The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, Vol. 3 9780871691613

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
Preface (page vii)
1 PIUS III, JULIUS II, AND THE ROMAGNA; VENICE, THE SOLDAN OF EGYPT, AND THE TURKS (1503-1507) (page 1)
2 THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICAN CONCILIARISTS (1507-1511) (page 51)
3 THE COUNCIL OF PISA-MILAN AND THE BATTLE OF RAVENNA, THE FIFTH LATERAN COUNCIL AND SELIM THE GRIM (1511-1513) (page 102)
4 LEO X, THE LATERAN COUNCIL, AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT (1513-1517) (page 142)
5 LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE AGAINST SELIM THE GRIM (1517-1521) (page 172)
6 HADRIAN VI, THE FALL OF RHODES, AND RENEWAL OF THE WAR IN ITALY (page 198)
7 PAVIA AND THE LEAGUE OF COGNAC, MOHACS AND THE TURKS IN HUNGARY, BOURBON'S MARCH ON ROME (1525-1527) (page 229)
8 THE SACK OF ROME AND THE SIEGE OF NAPLES (1527-1528) (page 269)
9 BEFORE AND AFTER THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA (1528-1529) (page 312)
10 CLEMENT VII, FRANCIS I, AND HAPSBURG OPPOSITION TO THE TURKS (1530-1534) (page 346)
11 PAUL III, THE LUTHERANS, VENICE AND THE TURKS (1534-1540) (page 394)
12 PAUL III, THE HAPSBURGS, AND FRANCIS I, THE TURKS AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1540-1549) (page 450)
13 THE ELECTION OF JULIUS III, THE COUNCIL OF TRENT, THE TURKS AND THE WAR OF PARMA (1549-1552) (page 505)

Citation preview

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571)

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful Knowledge Volume 161

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571) Volume III

The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III KENNETH M. SETTON

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Independence Square - Philadelphia 1984

Copyright © 1984 by The American Philosophical Society for its Memoirs series, Volume 161

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 75-25476 International Standard Book Number 0-87169-161-2 US ISSN 0065-9738

Volumes III and IV together cover the Sixteenth Century through the period of Lepanto. Pages and Chapters are numbered continuously throughout both volumes. The Index is given at the end of Volume IV.

PREFACE As stated in the first preface, this work was sup-__ in which both the Lutherans and the Turks became posed to come out in three volumes. It has grown deeply involved. to four. Like other living things books tend to be- The seemingly endless contest between the Valois come reproductive. We think we write them, but and the Hapsburgs was not confined to the battlesometimes they seem to write themselves. Also, field. The imperialist-Hapsburg and pro-French while we like to think we do things by ourselves, cardinals took up the cudgels in the conclave, each mostly we do not. Without the assistance I have party trying to elect as pope a candidate from its received I should never have been able to finish own ranks or, if need be, a pope with links to neither this work. Over the years Mrs. Jean T. Carver has _ side. For this reason I have given extensive accounts prepared the typescripts, and read both the galleys of the conclaves which brought Julius III and Pius and the page proofs. Dr. Susan M. Babbitt has IV to S. Peter’s throne, the two longest and most checked both typescript and proofs, and she has __ revealing papal electoral struggles of the century.

made the index to these last two volumes (tantae The Turks were not much interested in conmolis erat!). 1am most grateful to them both. The claves. As far as they were concerned, one pope dedication of these volumes to my wife is much was like another, but they looked upon church more than a thankful gesture. She has entered the councils with no small suspicion. Advocates of rearchives with me, copied documents, criticized the _ ligious unity and peace among the Christian princes typescript, and read the proofs. Besides all this she | were bound to preach the crusade. In fact the conhas transcribed the text of Pietro Valderio’s Guerra _ ciliar secretary Angelo Massarelli saw ‘‘the represdi Cipro, which work has (I think) not hitherto been — sion of the Turk, the enemy of Christ’s name”’ as

used for the critical years 1570-1571. one of the chief reasons for the Council of Trent. Again I must acknowledge my years-long debt The dogmatic decisions promulgated at Trent have to the archivists and librarians at the Vatican and endured as Catholicism to this day. I have dealt at in Venice, at Mantua and Malta, Modena and Milan, some length with all three periods of the council, Siena and Florence. I recall with pleasure my long — especially with the third (1561-1563), not only for sojourn at the Gennadeion in Athens, and with equal _ its various Turkish adumbrations, but of and for pleasure I acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. _ itself. This one can now do with some measure of Harry Woolf, director of the Institute for Advanced objectivity since the publication of the successive Study; Dr. Herman H. Goldstine, executive officer volumes of the Concilium Tridentinum (1901 ff.), one and editor of the American Philosophical Society; of the major works of modern German scholarship. Miss Carole N. LeFaivre, assistant editor of the So- Throughout all four of these volumes, from the ciety; and Dr. Harry W. Hazard, my fellow editor Fourth Crusade to Lepanto, Venice is linked closely

of the History of the Crusades. with the papacy. In the sixteenth century, both the

Curia Romana and the Venetian Signoria suffered As in the earlier volumes the chapter headings blows from which no return to their former state

are descriptive, designed to indicate the content was possible. The Holy See could not recover its and chronological coverage of each chapter. There earlier dominance in Europe after the Protestant are too many important issues discussed, too many attacks, nor could the Venetians rebuild their emevents described, in the following pages to make it pire after the Veneto-Turkish treaties of 1540 and advisable to single any of them out for comment. 1573. One of the best ways to learn what went on We must, however, lay some stress on the fact that behind the scenes in Rome and Venice lies in a in the sixteenth century the Holy See had to face study of the records (largely unpublished) of the not only the Protestant revolt but also the Turkish papal Consistory and of the Venetian Senate and peril, and that the two problems were (as we shall the Council of Ten. The reports of the Venetian see) always closely related. The popes had also to _ bailies and ambassadors and the dispatches (avvist) deal with the hostile rivalry of France and Spain, of the Fugger agents and others during this period vil

help keep us posted on what was being said and_ which had grown to such proportions that it would done among the pashas in Istanbul. The text of have required a small volume of its own. That has, these volumes is largely a restatement of contem- perhaps unfortunately, proved impracticable. But porary sources, a reflection of the historical image now it is time to call a halt, for a preface tends to

they reveal. become an apologia pro libro suo. With reluctance, The fourth and fifth chapters of Volume III have _ then, I take leave of my many friends of the sixteenth

been revised and reprinted from an article on ‘‘Leo century, and now I have to go my way. X and the Turkish Peril,’ in the Proceedings of the

American Philosophical Society, CXIII (1969). To the K. M. S. regret I have already expressed in the preface to the second volume for the lack of maps, I must The Institute for Advanced Study herewith add a word of apology for the decision Princeton, N.J. (made some years ago) to abandon the bibliography 17 June, 1984

Vili

CONTENTS Volume III

The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III 1. Pius III, Julius 11, and the Romagna; Venice, the Soldan of Egypt, and

the Turks (1503-1507) 2.0... ce eens ]

2. The League of Cambrai, the Turks, and the Gallican Conciliarists (1507-

3. The Council of Pisa-Milan and the Battle of Ravenna, the Fifth Lateran

Council and Selim the Grim (1511-1513) ..................... 102 4. Leo X, the Lateran Council, and the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1513-

5. Leo X and Plans for a Crusade against Selim the Grim (1517-1521) 172 6. Hadrian VI, the Fall of Rhodes, and Renewal of the War in Italy .. 198 7. Pavia and the League of Cognac, Mohacs and the Turks in Hungary,

Bourbon’s March on Rome (1525-1527) ..................0.. 229

8. The Sack of Rome and the Siege of Naples (1527-1528) ......... 269 9. Before and After the Turkish Siege of Vienna (1528-1529) ...... 312 10. Clement VII, Francis I, and Hapsburg Opposition to the Turks

(1530-1534) 2... ene ee ee eens 346

11. Paul III, the Lutherans, Venice and the Turks (1534-1540) ...... 394 12. Paul III, the Hapsburgs, and Francis I, the Turks and the Council of

Trent (1540-1549) 2... nets 450

13. The Election of Julius III, the Council of Trent, the Turks and the

War of Parma (1549-1552) .. 0... ee 505 Volume IV

The Sixteenth Century from Julius III to Pius V 14. The Murder of Martinuzzi, the Turks on Land and at Sea, the War

of Siena (1551-1555) oo. eens 565 1X

15. The Reign of Paul IV to the Outbreak of the War with Spain ..... 616 16. Paul IV, the War with Spain, and Jean de la Vigne at the Porte ... 659 17. The Election of Pius IV and the Fall of the Carafeschi, Cyprus and the

Turkish Success at Jerba (1559-1560) «1.0.0... ee eee 721

18. The Third Period and Closure of the Council of Trent (1561-1563) 769

19. France, Venice, and the Porte—the Turkish Siege of Malta ...... 829 20. Pius V, Spain, and Venice; the Turks in Chios and the Adriatic; the

Revolt of the Netherlands .......... 0... 0.02, 882

21. Venice, Cyprus, and the Porte in the Early Years of Selim II

(1566-1570) 2... ee ee eee 923

22. The Failure of the Expedition of 1570 and Pius V’s Attempts to Form

the Anti-Turkish League .. 0.0.0... eee 974

23. The Holy League, the Continuing War with the Turks, and the Fall

of Famagusta (1571) 2... ee eee eee eee = 1004

Century . 0... eee 1045

24. The Road to Lepanto, the Battle, and a Glance at the Following

Index 2.0... cette tee eee eee eee = 1105

X

1. PIUS II, JULIUS II, AND THE ROMAGNA; VENICE, THE SOLDAN OF EGYPT, AND THE TURKS (1503-1507) THE PAPACY of Alexander VI marked the _ the sixteenth century Venice was by far the strongest beginning of a new century in the long, _ state in the peninsula. Her lands, trade, wealth extumultuous history of Italy. It was not merely a_ cited the envy and cupidity of the three chief powers matter of chronology, the division of time into cen-_ in Europe, and yet one began to question her ecoturies; it was the dark dawn of a new era, a matter nomic future. As the Portuguese rounded the Cape of harsh political, economic, and intellectual change. of Good Hope, diverting the spice trade from Egypt It was to be an age of religious revolt and dissen- and Syria to Lisbon, the Venetians lost their near sion—of Lutheranism, Calvinism, and radical Prot- monopoly of pepper. Hard times were coming. The estantism—an age in which the established Church diarists Girolamo Priuli and Marino Sanudo were was to sustain losses never to be recovered. The already complaining. As for the New World, who classical values of fifteenth-century humanism lost in the time of Priuli and Sanudo could imagine its much of their hold upon intellectuals as the printing ultimate importance to Europe?

presses frequently turned to vernacular literature. The brilliance of the Italian past, the seeming No period in history has been static, but old Edmund opulence of the cities, the alluring beauty of the Spenser’s sixteenth century suffered more than most — landscape drew the kings of France and Spain over

from ‘‘the ever-whirling wheele of Change, the the mountains and across the sea in this early mod-

which all mortall things doth sway.”’ ern period, just as the German emperors had come Split up into rival and usually hostile states, the down over the Alps scores of times during the midItalian peninsula was vulnerable to attack and, in-_ dle ages. Against the manpower and resources of deed, to conquest from the outside. The first decade the increasingly unified national states of France of the sixteenth century found the Frenchensconced and the Spanish kingdoms, Venice and the Holy

in northern Italy, the Spanish in the south. The See were at an irremediable disadvantage. The century began with French efforts to lord it over Neapolitan kingdom fell to Spain. Milan and Ferthe peninsula. It was to end with Spain all-powerful, rara, Mantua and Florence could play only subor-

the papacy and Venice subdued. dinate roles, surviving as satellites of the Valois or

The peace of Lodi had initiated an extraordinary the Hapsburgs, and eventually of the latter. forty years of what approached tranquillity in Italy Administration grew more efficient at the French (1454-1494)'; churches and palaces were built, cit- and Spanish courts (and in the Venetian secretaries remodeled and restored, works of art produced, ates) as more sons of bourgeois families, often riches accumulated. But the historian and statesman _ products of the universities, entered the service of Francesco Guicciardini would soon watch every- the state. Leaving governorships and the battlefield thing go from better to worse, after Charles VIII to the nobly born, the kings turned more and more

entered Italy on 9 September, 1494, to the new bureaucrats, who were abler with the

. Seseco .). ..inpen and1better budget. Such functionaries conducendo Italia semi at di the innumerabili calamita, oy . di orribilissimi accidenti, e variazione di quasi tutte le proved indispensable as new taxes were devised, cose: perche dalla passata sua non solo ebbono principio revenues increased, territories were added, and

mutazioni di stati, sovversioni di regni, desolazioni di paesi, royal needs exceeded available assets. The nobility, eccidii di citta, crudelissime uccisioni, ma eziandio nuovi however, was the foundation upon which kingship abiti, nuovi costumi, nuovi e sanguinosi modi di guer- was based, and the crown was likely to allow the reggiare, infermita insino a quel di non conosciute.. . .* local nobility to exploit the townsfolk as well as the

The French and Spanish and Germans would vie Mer he key ; ; ; cially the French and Spanish. At thewobeginning of than T ykingdoms. 5 PP Prosp powers were more In Europe with one another to reap Italian harvest, espe- e kings always appeared in debt, butto unul late in pe the ~27,. d Ambassador, do you know how this affair has come about? greeting, but ali done with ntting solemnity; ra- ¢ you have come here as ambassador of the Signoria and gani has described it in detail, step by step, all the as an ambassador of truth, I will see and hear you willingly gateways and doors through which they passed in at all times. If you have come here to defend thieves and the Citadel until they reached the soldan’s pres- my enemies, stay no longer in my country! For God’s ence. The Venetians had been instructed in Mam- | sake go and take away your merchants!

luk court etiquette. Pagani knew it would be a

serious offense for one to spit or blow his nose in Faced with a hurricane, says Marc’ Antonio, the

the soldan’s presence. ambassador began to lower his sails:

Before going to the Citadel, Trevisan had sent My lord, I have no way of knowing how this consul has the soldan a most impressive array of gifts from behaved, but I can assure you of the loyalty and steadthe Signoria—eight robes of cloth of gold, four- fastness of the Signoria’s attitude toward you. If you teen of velvet, twenty-six of satin, two of damask, _ find it to be otherwise, take my life into your own hands. as well as many others woven of silk-and-gold, and Do with me as you like. It could be that owing to igof scarlet and purple fabrics, plus sables, ermines, P0rance this consul mignt have committed’ some error and masses of squirrel furs, not to speak of fifty @84ISt your loresmup. 1 cannot conceive Ol Hs Having

h f Pj a. Th | tati done so with evil intent, because that would have been

c CESS rom svc late e actua pe eeclf ‘Ath contrary to the Signoria’s wishes. My lord, put this conthe gifts was made later by Pagani Imsel and the cul in my hands. I will take him to Venice. The illustrious Veronese dragoman. Examining them one by one, Signoria will make the most thorough investigation of

the graying, stout soldan expressed his pleasure this matter. If he is found to have made this mistake

and satisfaction in the things the Signoria had sent from malice, such justice will be done that all the world him, but declared withal that he was even more _ will understand the Signoria’s affection for you. If you

charmed by Trevisan’s grave dignity.'°° agree, we shall put him in chains. ; eM second 5 warence came on tne 4d two The soldan wanted Trevisan’s assurance that

hee ° M ay ) ed says a hc ree the Signoria would cut off Zen’s head or leave him

hore? are eave) "he b h as t hot Tre to die in prison or at least exile him from all towns

ours” (tre grosse hore); t 1 an hoon ho, he and territories belonging to the Republic. Trevi-

vulic as pelea ss Re ere Chars 4 hie san replied that an ambassador could not commit

“q ore h * bes ane be h. : he “ 'S his government to any sentence without the acA the V ac Been ale q 7 S: sopars “king cused being heard. He asked for a chance to talk f the tee and tron S o hich, Ree wer, t Ai to Zen, to find out what he had done that might Or hh ve bee eedhag w Ss U ui a 1a q have been detrimental to the Mamluks. To this Ther fears to rest ithe nny ene ean ding the soldan replied, “Take him to your lodgings.”"!™ t MI se Are rest Mane itn ould tak vhoo | 'NS It is small wonder that Pagani should add that to Marc Antonio, “wien It would take C00 tong when they regained their quarters, they were alto write.”” The Signoria had all that affection for ; ; 170 . most dead with fatigue.

the soldan that sons have for their father. The

; ; ; The thatdiscuss theSignoria ambassador Tresoldan finally saidsoldan that heagreed realized was ;; ; visan should the Pietro Zen’s case with_. certain not at fault. Suddenly, however,officers he turned to Pie; of the Mamluk court, which was done, and tro Zen, the consul of Damascus, who wasAntonio, present, “‘l’ : , are ; net: at such a meeting, says Marc’ and cried out, ““This dog was about to betray my ~ 03orator ;;

with the Signoria! ; . state. On account of him I almost came to a break

parlo mirabilmente.”’ Eventually it was decided

, ane that the ambassador should appear before the sol; dan sight at a public audience. He was come with the The mere of Zen aroused thetosoldan to :;

consuls of Damascus and Alexandria; the Venetian a fury of anger. Trevisan tried to defend the con- ; merchants in Cairo were also to be present. The

soldan would state his charges (querele) against

—___ Zen, the consul of Damascus, after which the am'°8 Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 181-89. Since the bassador, with his own hand, would put a chain Venetian merchants in Cairo believed that the gifts sent by the argund Zen’s neck, and lead him off for removal

Signoria fell short of the occasion, they added to them enor-

mously. The rich offerings were then paraded through the —————— streets to the Citadel, ‘‘che era un triumpho a veder’”’ (Marc’ 89 Marc’ Antonio’s letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarii, Antonio’s letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarz, XV, 195-97, XV, 197-99.

on Trevisan’s first audience with the soldan). '7° Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 190-94.

32 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to Venice, so that the Signoria could administer _ of his [royal] lordship.’ After stopping at Cyprus

justice in his case. The two Cypriotes who had and Rhodes, the ambassador Trevisan reached been captured with the letters of the sophi were Candia on the morning of 4 September, and Marc’ also brought to the audience in chains. The soldan, Antonio had immediately taken pen in hand. It moved to anger, spoke in a high voice: Tommaso _ had beena hard voyage, with contrary winds, ‘“‘che Contarini, the consul of Alexandria, was a man of é€ stato cossa terribele.’’ Their galley required ex-

substance, but Zen was a traitorous rogue. tensive repairs. Expressing dissatisfaction on several counts, the Marc’ Antonio describes the difficult negotiasoldan said he was directing his “‘khoja’”’ (coza) to _ tions with the soldan’s officials. The Venetians had

take up various matters with the ambassador. Vene- offered to pay 2,000 ducats a year, to cover the tian payments of the Cypriote tribute were unsat- next three mude or mercantile loading periods, in isfactory. The soldan declared he was being cheated. return for the guarantee (per el cotimo) that no His requirements for trade—the old Mamluk prac- Venetian merchants would be constrained to buy tices—were not being observed, nor were (he said) _ pepper “‘neither by the khoja nor by anyone else,”’

the articles which Taghri Berd: had negotiated in if they thought the price excessive. This also 1507 with the Signoria. As for Taghri Berdi, he meant no enforced barter. The Mamluk officials was also a soundrel (ribaldo), and the soldan was wanted 10,000 ducats for such freedom of trade. going to revise the treaty to which Taghri Berd: The Venetians refused, and the ‘“‘disputation”’ had subscribed. The Venetians must abide by Egyp- went on for six weeks. At length the khoja agreed tian customs or leave the soldan’s domains. Trevisan to 4,000 ducats a year for three mude, but the asserted he had come to enhance the friendship — soldan still thought it should be ten thousand. which had bound Venice to the Mamluks ‘“‘da cen- Since he so approved of the ambassador, however, tenara de anni in qua.”’ And the audience ended _ the soldan would divide that sum in half, ‘“‘ducati

with more good words. 5,000 per 3 mude proxime a I’ anno.”’ By the time Pietro Zen was led away in chains, “‘and has been _ the next three mude had passed, the soldan hoped

lodged in the house of the ambassador from that to have achieved such a victory over the Porday to this” (i.e., in July, 1512). The ambassador’s tuguese in the Indian Ocean that pepper could house was a big one. It would hold, says Marc’ An- return to its old price (of 80 ducats per sporta). tonio, two hundred persons. A hundred ‘‘Franks,”’ Domenico Trevisan and his merchant advisors mostly Venetian merchants, were being lodged with agreed, and so steps were taken to draw up a new the ambassador, as well as some poor Greeks who _ treaty in the “‘capitoli di Alexandria.” The Venehad been captured by the Mamluks at sea. Zen’s _ tians and the Mamluk officials traded demands and

life had been saved. concessions, with Trevisan insisting “that our mer-

When on 30 June (1512) Trevisan received let- chants should be able to sell to whom they please ters from the Signoria, dated 20 April, with news and buy from whom they please.”” On the whole, of the battle of Ravenna and the retreat of the says Marc’ Antonio, the articles of the new treaty French, he sought an audience with the soldan, were so recast that the requirements became what who expressed pleasure in the success of Venice _ they had been in the days of Ka’itbey, the Mamluk and her allies. Once again Trevisan gave fulsome soldan of Egypt and Syria from 1468 to 1496. assurance of Venetian loyalty toward and love of Much haggling had apparently been done over the soldan, moving the latter to declare, ‘““Tu € “‘trifles of small importance” (buzzare. . . di pocho ambasador di verita e homo sapientissimo, tu€ un momento), but at least it was done, ‘‘and if they

de quei che governa el tuo stado.. . 2771” observe what they have promised, one will be able

In his second letter (from Candia on 4 Septem- to do business with a good heart.” ber, 1512) Marc’ Antonio Trevisan informed his The soldan now allowed the friars of Jerusalem brother of their father’s departure from Cairo on to return to their convents, the Venetian pilgrim 2 August. He also sent the welcome news that the galleys could resume their voyages to the Holy Venetian consuls, Zen and Contarini, and all the Land, and the Holy Sepulcher would be reopened Venetian merchants and subjects had been freed, in due course. The friars hastened to return to ‘‘and our nation is back again in the good graces Jerusalem, ‘‘a beautiful concession, which had been denied to the French ambassador.”’ Marc’ '71 Marc’ Antonio's letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarii, Antonio regarded the soldan as arrogant and avar XV, 199-202, and cf; Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 195 Vicious, choleric and ignorant. In dealing with him

97. one needed a good deal of prudence, a quality

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 33 which the ambassador Trevisan possessed, and Such was the background to the commercial which enabled him to win the approval of the sol- treaty which Domenico Trevisan negotiated with

dan as apparently few envoys had ever done. the Egyptian court in July, 1512, the last formal When Trevisan went to the Citadel for the last agreement to be made between the Signoria and private audience of farewell, the soldan spoke to the Mamluks,'”® for (and we shall return to him him with cordiality, ‘‘and with gestures showed _ ina later chapter) al Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghurt had signs of affection, as one does without knowledge only four more years to live and rule. The Turkish of the language.” In fact he extended his hand to conquest of Syria and Egypt lay ahead. Surely ZacTrevisan—as sovereigns never did—and in a_ caria Pagani’s account of the Venetian embassy of burst of emotion the ambassador threw himself at 1512and,aboveall, Marc’ Antonio Trevisan’s two

the soldan’s feet and kissed his robe. letters describing his father’s diplomatic success Seizing upon the emotion of the moment, Tre- with Kansuh al-Ghuri provide us with one of the visan brought up the question of Pietro Zen. The fullest and closest views of the Mamluk court to lordly Kansuh al-Ghuri then said that he had been — be found in any contemporary source.

told Trevisan had gone as ambassador to many lords, and had always returned home content with —_Julius II’s decade of rule was to be full of tension his mission. ‘‘I want you to leave me,” he declared, and turmoil. Cesare Borgia would soon be disposed ‘‘more satisfied at heart than you have ever been of, but the Venetian occupation of Faenza, Rimini, with any other lord. I make you a present of the and other places in the Romagna bespoke a sea of consul of Damascus for your slave. Do what you troubles. As usual the embassies of obedience were

want to determine his fate, which now depends slow in coming. At length on 3 October, 1504, upon you alone!” Trevisan kissed the ground be- envoys of the new grand master of Rhodes, Aiméry fore the soldan, al modo de’ Mon, to thank him for d’ Amboise, arrived in Rome to render obedience his generosity, because the soldan now pardoned to Julius II,'74 which was done on the fourteenth, Zen, allowing him to return to the court to kiss when the papal secretary Sigismondo de’ Conti of

the ground at his royal feet. Foligno, historian, notary, and poet, read the letters

The ceremony of forgiveness was performed on _ presented by the envoys to the pope.'’” The master 26 July (1512). The whole Mamluk court was pres- had been unable to come to Rome himself for the ent; everyone was richly dressed. In fact the am- ceremony, it was said, because he had been obliged bassador Trevisan, the consuls Zen and Contarini, to go directly from Avignon to Rhodes to make

the secretary Andrea de Franceschi and Marc’ provision for the many perils threatening both the Antonio himself—all five of them—were dressed island and the Order, which had just been assailed in robes that the soldan had given them in an un-_ by the Turks with the loss of many Knights. The usual display of friendship. That an ambassador pope was exhorted to embark on that “‘gloriosa e should receive such a gift was to be expected; he necessaria impresa contro infideli,’’ but while acwould wear the robe at his last public audience

with the soldan, “‘el zorno del vestir di!’ orator.” |, — _

; 244, 248, pp. 120-21.

But for the ambassador and four members of his Predelli, Regest det Commemoriali, VI (1903), bk. x1X, nos. suite to receive the valedictory robes seemed to '74 Burchard, Doarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 365, and ed. Celani, the Mamluks, says Marc’ Antonio, “‘tropo honor,’’ II, 460. Pierre d’ Aubusson died on 3 July, 1503, and a week almost too great an honor. When Zen made his _ later (on the tenth) a panel of sixteen Knights serving as elecobeisance before him, Kansuh al-Ghuiri said that fionarn, and representing some 387 Hospitallers then on the he was pardoning him “Der amor dil’ ambasador.”’ island of Rhodes, chose Aimery d Amboise, brother of the — cardinal Georges, as master of the Hospital to succeed him. He also granted Zen permission to return to Da- The rather complicated procedures are described in the Armascus to set in order his papers “relating to the chives of the Order at Malta (AOM), Reg. 80 [Liber Conciliorum, consulate.’’ And when the Venetian embassy left 1993-1509], fols. 17" ff. [fols. 30” ff. by modern enumeration]. Cairo on 2 August for Damietta, Zen went with D’ Amboise died on 8 November, 1512, and on the twenty. . oe second Guy de Blanchefort was elected to the magistery of them, promptly taking ship for Famagusta “to go Rhodes (AOM, Reg. 82 [Lib. Conc., 1512-1516], fols. 28° ff.

on to Damascus.”"!”? [fols. 38° ff. by mod. enumeration]).

'75 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, 366-67, and ed.

TT Celani, II, 460-61, with note 2 on the career of Sigismondo 172 Marc’ Antonio’s letter of 4 September, 1512,1n Sanudo, — de’ Conti. Incidentally, Giustinian regarded Sigismondo as a Diaru, XV, 202-7. Trevisan’s audience with the soldan on 26 friend of Venice (Pasquale Villari, ed., Dispace: di Antonio GiuJuly was his seventh and last (Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. stinian, ambasciatore veneto in Roma dal 1502 al 1505, 11 [1876],

205-6). 369, letter dated 1 January, 1504).

34 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT knowledging the Knights’ obedience, Julius had little place of an envoy, he is only a secretary.” In Gius-

to say about the crusade.'”® tinian’s opinion they did not make a good showing, The records of the Venetian Senate and Antonio coming as they did with a bedraggled fifty horse Giustinian’s correspondence during the fall and anda mere eleven carriages. They would stand in early winter of 1504 contain many factsand rumors — strong contrast to the Venetian embassy which was concerning papal relations with Spain, France, and expected soon, and for which suitable lodgings were Germany as well as the kings’ own negotiations with — being prepared in the houses of the Orsini on Monte

one another. Famine prevailed in Rome and indeed _Giordano.'*!

in all Italy. By early November bread was sold in The French ceremony of obedience took place only four or five places in Rome; the hardships which at a public consistory on 21 April, at which the nature and a callous government imposed upon the Spanish ambassador to the Holy See protested poor horrified the Venetian envoy, [crudelitates] quas_ against the French envoys’ letters of credence which horresco scribere.'’” Occasional notices of the Turks contained a reference to Louis XII as king of Naples. appear in Giustinian’s letters,'’° including the plan. ~The French envoys maintained that Louis was inof one Fra Francesco da Ravenna, a Dominican, to deed king of Naples, for Ferdinand’s current ‘‘pos-

poison Sultan Bayazid II.'”° As early as 25 Novem- session seu detenzion” of the kingdom in no way ber (1504) Giustinian could report to his govern- invalidated Louis’s rights thereto. Giustinian was ment plans for an invasion of Venetian territory happy to report to the Signoria this diplomatic clash, tripartitis exercitibus by Maximilian, Louis XIJ, and in which the pope remained neutral—‘“‘el Papa stette

Julius IT with Florentine aid. The allies believed it quieto e non disse parola ne per I’ un ne per likely that the Republic might turn to Istanbul for |’ altro’’—although he avoided calling Louis king help, and in the event of a Turkish army’s being of Naples.'*? sent to Italy or elsewhere to help the Venetians, all In speaking of the French embassy of obedience, three Christian armies should be prepared to oppose — Sanudo notes that “‘domino Michiel Rizo, neapothe Turks. The allies proposed to divide Venetian _ litano, fé la oration latina, la qual poi fo impresa,”’!**

territories in this way: the pope would get the Ro- and Rizzio’s Latin oration was indeed printed. It magna; the king of France, the duchy of Milanand — was of course most deferential. Kings and princes,

certain towns in addition; the king of the Romans, he said, no less than others must venerate those the Veneto and Friuli, lands traditionally belonging — elevated to the supreme pontificate. The kings of to the Empire; the duke of Ferrara and the marquis France had always done so, deservedly earning the of Mantua would receive back certain places which _ title ‘‘most Christian.’’ Louis XII, king of France,

Venice had taken from them. The Florentines Jerusalem, and Sicily as well as duke of Milan, would finally get Pisa.'*” Already the foundations _ yielded to no one in his reverence for the Holy See, had been laid upon which the League of Cambrai ‘‘presertim in hac felici assumptione tua, Pater bea-

was to be built. tissime.’” When the Neapolitan Rizzio referred to Ina letter of 15 April, 1505, Giustinian apprised — the French king as ‘‘Sicilie rex,”’ eo ipso he included

the Venetian government of the arrival in Rome Naples. Addressing Julius directly, as he did of the French embassy of obedience. There were throughout his oration, Rizzio declared: three envoyss he Says, a bishop, a knight, and You have been raised to the supreme pontificate after aonlydoctor, is the Michele Rizzio, Nea-years ; under , who . serving as alord cardinal for more than athirty politan, who will make the address—besides these four pontiffs, after undertaking with endless effort the there is another, and although they give him the — burdens of many legations, and you have been so en-

grossed in ecclesiastical affairs that nothing should have

—______ escaped you which will make for a true defender of the 176 Villari, Dispacei, HI, 260. Church, a perfect priest of the sacred rites, and a sagacious

7 Villari, Dispacei, I, 284. By mid-January, 1505, people pastor. By the vote and approval of the fathers you emerge were dying of hunger in the streets of Rome (id., II, 372). not only as the successor of Peter, prince [of the Apostles], Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, VI, 91, 125, 134, 165. The famine extended but also of your own wise uncle Sixtus IV... . to Istanbul (2b:d., VI, 164).

8 Cf. Villari, Dispacci, WI, 271, 312, 347, 453. a

179 Thid., Il, 292, 306-7, 315, 332-34. The Venetian Council 8! Villari, Dispacci, UI, 485-86; Burchard, Diarium, ed. of Ten rejected Fra Francesco’s plan, “‘quale e de sorte aliena “Thuasne, III, 385, and ed. Celani, II, 477-78. On Michele

dalla natura del stado nostro” (III, 315, note). Rizzio (Riccio), see Celani, II, 477, note 5, and cf. Volume I], '89 Villari, Despacei, I], 311-12, and cf. pp. 313, 321 ff., 483-84 note. The “‘secretary’> whom Giustinian dismisses was 336-37 ff. On 22 September, 1504, Louis XII and Maximilian — the famous Greek scholar Guillaume Bude. had drawn together in the “accord of Blois,” on which cf. Seneca, 182 Willari, Dispaca, IN, 494-96.

Venezia e Papa Giulio HI, pp. 60-66. 183 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 156.

JULIUS Il, VENICE, AND EGYPT 35 Every step of the way, through his long career, sented himself as among those who disapproved of in everyone’s judgment Julius was destined to as- the Franco-German alliance, stating that Maximilian sume the highest responsibility. He had been elected ‘‘had been deceived” (cognosceva el suo principe esser by the unanimous consent of the many fathers, nu/lo inganato). He even informed the Senate that he was dissentiente, ‘‘a thing which happens to very few.”’ prepared to work against the alliance. The VeneThe cardinals had thought, as had Rizzio himself, tians pointed out to him that a place could be made that S. Peter’s bark—storm-tossed for years and for the pope in a “‘confederation”’ consisting of the almost sunk—could be entrusted to no one more Holy Roman Empire, the Spanish kingdoms, and safely than to Julius. Louis XII had been above all Venice. The way would also be open for Louis XII anxious that Julius should learn from Georges to join the confederation. Thus would the Christian d’ Amboise, the cardinal of Rouen, what joy and commonwealth again find peace, and the “‘Christian hope had come to him with the news of the election. expedition” [against the Turks], which his imperial ‘Tu enim sacerdos et summus, tu pontifex et max- Majesty had wanted to embark upon almost from imus, tu princeps episcoporum.”’ Kings and princes — the cradle, might at last find fulfilment. The Senate

were bowing before him. He had power over all, took care to give Rinaldi no written text of their the high and the low. He wielded both swords. It ‘‘deliberation’’ with him; he listened agreeably to was no small task for Rizzio to give adequate all they had to say. When the Signoria reported expression to his feelings and those of others. But their discussions with him to the Venetian ambaswhat could possibly give the most Christian king, sador at Maximilian’s court, they directed the latter his nobles, and his people more pleasure than the — to preserve a discreet silence and merely to assert fact that their loving friend of so many years should the Republic’s anxiety to place itself entirely at

attain to the highest place in Christendom? Maximilian’s disposal. The Venetian ambassador King Louis wanted nothing more than union with was to learn what he could of Rinaldi’s report to the Holy See and the increase of the true faith “with | Maximilian, and to say nothing himself. A Spanish

you as leader, you as pastor.” Ah, yes, one could envoy would soon be on his way to Germany, but congratulate the French on having a pope whose the Venetian was also to confine his conversations wisdom and clemency, magnanimity and piety they with him to courteous platitudes.'*° The diplomacy knew so well and admired so much. With courteous | of the day was a duel; the diplomats sharpened their gestures to his fellow envoys, Rizzio offered Julius wits on one another’s duplicity. It was not merely the full support of Louis XII, ‘‘et huic Sanctissime — that the heads of states and their envoys lied readily

Sedi quicquid imperio terra marique habet, offert.”” to one another, as they did, but that the scene Rizzio covered a wide field, even urging Julius al- changed so rapidly, even from month to month, ways to keep the crusade in mind, ‘‘and let no day _ that one had to be constantly on the alert. Today's pass by on which you do not give some thought to ally was tomorrow’s enemy. Self-interest was the an attack upon the enemy of the Christian name!’’'** _ origin of all policy.

In the meantime a “league and concord”’ had been negotiated between Louis XII and Maximilian, Pope Julius II] presented such a contrast to his king of the Romans, who looked forward to the nepotistic predecessors that Giustinian found it difimperial coronation in Rome. This so-called league _ ficult to understand him. On one occasion Pietro was as disquieting to the Venetians as to Ferdinand _ Isvalies, the cardinal of Reggio, informed Giustinian

of Aragon.'*’ When the imperial envoy Luca de’ _ that in discussing Venetian retention of papal terRinaldi was in Venice in December, 1504, the Sen- _ ritories in the Romagna the pope stated ‘‘che questo ate urged upon him Maximilian’s adherence to a __ stado della Chiesa non é suo patrimonio, e che pero Veneto-Spanish entente as being in the German interest, for “‘the larger part of the servitors of his § —————_— imperial Majesty are ill content with this accord * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 67"-68" [82"—83"], docs. dated which he has made with France.” Rinaldi repre- 10-12 December, 1504. The death of Isabella of Castile on 26 November was known in Venice by 16 December (ibid., fol.

| 68”), and Lorenzo Suarez, the Spanish ambassador in Venice, '®4 Ad Pontificem Maximum Iulium Secundum in obedientia ill’ assured the Senate that ‘“‘now more than ever’ Ferdinand of prestita pro Christianissimo Rege Francorum, Hierusalem et Sicilie, Aragon would be able to effect the aggrandizement of “‘his Duce Mediolani, Ludovico huius nominis XI per Michaelem Rittum, — state and his friends”’ (2bid., fol. 70", doc. dated 21 December). Neapolitanum, wurisconsultum ex maximo consilvo ipsius regis et in Since Isabella’s daughter Joanna inherited Castile and Leon, supremo Senatu Parisiensi senatorem, unum ex oratoribus euusdem much depended on how well Joanna’s husband Philip, archduke

regis, COpy in my possession. of Austria and son of Maximilian, got along with her father '8° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 53° [68"], 57 [72], 60° ff.[75" | Ferdinand, for Philip might persuade Maximilian to withdraw

ff.], and cf. Priuli, Dearu, II, 356. from the alliance with France (2bid., fols. 72” ff. [87° ff.]).

36 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT non lo vol dissipar, ne dar ad altri... .”’°’ To went on, he was always seeking additional sources Julius the papacy was a sacred trust; he would never — of income to build up his reserves for war and for have it said that he had consented to the alienation his own security. He sold benefices as well as offices of Christ’s property. Commendable as this attitude in the Curia Romana to help replenish the exhausted

was, it served to confine the pope’s attention to treasury and repay the debts he had inherited from Italy, which was also a wise policy. Therefore, when Alexander VI, whose support of Cesare Borgia’s in mid-March, 1505, Polish envoys appealed to Ju- Romagnole enterprise had impoverished the Holy lius for aid against the Turks, who were constantly See. On 14 May, 1505, the papal treasurer was even making raids into Poland, it was generally believed called upon to pay an aromataria named Lucrezia, that they would receive no more than the spiritual _ wife of one Francesco da Montepulciano, 176 florins graces of the jubilee, “because it is useless to try to ‘‘for diverse aromatics and medicines administered

get money from the papal purse.’’!®* to Pope Alexander of happy memory.’’'”? On 23 April (1505) Giustinian received a letter Julius had more serious financial troubles to conof recall to Venice.'*? He was replaced by Girolamo tend with than Lucrezia’s bill. He had inherited Donato (Dona) and Paolo Pisani,'®° and he was glad _ from his predecessors, and especially from the Bor-

to see the end of his tense audiences with the some- gla pope, a debased coinage which had added to

times choleric pope. inflation in the papal patrimony. It had also made Julius II’s personality was marked by some of the more difficult the borrowing of money from bankers simplicities of a Ligurian peasant, but he also loved who had no use for a coinage whose metallic content grandeur (as all the world was learning), and of _ fell short of its nominal value. Julius established a course his patronage of painters, sculptors, and ar- new mint, therefore, near the church of S. Celso, chitects was to become famous. He gave alms gen-_ on the corner of Banchi Vecchi in Rome. The site erously to the poor, and imported grain to feed the — of Julius’s mint is now occupied by Paul V Borghese’s Romans in time of scarcity, although there appears Banco di S. Spirito. Julius’s predecessors had often to have been little he could do to relieve the grim used various mints outside the city, where surveil-

shortages of the winter of 1504-1505.'"' As time lance had been sparse. In the spring and summer of 1504 the silver groat called the “‘giulio”’ was

188 . : ; . : . . .

minted. Ten such “‘giulii’”’ were made equal in value 87 Villari, Dispacci, I, 361-62, dispatch dated 7 January, to one gold ducat of the Camera, restoring a con-

1505. fidence in the papal coinage for everyday transac-

Villani, Dispacc, IH, 453. The Polish envoys were given tions such as no one had felt since the reign of Paul the golden rose for their king (2bid., III, 461, and Burchard, II Barbo. Monev. however. was hard to come bv:

Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II], 337-38, and ed. Celani, H, 475). ° . y> ? ; ; Ye

The Polish speech of obedience to the pope, delivered by Bishop the new regulations were not easily put into effect; Erasmus Vitellius of Plock, on Monday, 10 March, 1505, may —_ and So it is not surprising that the indulgence was

be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols. frequently employed asa means of raising funds. 169°-171", by mod. stamped enumeration. For the concession If the years were to reveal Julius II as a warrior,

of the jubilee, see, idid., fols. 171°-173", and cf. fol. 205. If the . idh | hat h Poles ‘“‘got no money from the papal purse,”’ they did improve contemporaries wou ave aiso to agree that he

the occasion of their residence in Rome by securing from the maintained law and order in the streets of Rome, pope and Curia briefs of confirmation of privileges, various as had not been done since the better days of his new concessions, a ten years’ grant of Peter’s Pence to aid in — yncle Sixtus IV. He gave the Swiss guard almost rebuilding the castra regni Polonie infidelibus propinqua (ibid., fols. 169°, 175%), indulgences, provisions, etc., and on 4 November, ———_—______—_-

1507, Julius II transmitted to Poland and Hungary a bull of | chossa veramente incredibille . . . ,”’ and on the famine of plenary indulgence ‘“‘pro fabrica Basilice Sancti Petri Rome’”’ 1504-1505, note, ibid., pp. 363, 364-65, 366, 368-69. Con(ibid., fols. 200” ff.). This register contains much material on _ ditions had become better by July, 1505 (II, 383), and much

Poland. better by March and April, 1506 (II, 404, 406, 414).

'89 Villari, Daspace, III, 499-500; cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, '9? Arch. di Stato di Roma, Introitus et Exitus, Reg. 535,

fols. 90 ff. [105 ff.], and Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 145. Giustinian’s — fol. 182, cited by Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 224, note, and Gesch.

last dispatch is dated 26 April. d. Papste, WW1-2 (repr. 1956), 693, and note 8.

19° Villari, Dispacct, III, append., no. Vu, pp. 542-43; Sanudo, '8 Cf, Edmondo Solmi, ‘“‘Leonardo da Vinci e papa Giulio Diarui, V1, 160-61; Burchard, Diarrum, ed. Thuasne, III, 386- _II,”’ Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (ann. XX XVIII, 1911),

87, and ed. Celani, II], 479-81. Giustinian left Rome on 12 395 ff., and note August Schmarsow, ed., Francisci Albertini May, and “‘remanserunt d. Paulus Pisanus et d. Jeronimus Do- — opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis Romae, Heilbronn, 1886, p. natus in curia pro negociis communibus Venetorum”’ (Burchard, 48: “‘Non longe ab ecclesia S. Celsi tua Sanctitas [ Julius IJ]

ed. Thuasne, III, 388, and ed. Celani, II, 483). officinam pecuniae cudendae construxit. . . . Fiunt enim ar'9! Cf. Priuli, Diarti, I, 353, entry dated August, 1504: ‘La — gentei nummi, ‘Iulii’ appellati, cum Apostolorum ac Ruereae grande charestia de formenti ahora hera per tutta Ittallia uni- [della Rovere] familiae insignibus, cudunturque medii [ulti, ac versalmente, a Roma, a Firenze, a Napoli, a Milano, a Bologna, _—diversarum pecuniarum genera imprimuntur, quae nunquam Mantoa, Ferarra, per tutta la Romagna et per tuta la Lombardia, | huiusmodi Romae nec in terris Ecclesiae visa sunt... .”

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 37 its modern form, reorganized the municipal gov- middle.'®” The Hospitallers aided and abetted the ernment, extended agriculture in the Campagna, Rhodian pirates, even preying on Venetian shipprotected commerce as best he could, and tried to ping themselves “‘soto pretexto de andar contra maintain a good administration in the long-harassed | ‘Turchi.’’*°° In fact the Venetians sometimes had

States of the Church. The reasons why Pope Julius almost as much trouble with the Hospitallers as II fastened his almost undivided attention upon Italy with the Turks. After the death of John Corvinus, have been made sufficiently clear. The Curia carried duke of Croatia and King Matthias’s son, his on ecclesiastical and other business with various widow suffered a serious defeat at the hands of a princes, cities, and individuals according to the usual faction headed by certain members of the Franroutines. Julius was interested in the crusade, as_ gipani family of Segna (Senj), who called the Turks were all popes; he felt, however, that he was in no __ to their assistance. Nothing loath to profit from position to advance the Christian cause in the East. internecine strife among Christians, the Turks This was also the usual papal frame of mind. Of all were said to have carried off 8,000 captives, ‘‘so the Italian states Venice kept the steadiest eye on that there is great disturbance in those regions eastern affairs. But while the envoys of the Republic [confini], and it goes ill for Christianity, because and the Porte went back and forth between Venice the Turks hold certain castles, and will be able to and Istanbul, and peace continued between the two come at their pleasure to raid in Friuli... .”’*°' powers, central Europe was constantly threatened Hungary was ina painful state;*°* conditions could

by Turkish conquest or depredation. only get worse. Hungary was, however, the road A letter from Buda (dated 26 July, 1504), which into Europe, including Friuli, and Venice had for arrived in Venice about 20 August, detaileda rumor years been contributing to King Ladislas’s defense that an army of 60,000 Turks was moving against of his kingdom against the Turks.*"° Moldavia to occupy the ‘‘kingdom”’ which had been When Venetian galleys captured the fusta of a topsy-turvy (tutto sotto sopra) since the death of the ‘Turkish corsair known as Caramussa, a Moreote strong-minded voivode Stephen. Succession strug- pasha demanded its return, ‘‘dicendo non € corgles were open invitations to the Turks, at whose saro.”” Thus it went from month to month.*** Dealreputed advance the Wallachians were also trem- ing with the Turk was like walking barefoot on a bling. At the same time dissension in Bohemia ex- rocky road. It could be done; it had to be done; posed the land to peril.'*t We may postpone a closer but caution was always required. Many petty incilook at conditions in central Europe until we con- dents could easily be quoted from Sanudo’s crowded sider the more interesting and important period of pages to illustrate the difficulties which Venetian

the next generation. In the meantime the Turks commanders and merchants experienced in their were getting along so well with the Venetians that daily contacts with Turkish subjects both on land the sultan apparently withdrew his fleet from Valona_ and at sea. In the spring and summer of 1505 the in June, 1504, notifying the Signoria that he did captain of the Gulf, then serving under Girolamo

so “per la bona amicitia et pace havemo fra de Contarini, provveditore of the fleet, was to patrol

nui... 729° the Archipelago with five galleys. The Senate was The Venetians had, nevertheless, ample reason concerned for the safety of Nauplia, and kept a to wish that life in the Levant were easier. On 29 weather eye on the fuste maintained by the Turks September, 1504, the Senate voted to appoint to in Negroponte.*°” But the Venetians derived some a castellany on the island of Crete ‘“‘a nephew of the Greek bishop of Modon, who was killed by the —=—W¥—W—— Turks with the cross in his hand.’’!2° The Bosnian '99 Ibid., V1, 137, 151, 162, 163, 180, 248, and Sen. Secreta,

border was never safe,!°7 while the Turks fur- eg. 40 fol. 95 [110]. . ; - 198 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 151°-152" nished cause for complaint also in Dalmatia. dated 11 May, 1506.

[166°-167"], doc.

Relations were always strained between Rhodes 201 Sanudo, Diarit, VI, 194, and cf, col. 217.

and Istanbul. The Venetians got caught in the *? Priuli, Diarii, I, 383-84.

203 Predelli, Regesti det Commemoniali, V1 (1903), bk. XVUI,

TT nos. 177, 179-80, 183, 205, esp. 216, 220, pp. 46 ff., and bk. 194 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 49-51. The Hungarians were always XIX, nos. 17, 20, 90, 102, 109, 119, 133, 136-137, 142-43, in some danger (zb:d., VI, 74, 81, 232). 150-51, 157, 167-71, 178, 181, 184, pp. 67 ff., docs. dated

'°° Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 58-59; cf. cols. 71, 82, 83, 107, on from May, 1501, to February, 1510 (Ven. style 1509). the Turkish fleet; and so the fears of Priuli, II, 344-45, 347, 204 Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 238, and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols.

were groundless. 93” ff. [108% ff.]. 196 Sanudo, Diari, VI, 68. °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 93°, 95°—96", 97°-98" [108° '97 Thid., V1, 82, 120. ff.], 118-119 [133°-134]. Venetian subjects in the Archipelago, 198 Thid., VI, 90. however, could be as lawless as the Turks (zbid., fols. 151 [166],

38 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT encouragement at this time from the flourishing imilian I. While the pope was well aware of the fortunes of Isma‘il I, the “‘sophi” of Persia, who danger of inviting the further preoccupation of after an initial setback had quickly become the ‘“‘si- _ the powers with the affairs of Italy, he saw no other

gnor quasi di tutto el paese signorizava Uson Cas- way of countering Venetian arrogance and amsam,’ and was both the political and religious enemy _ bition. Since the Curia Romana was unable to enof the Ottoman sultan.*°° The Venetian consul in _ list the sympathy of Ferdinand the Catholic, and

Damascus, Bortolo Contarini, forwardeda letteron Louis XII and Maximilian could not be held toa 24 August, 1505 (it arrived in Venice on or just common policy in Italy or elsewhere, Julius could before 15 December), from the sophi himself, who _ not bring effective pressure to bear upon Venice. informed the Signoria that he planned to march Certainly he complained enough about the Reagainst the Ottoman sultan, ‘‘et vol esser amico di_ public but at the same time, somewhat inconsisquesta Signoria.’’ According to the consul, the Per- tently, he urged the princes to combine their sian ruler could muster 120,000 horsemen, of whom _ efforts and resources in the crusade, the sanctissima

20,000 to a man would give their lives for him.2°7 expeditio in Thurcas.*°° It is hard to believe that For years, however, the Shite Persians and the anyone took such routine advocacy of the crusade Sunni Ottoman Turks exchanged suspicious em-_ very seriously, but the constancy with which such bassies and more than once prepared for war, but references appear in the sources may lead one to no great contest was to be fought between them as_ suspect that it would be easy to underestimate long as the ailing Bayazid II lived and ruled in Is- their popular appeal. tanbul.*°* The Persians clearly provided no answer Julius II’s failure to distinguish himself as a cruto the Turkish problem, although (as we have just sader was more the lack of opportunity than of seen) Isma‘il’s letters to the Signoria did get the desire. On 30 January (1504) he granted FerdiVenetians into trouble with the Mamluks within a nand and Isabella the imposition of a tithe upon

few years. the Spanish clergy to help them prosecute the war

From early in the year 1504 Julius II had re- against the Moslems of North Africa.*'® There was alized that the only way he had of expelling the no need for Henry VII of England to urge Julius Venetians from Faenza, Rimini, and the other to work for peace in Europe in order that a “‘valida places they had occupied in the Romagna, was by expeditio” might be sent against the Turks.?"! forming an offensive alliance with one or more of What the pope could do, he did. Although the the great powers. Papal nuncios were doing their Curia lacked arms and money, it possessed an best to gain the assistance of Louis XI] and Max-_ inexhaustible treasury of words. An encyclical of 12 July (1505) encouraged the Portuguese to press

—_—_— the holy war in Africa, 168°-169* [183*—184"]). On the other hand Turkish fuste sailing ; ,

out of Modon seized Venetian ships, “‘depredando anime et and also by the plenitude of power, given to us from on quelle menando in captivita come si el se fusse in aperta guerra!” high, we do grant and bestow the full remission of all (ibid., fol. 173 [188], and cf fol. 178 [193]). When Niccoldé their sins and the indulgence such as our predecessors, Sommaripa, lord of Andros, died in 1506, the Senate imme- the Roman pontiffs, commonly gave to those setting out diately provided for the succession by his uncle Francesco, lest for service in the Holy Land, and such as they granted the island lack a government and presumably attract the Turks jn a jubilee year, and we decree that the souls of all

(vbid., fol. 1. [200")). 9 those who shall have gone on this sacred expedition [to 347. pane o ant WI 68 6y aI as 5 36 o. 513 4380 Africa] shall dwell in the company of the holy angels in

207 Sanudo, VI, 269. The consul Bortolo Contarini assures the kingdom of heaven, and in everlasting felicity. us that it was not his nature to write anything that did not have °° ° a ‘‘fondamento aparente”’ (ibid., VI, 68). Although he encoun- —§ ————————

tered the usual difficulties in Damascus, Contarini had proved 209 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1504, nos. 5-6, vol. XX successful in his negotiations with Mamluk officials concerning (1694), p. 9, ‘“‘dat. Romae apud S. Petrum, anno etc. MDIII,

“la questione del pepe e delle spezierie’”’ (Predelli, Regest: dee 8 Kal. Mart... ,” ie., 22 February, 1504. On 1 March Commemoniali, VI [1903], bk x1x, nos. 46-47, 57, pp. 73, 75, Julius II wrote Ferdinand and Isabella at length concerning docs. dated February and April, 1504). Contarini returned to — the necessity of the crusade (ibid., ad ann. 1504, nos. 14-15, Venice on 6 July, 1506 (Sanudo, VI, 371). A decade later (in vol. XX, pp. 11-12), and on 26 July he wrote the Hungarians 1517) he was sent with Alvise Mocenigo on a special embassy _ to the same effect (2bid., no. 32, XX, 15).

to Sultan Selim I after the latter’s conquest of Egypt (cf below, 21° Raynaldus, ad ann. 1504, no. 38, vol. XX, pp. 17-18. Chapter 4, note 98). On the uneasy commercial relations be- 21! Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, no. 3, vol. XX, p. 20. tween the Sunni Ottoman Turks and the Shiite Persians, see 212 Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, no. 5, vol. XX, p. 21. A year Jean-Louis Bacque-Grammont, ‘‘Etudes turco-safavides: Notes _ later, in a letter to the king of Tunis dated 22 June, 1506, the sur le blocus du commerce iranien par Selim I"',”” Turcica, VI Venetian Senate expressed a willingness to resume trade with (1975), 68-88, and on Bortolo Contarini, note, ibid., p. 83. his subjects provided certain difficulties relating to customs, 208 Cf S. N. Fisher, The Foreign Relations of Turkey, 1481- weighing, sales, and the like could be settled (Sen. Secreta, Reg.

1512, Urbana: Univ. of Hlinois Press, 1948, pp. 90-102. 40, fols. 160°—-162° [175*-177"}).

JULIUS IJ, VENICE, AND EGYPT 39 Anxious for many reasons to establish peace be- funds collected by Raymond Peraudi, cardinal of tween France and Spain, Julius wrote Cardinal Gurk, during his recent mission to the northern Georges d’ Amboise on 4 December (1505), pro- kingdoms.’ On 1 April (1506) Julius II wrote longing his legatio de latere in France in order that Aimeéry d’ Amboise acknowledging receipt of two he might help settle the differences existing be- letters with the news that Sultan Bayazid II was tween his sovereign and King Ferdinand, after preparing in the arsenals at Istanbul and Gallipoli which he should impel both Louis XII and the a great fleet for a siege of the Hospitaller fortress French nobility to take the cross against the Turks, of Rhodes. The pope encouraged d’ Amboise with “after the fashion of their ancestors.”’ Louis XII the assurance that he was no whit inferior to his was then enjoying a period of religiosity induced predecessor Pierre d’ Aubusson, who had repulsed by an almost miraculous recovery from serious ill- the forces of Mehmed II, nor was Rhodes any less ness. The pope began his exhortation to d’ Am- fortified than it had been in d’ Aubusson’s time. boise with a recital of the miseries the Turks had Julius would aid the Hospitallers as Sixtus IV had imposed upon Christians and with the recollection done, “our predecessor and our uncle;”’ he had of the Turkish conquest a few years before of also directed absent Knights to go to Rhodes and

Lepanto, Modon, and Coron.*!” to pay their dues to the common treasury. Tithes

Despite his concern for the Turkish problem, were imposed on ecclesiastics to secure money for Julius I] remained almost wholly absorbed in his the defense of Rhodes, and the Christian princes determination to regain the Romagna. Once rid of | were directed not to divert them to other purposes the exasperating importunities of Giustinian, he than the crusade.*!” granted the new Venetian envoys fewer audiences. There can be little doubt that the crusade was In March, 1505, to be sure, the Venetians had sur- the subject of frequent discussion at the papal rendered their hold on the Romagnole towns of court, but Julius I] remained too much engrossed S. Arcangelo, Montefiore, Verucchio, Savignano, in Italian affairs to venture into the East. He enTossignano, and Porto Cesenatico. Although the deavored by matrimonial alliances and other means pro-Venetian duke of Urbino, Guidobaldo da Mon- to win over the Orsini and Colonnesi (in 1505—tefeltro, relative of the pope (by marriage)and com- 1506), and then undertook the expulsion of Gianmander of his forces, assured the Doge Leonardo paolo Baglioni from Perugia and Giovanni BenLoredan that his Holiness would not now press for _tivoglio from Bologna. Despite the opposition of further concessions, the papal secretary Sigismondo Venice and the initial disapproval of Louis XII, de’ Conti observed that Guidobaldo “‘had little ex- the pope set out on a military expedition in late plored the mind of Julius, who was wholly deter- August (1506), entering Perugia on 13 September mined to recover Rimini and Faenza.’’?!*On5 May amid thronging crowds and the ringing of bells. (1505), a week before Giustinian’s departure from In Perugia, Fra Egidio Canisio of Viterbo preached Rome, the pope had received the new Venetian a sermon, according to the Venetian envoy, “‘beembassy and accepted the Republic’s formal fore the pope and the cardinals, trying to persuade expression of obedience. Girolamo Donato, the se- the pope to march against the infidels, and it was nior member of the Venetian mission, gave una a beautiful sermon.’’?’® The pope talked of wrestoratione latina ornatissima, to which Julius returned ing Constantinople and Jerusalem from the hands

rather a short reply.*!” of the Moslems. Bologna, however, was his imWhatever the personal cares or political ambi- mediate objective. When he secured help from tions of a pope, no one in the Curia Romana could Louis XII, and French troops were advancing ignore the Turk. Thus on 15 June (1505) King

John of Denmark was reminded of the eastern 21© Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., adann. 1505, no. 24, vol. XX (1694),

question, and cautioned to preserve the crusading. 17.

217 Raynaldus, ad ann. 1506, nos. 6-7, vol. XX, p. 36. King

OO Manuel of Portugal was especially active at this time in promoting *!° Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, nos. 9-12, vol. XX, pp. propaganda for the crusade (ibid., nos. 11-15, XX, pp. 37-38, 22-23. and cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 272, note, and Gesch. d. Papste,

*I4 Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 339-40, Priuli, Diari, H, 369- _TII-2 [repr. 1956], 732-33, note); the pope was also busy col70; Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio I, pp. 73-77; Sen. Secreta, — lecting tithes from the clergy and triennial ‘‘twentieths”’ from Reg. 40, fols. 84 ff. [89 ff.]. The Venetians were apprehensive the Jews pro expeditione contra perfidissimos Thurcos pro defensione of the possible consequences of the Franco-imperial accord of — Christiane religionis (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. Estense,

Blois (22 September, 1504). Estero: Roma, Busta 1296/11, no. 35, dated 12 February, 215 Burchard, Diarum, ed. Thuasne, III, 387, anded. Celani, 1505).

II, 481: Sanudo, Drarti, VI, 164, 165-66, 171-75; Priuli, I, 218 Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 427, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, 371, 374, 375; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 257-58, and Gesch. d. — fols. 159" [174"], 170°-171" [185°-186'], 177° [192°], 187-88

Papste, 1-2 (repr. 1956), 721-22. [202-3], on Venetian fears for Bologna.

40 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT upon the city, Giovanni Bentivoglio fled. The cence.**’ Julius’s rather hasty withdrawal from Bopope entered Bologna on 10 November, and was _logna had been caused not by fear of the city’s conducted in triumph the following day to the alleged aria malsana, but by his evident desire to basilica of S. Petronio to offer thanksgiving for his avoid any direct confrontation with Louis XII,

victory.*"” who was then in northern Italy. It was a Venetian Julius was soon having trouble with Louis XII, _ maxim that every movement of arms in the pen-

however, on account of the Genoese, whom the insula was dangerous. Great wars could spring king may have believed the pope was encouraging from small beginnings, as each participant sought

to resist the royal authority.?*° After confirming allies to help him, “chiamando chi questo, chi the privileges which Nicholas V had granted the quello in suo favore.”’ * The political atmosphere Bolognesi, the pope departed for Rome on 22 in Italy was charged with tensions. February (1507). He reached the Ponte Milvio over the Tiber five weeks later (on 27 March), his As long as their own internal disunion placed return to Rome being celebrated on Palm Sunday heavy restraints upon efforts of the French and (28 March) with unusual warmth and magnifi- Spanish to extend their influence or to acquire territories beyond their own borders, the Italian states

TT had been able to maintain a political equilibrium 219 Giovanni Bentivoglio had left Bologna by 2 November in the peninsula. Venice and the papacy, Milan, (1506) when the Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana Florence, the Neapolitan kingdom, and even lesser informed the Senate of Julius II’s expected occupation of Bo- had ‘ntained their ind d Af logna, in which the Senate professed to feel ‘“‘grande piacer et states ha maintaine C cir Independence. ter satisfactione” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 194" [209"], dated 5 the success of Louis XI’s policy of centralization in November). See Paride Grassi, Diarrum: Le Due Spedizioni mlitari France and Ferdinand the Catholic’s expulsion of

di ore to eediFrati, polosPatria pee ee ff. by the Moors Granada,vol. the expansionist ambitions tazione Storia per(R.leonProvince di from Romagna, 1);

Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 347-62; Sanudo, Diarir, VI, 421. 01 both the French and the Spanish could be pursued 29, 493, 426-27, 431, 434-35, 438-39, 443-44, 447, 45]. with men and money which the Italians could never

52, 453, 455, 458, 459-64, 468, 474 ff., 479-80, 490, 491- match. There were those who dreamt of Italian 93; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1506, nos. 19-32, vol. XX, unity; that dream was to wait almost four centuries pp. 98-43; A. Desjardins (and G. Canestrini), Negociations di- for fulfilment. The Italian states were too small to

plomatiques de la France, Il, 164, 165-66, 172-73, 182 ff., 191 . h . l of By th f Bloi f ff., 195; Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius II. u. die Griindung des resist the national giants. By Ul € treaty 0 ols (0 Kirchenstaates, pp. 126-32; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 259-85, and 9 February, 1499) the Venetian government had

Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 722-42. tried to strengthen its hand by making an alliance The pope had succeeded in his enterprise against Perugia with France, but the League of Cambrai and the and Bologna despite an unfavorable development in European disaster of Agnadello (in 1509) were to show that affairs. Although the accord which Louis XII had made at Blois in September, 1504, with Maximilian, who was usually hostile even the strongest state 1n Italy could not forestall to Venice, played into the pope’s hand, Louis had also con- the interference of any of the giants by negotiating cluded a treaty with Ferdinand the Catholic (on 12 October, friendship with them.7?7°

1505), which might conceivably renew the wavering French The netians wer :

alliance with Venice (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 128 [143], Venetians were underestimating the power 137° [152”], et alibi). The Republic was opposed to the reassertion of papal control over Perugia and Bologna (cf. Seneca, —§ —~———————

Venezia e Papa Giulio H, pp. 79-80). By the treaty of 12 October 221 Sanudo, Diarii, V1, 545, 548, 551, and VII, 25, 33, 38, Louis seemed finally to have ceded to Ferdinand the disputed 43, 63-67; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 364, who misdates the

portions of the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand, in his turn, pope’s return to Rome; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, pressed by the Spanish ambitions of his son-in-law, Archduke — nos. 1-3, vol. XX (1694), pp. 48-49; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, Philip of Hapsburg, had felt obliged to come to terms with 285-89, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. 1956), 742-45, with Louis: Ferdinand married Louis’s cousin Germaine de Foix. Cf, refs. On 23 February, 1507, Sanudo notes the burial in SS. Baron de Terrateig, Politica en Italia del Rey Catolico, 1 (1963), Giovanni e Paolo of Gentile Bellini, ‘‘optimo pytor, qual alias

38-43. fo mandato al padre di questo signor turco. . . ; é restato il 22° Desjardins, I], 189, 195, 197-98, 204 ff., 216, 220, 223. fratello, Zuan Belim [Giovanni Bellini], ch’ é piu excelente pitor

When the Florentine envoy to the French court observed in de Italia” (VI, 552). Sanudo also observes that Mantegna had mid-February, 1507, that it was unlikely the pope was getting recently died in Mantua. mixed up in the affairs of Genoa, Louis XII agreed with him, 222 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 159° [174"], doc. dated 12 but added concerning the pope, “. . .eglié natod’ un villano, | June, 1506, to the Venetian ambassador in France, cited also e bisogna farlo andare col bastone”’ (ibid., 11, 220). A month _ by Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio II, p. 84. later, on 17 March, Cardinal d’ Amboise thought the pope was 225 Cf. Federico Chabod, ‘‘Venezia nella politica italiana ed probably sympathetic to the Genoese, but no ‘‘occulto favore’’ europea del Cinquecento,” in La Civiltd veneziana del Rinascihe could do them would help them very much (ib:d., p. 227). | mento, Venice and Florence, 1958, pp. 35-39, with pertinent

Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 54. reflections from Machiavelli and the diarist Priuli.

JULIUS I, VENICE, AND EGYPT 4] of the papacy and attaching too much importance September, 1506), Maximilian actually claimed

to their alliance with France. They felt that if the government of Castile on behalf of his little Louis XII proved an inadequate ally (and there grandson Charles [V] although the latter’s mother, was abundant evidence of his unreliability), they Joanna “‘la Loca,’ was very much alive, even if could turn to Ferdinand the Catholic. Since the mentally incompetent. Ferdinand naturally reSerenissima was probably the least popular state garded himself as the proper guardian of his in Europe, an aggressive territorial policy in Italy daughter’s kingdom, and under these circumhad been unwise; it had furnished too many states _ stances felt it highly expedient to reach a full unwith pretexts as well as reasons for opposition to derstanding with Louis XII, who held no brief for the Republic. The great powers, owing to real or the Hapsburgs, and who wanted quickly to supfancied grievances, might not be averse to bring- press the recent Genoese revolt against French ing about the humiliation of Venice. They might authority.?*° even set aside their own enmities long enough to The army which Louis XII had assembled to form a union which should have as its purpose the moderate the Genoese desire for independence (the diminution, even the destruction, of the Repub- revolt was suppressed in April, 1507) seemed exlic.*** The Venetians were rich, and Pope Julius cessively large for the purpose, giving rise in GerII was almost prepared to affirm that those who many as well as in Italy to the suspicion that some despoiled them would be rendering a service to ulterior motive might be involved. These fears ap-

the Church. peared unjustified, however, when on 28 June FerThe pope’s efforts were unremitting to force dinand the Catholic, accompanied by the Gran Cathe Venetians to restore to the Church the lands pitan Gonsalvo, arrived at Savona, where Louis

they had seized in the Romagna, but where would _ greeted him with effusive cordiality. The extent of he find the help needed to accomplish his purpose? — the trust and amity which were henceforth supposed Serious difficulties had arisen between him and _ to exist between the two monarchs was shown by Ferdinand the Catholic with respect to papal su- — the fact that Ferdinand had placed himself entirely zerainty over Naples and royal appointments to _ in the power of the French king, who yielded prebishoprics in Castile. Although like all popes Julius | cedence in all ceremonies to his beloved brother of

preached peace in Europe, he was little reassured Aragon, contrary to the custom which provided when Ferdinand and Louis XII met and appeared _ that every sovereign should take precedence in his to lay aside their differences at Savona at the end own dominions. In the discussions at Savona Fer-

of June, 1507. Behind that remarkable meeting dinand cast himself in the role of peacemaker belay the ambition of the Hapsburgs and the com- tween France and Germany, which was no easy task plication of contemporary politics in Europe. Max- since Maximilian was even then rattling the sword

imilian’s son Philip the Handsome, archduke of against Louis at the diet of Constance. But Louis Austria and Burgundy, who had married Joanna, — was all smiles at Savona, and Ferdinand proposed daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, tried to assert that they both make friendly overtures to Maxihis own and Joanna’s rights to Castile and Leon milian. If he accepted them, the way was open to after Isabella’s death (on 26 November, 1504),**? include the pope in a quadripartite alliance against seeking to deny Ferdinand the title gobernador de Venice. If Maximilian declined to accept them, Castilla, which Isabella had granted her husband — France and Spain would remain united, but in any in her will. After Philip’s own unexpected and event the greatest secrecy must attend both this untimely death at twenty-eight years of age (on 25 conference and subsequent deliberations.22” On 9 August (1507), however, a Spanish envoy solemnly

—_——— assured the Venetian Senate that the crusade against vy, Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio II, pp. 52-64 and ff. the Turks was the sole purpose of their Majesties’ December, the Senate electedbeneficio Vincenzosera 6 ; dela ; ~On , »16 Mes meeting 1504, at Savona: “‘. . . Maior Querini to wait upon Joanna and Philip when the news reached Venice of the death of Isabella, ‘“‘per quam ex testamento re-

linquitur heres serenissima eius filia, nunc archiducissa Bur- © gundie,”’ for Venice wished “‘facere omnem demonstrationem *2° Cf. José M. Doussinague, ‘‘Fernando V el Catolico en las

erga illam et illustrissimum archiducem, nunc serenissimos reges vistas de Savona de 1507,”’ Boletin de la Academia de la Historia, Castelle’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 68° [83°], and note fol. 71 © CVIII (Madrid, 1936), 99-101 and ff. Philip’s death was known

[86]). Lorenzo Suarez, the Spanish ambassador in Venice, as- in Venice by 10 October (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 188°sured the Senate in January that a “true concord and union” — 189" [203*—204')}).

would be effected between Ferdinand of Aragon and the new *27 Doussinague, “‘Fernando V . . . en las vistas de Savona

king and queen of Castile (ibid., fol. 72° [87°]). ... , pp. 105-14, 125 ff., 133 ff.

42 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Christianita, et meglio se potrano metterse [le to perform the ceremony on imperial soil.?°° CarMaiesta sue] in la impresa contra li infideli, inimici — vajal was in his turn to try to induce Maximilian de la fede.”” The envoy could show the Senate a to extend the hand of friendship to Louis XII and, letter from Ferdinand, dated at Valencia on 20 July, of course, to do whatever he could to promote the emphasizing the French and Spanish resolution to crusade. In Rome and elsewhere in late August

move against the Turks.?** (1507) there was a rumor of Sultan Bayazid’s

Ferdinand believed that Louis should deal very death, which suggested that now was indeed the gingerly with Pope Julius, since it was commonly opportune time “‘al pigliare le arme contra il Turthought that Julius feared the papal ambitions of cho, del quale hora facilmente se potria sperare Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise. Everything de- victoria, triumpho et gloria.’’?*!

pended, however, upon Maximilian’s seeing the The Venetians had been well aware that their light and agreeing to six months’ cessation from _ state faced serious dangers since the signing of the all military action. His failure to do so would mean _ treaty of Mejorada (on 31 March, 1504), the treaties that France and Spain should themselves make an _ of Blois (on 22 September, 1504, and 12 October,

alliance with Venice to prevent a conceivable im- 1505), and the Acts of Haguenau (on 6-7 April, perial alliance with the Republic! Obviously a 1505), which had established peace and close dipFranco-Spanish union with Venice would evoke lomatic ties among France, the Spains, and Gerthe indignation of the pope and cast him into the many.**? But long years of observation of the enarms of Maximilian. But the international con- mities which the great powers entertained for one spiracy being hatched in Ferdinand’s fertile mind another had convinced most Venetian statesmen took account of the possibility of a new papal elec- _ that it would be almost impossible to form an amaltion (conceivably involving Julius’s deposition’), at gamation which could bind together France, Gerwhich both Ferdinand and Louis would support many, Spain, and the Holy See for concerted action the election of Cardinal d’ Amboise. Here secrecy against the Republic. After all, Maximilian was as and caution were of the greatest importance. Fer- impulsive as Julius II, and Louis XII as grasping as

dinand was to make a point of informing d’ Am- Ferdinand the Catholic. Although Maximilian and boise that one of the things he most desired in the — the doge exchanged the most courteous assurances world was to see a good pope presiding over the — of undying amity, the Hapsburgs’ hostility to Venice Church, and that he hoped such a pope would — was well known. Official friendship served a useful reform the Church, in which case (Ferdinand said) purpose, however, and in late October, 1506, the he had two requests to make: first, that he andthe Venetian Senate decided to send an envoy extraornew pope should always be united in true friend-_ dinary to the imperial court. A delay of three months ship, and second, that every effort should be made _ followed, but on 29 January (1507), in keeping with

to launch a crusade against the Turks.**° the intent of the Signoria, the scholarly Vincenzo Maximilian could not be induced, however, without reservation to Jom the Franco-Spanish 259 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 290-95, and Gesch. d. Papste, IIentente. He dreamed of seizing Milan from Louis 9 (repr. 1956), 746-51; Brosch, Papst Julius IT, p. 145. XII, and so the French propagandists did what *5! Cf. in general Alessandro Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega harm they could to the Hapsburg cause both in di Cambray concordati a Milano ed a Mantova,” Arch. stor. Germany and in the Netherlands. Maximilian’s /ombardo, 4th ser., XVI (ann. XXXVIH, 191 1), 246-47, 250, . he j “4 vn Italy al 273-74, and esp. pp. 280-83, letter of Cardinal Sigismondo plans to receive the lmperiat Crown? In taly also Gonzaga to his brother the Marchese Francesco of Mantua, caused the pope no little apprehension. In early dated at Rome on 30 August, 1507. August (1507) Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal went *82 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, 1V-1 (Amsterto Germany to suggest that two cardinals be sent 4am and The Hague, 1726), no. xxvi, pp. 51-53, treaty between Ferdinand and Isabella and Louis XII, signed at the

—__—__—_—————- abbey of S. Maria de la Mejorada on 31 March, 1504; no. “28 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 36 [48]. XXVHI, pp. 55-56, treaty of peace among Maximilian I, King

*2° Doussinague, “Fernando V. . . ,” pp. 115-17, 144-45: Philip of Castile, and Louis XII, dated at Blois on 22 September, ‘* . . y que diga su alteza [Ferdinand] al cardenal [d’ Amboise] 1504, and cf. nos. XXIX, XXXVIII; no. XXX, pp. 58-59, treaty que esta es una de las cosas que mas en este mundo dessea por _ of alliance between Louis XII and Maximilian, dated at Blois ver un buen papa en la yglesia, y porque espera que la yglesia on 22 September, 1504, directed against the Venetians, allegedly sera por él reformada, y que para en aquel caso le pide dos _ for their invasion of the Romagna, beat: Petri ac Romanae Ecclesiae cosas, la una que estén siempre muy unidos y en verdadera — patrimonium; no. XL, pp. 72-74, treaty of alliance between Louis

amistad, y la otra que le prometa de dalle todo favor para la XIJ and Ferdinand dated at Blois on 12 October (ratified by empresa contra los infieles’’ (from the Archives Nationales, Ferdinand at Segovia on 16 October, 1505), whereby Ferdinand Paris, K. 1639, MS. no. 35). Nothing is said in this document —_was to marry the French princess Germaine de Foix; and nos. about deposing Julius II. The crusade was discussed a good deal XXXII-XXXIII, pp. 60-61, the Acts of Haguenau, dated 6-7 at Savona (Doussinague, op. cit., pp. 129-30). Ferdinand de- April, 1505, whereby Maximilian invested Louis XII with the

parted on 2 July (2bid., p. 140). duchy of Milan!

JULIUS Hl, VENICE, AND EGYPT 43 Querini was chosen as envoy to the Emperor Max- pope in the defence of allegedly threatened Bologna. imilian. Querini set out on his mission before his Julius had asked for no such aid. Obviously Arianiti commission (dated 25 February) was ready; in view was working hand in glove with Maximilian, who

of the forthcoming diet of Constance some haste told Querini that he would not take three steps on seemed desirable. His dispatches to the Signoria Julius’s behalf, but that it was another matter to run from the beginning of March to November _ protect the Holy See, “‘et non lassar occupar Italia (1507), almost to the preliminary formulation in da Franzesi.’’**° January, 1508, of the articles which were to lead Arianiti said he had always wanted to see Italy to the anti-Venetian League of Cambrai the fol- “‘free of the barbarians—the older I get, the more

lowing December.**” I see Italy in greater peril of complete destruction.

Maximilian was interested in an alliance of Venice . . .”’?°’ Both Maximilian and Arianiti dinned the

with the empire against France, but Vincenzo same refrain into Querini’s ears—una alleanza veQuerini was instructed to deal in the vague gen- neto-imperiale—while the harassed envoy insisted eralities of a Christian union which would make _ that the relations of Venice with the empire were possible “‘una santa expeditione contra infedeli’ so cordial that an alliance was quite superfluous. under the supreme command of Maximilian him- The Signoria also found excellent reasons for deself.2°* Querini was hard put to clothe his cliches _ clining the emperor’s request to send troops through

in the guise of sincerity, for there were periods Venetian territory to protect Bologna against the when he had almost daily audiences with Maximil- French, which made Maximilian angry, and aroused ian. There was also a special envoy of the pope _ the hostility of the German princes then assembled accredited to Maximilian at this time, Constantine at the diet of Constance.**® Arianiti,*>’> who was ill-disposed toward the French, Maximilian was impulsive and unpredictable. The for they had removed him from the regency of imperial and Swiss forces, united on the borderlands Montferrat. Constantine could easily fall in with of Venetian territory, Querini saw as ‘“‘una grande Maximilian’s anti-French designs, and warn the pope _ et pericolosa potentia.’’ Feelings were still further that Louis XII’s north Italian army would be used — ruffled at Maximilian’s court by the news that the to acquire Bologna as well as to recover Genoa, and _ Venetians were actually negotiating with Louis XI] that Louis intended to contrive by whatever means possible a vacancy on the papal throne in order to =—————— secure the election of d’ Amboise as pope or even ** Brunetti, “Alla Vigilia di Cambrai,” pp. 12-18. Julius to have recourse to an Avignonese papacy. But if Was anxious to aid Genoa at this time, as Avianit observed

. Lodge (:bid., p. 21). On Maximilian’s desire to receive the imperial

an entente was thus likely between Maximilian and crown in Rome, as reported by Querini, cf. Sanudo, Darn, VII,

Julius II, since the latter had become the avowed _ 84, 86, 95, and for Querini’s hostile description of Arianiti, and outspoken enemy of Venice, the Signoria was see Brunetti. op. cit., p. 96. The Senate had informed the Veneall the more inclined to continue the Republic’s tan ambassador in France on 4 January, 1507 (Ven. style 1506), alliance with France. Maximilian. however. re- Per lettere novamente recepute . . . , ne € sta data noticia . , a che la Beatitudine sua havea mandato in Alemagna ala Cesarea quested permission for the free passage of an im- Maesta el Signor Constantini Areniti. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. perial troop through Venetian territory to aid the 40, fol. 203” [218*]). Arianiti came of a well-known Albanian family. His career is sketched in Winfried Stelzer, ‘‘Konstantin

TO Arianiti als Diplomat zwischen Konig Maximilian I. und Papst *33 For these articles, see A. Luzio, ‘I Preliminari della lega Julius I]. in den Jahren 1503-1508,” in the Romische Quartaldi Cambray,” pp. 287-93. As noted above, Querini had been — schrift, LXIII (1968), 29-48, who deals with his relations with sent on a previous embassy to Philip and his wife Joanna, Castelle | Querini in 1507 (ibd., pp. 42 ff.), and see Franz Babinger, Das reges ulustrissimi, when they were in Flanders. He was instructed — Ende der Artaniten, Munich, 1960, esp. pp. 30 ff.

to go “by way of Germany,” and assure Maximilian of the °87 Brunetti, op ct., p. 23. Arianiti’s views are interesting: Venetians’ ‘‘perseverans observantia et reverentia . . . erga the Swiss were mercenary, the French arrogant, the Germans Maiestatem suam”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 81°-82° [96°~ —_ bestial. There were numerous unavailing efforts, on the part 97°], commission dated 25 February, 1505 [Ven. style 1504]). of Arianiti and others, to effect a reconciliation between Venice

Querini had been chosen for the mission on 16 December, and Julius II (did, pp. 34-35). Some of these efforts were 1504 (cf., above, note 225). The Senate granted him the “‘li- insincere. Cf in general Roberto Cessi, ed., Dispacer degh ambacense”’ to return home on 12 June, 1506, after fourteen months’ = sezatort venezianialla corte di Roma presso Giulio H, Venice, 1932,

service abroad (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 159° [174*]). On _ pref., pp. XXII ff., with dispatches of Domenico Pisani, Venetian Maximilian, the Italian states (especially Florence and Venice), | envoy in Rome. According to Pisani, certain efforts were being

and the diet of Constance, see N. Rubinstein, ‘‘Firenze e il made at the papal court in January, 1507 (Ven. style 1506), problema della politica imperiale in Italia al tempo di Massi- — to implicate the Venetians in talk of the crusade in order to miliano I,’ Arch. stor. ttalhiano, CXVI (1958), esp. pp. 20 ff., set them at odds with the Turks (zbr:d., pp. XXIX—XXX and ff.,

147 ff. and note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 205'-206° [220°—221')). *°4 Querini’s dispatches are analyzed by Mario Brunetti, ‘Alla *°8 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 29-32. For lists of the princes and

Vigilia di Cambrai,”’ Archiwro veneto-tridentino, X (1926), 1-108. — bishops at the diet of Constance (from April to July, 1507), see

55 Cf. Volume IJ, pp. 481, 513, esp. note 32. Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 140-43.

44 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a renewal of their alliance with France. Arianiti was Toward the end of June the Venetian Senate at work, day and night it seemed, trying to arrange courteously rejected the emperor’s proposal for an an accord between Julius II and the Signoria as the alliance against France, informing his envoys that basis for an imperial-papal and Venetian league the Signoria wanted to remain on friendly terms against France. The reconciliation of the pope and _ with all Christian states in order to further the suthe Republic would entail the Venetian surrender preme objective of the crusade. As for the request

of Rimini and Faenza to the Holy See, in return that imperial troops be allowed to pass through for which Arianiti spoke vaguely of concessions in Venetian territory and be supplied with provisions, Lombardy, to be acquired at the expense of the _ the reply of the Senate was that such a concession French. The emperor’s desire to embark on “‘l’im- could only bring the conflict of the French and the presa d’ Italia” was impracticable without the active imperialists into the lands of the Republic. Under engagement of Venice in the campaign. The Re- such conditions it would not be possible for Venetian public’s neutrality would not protect the rear of the forces not also to enter the field against one or the

imperial army from French attack.?°” other of the contending armies. This would be the On 2 June (1507) Maximilian summoned Que- end of the neutrality which the Signoria wanted to

rini, who by this time hesitated to request an au- preserve in the face of what appeared to be the dience, to tell him that he was sending two envoys _ likelihood of large-scale and destructive warfare.

to Venice to get a final, definitive answer to his How much more acceptable it would be to God if proposal of an alliance. Maximilian insisted he was Christian swords might be employed on the field not planning an Italian expedition “‘to destroy and _ of battle against the enemies of the faith who had ruin Italy . . . but to save the country and free it shed so much Christian blood!?** from servitude to France.”’ If he was German by In the meantime Henry VII of England had writnationality, he said, in thought and feeling he was _ ten Julius II (on 20 May, 1507), urging him to unItalian.**° Querini was becoming increasingly anx- dertake a crusade against the Turks.?*° The Veneious. The German princes at the diet of Constance tian ambassador in Rome secured a copy of the were showing an astonishing willingness to support royal letter and sent it to the Signoria, which the emperor’s expedition with men and money. The _ brought it to the attention of Maximilian’s envoys. death of Philip the Handsome had made the Haps- The idea of a crusade was not a Venetian device burgs seem less formidable. In talking with Georg nor an attempt at diversion. Other powers in EuSchenk von Limburg, the young prince—bishop of rope, even one as remote from danger as England, Bamberg, Querini emphasized (as he reported on recognized the necessity of undertaking a war 9 June) the desirability of a Christian league against against the “‘spurcissimi truculentissimique Christi the Turk. Although Venice had made peace with nominis hostes.’”” Henry urged the pope to appeal the Turk four or five years before, and had every _ to all the Christian princes to co-operate in a joint intention of keeping the peace, Querini kept re- expedition, to which he promised to contribute both turning to the Turkish peril. Georg Schenk was no arms and money. Since King Manuel of Portugal fool—he became well known as a patron of artand had already made a similar proposal, it was clear letters—and was quite aware of how unwilling the to the Venetians that such extraordinary interest Signoria would be to have it known that Venice in the crusade could only be the consequence of would even consider joining a league against the divine inspiration.*** Although the Venetians thus Turk. Schenk answered Querini that it was best first to deal with enemies close to home. There was *42 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 46-47. Querini’s reports to the Sino greater infidel than the king of France, as shown gnoria were highly secret, and apparently Sanudo was sometimes

by his numerous treacheries to the king of the Ro- not allowed access to them (Diarn, VII, 25, 44, 59, esp. cols.

mans and to the empire, When Louis 1 had re eae na ceive i jst deserts: hen and hen nly Wout [36 en erg tf [6a

following August (bid., fols. 32” ff. [44° fF.]). 243 Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 107, 115. The text of the letter was

—_——— entered in the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 29 [41].

39 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 22-25, 36, 38-39. *44 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 27 [39]; Brunetti, op. cit., pp.

249 Brunetti, op. cit., p. 37. 47-48, 56-57, 98, and cf. the letter of Polydore Vergil to

*4" Brunetti, op. cit., p. 40. On 21 June the imperial minister —_ Silvestro Gigli, bishop of Worcester, in Jas. Gairdner, ed., Letters

Paul von Liechtenstein told Querini much the same thing (ibid... and Papers. . . of Richard III and Henry VII, 11 (London, 1863), p. 44). Possessing property along the borders of Venetian ter- no. XXX, pp. 169-70, dated 7 April, 1507, concerning the king ritory, Liechtenstein had tried to be helpful to Querini (zbid., of Portugal. The pope answered Henry VII's recent (nuper)

pp. 34-35). letter on 9 July, 1507, dwelling on the difficulties involved in

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 45 made all the capital they could from discussion of pied, and so could not deal directly with the sulthe crusade, they feared little so much as being tan’s “‘slave”’ and kadi—were to set about getting openly associated with anti-Turkish propaganda. No the return of the captives and the restoration of Venetian official would dare risk an overt act against the properties seized in the raids upon Sebenico the Porte. Venice still had too much at stake inthe and Zara. The gifts of money, cloth, and clothes

Levant.?*° must be made to the slave and kadi secretly, soli

Also, as far as the Signoria could tell, Sultan cum solis, so as not to arouse the suspicions of the Bayazid II wished to preserve peace with Venice. local sanjakbey or anyone else on the scene. PreEarly in the year 1507 certain Turkish sanjakbeys, sentation of the gifts, however, should await asgroups of Martelossi, and other subjects of the surance of the recovery both of the captives and sultan had invaded the area of Venetian-held Se- of their properties. benico (Sibenik) and Zara (Zadar) on the Dalma- Moro and Bondimier (or their emissaries) might tian coast. The marauders had carried off some find it advisable to exaggerate the extent of the of the local residents, their animals, and other losses suffered by Venice’s subjects. They must properties. The Signoria had sent a protest to the _ certainly insist that those guilty of the raids should Porte, and the Venetian bailie in Istanbul sent be punished. If the slave and kadi were to say they back word (his letter was dated 11 April) that the had no authority to order such punishment, but sultan was distressed to learn of the incursions. He would work toward that end at the Porte, they had ordered a “‘slave’’ and a kadi (judge) to leave should be informed secretly that when the guilty for Sebenico within six days to conduct an inves- persons and parties had been duly punished, the tigation into the whole affair, see to the liberation Signoria would see to the slave and kadi’s being of all captives, the return of stolen property, and rewarded through the bailie in Istanbul in such the punishment of the offenders. As the doge and fashion “‘that they will understand how much we Senate wrote Marino Moro, the Venetian “‘count”” have appreciated their good efforts, and that they of Sebenico, and Bernardo Bondimier, ‘‘our cap-__ will have reason to be content with our expression tain of Zara,’’ on 28 May this was good news for _ of gratitude.’’**° Venice and for all the Republic’s subjects on the One could expect periodic difficulties with the Dalmatian coast. Moro and Bondimier were in- ‘Turks, but on the whole Bayazid II and the pashas

structed to meet with the Turkish deputy and remained friendly to Venice after the peace of judge, “‘li predicti schiavo et cadi,” to see that the 1502-1503. The Venetians were always more sultan’s orders were really carried out. The Turk- than a little concerned about the city of Famaish officials would of course expect some consid-_ gusta, ‘“‘da laqual depende la tutella et conservaeration themselves. ‘The Senate was therefore hav- tion del regno nostro de Cypro.”’ Much time and ing three appropriate garments, one length of money had been spent on the walls and fortificascarlet cloth and two of violet, as well as a sealed tions of Famagusta. But that was not enough; the bag containing three hundred ducats sent to Moro city must be provided with proper garrisons. Con-

and Bondimier to use at their discretion. sequently on 20 September (1507) the Senate In their letter of 28 May to Moro and Bondi- considered requiring all Cypriote feudatories, inmier the doge and Senate sent more precise di- cluding the heirs of those who had owed military rections as to the way Moro and his colleague— __ service to the erstwhile kings, to present themor their emissaries if they were otherwise occu- selves within four months to the captain of Famagusta, who was then responsible for the defense

—___ of the Republic’s “kingdom of Cyprus.”” The soseeking to organize a crusade (iid., no. XXX1, pp. 170-74). called feudatories (pheudati) were in fact to be reWe shall return presently to the English and Portuguese pro-

posals for a crusade. King Manuel’s letter to Julius IT was dated 24 May (1507); it was not delivered in Rome until November; —§ ————————

the papal answer is dated 10 December, 1507 (Raynaldus, Ann. 48 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 18°-19 [30°—31], doc. dated eccl., ad ann. 1507, no. 11, vol. XX [1694], p. 51). On Dom 9g May, 1507, the vote to send the above instructions to Moro Manuel’s dedication to the medieval “classic crusade,” see the and Bondimier being de parte 166, de non 0, non syncer: 0. As excellent article by Charles-Martial de Witte, “Un Projet por- not infrequently in this register there is no cross (+) indicating tugais de reconquete de la Terre-Sainte (1505-1507),” inthe passage of the motion, which was certainly carried out in this Congresso internacional de historia dos descobrimentos, Actas, vol. case. It will be shown later that the motion was put into effect

V, pt. 1 (Lisbon, 1961), pp. 419-49, who notes that “la de- in other instances in which the prevailing vote is not attended couverte de la route maritime de |’ Inde n’y entre pour rien” __ by the cross.

(pp. 423, 444 ff.). On the predatory Martelossi, see below, Volume IV, Chapter *4° Cf. Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 70-71. 14, p. 608a.

46 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT quired to live in the sparsely populated city, ‘“‘che Possession of the island of Cyprus brought the . . . vadino a far la residentia soa in Famagosta.” Venetians great pride and some revenue. Although, The four months in question would be counted as soldan of Egypt, Kansuh al-Ghuri claimed the from the time the Senate’s decree was first brought _ old tribute from the days of the Lusignan, the Egyp-

to the attention of the Cypriotes. If any feudatory tians were no longer in a position to exert their failed to obey the decree, the government in the — suzerainty over the island. They could not protect capital city of Nicosia must immediately recruit as _ their own shores from the corsairs. The Venetians many men-at-arms as there were feudatories who _ paid the Cypriote tribute of 8,000 ducats a year as failed to accede to the residential requirement. If the sine gua non of the Mamluk spice trade. Against it was necessary to purchase horses and arms, the whom did the Venetians keep renewing the walls government must do so, regardless of current prices. and fortifications of Nicosia and Famagusta? The The recruits would be sent to Famagusta; the rectors Turks, only the Turks. Had the Senate put into

in Nicosia must see to it that they were paid effect the motion it defeated on 20 September, promptly. Delinquent feudatories apparently ran 1507, it would have been very unsettling to the the risk of having their manorial estates (casali ter-_ local nobility, the pheudati and provisionati, the only reni) expropriated to pay the costs of the mercenaries _ native warriors (such as they were) to be found on who would take their place. Many years before, the _ the island. They all lived in Nicosia, a shabby ‘‘city”’

sum of 4,000 ducats had been set aside to provide in 1507, but preferable to the barren walls and for the needs of impoverished nobles and burghers. _ bastions of Famagusta. There was discontent on Recipients of allotments from the fund were called Cyprus, and there were some, especially among the provisionati. According to the legislation now sub- oppressed peasantry, who would have welcomed the mitted to the Senate (on 20 September, 1507), all Turks.

such recipients who were residents of Nicosia, in- A crusade of the great powers—the French, cluding those whose claims to subsidy went back to Germans, and Spanish—would have helped make

the time of the kings (1.e., before 1489), must also. the Venetian hold on Cyprus more secure. It take up residence in Famagusta “‘with their horses would also have removed the military manpower and arms.”’ Failure to obey would mean the end of of France, Germany, and Spain from the Italian their pensions or “‘provisions.’’ The proposed leg- peninsula. Obviously there was some logic in Vinislation, however, did not apply to the holdings of cenzo Querini’s oft-repeated proposal to the Emchurches, hospitals, “‘the poor of Christ,” and the peror Maximilian for a Christian league against

three or four constables who served in Nicosia. the Turks. The government of Nicosia, according to the In the year 1507, however, the crusade was not motion now put before the Senate, must send the even a remote possibility, although the Venetians captain of Famagusta a record of all pheudati and found the anti-Turkish exhortations of Henry VII provisionati with a precise statement of their obli- and King Manuel of Portugal useful for diplomatic gations. Further improvements were suggested in purposes. Maximilian and his councilors regarded the local government and the judicial administra- Querini’s reverting again and again to the necestion of Famagusta. All cotton and other merchan- _ sity of the Christian princes’ directing their arms dise must be loaded (or unloaded) in Famagusta against the Turks rather than against one another and at no other port on the island, which would — as nothing more than a shallow maneuver to evade give people ‘‘more cause to live in the aforesaid the offer of an imperial alliance. They also saw city.”’ Exceptions were made for freighters at Li- Louis XII behind the propaganda for a crusade, massol, Paphos, and a few other places; salt could for the French, having just re-established them-

of course be loaded at Salines on Larnaka Bay. selves in rebellious Genoa, wanted to divert the Some of these proposals had been brought before attention of the princes toward the Levant while the Senate in years past, and had been rejected. they pursued their own interests in Italy. The present motion, if passed by the Senate, As time passed, Querini’s position at the imperial would have required approval by the Grand Coun- court became very difficult. Julius II in truth did cil, the ‘““Mazor Conseglio.”’ It received only 27

votes in the Senate; the motion to ‘“‘table’’ the Cypriote proposals (quod presens materia pro NUNC Mas Latrie, Histoire de I’ tle de Chypre, 3 vols., Paris, 1852-61, differatur) was carried with 155 affirmative votes.**’ repr. Famagusta: Les Editions I’ Oiseau, 1970, III, 487-92, and, zbid., vol. IV (extracts from the Bibl. de l’ Ecole des chartes,

—_ XXXIHI-XXXV [1873-74] and the Docs. mnédits, Mélanges his247 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 42-43" [54—55"], doc. dated — toriques, TV [1882]), Famagusta, 1970, pp. 532-33, 557-58, 20 September, 1507. Some of the proposals thus put before — and ¢f. Sir George Hill, A History of Cyprus, 4 vols., 1940-52, the Senate were as old as 1489-1491, on which note Louis de III, 808-13.

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 47 not want an imperial alliance with Venice. Arianiti the Germans.*°’ He was back in Venice on 24 Nowas soon intriguing for Querini’s removal from the vember, and made his report to the Senate on the court. The Venetian envoy had long been isolated twenty-sixth, one of the earliest and most brilliant from almost everyone in Maximilian’s entourage. — relazioni ever made to that august body on the bafThe German ecclesiastical princes, who dreamed _ fling problems which the German empire posed for of rich bishoprics and red hats, were happy to show Venice and for Italy. Considering the character of their devotion to the Holy See by turning their Maximilian and the hostility of the German princes,

backs on Querini. After another Venetian refusal Querini (who would have liked some honorable of alliance with Maximilian and another rejection concession to the imperial requests) believed it quite of his request for free passage of imperial troops as likely that the Germans would attack Venice as through Venetian territory, the usefulness of Que- France. He realized, if he did not lament, the rerini’s embassy was almost completely ended. Al- strictions of the French alliance, and he would have though banished from the court, Querini, now at _ liked to see Venice regain some larger measure of Augsburg, could acquire bits of information which | freedom in determining her foreign policy. Now it suggested that Maximilian’s ambition to play the was apparently too late for a change. In declining role of Frederick Barbarossa was going to be limited to give Maximilian a forthright statement of Veneby financial difficulties, the recalcitrance of the — tian neutrality in a war with France, the Senate had

princes.**® . . . Swiss, and the cooling ardor of the German made a perilous decision.*”*

Before long Maximilian was insisting upon Vene- _ As we have noted in connection with Querini’s tian neutrality. His minister Paul von Liechtenstein, dispatches to Venice, the English and Portuguese marshal of Tyrol, said that a conflict between Venice kings were professing a great concern for the cruand the empire would cause the ruin of at least two sade. On 27 May, 1506, the Grand Master Aimery hundred Venetian business firms. Maximilian’s Ital- 4’ Amboise and the Convent of Rhodes had asked

ian expedition was constantly stated to have two Henry VII to become protector and patron of peaceful purposes—to receive the imperial crown their Order.” Imperiled as the Knights were by in Rome and to re-establish his jurisdiction over the Turks, they had some reason to look to Enimperial lands in Italy.**? But annulling the usur- gland for help. Henry seemed to have a genuine pations of imperial lands and restoring the regalian interest in the crusade, although he had enterrights sounded too much like Barbarossa for the tained no small suspicion of Alexander VI’s momerchants on the Rialto to put much faith in Max- _ tives in seeking funds to prosecute the war against

imilian’s declarations of pacific intent. the Turks. We have Cardinal Adriano Castellesi On 8 October (1507) Querini reported to his da Corneto’s word for it that the English king’s government that an alliance was apparently being Tesponse to the needs of Christendom in this reformed between the empire and the papacy. The Spect had been the most generous in Europe. In main points at issue had presumably been solved 4 lengthy letter written from Rome on 4 January, since the indefatigable Constantine Arianiti was be- 1504, Cardinal Adriano had informed Henry VII: lieved to be going to Rome to get the pope’s ap- —————— proval of a final text of the agreement. Querini 51 Note Querini’s reply to Liechtenstein, as reported by him assumed that antagonism to Venice was drawing to the Senate and by the Senate to the Venetian ambassador the new allies together.” When the Venetians de- 60") “letter dved 31 October, 1507, The ‘Senne authorized clined to send Maximilian a full and formal state- Querini’s return to Venice on 20 November, by which time ment of their neutrality in the event of a Franco- _ he had reached Serravalle all’ Adige (ibid., fol. 51° [63”)). German war, Liechtenstein called on Querini (on *** Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 105-8; Sanudo, Diarn, VII, 188, 27 October) to inform him that the presence of a 191-93, a summary of Querini’s report to the Senate; the full . ; ; . text is given in Eugenio Alberi, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori Venetian ambassador in Germany was incompatible veneti, ser. I, vol. VI (1862), pp. 5-58; and cf F. Antonibon, with the imperial dignity. Querini was to go back = Le Relazoni a stampa di ambasciatori veneti, Padua, 1939, p. 63.

to Venice. He might return to Germany with a According to Querini, such were the resources of the Germans statement of Venetian neutrality, but not otherwise. that the imperial army could depend on a strength of 40,000 Querini had no intention of running errands for Lh, of whom fifthdescription would be (Albert, op at. p). Theone envoy’s andcavalry assessment of Maximilian is famous (ibid., pp. 26-27). All the German princes were opposed

OO to Venice (pp. 43-44); Maximilian was hostile to Louis XII *48 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 64 ff. and Ferdinand the Catholic, but favorably disposed to the pope 249 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 79-84, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. “‘at this time”’ (p. 51).

41, fols. 25 [37], 34 [46], 46 ff. [58 ff.], 62° [74°], 64 ff. 253 Jas. Gairdner, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Richard II

[76 ff.]. and Henry VII, Il (London, 1861, repr. 1965), no. XLVI, pp. 5° Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 92, 96. 287-88.

48 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT I told his Holiness [ Julius II] of the moneys imposed cardinal represents them. On the other hand, we for the tithe upon the Cistercian Order in England by may suspect that Henry had occasion to enjoy, your Majesty’s permission and collected by my own whether as ironical or equivocal, more than one

hands tor is predecessor Alexander wi “ne not of Adriano’s reported observations to the pope.

sent on the score of the two cruciatae conceded by yOur The diplomats of the Curia Romana as well as of Majesty in his kingdom in the timetheofsecular Innocent [VIII] ; . . chanceries cultivated irony as they ensubsidy which your Majesty has granted for the ad- joyed subtlety. Without knowledge of the private

and Alexander [VI], nor did I pass over that most recent, | ; }

vancement of the faith against the Turks. jokes and loaded remarks which they exchanged His Holiness said that other kings had done the same among themselves and with their principals, we thing. I replied, with his Holiness’s leave, that he did can never be certain that the most solemn phrasenot understand the matter quite correctly. [showed that ology is not distorting the truth. Adriano Castellesi other kings and princes had allowed the cruciatae and was quite as capable of dishonesty as of irony. A subsidies in their own kingdoms and territories, butthey few years later, in September, 1507, Sanudo rehad wanted them and collected them entirely for them- corded in his diaries that selves, not for the Apostolic See. They had promised to perform many wonderful deeds against the Turks, and _ the lord Cardinal Adriano da Corneto had fled from had not given the Apostolic See the least particle [of the Rome for fear of the pope. . . , because he had written funds collected]. I stated and accounted for who they _ to the king of England evil of the pope, and spoken evil were, for if there is anyone who knows about this, |can to the pope of the king of England, and the king of

say without boasting, it is I. England had sent the cardinal’s own letters to the First of all, there was the king of the Romans, who pope... .?”°

received the cardinal legate of Gurk [Raymond Peraudi|

and got the cruciata, tithes, and a subsidy in his dominions, However much caution certain sources may but the pontiff did not get even a cent [obolus]. Next was evoke, the crusading ideal still exercised a strong

the ns o France, ne ikewise got Th nna and thes attraction, even after three centuries of abuse. A

In his lands, Collected them for himselt, and the pont letter of Louis XII to Charles Somerset, Lord Herdid share in a single dime in [denarius|. king of ; ;the ; fact ernot bert, English envoy France,The mentions

Spain did the same thing, as did the kings of Portugal, hat Kine M lof P | d“d

Hungary, and Poland, the duke of Savoy, the Venetians, that King Manuel! of Fortugal wante © menner Florentines, and almost all the others, even the smaller ©! faire de sa part la guerre aux infidelles roots

powers. qui tiennent et occupent la Terre Saincte.”’ If Louis I said and insisted, and it is true, that your Majesty would go on the crusade, Manuel would accompany was alone among all the Christian princes in that he not him with at least 15,000 fighting men (combatans), only allowed the said cruciatae and subsidies for the Ap- ‘‘furnished and supported for three or four years.” ostolic See, but even before they were collected, had Pom Manuelalso asked Louis to appeal to the other committed and covered to the apostolic sd foe Master Christian princes, chiefly the kings of England, of Pon, 20,000 gold ducats [scuti] to be paid from your the Romans, Castile, and Scotland. Louis professed

own funds to Seetohere in Rome, be- ,.. | «1; i; ; ; the his Apostolic willingness embark on anand expedition against sides that [your Majesty] had written and offered (as the he Turks. “ , d res.” if

royal letters, still in my possession, attest) for the war the lurks, ennemys, Mescreans et adversalres, | against the Turks in defense of the faith not only to only the other princes would do so too, as Louis supply all possible aid and support, but even to go on professed to believe they would. He had a special

the Crusade in person... .** desire to know Henry VII’s intention in this regard

Writing history from diplomatic sources con- since he would prefer to accompany Henry than tains many pitfalls for the unwary, and the tone any other king or prince in the world. If the other of Cardinal Adriano’s letter must give one pause sovereigns of Europe would not respond to the crufor reflection. Adriano may have told the pope sading appeal, Louis would go with Henry and everything he says he did, but that does not mean Manuel alone. Their resources should be sufficient he writes the whole truth. Having long repre- to achieve victory ‘‘avecques layde et bonne assissented English interests in Rome, Adriano prob-

ably knew Henry VII and his intentions well. It —H

is hard for us to say that the facts were not as the *55 Sanudo, Duarii, VII, 145, 147, 161, 170. On the Cardinal Adriano, see Pio Paschini, ‘‘Adriano Castellesi, cardinale di S.

——_—__—_—__—_—_ Grisogono,”’ in Tre Illustri Prelat: del Rinascimento, Rome, 1957,

254 Gairdner, Letters and Papers. . . of Richard II] and Henry _ pp. 43-130, esp. pp. 62-67. Witty and talented, Castellesi was VI, II (London, 1863, repr. 1965), no. XXUI, pp. 116-17, letter a poet, scholar, and Ciceronian latinist, but combining timidity dated at Rome on 4 January, 1504. The news of the Spanish with a penchant for intrigue, he got into serious trouble with

p. 124). of the cardinalate.

victory on the Garigliano had just arrived in Rome (ibd., Julius II and, later on, with Leo X, who finally deprived him

JULIUS Hf, VENICE, AND EGYPT 49 tance que Dieu leurs donneroit.”*°® Since Henry printing press to publicize either civil or eccleVII returned an encouraging answer, Louis next siastical law.*°! sent the reassurance that he looked forward to the Henry VII had not formally recognized the pavoiage de Jérusalem to be shared with the kings of pal ban on the Turkish alum trade. The ArchEngland and Portugal, provided affairs of state made duchess Margaret of Austria-Savoy also declined the great enterprise possible when the time came.”°’ todo so in the Netherlands, where she was regent,

On 5 April, 1506, Queen Joanna of Castile wrote questioning whether the pope could employ ecthe king of Portugal of her own devotion to the — clesiastical censures to gain or retain temporal adsanto negocio, which his initiative had set in motion. vantages. On 12 December, 1506, Cardinal RafShe expressed the wish to dedicate her person and _faele Riario wrote the papal nuncio in England, estate to the crusade if such were to be the will of | Pietro Griffo (Grifus), that the Curia Romana had God.*°* Joanna presumably meant her expressed observed for some time how Henry VII allowed dedication to the crusade, but nuestro Senor had de- the import into England of alum from the lands termined otherwise than to employ her person and _ of the infidels, contrary to promises (says Riario) estate against the Turks. For whatever his word was which he had made to the pope. Griffo was being

worth, on 5 April, 1506, Manuel’s father-in-law recalled to the Curia, but before his departure Ferdinand the Catholic also pledged “‘la persona y from England he was to lodge formal protests el estado”’ to the recovery of the Holy Land.*°? against this infringement of papal law, and to post Despite Cardinal Adriano’s view that Henry VII the bulls and other censures on church doors or had shown himself such a good friend of the Curia other suitable places in such cities and towns as Romana, Cardinal Raffaele Riario, apostolic trea- seemed appropriate. The Curia would follow up surer, entertained (as we shall see) rather a dif- his action as circumstances might require.*”? ferent opinion of the English king. On 17 May, 1506, Pope Julius IT had promulgated a bull for- *°! Jules Finot, ‘‘Le Commerce de I’ alun dans les Pays-Bas bidding the importation of alum from Turkish ter- ela bulle encyclique du pape Jules IT en 1506,” Bulletin historique ritories into the Netherlands, England, and other et philologique du Comité des Travaux historiques et scientifiques,

European countries, in order to protect the papal 1902 [publ. Paris, 1903], pp. 418-30. Actually Julius IT’s bull monopoly of the alum trade, the profits of which _ failed in its purpose of keeping up the artificially high price of

dto be d d h d alum in the Netherlands by maintaining the papal monopoly,

were Suppose to € evote to the crusa © ever and licensing only such concessionaires as Agostino Chigi to since the first discovery (in 1461) of the mines at - sella product vitally necessary to the Flemish cloth trade (2bid.,

Tolfa.?©° In 1505-1506, however, a certain Gi- pp. 430-31), on which see Jean Delumeau, L’ Alun de Rome, rolamo Frescobaldi and his associates, at the be- 48 OF steele Paris and Chambery, 1962, esp. pp. 36-37, hest of King Philip the Handsome, imported a 97 HT. and ¢. in general Ottorino Montenovesi, “Agostino

; . Chigi, banchiere e appaltatore dell’ allume di Tolfa,” in the

large quantity of alum from Asia Minor into En- Archiwo della R. Deputazione [Societa] romana di storia patria, LX

gland with the intention of transshipping it into (ns., III, 1937), 107-47, with docs., esp. pp. 135 ff.; Vittorio Flanders. When some of the alum was thus brought Franchini, ‘‘Note sull’ attivita finanziaria di Agostino Chigi nel into the Netherlands, the price declined markedly, Cinquecento,”’ in the Stud? in onore di Gino Luzzatto, 11 (Milan,

th fal A Pr Chiei and hi Y> 1950), 156-75; and Felix Gilbert, The Pope, has Banker, and

causing the powertul Agostino Chigi and his part- — yynice, Cambridge, Mass., 1980. ners, who held the papal concession on Italian 262 Gairdner, Letters and Papers, Il, no. XXIX, pp. 167-68, alum, to complain to the Holy See, and hence the letter dated at Bologna on 12 December, 1506. Pietro Griffo pope’s renewal of the old prohibition against was sent back to England as papal collector in December, 1508.

Christians’ engaging in the Turkish alum trade He was a humanist of some note, and author of a work De The€ bull of 17 M 1506 blished j | officio collectoris in regno Angliae, ‘‘the office which had brought bull o vnay ( ) was pu Hsne Ina large so many of hiscountrymen to England” (J. D. Mackie, The Earlier number of copies, one of the earliest uses of the — Tudors, Oxford, 1952, p. 238). Griffo found it very difficult to deal with the young Henry VIII, who was unwilling to pay li

TT danari di la cruciata e decime, which Griffo was trying to secure 256 Gairdner, Letters and Papers, II, no. XXII, pp. 127-31, for use contra infideles (Sanudo, Diarn, X, 761). An acquaintance letter of uncertain date, which I think belongs in the spring of | of Erasmus and Colet, Griffo died as bishop of Forli in 1516.

1506. Cf. Denys Hay, ‘‘Pietro Griffo, an Italian in England: 1506257 Thnd., I, no. XXIV, pp. 138-39. 1512,” in Italian Studies, UW (1938-39), 118-28. Griffo’s tomb

258 Thid., Il, no. XXVIIL, pp. 150-52. Joanna envisaged a joint may be found in the church of S. Agostino in Rome, in the

expedition by Portugal, England, and Castile. chapel to the left of the high altar, opposite the tomb of S. *°° Chas.-Martial de Witte, ‘‘Un Projet portugais de recon- _ Monica, whose (alleged) body was brought from Ostia to Rome quete de la Terre-Sainte,”’ pp. 425-27. Julius I] also professed on Palm Sunday of 1430.

to be an ardent crusader at heart (zb:d., pp. 428 ff.). Griffo left England for good in 1512, having been appointed “6° On the alum mines at Tolfa, see Volume II, pp. 239-40, bishop of Forli on 31 October (G. van Gulik, C. Eubel, and L.

271, 275, et alibi. Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, III [1923], 198). His

50 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite the concern of the apostolic treasurer, to agree upon one leader, there might be three the rupture of the papal alum monopoly was not _ leaders, ‘if so many can be found.”’ At least two of going to cause any breach in Julius II’s relations the more powerful kings should go in person with with England. The Curia Romana had too many _ their forces. Henry said that he would go even if problems in Italy. On 9 July (1507) Julius had an- no other prince were willing to do so. It would be swered in friendly tones Henry VII’s letter urging highly desirable, however, for two others to join him to establish peace among the Christian princes him, for just as at the birth of Christ three kings and help organize an expedition against the Turks. had come from the East to adore the Savior, so now He praised Henry’s noble intent, but assured him it would be most fitting for a “trinity of kings’ that no such exhortations had been needed. Henry = (trinitas regum) coming from the West to destroy had advocated summoning representatives of the | the power of the Moslems and regain the Holy Sepowers to Rome to plan the crusade, determine — pulcher. In the meantime Henry begged the pope the leadership, select the times and places for as- to keep urging the crusade upon the princes. He sembling troops, and so on, but Julius reminded would do likewise.*"*

him of the sad failure of the congress which In- Distance from the Turkish peril may have lent nocent VIII had held in Rome in the summer of | enchantment to the crusade. In the spring of 1507

1490 for precisely these purposes.*°” James IV of Scotland had received from Julius II On 8 September (1507) Henry VII replied to a “‘diademe wrocht with flouris of gold” and a the pope that if most of the princes would make | sword with hilt and scabbard of gold set with gems, the firm resolution to proceed against the Turk, both consecrated on the night of the Nativity. The no difficulties could be sufficient to deter them from pope had also declared the king of Scots Christhe fulfilment of their purpose. If it was too hard _ tranae fidei protector, which helped to make the king (already zealous in religious matters) fervently devoted to the Holy See. James had long planned a

— pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and now the idea quickly return to Rome was attended by an unpleasant adventure. grew into the more glorious design of going on Finding himself for whatever reason on the Adriatic coast, he ; .

was captured by “‘certain pirates,’’ who claimed to be acting a crusade with the other princes of Europe, espefor Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara. They seized all Griffo’s possessions cially Louis XII of France.*”? Time increased as well as the money he had collected in England for the Ap- James IV’s ambition to play the role of crusader ostolic See. He was taken to Alfonso’s brother, Cardinal Ippolito, in the eastern theater, but now the winds of conwho soon set him free at the request of Cardinal Giovanni de’ flict were blowing over the Italian scene. divertin

Medici. The authorities in Ferrara, however, during Alfonso’s 5 ‘ ? : -)

absence, kept 1,212 ducats which Griffo was taking to Rome. both the pope and the princes from the Turkish The following year (on II June, 1513) Cardinal de’ Medici, Question. now Pope Leo X, wrote Alfonso that Ippolito had promised Griffo full restitution for his losses. With Ippolito’s concurrence —_ =—————————

Griffo had appointed agents to receive the funds although, as *°4 Gairdner, II, no. XXXII, pp. 174-79; note the pope’s of the date of Leo’s brief, nothing had been recovered, as _ letter to Henry VII in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, no. Alfonso was well aware (ut tu plene nosti). The money collected 21, vol. XX, p. 54, dated 23 December; and cf. Chas.-Martial

in England belonged to the Apostolic Camera, and Leo de- de Witte, ‘‘Un Projet portugais de reconquéte de la Terremanded its return forthwith (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Can- Sainte,” pp. 433-34. celleria Estense, Estero, Busta 12, no. 12). After his perilous 205 RK. Hannay, R. L. Mackie, and Anne Spilman, The experience with Julius Il, Alfonso wanted no unnecessary dif- — Letters of James the Fourth, 1505-1513, Edinburgh, 1953, pp. ficulties with the Holy See. On 9 September, 1514, Leo issued = XXXVII-XXXVIII, and letters nos. 65, 96-99, 142~44 (Scottish a brief of quittance for the sum involved, upon payment by — History Society). On 21 December, 1506, an envoy of the king the Estensi of 1,000 gold ducats de camera (ibid., Busta 12, no. — of Scotland appeared before the Collegio in Venice, and ex-

38, formerly no. D56). plained ‘“‘come el suo re voleva andar in Jerusalem, pregava la

pp. 412 ff. VI, 513).

263 Gairdner, II, no. XXXI, pp. 170-74, and see Volume II, Signoria li desse o galie o maistri di farle. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diavii,

2. THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICAN CONCILIARISTS (1507-1511) CT CHE DOMINANT questions in 1507 and the — intemporal matters you are the caput fideliwm—concerning

ensuing years related to Venice, not to Is- the expedition which we must undertake against the pertanbul. As the Serenissima’s envoy in Germany, fidious Turks, for which expedition our God and Savior Vincenzo Querini, labored on the Republic’s be- has now provided us with the greatest opportunity. Sultan half, others were expending every effort to frus- B2Y42!d 1s being beset, as the grand master of Rhodes has

or P 8 ry © informed us, by the Persian king in a great war, and is

trate his attempts to placate Maximilian. As o ften, in such fear that he has left unguarded all approaches to the petty politics of Italy were important in the _ his shores in order to bring all his forces to bear upon affairs of the great powers. The Marchese Fran- the Persian king, and so he would yield an easy victory cesco Gonzaga of Mantua, for example, was a vas- to the Christian faithful... .°

sal of the emperor, but held a military command

of the king of France, whom he had helped to The pope’s letter contained less fact than fansuppress the Genoese revolt. Francesco was also tasy, but fortunately for the Venetians, they had indebted to Julius Il, who had given his brother _ little trouble with the Porte in the years preceding Sigismondo Gonzaga a cardinal’s hat, and con- the invasion of the Veneto by the allies of Camsented to the marriage of Eleonora Gonzaga to bral. The Turks were, to be sure, allegedly guilty the papal nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere. of frequent violations of the Republic’s Dalmatian One of the most important lesser negotiators of frontiers, and they were said to be lax in the pur-

the coming League of Cambrai was one Niccolo suit and punishment of corsairs. Indeed, when Frisio (Fries?), a German friend of the Gonzagas, Andrea Foscolo was appointed bailie to Istanbul who went from court to court for an entire year (on 16 December, 1507), he was instructed to take (1507-1508), seeking to make peace between Ger- the first opportunity to inform Sultan Bayazid many and France for the well-being of Mantua. “‘che ’l sanzacho et subassi de Negroponte sono The Marchese Francesco nurtured many griev- Causa de grandissimi mali,” for they were not only ances against Venice. Frisio did his part to con- giving refuge to the corsairs, but were actually centrate all enmities upon the Republic.’ It iseasy sharing in their plunder. Foscolo might hope for to underestimate or entirely to forget the effects a good reception at the Porte, for he was bringing of Frisio’s work, especially when much more sig- with him gold ducats to pay the tribute for Zante nificant and conspicuous figures were trying to as well as several cases of cloth of gold, silk, and accomplish the same ends. Among these was Ju- wool to distribute among the pashas. He had other

hus IT. problems to deal with, especially the release of

A brief addressed to Cardinal Bernardino Car- certain prisoners still held by the Turks, but the vajal on 22 December, 1507, directed him to urge whole tenor of his commission makes clear that Maximilian to make peace with the king of France _ the Senate was more relaxed about Turkish affairs as well as to participate in a crusade against the than it had been for some years." Turks.* Seven weeks later (on 12 February, 1508) Venice was in fact getting along so well with the the pope wrote Maximilian again of his strong Porte that in the early summer of 1508 Foscolo

desire for a Franco-German peace, allowed Turkish munitions to be loaded on Vene-

. . tian vessels for shipment to Valona on the Adriatic

to which we do not cease also to exhort the French king. The Senate was astonished and distressed

. . . When peace has been made, with greater surety and coast. © ve ’

greater honor will you be able to come to Rome [Maxi- —

milian wanted to be crowned in Rome, but the Venetians Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, append., no. 76, pp. 647-48, and feared his entry into Italy] and deliberate with us—for és. @ Papste, III-2 (repr. 1956), append., no. 121, pp. 1131-

32, and cf. the pope’s entreaty to Louis XII to make peace with Maximilian in Raynaldus, ad ann. 1508, no. 1, vol. XX, p. 57.

ee On Maximilian’s intentions to go to Rome, see Charles Kohler,

' Cf. A. Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega di Cambray,”’ Arch — Les Suasses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, Geneva, stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (1911), 249-79 and ff., with doc- 1896, pp. 68 ff. (Memoires et documents publiés par la Société

uments. d’ histoire et d’ archeologie de Genéve, 2nd ser., vol. IV).

2 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, nos. 8-9, vol. XX * Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols.

(1694), p. 50. As noted in the preceding chapter, inearly August, — 55°—57" [67°-69"]. One must, however, always be on the alert

1507, Carvajal had gone as papal legate to the imperial court. against the Turks (zbzd., fols. 18” ff. [30° ff.], 31 [43)).

51

52 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT as Foscolo was informed in a letter dated 21 Au- The members of the Senate now rewarded the gust, ‘‘and by the Lord God we fear that it will be | redoubtable Bartolommeo d’ Alviano for his past bruited about among the Christians that we are _ services by giving him the title “‘governor general” aiding the Turks who make war on Christendom, _ of the armed forces of the Republic, and increased and that we use our ships to convey their arma- his battalion by the hundred men-at-arms who had ments!” Alvise Priuli, sapiens terrae firmae, stated made up the company of the late Filippo Albanese,

in the Senate that “from the very founding of this “who died in these last days.’ The stipend for city until the present our fathers have, with the d’ Alviano’s former command plus Albanese’s greatest expenditure of gold and shedding of company was set at 25,000 ducats a year. They blood, earned the name of defenders of the Chris- also made d’ Alviano a present of a thousand tian religion, and so we have been regarded to this _ ducats.”

hour.’ They must use every effort and caution, In Germany Cardinal Carvajal’s mission had he said, to keep their reputation and to increase become easier because, angry with the Venetians, it. The transport of Turkish munitions and artil- Maximilian looked forward to an alliance with the lery to Valona would become known to every pope. Furthermore, in February, 1508, Maximilprince in Christendom. Priuli had further emo- ian made secret inquiries at the French court as tional observations which he wanted incorporated to the possibility of a Franco-German alliance in a letter of rebuke to Foscolo. The Senate pre- against Venice.'° Now emperor-elect, Maximilian ferred to send the bailie a curt reprimand and the ventured into war with the Venetians, who rewarning never again to commit such a gross in- ceived French assistance. Since mid-January, 1508, discretion.” In the spring of the following year, the Signoria had been making preparations against however, when the war of the League of Cambrai Maximilian’s known intentions to attack Verona, was beginning, the Senate was doubtless glad of Vicenza, and Bassano.'! After some initial sucevery friendly gesture the bailie had made toward cesses, Maximilian’s forces were swept from the

the Porte.® fields of battle. The Venetians occupied Gorizia, Julius II’s hopes for an effective alliance against Trieste, and Fiume. They were entering Carniola

Venice as well as for a crusade depended entirely when on 6 June (1508) he accepted the three upon bringing Louis XII and Maximilian to- years’ truce of Arco, whereby the Republic regether. The latter was proclaimed emperor-elect tained most of the territories her forces had seized in the cathedral of Trent (in early February, in the conflict.'* Maximilian’s humiliation was 1508), saving the papal right of coronation, and

Julius promptly recognized Maximilian’s formal

assumption of the title since it postponed the Ger- ° Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 78’-79' [90’-91"], doc. dated 4 March,

man expedition to Rome.’ Maximilian’s custom- 1508.

ary animus against Venice had been intensified by '® Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius I. und die Griindung des Kirthe Signoria’s rejection of his proposal for an al- rensiaates, Gotha, 1878, pp. 154 ff., 338, notes 34-35; Heinrich liance. The statesmen of the Serenissima had made gestellt, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1884-91, II, 334-35; Pastor, Gesch. clear their preference for their pact with Louis ¢. Papste, I1]-2 (repr. 1956), 751; Federico Seneca, Veneua e

. a, ann, Kaiser Maximilian I., auf urkundlicher Grundlage dar-

XII (concluded in 1499); they would have liked Papa Giulio Il, Padua, 1962, pp. 99-101. to make the Franco-Venetian league a triple alli- Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 60" ff. [72° ff.], 66" [78"], and . note, ibid., fols. 72°-73" [84°-85"], doc. dated 23 February, ance by the entry of Spain. Actually the Senate 1508 (Ven. style 1507), secretario nostro Mediolani: ‘‘Nicolae: believed that a union of France, Aragon, and Ven- _ Vederai per li occlusi exempli de lettere i advisi havemo da ice had already been achieved, ‘‘essendo li animi__ diversi canti de le cosse germanice, per i quali chiaramente se

de tuti tre conformi in uno voler.’’ If the pope comprehende che la cesarea Maesta intende invader el stato wished to enter the league, he would be welcome.® nostro anche da la banda de Friul, che é indicio evidente che abia maior fundamento de zente dala Alemagna de quello se credeva. . . ,’’ and cf. fols. 64” [76], 73 ff. [85 ff.].

——_——_——. '2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 67 ff. [79 ff.], 91" [103°], 93"

° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 118’-119% [130°-131"]. [105*], 93°-94" [105°-106"], 96 ff. [108 ff.], 103°-105" [115*° Cf, ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 146 [158], 156” [168°]. 117°]; Samuele Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), 7 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II-2 (repr. 1956), 752-53, and 184 ff., new ed. V (1974), 133 ff.; Ulmann, Kaiser Maximilian

append., nos. 121-22, pp. 1131-33. I, 11 (1891), 354-56; Luzio, “I Preliminari,” pp. 264-65; Pastor, 8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 77° [89°], oratort nostro in Curia, — Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2, 753; P. Pieri, IT Rinascimento e la crisi

doc. dated 3 March, 1508, with letters of the doge and Senate ___militare italiana, Turin, 1952, pp. 448-55; Seneca, Venezia e to the Venetian ambassadors in Aragon and France, and note, Papa Giulio II, pp. 101-2. The three years’ truce was made in

ibid., fols. 87’-89" [99°-101"], an outline for a French-Ara- the monastery of S. Maria delle Grazie near Arco (north of gonese-Venetian “‘entente, confederation, and league,’’ dated _ Lago di Garda), on which note R. Predelli, Regesti dei Comme-

6 April, 1508, “‘not for an attack upon anyone, but solely for mornali, VI (Venice, 1903), bk. x1x, nos. 159-60, pp. 98-99.

our own defense.” The Signoria had been represented by Zaccaria Contarini, whose

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 53 complete. Venetian pride reached new heights. As numbered 5,000. Lascaris put the elite corps of the Machiavelli observed, however, S. Mark could not _janissaries at only 7,000 to 10,000, quando sono al always be sure ofa favorable breeze blowing astern piu gran numero. The “‘slaves’’ rode fast horses, and

the ship of state. wore breastplates and helmets. Some of their stalDuring the period of Maximilian’s contest with lions were barbed (¢mbardatz). Like the stradioti they Venice the French ambassador to the Serenissima carried wooden shields as well as a lance and sword;

was the Greek humanist John (Janus) Lascaris some of them also carried bows and quivers of ar(14452-1535) who, like Bessarion before him, had rows. The Turkish forces were not well paid. The long been eager to direct western bellicosity infantry received about three ducats a month, and against the Turks. The crusade was being dis-_ were paid four times a year. The sipahis or cavalry cussed in European chanceries at this time, and were put into the field only with difficulty. The Lascaris prepared a program which he hoped great Ottoman generals were dead. Except for the might unite the Christian states in an expedition — vessels of corsairs, Turkish ships were rotten. Skilled

to rescue his fatherland from subjugation to the artisans were in short supply, and the artillery was Turk. He was certainly not without knowledge of _ no match for western cannon." the difficulties and problems involved, but inter- The Ottoman empire covered a wide territory. esting as we may find his Informatione ad impresa Guard duty in the fortresses was unpopular, for contro a Turchi (1508), it is a conventional docu- fear of revolts. One of the major Turkish revenues

ment, offering contemporaries (and historians) was the hearth tax, which fell on more than few new ideas with which to work. In earlier years, 300,000 Christian families. Those who paid this especially in 1491, Lascaris had used two book- tax could usually keep their horses and carry the buying missions for Lorenzo de’ Medici in order _ scimitar like Turks. Many Christians were exempt to inform himself of Turkish morale and resources from the tax because they stood watch for their as well as of the Ottoman military situation. Las- district, especially in the coast guard. At need they caris had probably advised Charles VIII concern- would all rise up to fight for Christianity. The ing Turkish affairs during and after the French villagers, especially those in mountainous areas, expedition when Charles was claiming that hiscon- hated the Turks. In many such areas the Turks quest of Naples was the necessary prelude to the _ feared to go, collecting the kharaj or poll tax only crusade. After Charles’s death (in April, 1498) when it was paid voluntarily. Both naval and field Lascaris was employed by Louis XII, whom he forces would be necessary for the crusade; while served for several years as a special envoy to Ven- they should be in adequate strength, quality was ice (until January, 1509), in which connection his more important than vast numbers. The Vene-

name appears frequently in Sanudo’s Diarii.'” tians would aid the enterprise when they saw it Beginning with a brief historical sketch of the was really going forward. The fleet should make Turks as a branch of the Huns, ‘“‘as the Swiss are Sicily its initial base; at least six months’ supplies of the Germans, or the Burgundians of the French,” could be got from the kingdom of Naples. A great Lascaris emphasized the internal dissensionsamong prince was needed as leader, and the fleet might the Turks. Sultan Bayazid was unwarlike, indecisive, sail directly for Istanbul. Lascaris professed to beand lacking in strength of either mind or body. His _ lieve that such an expedition would set off Chrischief advisers were opposed to wars with the West. tian revolts against the Turks. If the approaches In the absence of any fixed law of succession to the _ to Istanbul were closed, it would be impossible to throne, Bayazid’s five sons were likely to quarrel get provisions into the city. Bayazid would be among themselves at his death. He was said to be forced to flee to Asia Minor. All this would be

about sixty-eight years of age. The son with the accomplished by the fleet, well led and well sharpest sword would become sultan. Western ob- equipped, and the crusaders aboard would not servers had exaggerated the military effectiveness have to disembark until the arrival of the land of the Turks. The Porte had 3,000 horsemen known — forces. The latter would be an impressive sight, as “‘slaves” (schiavi); counting their families, they French, Germans, Bohemians, and Hungarians, entering Turkey by the eastward routes and Danreports to the Senate from 19 May to 8 June, 1508, may be ube valley. The Italians, Spanish, and English found in Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, It. VI, 1131 (8962), in would go by sea. A severe discipline must prevent which context see also It. VII, 1180 (9569). "On Janus Lascaris, see Emile Legrand, Bibliographie hel. §=——-——— lénique, I (Paris, 1885, repr. Brussels, 1963), pp. CXXXI-CLXH; '* Informatione ad impresa contro a Turchi data per Jane Lascari Borje Knos, Un Ambassadeur de l’ hellenisme, Janus Lascaris, et nel MDVIIT, in N. lorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a l’ histoire la tradition greco-byzantine dans l’ humanisme francais, Uppsala, des crowsades, V1 (Bucharest, 1916), no. LXxXv, pp. 45-46, and

1945, pp. 33 ff., 71-76, 89 ff., 106 ff., 120-25. cf. B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. 122 ff.

54 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the pillage of Christian lands. Law and order were divert European ambitions from the Italian scene,

easier to maintain when the various national to the great advantage of the peninsula. The pope groups went by sea. Florence and the other Italian would have to do his part. The king of Hungary states would supply money. ‘The pope could use would respond readily to the call to arms, “‘perche some of the funds collected throughout Christen- se fa per luy:’”” King Ladislas was old and ill, it is dom to arm a great fleet. The Venetians would true, his son Louis [II] a child; the country was supply ships. They should also undertake an in- poor, but the Hungarians would do what they could, dependent action to rewin the Morea. The Hos- and “‘tuto andera bene.”’!’ The co-operation of Ferpitallers, although few in number, would be useful dinand the Catholic was necessary, and could be

owing to their bravery and experience.'” expected, as that of the Emperor Maximilian also.

Much money would be needed for men, sup- James IV of Scotland would do better to show ‘‘the plies, and equipment. Artillery was especially ex- zeal which he has for the faith and the great spirit pensive. The clergy as well as the princes would and marvelous desire to serve God” by participating have to raise money. Propaganda should mislead _ in the projected crusade rather than by undertaking the Turks as much as possible as to the Christians’ the pilgrimage he was planning to Jerusalem. The objectives, but they could never have been misled, Grand Turk was no warrior, merely a weak and as Lascaris appears to think, by stating that the flabby ruler. There was a Turkish prophecy to the fleet was going to rewin the Holy Land from the — effect that under the seventh sultan of the house soldan of Egypt, and that the land army was being of Osman (but Bayazid was the eighth) there would recruited for a campaign into Wallachia! As for be ‘‘gran calamita et persecutione de gente bianthe reconquest of the Holy Land, which some peo- _ cha.”’ The time was more than opportune for the ple might think a nobler venture than attacking crusade. It was divinely appointed.'® the Turks, Lascaris rightly noted that the expedition against Istanbul must first be successful. In November, 1508, the enemies of Venice met The old crusaders had hada much easier approach jin Cambrai. The Emperor Maximilian’s advisor to the Holy Land, “‘because they went by seaand Matthias Lang and Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise by land when the empire of Constantinople was discussed the formation of a league against the in Christian hands, and they were welcomed and Turks. The emperor’s daughter Margaret of Ausaided by the emperors and the people along _ tria-Savoy participated in the discussions, as did en-

the way.”’!® voys of Aragon and England. Europe had long sufFor various obvious reasons, which Lascaris fered, it was said, from the intestina odia, discordiae,

enumerates, it was necessary to occupy Istanbul et bella of the Christian princes while Turkish before one could hope to control the Holy Land. _ strength increased with every passing day. On 10 As soon as the Christian subjects of the Turks saw December the so-called League of Cambrai was the crusading fleet approaching Istanbul, they formed, which provided for peace between Maxiwould revolt and kill their masters. Lascaris re- milian and Louis XII and for imperial recognition called the uprising of the Moreote Greeks against of the duchy of Milan as a French fief. The high the Turks (in 1463-1464). He was sure the same thing would happen again as soon as a Christian =————— fleet of two to three hundred ships appeared on a In 1508 King Ladislas of Hungary lived “‘in fear of imthe horizon, for the Christians had seen their sons = '™ ent war with the Turk;’’ the voivode of Transylvania was

. ; at the Turk’s beck and call; the fideles Valachi were being forced

taken from them and made Into Turks (in the to leave their homes; and Sigismund of Poland was distracted

devsirme), ‘““mimici de la fede propria e de hi PrOpru by war with the Moscovites (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1508,

padri.”’ Even Christian renegades baptized their _ no. 13, vol. XX [1694], p. 58, letter of Julius II to Ladislas,

: ; ; 20, pp. 61-62).

children in secret. dated at Rome on 27 September, 1508, and cf, ibid., nos. 19pra tscarss ‘Memty Vile f England would sapport * Lascatis, in Iorga, VI, 51-55. In a bull of 17 March, 1508,

; _ . Julius II declared that he had given his devoted attention non

the crusade. Whatever their past insincerity, the inodo saepius, sed assidue to the crusade, lamenting not only the Venetians would do so also, having suffered the Turkish occupation of the Holy Land, but even more that of severe diminution of their fortunes in the Levant. Greece and the Balkans, and proclaiming as usual the necessity

Lascaris understood well that the crusade would Raynaldue nm cect ad tr ane en ay aol, XX, ~

—_______— 58-59, ‘‘datum Romae anno incarnationis dominicae [25

'® Lascaris, Informatione, in lorga, VI, 46-49. March, stile fiorentino], anno MDVII [i.e., 1508], XVI Kal.

16 | ascaris, in lorga, VI, 49-50. Aprilis, pont. nostri anno V’’).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 55 contracting parties declared the crusade to be one tractabuntur amicabiliter inter partes per arbitros con-

of the chief purposes of their union.'” corditer eligendos). The way was left open to the king The draft of a treaty of alliance was prepared, of England to enter the league if he wished, but joining the emperor and the pope together with (much more to the point) the pope, the emperor, the kings of France and Aragon against the Vene- and the king of France were to write conjointly to tians, whose usurpations of territory were not only — the king of Hungary “‘to persuade and induce him an obstacle to the crusade, but had also been effected to join this league and confederation,” so that he in contempt of religion and justice. Asadvocate and might recover from Venice his erstwhile possessions protector of the Holy See, Maximilian wished to in Dalmatia and Croatia, where the lion banner of right the wrongs the Venetians had done the pope _ S. Mark now flew from the battlements of a number and to restore the lands they had illegally occupied of important fortresses. In the same way the duke in the Romagna. Furthermore, the Venetians had of Savoy might assert his claim to the kingdom of done various injuries to, and seized certain posses- Cyprus. The duke of Ferrara and the marquis of

sions of, the Holy Roman Empire, the house of Mantua might also join the league and get back Austria, the duke of Milan, the king of Naples, and lands which the Venetians had taken from them. “many other princes.”’ The allies would suppress Louis XII was to begin the invasion of Venetian the Venetians’ dominandi libido and quell their cu- territory on 1 April (1509), and allies like the king pidity. They proposed to recover fromthe Venetians of Hungary should try to synchronize their attacks Ravenna, Faenza, Rimini, Imola, Cesena, and the with his. Owing to the fact that Maximilian had other Romagnole towns for the pope. The emperor _ recently agreed to the three years’ peace of Arco would acquire Rovereto, Verona, Padua, Vicenza, with the Republic, he required (he said) a papal Treviso, Cividale del Friuli [Forum Juli], the pa- injunction to attack the Venetians as advocatus et triarchate of Aquileia, ‘‘and all the other towns and protector Ecclesiae, but he assured the French that villages taken by the Venetians in the last war.’’ he would begin offensive operations forty days after The king of France was to get Brescia, Crema, Ber- the dies invasionis fiendae. The pope would apply gamo, Cremona, the region of Ghiaradadda, and __ ecclesiastical censures to the Venetians and lay the all the Milanese dependencies. The king of Aragon, interdict upon their city. If the Turk should respond the fourth partner in the league, was to have Trani, toa Venetian appeal for aid, the pope, the emperor, Brindisi, Otranto, Gallipoli, and the other coastal the king of France, ‘‘and the others named above, towns of Apulia.”° Venice would lose all her terra who have entered this league,’’ were to meet his ferma in the south as well as in the north. Because attack by the immediate concentration of all their Ferdinand the Catholic was regarded as confoederatus strength upon him. Prospective members of the et amicus by Maximilian and Louis XII, the differ- Confederation and League of Cambrai were to have ences outstanding between the houses of Hapsburg two months to ratify the terms of this treaty of 10 and Aragon with respect to the government of Cas- December, binding themselves by oath and pledging tile would be subjected to peaceful arbitration(. . . their goods to the complete fulfilment of its provisions under ecclesiastical censures.*!

'9 J. Dumont, Corps uniersel driplomatique, 1V-1 (1726), no. © LI, pp. 109 ff., dated 10 December, 1508: A concord of Christian *' Dumont, IV, pt. 1, no. LH, pp. 114-16, and cf. Raynaldus, arms was declared necessary “‘ad exterminandam communium — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, nos. 1-5, vol. XX, pp. 64-65; Sigis-

hostium truculentiam et barbariem. . . ,” and ‘‘actum est quod mondo de’ Conti, II, 383 ff.; and cf in general [A.J.G.] Le sit inter ipsas partes una specialis confoederatio contra Turcos — Glay, Correspondance del’ empereur Maximilien I” et de Marguerite et alios infideles ac hostes Christianae religionis” (ibzd., pp. 109, = d’Autriche, I (Paris, 1839), 130 ff., and G. Occioni-Bonaffons, 111). Maximilian was held to invest Louis XII and the latter’s — ‘‘Intorno alle cagioni della lega di Cambrai,” Arch. stor. italiano,

heirs with Milan (p. 113), as we have already noted. The treaty 3rd ser., IV, pt. 1 (1866), 124 ff. On the League of Cambrai of Cambrai was ratified by Louis XII at Bourges on 13 March, and its immediate consequences, see Antonio Bonardi, ‘‘Note 1509, and confirmed by the Parlement de Paris on the twenty- _ sulla diplomazia veneziana nel primo periodo della lega di Camsecond. Lefévre d’ Etaples actually believed that a crusade was __ bray,”’ Att: e memorie della R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti

in the offing (Augustin Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a in Padova, n.s., XVII (Padua, 1901), 15-29; idem, ‘‘Venezia e Paris [1916], Paris, 1953, pp. 519-20): On 10 April, 1509, la lega di Cambrai,’’ Nuovo Archivio veneto, n.s., VII, pt. 2 (1904),

Louis XII assured the Swiss diet of Lucerne that one of the 209-44, with an appendix of selections from the unpublished ultimate objectives of the League of Cambrai was in fact “‘une _ parts of Girolamo Priuli’s Diariz; for the initial proposals of bonne et fructueuse expedition contre les Infidelles’’ (Charles | Paul von Liechtenstein, which led to the treaty of Cambrai, Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, doc. _ see A. Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega di Cambray,” in Arch.

no. XI, pp. 588-89). stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (Milan, 1911), 287-93. An almost

*° Cf. Sigismondo de Conti, II, 385. contemporary summary of the articles of the League of Cambrai

56 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pope Julius II had not been represented at Cam- the pope tried to make it clear that he was the brai. Cardinal d’ Amboise’s jealousy of the pope dominus episcopatorum.*° Early in the year 1507 he and the latter’s distrust of the French were equally had sent the Augustinian friar Egidio da Viterbo well known. On 28 December, 1508, however, Ju- to the Venetians,*’ proposing that they should give lius II sent a congratulatory brief to d’ Amboise (it up Faenza and that he should acquiesce in their was drafted by Sigismondo de’ Conti) in answer to _ retention of the other Romagnole cities, which they letters which the cardinal had dispatched from _ declined to do,”° and later had cause to regret. The Cambrai on the tenth, announcing the peace just Venetians interfered in the affairs of Bologna, which made between Maximilian and Louis XII, “which _ the Bentivoglio were trying to regain. Julius II was letters have been more pleasing than we could say: most unhappy over the establishment of the French we hope that this peace will bring some great bless- in Milan, and certainly had no desire to witness ing to the Christian commonwealth, and will be the another German descent into northern Italy. But basis for an easier and stronger expedition against since he could secure from the Venetians neither

the [Turks,] enemies of the orthodox Christian the restitution of papal lands nor the recognition faith.”’** Julius does not mention Venice, not even of papal rights, he had no choice but to join the as an impediment to the crusade. He had long urged League of Cambrai, the portentous importance of peace upon the emperor and the king of France, which the Venetians appeared quite unable to unas we have seen, and on 23 March, 1509, he ex- derstand. Not without reason did Julius tell the pressed his allegiance to the League of Cambrai in Venetian envoys in Rome in mid-February, 1509: the bull Petierunt a nobis.*° It is quite clear that he ‘You do well to recruit a large army, because you’re did so with reluctance, but (as d’ Amboise had fore- going to need it!’’?” seen) in view of the difficulty of dealing with the On 25 January, 1509, Janus Lascaris, who served

Venetians he had no alternative.** the French as ambassador in Venice, made his way

The disputed lands in the Romagna had not been _ through heavy rain to the ducal palace to attend a the sole cause of dissension between the Republic meeting of the Collegio. The doge spoke to him of and the Holy See in the less than half-dozen years the French partnership in the League of Cambrai, since the election of Julius Il. The Venetians had recalling the numerous services which the Seremore than once rejected the appellate jurisdiction nissima had rendered Louis XII.°° On Sunday of the papacy in important cases involving Venetian morning, the twenty-eighth, Lascaris appeared again ecclesiastics. They had also overruled Julius’s nom- in the Collegio to state that the preceding night he ination of his nephew Galeotto della Rovere to the _ had received letters from the king terminating his see of Cremona and, later on, that of Sisto Gara embassy to Venice. He was certain of the king’s della Rovere to the see of Vicenza.”° In July, 1508, honorable intentions, he said, and come what might, he would try to aid the Republic. The doge ex-

ee pressed astonishment at the French abandonment may be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21,

fols. 216’-218", where it is described as Confederationes et lige ~ . . . in eodem facto expeditionis generalis contra Turchum. tion to bishoprics, being ready to make almost any concession 22 Giuseppe Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, 1 (Florence, © Julius H to secure his withdrawal from the alliance of Cam-

1836), no. XXII, pp. 54-55. brai (ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 191° [204"], 192 [205]). *° Dumont, IV, pt. 1, p. 116b. © Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 581, and col. 643, report of Septem-

24 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, VIII, 1, ed. C. Botta, II] ber, 1508, of the pope’s stating ‘“‘che semo dominus benefi(1837), 10-11; Luzio, “I Preliminari,” p. 272; Pastor, Hist. ciorum,”’ and ¢f. also col. 678. Popes, VI, 300, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 755. °7 Sanudo, Diarii, V1, 528. 25 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 177, 180, 184, 186, 188, 194, 327, *8 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 303, and Gesch. d. Pdapste, 111-2,

335, 338, 347, 359, and VII, 126, 155, etc., 634-36, 639, 757. 643-44, 678, 694, and 760. In June, 1505, after the death of 29 Sanudo, Diarii, VII, 760, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who had held the see of Cremona, _ fols. 140°~141" [152-153], 143°-145" [155"-157"], et alibi. the Venetian Senate had declared that it was “‘manifestissimo Domenico Pisani, who with his colleague Giovanni Badoer a tuto el mondo che la Signoria nostra sempre ha havuto questa headed the Venetian embassy in Rome at this time, was illgratia et prerogativa dala Sede Apostolica et summi pontifici, tempered and arrogant, and not likely ever to assuage the ché li episcopi dele principal cita nostre sono sta dal Senato —_ pope’s own turbulent spirit. nostro nominati et racommandati ala Sanctita pontificia et poi 3° Sanudo, Diarii, VII, 722, and see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, da quella electi: questo in niuna parte deroga ala auctorita dela _—_ fols. 137°—138" [149°-150"], et altbi. The documents preserved

Sanctita sua’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 104’-105' [119’- im this register contain an abundance of interesting detail con120° by modern enumeration], 150° [165"], and see fols.211’- cerning the Venetian view of the League of Cambrai as well 212 [226°-227]). After the Venetian defeat at Agnadello, how- as the Senate’s rather late (but frantic) military maneuvers for ever, the Senate capitulated completely on the question of elec- defense of the state.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 57 of Venice. Lascaris left the city on the morning of _ tra refutantes.”’ Those elected must be ready for

the thirtieth, most reluctantly according to Sa- service by the hour of terce (ad horam tertiarum) nudo,”! “per ritornar in Franza” by way of Padua, — on the following day. The choice fell upon Andrea Mantua, and Milan.*” As he jogged along the road _ Gritti and Giorgio Corner.”° to Milan, Lascaris must have felt acute anxiety for Belated recognition that the League of Cambrai

his friends in Venice. was a reality prompted the Venetians on 4 April

The situation was serious, but how serious? The (1509) to offer Julius II Faenza and Rimini.*° But Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate wrote now it was too late for Julius to withdraw from the Andrea Foscolo, the bailie in Istanbul, on 27 Feb- alliance which he had sought so long and already ruary (1509) that Maximilian appeared still to be viewed with apprehension. On 27 April he proadhering to the three years’ truce they had made nounced the ban of greater excommunication with him. Now, however, a ‘“‘certo accordo” had against the Venetians unless they restored all the been negotiated between Maximilian and the king Romagnole cities to the Holy See “‘within twentyof France; the latter was known to be engaged in _ four days of affixing the present [bull] to the doors

‘‘movimenti de arme et adunation de exercito,”’ of the basilica of [S. Peter,] the prince of the against which Venice was seeking to take all nec- Apostles.’”’ The bull was known as the Monitorium essary precautions. Foscolo should inform the pa- contra Venetos; it was printed by Jacopo Mazocchi shas of how matters stood in Italy, and assure them in Rome, and was also distributed in Italian and that Venice would send all news worthy of Sultan German translations.*’ Bayazid’s attention.*? Under the circumstances

the Signoria must deal carefully with the Porte.

When envoys from Cattaro (Kotor) came to Ven- * Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 150° [162"], the vote being de parte 173 ice to ask for five hundred ‘‘measures’”’ (moza) of [without the cross indicating passage of a motion, but the motion Corfiote salt. which they could not purchase be- was carried, and the election was held], de non 7, non sincerr 0:

f th 7 y d mi a hich th ‘“Electi Ser Andreas Gritti et Ser Georgius Cornelius eques.”’

cause OF the poverty and misery to whic t € 36 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 157 [169], and cf fols. 153°-

Turks had reduced them, the Senate voted to di- 154" (165"-166"], 165" [177'], 178° [191°], 179° [192°]. rect the colonial government of Corfu to send *? Parts of the bull of 27 April, 1509, are given in Raynaldus, three hundred moza to Cattaro, where the rector 4”. eccl., ad ann. 1509, nos. 6-9, vol. XX (1694), pp. 65-67; would distribute it fairly “both among gentlemen the entire text Is recorded in Sanudo, Diaru, VIII, 187-205; _ - Italian translation, in Andrea Bernardi, Cronache Forlivesi dal and among citizens and commoners” who would, = 1476 al 1517, ed. G. Mazzatinti, 2 vols., Bologna, 1895-97, however, be required to pay the freight and all HU, 242 ff, cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, II-2 (repr. 1956), similar charges to get the salt to their city.°* 763-64, note. The text of the Monitorium seems to have been This was not the time to take up the plight of Prepared at least ten days before its promulgation; a Venetian he inhabi eC ‘th th has. I dispatch of 17 April from Rome stated that Julius already had U em a itants of Cattaro with the pashas. It was «the excommunication in his pocket”’ (Sanudo, VIII, 134, and

imperative to attend to matters closer to home. ¢f col. 139).

On 14 March (1509) the Senate voted to elect two Dispatches from Rome of 3-4 May (1509) informed the provveditori generali ‘‘ad partes Lombardie.”’ apnetan Signoria that ne Pope was having 600 copies of the onitortum printed immediately “‘to send to Venice and throug They could be removed from any post or office all the world” (Sanudo, VIII, 182). Martinus Lantzperg printed to assume their new duties. Each was to receive the Bebstliche verwarnung wider die Venediger. . . , Leipzig, 1509.

120 ducats a month for expenses as well as for A text of Die papstlich Bull, Prozess, Bann, und Anathema. . salary, and each was to maintain twelve horses. wder das gross Comun der Venediger also appeared in Munich in Anyone who was elected and refused the charge 1509 (Pastor, loc. cit.). Various anti-Turkish items were published

ld be fined five hundred d dsubiected in 1509 (cf. Carl Gollner, Turcica: Die europaischen Turkendrucke wou e nine ve nun re 1ucats, an SU JEC c des XVI. Jahrhunderts, 1 [Bucharest and Berlin, 1961], nos. 35 to whatever other penalties might be applied CONn- — ff., pp. 36 ff.). A letter of Lodovico da Fabriano to Marchese

Francesco Gonzaga, dated 24 April (1509), states that “the bull

TT of censure against the Venetians has been published this morning °! Sanudo, Diarti, VII, 725, and cf. col. 753. in consistory . . .”’ (Pastor, III-2, append., no. 128, p. 1134).

*? Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 727, 736; Legrand, Bibliographie helle- According to dispatches of the Venetian envoys to the Holy nique, I, pp. CXLVIII-IX. Lascaris decided to wait for the arrival See, Domenico Pisani and Giovanni Badoer, as preserved in of Louis XII and Cardinal d’ Amboise in Milan (Sanudo, VII, Sanudo, VIII, 169, it was in a consistory on 26 April that the

748, 752, 759). Cf B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. pope had “‘prononciar la bolla di la excomunicha contra la

120-21. Signoria nostra, . . . bolla molto crudelissima. . . ,”’ and on 33 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 146 [158], doc. dated 27 Feb- Julius II’s manifest hostility to Venice, note Sen. Secreta, Reg.

ruary, 1509 (Ven. style 1508). 41, fols. 163 [175], 170-171" [182°-183'].

*4 Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 146-147" [158°—159*], doc. also dated There is a copy of the Monitorium contra Venetos in the Rare

27 February, 1509 (Ven. style 1508). Book Collection of the University of Pennsylvania Library. The

58 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians, having had prior knowledge of Louis XII began large-scale operations against what might be expected, quickly prepared such de-___ Venice in early April, fulfilling his obligations under fense as they could against the ecclesiastical censures. _ the treaty of Cambrai almost to the day. The most

They strongly protested that the pope, as one of alarming dispatches were soon pouring into Venthe parties to the impending territorial contest, had _ ice.°” He was immediately aided by papal forces,*°

no right to use his spiritual authority to advance his worldly interests. They recalled their unstinting 30 . . Sanudo, Diaru, VIII, 83,

86, 89-90, 93 ff., 98, 105-6,

defense of Christendom and the Holy See against 107 ff. 117-18 and ff.. 128 ff, 139 ff. etc. the Turks, and emphasized their spontaneous offer *° In a long letter, dated 6 May, 1509, which the doge and

to give Julius both Faenza and Rimini, which the _ Senate sent to Giovanni Pietro, secretario nostro in Germania, we Republic had acquired legitimately (they said) and ete (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 173 [185]), See azio hi SUuCCESsi

not as Cities subject to the pope, but from other ve quisapi te siano et occorrendo possi dove sia , isogno, che ’]not summo pontefice nondechiarirli contento de haver

persons, who had long possessed them. Julius had _ hostiliter invaso le terre nostre de Romagna [1.e., Rimini and allied himself with Louis XII of France, whom they Faenza] et preso manu armata et violenter certi castelli ac etiam now described as apertissimus et notissumus hostis Do- fatto depredation in diversi luogi per volerne desabrazar da minii Veneti, and who with papal aid was already quella Maesta cum mezo obliquo et indirecto ha promulgato ccinvading ., lv.” Ita Fory-th doth sons. then, ©nsisterio un monitorio cum comminationibus et censuris or tnese and other reasons, the ’ contra el stato nostro, et manda de li cum diligentia el Signor in a document drawn up on | May (1509) the Si- Constantin Areniti per far ogni mal officio possibile secundo gnoria appealed from the unjust censures of the — el suo consueto, et porta cum si, per quanto se dice, lettere de pope to the sounder judgment of some future gen- cambio de ducati L m. et la copia de essi monitorii et censure, eral council. In the same way a generation before de laqual intentione havendone per avanti havuto qualche no(in 1483) the Venetians had reacted to the bulls of 72 molti zorni aldir ullo pacto i oratori nostri de li residenti, excommunication launched against them by Julius’s habiamo interposta la appellatione davanti tre reverendissimi uncle Sixtus [V.°° This time, however, the Republic prelati, quali intese le amplissime rason sono dal canto nostro.

; . ticia, ne essendo tuto accesso a sua Sanctita, quale non ha voluto

was in far graver danger. “Non solum hano admessa, verum etiam concesse le lettere

testimonial, come per la inserta copia vederai qual mandamo

———_—__— per toa instructione. Ulterius el re de Franza avanti la publication text was reviewed by Sigismondo de’ Conti, and according to _ et intimation de la guerra mando lo exercito suo in Geradadda,

the colophon (omitted in Sanudo, VIII, 204-5), it was “‘im- et nulla causa precedente prese alcuni castelli, facendo molte pressum Rome per prefatum Jacobum Mazochium Romane __ crudelta et non sparagnando la vita fino ali puti in le fasse, cosa

Academie Bibliopolam: De mandato prelibati Sanct. D. N. do- aliena dal nome Christiano che ’| tiene et dal regio decoro. mini Iulii divina providentia Pape II anno sexto.”’ Guicciardini, Dapoi tolte alcune robe in quelli existente li ha arbandonati. Storia d’ Italia, VAM, 2, ed. G. Rosini and C. Botta, III (Paris, Questo é el successo de quanto fin hora € occorso, unde habiamo 1837), 29, says that “‘il pontefice incontinente pubblico sotto — mandato lo exercito nostro, qual € numerosissimo, come tenimo

nome di monitorio una bolla orribile,” and gives a summary _ lo sapi, et si attrova hora su le rive de Adda, sperando nel of the bull. Mazocchi’s production of the Monitorum was an clementissimo Signor nostro et nela iusticia che ne prestera event in the history of printing. Since the Monitorium appeared __ votivo et optimo exito, et la cesarea Maesta coniuncta cum nuy

on 27 April, 1509, F. J. Norton, Italian Printers, 1501-1520, acquistera un perpetuo nome ben conveniente a la sapientia et London, 1958, pp. 100-1, is obviously wrong in believing that bonta sua. De parte + 103.” Mazocchi’s publication of Gianmaria Cataneo’s Latin translation The excitement which lay behind this text can still be felt. of Isocrates’ oratio panegyrica (on 25 May, 1509) is the printer’s In an earlier draft of this letter, which the Senate had not

‘earliest recorded work.”’ accepted on 5 May, the text was to have read (ibd., fol. 172" Julius II’s Monitorium contra Venetos may be found ina fine [184"]), ““Ultimo loco te significamo il summo pontefice esser

contemporary copy in the old ‘Liber rubeus” in the Arch. devenuto a tuti li termini hostili contra de nuy, usando le arme Segr. Vaticano, A.A. Arm. I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 127°-138" by | temporale nela Romagna et preparando le spirituale ad instantia

modern stamped enumeration. delre de Franza. . . , et acio tu cognosci quanto indebitamente 58 See Giuseppe Dalla Santa, ‘Le Appellazioni della Repub- sua Sanctita fa questo contra de nuy, te dinotamo che essendosi

blica di Venezia dalle scomuniche di Sisto IV e Giulio II,” quella dimonstrata turbata cum nuy per Arimino et Faenza, Nuovo Archivio veneto, XVII, pt. 2 (Venice, 1899), 216-42, and nuy |i habiamo facte grande oblatione in questa materia: dumesp. idem, ‘“‘Il] Vero Testo dell’ appellazione di Venezia dalla modo la Sanctita sua cessasse da questi movimenti bellici, siamo scomunica di Giulio II,” ibid., XIX, pt. 1 (1900), 349-61, with sta etiam contenti de remetterne al iudicio de arbitri non suspecti the Latin text of the Appellatio ab interdicto pontificio, which was _ per dicte due terre . . . , nela qual opinione anchor persecirculated in Rome in early May (Guicciardini, VIII, 2, ed. cit., | veramo constantemente, et tamen la Sanctita sua mai se ha

III [1837], 30). Cf in general Sanudo, Diarn, VU, 134, 139, voluto placar né redur ala bona via cum nuy et la Maesta sua, 161-62, 169, 182, 187 ff. The Venetian appeal was sent to il che apertamente comproba quella esser totaliter redregata Thomas Bakocz, cardinal-archbishop of Gran (Strigonia) and ale voglie del re de Franza. Sua Sanctita manda de presenti ala Latin patriarch of Constantinople, who was one of the princes _ cesarea Maesta il Signor Constantin Areniti, et dicese piu man-

of the Church with the (now obsolete) prescriptive right to join darli lettere de cambio de ducati L m. et anche la bolla dele in a summons to a general council. Although very friendly to censure, li termini de laqual non habiamo veduti, ma tamen Venice (Sanudo, VIII, 161-62), Bakocz declined to accept the habiamo solenne et iuridicamente interposita la appellation appeal (ibid., VIII, 311, and cf W. Fraknoi, Ungarn und die Liga nostra per modo che tal bola non po de iure operar contra de

von Cambrai, 1509-1511, Budapest, 1883, p. 8). nuy.. . 2”

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 59 but presently the reassuring news reached Venice took Brescia and Bergamo, Cremona and Crema that Ferdinand the Catholic intended to preserve in short order. As early as 22 May the Florentine his friendship with the Republic.*! The Florentines envoys to the French court, Alessandro Nasi and apparently took much pleasure in describing the Francesco Pandolfini, wrote their government Venetians’ plight to the Turkish government in Is- that with heralds alone Louis could take every tanbul.*? Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferraraand Francesco town as far as Padua.*” Gonzaga of Mantua joined the league, to counter Louis XII, who was present at Agnadello, ordered whose forces the Venetians raised an army of some

50,000 men. The reports of Venetian envoys, —————— agents, and officials fill hundreds of columns in Sa- 41, fol. 175° dus [188"], dated 15 May, 1509): ‘‘Sicome é piaciuto

nudo’s Diarii, and supply many details of recruit- ala divina providentia in questa hora XXIIII habiamo havuta

vy: ae . 1: nova che essendosi heri atacati li exerciti del re de Franza et ment, military organization, andnella diplomatic activity, h,., ; ostro in Geradada [Agnadello Ghiaradadda]| e€ seguito

which preceded the great encounter between the che ’] nostro ha recevuto sinistro, perdute le artellarie et dissipate French and the Republic’s forces. The first moves molte fantarie, benché intendemo le zente d’ arme esser tute brought rejoicing to Venice, for the town of Tre- salve ma sparse in diversi luogi [which on the whole was true,

viglio was. recovered from the French.etThe doge ut Venice seemed almost defenseless]. .. .; ; ; Questa iactura adversita, quantunque de primo appari

and Senate immediately dispatched congratulations nostra, pur cadauno che ha iudicio die cognoscer et veder che to the provwveditor1 generali Andrea Gritti and — Jacommunita cum tuta Italia et insieme cum la Sede Apostolica, Giorgio Corner (on 10 May), with high praise for come tante volte habiamo dicto, le reverendissime veramente “la virtu, valorosita, et operatione de quelli illustri 5!gnorie vostre ne participano per piu capi et del publico de capitanei,” i.e., the condottieri who had taken (and Italia et del particular de la patria vostra, alaqual semo certi le tou. . non mancherano cum la auctorita et opera sua, ne e€ parso sacked) ‘Treviglio. The French SarrisOnN Was Cap- — immediate drezar queste ale reverendissime Signorie vostre, et tured. Gritti and Corner were instructed to send quelle pregamo et strenzemo quanto piu potemo che |i piaqui to Venice the eight or ten most important pris- conferirse ala Sanctita del pontefice nomine nostro et premesse

oners.?2 quelle reverente parole che li apparerano al proposito recom. or . mandarli el stato nostro et insieme el ben de la povera Italia, In Venice the rejoicing Was short-lived. ‘The delaqual sua Sanctita é special padre et protector, supplicandola

army of the Republic met the French at Agna- — devotissimamente ad deponer ogni indignation contra de nui, dello, east of Milan (and just west of Vailate), on i quali siamo pur sempre stati sui observantissimi fioli et cultori

a broad, treeless plain in the valley of the Adda = 1" 08m! tempo. . |

River. The battle took place on 14 Maysiamo (1509). ' Et per quanto pertien a certo monitorio , ; aver publicato, paratissimi obedirlo et noncheseintendemo partir ley da The Venetian forces were scattered like autumn quanto cognosceremo esser grato ala Beatitudine sua, laqual leaves ina strong wind. The impetuous Bartolom- _ etiam se degni tuor paternamente lo assumpto de adaptar et meo d’ Alviano, who shared the military command componer le cosse, sicome lei ben sapera, et cum la sua suprema

with Niccolé Orsini, the count of Pitigliano. was auctorita et sapientia potra far meglio de tuti li altri, il che 2 . cedera a commun beneficio de tuti. De parte 128 [without the wounded and captured by the French. Louis XI cross indicating the Senate’s acceptance of a text or a motion,

TT ceri 0.”’

but the letter was sent immediately], de non 15, non syn-

*! Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 97, 132, 162-63, 208, and ef. col. A letter of the following day (ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 177 [190],

954. capitaneo nostro generali maris, dated 16 May, 1509) sounded a

*2 Ihid., VIII, 145. bit more hopeful: ‘‘. . . Tute le nostre zente d’ arme sono

*° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 174” [186"], doc. dated 10 May, _ remaste salve. I stratioti tuti de Levante simelmente, et il forzo 1509, and cf Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V deli cavalli lezieri. Lo illustre capitanio nostro general [Niccolo

(Venice, 1856), 206 ff., and new ed., V (Venice, 1974), Orsini] et li proveditori nostri generali [Gritti and Corner] at-

148 ff. tendeno in Bressana de readunar et farla massa de tute le zente

** As soon as the news of the Venetians’ disastrous defeat d’ arme nostre in alcuno de quelli lochi forti per poter in ogni reached the lagoon, the doge and Senate sent a series of letters | Caso revalidate le nostre forze prevalersi contra li inimici. Non

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 175” ff. [187” ff.]) to the rectors | mancamo dal canto nostro far provisione de nove fantarie et of Brescia, Sebastiano Giustinian and Marco Dandolo; Niccolo cum tuti li spiriti nostri ingrossar lo exercito per lo effecto Orsini, the count of Pitigliano, captain-general of the Venetian — predicto.. . .”’ Since a report had come from Zara, however, land forces; the provveditori generali Gritti and Corner, who _ that the pasha of Bosnia might attempt an “‘invasione de quelli had been with the army; the Venetian cardinals Domenico Gri- _ lochi nostri de Dalmatia,” the captain-general of the sea must mani and Marco Corner; the rectors of Ravenna; Angelo Tre- _ protect Venetian possessions on the Dalmatian coast ‘‘cum ogni visan, the captain-general of the sea, who was obviously remote __ diligentia.”’

from it all; the Venetian ambassadors in Spain and England, ** See in general Abel Desjardins (and Giuseppe Canestrini), as well as others—all the letters dwelling in one context or Négocrations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, II (1861),

another on the French victory and what it might mean for esp. pp. 327-82: “‘E potra essere [la Maesta Cristianissima]

Italy. pigliera la volta di Peschiera, e se quella volessi procedere piu

Of these letters the one which went to Rome, to Cardinals — avanti, con li araldi soli si insignorirebbe insino di Padova’”’ Grimani and Corner, seems the best to give here (ibid., Reg. — (abid., p. 340).

60 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that the French success be commemorated by the Louis XII. If the French could be driven from easterection of a chapel to S. Maria della Vittoria on ern Lombardy, the Venetians could easily recover the battle site, the place being called la Costa. By _ the cities from Maximilian, whose forces had crumthe early eighteenth century the chapel had become _ bled before the army of the Republic in 1508. Mathe property of the Premoli family. Agnadello was _ chiavelli would soon describe, in a famous passage a defeat of such magnitude that recovery seemed _ in the Discorsi (III, 31), the way in which great men impossible.*° At least, it seemed impossible to some and powerful republics do or do not preserve dignity Venetians. Reports came from all sides that the ene- in prosperity and courage in adversity. Virtues and

mies of the Republic were assembling maritime vices, he believed, are to be found in republics as forces ‘‘ad offension del stado nostro.”’ The Senate, well as in individuals:

refor on 18 May to increase to fifty the , ; ; ;

the be, ©, voted ; 8 r yt d for el t Rome and Venice furnish us an example of this. No ill

number or Venetian Be cys Pe q OF action at fortune ever made the former abject, nor did success ever

SC. Twenty-one galleys were already Ml SCFVICe. make her insolent. This was clearly shown after the defeat Twenty-nine more must be armed, 1.€., manned, which the Romans experienced at Cannae, and after their for a full six months, namely fifteen in Venice itself, victory over Antiochus... . The conduct of the Venetians four at Candia, one at Zante, two at Corfu, one at — was exactly the opposite of this; for in good fortune (which Naxos in the Archipelago, and six in Dalmatia at _ they imagined entirely the result ofa skill and valor which

Zara, Cattaro, Curzola, and elsewhere. Galley they did not possess) they carried their insolence to that commanders (sopracomiti) must be chosen, and the degree that they called the king of France a son of S.

alert maintained ev erywhere.?” Mark. . . . Afterwards, when their good fortune aban-

;Signoria ; a donedreleased them, and they suffered a partial defeat [at AgnaThe the nobles and citizens of V Vj Pad d Treviso £ the; dello] at the hands of the king of France, they not only crona, Icenza, adua, an TEVISO Tom heir lost the greater part of their state by a rebellion, but,

oaths of allegiance to Venice, ostensibly to allow under the influence of their cowardly and abject spirit, Maximilian to put into effect the old imperialist they actually made large concessions of territory to the claims to suzerainty. Being militarily incapable of pope and the king of Spain, and were so utterly demordoing so, however, Maximilian could only take per- alized that they sent ambassadors to the emperor, and manent possession of these cities with French as- made themselves tributary to him; and by way of moving sistance, which would complicate his relations with the pope to compassion, they addressed him the most humiliating letters of submission. And to this wretchedness

— . were they reduced within the short space of four days, * Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 386-90, and on the chapel of and after a but partial defeat. . . . And thus it will ever .. Maria della vation ne P- aoe mae course of events happen to those who are governed in the same way that

eading to Agnadello may be followed in G. Canestrini (and A. the Venetians were; for insolence in prosperity and abDesjardins), Negociations diplomatiques, (Paris, 1861), 298 ff., .;.; . ; ’ Jectness in adversityIIare the result of habit and—. education.

and the prelude to the battle itself, ibd., pp. 319 ff., 323 ff; Le ;

and see Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, esp. cols. 241-58, 268 ff. . . . And what we Say of individuals applies equally to Despite internal dissension Treviso, just north of Venice and the many who constitute a republic, and who will form a strategic position of great importance, remained loyal to the | themselves according to the manners and institutions that Republic, on which see Mario Brunetti, ‘““Treviso fedele a Ve- _ prevail there.*®

nezia nei giorni di Cambrai,” Archivio veneto, 5th ser., XXIII ; ; . (1938-39), 56-82. Antonio Santalena (d. 1911), Veneti e Im- Machiavelli was an advocate of recruiting soldiers periali: Treviso al tempo della Lega di Cambray [Venice, 1896], from the natives of a state; the Venetian government ed. Giovanni Netto, Rome, 1977, explores in octal ue relations was a great employer of mercenaries. The Venetians

ot the Trivigiani t le enetians an aximillan 1, especially had gathered their forces too quickly; from 1509 with to 1511, with a general outline of events to 1517. a the hirelings The region of Friuli, and especially the city of Udine, suffered had done badly; and the result was “‘le cosse nostre heavily in the years after Agnadello, being caught up in the andar mal, tutti li condutieri e zente d’ arme e pauwar and in a social revolt of the proletariat against the nobili fide... . .’49 But actually policy prevailed in Venice, (in 1511), but by and large the Friulani also remained faithful to the Republic, preferring the Venetians to the Hapsburgs,

on which see Vincenzo Marchesi, “II Friuli al tempo della lega. ~~ di Cambrai,” Nuovo Archivio veneto, n.s., VI, pt. 1 (Venice, 1903), 48 Machiavelli’s Discorsi, 111, 31 [I have used the translation

501-37. The importance of the battle of Agnadello is empha- by C. E. Detmold], is quoted in the present connection by M. sized by the papal historian Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, Brosch, Papst Julius H. und die Grundung des Kirchenstaates, Gotha,

nos. 10 ff., vol. XX (1694), pp. 67 ff. 1878, pp. 172-74, and by Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 314-15, and *7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 181° [194"], doc. dated 18 May, Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 766-67. Of the considerable

1509. Although there is no cross (+) before the affirmative literature on Machiavelli’s view of Venice—whose greatness vote of 175 members of the Senate, we are assured by the he lamented as “‘the ruination of the Church and of Italy’ — index to this register, 2b7d., fol. 1’, of the passage of the motion: I would call attention only to the recent book of Innocenzo

ses sex.”’ 49 Sanudo, Diari, VIII, 261.

‘“‘Captum quod armet usque ad numerum L galearum per men- _—_ Cervelli, Machiavelli e la crisi dello stato veneziano, Naples, 1974.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 61 not panic. One need not accept the censure of a objected to appealing to the Turks for any sort of Florentine on a rival state. The Venetians had been assistance, ‘‘dicendo é mal a chiamar Turchi.” In more severely damaged at Agnadello than Machia- any event it is interesting, even surprising, that the velli represents. The French swept all before them Senate should have believed there were three to as far as Verona. Some people even spoke of sending four thousand Christians in the employ of the santhe doge there ‘“‘per dar animo a’ nostriea le zente.”” jakbey of Bosnia. Five hundred gentlemen would go with his Serenity On the same day (18 May) the doge and Senate at their own expense. Although it was the time of wrote the Venetian secretary in Hungary, Vincenzo

the Sensa, the ducal marriage with the sea, there Guidotto, telling him that Louis XII’s military was weeping rather than rejoicing. Few came tothe preparations were for the invasion of all Italy as ceremonies. The doge was speechless, “‘et stava_ well as for that of the Veneto. He had launched his chome morto e tristo.’’ He did not offer to go to attack from Milan upon Venetian possessions in the Verona. His sons said he would do whatever the Cremonese and Ghiaradadda with no declaration state wished, acknowledging that he was “more dead of war. The Venetians had recovered Treviglio than alive.”” The Venetians had fallen on evil days, while Louis’s army had lingered at Cassano d’ Adda. says Sanudo: “we see our ruin and no one is Then had come the battle at Agnadello on 14 May. ready.’’’° There was danger of a food shortage. It was said that Bartolommeo d’ Alviano had been The old senator, Troilo Malipiero, urged his fellows wounded and captured—and so he had—but few to hold on to Ravenna, ‘“‘which is the grain port for had perished, and the French had only captured

this land.””?! some artillery. This was at any rate what the secOn 18 May serious consideration was given to retary Guidotto was to tell Ladislas II and Thomas an offer of Girolamo Zorzi, son of the late Andrea Bakocz, the cardinal-archbishop of Gran (Eszterof S. Marcuola, to enlist the aid of the Turks. Gi- gom), adding that Venice would make every effort rolamo, ‘‘qual € amico dil sanzacho di Bossina,”’ says _ to resist the French ‘“‘per la conservatione del stado

Sanudo, was prepared to go to Bosnia to hire a_nostro.”’ force of five or six thousand Turks from the san- King Ladislas and Cardinal Bakocz must underjakbey. The offer was accepted by a narrow vote stand, however, “the grand designs and cu(non di largo), but the procurator Antonio Tron __ pidity of the aforesaid king of France, not only to delayed action on the proposal, “‘saying that it is subdue all Italy and make [Georges d’ Amboise] an evil thing to call in the Turks.” He urged the cardinal of Rouen the pope, but to make himself Senate to wait and learn something more of the monarch of all the world.’ The princes of Europe intentions of the pope and the emperor.”* Actually, had better take care; maybe Louis’s designs were as the record of the Senate’s proceedings for that not so far-fetched. Guidotto was to try to hire in day shows, Girolamo Zorzi offered to go to Bosnia Hungary as many as one thousand horse at the rate to hire from his friend the sanjakbey Firuz Beg of four ducats for each mounted man under “‘some three to four thousand horse. The Senate was (be- valiant and experienced captain,”’ to whom the Si-

fore Tron’s intervention) ready to have Zorzi do gnoria would pay 400 ducats a year. When the so, and to pay up to four ducats a month per man, Hungarian cavalry actually took the field of battle, “including horse-feed”’ (computati 1 orzi), which was — they would receive an additional half-pay. The Si-

the wage the Signoria was then paying the light gnoria was prepared to send money to Hungary imhorse. The Senate had insisted, however, that these

mercenaries (if they were employed) must be Chris- . ; a

tians.°? It would seem. then. that Antonio Tron dicto numero de cavalli o quel piu el potra che siano Christiani

’ ? cum el stipendio fina ducati 4 al mese secondo hano 1 altri nostri

TO 22, non synceri 0.”

cavalli lezier1 computati i orzi. De parte 142 [no cross], de non

5° Ibid., VIII, 266; and on the French at Verona, cols. 393, There is no cross (+) preceding the affirmative vote of 142

400, 405, 407. members of the Senate, and according to the index of this

°! Ibid., VIII, 267. register, ‘“‘captum quod vir nobilis Ser Hieronymus Georgio 52 Tbid., VIII, 284. quondam Ser Andree vadat ad sangiachum Bossine, causa ut 53 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 182°[195"], doc. dated 18 May, in deliberatione, et illico fuit suspensa illa deliberatio prout

1509: *‘Se ha offerto el nobel homo Hieronymo Zorzi, quondam _apparet.”” The vote “quod deliberatio facta de mittendo nobilem Ser Andrea, de andar dal sangiacho de Bossina et haver da sua _virum Hieronymum Georgio ad sangiachum Bossine pro nunc Magnificentia da 3 in 4 m. cavalli, Christiani perho, et facendo — suspendatur ut melius consultari possit”’ is given, zbid., fol. 182° per el stato nostro da ogni canto veder de alutarse et occorrer [195'], de parte 99, de non 73, non synceri 1, with no cross before

al imminentissimo periculo, in el qual se attrova el stato nostro, _ the 99 but, as is clearly stated, the motion was indeed ‘‘susI’ andera parte che ’! dicto nobel homo Hieronimo Zorzi sii _ pended,”’ i.e., not put into effect, and so to this extent Sanudo’s mandato al dicto sangiacho cum commission de condur el pre- — entry under 18 May is correct.

62 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mediately. It was a matter of the highest importance, The captain-general of the Venetian land and haste, the greatest haste, was necessary.” forces—Niccolo Orsini, count of Pitigliano—was Antonio Tron did not have to wait very long to _ proving as cautious as Bartolommeo d’ Alviano had learn something more of the pope’s intentions. Julius — been reckless. By 22 May Orsini had lost Brescia,

Il’s bellicosity made them abundantly clear. The withdrawing to Peschiera di Garda and thence to peasants around Bergamo were up in arms; com-_ Verona. The Veronesi, however, as the provvedimunications were breaking down. The frightened — tore Giorgio Corner informed the Signoria, did not statesmen of the Serenissima, driven by necessity, wish to admit the Republic’s troops, ‘‘dimonstrandecided to surrender the Romagnole cities to the dose in grande dispositione verso la Signoria nostra, apostolic legate Francesco Alidosi, the cardinal of ma non voler consentir che lo exercito entri nela Pavia. After securing the pope’s permission, Alidosi _terra.’’ Devoted as the Veronesi were to Venice, took over Rimini, Cervia (Zervia), Ravenna, and they wanted no troops within their walls. But the

Faenza about the beginning of the last week in Senate had no intention of allowing the army to May.”” Now the Venetians had lost everything for _ bypass Verona, “‘ma che quello [exercito] se mettesse which they had evoked the ire of Julius II and risked _ nela citadella et li se fortificasse.’””°® Two days later

the armed might of half Europe. (on 24 May) Corner and Andrea Gritti, his colleague The Senate had considered sending two envoys in the field, wrote the doge and Senate that the to Rome “‘to placate the supreme pontiff,” but de- army had become ineffective and unruly, owing to cided not to do so for a while.”° Instead they had Orsini’s failure to exert the necessary leadership.°® the doge write Cardinals Grimaniand Corner, mak- In any event Verona must be held. The citizens or ing clear “‘la optima et obsequentissima mente nostra most of them had long been loyal to the Republic, verso la pontificia Sanctita.”’ They were obeying the and concessions were more likely to work than force.

papal monitortum, surrendering the cities in the On 25 May, therefore, the Senate voted the VeRomagna, expelling the Bentivoglio of Bologna ronesi perpetual exemption from the tax on flour from Venetian territory, and making ready to ‘‘ex- (el datio dela maxena).°° It was no use. Verona had ecute the will of his Holiness in the grant of bish- been lost by 2 June, and on the following day the

. . 62 e

oprics and benefices.”””’ Senate decided to introduce troops into Padua by

deception and force.°' The imperialists entered Vi54 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 182-183" [195-196"], Vincentio CCNA, putting the city to sack.”" For some time, Guidoto secretario nostro in Hungaria, doc. dated 18 May, 1509. however, the Signoria had been trying to win over

55 Sanudo, VIII, 282, 290-91, 292-93, 294, 295, 296, 297, the Emperor Maximilian by making him even 299, 310, 310-11, 312, esp. cols. 315, 321, 329-30, etc., re- greater concessions than those which had been made ports of the Venetian secretary and historian Gian Giacomo to the pope Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 183"-184" [196"-197"], 186 [199], 193" The Senate had chosen Dr. Antonio Giustinian, [206"], and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 949, fols. 31-52, who had recently been the Republic’s ambassador docs. dated 25 August and 20 October, 1509). The letter of in Rome, to gO to the Emperor Maximilian with

Caroldo relating to the surrender of the four cities (cf. Sen. , to

the doge and Senate to Cardinals Grimani and Corner, indi-

cating the Venetians’ desire “‘esser abraciati da quella [Sanctita

del nostro Signor, 1.e., Julius II] per boni floli. . . paratissimi —

obedir al monitorio publicato contra de nuy per lei,’’ shows the °® Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 186-187" [199°-200'], doc. dated 22 extent to which fear had risen in the Senate (Sen. Secreta, Reg. May, 1509. 41, fol. 184" [197°], doc. dated 19 May, 1509). The Apuhian °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 190° [203°], provisoribus nostris generalicoast was also being surrendered to Spain. Francesco Alidosi, bus, doc. dated 25 May: “‘Per lettere vostre de heri date in cardinal of Pavia, had been regarded by the Venetians as their campo martio habiamo veduto in qual termeni se ritrovano enemy for some time, owing to his intrigues against them (cf. quelle zente nostre mal obediente et licentiose, et questo prothe dispatches of Domenico Pisani in Roberto Cessi, ed., Di- | cieder dala impotentia de quel illustre capitanio. . . .” space degli ambasaatort venezant alla corte di Roma presso Guulw Niccolo Orsini, count of Pitigliano, kept the respect of the IT, Venice, 1932, pref., pp. XX1X ff., on which work see below). Signoria, and retained the high command of the Venetian land °® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 185” [198"], doc. dated 21 May, forces, but he did not long survive these trying months. Sanudo, 1509. Julius II would not receive a mere two envoys. He insisted = Drari, IX, 502~3, describes his elaborate funeral on 31 January,

upon six, and on 6 June the Senate complied, ‘‘et sia conve- 1510, when his body ‘‘was borne by land from S. Marco to SS. niente in questa condiction de tempi humiliarse piu che se pole Giovanni e Paolo,’”’ where his equestrian monument can still

a sua Sanctita. . .” (ibid., Reg. 42, fols. 6°—7° [18°-19"]). be seen in the right transept of the church. °” Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 186° [199%], doc. dated 22 May, and °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 190° [203%], rectoribus Verone et provicf. fol. 191" [204"], another letter of the Senate to the two _ soribus nostris generalibus, doc. dated 25 May. Venetian cardinals, dated 25 May, to the same effect, stressing °! Ibid., Reg. 42, fol. 3 [15]. the Signoria’s intention ‘‘dar la possession dei episcopati et be- 2 Cf, Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), 219-

neficii secondo la volunta de quella [Sanctita].” 20, and new ed., V (1974), 158.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 63 proposals which (one hoped) might remove him paternal affection, as the doge and Senate infrom his alliance with Louis XII whom, aseveryone formed the podesta and captain of Rovigo, and knew, he disliked and distrusted. In hiscommission, was ready to endorse any reasonable arrangement dated 17 May (1509), Giustinian was authorized to (per venir ad ogni conveniente assetamento circa dicto

offer the emperor 200,000 florins as well as the Polexene) which would satisfy the Estensi of Ferrestoration of Trieste, Pordenone, and (if he in- rara.®°° sisted) even of Gorizia, although this was the path The Signoria left no road untried that might which the Turks followed into Friuli (per el qual se lead to peace. It might seem hopeless, but on 30 po intertenir li infideli al passar a queste parte), and and 31 May (1509) a considerable majority in the which might be better defended by the Venetians Senate voted to send Giorgio Corner, the provthan by the imperialists. Furthermore, ‘‘desiring to veditore generale, to the king of France to try to leave nothing untried to induce his imperial Majesty negotiate some sort of truce to break the league to join us and reach an understanding with us, and against Venice.°® Yes, it was hopeless, for what

ght be bett y the Veng 3 8 P

us understanding g , ras ajoinoae pave yv ee 5hopSEP ° . ° & « iy « Spills £0" , Be ee7| anys BININS UPTe f ae

to get him to come with all dispatch into Italy,’ could Venice offer the king of France except

Giustinian could add to the Signoria’s offer of clichés of love and loyalty? He already had Milan, 200,000 florins another 50,000 florins a year for and he needed no ally against the Holy See, the a period of ten years, which would constitute a pay- Empire, or Spain, for Julius, Maximilian, and Ferment of 700,000 florins—besides the Signoria’s dinand were his friends. No one could foresee how other sweeping concessions—in return for Maxi- it would all change in four years (when France and milian’s giving up his entente with the French and Venice would be allies) but in the meantime, as taking the field against them as the ally of Venice.”” seen from the Rialto, the outlook was grim. As Giustinian waited at Trent for an imperial The plight to which the allies of the League of safe-conduct which did not come, the doge and Sen- Cambrai had reduced Venice is noted in the first ate wrote him (on 23 May) that he must make clear known “‘pasquinades,”’ satirical verses afhxed to to Maximilian that the Venetians had always looked _ the statue of the so-called Pasquino set up in Rome

upon the emperor “‘as the father and protector of at a corner of the Piazza Navona about the beginour state.’’ They were giving him back the lands ning of the sixteenth century. By the year 1501 they had taken the year before, and ‘‘as for the Cardinal Oliviero Carafa had put it in place, at a other lands on terra ferma which we hold subject to the Empire, from now on we are prepared to © ——_____ recognize them as from his imperial Majesty and °5 Ibnd., Reg. 41, fol. 193° [206°], potestat et capitanio Rodigii, to pay him a just and proper sum each year [ann uo doc. dated 28 May, 1509, the senatorial vote to send the letter censo].”” They were yielding to the papal monitorium, ‘© Rovigo being de parte 158 [without the cross usually indiand returning the occupied towns in the Romaena cating approval of a motion], de non 12, non syncert 2: “Expedite

5 ; Pp ; 7 ; 5 eodem die hora X XIIJJ,”’ which shows that the letter was indeed

and, as they wrote Giustinian, such 1s the substance sent, and quickly. of the new commission which we are now giving Note also the commission of one Marco Ricci, abid., Reg. 41,

you.’’°4 The old emperors Barbarossa and Frederick fol. 197° [210°], dated 3] May: Ricci was also going to Ferrara

II could hardlv have asked for more to try to persuade the duke to leave the field with a favorable

Duke Alf ) I@eE fF and hj compromise with regard to the Polesine. On Ricci’s further

UKE ; ONSO ste Oo errara an IS employment by the Senate, note Reg. 42, fols. 1‘—2" [13°-14"], brother-in-law the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga 9-10" [21-22"]. of Mantua had joined the League of Cambrai °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 196°-197" [209*-210"], doc. dated 3 against Venice. Alfonso and the Signoria had been May, 1509: “‘Essendo sta heri delibera per questo Conseglio disputing possession of the Polesine. the region of che mandar se debi una persona al re de Franza et mandato

pl 8 P , 8 a tuor el salvoconducto et da non interponer tempo et mandarli

Rovigo between the Adige and the Po. Now, how- persona de qualita, che se possi sperar de haver quel fructo che ever, the Senate was willing to accept the offer of — se desydera, et perhé |’ andera parte che al nobel homo Zorzi one Giovanni Alberto della Pigna to settle the issue Corner cavalier, procurator, proveditor nostro general sii da of the Polesine to get the duke of Ferrara out of la infrascripta commission,” the text of which follows, stressing

th€The S} “a looked he duke with the Venetians’ incredible joy when Louis XII succeeded to the war. Ine olgnoria looked upon the GUKE WIN French throne, their abiding friendship for him, their desire

for peace, their obedience to the papal monitorium and willoO ingness to turn over to the pope the contested towns in the °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 180*-181" [193°-194"], com- Romagna, as well as to return to Maximilian the lands which

missio virt nobilis Antonti Iustiniani doctoris oratoris nostri proficis- | Venice had occupied the year before. They were prepared to

centis ad imperatoriam Maiestatem, doc. dated 17 May, 1509. yield the lands in Apulia to the Catholic king, and to give the °4 Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 188°-189" [201*-202"], doc. dated 23 Polesine to the duke of Ferrara—de parte 122 [without the

May, 1509. cross], de non 35, non synceri 2, and cf. Reg. 42, fol. 3° [15°].

64 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT corner of his own house, where it may still be seen us| now apply the healing potion... . . Let Christian

by the Palazzo Braschi. Believed to be a broken arms cease to be used against Christians. . . .’’°* statue of Hercules, contemporaries named it the The Senate was trying in every way to have the Pasquino or Pasquillo after a sharp-tongued school _ ecclesiastical censures lifted, ‘“which weigh more master of the preceding century. Each year at the heavily upon our Signoria than anyone can say, and feast of S. Mark the Evangelist (25 April) “‘pas- make warfare more effectively than all our enemies’ quinades’”’ were posted on or near the statue. Julius forces have done.” The six envoys were elected on II had presumably intended his Monitorium contra 6 June—Paolo Capello, Leonardo Mocenigo, Paolo Venetos to be issued on S. Mark’s day although, as__ Pisani, Girolamo Donato (Dona), Domenico Trewe have seen, it is dated two days later. (It is surely visan, and Alvise Malipiero.°? Some thirty months superfluous to observe that S. Mark was the patron later, as we have seen, Domenico Trevisan was to saint of Venice.) In any event the first published be sent on a notable mission to the soldan of Egypt.

collection of these poems appeared at this time On 16 June the news reached Venice that the (in 1509), and was probably printed by the same pope seemed willing for the envoys to go to

Jacopo Mazocchi who printed 600 copies of the Monitorium for Pope Julius. Unknown satirists of

no small talent now observed the tragedy of the 68 Loredan’s letter is to be found in Sanudo, Diari, VIII, united arms of Christendom directed against the —370_79; it does not mention the six envoys. Venetians rather than the Turks. In the second °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 6Y-7" [18°-19"], doc. dated 6 edition of pasquinades (1510) one poet identified June, 1509. On 20 June the six envoys chosen to intercede for Hercules with the pope and the hydra with Rome the Republic with Julius II received their commission, which . . . . was long and detailed (ibid., fols. 12’-15* [24°-27"], and cf. fols. of the seven hills, while another still saw Julius as jg_y7 [28°-29"]): they must assure Julius of the Venetians’ Hercules, but identified the hydra with the Turk. true devotion to him and to the Apostolic See, ‘‘laudando pariter It 1s almost surprising, however, that the pasqul- i sapientissimi discorsi facti per sua Sanctita et demonstrandoli nades do not contain more expressi ons of sym- la summa necessita che le occorrentie presente hano de celerrimi hv for the Venetians. which mav perhaps be remedii et provisione per li dessegni de Francesi notissimi ala

pat y O ; 7 y Pp P Beatitudine sua, i quali non se contentando dela prosperita fin

explained either by their general unpopularity hora concessali dai cieli perseverano de indur et instigar la during this period or by the unwillingness of the cesarea Maesta a quello che saria la ruina universale de tuti, Roman printer Jacopo Mazocchi to lose the cus- 0" excludendo etiam la cesarea Maesta sua. . . , et supplitom or incur the wrath of the irascible Julius I1.°” Senos sua Beatitudine ante ad omnia et Immediate se degni isponer la prefatache Maesta non dar orechie a Francesi ne procieder piu inanti, per remover ogni scandalo che potesse

In early June, 1509, the Venetian Signoria esser causa de maior alteratione . . .” (fol. 25° [13"}). yielded to Julius II’s requirement that six (not two) Jas was ey to pring up tne question of an (expedition envoys should wait upon him in Rome. On the fifth itoqualche pe supported by the Hoy ee, the tneinfidels, emperor, venice, €t tos orsi altra potentia’’] against 1.e., the Turks, the D Ose Leonardo Loredan wrote the pope with to which of course the Venetian envoys would give an affirall humility and reverence to declare our most de- mative response, ‘‘ma ben la [Sanctita sua] supplicarete la sii vout obedience and most compliant heart to your per sua bonta contenta che non siamo nominati et propalati Holiness.’’ Venice had restored the cities and other © che se deveni ad actum azio che senza fructo per el sito

| —_ h d ked for cl et qualita del stato nostro non se provochi lo inimico a ruina

places in the Romagna. Loredan asked for clemency dei lochi nostri avanti che siano facte le debite preparatione

and recalled how much blood and gold the Vene- |. (fol. 26" [14"]). A report soon arrived in Venice from tians had expended against the Turks: “. . . Let Rome, dated 3 June, that the pope was more incensed than the same hand which has inflicted this wound [upon ever; in Rome the Venetians were being assailed as heretici e sismatici, ‘“‘and they want to send the excommunications throughout the world, and make it so that we cannot live” (Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, 389). ®7 Mazocchi collected and published the second edition of The dispatches of the sex oratores ad summum pontificem from the Carmina ad Pasquillum. . . (1510) and presumably the first 25 June, 1509, to 9 January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509) may be also (1509). Besides these two, I have seen only the fifth edition found in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senato Dispacci, Am(1513), in which there is no direct reference to the Turk. Bur- _ basciatori, Secreta Archivi Propri, Roma, Reg. 2. This register chard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 157, and ed. Celani, II, 296, is a contemporary copy, written in a clear hand, and contains relates that on 13 August, 1501, ‘‘in mane afhixa fuit cedula_ the dispatches published by Roberto Cessi, Dispacca degli amstatue magistri Pasquino nuncupate, site in angulo domus Rmi. __basciatori veneziani alla corte di Roma presso Giulio II, Venice, 1932

D. Cardinalis Neapolitani, de obitu Pape [Alexandri VI], sire- | (R. Deputazione di Storia patria per le Venezie, Ist ser., Do-

cedat ab Urbe.. . .”’ The statue of Pasquino was thought to cumenti, vol. XVIII). The originals or rather first drafts of be Hercules strangling the three-headed monster Geryon: it Girolamo Donato’s dispatches from Rome from 19 January, may be that of Ajax with the body of Achilles. For the older 1510 (Ven. style 1509), to 30 August, 1510, may also be found literature on Pasquino, cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 116-18, and in the Secreta Archivi Propri, Roma, Reg. 3. Although in more

Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-1 (1924, repr. 1955), 574-76. than one hand, these letters are on the whole difficult to read.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 65 Rome.’”° They departed on the twentieth,”’ and The crusade was discussed in the consistory on arrived in Rome the night of 2 July. The famiglie the morning of 6 July (1509). Letters from Ferof the two Venetian cardinals, Grimani and Cor-_ dinand the Catholic and the young Henry VIII of ner, called on them, as did Antonio Grimani, the England pledged ambiguous support for an enterexiled admiral, from whom the Venetian ban had __ prise which, Ferdinand said, would be arduous and been lifted in June. Antonio had been responsible _ perilous (saria |’ impresa et difficile et periculosa), owing

for the loss of Lepanto (at the end of August, to the great power of the Turk. An expedition east1499); banished first to the island of Cherso inthe ward would be costly, and his Holiness would preQuarnaro (in June, 1500), he had subsequently sumably have to render assistance with tithes and been removed to Rome. He was the father of the indulgences. Henry had to await his coronation and scholarly Cardinal Domenico, who had worked what would be the first meeting of parliament durhard for almost a decade in the interests of both ing his reign, but of course (like his father) he was Venice and his father. At last, in the dark days of _ in favor of an expedition against the Turk.’* The a greater defeat than he had caused, Antonio Gri- Venetians were tormented by talk of the crusade. mani was being allowed to return home. Being They were forever concerned about their overseas excommunicate, the Venetian envoys had no ac-_ possessions, but obviously no so-called crusade cess to the pope, but they were directed to gather would be possible as long as the war of the League in Cardinal Oliviero Carafa’s palace, hard by the of Cambrai lasted and, considering the current costs Piazza Navona, to explain the extent of their com- of the war, who could afford it thereafter? mission. Carafa was to be joined by Raffaele Ria- On 8 July the Venetian envoys received a visit rio, cardinal of S. Giorgio, and two prelates of the from the pope’s secretary, Sigismondo de’ Conti, Camera. The doge’s envoys were found not to who told them that the pope would probably send have received powers adequate for negotiation for one of them that evening, and at 7:00 P.M. a and, moreover, granting the Venetians absolution certain Antonio Saxeta appeared, asking Girolamo involved some complex problems of canon law.’* Donato to accompany him to an audience. Al-

though Domenico Trevisan, procurator of S.

—___—— Marco, was head of the Venetian mission to Rome, ° Sanudo, Diari, VII, 407, 416. Julius II had known Donato and the latter’s father

Ihd., VIII, 417, 420, and of. the letter of the doge, dated for many years. Julius began by absolving Donato

20 June, 1509, attesting the appointment of the six envoys ‘‘ad from all ecclesiastical censure. The d practicandum, tractandum, ineundum, capitulandum, conclu- ov ; _ pope made dendum et sigillandum bonam et meram intelligentiam, ligam, clear his intention of supporting the Emperor foedus et unionem cum sanctissimo et beatissimo domino nostro. Maximilian. Although at one point Julius “spoke

domino lulio. . . papa II. . . ,” in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, coldly” (me disse fredamente) when Donato wanted inoc. 15 [27], Cessi, ed., Dispacea degh ambasciator veneuan, — ame negotiation of Maximilian’s no.and1,inpp. 3-4. The envoys’ commission is also given, ibid., ; :claims ; —to;Tre. no. Hl, pp. 4-10, after which Cessi presents ninety-six dispatches V!S0, which was maintaining 1ts loyalty to Venice, of the envoys from 25 June, 1509, to 9 January, 1510, reporting the audience went off smoothly. Friuli would also

in detail the course of their difficult embassy to the pope. have to gO, ‘according to the convention made at Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 7-8, pp. 24-28, docs. dated 6 July, Cambrai.” Julius had been informed that Venice 1509; Sanudo, Diarii, VIN, 502. Domenico Trevisan held the had an army no larger than seven thousand men highest rank among the six envoys; their letters to the doge are > orm , signed “‘D.T. e[ques] et proc{urator] et college oratores.”’ They at Mestre. Constantine Arianiti had Just written, assumed the pope would require the Venetian confession of however, that Maximilian had twenty thousand sin, the request for pardon, and the full acceptance of the infantry q]] ready for ‘‘questa impresa de Treviso.”’ penance imposed—all of which they feared would amount to Venice had better give up what she could not hold: the papal demand that Venice give up Treviso and Friuli to “oy di n.” said th i . Maximilian (Cessi, Dispacci, no. 7, pp. 24-25). In dealing with regar it as certain, said the pope, that either the envoys Cardinals Carafa and Riario were supposed to have today or within two days the emperor will be there,

the assistance of Bishop Pietro de’ Accolti of Ancona and the and that perhaps at this very hour he is in Trepapal secretary and historian Sigismondo de’ Conti, who were not present at the first meeting on 6 July. Sigismondo, II, 400—_ =§5 ————————

1, says that the Venetian envoys arrived in Rome on 10 July — nocte.”’ In July the hours were usually counted from 9:00 P.M. (VI idus wulu, wrongly translated i 9 lugho by the editors). This (i.e., nine o’clock in the evening was the twenty-fourth hour, is merely a lapse of memory: Sigismondo had seen the envoys and ten o’clock began the first hour: noon was the fifteenth

on 8 July (Cessi, Dispaca, no. 10, pp. 30-31). The meeting hour). The Florentine (and Venetian) practice may be noted described by Sigismondo seems to have taken place only on 8 in many passages in the Diario. . . di Luca Landucci, ed. 1. Del

August (Cessi, Dispacci, no. 30, p. 68). Badia, Florence, 1883. Landucci, pp. 291 ff., also recounts the

The envoys’ own letters fix the time of their arrivalin Rome _ exciting events of the spring and summer of 1509: ‘‘O poveri at about 10:00 P.M. on 2 July (Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 5-6, pp. 21, | Viniziami, che farete voi? . . .”

22). They entered Rome “‘la sera di do circa prima hora di ”® Cessi, Dispacci, no. 9, p. 29, doc. dated 6 July.

66 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT viso!”’? Until the emperor was satisfied, the Vene- A few days later the Signoria received a letter tians would not receive absolution. It was clear from Andrea Foscolo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul, that the pope, with his hearty dislike of the French, emphasizing the good will of the Porte toward the would support Maximilian’s claims according to Republic, expressing regret at the recent unforthe “‘capituli’”’ of Cambrai to prevent his reaching — tunate turn of events, and “‘offering every assis-

a special agreement with Louis XII.” tance.’ The Venetian Senate and Council of Ten

Girolamo Donato’s letter to the doge of 9 July, decided secretly to send una bona letera in redescribing his audience with the pope, is at vari- sponse. Plans were also made to send an embassy ance with the record preserved in Sanudo, who _ to the electors and free cities of Germany, “‘comsummarizes the letters from Rome dated 8 and 9 memorating what the Republic has done for more July. Sanudo describes Julius II as dealing angrily than a thousand years in defense of the Christian with Donato, speaking in harsh tones of the Vene- faith, and the great expense [it has incurred] in tian government, and saying that he wished to see defense of the Church, but now the pope, the king the complete implementation of the articles of of the Romans, the king of France, and the king Cambrai. Sanudo represents the pope as bent on of Spain have concluded pernicious agreements la ruina total nostra di Veniexia e dil nome venitiano. —[capitolt| at Cambrai, [designed] for the destruction

The Republic must surrender Treviso and Udine of our entire state. . . .”’® Although Cardinals to the Emperor Maximilian, and must not aspire Carafa and Riario were of the opinion that Venice to possessions on the mainland. Henceforth the should not surrender Treviso and Friuli unless it government must not undertake to grant eccle- proved impossible to hold them, everyone seemed siastical benefices nor to impose tithes on priests. to agree that the pope was above all fearful of All Christian ships were to have free access to the provoking a secret accord between Maximilian Adriatic (che tutti possi navegar in colpho). Finally, and Louis XII. The Venetian envoys were asVenice should prepare a fleet for service against sured, however, that Julius II would not allow the the Turks, under the command of the pope. Fail-_ French and imperial troops to lay siege to Venice,

ing any of these provisions, the pope said he would “‘et de questa opinione era anche el Re di never raise the ban of excommunication, and he Spagna.’’”’ would do Venice as much harm as he could. When The king of Spain was alleged to be more inDonato tried to calm the papal temper (according _ terested in a crusade against the Turks than in the to the report in Sanudo), his Holiness became the — war against Venice despite his participation in the

more furious. Donato said that he would discuss League of Cambrai. On 17 July the Venetian enthe pope’s conditions with his fellow envoys, and voys in Rome wrote the doge that Ferdinand the would write to Venice for instructions. Such was, Catholic had written his ambassador from Vallain the envoys’ opinion, ‘‘the pope’s depraved and_dolid on the fifth to make clear to the pope his evil design.’’ When their letters were read before constantissimo proposito to embark on the crusade, the Senate, those present were angry and indig- for which purpose his Majesty planned to come to nant. Apparently the pope would be satisfied with Naples. Ferdinand directed his ambassador to ask nothing less than the complete destruction of Ven-

ice.. aeLorenzo Loredan, a son of the theenvoys doge,were saidfully in ~~ ,, pope’s terms, concerning which informed,

public that the Serenissima would send fifty CNVOYS — whether the pope stated them all directly to Donato or not to the Signor Turco before it would submit to the — during the audience (as shown in their statement of the terms

pope’s demands. ’° in a second letter of 9 July in Cessi, ibid., no. 12, pp. 36-37). A comparison of Sanudo’s regest: with, for example, the original

—_———— letters of Antonio Giustinian a few years earlier reveals the 74 Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 10-11, pp. 30-35, docs. dated 8 and Diarn to be composed of accurate summaries of the diplomatic 9 July, 1509. Although the letter of the ninth (misdated, ibid., correspondence. Sometimes, to be sure, Sanudo includes in his p. 35) is signed as usual “‘D.T. eques, procurator, et college — regest2 information derived from other sources, and occasionally oratores,”’ it is entirely by Girolamo Donato, a report of his he allows his patriotism or other feelings to color his reports. long audience with the pope. According to Sanudo, the pope ’® Sanudo, Diarti, VIII, 512, 515-16. On 11 July (1509) the summoned Donato at 7:00 P.M., la sera, a hore 22 (Diari, VIII, | Venetian envoys in Rome informed the doge that it was going 510, whose report is interesting and puzzling, on which see — to be difficult to secure absolution of the censures (Cessi, Daspace,

below). no. 13, p. 38), while Sanudo, VIII, 519, writes that “‘il papa e 75 Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, 510—11. Cessi, Dispacci, p. 35, note piu duro cha mai.”’

1, believes that Sanudo’s summary of the envoys’ letter of 9 77 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 14, p. 39, letter of Girolamo Donato July describing Donato’s audience with the pope (zbid., no. 11) to the doge, dated 11 July, 1509. On the seventeenth the envoys is an “‘inesatto e parziale regesto,’’ which may be true as far as wrote that the pope in consistory (having absolved Donato on

Sanudo’s description of the pope’s demeanor during the au- the eighth) had iust absolved the other five of them, so that dience is concerned. But Sanudo gives a fair summary of the | now they could all hear mass (ibid., no. 15, p. 40).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 67 the pope to accord him the right, in order to make of the Venetians, so that they might not injure the necessary preparations, to levy two tithes upon — either his Holiness or others at some other time.

the clergy, as well as the cruciata throughout all . . .’°° In a consistory on 23 July Julius II dehis domains. Julius assembled most of the cardinals _clared himself ready to grant Louis a tithe in the

in the Belvedere to consider the question of in- kingdom of France and in the duchy of Milan if viting Louis XII and Maximilian to join the pro- he would go on the crusade.*' It would be worth jected enterprise, although he harbored some it to get him out of Italy. uneasiness over the king of Spain’s being in Naples The doge and Senate wrote the six envoys in while his royal allies were in northern Italy. Fur- Rome on 17 July (1509) that they felt no weight ther consideration led Julius to assume, however, upon their conscience for having offended his Holthat if Ferdinand really came to Naples, it would _ iness or for having opposed the Apostolic See. They be because of his distrust of the French, a devel- _ had obeyed every letter of the law laid down in the opment which could only lead to the pope’s own = monitorium, surrendered Rimini, Faenza, and sev-

advantage.’® eral other places, and shown his Holiness every mark The pope expected that the pact between Louis of humiliation. They had submitted to the papal XII and Maximilian would soon come apart, and — will, and sent the embassy to Rome. There should to aid the process he insisted, in another discussion have been no difficulty in lifting the censures from with Girolamo Donato on 18 July, upon the Vene- Venice, ‘‘essendo dominico precepto che i vicarii tian cession of Treviso to Maximilian. Constantine de Christo a quelli che effectualmente peccano non Arianiti had written from Cittadella that the im- una ma infinite volte et se humiliano, debino perperial forces had just taken Cividale del Friuli,and donare.’’ Despite the need of the repentant sinner

were massing for an assault upon Treviso. Julius for forgiveness, the ban had not been removed, declared it was foolish to irritate the emperor any although there was no longer the least reason for further, and tried to persuade Donato and Car- it. The Signoria’s letters to his Holiness had been dinal Grimani, who was present at the audience, held in contempt and, presumably without papal

to accede to the imperial demand and part with permission, they had been printed and sent Treviso. Julius hoped to effect a reconciliation throughout the world ‘“‘with false additions and with between Venice and the emperor; if the Venetians _invectives so vituperative that we are certain they relinquished Treviso, there would soon be discord are obnoxious to everyone, however ill-disposed he between “‘questi do Re, zoé Franza et Romani.” might be toward us.”’°? Grimani turned to Donato for the Venetian an- Later the same day, 17 July, the doge and Senate swer to the pope. The envoy said it would be dif- wrote a happier letter to their envoys in Rome. It

ficult to bring about the surrender of Treviso, was the feast of S. Marina, a day long to be reeven if the envoys urged it upon the doge, for it membered in Venice, for that morning the provwas hard to be persuasive in a senate and a re-_ veditore generale Andrea Gritti had entered Padua public, “dove sono varieta de opinione.”” The pope = ‘‘with such great applause, jubilation, and content-

agreed to help Maximilian and the Venetians to ment of all that we cannot describe it to you.”’ The reach some accord concerning Treviso, which the — envoys were to inform his Holiness of this signal latter might possibly continue to hold as an imperial het. The accord might be easier to arrange 8° Cessi, Dispacc, no. 17, pp. 45—46, as reported by the Veneif the doge would promise to join the crusade, tian envoys in Rome, letter dated 20 July, 1509. Cf, ibid., no. since the pope could thus intervene with a ‘‘color 18, p. 47, letter dated 21 July, in which Louis XII is quoted

meglio.””’9 to the effect “che I’ impresa contra 1 Turchi non se faria mal

While Ferdinand the Catholic was still asserting Petectamente, se prima non se extingueva in tuto el nome ; ca veneto!”’ Nevertheless, Louis said that he would defer in this his intention to undertake “‘l’ impresa contra el 46 the pope's judgment.

Turco,’ Louis XII informed Cardinal Alidosi in 5! Cessi, Dispaca, no. 19, pp. 50-51. The pope appeared to Milan that he was also well disposed to the idea _ think the prospect for a crusade was very good. It had been of going on a crusade against the Turks, ‘“‘but that necessary, however, first to crush the ‘“‘superbia et avaritia Ve-

his thought would be to complete the destruction Siri oo d igismund as he “xPlained inatobrief ofhe 28wrote July,“in 1509, King of Poland, whom factotogeneralis expeditionis contra Turchum” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. as78 Cessi, XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 211°-212*, by modern stamped enuDispacai, no. 15, p. 40. The pope still clung to Max- —s meration, and cf. fol. 213).

imilian. The former admiral Antonio Grimani had left in the °* Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 24 [36], oratoribus nostris in

morning (of 17 July) for Venice by way of Ancona. Curia, doc. dated 17 July, 1509. The letter was sent with the 8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 16, pp. 41-44, letter dated at Rome — date of 15 July. Cf, wbid., fols. 51°-52" [63°-64"], dated 11

on 18 July, 1509, and cf. no. 18, p. 49. September, 1509, also addressed to the six envoys in Rome.

68 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT success. The Senate was certain Julius would be _ ice, “provided this recent upset [novita] in Padua pleased with the news, for all the Republic’s landed does not disturb everything.”’ Donato urged his and maritime possessions were at the disposal of Holiness to try to persuade the Emperor Maximilian the Apostolic See.*’ The citizens had surrendered ‘‘ad venir ad un bon accordo cum nui,” warning to the imperialists on 5 June to escape the threatened him that a great wall had been opened in the Italian ‘fire and sword” their failure to comply would en- defense against the Germans as well as the French.

tail.°* When Donato read him the doge’s letter of 17 July The imperialists had held Padua for forty-two on the Venetian success at Padua, the pope said

days, during which period food prices had risen in Cardinal Francesco Alidosi had already written him

Venice, for they had been preventing the export from Milan. of grain from the Padovano to the lagoon. Many Alidosi reported that the imperialist agent Anmembers of the Senate had pushed the government drea da Borgo had gone immediately to Louis XII, into action for fear of losing their estates and villas requesting assistance for the emperor’s forces. Louis in the Paduan countryside. The Venetians’ recovery _ had sent Jacques de Chabannes, seigneur de la Pa-

of the city marked a turning-point in the war. _ lice, the marshal of France, with troops to support Thereafter for centuries the doge went in procession the imperialists, and had released the Marchese on 17 July to the little church on the Campo S._ Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua and Alfonso d’ Este Marina to celebrate the Republic’s regaining Padua, of Ferrara ‘‘to return home for this purpose.” He

which was not again to be lost.8° had also promised that, if necessary, he would send

No sooner had Padua been rewon than Vicenza Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and Louis de la Tremouille, offered its submission to Andrea Gritti®® (but the adding that the pope must not fail their imperial cautious Signoria did not send troops into Vicenza ally. Julius, however, told Donato, ‘“‘Io non voglio until 14 November). A week after the recovery of esser capellan de Francesi’’—he had no intention Padua Girolamo Donato wrote the doge and Senate of becoming chaplain to the French.®” that Julius IT still seemed well-disposed toward Ven- Maximilian declined, however, to be reconciled with the Signoria, pressed the pope for the two

——-___— hundred men-at-arms he had promised to send, and 85 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 25° [37'], oratoribus nostris in objected strenuously to the relaxation of the bans Curia, doc. dated 17 July, 1509: *“Essendo sta tuti questi su- of excommunication until the Venetians had suretetito zorni la citaal degoverno Padoa cum uno ardentissimo desyderio Lendered all nostra, the lands totanwhich; the Hapsburgs ritornare et obedientia dela Signoria . oan ; laid dem questa matina, cussi permittente la divina bonta, chiamato claim. Julius thought Maximilian was unwise as well da tuto quel populo (quale cognosce non poter viver senza as ungrateful to the Holy See. He was also incensed questa cita nostra) el nobel homo Andrea Gritti provedador at the Venetians, as the envoys in Rome wrote the nostro general cum parte del exercito € intrato in dicta cita Doge Loredan, ‘che questi movimenti facti contra cum plauso, iubilo, et contento universale de tuti che non la cesarea Maesta i e..hes the very recoverv Pad serano ve lotanto possamo explicare, volemo adunque et commettemovi che 0! of a ua] tal successo debiate far intender nostro nomine ala pontificia Causa de la total ruina de la illustrissima Signoria Beatitudine, la qual se rendemo certi che de ogni bene et pro- _vostra.’’ It was clear to Julius that the twin dangers sperita nostra ne recevera contento et satisfactione, essendo no- tq Rome were “‘la potentia de Franza formidabile stro firmissimo presupposito che tute le cosse nostre terrestre et la intention del Rhoano [d’ Amboise].’”8 sua Sanctita et a beneficio et commodo de tuti li sui et de quella Andrea Gritti’s recapture of Padua began six Sancta Apostolica Sede, come per le altre nostre alligate etiam months of military maneuvering during which the

et maritime siano sempre ad ogni commando et dispositione de , . piu particularmente ve scrivemo. De parte 159, de non 6, non

synceri 0,” and cf., zbid., fol. 29 [41]. ——_—_—_————_————_

84 Sanudo, Diarii, VIII, 353, 354-55. 87 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 20, pp. 52-53, letter dated at Rome 85 The church of S. Marina was closed in 1818 and demolished — on 23 July, 1509. On the Venetian reoccupation of Padua, see

two years later. The Doges Michele Steno (d. 1413) and Niccolo Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 520 ff., and particularly P. Zanetti, Marcello (d. 1474) had been buried there. Their tombs are ‘‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509 in correlazione alla guerra now in the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo. Today the site of | combattuta nel Veneto dal maggio all’ ottobre,” Nuovo Archivio the church of S. Marina is marked (more or less) by the little — veneto, 2nd ser., II (Venice, 1891), 5-168, esp. pp. 48 ff., and Campiello della Chiesa, just off the Campo S. Marina. Cf Giulio note Lester J. Libby, Jr., ‘““The Reconquest of Padua in 1509 Lorenzetti, Venezia e il suo estuario (1963), Trieste, 1974, according to the Diary of Girolamo Priuli,”’ Renaissance Quarterly,

p. 329. XXVIII (1975), 323-31. The Venetians were willing to join

On 25 June, 1512, three years after the recovery of Padua, | the pope and Maximilian to drive the French from Milan, and the Venetian Senate voted that the feast of S. Marina should — give the duchy to Lodovico il Moro’s son (Sen. Secreta, Reg. be made a state holiday, ‘‘sitque sub gravissimis poenis vetitum 42, fols. 25°-26" [37°-38"}). in tota urbe aperire apothecas aut laborare, sive aliquid feriale ®8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 27, pp. 60-61, letter dated at Rome

agere”’ (Sanudo, Diart, XIV, 420). on 29 July, 1509; cf Sanudo, Diari, IX, 9, 14, 23, 25-26, 3886 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 25" [37"], provisori generali Gritti, 39. As Julius II’s animus against the Venetians rose during the

doc. dated 19 July, 1509. coming months, Raffaele Riario warned him that the subjection

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 69 Venetian forces got back Vicenza and much of the — the Venetians an ace; they knew how to play a good

terra ferma that the Republic had lost after Agna- hand. The Venetians reveled in good luck, but condello. As early as the beginning of August, Julius trary to Machiavelli they could manage misfortune.

II accused the Signoria of deceiving him, and his Louis XII proposed that the envoys and other suspicion of Venice recovered some of its virulence. Venetians in papal territory be arrested and held, As the doge saw disaster beginning to recede, he _ pending the release of the marquis of Mantua. Louis became less obsequious toward the pope, who told _ was said to be adding 800 lancers to the five hundred Cardinal Grimani, ‘We are not afraid of the king he had already furnished Maximilian. He was also of France, but of you.” Julius assured Louis XII of — sending off letters to England, Germany, and Spain

his determination to adhere to the articles of the to urge the arrest of all Venetians and the seizure

League of Cambrai.®? of their property, but the pope refused to take the

On 7 August the Venetian envoys in Rome wrote Venetians into custody or to touch their property.”° the doge that the pope was unwilling to receive any one of them for fear of giving Maximilian further §=————_ offense. The emperor was distressed enough. Aj- onment of Francesco Gonzaga. Cf, also Sanudo, IX, 25, 33, ae 34, 35, 36, 37-38, 41-42, 45, 53, 62, etc., 104, 134, et alibi,

though XII, IV, whom wasGonzaga detaining a: : orLouis and Priuli, 131.illness Francesco hadatnurtured some

Milan, did send Maximilian five hundred lancers — yesentment against the Republic ever since his dismissal as capunder de la Palice for service in the Veronese, Max- tain-general of the Venetian forces after the battle of Fornovo imilian had gone off sulking to Trent. In any event (which had taken place in July, 1495). The Turks were much

Louis showed no strong desire to help the impe- interested In his capture (Sanudo, IX, 527), for the Gonzaga

‘al; Ferd; d d He had | had maintained a friendly connection with the Porte.

Mansts. rer Inand care even less. Pe Na et go Declaring that the League of Cambrai had been formed the mercenaries he had in the kingdom of Naples, against Venice because the Signoria would not break faith with a number of whom had apparently entered the em- _ the Porte, on 11 September (1509) the doge and Senate wrote

ploy of Venice. The pope had lost confidence in me Pauite Anamea Foscolo in pan of the recent SUCCESS ° the unstable Maximilian, whose in the [7° forces ain town the Veronese, lonzaga nad been . . at position Isola della Scala, on thewhere river Tartaro: “. capture . . Ve League seemed on the point of becoming untenable significamo come havuta neli superior zorni noticia che nel as well as humiliating. Nevertheless, Julius seemed Veronese se adunavano gran numero de zente a cavallo, el to be afraid that Georges d’ Amboise and the French _ forzocapo de quelle il signor Marchese de Mantoa, per venirse

might find an anti-papal ally in Maximilian.2° a coniunger cum la cesarea Maesta existente alhora, et al preAtt this thistime tj hthehed Ven; dR sente etlam cum numeroso exercito propinquo alla terra de news reache emice an ome Padoa per oppugnarla, subito havuto questo li proveditori nostri of the capture of Francesco Gonzaga, Marquls Of mandorono dele zente d’ arme et fantarie a trovar li inimici in Mantua, who had carelessly advanced too far into Veronese ad Isola de la Scala, dove furono alle mano li nostri Venetian territory with too few followers?! The Vigorosamente li ruppeno et preseno da cavalli piu de 600, el

fugati. news as encouraging for bellissimi theresto Venetians as it “Bargenti, : Tree | . onawas preda fu si de cavalli come dewas robe,

distressing for the pope. Sanudo Says that Julius et danari. Preseno uno gran personazo gubernator dele zente threw his biretta on the ground In anger upon _ francese, et la victoria fu mazor per la persona propria del learning of Gonzaga’s capture.”* Chance had dealt dicto Marchese de Mantoa, el qual fu preso et condutto in questa

cita, dove l’ eal presente retenuto in bona custodia, dal qual prospero

——_-— effecto speramo per zornata farve intender deli altri successi of Venice to the French “‘non potria esser senza manifesto — grati a chi ne ama, principalissimamente confidandone che ‘|

periculo de questa Sancta Sede et de tuta la Corte Romana”’ Signor Dio non ce sia per lassar mancar la gratia sua per la (Cessi, op. cit., no. 82, p. 196, report of Girolamo Donato to _ iusta causa che havemo dal canto nostro et pol perche habiamo the doge, dated 10 December, 1509, and cf. Sanudo, IX, 414). il favor universalmente de tuti i populi et contadini nostri, quali *? Cessi, Dispacci, no. 28, pp. 62-63, letter dated 4 August, | cum uno ardor incredibile hanno prese le arme in mano per

1509. nul. Et tutavia ultra che habiamo uno grosso exercito in Padoa,

°° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 29, pp. 65-67, letter dated 7 August, | non mancamo de augumentar le force nostre, invigilando cum 1509, and on Louis XII’s military aid to Maximilian, cf, :bid., | ogni poter et faculta nostre per conservarne et defender da

no. 33, p. 80. tute queste potentie cussi effrenatamente coniurate et venute *' Gonzaga was captured (with much booty) on 8 August, alla ruina nostra, non per altra causa salvo per non haver nui 1509, near the town of Isola della Scala. He was on his way _ voluto condescender alle inique voglie loro. . . per haver nui from Verona to Legnano, which latter town he had expected —_determinato non voller romper la bona amicitia nostra cum to take (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 35" [47°], 36" [48], 44” — quel illustrissimo Gran Signor . . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, [56°], 45° [57%], et alibi, and esp. Roberto Cessi, ‘“‘La Cattura fol. 51 [63], baylo nostro Constantinopoli, and cf. fol. 54" [66"]).

del Marchese Francesco Gonzaga di Mantova e le prime trat- On the background, see Hans Joachim Kissling, Sultan Batative per la sua liberazione,” Nuovo Archwio veneto, XXV-1 — jezid’s IL. Bezehungen zu Markgraf Francesco I. von Gonzaga, Mu-

[new ser., ann. XIII, 1913], 144-76). nich, 1965, and in the present context, note esp. pp. 106 ff. °2 Sanudo, Diarn, IX, 81: “Et intesa questa nova, il papa’ (in the Munchener Universitats-Schriften . . . der philosofurioe, butando la bareta per terra... .”’ But see Cessi, Dispacci, phischen Fakultat, I).

no. 31, pp. 73-74, with the editor’s note, and cf pp. 77, 80, ° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 33, pp. 80-81, letter dated 23 August, 94-95, 107-8, 160, 169, 192, 195-96, 212, on the impris- 1509: “‘Questa rechiesta € parsa al Pontefice absurda, née ha

70 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT From time to time the reports of the Venetian — II replied that they would be forced to do so “‘cum envoys in Rome contain news of the Turks, as in le censure et cum le arme temporal de tuti li altri their dispatch of 17 August (1509) when they in- insieme.”’ Then, said Grimani, his Holiness would formed the doge that the grand master of Rhodes most certainly have the Signoria on his side. As was said to have captured eight Turkish fuste with for the question of free navigation on the Adriatic, all aboard. The Hospitallers apparently continued Grimani asked the pope to consider the matter in friendly relations with Venice at this time de- well. The Venetian right to patrol the Adriatic spite the close affiliations which the Order had _ had been formally recognized, almost two and a with France.”* The Republic was short of money, _ half centuries before, by Pope Gregory X at the however, and Venetian affairs “were not going Council of Lyon, ‘“‘come scrive Biondo in la hiwell;’’?° the war was in fact a terrible financial bur- storia sua, che é fidelissimo relator.” It was the den (especially during the years 1509-1512).°°On responsibility of Venice, he continued, to keep the 23 and 24 August the envoys wrote the doge from sea clear of corsairs, however much the AnconiRome that the king of Hungary had now entered tans might object, and this Venice had done at the League, and was prepared to invade Venetian- great expense.”®

held Dalmatia. Ferdinand the Catholic had reached

a new accord with Maximilian, who (it was said) Talk was cheap, and so it was incessant. In the was now willing to recognize Ferdinand’s lifetime long run the pope’s adherence to the League of regency in Castile, provided he gave the Archduke Cambrai was going to receive adverse criticism. De-

Charles 80,000 ducats a year.’ Despite the var- spite the general unpopularity of the Venetians, ious storm clouds on the darkened horizon, there there was many a man who felt, like Prospero Cowas still discussion in Rome of “‘la impresa contra _ lonna, “‘che I’ é bon italiano et desidera che Italiani

Turchi,” in which the pope expected the Vene- — signorezino Italia et non barbari.. . .’’?? The crutians to participate. ‘To this, Cardinal Grimani re- sade was seen as a means of restoring peace and turned the stock answer that the Serenissima, stopping the apparent continuance of French success which stood in faucibus hostium, could join the cru-. (Ferdinand the Catholic said he was in favor of the

sade only when all the Christian princes pledged _ enterprise), but with the knowledge of hindsight their resources to the common enterprise. Julius we can only regard as rather ludicrous some of the discourses relating to “‘la impresa contra infideli.’’!°

——_____-—— While the doge and Senate, well served by Carvoluto consentir. . . .”’ Cf Sanudo, Diarn, TX, 83, 135-36. dinal Domenico Grimani, carried on the inter-

The king of Hungary was not willing to join the League of — minable struggle ‘with all possible submission and Cambrai (tbid., IX, 136; Cessi, Dispacc, no. 34, p. 84, et alibi; a .

and of Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 34°35" [46"-47")). reverence to have the papal censures lifted from 4 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 32, p. 77, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. Venice, on 18 September (1509) they wrote 42, fol. 54° [66"], dated 12 September, 1509. Andrea Foscolo, the bailie in Istanbul, and Niccolo

wn tea a dated 2 ee 1502. Giustinian, who was joining him asa special envoy, bridge, Mass., 1980, pp. 27 that the enemies of the Republic (including Julius

” Cessi, Dispacct, nos. 34-35, pp. 84, 86-87, letters dated II) had become more closely united than ever in 23-24 August, 1509; on the king of Hungary, see, ibid, no. a Mew league. As soon as they had eliminated Ven-

56,; sanudo, pp. 131-3 dated’ ,Qctober, and—42. PP aanice, they would move on to attack the Turks, ‘‘et 1a7r2l, and VOl.1509, » COIS.

the accord between Maximilian and Ferdinand, cf. Raynaldus, per questo effecto hano mandato lettere de cru-

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, no. 29, vol. XX (1694), p. 70. On 10 June, 1509, Ferdinand had written the pope from Valladolid, §—§ ————— ‘“’ . . intellexi victoriam quam deo optimo maximo placuit dare *° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 38, pp. 92-93, letter dated 29 August,

Sanctitati vestre in recuperatione terrarum Ecclesie a Venetis 1509, and cf. pp. 97-98, 120, 123, 128, 150-51, et alibi, on occupatarum et quoniam deliberata est Sanctitas vestra quod _ the Venetian patrol of the Adriatic. According to the Venetians,

antequam arma deponantur omnes confederati sequamur bea- free navigation on the Adriatic would nullify certain capitol titudinem vestram in expeditionem contra Thurcos, fidei they had with the Turks (2bid., no. 75, p. 172). On Julius II’s Catholice inimicos, affectus sum profecto magno gaudio, bea- apparent dedication to the crusade, note no. 51, p. 122, a letter tissime pater, de prefata victoria. . . . Nam quia causa erat of Girolamo Donato, dated 27 September, 1509. lusta et pya et confederatio magna nil aliud potuit sperari. Tum ° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 40, p. 98, letter dated 29 August, 1509 maiori gaudio sum affectus de sancto zelo et fervore quibus = (misdated in Cessi’s heading). Sanctitas vestra hanc sanctam expeditionem contra Turcos am- '°° Cf. Cessi, Dispacci, no. 43, pp. 103—4, dated 7 September, plectitur cupitque et volt ut ad illam omnes confederati accin- 1509, and cf, ihd., pp. 135, 181-82, and see esp. no. 51, pp. gamur. . .”’ (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, = 120-22. fols. 214'-215"). Three weeks later, on 2 July, Ferdinand wrote '°l Cf Sen Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 6% ff. [18° ff.], 51% ff. [63°

again in similar vein (zbid., fols. 215*-216"). ff.], et alibi.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 71 ciata a tuti i principi et signori christiani,”” sum- powers could not make Venice break the peace she moning them to arms against the Porte. The sul- had with Sultan Bayazid and with the Soldan Kansuh tan should immediately recruit a force of eight to al-Ghuri. After destroying Venice, the allies would ten thousand Bosnian horse, who might come to attack the states of both the sultan and the soldan. the aid of the Venetians in Friuli. In doing so, the Contarini was given the sad details of Agnadello

Turks would be consulting their own interests; and the good news of the recovery of Padua. At they should certainly assemble a powerful army Isola della Scala Venetian forces had cut to pieces at Valona. The sanjakbey of the Morea had al- French and Mantuan troops, and captured the marready informed the Venetian provveditore of quis of Mantua. The emperor was still encamped Nauplia that Turkish forces in Bosnia and the’ with a large army before Padua which, ‘“‘cum lo Morea were available for Venetian service. Inthe adiuto divino,” the Signoria hoped to defend as Morea alone there were four to five thousand well as to recover the lands they had lost to the Christiani valenthomeni who might be put to use. invaders. The sanjakbey of the Morea was apparently pre- The French, Genoese, and Catalans had prepared to come in person to the Republic’s aid. pared fleets to go into the Levant, first to strike Furthermore, the sanjakbey of Valona had offered at Venetian possessions and then “‘contra le cose

the Venetian captain-general not only men but del Signor Soldano.” Egypt might have been in ‘‘every other assistance.’ There was no doubt but’ danger, but the Venetian captain-general of the that the sultan had ordered the sanjakbeys to hold — sea had been sent to stop the enemy fleets from themselves in readiness to help the Venetians to moving east of Sicily. Now many of the French

ward off a crushing defeat.'"* and Genoese ships had returned home to disarm. This communication to Foscolo and Giustinian The allies [of Cambrai] were as much the soldan’s was of course highly confidential, as was another enemies as the Venetians’. The soldan should take

of the same date, whereby they were instructed steps to defend himself. Contarini must tell him to “‘let fall’ at the Porte the observation that the that he could depend upon his friendship with Florentines, Anconitans, Ragusei, and Genoese, Venice, but Contarini must do so by word of ‘‘who are subjects of the king of France and the mouth, “non dando né monstrando scriptura ad pope,” were supporting the war and preparing for —alcuno.””!°*

the crusade with money they received from the While the Venetians were dilating on their serTurkish trade. The sultan might thus be financing _ vices, as a first line of defense, to the Turks and an attack upon his own empire. But Venice was — the Mamluks, Julius II was having trouble with Louis spending barrels of money in the war, and she XII over appointments to vacant benefices. Julius needed barrels more. The bailie and envoy were, also informed Maximilian that he had done enough therefore, to ask the sultan to purchase not less _ to help him capture Padua from the Venetians, and than 100,000 ducats’ worth of woolen, silk, and that he would supply no further funds for that purother goods, half of which would be delivered _ pose.'®? The Venetians remained successful in their during the current year, and the rest in 1510. If | defense of Padua,'°® which sometimes reassured Juthe sultan wished surety for the second delivery, the Senate was prepared to deposit some “‘ex- '* Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 61‘-62' [73'-74'], consulr no-

quisite jewelry” with the Porte.'?” stro in Alexandria, doc. dated 27 September, 1509. A similar

in} ' ’ . consul In WamMascus.

The doge and Senate also wrote Tommaso Con- etter mutans mutandis, was sent to Pietro Zen, the Venetian tarini, the Venetian consul in Alexandria, that al- 103 Cessi, Dispacer, no. 49, pp. 114-15, letter dated 23 Septhough they had been at peace with the pope (before tember, 1509, and cf, ibid., pp. 124-25, 127, 132-33, 134, 1509), and hada three years’ truce with the emperor 137, on the question of French benefices. as well as an alliance with the king of France, their 196 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 55, p. 130, letter dated 11 October,

ake friends, including the king of Spain, had sud {02nd es 24 8,15, Worden wa ome denly turned against them. ‘The eMPcror and the (ibid., no. 59, p. 140, dated 25 October. 1509). After the French kings had been joined by the Genoese, Florentines, victory at Agnadello, the imperial failure in the siege of Padua Ferrarese, and Mantuans in an unholy league, an was the most important military fact in the war of the League ‘unheard-of conspiracy.”’ The reason was that these of Cambrai. As noted above, the prelude to Agnadello as well as the course and consequences of the siege of Padua can be

reviewed in P. Zanetti, ‘‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509,’ Nuovo

lope ; Archivio veneto, 2nd ser., I] (1891), 5-168, and for Maximilian’s

vos Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 57” [69%]. a failure to retake Padua between July and the beginning of

Ibid., Reg. 42, fol. 59° [71"]. The payment and deliveries October, 1509, see esp. pp. 69 ff., 94-117, with numerous would presumably take place at Valona or Cattaro (fol. 58°). documents. Cf’ Sanudo, Diarii, TX, 119 ff.

72 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT lius and sometimes exasperated him. But his hostility repairing damage done to the walls and to the Seto the French was persistent and gave evidence of raglio.""!

increasing. The French, he said, were all traitors. Although Spanish and papal galleys were availCharles de Chaumont, the grand master of France able, there had been no actual preparations for the and governor of Milan, had gone to Verona, pre-_ crusade. Until the war of the League of Cambrai tending to help the Emperor Maximilian—accord- had been terminated, there could be none. The ing to Julius—but since the emperor had been doing damage caused by the earthquake in Istanbul would so badly in the field, Chaumont had actually planned _ be repaired long before a Christian naval armament to seize Verona, Vicenza, and any other place he could reach the Bosporus. Even had the earthquake could. If he could have captured the emperor, said _ been a disaster for the Turks, the Christian states,

Julius, he would have been glad to do so.'°’ On 26 at war with one another, would have been in no October the Venetian envoys wrote the doge that position to take advantage of the opportunity. We the pope favored the efforts that were said to be _ have seen that Pope Julius II had entered the League in progress to arrange a truce or peace between with reluctance. The fact that Louis XII professed Maximilian and the Republic. Julius wished to sep- to have become an ally of the Holy See in no way arate the emperor from the king of France, whose _ lessened the pope’s dislike and fear of the French. designs upon ecclesiastical benefices were exceeded From the beginning of November (1509) serious only by his desire for territory.'°* When an envoy _ efforts were made in Rome to settle the differences of the king of Hungary, who was trying to negotiate — which had brought about the war between Venice favorable terms upon which to enter the League and the Holy See. The first of a series of discussions of Cambrai, asked the pope for money “‘per recu- of the important issues at stake took place on 3 perar le terre de la Dalmatia,” Julius replied that | November in the palace of Cardinal Oliviero Carafa his money was not for those who would make war just off the Piazza Navona. The Signoria was repon Christians, but rather for those who fought the resented by Domenico Trevisan and Girolamo infidels, against whom his Holiness would expend Donato. Cardinal Raffaele Riario was also present; not only his money but even his life’s blood.!°? Un- like the pope, Riario was a nephew of Sixtus IV. der other circumstances Julius I] might have been Pietro de’ Accolti of Arezzo, auditor of the Rota

an ardent crusader. (soon to become a cardinal), and the papal secretary

In late October the news came from Sicily that and historian Sigismondo de’ Conti were also on on 14 September there had been a terrible earth- hand. Accolti set forth in concise fashion the papal quake in Istanbul, which had ruined a long stretch demands, of which three were spiritual and four of the walls along the sea, part of a great mosque, _ temporal. The pope’s ‘‘spiritual’’ requirements were and probably about 4,000 houses, as well as the 1) that the Signoria must bow to the papal will in tower of the treasury and the area of the Hippo- appointment to benefices, 2) that ecclesiastical cases drome. Sultan Bayazid II was said to be in a state must be settled in the Rota at Rome, and 3) that of ‘‘grandissima trepidation,” but there was no way _ the state must not impose tithes on the clergy in of knowing in Rome whether the news was really Venetian territory without the authorization of the true.!!° Dispatches from Istanbul, however, soon Holy See. confirmed the fact that there had indeed been an Of the pope’s temporal demands the first related

earthquake in the city, and that the Turks were to the duchy of Ferrara, which was a papal fief. Venice had by force acquired certain commercial 107 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, p. 140, letter of the Venetian en- §————————

voys in Rome to the doge and Senate, dated 25 October, 1509. ''’ Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 336, 338, 563-65, and cf. Raynaldus, 108 Cessi, Dispacei, no. 60, p. 142, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, no. 34, vol. XX (1694), pp. 71-72. 42, fols. 80°-81" [90°—91"]. Julius II was assured that the Vene- An early German ‘“‘newspaper”’ was devoted to the earthquake

tians would make no settlement or alliance with Maximilian — of 14 September, printed by Ruloff Spot in Cologne in 1509that would exclude the Holy See (Cessi, Dispacci, p. 143, and — 1510 (cf, Carl Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], no. 38, p. 39, and the cf., ibid., pp. 145-46, 148, and Sanudo, Diaru, 1X, 296-97). catalogue of the antiquarian bookseller Jacques Rosenthal, Ein'° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, pp. 140-41, and cf: Sanudo, Diaru, —_blattdrticke . . . , 1455-1519, Katalog 92, Munich, no date, IX, 296, from a letter of Paolo Capello, dated at Rome on 26 __ no. 96, pp. 61-62). Four hundred workmen were later ordered October, 1509: ‘‘. . . Il papa li rispose [i.e., to the Hungarian — sent from the Morea to Istanbul and Adrianople to help repair envoy, whose king wanted to recover ‘la Dalmatia possessa per damage caused by the earthquake (Sanudo, X, 50). On details Venitiani’| non vol dar danari a far guerra contra Cristiani, ma __ of the earthquake, see Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d.

ben contra infedeli, e tunc li dara etiam zente.”’ osman. Reaches, II (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 349-51, and 110 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, p. 141, dated 25 October, 1509. J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 11 (Gotha,

In letters of 5 and 21 October the bailie Andrea Foscolo in- 1854), 560-61. It is alleged that in three months 80,000 workformed the Signoria that work on the walls of Istanbul was men rebuilt eighteen miles of walls and most of the houses

apace (Sanudo, Diarn, IX, 336, 338). which had been destroyed in Istanbul.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 73 and judicial rights in Ferrara, where the Signoria As for the Emperor Maximilian, the Venetians kept a visdomino. It was unseemly that a secular state took care to remind him that the French were the

should thus possess authority “‘in le terre de la Germans’ worst enemy. Louis XII had often broChiesa.”” The Venetians had won these rights by ken faith with them. His successes had made him war, and by war (if necessary) they would be forced so intolerably arrogant that he now aspired to to give them up, che quello se havea guadagnato cum dominion over all Italy. He wanted to displace guerra, cum guerra etiam se perdesse. Secondly, it was Maximilian as emperor and to make Cardinal said that the Venetians had negotiated certain pacts d’ Amboise pope. According to the Venetian Sen-

with the inhabitants of Ancona, Fano, and other ate, the solution was obviously an ‘‘entente and places in “‘the lands of the Church’ without the league” of the Republic with the Empire to drive knowledge and consent of the pope. These pacts the French from northern Italy. The Signoria sent must be rescinded. Thirdly, the Signoria must stop a ‘“‘“German”’ captive, Bartolommeo Firmian, as an its tyranny on the Adriatic, Accolti declared, “‘di- envoy to the emperor to try to lure him away from

cendo che ’] mar era libero,” and the Venetians the unprofitable French alliance. The Venetians must neither seek to close the sea to the Anconitans would pay an appropriate censo on such imperialist and others nor try to collect maritime imposts from _ lands as they held as well as on those they hoped them. Finally, Accolti declared that the pope wanted to regain. They expected Maximilian, they said,

‘the revenues of his towns and the costs of the to recover the duchy of Milan, and would be glad ‘crusade’ [impresa], demanding recompense from __ to send or receive further envoys to work out the

us, but not bothering with any detail.’’'’* details of a confederation.!!° Maximilian’s failure It was not necessary to bother with detail, for J ulius had often made his demands known. some Talk of the expeditio contra perfidos Turcos never stopped (cf. the

ten weeks earlier he had told Cardinal Grimani: — documents of 1509-1510, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm.

‘ath XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 218°-223", 225-227", with the usual

Although we have got back the towns in the Romagna, laments for tot sanctissima delubra atque templa violata, profanata, in recompense for the Expenses WE have incurred [in the spoliata [fol. 221°], principum Christianorum discordia [fol. 226°], war | and for the revenues the Signoria has received from _ etc.). those towns, we insist that when we undertake the crusade 'l Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 77°—78" [87°-88'], instructio [tmpresa] against the Turks, the aforesaid Signoria—be- danda magnifico D. Bartholomeo Firmiano captivo proficiscenti ad sides the galleys which must be armed for Venice—should —¢esaream Maiestatem, doc. dated 5 November, 1509: ‘‘Magnifice

also arm an appropriate number on our behalf, put crews D. Bartholomee, vuy farete intender ala Maesta cesarea che aboard the galleys, pay them, and meet the other necessary essendo sta il stato nostro sempre devotissimo de quella et de

, li illustrissimi et serenissimi sul progenitor! continuamente haexpenses. Then we shall put the captains aboard, and the , a. i AT dard dh b biamo havuto desyderio de esser unitissimi cum ley, et cussi galleys will carry our stan as Ss, and have to obey us as etiam al presente siamo per esser natural al stato nostro pro-

though they were our own. seguir de summa reverentia la cesarea Maesta sua et el Sacro

. Romano Imperio.. . . Dechiarirete preterea ala dicta Maesta

On 3 November Trevisan and Donato put up che cognoscendo luy, come sapemo molto ben la cognosce, el a mild defense of the Venetian past and of the _ rede Franza suo natural et accerrimo inimico che tante et tante Signoria which was struggling with the allies of _ fiate li ha rota la fede esser hormai per i prosperi successi deCambrai. The envoys maintained that the Repub- venuto in tanta elatione et superbia che |’ aspira non solum ala

. : occupation et dominio de tuta Italia ma etiam ad farsieeimperator lic deserved some aspontefice, Alexander . . deconcessions, Christiani et ad farsuch Rohano la die esser promp-

VI had already granted in the matter of tithes, tissima ad unirse et ligarse cum la Signoria nostra, et che nuy because the Venetians were “‘always at war with — semo molto ben contenti de venir ad intelligentia et liga cum the Turks,” not only for the protection of their sua cesarea Maesta et ad cazar el dicto re de Franza del stato

own state, but for the well-being of all Christen- Milano et etiam ad tuor ogni altra impresa che fara a pro-

dom. Were , fithnot if for f the R posito de la conphederation nostra, et a questo effecto non the naval forces of the Ke- siamo per mancharli de danari, de lo exercito et zente nostre public, the Turks would come and go and plunder si terrestre come maritime, li direte etiam che nuy volemo re-

as they chose.''# cognoscer le terre tenimo et le perse subiecte al imperio da sua

Maesta cesarea cum quel censo et recognition che sii conve-

———————————- niente, et similiter recuperando sua Maesta, come senza dubio 112 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 64, p. 150. The Adriatic involved cer-_ succedera, el stato de Milano, volemo recognoscer le terre et tain arrangements with the Turks, which the Venetians did not __lochi toltone dal re de Franza in la presente guerra.

want the pope to upset (cf, ibid., no. 75, p. 172). ‘‘Demum volendo sua Maesta come per ogni ragion et re-

‘I> Cessi, Dispacci, no. 38, p. 92, letter of the envoys in Rome _ specto la die voler udir et attender ale proposition nostre che

to the doge and Senate, dated 29 August, 1509. in effecto sono de sorte che la renderano immortal et gloriosa, 114 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 64, pp. 149-50, and ff., letter dated la ordeni se la vuol li mandamo uno o piu oratori oO secreti O 3 November, 1509: **. . . Turchi scorreriano dove volesseno. _ palesi o se la vuol mandar ley de qui per capitular et sigillar la . . .”’ Although the Venetian envoys in Rome appear to have _ conphederation nostra, perche nostra firma intention e de esser been vigilant in the interests of the Republic, they were accused — sui obsequentissimi et devotissimi fioli. De parte 153, de non of negligence by the home government (thid., no. 65, p. 153). — 33, non synceri |.’”’ Cf, Sanudo, Diari, IX, 300.

74 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to regain Padua, however, had only deepened his that Julius still insisted that either all or none of hatred of the Venetians, and he saw no advantage them should leave Rome (0 tutz, 0 nissun), and that to himself in helping them to relieve the pressure he showed no signs of relaxing any of his other

under which Louis was keeping them. Neverthe- demands, despite the news which had reached less, to help win the emperor over to their side, Rome of Turkish activities in Croatia. Together the doge and Senate offered Matthias Lang, the with the usual reports of French and imperialist bishop of Gurk, Maximilian’s chief councilor, ten moves, the envoys informed the doge of the thousand ducats and assurance of an annual in- ‘“‘peace and good understanding”’ which had been come of three to four thousand more.''® Maxi- reached between Henry VIII of England and milian was still maintaining his futile Italian cam- James IV of Scotland. Although the king of France paign in the area between Vicenza and Verona, _ had tried to introduce himself into their affairs as but on 15 November (1509) the Senate wrote their mediator, neither side had allowed him to do so. '*° bailie in Istanbul that ‘‘lo exercito suo se € in la There was some hope in Venice that the English maior parte dissolto, et la persona sua reducta a_ might now enter the lists against Louis XII, but Trento.”!!’ If the emperor was no longer a great the diarist Girolamo Priuli doubted it, since the

problem, the pope remained so. “English do not like to leave their island, because

Dealing with the irascible Julius II was always they would be like fish out of water.’’'*? difficult. The Venetians, however, were regaining The Venetians were less concerned about the some of their confidence. As Girolamo Donato’ English than they were about the Turks. For explained to Cardinal Riario, Venice could not weeks there had been no word from the bailie yield to the pope on the questions of the Adriatic Andrea Foscolo and the special envoy Niccolo and Ferrara, which were no proper part of the Giustinian. In mid-November (1509), therefore, monitorium. But when on 5 November (1509) the Senate wrote the two emissaries in Istanbul:

Cardinal requested permission foroffive of a ; a- reply he s; h D Grimani We remain in constant expectation receiving

the six envoys to return home (Donato was to r€- to our letters of 18 September in order to learn [the main tH Rome), Julius replied that he would give — jord Turk’s]. . . intention with respect to providing us all six of them leave to go if they wished: When with the assistance we requested. We are astonished to the question of absolution again arose, he would _ see such a long delay, especially since we sent you our demand an embassy, not of six but of twelve mem- _ letters in triplicate by three different means, so that we

bers. According to Grimani, the pope, who the are certain you must have got them. day before had apparently wanted to settle his Foscolo and Giustinian were told to spare no effort differences with118 Venice, now seemed ready to ex: Ay: to persuade the Porte to respond favorably to the

ae ; Venetian appeal, and not then no—expense to dismiss six envoys, would let to fivespare of them . :; _:From - : ; all ,; inform the he Senate of the sultan’s decision.

acerbate them.'*” Although Julius was willing to ;

go. His intractability continued, and the Venetians h likel help th d to have arrived at a diplomatic impasse. * S°COUDIS NE Was likely fo nelp them (non se renappear’ pio! Passe. — dera difficile). The fact was that Venice was imper-

The pope reached theChristian French _princes,” . ‘ Lo ; -and rr ; ;certain iledanbyagreement a disputed “‘leaguewith of bishoprics, the concerning and ef- .of . of course that league could later form the basis forts were continued—unsuccessfully—to secure the release of the despondent Francesco Gonzaga |§ ——___—_

from his Venetian prison. 9 Venetian positions are summarized in dispatches of 18 and 22 On 16 November the envoys wrote the doge November and of 1 December, 1509 (Cessi, op. cit., nos. 74—

ee dispatch of 1 December.

75, 78, pp. 167-74, 179-86); the crusade looms large in the

8 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 78° [88"], doc. dated 5 No- 20 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 73, pp. 163-66, letter dated 16 No-

vember, 1509. vember, 1509. James IV confirmed the treaty (first made with

'!7 Ibid., Reg. 42, vol. 82% [92"]. Henry VII) with Henry VIII on 28 November (R. K. Hannay,

118 Cessi, Dispaca, no. 67, pp. 155-56; Sen. Secreta, Reg. R. L. Mackie, and A. Spilman, Letters of James IV, Edinburgh, 42, fol. 71° [83°]; M. Brosch, Papst Julius I. (1878), p. 181; 1953, no. 280, p. 159). The young Henry was taking a bellicose Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 318, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. attitude toward Louis XII (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 439), who kept 1956), 769. On the whole, Pastor’s account seems unduly prej- _ trying to stir up the king of Scotland against England (ibid., IX,

udiced against the Venetians, whose ‘‘old arrogance’’ (alter 440). Ubermut) was hardly greater than that of Julius himself. Cf. '21 Priuli, V, 32, under the date 4 December, cited by Cessi, Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 305. Sanudo is, quite understandably, not —_ Dispacci, p. 166, note. On 26 November, 1509, the Venetian

well-disposed toward Julius, who was nevertheless reported to envoys sought the support of Christopher Bainbridge, archfavor a Veneto-German peace as an obstacle to further French bishop of York, then on an embassy to Rome (Cess1, of. cit., no. aggression (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 80” [90°], cited above). 77, pp. 175 ff.; Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 372; and D. S. Chambers, 'l9 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 69, pp. 159-60, letter dated 9 No- Cardinal Bainbridge in the Court of Rome {1509 to 1514), Oxford,

vember, 1509; Sanudo, Diari, 1X, 321-22. The papal and 1965, pp. 23-26 and ff.).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 75 a crusade against the Turks themselves. The Sen- ‘Turkish aid against the Christian powers during ate had been distressed to learn of the earthquake — the war of the League of Cambrai. in Istanbul, but was relieved by the report that no “person of account” had been lost. The happy The discussions between Julius and the Venetian news had just reached Venice that the day before advocates continued week after week. The Vene(on 14 November) “‘our army has entered the city _ tians insisted that their control of the Adriatic (e/ of Vicenza.’ The Senate was certain that the sul- — Colpho), to which Julius objected, did not and would

tan and the pashas would be glad to learn of the not impede mercantile shipping. His Holiness must Venetian victory, ‘“‘because they know very well remember that Venetian galleys made the sea-lanes that whatever our fortune may be, we shall have _ safe from corsairs and kept the Turks at bay. The it in common with the most illustrious lord duchy of Ferrara, which was a papal vicariate, was [Turk].’”'** We need hardly wonder what Julius also a cause of contention. The Venetians wanted II’s reactions would have been to the Venetian _ their visdomino in Ferrara, where they claimed cerappeals to the Porte for aid against /a liga dei prin- _ tain extraterritorial rights. Although it was proposed

cipt Christiant. in the Senate that the official’s name might be By the end of November the Senate had finally changed to consolo, the envoys in Rome were inreceived letters from Foscolo, the last of which _ structed to hold out (if possible) for the preservation was dated 21 October. It had been sent before the | of the Republic’s rights in Ferrara.'** The Venetians Senate’s letters of 18-19 September had reached _ had become less hard to deal with, and although Istanbul. Assuming that the bailie and Giustinian Julius remained firm on the questions both of Fer-

had followed the instructions previously sent to rara and of the Adriatic, he seemed calmer and them, the Senate turned to other matters. Enemies better disposed toward the Republic, when on 7 of the Republic and the Porte had told Bayazid December (1509) he told Cardinal Marco Corner that the “league of the Christian princes” against — that he rejoiced in every evidence of Venetian prosVenice had not been formed because the Vene- _ perity and wished that it might be greater, “saving

tians had wanted to maintain peace with the Turks always the affairs of the Church.” In everything ‘but for other reasons,”’ which assertion the Sen- _ that he said, Julius showed that he held Maximilian ate branded as absolutely false. Foscolo and Giu- “of small account,” but he took more seriously Louis stinian were to remind the sultan and the pashas_ XII’s efforts to recruit six thousand Swiss mercethat the very first article of the Christian league _ naries.'*°

emphasized the allies’ intention ‘‘andar contra Cardinals Riario and Giovanni de’ Medici inmusulmani et precipue contra Turchi, che hano formed the envoys two days later that the pope occupato lo imperio oriental.’” The enemies of the | wanted to pursue a pro-Italian course.'*® On 10 Republic had assailed the Turco-Venetian peace December, after mass, Julius talked with Ruario, as an obstacle to the crusade, “‘la expedition contra Corner, and Girolamo Donato. He had received a Turchi.”” The king of France had broken the _ letter from Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara, he said, which pledge of peace and alliance he had given Venice; represented Venetian activities entirely differently the emperor had violated his solemn oath to ob- from what Corner had told him and the doge had

serve a truce. Their principal reason had been asserted them to be. “It seems to us that you do “that we have maintained and do maintain our — the worst you can,”’ Julius told them, ‘“‘as you will friendship and peace with the most illustrious lord see from the letter which [ shall have read to you.”’

[Turk]. Bayazid and the pashas could see who He accused the Venetians of ravaging the territory was telling the truth, and Foscolo and Giustinian of Ferrara, and summoned the Ferrarese ambasmust press for the ‘‘subsidies’”’ the Senate had sador, whom he asked to produce the letter he asked for in the letter of 18 September, which had — wanted read. The ambassador had failed to bring

been sent to Istanbul in triplicate. Repeating their it, but he offered to state its contents. The pope earlier requests in some detail, the Senate wanted — sent him off with a chiding to get the letter. The to be sure that the sanjakbey of Bosnia should be | ambassador lived near S. Peter’s. When he returned,

prepared to come to the Republic’s aid ad ogni the pope had the letter read, recounting the depnostra rechiesta with 10,000 mounted men.!”? It is,

therefore, more than clear that Venice did seek ~,,. __ | | Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 91°-92* [101°-102*], 116° 126°]. ———— | 2 Cees Dispacci, no. 80, p. 191, and cf. Sanudo, Diari, 1X,

'** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 82°-83" [92*-93']. 494, who also mentions the 6,000 Swiss. '*° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 89 [99], and note, ibid., fols. '*° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 81, pp. 192-93, letter dated 9 Decem94-95 [104-105], 97-98" [107-108"], 104°-105' [114°-115']. ber, 1509.

76 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT redations of the Venetian fleet up the Po valley The old superba had returned. The Venetians might beyond Polesella as far as Ficarolo and Stellata (come have taken the road—a short one—from Vicenza l’ armata de sopra a la Pelosela havea depopulato et to Verona, but they were bent upon chastising Almesso a fuoco et fiama tuto fin a Figarol et la Stelada). fonso d’ Este, the duke of Ferrara. The imperialists Giovanni Luca, the bishop of Reggio Emilia, who — had held Padua under siege from 10 August to 2 was also present, remarked that the Polesine di S. October.'*? Alfonso had helped his German and Giorgio, where the fleet had ravaged, was the most _ French allies in every way he could in their Paduan flourishing part of the Ferrarese, the source of the — siege. The Signoria and the Venetian populace were duchy’s food supply. The Venetians had left it all furious with him.

‘in total desolation.” The best Donato could answer Verona was well garrisoned with German, was that the Ferrarese had devastated the no less Spanish, Gascon, and Italian troops,'” ' but they flourishing area of Padua, ‘‘et che le cosse de la were hungry and fighting among themselves.'*? guerra era de questa natura.’ He further charged ‘The Venetian forces were unpaid and not well off that the duke of Ferrara and his brother, Cardinal in Treviso, Padua, and Vicenza,'** but if they had Ippolito, had spent 200,000 ducats trying to seize been combined with the manpower which now, in Padua from the Republic; had it not been for their mid-November, the Signoria decided to send up support, the Emperor Maximilian would have aban- _ the Po to take revenge on the Estensi, they might doned the siege on the first day. Julius interrupted _ well have retaken Verona, the guardian city of the

him (more suo says Donato), and insisted that the entire Veneto. The Po expedition, which (as we envoys should write the doge to refrain from attacks have seen) had angered Julius II, had also recupon the lands of the duke of Ferrara, who was a__ onciled him to his alliance with France. vassal of the Holy See. Otherwise, Julius indicated, After a month of cruel marauding, the expedition he would intervene more decisively himself. Donato — under the leadership of the Venetian captain-gen-

was persistent, but Julius cut him short again: eral Angelo Trevisan met a defeat which amounted “That’s enough. You have understood me!’’!*’ to disaster on 21 and 22 December (1509). Cardinal The Venetians understood Julius well enough. Ippolito d’ Este, who was serving his brother Alfonso

They also understood that the balance of power as commander, succeeded in catching Trevisan’s was likely to tilt in their favor. Maximilian had — seventeen galleys under the full force of the Ferlittle reason to be content with the French, and _ rarese field artillery. His main target was eleven Ferdinand the Catholic resented their success and _ galleys which had been fastened together in utter ostentatiousness. The English nurtured an odio immobility to form a bridge over the Po near the naturale of the French. England was regarded as _ town of Polesella, eight or ten miles south of Rovigo.

a power to contend with “now that it was united All told, two of the Venetian galleys escaped, six

with Scotland.”’!** were destroyed, and nine were captured. The loss The Venetians had faced their trials since Agna- _ of life was heavy although Trevisan and all the galley

dello with far more courage and resourcefulness commanders escaped. Sanudo was reminded of “‘the than Machiavelli gave them credit for (in the Discors,, | other time the Venetians were routed” (tempo di III, 31). In fact the Venetians had been doing too I’ altra rota),'** and notes sadly, ‘‘So that’s it. Our well, enjoying sustained if unspectacular success for

four months, from the reoccupation of Padua (on = —— 17 July) to that of Vicenza (on 14 November). '?9 in Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 319-21, data Vincentiae 14 mensis Novembris 1509. The imperialist soldiery in Vicenza was in a hopeless

—__ condition when the Venetians retook the city (ibid., cols. 127 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 82, pp. 193-95, letter dated 10 De- 290-91). cember, 1509. Two days later, on the twelfth, the pope again '5° Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, IX, 38, 44-45 and ff., 57 ff., 76 ff, protested against Venetian incursions in the Ferrarese (ibid., 86 ff., 102 ff., etc., 226, the last entry being under 2 October: no. 83, pp. 197-98, and cf. p. 206; Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 414; “Eda saper, la note a hore 4 [10 P.M.], zonse lettere di Padoa

Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 102 [112]). di hore 17 [11 A.M.] come il campo nemicho in quella matina

128 Cf. Cessi, Dispacci, no. 96, p. 224, dated 9 January, 1510 ahore 9[3 A.M.], prima francesi et alemani, si havia comenzato

(Ven. style 1509), and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 98 ff. [108 a levar dil’ assedio di Padoa.. . .” ff.]. By the treaties of January, 1502, peace had been made 131 Sanudo, Diarii, IX, 333-34, 335-36, 338-39, 345 ff., between England and Scotland, with various guarantees for its 355. maintenance. The subsequent marriage of Henry VII's daugh- '32 Thod., 1X, 362, 365, 379, 381, 384, 390. ter Margaret to James IV, king of the Scots, quite literally 133 Thid., IX, 334, 345-46. brought with it the possibility of a ‘‘union”’ of the two kingdoms, "54 Ibid., IX, 403. The Po expedition had been designed “ai which of course took place a century later (cf. J. D. Mackie, The | danni del ducha di Ferara et del teritorio suo,”’ and those who

Earlier Tudors | 1485-1558], Oxford, 1962, pp. 157 ff.). chose to go against Ferrara ‘“‘habino et godino tutto quello che '29 On the Venetians’ recovery of Vicenza, see the letter of [in] qualunque modo aquisterano siche el sia suo libero senza Girolamo Savorgnan, colateral zeneral, to his cousins, the Troni, alguna contraditione”’ (ibid., IX, 331, and cf. cols. 311, 332,

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 77 fleet has been defeated and captured on the Po— water run its course.’’!** As he explained to Carby foot soldiers!—a fleet which the Turk has not dinal Corner and Girolamo Donato (on | January, been able to take with his powerful armada.’’'”° 1510), Louis XII had Verona under his control The wretched failure of the Po expedition at as well as Valeggio. Maximilian was in Louis’s debt Polesella helped fire the political rivalries and hos- for all the help he had given the imperialists in the tilities in the Venetian patriciate. Angelo Trevi- siege of Padua as well as in the defense of Verona, san, olim capitanio zeneral di mar, was brought to which latter place Louis held “‘cum prefation de trial in the Grand Council, and (like Antonio Gri- _ esser creditor per spese facte nei subsidi de gente mani a decade before)'*® he was found guilty of | prestata a mantenir el dicto Maximinian.”’ a poor performance and promptly exiled, at least Louis planned to return to Milan by Easter with for a while.'*’ Apprehension filled the council a large army. The Signoria would be foolish to halls of the ducal palace. On 29 December the look to England for assistance. The Swiss would Venetian envoys in Rome wrote the Doge Lore- not help Venice because of the interdict. Julius dan that of course the Venetian fleet must be re- said he knew that the Signoria had been negotibuilt ‘‘with all possible speed”’ to protect the state. ating with the Turks, but Sultan Bayazid was old There was no better defense than a strong fleet, andill. If the Turks came to their aid, all the world ‘‘and all the more so, since the pope has written would turn against them. Venice might try again [Alfonso d’ Este] of his desire to have the hulls of to come to terms with Maximilian, but “if you the galleys taken.’’ The ambassadors and French make an accord with him before [I give you] abcardinals were saying that Louis XII also wanted solution,” said Julius, “I will repeat the interdict the galleys to use against the Venetians in the not only against you, but also against the king of

Adriatic. the Romans. . . , and I will strengthen my alliJulius II’s first reaction to the extraordinary ance with France!’’!** victory of the Estensi over Venice was one of Jju- In early January, 1510, a Venetian advocate bilation, but he soon had second thoughts. He had told the pope:

no use for his independent, indeed rebellious vas-

sal, Duke Alfonso. Furthermore, Italy was now I would advise your Holiness not to plunge the Venemore than ever exposed to the peril of French tians into desperation. We learn by letters from Chios , that the Turk is making great preparations for an arconquest. Unless the Venetians acceded to his de- ag, and an armv. If by ch he Venetians. beref mands, however, Julius was determined “to let the of the friendship of others, should choose that course

; ; 7” y. y chance the Venetians, bereft and set 10,000 Turkish horse ashore at Ancona or on

ae the coast, they would do immense damage. Your Ho335, 339-40 [on the Venetian sack of Corbola, atthe northern js nego knows, when the Turks were at Otranto, how mouth of the Po)). Sanudo reports on 24 November (1509) h difficultv was experienced jn trvine to drive them

“che I’ armata era levata di Corbola e vanno a la volta de la "US Cuny Was exp ce YING tO

Peloxela [Polesella] brusando et ruinando ogni cossa”’ (2did., out, and yet there were not so many. And if the death col. 340, and cf. cols. 341-42, 343, 349-50, 354, 357-58, 360, of the old Turkish sultan [Mehmed II] had not occurred,

364, 374, 377-78, 381-82 [Trevisan made war more like a I do not know what would have happened. Turk than a Christian], 385, 394-95, 396, 397, 399-400).

On 22 December the news came of the Venetian disaster at “To this Julius replied, ‘“We have no doubt of it, Polesella: ‘“Poi a hore 9 [2:00 A.M.] gionse a la porta di palazo because the Venetians are always ready to reach dil Principe [Leonardo Loredan| oe nobele di la galia sora- ay agreement with them!” In the political maelcomito sier Alexandro Badoer, et disse come la nostra armada,

eri matina [the morning of 21 December], da’ Feraresi con strom of Italy, however, one could hardly be artelaria era brusada, et il zeneral [Trevisan] scampa a Ruigo blamed for taking any ally he could find, and if [Rovigo] . . . : il resto di I’ armata mal menata.. . . Etera’_ the Venetians turned to the Porte for aid against venuto batando con barcha a portar questa pessima novaala_ the French, had not Alexander VI shown them Signoria accio si provedesse. . . . Siché la nostra armada € sta the way? Rumor had it that Louis XII was about armata, non ha potuto prenderla!” (Sanudo, IX, 402-7, with to return to Italy, and letters from Valladolid con-

rota e presa in Po da fanti a piedi [!] che ’] Turco, con potente .

quotations from cols. 402-3, 404). tained the news that the Spanish were getting

° Ibid., 1X, 404, cited at the end of the preceding note, ready an armada and an army for service in Africa. and cf. Cessi, Dispacc, nos. 88, 90, pp. 209, 216-17. On the But, then, some observers believed these forces

political and military importance of the Venetian defeat at Po- . ; lesella, see Robert Finlay, ‘“‘Venice, the Po Expedition, and the would be employed to secure Ferdinand’s hold on End of the League of Cambrai, 1509-1510,” Studies in Modern

European History and Culture [ed. Ekkehard-Teja Wilke], I] = —————

(1976), 37-72. '®8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 88, esp. pp. 209-10, letter dated 29 "5° See Volume II, pp. 517-18, 519. December, 1509.

57 Cf, Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 538-40, 545-46, 550-51, 557, '®° Cessi, Dispacc, no. 89, esp. pp. 213-14, letter dated 1 558-59. January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509).

78 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the kingdom of Naples.'*° Such news was less wel- from both the interdict and the excommunication

come in Rome than it was in Venice. on 24 February (1510) in a solemn ceremony in As the French, Germans, and Spanish converged _ the portico of S. Peter’s, near the bronze doors, on Italy, it became clear to Julius I that if Venice where a throne had been set up for him.’** Briefs lost her independence, so would the Holy See. Al- were sent far and wide throughout Europe, anthough Maximilian objected to any accord with the — nouncing the Venetians’ return to communion with

Republic unless he received the lands promised to the Church. There was rejoicing in the Piazza S. him at Cambrai,’*' Julius could see that he must Marco. The Senate now learned of Henry VIII’s reach some understanding with the Venetians, who _ efforts at the Curia on the Republic’s behalf. Carhad become ever more pliable, and were now willing — dinal Marco Corner reported the grandissimo piacer to allow papal subjects free navigation of the Ad- in Rome, both at the court and in the streets. Every riatic as well as to make all the other concessions.'** detail of the ceremony of absolution was described

Peace was restored between the Holy See and Ven- in letters to Venice, where the future seemed ice on 15 February, 1510. The Venetians renounced _ brighter.'*® The Senate did not share, however, the their appeal to a council, acknowledging the justice full measure of public satisfaction in this reconciland legitimacy of Julius’s bull of excommunication tiation with the Holy See. On 1 March they wrote (the Monitorium of 27 April, 1509). They also ad- _ the bailie Foscolo in Istanbul and Niccolo Giustinian, mitted the full immunity of the clergy and religious who was staying in Adrianople, that Julius had just houses from all forms of taxation, the pope’s right — granted the long-sought absolution, but Venice still to appoint to all benefices in Venetian domains, the needed Turkish “‘subsidies” to be sure of mainjurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, and the fi- taining her defense against her enemies, Louis XII nality of judgment in the Curia Romana. There was and Maximilian.'*°

to be free navigation on the Adriatic for the in- The members of the Council of Ten also found habitants of Ferrara as well as for the papal subjects __it easy to refrain from enthusiastic thanksgiving, for

of Ancona and the Romagna. The Venetians prom- on 4 February (1510) they had voted to record a ised henceforth to be obedient sons of the Church, — secret protest against the harshness of the conditions

to abrogate all conventions made with papal towns, being imposed upon their countrymen to secure and not to afford asylum to rebels and enemies of absolution. On the fifteenth they approved a Prothe Holy See. The chastened sons of S. Mark were — testatio nullitatis agendorum, inveighing against the not to interfere in the affairs of Ferrara, and they injustice of the League of Cambrai, the subsequent agreed, finally, to make good all losses and restore war and suffering it had caused, the excommuniall properties they had expropriated from churches cation and interdict, which had defamed the Siand monasteries.'** The pope granted absolution — gnoria, as well as against the conditiones iniustae ab ipso pontifice requisitae. Their protest was declared

—_______— before two doctors of both laws, together with cer‘9 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 96, pp. 224, 228, letter dated 9 January, tain distinguished witnesses, to the effect that they 1510 (Ven. style 1509). It was reported from Buda that there were subscribing to the said conditions under vile

were 1,000 Turkish horse in Bosnia, ready for an incursion into Hungary if the Venetians so requested (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 413). The news later came that there were 10,000 Turks © ————_

in Bosnia (bid., IX, 415, 421). 144 Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 403-5; Sanudo, Diarn, TX, 551,

141 Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 423. 555; Brosch, Papst Julius I., pp. 288-89, a dispatch of the

'42 Ibid., IX, 424, 477-78, 489-90, 492 ff., 528 ff., and Sen. Venetian envoys in Rome, dated 24 February (1510); Paride Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 115” ff. [125° ff.]. Julius also insisted — Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1510, nos. 7-11, vol.

that Venice should arm fifteen galleys against the Turks. At XX (1694), pp. 74-75. this time—January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509)—the doge and 145 Sanudo, Diaru, X, ed. G. Berchet, Venice, 1883, cols. 5— Senate sent Alvise Badoer to Arbe (Rab Island) to recruit eleven 13, 15 ff. There were bonfires of joy in Padua (ibid., X, 14). Croatian condottieri and 1,500 horse from the mainland (?bid., — See also Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 1° ff. [11° fF.].

Reg. 42, fols. 113°-114" [123*—124'}). '4© Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 1" [11‘]. On the following 17

143 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. I, tom. 2, fol. | May (1510) the Senate again wrote Foscolo and Giustinian, 86, by mod. stamped enumeration; Arch. di Stato di Venezia, acknowledging the diligence they had shown “‘in visitar e] maSen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 126 ff. [136 ff.]; Sanudo, Diarii, — gnifico Achmat Bassa, congratulandosi per nome nostro de la IX, 574 ff., esp. cols. 579-85; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.. ad ann. — election sua et de haver sollicitato cum lui et cum quelli altri 1510, nos. 1-6, vol. XX (1694), pp. 72-74; Sigismondo de’ — magnifici Bassa ad impetrar dal Gran Signor il subsidio per nuy Conti, 1, 401-2; Brosch, Papst Julius I, pp. 190-91; Pastor, rechiesto.. . .”’ They were to persevere in their efforts, always Gesch. d. Papste, W1-2 (repr. 1956), 770-71. On the economic — reminding the Porte that assistance to the Republic at this yuncimplications of the accord of 15 February, 1510, see Roberto ture of affairs was as much in Turkish as in Venetian interests Cessi, La Repubblica di Venezia eu problema adniatico, Naples, (bid, fol. 35" [45], and cf. fols. 41°-42" [51°-52"], 67°-68"

1953, pp. 175 ff. [(77°—78"], et alib2).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 79 duress, but (for the reasons stated) regarded them made gonfalonier of the Church the following 30 as in fact null and void.'*’ By this time a libelous September.'°! letter, addressed by Christ to “our unworthy vicar Julius II,”’ was receiving amused circulation in Italy §=£———————

and elsewhere, probably doing the pope some dam- '5! Sanudo, Diaru, XI, 490-91. According to Francesco age. The letter was dated in heaven on 26 Decem- Guicciardini, Gonzaga was actually released because Sultan ber. 1509. and was subscribed de mandato by the Bayazid I insisted upon it with the Venetian bailie in Istanbul , oes . (Storia a’ Itaha, 1X, 8, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 334-36). evangelist S. John. It states that under Julius the Cf. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I Christian religion was day by day going from bad (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 352, and J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch.

to worse. The pope was admonished and com- @ osman. Rewhes in Europa, I] (Gotha, 1854), 559. Gonzaga manded to abstain from all acts conducive to the had maintained friendly relations with Bayazid for some years,

- , i, as we have stated above (Volume II, esp. pp. 439 note 82, 455).

ruination of the faith. “What shall WE say of yOu, Very likely the sultan was influential in securing Gonzaga’s O hardened heart, O vicar more like our enemy release (note Franz Babinger, “‘Kaiser Maximilians I. ‘geheime [the Devil] than lke us?.. .”’ Julius was blamed _ Praktiken’ mit den Osmanen [1510-11],”" in the Stdost-Forfor the shedding of Christian blood, for the de- schungen, XV [Munich, 1956], 222-23), to which article we shall return shortly. On Gonzaga’s appointment as gonfalonier, struction, fires, thefts, rapine, andDiarium, acts ofed. sacrilege, rr wane militart ! ; see Paride Grassi, L. Frati, Leenna Due Spedizioni

and for the loss of salvation suffered by so many in 4 Grud II, Bologna, 1886, p. 195. the recent upheavals which his abominable temporal The circumstances attending Gonzaga’s release may be fol-

ambition had caused. Unless Julius quickly did pen- wee he pena jeer Ree aor a agen an ance for his misdeeds, he would receive condign 79°, 80°, 82, 86", 90", 96" ff, [fols, 31, 39-40. 41°-42, 44°, 50,

punishment from on high. etc., by mod. enumeration]. In October, 1509, Gonzaga had For months Francesco Gonzaga, the marquis of _ been ill. He found his confinement depressing, and asked for Mantua, who had been captured near the town of “‘air and exercise,”’ et eteam de poter veder qualche volta l’ aere et

Isola della Scala in early August, 1509, had lan- “mar al quanto (abid., Reg. 42, fols. 71 [83], 77° |= 87", owing

. . to an error in the original foliation]). The Senate found the

; , duplicitous, “et se

guished in prison. He was confined in the Torresella, oy -nesana. the famous Isabella d’ Este. duplic ‘ in the southeast corner of the ducal palace, near cognosce quella madona esserse adherita a Francesi, inducta et the Ponte della Paglia. It was an uncomfortable astricta cussi dal duca de Ferrara suo fratello.” Her attitude place, but far better than the cells below, which and machinations excited the anger of her imprisoned husband were scarcely above the water level. By mid-March,. 8or43, fol. 34° [44°],she andseems ¢f fols. 54° [64°], ef alibi), whose release not44° to [54"], have worked overly hard. 1510, Gonzaga was full of tears and lamentations, Actually the Venetians wanted Gonzaga to serve as captain“et cum demonstration de desyderio de morir,” — general of their own forces (ibid., Reg. 43, fols. 73, 114 ff., until the Senate finally voted to allow him to have | 129° ff, et alibi [83, 124 ff., 139° ff.]), and for the support of one of the two servants who had been captured with his condotta they offered to pay him 40,000 ducats a year in

- 149 time of months peace and 50,00014 in time of war (fol.was 115" [1257]). him.’*" Four later Gonzaga yy(fols. | ; 128’, Dar . 150 en he(on raised hisJuly) demands, they raised their offer finally released at the behest of Julius II,'°* and was — jg: [138", 140°]. When Julius 11 appointed Gonzaga gonfa-

lonmier of the Church, he agreed to allow him also to serve Venice as captain-general, to which on 4 October, 1510, the

TTT Senate acceded (fols. 133°-134" [143°—144"]), but immediately

'” The text of the protestation is given in Brosch, Papst _ thereafter expressed suspicion that Gonzaga was desirous neither Julius I, pp. 290-93. The Senate also directed Foscolo in — of accepting their offer nor of serving their interests (fols. 138°— Istanbul and Giustinian in Adrianople to continue their attempts —_-1139" [148°-149"], letter to the Venetian embassy at the Curia

to get military support from the Turks, since Ferdinand of | Romana, dated 15 October and sent in cipher). The Venetians Aragon was increasing his armament, and Louis XII was pre- considered him their captain-general, however, and worked paring a fleet, ‘which has no other purpose than to make himself — with him (fols. 142 ff., 148” ff. [152 ff., 158” ff.]).

lord of everything” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 133 [144]). Despite his employment by the Signoria, Gonzaga seems soon '48 The text of Christ's letter to Julius II is given in Sanudo, __ to have reached an understanding with the French, as the doge Diaru, 1X, 567-70; for other abuse of Julius, cf Pastor, Gesch. and Senate emphasized in a letter of 28 October (1510) to the

d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 772-73. provwveditore generale Paolo Capello, ‘‘che il Signor Marchese '49 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 11 [21], doc. dated 15 March, se faci renitente in non voler scoprirse contra francesi”’ (:bid., 1510, the vote to give Gonzaga the servant named Giulio being —_—-Reg. 43, fols. 146°-147° [156°-157'], and cf. fol. 153" [163°],

de parte 70, de non 49[!], non synceri 1. Despite the lack of a a letter of the doge and Senate to Andrea Gritti, dated 14 cross (+) preceding the affirmative vote of 70 members of the | November, 1510). In any event Gonzaga’s usefulness was soon Senate, we note in the index to this register, rbid., fol. 2°, the seriously impaired by ‘“‘illness’’ (fol. 169° [179"}).

statement “‘captum quod concedatur ad servitium marchionis Julius II also found Francesco Gonzaga completely useless Manthue fiulius eius servitor,” i.e., itis clear that the resolution as commander of the papal forces. When named gonfalonier

was put into effect. of the Church, Gonzaga could hardly decline the honor and '°° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 73—74' [83—84'], oratori nostro the office which, however, had been held by his brother-in-law

in Curia, doc. dated 12 July, 1510, and, zbid., fols. 76°-77 [86"- Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara. Gonzaga’s appointment did not

87], 85°-86" [95°-96'], et alibi; Sanudo, Diarn, X, 773-74. fail to complicate the diplomatic history of Italy during the

80 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT When Julius IT had recovered the Romagna, his February infuriated both Louis and Maximilian, vision became clearer. The Venetians’ insistence who wanted to destroy Venetian power. Julius had upon extraterritorial rights in the papal fief of Fer- no intention of aiding them, for the collapse of Venrara and their high-handedness on the Adriatic had ice would expose the papacy to the dominance of remained bones of contention, but Julius saw that France. A strong Venice would also assist him Venice was the only Italian state capable of resisting against Alfonso d’ Este.'”” the king of France, “‘che si voleva far monarcha de There were conflicting reports as to the next

Italia.” Indeed, in this connection, the pope had French move. The envoy Donato reported from recently told the Venetian envoy Domenico Tre- Civitavecchia on 9 March (1510) that Louis was visan that if Venice did not exist, it would be nec- making financial preparations for another expediessary to create another.'’* His desire to ‘‘throw _ tion into Italy, to the extent in fact of 500,000 the barbarians out” of Italy lay behind his willingness francs. Sanudo values a franc at half a ducat.!°6 to make peace with Venice. Whether he was the Continuing the war against France was necessary author of the famous phrase ( fuori? barbari!) is un- for the survival of Venice, however unhappy the important. As he mentioned to Girolamo Donato _ prospect. The war had caused the most serious dimon 14 May, 1510, he spent sleepless nights seeking —inution of Venetian commercial revenues, while the ways to free Italy from the French.'”* The pope’s army is said to have cost the Republic about 60,000 antagonism to the French, as we have had several ducatsa month—30,000 for the infantry, 5,000 for occasions to note, antedated their victory at Agna- _ their commanders, and 25,000 for the men-at-arms, dello.'°* Louis XII was firmly supported by both _ light horse, and others.!°” Nevertheless, when the

Ferrara and Florence; French troops held Genoa ailing Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise died (on 25 as well as the Milanese duchy. The peace of 15 May, 1510), the pope’s most determined enemy was removed from the French court. Such had been his dependence upon d’ Amboise that Louis XII was

crucial years 1510-1512. His wife Isabella remained unalterably . lik decisively. Alth h Tuli

loyal to her brother Alfonso, an ally of France and a rebellious no tonger likely to act ECISIVE y: thoug Ju lus

vassal of the Holy See, whom Julius II was determined to destroy. | WaS unable to detach Maximilian from the French

Isabella helped draw her husband surreptitiously to the French alliance, persons in authority breathed more easily

side, and served the Estensi as a go-between with France. both in Venice and in Rome.'!*? Henceforth an

As ‘“‘gonfalonier,’’ Gonzaga pleaded constant illness (and in °

fact he had the mal francese), could not assist Julius in the field, openly ABBTESSIVE papal policy might be expected and hoped for the ultimate success of the French, at least until against France. the battle of Ravenna. At the same time Federico Gonzaga,

the young son and heir of the Gonzagas, was being held asa =

hostage (for his father’s good behavior) at the Curia Romana, 155 Cf. Sanudo, Diarn, X, 34-35. By the beginning of July, where he won the full affection of Julius II. Caught inthe midst 1510, Ferdinand of Aragon had decided to give Julius 400 of the hostilities of the great powers, Francesco Gonzaga could _ lances “‘per la impresa de Ferrara’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. only run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. In Italy policy 69° [79")).

was largely determined by the relationships which bound the '°® Sanudo, Diaru, X, 43-44: ‘“*. . . un francho val ducati ruling families together (or which caused their enmities). See =mezo.. . .”’ the detailed exposition of the history of these years by Alessandro '°7 Zanetti, “‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509,” p. 86; the fig-

Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio I] negli ultimi tre ures come from the banker diarist Priuli. Cf Sanudo, Diarii, anni del suo pontificato,” Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVII VII, 689-90, 691, 697, 705-9: ‘. . . la Signoria é su spexa (ann. XX XIX, 1912), 245-334, and zbid., XVIII (also 1912), ducati 249 milia,” entries from December, 1508. Sanudo, IX, 55-144, 393-456, with many hitherto unpublished documents 65, says that the Venetian army cost 66,000 ducats from 1 July

used throughout. to 16 August, 1509, “*. . . dal primo di lujo qua [16 August],

152 Sanudo, Diarii, XIII, 76, and, ibid., X, 82:‘*. . .dicendo & sta speso in questa guerra ducati 66 milia. . . ,” and cf,

si quella terra non fusse, bisogneria farne un’ altra,”’ from Tre- —ibid., IX, 73.

visan’s report to the Venetian Senate in April, 1510. '°® Asa Venetian dispatch from Rome, dated 30 May, 1510, 153 Sanudo, Diarit, X, 369: ‘‘. . . concludendo é volonta di _ states, ‘‘. . . la morte dil cardinal Roan non pol esser si non Dio di. . . liberar Italia di man di Francesi.”’ Cf Sen. Secreta, bona. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diaru, X, 283). It was some time before Reg. 43, fols. 14° [24°], 20 [30] ff., 31", et altbx. The Venetians d’ Amboise’s death could be confirmed (ibid., X, 458). The did everything they could to increase Julius’s animus against news was carried by a courier in eighty hours from Lyon to

Louis XII and Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise. Rome (X, 487), “‘et questa nova e bona per Italia e la chiesia.”’

54 Cf a letter of Maximilian I to his daughter Margaret, Rumor had it that d’ Amboise had left 300,000 ducats, to which dated at Berghes-op-Zoom on 22 March, 1509 (O.S. 1508), in — the pope laid a claim for use ‘‘against the infidels” (X, 564-— [A.J.G.] Le Glay, ed., Correspondance de l’ empereur Maximilien 65, and cf. col. 586). In a letter dated at Lyon on 31 May,

I* et de Marguerite d’ Autriche, I (Paris, 1839), 113: “*. . .nous 1510, the imperial ambassador Andrea da Borgo described receusmes hier lettres de Rome par lesquelles fumes avertys d’ Amboise’s funeral to Margaret of Austria-Savoy (Lettres du que le pape a merveilleusement grant peur des Francois, et — roy Louis XIJ, I [Brussels, 1712], 237-41). D’ Amboise is buried qu’ il est apparent que |’ armeée qu’ il [i.e., le roi de France] a —_ in an ornate tomb, the work of Rouland le Roux, set into the

aller en Italye est plustost pour faire la guerre au pape ou right wall of the Chapel of the Virgin in the Cathedral of afaitnous qu’ aux Venéciens.”’ Rouen.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 8] In the early sixteenth century conditions of life but they had other problems. They owed their surwere hard in most of the Mediterranean world. Men _ vival in the war of the League of Cambrai not only lived at the mercy of the weather no less than of _ to their inaccessible geographical position and the

war. The spring brought its perils as well as the financial resources which enabled them to put large winter. Princes and peasants both scanned the skies mercenary armies into the field, but also to their anxiously awaiting rain for the growing harvest. control of the Adriatic, which made it possible to When it did rain, the price of bread went down. A __ feed their peopie, whatever the military crisis they drought could be terrifying; it produced scarcity faced. and high prices. Grain sometimes burned before it In recent years a number of scholars have diripened in the merciless sun; animals died in barren, _ rected their studies toward dispelling the “myth of brown pastures. In the years to come the municipal _Venice,’’ which was being created in the fifteenth

authorities in Florence would lock the city gates century, and received its crystallization in the sixagainst the starving peasants who believed there — teenth, in the Venetian Gasparo Contarint’s treatise was food within the walls and knew there was none De magistratibus et republica Venetorum and in the

without. During the year 1511, as we shall note admiring Florentine Donato Giannotti’s dialogue, again, there was a severe shortage of grain in the _ the Libro della repubblica di Venezia.'°° Governmental

captive city of Pisa and the region of Lucca, owing myths are commonplace. Those who propagate to the failure of the harvest. The price of grain was _ them rarely have faith in them. Politicians often do

high, and the Florentine Signoria, which held Pisa, not believe the content of their own speeches. was hard put to provide food as well as lodging for Venetian records from the thirteenth century to the small number of cardinals, clergy, and their — the eighteenth abound in evidence of political corretainers who assembled in the Gallican Council of ruption and commercial fraud. They also contain Pisa, upon which the eyes of Europe were fastened numerous examples of the Venetians’ dedication to as they were diverted from the Turks.'?? Mostly _ the welfare of the state. Although Samuel Johnson the Venetians managed to assure their food supply, is alleged to have said that “‘patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel,’’ devotion to the patria had

—_— helped build the greatness of Venice. It had also On 5 June, 1510, the Venetian Senate wrote Donato in helped to sustain the Republic in the terrible year Rome that success kindled the ardor of the French, but ad- 1509 with “‘all the lords of the world united against

versity broke their spirit, and “‘questa morte de Rhoano € sta hj Enal d . > tanto a proposito quanto se haria potuto desiderar!’” (Sen. Se- US to ac eve our nal destruction.

creta, Reg. 43, fol. 47° [fol. 57°). The Signoria did not always reward devotion to '°9 Marino Sanudo’s Diarii furnish ample evidence of food duty. Sometimes, however, it did. The Venetian shortages in various parts of Italy and the Levant at this time: ambassador to the papacy, Girolamo Donato, was

“. . . et € gran carestia dil viver [a Montona]” (vol. X, col. dvi h t ded the dail - 7,

122); ““. . . a Rodi, Syo e Constantinopoli esser penuria di a Gying Man as he attende € daly meeuings in viver” (X, 255); ‘“‘. . . € gran carestia in dito campo fino di Rome _ which finally produced the pope s Holy aqua” (X, 817); “‘. . . quel pan che val a Veniexia soldo uno, League against the French, the formation of which val in campo eee 886); “. . .a Trieste € grandissima —_ we shall see in the course of this chapter. But Donato

carestia” (XII, 277); "". . . ¢ che hano carestia di viver, 20€ di jeer spared himself in the service of the Se-

vituarie, e grande di pan [referring to the plight of soldiers in — d wh .

the field] (XIII, 104); “. . . et hanno in campo grandissima ait and when he died (on 20 October,

penuria di vituarie, zoé di pan, ni non é bastante el Friul a darli 151 1), two weeks after the conclusion of the new da viver” (XIII, 119); and on the hunger of villane from neigh- league, his relatives appeared in the Collegio to ask boring villages, in Venice, see, ibid., XIV, 63. The word carestia, meaning “‘scarcity of food, want, high cost of living,’’ seems to =—W————

have been of Byzantine origin, and was probably brought west- '©° The bibliography has become extensive, but concerning ward by the crusaders in the twelfth century, on which see Contarini and Giannotti, I shall confine myself to reference to H. and R. Kahane and A. Pietrangeli, “Cultural Criteria for W. J. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, Western Borrowings from Byzantine Greek,” in the Homenaje _ Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968, esp. pp. 144-61. On the hisa Antonio Tovar, Madrid, 1972, pp. 210-11. On the immense _ tory of the ‘“‘myth of Venice,”’ see Franco Gaeta, ‘‘Alcune Conquantity of grain brought into Venice during the war of the _ siderazioni sul mito di Venezia,” Bibliothéque d’ Humanisme et Holy League (1511-1512), see Sanudo, XV, 348, and on the —Renazssance, XXIII (Geneva, 1961), 58-75, and note Donald importation of foodstuffs and the regulation of trade in Istanbul — E. Queller and Francis R. Swietek, ‘“The Myth of the Venetian

and Gallipoli in the later fifteenth century, cf Nicoara Beldi- _Patriciate: Electoral Corruption in Medieval Venice,” in Two ceanu, Les Actes des premiers sultans. . . , 1: Actes de Mehmed II Studies on Venetian Government, Geneva, 1977, pp. 101-70.

et de Bayezid II. . . , Paris, 1960, docs. 33-46, pp. 108-36. '®! Donato had served as the Republic’s ambassador to the Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen ad Holy See for some three years ‘“‘cum grande incommodo de la l’ époque de Philippe I, Paris, 1949, pp. 461 ff., discusses the fameglia sua et cum maxima satisfaction de la republica nostra importation of grain from Turkish possessions into Istanbul . . . , et maxime attrovandosse hora neli pericolosi termeni de throughout the sixteenth century (rewritten in Braudel’s sec- la vita che sono noti a questo conseio.’’ On 19 October, the

ond edition, 2 vols., Paris, 1966, I, 528-29). very day before his death, the Senate finally granted him the

82 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the state to make some provision for his aged and on the larger Campi were crowded many little mother, wife, and nine children, who were left in houses from which men emerged to serve Venice dire circumstances. A motion to this effect wassoon from the Levant to London, leaving behind them passed in the Maggior Consiglio by a vote of more — wives who worried about the feeding of their chil-

than five to one, dren, and families who wore old clothes because because the said gentleman has never looked to his own they had no others. particular interests, but only to the well-being of our state, Among the nobles in straitened circumstances, having put aside all other thoughts, so that his poor and for example, we must include the diarist Marino numerous family, if it is not aided according to the most Sanudo, who aspired to fame—and to be of use to charitable principles of our state, would have to beg for his countrymen—by writing the history of his own

its livelihood. times. Since we have frequent recourse to the Diarii, Rescuing his family from mendicancy was surely @ few words concerning their compiler will not be the least repayment Venice could make to one of Ut of place. A defender of the constitutional trathe great diplomats of his time. He had undertaken aition of the Repubic: Sanudo tried constantly fourteen embassies for the state in twenty-nine 'S Way to support the senate against the further years. '°* Behind the palaces along the Grand Canal encroachment of the Council of Ten, where the power of the rich patriciate lay. He paid the price of his opposition, however, and through the years permission which he had often requested to return home (Sen. smarted under the appointments of Marcantonio

Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 69 [fol. 80 by mod. enumeration]). Sabellico (d. 1506) and Andrea Navagero (d. The Venetian ambasciata at the Curia Romana paid 120 1529) as the official historiographers of the Re-

ducats a month at this time. The ambassador was not required ublic. Sabellico in fact produced a mediocre his-

to render account of his expenses to the Signoria, but he had P _ . th -

to maintain a prescribed staff of such size as to make his office tory, and Navagero drew his stipend without writing financially difficult. As Donato was relieved of the Roman mis- anything more.

sion, Francesco Foscari was elected by the Senate as his suc- Only in September, 1531, when Sanudo was alcessor (tbid., Reg. 44, fol. 69”). Foscari’s commission is dated most sixty-six years old, did the Council of Ten vote 162 Sanudo, Duarii, XI, 76, 176-77, 186, 279-80. Cardinals m a pension OF tol’ ducats a year to continue nis Riario and Corner, knowing presumably of Donato’s straitened work, and even this, alas, so that Sanudo would circumstances, immediately presented one of his sons to the allow Pietro Bembo to pillage the then fifty-three pope, recommending him for a benefice, but “the pope told — volumes of the Diarii. To Sanudo’s grave disaphim to take care to make himself an able man like his father, pointment Bembo had been commissioned by the and then he would not fail him, and he gave him nothing for T . he h; Venice in their ti y now” (ibid., col. 177). On the provisions made for Donato’s en to write the history of Venice in their time (as family, see, ibrd., XIII, 296-97, 298, but such action was not the successor of Navagero). For more than thirty entirely popular in the Collegio (col. 339). Cf the plight in years Sanudo had labored over the Diarii and his which the galley commander Zuan Francesco Pollan, vir nobilis, — other historical works although poverty weighed etoc. his family at his5death (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 89°[99"],_ hin down the extentof that,Andrea according tooo, him, even dated August, 1510), and note also thetoclaim Badoer, Venetian ambassador to London, that he “‘is ruined the purchase of paper and the cost of binding the in property and health” because of his mission to England (letter Successive volumes of the Diari had obliged him to dated 30 March, 1510 [Calendar of State Papers soe ely Venice, forego the purchase of varlous necessities. One of ed. Rawdon Brown, II (London, 1867), no. 61, and ¢ nos. Sanudo’s two daughters had been married with the

16 December, 1511 (fols. 88'-90'). hi ; 6 150d t t tj hj

; . 43, fol. 89° [99°], :

92, 97, letters from the diaries of Sanudo}). d | . F the Si p § d It must be acknowledged that Badoer was not entirely re- ota assistance of the signori rrocuratori, anudo

signed to his misfortunes, as shown by his long letter of complaint Was worried about the other, “‘e saria peccato che

to his brother Luca, dated at London on 24 July, 1512, in andasse a male.”’ He lived in the parish of San GiaSanudo, Diari, XIV, 643-52, which has been translated by como dell’ Orio in a division which he called a house Rawdon Brown, at the Court of Henry VII: . . . Des(caxa) of1854, the old.Ca Sanudo, actually three houses patches. . . by.Four . . Years Sebastian Giustinian, 2 vols., London, I, 63-71. For the action of the Venetian Senate reducing Andrea Put together, of which the present facade (on the Badoer’s allowance to seventy ducats a month, see the Senatus Fondamenta del Megio) was apparently rebuilt at Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 119" [129°], dated 11 September, 1510: the beginning of the sixteenth century. Sanudo ‘“. . . che per alleviar la spesa ala Signoria nostra in quest garved eight times in the Collegio as a savio agli presenti tempi el debi de cetero restar de li [the proposal had dini and fi . ‘ther in the S nth just been made and defeated to recall him from England with or int all ve times either in C c ; enate or 1D the only fifty ducats a month for the expenses of his return journey| Giunta, but a lifetime of dedication to affairs of cum ducati septanta al mese solamente per spese sue fino che _ state and to the history of Venice had never earned per questo Conseglio sara determinato altramente.”’ Contem- Aim an income with which he might pay his bills. porary ambassadors often complained that they were inade- He had alwavs wanted to serve the state. as he wrote

quately paid, and their salaries were usually in arrears (cf. . y : . , : R. A. de Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel, the Capi of the Council of Ten (in 1531), as his

3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 19-29). father had done, “‘my most distinguished father

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 83 [Leonardo, d. 1476], who died as your ambassador of Andros, which had obviously had trouble at Rome and is buried there, whose death was the enough.'"* ruin of our house.’’!®* Informed visitors to Venice War had reduced many Venetian nobles to such would go to see S. Mark’s and then wanted to see penury that c?tadini popular of means had no desire Sanudo’s remarkable library and his map of the _ to buy their way into the nobility “in questa grande world, and not inconceivably the crotchety old dia- calamitade . . . et in tanta ruyna che ’| fusse de

rist received them in frayed clothing. pocha reputatione . . . la nobilitade veneta.

Sanudo was probably no worse off than many of . . .”’°? The astute diarist Girolamo Priuli thought the Corner, Contarini, and Giorgi, Morosini, Ma- he perceived the coming decline of Venice. We have lipieri, and Michiel, Giustinian, Foscarini, and Fos- already noted the Portuguese voyages to India which colo, for a distinguished name was no certain sign threatened to deprive the Venetians of the lion’s of wealth. They served the Republic in posts of share of the eastern trade. Quotations of spices and

delicacy and danger everywhere in the Levant. drugs wavered on the exchange, and merchants There were many members of these families in the worried on the Rialto. In 1504, for example, the Aegean islands, where conditions seem often to have — galleys had returned from Alexandria and Beirut been unsettled and life uncertain, owing to the raids without their accustomed cargoes of spices, drugs, of Christian as well as Turkish corsairs. Thus a re- cotton, and silk. This had never happened before

port finally reached Venice on 17 March, 1510, in Priuli’s day.'°° Lisbon was increasing in comtelling of an assault on the Venetian island of Andros mercial importance every year. Venetian statesmen by nine Turkish fuste under the fearsome Kurtoglu might well view the future with some misgivings.

on the preceding 24 September. The attack had As the number of nobles making up the Maggior come at night, upon a village called La Molaca in- Consiglio increased from the fifteenth century to habited, it is true, chiefly by Albanians. The losses _ the sixteenth, and as the overseas revenues of the were four dead, twelve wounded, and eighty-eight state declined, there was a greater reliance on— captives with, very likely, more than one Venetian and competition for—the eight hundred or so govamong them. The report relates other acts of Turk- ernment positions reserved for the patriciate. 167 ish piracy, including an attack upon the Genoese Non-nobles also worked and fought for the state, island of Chios, which the Venetians could not much — and in times of crisis the government often sought lament, since the Genoese and Chians showed “‘gran _ the means of helping them, and not Venetians alone, odio e malignita”’ toward the Serenissima, and were _ but also loyal subjects of the Signoria in Friuli and even said to be threatening to try to seize the island the Veneto. At the French capture and sack of Brescia (on 18-19 February, 1512) many Brescians did

—— not hesitate to risk their lives and property in defense '®8 Cf. [Rawdon L. Brown,] Ragguagli sulla vita e sulle opere of Venetian interests. Some of them lost fathers,

di Marin Sanuto, 3 pts., Venice, 1837-38, III, 316-21; G. Berchet, preface to the Diaru di Marino Sanuto, Venice, 1903, pp.

94 ff., and the article by Gaetano Cozzi, “‘Marin Sanudo if =————_ giovane: dalla cronaca alla storia,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXX '64 Sanudo, Diarii, X, 44-45. Life was hardly more peaceful

(1968), 297-314. Sanudo began the Diaru in January, 1496, in the Aegean in the fall of 1510 (bid., XI, 704-5) or the in the wake of Charles VIII’s expedition into Italy. The last summer of 1512 (XIV, 519-20). On 30 September, 1510,

entries close in September, 1533. Alvise Valdrino, secretary or chancellor of the Venetian bailie The original of Sanudo’s Diarw, neatly written in his small in [stanbul, wrote the home government of his remonstrances hand, is in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MSS. italiani, Cl. VII, — at the Porte concerning such depredations on Andros by Turk-

nos. 228 ff. [coll. 9215 ff.]. Owing to the fine quality of the — ish corsairs (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 157" [167"]), on which paper and the stout wooden covers (now rebacked in leather), see below. the costs of which moved the impoverished Sanudo to com- '®° Rinaldo Fulin, Diarti e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, p. plaint, they are in an excellent state of preservation. Sanudo’s 149, from the diaries of Girolamo Priuli, entry under 21 June, house also still stands in the parish of S. Giacomo dell’ Orio by ~—-1510.

the Ponte del Megio, at no. 1757 Fondamenta del Megio, with 166 Fulin, Diarii e diaristi veneziani, pp. xX-x, 173-75, from the following plaque on the front wall: “‘Marini Leonardi F. Priuli’s diaries, entries under February and March, 1504, and Sanuti virl patr./rerum venet. ital. orbisque universi/fide so- ed. Roberto Cessi, in the new Muratori, RISS, XXIV-3, 335, lertia copia scriptoris/aetatis suae praestantissimi/domum qua 340. Although Venice had notable ups and downs from this vixit obiitque pr. n. [pridie nonas] Apr. MDXXXV/contem- _ time, her final loss of commercial greatness must be put decades

plare viator.”’ later, on which cf. Gino Luzzatto, ‘“‘La Decadenza di Venezia The so-called Council of Ten (Consiglio dei Dieci) actually dopo le scoperte geografiche nella tradizione e nella realta,”’ consisted of seventeen members, namely the doge, six coun- Archivio veneto, 5th ser., LIV-LV (1954), 162-81, and esp.

cilors, and ten senators elected by the Maggior Consiglio. Cre- _ Vitorino Magalhaes-Godinho, ‘“‘Le Repli vénitien et égyptien ated in 1310 at the time of Bajamonte Tiepolo’s conspiracy, — et la route du Cap, 1496-1533,” in Eventail de l’ histoire vwante: the Ten were established as a permanent institution in July, Hommage a Lucien Febvre, II (Paris, 1953), 283-300. 1335. In Sanudo’s time they were becoming the chief executive 167 Cf James C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as

power in the Venetian state. a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962, p. 22.

84 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT brothers, sons, and being left poverty-stricken, they in Istanbul, which Sanudo summarized in his diary were forced to beg until the Senate sought the means _ in late April, 1512, state “che. . .il Signor Turcho of making some provision for those thus left des- ha pocha obedientia,” and that “il Signor Turcho

titute.'°° non pol nulla senza voler di janizari che domina

tuto:”’ Bayazid II received little obedience from his The Portuguese were a problem but at least, dur- sons, and he could do nothing without the consent ing Bayazid II’s last years when eastern affairs were _ of the janissaries, who were the true masters in Isgenerally peaceful, the Venetians did not have to tanbul.’’° One fact was certain about conditions in contend with the Turks. A letter of 12 February, Turkey: the sons of Bayazid, after the fashion of a 1510, from the Venetian government in Cyprus sultan’s sons, did not love one another, and were had reported “‘that things are going quietly inthe already beginning a struggle for the succession. It Levant”? (che le cosse di Levante passa quiete).'°’ Egypt, | seemed clear that the next sultan would be either

to be sure, was in some trouble. There was said to Ahmed, the governor of Amasya, who finally conbe an uprising of five thousand Mamluks against — trolled most of Asia Minor, or Selim, the governor the soldan who, as we have seen, was always trying of Trebizond and later of Semendria, who had alto disrupt the Portuguese trade with India.'’° The _ ready unsuccessfully revolted against his father. The Hungarians and Vlachs were usually involved in — eldest son, Korkud, had little or no support among some fray or other with the Turks, who also made _ the Janissaries, and therefore no hope of ascending “daily incursions” into the region around Zara, to the contested throne.'’® Selim was, of course, to the constant peril of anime e animali.'"' There was, emerge victorious from this fraternal rivalry.

however, supposed to be peace between Turkey The Christian world was concerned with the and Hungary, and ‘‘el Signor Turco desidera problem of Moslem hostility in Africa as well as in pace.’’’? Indeed, Bayazid II much preferred the the Levant. The extension of Spanish ambition into tranquillity of some hill-top retreat with a pleasant North Africa was an inevitable result of the conquest view to the din and harsh terrain of a battlefield.'’° — of Granada. The Reconquista had taken a long time.

As Count Girolamo da Porzia, resident in Rome, Pushing back the Moslem frontier had become a wrote his friend Giovanni Badoer in Venice, way of life in Spain, the Crusade a part of the Spanish ‘Turkish affairs are here regarded as a laughing- mentality. For generations the merchant adventurstock.. . .’'’* Dispatches from Niccolo Giustinian — ers of Catalonia had raided or traded in the North

—_— African ports, so near them and so well known to 168 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 113" [124"], doc. dated 18 them. When the Catholic Kings made their largeMarch, 1512: ‘Una dele principal cosse che grandemente pos- scale attacks upon North Africa, they thought of sano conferir ala recuperation del stato nostro e amplecter cum themselves as continuing the crusade against the gratia et beneficentia quelli che per honor et gloria dela Signoria. Gdels. North Africa had of b h nostra non hano dubitato exponer le lor faculta et vita, come inndeis. Nort rica had often been the nursery hano facto ultimamente molti deli fidelissimi nostri Brexani et Of Moslem warriors who opposed the Reconquista. de quel territorio, i quali cum el proprio sangue hano demon- Occupation of the North African ports would constrato la fede sua, chi cum perdeda de padri, chi fratell, et chi tribute to the safety of the Spanish and Italian coast-

fioli etche apresso sono rimasti nudi .et. from privi de substantia | oe . . ands, for Moors fleeing theogni Christian victories adeo mendicano el viver.. ; : 169 Sanudo, Diarii, X, 91. in Spain sought refuge along the Barbary coast, and 179 Ibid., X, 110-11, 432, 869; XI, 56-57, 104-5, 268-69, some of them made a dangerous living as corsairs

478-79, 620-21, 708-9, etc.; and XV, 355-56. preying on Christian shipping. 17! Tbid., X, 97-98, 130, 138, 139, 268, 269, and XI, 300.

172 Ibid., X, 716, a Venetian dispatch from Adrianople, dated

9 June, 1510. Cf, ibid., XI, 164, 294; XII, 240, 343-44, 586, 9 ———— XIII, 197: ‘'. . . la trieva col Signor Turco e il re di Hongaria 175 Ibid., XIV, 162.

.. .perannicingque... ;” and XIII, 521. 176 Cf. Sanudo, Diari, XII, 46-47, 104: “Unum est € gran

173 Cf., wbid., X1, 100, a dispatch from Domenico Malipiero, | combustion de li tra quelli fioli dil Signor turco per aver la provveditore in Nauplia, dated 16 July, 1510. The sultan was _ signoria”’ (from a dispatch of 12 September, 1511). Concerning thought to be unwell (XI, 133), and cf. the commission issued __ this combustion, see, ibid., cols. 115-17, 185, 186, 212, 220-22, to Alvise Arimondo on 28 December (1510) when he was leaving 357-58, 480, 521; XII, 71, 170, 507 ff.; and XIV, 37, 50, 162,

for Istanbul as a special envoy to the Porte: ‘‘El potria etiam 216. Sanudo, XII, 145-46, also cites an interesting Venetian accader che in itinere essendo el Signor Turcho in eta et non description of the Turkish Seraglio in Istanbul, which reminds troppo sano el morisse. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 166” — the writer of the Piazza Navona in Rome. On 24 April, 1512,

[176”}). Sultan Bayazid II was finally forced to abdicate in favor of his

'74 Sanudo, Diarii, X11, 267, letter dated at Rome on 3 June, — son Selim “‘the Grim” (Sanudo, XIV, 193-94, and see below). 1511: ‘‘Le cosse de’ turchi, de qui, se stimano fabule et rideno Cf. in general V. J. Parry, ‘‘Bayazid II,” Encyclopaedia of Islam,

hi inimici.” I (1960), 1120-21, with Turkish and western bibliography.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 85 Pope Julius II, like Alexander VI before him, were killed and many captured. Another rumor was was too much engrossed in the Italian wars to render spreading that two merchants in Tripoli had a milthe Spanish sovereigns much assistance beyond au- _ lion [ducats] in gold, and one was led to contemplate thorizing the sale of indulgences called cruzadas, what ‘‘great things’ Ferdinand could do with this which became a regular source of income, and from money if he got his hands on it.'’” He had found

Ferdinand’s time were administered in Castile by a more certain source of funds, however, in the a Consejo de la Cruzada. But later on during the so- grant of 350,000 [ducats] voted him by the states called Counter-Reformation, as wide areas of of the Catalan-Aragonese confederation at the gen-

northern Europe were lost to Latin Catholicism, eral Cortes of Monzon. Aragon was to provide the papacy would grant tithes and other kinds of 200,000; Valencia and Catalonia the rest. The revenues, and render additional help to the pen- money was to be used for a crusade.'’° As for North insular efforts to extend Spanish hegemony andthe Africa, it was a poor country; no colonization folLatin faith to the lands along the southwestern lowed the Spanish conquest. The conquistadores led shores of the Mediterranean. ‘‘Crusade’’ was a_ a garrison existence, sometimes receiving even food loosely used term, commonly implying military ac- as well as pay from Spain. Except for day-long raids tion against infidels or alleged heretics, and the re- into the hinterland, they lived in the walled cities sponse to the crusading preacher was usually best onthe coast, dreaming of the time when they would when the prospect of material gain could be coupled — return home.

with the spiritual benefits accruing from service The “‘limited occupation”’ of the coastal areas of against enemies of the faith. This rather unheroic North Africa actually assured the Spanish (and Por-

consideration had been true from the time of the tuguese) of certain naval and other advantages First Crusade, when Pope Urban II had himself not without subjecting them to the military and ecoscrupled to emphasize the prospect of temporal re- nomic strain of trying to colonize the interior, which ward as he recruited overseas warriors for the faith would have been beyond the resources of Spain

in the assembly at Clermont-Ferrand. with her commitments in both Europe and America. The Spanish were naturally not discouraged by ‘The Spanish regarded America as a worthwhile in-

the fact that the North African states had sunk into vestment to occupy and hold, but not so North a torpor of political disunion, internecine strife,and Africa, which is the important fact for one to bear military incompetence. The Moslem uprising at in mind before he speaks of the Spanish ‘‘failure’’ Granada in 1501 had also instilled fear in Christian in North Africa. Ferdinand of Aragon and the hearts and heightened the desire to do battle with Hapsburgs succeeded in their main purposes—to Islam. The first important blow, instigated by Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, was struck at North Africa im 1505 when a Spanish fleet occupied Mers- ‘7 On Pedro Navarro’s North African expedition in 1510, el-Kebir on Oran Bay. Thereafter the commander = ¢f, Sanudo, Diarit, X, 117-18, 198, 247, 309-10, 390, 442, Pedro Navarro began his famous maritime cam- 652, 677-78, 695, 697, 727, 888-90, and XI, 82, 94-96, 108, paigns, and Spanish forces took the rocky height 109-10, 112, 123, 240-41, 467-68, 476-77, 705 ff, 823-24; of Penon de Vélez (Gomera) in 1508, Oran see in general the thoughtful articlea of Fernand Braudel, Les - spagnols etinI’1509, Afrique du Nord de 1492 1577,” in Revue and Bougie and Tripoli in 1510. One can trace the gfncame, LXIX (Algiers, 1928), 184-233, 351 ff., with a good final progress of Navarro’s campaigns in some detail bibliography of both the sources and the secondary literature; in the letters which the Venetian observer Pelegrin also Od. Raynaldus, Annales ecclesiastict, ad ann. 1510, nos. 30 Venier sent home from Palermo throughout the ft., vol. XXX (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 529 ff.; Geo. . , ae Marcais, ‘‘Bidjaya,”’ Encycl. of Islam, 1(1960), 1205. The maritime

year 1510. They are preserved in Sanudo’s Diart. po ie1nofreports Ven; concerning hj qd: . . . public O enice was much interested On 20 February (15 I Q) Venier wrote that Ferdi- the Spanish impresa di Tunis et Barbaria (Sanudo, XII, 73, 101-

nand was preparing an immense armada. The first 3, 129, 149-51, 246-47, 260, 313-14). On 19 August (1510) Spanish settlers in Bougie, after its conquest, would the Venetian ambassador to Hungary was notified that “‘l’ armata

receive free houses and lands. Later reports esti- hispana il zorno de S. lacobo apresentatasi a Tripoli de Barbaria mated the SIZe of Ferdinand’s armada at from 120 been killed, the area devastated, an infinite number of prisoners to 200 sail, with from ten to twenty thousand men captured, ‘‘dil che la Sanctita pontificia ne ha facto non solum on board and some bellissima artellaria. Rumor had a Roma ma per tute le terre dela Chiesia publici segni de leticia it that Ferdinand was going into the Holy Land cum fochi et feste’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 101°-102"

. . ; li dete la bataglia et ha presa dicta terra:’’ 10,000 Mon had

himself a conquistar Jerusalem. Tripoli was taken on ll 8 Om te Cortes held at Monzgn. “ , 24-25 July, the feast of S. James, protector of Spain; | impresa Africha D mn X 31 ind p ,’di see SaSs nudo, o, Diaru, X,> 687, , , an the claim was made that 10,000 Moslems (Mori) XI, 96, and esp. cols. 640, 707.

86 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT make it impossible for the Moors of North Africa peror Maximilian (against the Venetians), but if that to re-establish themselves in Granada, to check the were the case, why had they not disembarked at activities of the Barbary corsairs, and to prevent Genoa or Piombino, which were so much closer to

the Turks from adding Algeria and Tripolitania to the northern theater where the emperor needed

the Ottoman empire.'” help? The French feared that the Spanish troops

Although Cardinal Jimenez, archbishop of To- were intended to support the pope. Ferdinand deledo, had been one of the chief promoters of the _ nied this, claiming that Pedro Navarro’s landing at expeditions of 1505-1510 (and the captured cities Naples was “‘seullemant pour mectre en point ses fell under the archiepiscopal jurisdiction of Toledo), gens pour aller sur les Mores, ensuyvant le vot the Catalans had figured very prominently in the qu’ il ena fait.’’ He was merely continuing the cruenterprise. Since they were almost entirely excluded sade against the Moors. He wrote Louis XII, “‘all from the American trade, they received commercial _ full of good words toward the king,”’ placing all his concessions and markets (such as they were) in the _ possessions and his own person at the latter’s service

North African cities. Thus these maritime cam-_ ‘for the preservation of his realms and lands,” but paigns helped somewhat to maintain the sagging at the same time he could not be remiss in his duty economy of Aragon-Catalonia for almost forty asa Christian prince and feudatory of the Church. years,'®° but the main currents of trade were grad- The Spanish ambassador to the French court ually shifting to the north and west. Although the thereupon tried to persuade Louis to return BoVenetians and Genoese were to hold their course logna to the pope. Louis replied that the city did

for a long time to come, the Catalans eventually not belong to him; if he had taken it under his found themselves living in an economic backwater. protection, he had many reasons for doing so withIn the spring of 1511 King Ferdinand of Aragon out, however, prejudice to the Church. Bologna

rather abruptly ceased his support of Pedro Na- asked for nothing more than that its privileges be varro’s North African conquests, leaving his fleet observed, as ten popes had done in the past. Julius disorganized, his men suffering from a lack of food II had also confirmed them, but he had violated and water. As the Spanish ambassador, Geronimo’ them, and his lieutenants had tried to tyrannize de Vich, informed Pope Julius II, the king ‘“‘wanted _ over the city. Louis added that the world had seen to leave aside the undertaking against Africa in or- how much evil Julius had done both the emperor der to attend to the affairs of Italy.”'*’ As the pope’s and himself during the past year. He and the Spanish ally, Ferdinand saw a grand opportunity to assail ambassador ended up in a quarrel. Louis requested the French and possibly to drive them from north- the ambassador to ask his sovereign “‘to cease these ern Italy. On 12 August (1511) Andrea da Borgo, things,’ as Andrea da Borgo wrote Margaret of the imperial ambassador to Louis XII, sent Margaret Austria-Savoy, “which are all indirectly intended of Austria-Savoy, who governed the Netherlands, to assist the Venetians to the great prejudice and the latest news he had received from Genoa. Da_ detriment of the emperor and of monseigneur,”’ Borgo was then in the Rhone valley at Valence, but _ 1.e., of Louis himself.!°? It required far less astutehe had learned that sixty ships of Pedro Navarro’s ness than Andrea possessed to see that serious trouarmada with four thousand infantry had landed at _ ble lay ahead between France and the Spanish kingNaples. Some people believed that this was the aid doms. which Ferdinand had formerly promised the Em- Winter, despite the hardships it imposed, was a time of peace and repose. It gave the diplomats a 179 Robert Ricard, ‘‘Le Probleme de I’ occupation restreinte © dans |’ Afrique du Nord (X V°—XVIIIF siécles),”’ Annales d’ histoire 182 A.J. G. Le Glay, Negociations diplomatiques entre la France

économique et sociale, VIII (1936), 426-37. et l’ Autriche, 1 (Paris, 1845), 429-30 (Documents inédits sur '8° Braudel, La Méditerranée (1949), pp. 84, 682, 687 note _ I’ histoire de France). Andrea da Borgo was a native of Cremona.

3, 690, 739 ff., and 2nd ed., 2 vols., Paris, 1966, I, 107, and He had served Maximilian and the latter’s daughter Margaret II, 181, 185 note 3, 187-88, 238 ff.; J. M. Batista i Roca, in as ambassador to Louis XII since 1509. Jean Godefroy, Lettres New Cambr. Mod. Hist., 1 (1957), 319-20, 340. du roy Louis XII et du cardinal Georges d’ Ambouse, 4 vols., Brussels, '81 Sanudo, Diaru, XII, 273, also col. 281, and cf. Guicciardini, 1712, has published many of his letters addressed to Margaret,

Stona d’ Itala, X, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 414. As preserved in the Chambre des Comptes in Lille. In October, early as 7 July, 1510, the Venetian Senate had written their 1511,a Venetian dispatch from Rome reported that there was envoy in Rome, Girolamo Donato, ‘‘che la Maesta Catholica a Spanish armada at Gaeta of seventy sail (Sanudo, Diart, XIII, se habi risolto de voler dar le lanze 400 a sua Sanctita per la 126); previous reports had detailed the concentration of Spanish impresa de Ferrara’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 69” [79"]), a forces in the Regno (ibid., XII, 362, 373, 385, 388-89, 399, decision which would soon bring Ferdinand into conflict with 498 ff., 539), on which note also Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia,

Louis XII. X, 4, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 429-30.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 87 long opportunity to allay the fears and forestall the year, which by an obvious error was 8,000 francs expense of war until the spring came. Statesmen more than the proper sum.'*° The error was of no and ecclesiastics thought and wrote, discussing their importance. James IV’s plans for a crusade were problems with one another, producing what Fer- but a flight of fancy. His career was marked by nand Braudel has happily called dossiers d’ hiver: _ errors, the greatest being the war he soon undertook ‘‘Cependant, si le Turc ou sile Roide France. . .” against England on behalf of his French ally Louts was a typical and promising beginning for another XII, for which on 9 September, 1513, he paid with

elaborate scheme, and there followed ‘‘les vastes his life on Flodden Field. idées, les plans merveilleux que les historiens ana-

lysent avec respect et conviction.’”'** The point is Pope Julius II had trouble getting along with well made, but the Turk was omnipresent in almost almost everyone, especially with Louis XII, who everyone’s mind in the sixteenth century, even in had tried to win the papacy for his first minister, faraway Scotland, where King James IV and his Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise, and who was deteradvisors produced their full share of dossiers d’ htver mined to maintain his hold upon northern Italy. designed to promote the Crusade. For some time Julius also felt keenly the humiliation of Genoa, James had talked of a crusade, as we have already which he looked upon as his native city, once more seen, which he liked to think would free the Holy under French domination. Louis had in his turn Land from pagan profanation. Louis XII professed been angered by the papal peace with Venice, and his willingness to help, for according to him the _ had taken the pope’s vassal, Duke Alfonso I d’ Este French had always desired peace in Europe and a_ of Ferrara, under French protection. It is small union among the princes which would make possible — wonder that Julius’s main objective had now become

‘‘la guerre contre les Infidelles.’”’ Late in the year the dissolution of French power in northern Italy. 1510 James asked Louis to specify the extent of his He turned to Louis’s natural rival, Ferdinand of proposed contribution in men-at-arms, artillery, Aragon, to whom he granted the royal investiture ships, and money to the enterprise so that the Scots _ of Naples in early July, 1510.'°° With the energetic might determine how much assistance they would _ assistance of the Swiss bishop (soon to be cardinal) need from other sources. He wanted also to know = Matthias Schiner of Sitten, the pope had already when Louis thought the eastern ‘“‘passaige”’ should lured the Swiss from the lucrative but sometimes be undertaken, and whether it would be ‘‘mieulx irritating prospect of continued French employdescendre [a] Alexandrye ou a Constantinoble.’’'** ment, and attached the federation of cantons to his The Scottish envoy to the French court was to own support for five years, at some cost to be sure, assure Louis that James would “‘have cause to re- but the pope had every right to assume that the monstrate to all the princes of Christendom, both money would be well spent. 87 his present allies and others, against the great evil which the pope and the king of Spain are doing §—=—————— ... , for their continued hostility to France pre- 185 Wood, Flodden Papers, doc. 11, pp. 9-10. On the crusading vented Louis from fulfilling his promises to help ambitions of the Scottish king, cof’ R. L. Mackie, King James IV

. . . ; s naive desire to become commander-in-chief of Venetian

James ‘‘accomplish his said voyage, which he cannot of Seotland, Edinburgh and London, 1958, pp. 201 ff. On James

well do without the aid of the king, his good forces (with the crusade in mind), cf. Calendar of State Papers brother.” James in fact could only regard the pope... ._ , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II (London, 1867), nos. 63, and the Spanish king as enemies of the faith inas- 66, 73, 85, 90, and note Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic,

much as their activities were obstructing his lofty °%-.- - ‘envy VIL ed. R. H. Brodie, 2nd ed., I, pt. | (London, intention of embarking on “‘telle belle entreprinse.”’ 1920), nos. 690-91, 694, 702, 748, 758. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1510, nos. 24-28, vol. XXX A calculation dated 10 January (1 5] I) reckons the (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 525-29; Sanudo, Diaru, X, cost of an army of 8,000 men, at six francs each 397, 417, 452, 539, 652, 696, 727, 745, 746, 747, 752, 871, per month, as amounting to 584,000 francs for a and XI, 82, 95; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 69° [79°], 72° [82"]; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, 1X, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, I], 322-23; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 323-24, and Gesch. d. Papste,

TOO III-2 (repr. 1956), 777; C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. '85 Cf Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée (1949), pp. 208- —_ Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VU, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), 302 ff. 18, 277 ff., 458 ff., rewritten in 2nd ed., I (1966), 223-33, '87 Albert Buchi, Korrespondenzen und Akten zur Geschichte des

300 ff., 520 ff. Kardinals Matthaeus Schiner, 2 vols., Basel, 1920-25, I, nos. '84 Marguerite Wood, ed., Flodden Papers, Edinburgh: Scottish 115-16, 118-19, 128, 133, 137, 139, pp. 90 ff.; Biichi, Kardinal History Society, 1933, docs. I-UI, pp. 5-8. In the spring of — Matthdus Schiner als Staatsmann und Kirchenfurst, 2 vols., Zurich, 1510 James IV aspired to become captain-general of the Vene- 1923, and Freiburg (Schweiz) and Leipzig, 1937, I, 169-87, tian forces, and make an armed “‘pilgrimage”’ into Turkey with 256 ff., esp. p. 176. There were limits to Schiner’s success in

10,000 combatants on 150 ships (Sanudo, Diarn, X, 459). raising troops for the pope in Switzerland. Cf also Sanudo,

88 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Alessandro Nasi, the Florentine ambassador to Maximilian certainly lacked money, but was not King Louis, wrote the Dieci di Balia on 11 June, _ entirely lacking in guile, for he (like the Venetians) 1510, that the king had just received a letter dated had also appealed to the Turks for assistance. On 6 June from Alberto Pio, count of Carpi, the French 23 September (1510) one Matteo Gaiarino wrote

envoy to the Holy See, saying that the death of the Doge Leonardo Loredan that Maximilian had Cardinal d’ Amboise had added to the pope’s in- sent Federico of Gorizia to Feriz [Firuz] Beg, the transigence (la Santita del Papa essere diventata piu sanjakbey of Bosnia, with a letter of credence duly frera). Louis told Nasi in rather moderate tones that signed by the emperor ‘“‘in his own hand,”’ and adhe was not asking the pope for anything: “‘If he will dressed ‘‘Alo illustrissimo Signor Ferisbey, bassa de get along with me like a good father, as he says he _ tuta Bossina.. . .”’ Federico had been received by

wants to, I will behave like a son to him.” Louis the sanjakbey in secret audiences for three days, freely expressed his doubts about the reliability of | each audience lasting more than two hours. The Ferdinand of Aragon, for the latter’s desire to pos- sanjakbey created certain difficulties, requiring assess the kingdom of Navarre as well as his mach- | surance, writes Gaiarino, ‘“‘that I am the servitor of inations in Rome were well known, and what was your Serenity.” not known was widely suspected. As for Maximilian, Gaiarino, however, did learn something from the he was regarded as lacking both good sense and __ sanjakbey of Bosnia, and more from the sanjakbey’s ample funds.'*® In any case it was becoming ap- dragoman,

parent to the Florentines that their French allies ; id soon have to take up arms against the pove because of the aspers I gave him. . . , so that I can say,

wou r h P h 8 7 P " to put it briefly, the said Federico is pleading for confiras well as against the Venetians, w O WETe SUI! SCEK- mation of peace with the Signor Turco, trying to get him ng (with small success) the assistance of the to take the field against your Serenity, and promising him

OO in Friuli.

Turks. the lands you have near [his territories], namely Dulcigno, Antivari, Cattaro, and other places in Dalmatia, and even

Diaru, X, 81, 311, 540, 564, 583-84, 630, 653, 726, 752, oo

829-30, 856-57, 879, 883; XI, 296, 337, 698; XII, 183; and If Sultan Bayazid assented to Maximilian’s requests, XIII, 201; Guicciardini, Storia da’ Italia, IX, 1, ed. Florence: the latter was prepared to send to the Porte an Salani, 1963, H, 296 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 324-26, and ambassador ‘‘with a hundred horse’’—an embassy

Gesch. d. Papste, UI-2 (repr. 1956), 777-79; F. Seneca, Venezia hich Id red d he h dad

e Papa Giulw I, Padua, 1962, p. 151. The Swiss hada reputation WUCt would re Saar to the honor and advantage of being undependable and abandoning a commitment made of the Gran Turco. to one power if offered higher pay by another (Sanudo, XIII, From Adrianople on 30 September (1510) Alvise 352; XIV, 34-35). Matthias Schiner was made a cardinal in Valdrino, the chancellor of the bailie Foscolo in

Mey tg | 7). violently anti-French (Sen. Secreta, Reg. Istanbul, prepared a long, informative letter to the '88 Abel Desjardins (and Giuseppe Canestrini), Négociations doge, of which copies were made, one of them being diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, I (Paris, 1861), 512- sent to the Venetian envoys in Rome. By the time 14. On Louis XII’s quite justified suspicions of Ferdinand, ¢f, | Valdrino wrote his letter he knew all about Federico ibid., II, 493-94, 516, 517, and on the pope's unrelenting hos- Strassoldo of Gorizia’s arrival at ““Verbonia”’ (Sa-

tility to the French, see Sanudo, Diaru, XI, 107-9, where the . ‘th his 1 f d d hi Venetian envoy in Rome describes the pope as “‘molto grande rajevo) wit 1S” etters of credence an IS COM-

e teribile.” The queen of France was said very much to want Mission, containing the proposals he had made to peace with the Holy See (:bid., XI, 113, 123, 126), concerning the sanjakbey of Bosnia. Valdrino had been at the which note also a letter of the Venetian Senate dated 31 May, Porte by chance the day before protesting against

1511, to the ambassador of the Republic at the Curia Romana

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 26" [37°], reporting ‘‘. . . la regina de Franza esser molto inclinata al accordo. . .”’).

The Committee of Ten in Florence (Dieci di Guerra, Dieci ten ducats each, and four ducats to the rest plus food and di Liberta e di Pace) was commonly called the Dieci di Balia fodder for man and horse, as we do for others of this nation (the ““Ten in Authority”). They were charged with both military . . .” (ibid., Reg. 43, fols. 119°-120", doc. dated 11 September). affairs and internal administration; with certain restrictions they |The troops were to be embarked and landed in Venetian teralso sent ambassadors abroad and received their reports. ritory as soon as possible in order that they might begin serving '89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 95” [105], letter of the doge the Republic against the French. and Senate dated 15 August, 1510, to the bailie Foscolo and '9° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 156” [166], datum Verbosanie the envoy Giustinian at the Porte. A month later, however, the — die XXIII Septembre 1510, at which time “‘lo dicto Federico aspecta

voivode of Croia (Kruje, Kruja in Albania) offered the Signoria = qui dummodo venga la resposta dala Porta.’’” On the mission a hundred horse—or as many as the Venetians wanted—and _ of Federico Strassoldo of Gorizia to the sanjakbey of Bosnia, apparently agreement was quickly reached to accept two — ¢f,, ibid., fol. 166” [176]. Matteo Gaiarino’s letter was written hundred “‘provided that the horses and men are fitand capable, from ‘‘Verbosania,”’ i.e., Vrh Bosna, now Sarajevo. Like Brosch on condition too that each troop of a hundred should not have (and unlike Babinger), in this document at least, I read his name more than two officers [capi], to whom we are willing to pay — as Gaiarino, not Guarino.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 89 the Turkish corsair Kurtoglu’s raid upon the Vene- appeared to attach little importance to Federico’s tian-held island of Andros. He was satisfied on that futile mission, at least in the opinion of Valdrino, score, for the pashas would send letters to the san- who thanked them, observing that the emperor had jakbeys in whose areas the captives taken at Andros made a truce with Venice, and then straightway had presumably been sold. If they could be found, broken it, going back on his sworn word. Maxithey would be freed. While Valdrino was at the milian’s recital of events in Federico’s commission Porte, a messenger arrived from the sanjakbey of was “‘tuto el falso,” as (says Valdrino) the pashas Bosnia, bringing “‘the authentic letters of credence | were well aware. The pashas were having the comstamped with the seal of the emperor and also a_ mission translated into Turkish in order to bring copy of the commission which the said Federico has __ it as soon as possible to the attention of the sultan.

from the emperor, written in French, . . . in the Valdrino wrote the doge that he would try to secure usual form, dated at Augsburg on the first of last a copy of the text, if possible, and would send it to

June.”’ . . | Venice, together with such indication as he could Federico of Gorizia’s commission directed him _ get of the sultan’s reply to the emperor, which would to make clear to the Purks that Maximilian had merely be drafted in some “appropriate parlance,’ sent no envoys to the Porte since he had last made with no likelihood of the Turks’ ever giving aid to peace with the sultan merely because he had been Maximilian. caught up in “‘various occupations,”’ especially the Federico of Gorizia’s mission to the sanjakbey of wars in Flanders and thereafter in Italy. Maximilian Bosnia may have caused something of a Turkish wanted the sanjakbey of Bosnia to inform the sultan backfire. In October there appeared to be a real of recent events, beginning with the fact that, two chance of the sultan’s giving aid to Venice, for he years before, he had sent the most distinguished requested the Signoria to send to Istanbul an envoy personages in the empire as envoys to the doge to. “‘cum larga commissione de poter tractar et prorequest passage through Venetian territory in order

to go to Rome for his imperial coronation. The

: ; ot '9! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43,permission fol. 157 [167], doc. 30 SepSignoria had refused him do dated so.cancellarn The ». : tember, 1510, Exemplum lterarum LudovicttoValdrini,

Venetians, as allies of the French, had then attacked baylt nostri Constantinopolr existentis in Adrinopolt, dier ultimi Sephim, killed many of his troops, and seized numerous — tembris 1510: Missum ad oratores m Curia. In his letter to the cities and towns belonging to him in Friuli and Istria. | doge of 15 October (1510) Valdrino has little to add except Nevertheless. the big-hearted Maximilian had made ‘hat the pashas ‘non hano remandato in drieto el messo venuto

. h h ve ; b hev had brok de Bossina per tal effecto ne fatto altra risposta a dicto sanzacho a truce wit the Venetians, ut t cy a TOKEN de Bossina: Le vero che per quanto ho podesto sotrazer dal faith with him, and attacked him again. dragoman dela Porta, dicti magnifici bass’ hano opinion de Maximilian had, therefore, allied himself ‘‘with commetter a esso sanzacho che ’] debi responder al re de Romani many other Christian princes,’ now including the in bona forma, demonstrando sempre che al tuto questo Signor

kiING fFOF ‘nst. th V ti Wh th Turco non sia per dar molestia a vostra_ Excellentia. BTANCE, Agallls © Venetians. cn te...” Furthermore, the sultan’s dragoman Ali Beg had told

armies met in the field, the French had defeated — yaldrino “che ‘I saperia confortar la Sublimita vostra [i.e., the the Venetians, and the doge had lost “‘the greater doge] per contraoperar a queste et simel machinatione et etiam part of his state.’’ The princes had made further per Stabelir la Excellentia del Signor che la mandasse qui uno

: orator suo et maxime non lo havendo mandato za alcuni anni

Mc Sinnorig on and ane at sea enure'y 7 crush .. .’ (ibid., Reg. 43, fol. 157% [167°], and see, ibid., doc. dated U € olgnoria. IS was U € ume tor the + UPKS tO 92 November): When the Senate found out about Maximilian’s seize the overseas possessions of the Venetians, who efforts, they wrote their envoys at the Curia about the matter, had continually offered to supply the Christian Ja cossa.. . non solum absurda ma abhominanda, and directed princes with money, a fleet and a land army to them immediately to inform Julius of the diabolical machinations attack the Gran Turco “‘to drive him from Greece of their enemies, among whom the Florentines were to be

- 55 . . numbered.

and Asia.” The princes refused for, like the em- On Maximilian’s attempt, through the sanjakbey of Bosnia, peror, they wanted to be the friends of the sultan, to persuade the sultan to attack the overseas possessions of who had no other enemies than these Venetians. _—_- Venice, note Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius II. (1878), pp. 197Such was, as the bailie’s chancellor Valdrino wrote 8» 4nd Franz Babinger, “Kaiser Maximilians I. “geheime Prak-

hed cee b h hol £ [Federj tiken’ mit den Osmanen (1510-11),” in the Sudost-Forschungen,

the doge, in substance the whole tenor o [Federico xv (Munich, 1956), 201-36, reprinted in his Aufsdtze und Abof Gorizia s| said commission.”’ Such was the em- handlungen zur Geschichte Sudosteuropas und der Levante, 2 vols., peror’s appeal to the Porte. By order of the pashas, | Munich, 1962-66, I, 270-96. This article is chiefly useful for the said commission was shown to Valdrino by the Babinger’s notes on Federico of Strassoldo (Aufsatze u. Abhandsultan’s dragoman. “with the requirement. however lungen, 1, 279 ff.); his transcriptions of documents are unreliable,

8 ° - . . ° ee.g. that of Valdrino’s letter of 30 September, 1510, is very

that the matter should remain secret.’’ Valdrino poor, and that of the letter of 15 October not only contains also saw Federico’s letters of credence. The pashas _ misreadings, but omits an important part of the text.

90 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT metter.’’'?* Accordingly on 6 December (1510) the number were offered, however, Arimondo was to Senate voted to send an ambassador to the sultan. accept the larger force. Venice needed the Turkish The person elected must accept the assignment or aid, and needed it quickly. The Turks should depay a penalty of a thousand ducats of gold. Pietro scend upon Maximilian in Friuli. Balbi was chosen. He declined the post, and sought Arimondo must also tell the Turks that when to convince the Senate ‘‘circa la impossibilita sua the supreme pontiff had come to understand the de andar ad servir la Signoria nostra.”’ At least he extent of the French king’s perfidy, he had not only said he could not at this time serve the Signoria as removed himself entirely from the League of Camenvoy to the Porte. Alvise Arimondo was elected _ brai, but had joined Venice, ‘‘and at present his in Balbi’s place, and agreed to go to the Bosporus. army, with a detachment of our troops, is on its He was to receive for his expenses 150 ducats a_ way to Ferrara against the duke, who is a rebel month, ‘‘senza obligation de renderne conto al- against his Holiness and follows the French lead.”’ cuno.”” Twelve persons must go on his embassy, Suppose the pashas should express doubt as to which number was to include Arimondo himself, a __ the safe return of their mounted troops. Arimondo notary of the Chancery, and a chaplain. He must must promise them that, if there were “‘alcun dubio depart from Venice as soon as the Senate gave him dela securta dela via per el ritorno,” the Signoria

his commission.'”° would have them all transported back to Turkish

Alvise Arimondo’s commission, drafted in the _ territory by sea “‘so that they will get back safe and name of the Doge Leonardo Loredan, is dated 28 sound.’’!”* December, 1510, and (as usual in such a commission) As a consequence of all this, Turkish troops did gave him detailed instructions. He must set out im-___cross the Adriatic from Valona to Apulia but, as mediately in Tommaso Tiepolo’s galley, going to Romanin has noted, they appear to have done little the Turks ‘‘cum el nome del Spirito Sancto.’”’ more than give Ferdinand the Catholic a good reaArimondo was informed that on 1 September (1510) son to recall the duke of Termini and his four by order of the sultan the pashas had told the bailie hundred Spanish lancers from Verona, and have Foscolo and the special envoy Niccolo Giustinian him return to the kingdom of Naples.'*’ The Turks, ‘‘che ’] Signor suo era ressolto de volerne prestar however, did not make the move which the Signoria el subsidio per loro nomine nostro rechiesto, ma had requested against Maximilian in Friuli. che li pareva conveniente et cussi luy voleva che li mandassamo un honorevele ambassator che havesse As the Venetian envoys in Rome kept their govampla liberta de formar 1 capitoli et quelli zurar:” ernment abreast of what was being done and said The sultan had decided to give the Venetians the at the Curia, the Florentine ambassador Alessandro assistance which Foscolo and Giustinian had re- Nasi had been sending his shrewd reports to the quested, but the Signoria should send an ambassador _ pjieci di Balia on the Arno. But the time had come

with full freedom to negotiate and swear to the for Nasi to return to Florence, and until a duly-

terms of an agreement. elected ambassador could replace him, the Com-

Sultan Bayazid had in fact written the doge, ac- mittee of Ten sent their secretary Niccolo Machiacepting the offer which the Venetians had made. yelli to represent the interests of their Republic The Turks would provide and pay for 10,000 horse, — quring the long, hot summer of 1510. It was Maand in return the Venetians would pay the sultan — chiavelli’s third diplomatic mission to France. His 12,000 ducats a year for the rest of his life. Maybe — successful conduct of the siege of Pisa, which had the Turks would not want, when the time came, to make available as many as 10,000 horse; Arimondo 94 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 165"-167 [175°-177], doc. must always bear in mind that the Signoria would — dated 28 December, 1510, commissio viri nobilis Aloysu Arimundo not accept fewer than 6,000, and did not want more ___ proficiscentis oratoris ad illustrissmum dominum Turcum. The doge

than 10,000 horse. If rather more than the latter 274 Senate also wrote Kansuh al-Ghuni, the soldan of Egypt,

on 16 December, for their relations with him (as we have ob-

served) were also complicated by the war “‘in questi tumultuosi

—_—_——_—_ tempi. . . tra el reverendissimo Gran Maistro de Rhodi et il

182 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 134°-136" [144°—146']. Signor Soldan”’ (ibid., fols. 165" [175"], 172°-173" [182°-183"}). 193 Ibid., Reg. 43, fol. 162 [172], 164" [174"]. On 6 December Arimondo was well received at the Porte, “‘et el Signor Turco the Senate also considered the question of Pietro Balbi’s dec- _ havea zurata et firmata la pace cum ample et large promissione lination; a vote was held ‘‘che la excusation sua sia acceptata.”’ de voler mantenir et servar la bona amicitia et vicinita el tien

The result was de parte 118 [without cross], de non 58, non cum nuy, offerendose ad ogni commodo nostro et esser per synceri 0, which seems to indicate that the reasons which Balbi, _ adiutarne et prestarne ogni favor” (ibid., Reg. 44, fol. 23, doc. a sapiens consilu, advanced for not going to Istanbul were judged dated 23 May, 1511).

inadequate, and so presumably he had to pay the thousand 195 Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), ducats’ fine. 253-54, and new ed., V (1974), 183.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 9] fallen to the Florentines in June, 1509, after fifteen trying to negotiate with the Emperor Maximilian. years of desultory warfare, had much enhanced his Louis was in fact trying to gain time and save reputation.'9%° All his finesse was needed to explain money. He thought the duke of Ferrara could to Louis XII why the Florentines had allowed papal manage by himself, a very doubtful assumption, troops passage through Tuscany to attack French- which could cause further difficulties. Louis hoped held Genoa, and why they were not aiding Duke to come to Italy and settle everything in one Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara to repel the papal as- stroke. He could send two hundred more lancers saults upon his duchy. On 18 July (1510) Louis to Ferrara, which could save the city from the thanked the Florentine Signoria for sending Ma-_ desultory efforts of the papal forces, and there chiavelli to Blois, where the court was residing, would be no further expense. God grant that time

; most ; , might not reveal how great loss Cardinal and we pray affectionately inafollowing OF;d’allies, ;Am;. ; :; ;you : boise’s death had beenthat, to the king and his the ancient amity and alliance which have existed be- for if d’ Ambo} TL liv; F id

tween our predecessors, kings of France, and you, ‘O' ! mboise were stu! living, Ferrara wou . . . you have the goodness to write to us and make ot have suffered so much. The king was not acknown what aid, favor, and assistance you will render customed to giving careful attention to his affairs. and provide for the protection and defense of our states “Those who now looked after them were quite un-

in Italy... 197 equal to the large responsibilities they entailed. If , _ thedecision physician inattentive, in the The Florentine was 1s to have a fatal rethe payorderly nattent rerly in hosC8

. ; pital andand the patient While bearing upon is thealso futurenegligent, of the Republic ; ; . dies. , Machiavelli was talking with even the .French treasurer some influence upon the next election to the pa- ; ,;

; ; ara Florimond Robertet, a insisted painter had pacy. The Gonfalonier Piero Soderini aorappeared ; j ; Ro.; _ ; . bringing with him a portrait of d’ Amboise. upon; -adhering to the traditional Florentine alliCo er my as : : . _ bertet looked at it with a sigh, and said, “Oh,

ance with if France. Machiavelli thought it 4 . lord, you Niccolo were still alive, we should might be well to play by ear—yjust then the papal with our armv!?!28

be at Rome

cannon were a loud noise, and clergy, who could my: to : 5 making Assemblies of the French obedient tell; ayo what. ;the would eventually do?inLouis ; ; . Spanish the infected crown, gathered at Tours September, XII’s vacillation his advisors. Machiavelli ; ; 199 .1510, ; and at Lyon in April, 1511.°°" Determined upon sent some nineteen dispatches to his government a council. allecedly for the reform of the Church

(from 7 July to 10 September, 1510). One of these, » allegedly Mm Orme ure

dated at Blois on 2 September, is especially interesting. The Committee of Ten wanted to know Louis '°8 Niccolo Machiavelli, Legaziont e commissare, ed. Sergio XII’s intentions, which Machiavelli says his earlier _ Bertelli, 3 vols., Milan, 1964, II, 1333-34; this letter may be dispatches had made quite clear. His Majesty was found in the Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Carte del Mawaiting for the sprin and in the meantime was chiavelli, Cassetta 1, no. 47, cited by Desjardins and Canestrini,

8 P 8 II, 520, and Augustin Renaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-

Milan, Paris, 1922, p. 6, note 12. On Louis XII’s reliance on d’ Amboise (i/ Cardinale di Roano), cf. Guicciardini, Storia

TTT d’ Italia, 1X, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, Il, 319-20. Robertet '°° On the significance of the Pisan war in the rivalries of — played an important part in affairs of state, partly owing to his the great powers, see E. Dupre-Theseider, ““L’ Intervento di knowledge of Italian, Spanish, German, and English (cf. ReFerdinando 1] Cattolico nella guerra di Pisa,” in Fernando el naudet, op. cit., p. 7, note 14, and Préréforme et humanisme a Catolico e Italia, Saragossa, 1954, pp. 21-41 (V Congreso de Paris [1916], repr. Paris, 1953, pp. 524 ff.). On Robertet’s Historia de la Corona de Aragon, Saragossa, October, 1952, command of Italian, cf Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 192.

Estudios, ITI). The Renaissance statesman’s knowledge of foreign languages, '” Desjardins and Canestrini, Négociations diplomatiques, 11, in an era in which Latin was still much employed in international 519. Nasi was replaced as Florentine ambassador to France by discourse, is an interesting subject. Andrea Badoer, the Venetian

Roberto Acciajuoli (:bid., Il, 522-25). Cf A. J. G. Le Glay, | ambassador to England, wrote his brother Luca from London Neégoaiations diplomatiques, | (Paris, 1845), 358. On 19 August, on 24 July, 1512, “. . . aside from the aforesaid dangers [of 1510, the Venetian Senate informed the Republic’s ambassador contemporary travel], it was easy for me to come safely by any to Hungary, “De le cose de Ferrara sua Sanctita ha publicataroad,. . . since I know well the French and German languages, la excommunica contra il duca et tuti quelli li dara favor et and this language [English] as well, which is as much known adiuto, etram sv regia dignitate fulgerent [directed against Louis | among us as Slavonic or Greek here [in London], . . . and for XII], et fa stampar la bolla, la quale se mandera per tuto, et such a great gift I thank Almighty God”’ (Sanudo, XIV, 644): per il primo ve ne mandaremo una copia”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. “‘. . . sapendo ben la lengua franzexa e todesca, poi questa

43, fol. 101” [111”]). On the twenty-second the Senate wrote lengua, per quanto se nativa fuse qui la lengua sciava e la Girolamo Donato in Rome, ‘‘Certa cosa € che] duca et Ferraresi greca.. . .”’ sono in timor grandissimo: Francesi se ne sono andati ale fron- '°9 A. Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a Pans (repr. 1953),

tiere de Suizeri . . .”’ (thd., fol. 103", and cf fols. 104'-105", — pp. 527-33, and cf. C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. Le-

106”, 107°, 108%, et alibi [113', etc.]). clercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), 276 ff.

92 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tant en chef que es membres, Louis XII addressed a__ matic procedures on the grounds that Julius II had request to the Florentine government on 27 Jan- violated the electoral capitulation of 1503. But more uary, 1511, “‘to grant and deliver into the hands than once during the preceding two centuries or of those who will have charge of the said council more popes had felt obliged to remind the Sacred your. . .city of Pisa. . . ,”» which was mostem- College that the major function of the cardinals in barrassing to the Signoria. The Florentines had conclave was to elect a pope, not to try to legislate

been trying to forestall such a request for weeks, for the Church in such a manner as to bind the lest they incur the furious reprisals of Julius II. hands of the one whom they were about to raise Nevertheless, at Milan on 16 May (1511), the anti- to S. Peter’s throne. In 1352 Pope Innocent VI

Julian cardinals Bernardino Carvajal, Guillaume _ had recalled the warnings of Gregory X and ClemBriconnet, and Francesco Borgia convoked the — ent V, to which he added his own, that the cardinals’ council on behalf of the emperor and the king of attempts by such electoral capitulations constituted France, asking the Florentine Signoria to prepare an unwarranted and wholly uncanonical abridgment to receive this congregation of the universal of the papal authority, which was derived from God

Church in Pisa.?°° alone and not from the College. Although as a car-

Claiming a “‘sufficient mandate” from six other dinal Innocent VI had signed a capitulation, like cardinals, Carvajal, Briconnet, and Borgia de- Julius II, subjecting the exercise of papal authority clared the necessity and purpose of the council to in many particulars to the will of a two-thirds mabe the establishment of a true peace in Europe, jority of the College, as pope he rejected the docthe reform of the Church, and the promotion of — umentasan intolerable intrusion upon his rights.?°? the war against the infidels. They dwelt upon the Obviously Julius I] had ample precedent for the corruption and deformity of the Church, for — stand he took. He wished it to be clearly understood which one salutary medicine was well known, the when in July, 1511, as we shall see, he summoned congregation of a universal council. The decree the Lateran Council, that he was doing so because of Constance had provided for a council every ten _ he believed it to be necessary for the good of the years; Julius II had promised to observe the decree Church: His convocation of the Council did not at the time of his election. Not only had he failed mean that he was yielding to the pressure of the to keep his pledged word, but it was clear he never — schismatic cardinals and their wholly unjustified atwould convoke a council by his own wish and au- tack upon him.

thority. The cardinals and their adherents, there- In the meantime the Venetians were doggedly fore, together with the councilors and procura- carrying on their struggle against the French and tors of the Emperor Maximilian and King Louis _ the imperialists. Sanudo scrupulously recorded evof France, herewith summoned a general council — erything in his vast diary of politics and warfare, of the universal Church to assemble at Pisa onthe shipping and banking, religious celebrations and

coming calends of September.?° important social events, diplomacy and news from The cardinals, then, were justifying their schis- the Levant. On Wednesday, 26 March, 1511, a seearthquake struck Venice, apparently the worst ee since 25 January, 1348 vere (Ven. style 1347), and a 200 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Instrumenta Miscellanea, no. 5284, | Stunned Sanudo described the damage it did in “‘this and cf. in general A. Renaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-Milan: most excellent city, built by God and preserved to

Documents florentins ( 1510-1512), Paris, 1922, nos. 8-10, 21, the present day, for the increase of the Christian 37-42, pp. de 5-7,Florence, 18, 26-30 (in Bibliotheque de I’ Institut The top of the: campanile was so twisted that francais Isttheser., vol. VII), the one ith» indispensable work on this subject. The Council of Pisa was scheduled to the next day the canonical hours could not be struck, meet on 1 September, 1511 (ibid., nos. 45 ff., pp. 32 ff). The | which had never happened before. Stones falling question of whether the Florentines should concede their re- from the highest level of the campanile crashed cently won city of Pisa to the Council was hotly debated in the through the roof of the loggetta, where the patri35-36, note 22). Cf. Desjardins and Canestrini, 11, 526-27; Clans used to gather. The bell-towers suffered, owing Sanudo, Diarii, XII, 203, 218-19; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad _ to their height. Although S. Marco fortunately susann. 1511, nos. 3 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 537 ff. Bernardino tained little damage, some mosaics fell from high

Consiglio degli Ottanta, which was a sort of Senate (ibid., pp. . .

Carvajal, called the cardinal of Santa Croce, was known for his learning, and although a Spaniard, he was a staunch partisan =§=——————— of the Emperor Maximilian (Sanudo, X, 74, 81). Cf Renaudet, 20? Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 210, fols. 2"-3", in Pierre Préréforme et humanisme, pp. 533 ff., also an excellent work. Gasnault and M. H. Laurent, eds., Innocent VI: Lettres secretes et 201 Sanudo, Diarii, XII, 250-54, and cf. Guicciardini, Storia —_curiales, I, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1960), no. 435, pp. 137-38. Cf. C. J.

d’ Italia, X, 2, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 416-18, and _ Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles,

Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1 (1712), 235-41. VIL, pt. 1 (1917), 282.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 93 up in the church. Other churches, palaces, and and Asti, and were the protectors of Florence, Ferhouses were damaged in various ways, including (to rara, and Modena. Nevertheless, Julius II’s military

name but a few) the convent of the Servites, the moves and diplomatic machinations were most unchurch of the Madonna dell’ Orto, the Ca d’ Oro, _ settling. He began a determined campaign against the Ca Morosini, and the Scuola della Carita at S. Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara. Modena surrendered Vio. Chimneys came down; so did lead gutters. The without fighting to the papal forces, which occupied people were terrified and, like Sanudo himself, ran Concordia in December, 1510, and Mirandola in

from their houses into the streets. That evening January, 1511.?°* The French commander-in-chief the parish priests organized a procession. Carrying Charles II d’ Amboise, lord of Chaumont and torches and candles, they sang litanies to appease nephew of Cardinal Georges, died at Correggio

the heaven that had rumpled the earth. early in the year 1511, but his successor Gian GiaThe earthquake of January, 1348, had been fol- como Trivulzio promptly recovered Concordia and lowed by the “great mortality” in which (says Sa- marched upon Bologna, which he helped regain on nudo) two thirds of Venice died of the plague, but 22-23 May (1511) for the dispossessed family of

happier omens were found in the catastrophe of the Bentivoglio, bitter enemies of the pope. A 1511. Marble stonework cut with the fleur-de-lis bronze statue of Julius II by Michelangelo, placed

fell from the inner height of the courtyard of the over the portal of the basilica of S. Petronio in doge’s palace, landing at the foot of the great stair- February, 1508, was soon destroyed.*°” The reposway with the top of the lily downwards, ‘‘and many _ session of Bologna by the Bentivoglio with French took this for a good augury—that the lily, which _ help was a severe blow to the pope’s prestige and is the arms of France, will fall and suffer ruin, and — security. Everything seemed to be turning out badly may God grant it for the good of Italy scourged by _ for Julius. His Venetian allies failed to take Verona, these barbarians.’’ At the Rialto an iron cross with and lost Vicenza, Legnago, and Bassano. An attempt a stone base fell from above S. Giacomo and landed to stir up a revolt in Genoa failed.

upright on the roof of the portico, another good After a ten months’ circuit of the papal states augury, for this was the oldest church in the city, from Rome to Bologna and Ravenna, during and its building (Sanudo says, on 25 March, 421) which he took the field himself clad in armor, Jumarked the very beginning of Venice, and so “this _ lius returned to Rome on 26 June (1511). The city will be the preserver of Italy and of the faith ceremoniere Paride Grassi has left an account of the of Christ, driving the barbarians from Italy... .”’ whole futile expedition in his diary of the Curia Although the four little porphyry kings, the ‘‘te- Romana.*°° The pope’s confident expectations of trarchs,”’ part of the spoils of the Fourth Crusade,

fell from the facade; .of as43, well as some ~ 4,ff.,; and Cf. S. Sen.Marco, Secreta, Reg. esp. fols. 138 ff., 168”

columns, the marble statue of the patron saint stood 74 ¢ [148 ff, etc.].

fast in its place on the doge’s palace. The significance 25 On the history of this famous statue, three times life-size of the fall of the four kings, while S. Mark stood = and weighing 14,000 pounds, which was destroyed on 30 Dein his place, was only too clear to Sanudo and the cember, 1511, note Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 509-13, and Gesch.

poets of the day: the the League of Cambrai IIJ-2of (repr. 959-62. As for the reoccupation . . kings _ of ofBologna, note theObst letter the1956), Venetian Senate dated 23 would 80 down in defeat while the undaunted citi- May, 1511, to Andrea Gritti, the provveditore generale (Sen. zens of the Republic were still flying the lion banner _ Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 23° [34"]): “In questa hora havemo avuto

of the Evangelist.*”” lettere dal orator nostro in Corte [the Curia Romana] date heri The position of the French seemed secure enough a Ravenna [where Julius was at the time] ad hore 23 [about ,m ,Italy. . 8:00 P.M.] che ne significano D. Annibal Bentivoglio la preThey held Genoa and Liguria, Lombardy cedente nocte ad hore tre [about midnight] esser intrato in Bologna senza Francesi et che quella terra era in divisione et

—_——- in arme et che li exerciti pontificio et nostro se era retirato ad

203 Sanudo, Diarit, XII, 79-84, 85 ff., and cf col. 507. Re- Castel S. Piero tuti salvi et heri sera doveva esser ad Imola. construction of the upper portion of the campanile was ap-_. . .’’ Gritti was therefore to suspend his own military operations parently not begun until a year later, in March, 1512 (ibid., | and await further developments. Actually the recovery of BoXIV, 20). On the damage done by the earthquake of 26 March, __logna was achieved by partisans of the Bentivoglio within the 1511, in the area of Udine, see the document published by D. city, as the Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador to Hungary Tassini, ‘‘La Rivolta del Friuli nel 1511,’’ Nuovo Archivio veneto, on 3 June (ihd., fol. 27° [38"]), but of course it was the French

1920, p. 154. Cf also Pietro Bembo, Rerum venetarum historiae, troops approaching the city which made possible the success XI, in the Opera omnia, I (Venice, 1729), 295. Friuli was to be — of the Bentivoglio.

struck again by a terrible earthquake on the evening of 6 May, 2°° The pope’s second military expedition in 1510-1511 for 1976, when about a thousand persons are said to have been _ the conquest of Ferrara (the first was in 1506-1507 to expel killed, and widespread damage done in some fifty to sixty small | Giovanni II Bentivoglio from Bologna) is recounted in detail

towns and villages. in Paride Grassi’s Diarrum Curiae Romanae, ed. Luigi Frati, Le

94 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT overrunning Ferrara and driving the French out _ others received the red hat after the necessary for-

of northern Italy had been entirely frustrated, malities. Maximilian’s hope of reconciling the while the fall of Bologna had opened up Trivul- pope with Louis XII was chimerical. The League zio’s way into papal territory.?°’ In the meantime, of Cambrai was dead. Julius was rabidly antialthough encouraged by the sultan and the pashas_ French. Lang’s mission was doomed to failure, and to expect Turkish assistance—especially cavalry he was naturally not open to the suggestion that for service in Friuli, as Alvise Arimondo had re- _ his imperial master should join the Curia Romana quested—the Venetians were also encountering and Venice in an attack upon France. He lent his failure. It slowly dawned on the Senate that, for support to the projected Council of Pisa, and Julius all their fine words, the Turks were not going to withheld publication of his elevation to the carpull any chestnuts out of the fire for Venice.*°* dinalate.2!° The sultan and the pashas could only enjoy the Maximilian, thwarted in his anti-Venetian polprospect of continued warfare in Italy. The sus- icy, supported Louis XII’s proposal for a general picions and hostilities which the Christian powers council, but eventually lost interest in the idea as entertained for one another made a crusade im- he considered the persistent disparities between possible, however easily the expression of stock anti- Turkish sentiments might come to the lips §=——W— and pens of laymen as well as of ecclesiastics. Maximilian from his connection with Louis XII, vainly relying Appreciating the Emperor Maximilian’s frus- upon Henry VIII of England to help them (Calendar of State tration in Italy, Louis XII had sought his support Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II [London, 1867], inst th Maximili: t . nos. 28-29, 31-38, 44-50, 52, 54-59, 64, 66-68, 80, 106, against the pope. axiInt jan was Cager lO Tevive 117, 125, et alin, dispatches largely drawn from the diaries of the League of Cambrai to win back from the Vene- Sanudo). On Lang’s nomination to the cardinalate being held tians the imperial lands they had occupied. To _ in petto, see, ibid., 11, no. 98, also from Sanudo. Lang was an achieve this rather difficult objective he had sent Impressive figure, commanding in personality and handsome the arrogant Matthias Lang, bishop of Gurk, to in appearance (bello e biondo), still young (meno di anni 40), and ) . . quite aware of his assets (Sanudo, XV, 327, and cf. col. 451). confer with the pope at Bologna in April, 1511. — Maximitian’s difficulties in his war with Venice are sketched in Before Lang S arrival Julius II had made him a - some detail in Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des. cardinal in the creation of 10 March in Ravenna, = oneies, VIII-1, 290 ff. but his nomination was reserved in betto.299 Eight Andrea da Borgo, we may note, represented both Margaret

p 8 of Austria-Savoy, regent of the Netherlands, and her father Maximilian. Like many ambassadors of the time he complained

OO bitterly of his principals’ failure to pay him (Lettres du roy Louis

Due Spediziont militant di Giulio I, Bologna, 1886, pp. 189-293, XI, I1 [1712], 14-18, and cf. Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie esp. pp. 225 ff. (Documenti e Studi pubblicati per cura della = au temps de Machiavel, 3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 19-22).

R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le province di Romagna, 719 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fols. 7°, 10’-11", 12%, 14” [18”,

vol. I). 21°—22', etc.], and cf. Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, no. 44, pp.

°°” Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 332-62, and Gesch. d. Papste, 31-32, letter from Francesco Pandolfini, Florentine envoy to III-2 (repr. 1956), 780-810; also C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, Louis XII’s lieutenant-general in northern Italy, sent to the and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), | Dieci di Balia on 17 May, 1511. All Julius I thought about, 269 ff., 290, 297. The reports in Sanudo, Dart, vols. XI and night and day, was expelling the French barbarians from Italy XII, give many details with which we need not be concerned (Sanudo, Diarn, X1, 745, 843). Cf in general Guicciardini, Stora here, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1511, nos. 44 ff., d’ Itaha, IX, 16, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 391 ff., and

65 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 558 ff., 566 ff., and Lettres du roy esp. Paride Grassi, Diarwum, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spediziona militari Louis XH, VW (1712), 233-34, 243-47, 249. Guicciardimi devotes — di Giulio I, pp. 262-73. After presenting his credentials, Lang much of bk. IX of his Storia d’ Italia to these events: his account — exhorted the pope to work for peace in Christendom and turn is consistently hostile to Julius II, of whom he says ina famous _ the arms of Europe against the infidels (Frati, op. cit., p. 266). passage ‘‘non riteneva di pontefice altro che I’ abito e il nome” —_Grassi’s characterization of Lang (barbarus est, barbarice egit, in

(ihid., 1X, 13, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 367-68). See also Frati, p. 271) is well known. in general Pietro Bembo’s Rerum venetarum historiae, X1, in the In August, 1510, Lang had been promised the first available

Opera omnia, I, Venice, 1729. red hat if he would bring the emperor around to an anti-French

708 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fols. 13-14 [24-25], docs. dated accord with the pope (Sanudo, Diarn, XI, 189), an offer which

2-5 May, 1511. was repeated in March, 1512 (Renaudet, op. cit., no. 577, p.

209 Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1 (1845), 388, letter 637). The pope was always dangling the red hat before Lang’s of the Austrian envoy Andrea da Borgo to Margaret of Austria- — eyes (Sanudo, XII, 15, 56-57, 148). His visit to the pope had Savoy, dated at Bourges, 23 March, 1511, misdated in Le Glay; been expected for some time (Sanudo, XI, 713, 765, 810, 818,

Sanudo, Diari, XII, 56-57. Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, 845, 846, and XII, 112, 117, 123-24, 126, 131, 139, 140, Le Due Spediziont milittari di Giulio I, pp. 242-44, 249-51, does 147-48, 158, 160, etc.; Lettres du roy Louas XII, 11 [1712], 136-

not mention Matthias Lang in his account of the creation of 54, 160-64, 168, 170 ff., 202-6; and Le Glay, Neégociations 10 March, 1511, but does later on refer to him as nuper. . . —diplomatiques, 1 [1845], 375, 387-88, 390-92, 396). On the secrete cardinalis creatus (op. cit., p. 260, and cf. p. 265). The — significance of Lang’s mission, note F. Seneca, Venezia e Papa

Venetians had been trying for more than a year to detach = Giulvo IT (1962), pp. 155-56, 158.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 95 imperial and French interests as well as the ex- began to harass Italy under our predecessor AlItreme unlikelihood of the council’s achieving any- exander and still does not cease to harass us, has thing. Although a number of the cardinals, most caused this delay—and the insistent necessity of renotably Carvajal, Briconnet, Borgia, Rene de Prie, covering the lands and rights of the Roman and Federigo di Sanseverino, seemed to be risking Church!”’ A council should be held in a convenient their ecclesiastical careers by supporting the coun- and safe place. Who did not know that Pisa had

cil, even the French entertained little confidence suffered so grievously in a full fourteen years of in the results of their conciliar propaganda. The siege and desolation that there were hardly any cardinals associated with the movement were well houses still left with their walls intact? The Pisan known as opportunists. Indeed, on 1 June, 1511, site was as unsuitable for a council as the Gallican the Florentine ambassador to France, Roberto convocation was illegal, heretical, and schismatical. Acciajuoli, informed his government that Louis The bull was reviewed by Sigismondo de’ Conti, XII’s adviser Robertet had acknowledged that and subscribed by twenty-one cardinals. At the ‘these cardinals think more of getting bishoprics _pope’s command it was printed in Rome by Jacopo than of the reform of the Church, so that Ido not Mazocchi on 31 July.*'* Despite the legal formulae,

put overmuch trust in them!’’*!! it is an eloquent document.

In response to the Franco-German threat of

schism Pope Julius II promulgated the bull Sacro- Throughout the late spring and early summer sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae on 18 July, 1511, convok- Of 1511 Julius H worked strenuously on the affairs ing an oecumenical, universal, and general council of the projected Fifth Lateran Council as well as

to meet on 19 April, 1512, in the Lateran “where ©" Negotiations with Ferdinand of Aragon and many councils were held by our fathers of old.”’ At Henry VIII of England, upon whom he had to the same time he indignantly rejected the charges rely in his hostility to the French. He informed of the Gallican party that he had been trying to Louis XI of his intention to summon a general avoid summoning the council he had promised at COUNCI! to Rome, of which he intended to be the the time of his election. For the last eleven years head. He also stated that he “wanted to be the of his cardinalate he had had no greater desire, he first to be reformed. In France and Milan the said, than to see a general council summoned and rebellious cardinals continued to press for the

he Church reformed, causin r he gr 91:

t © CI q. on The con- made to Louis XII: “If the king desires peace, we

also desire it!’ Julius II said that he would leave

—_______ the cases of the deprived cardinals to the Sacred government still liked to think ‘‘che francesi € roti’ (doc. cit.), College for settlement. A number of cardinals had and the Senate praised the pope’s constancy (Sen. Secreta, Reg. already discussed the question of the cardinals’ 44, fol. 122 [133], letter of 4 May to the Venetian ambassador restoration with Strozzi, who wrote the Signoria

to the Curia Romana). Prospero Colonna came to Rome, but h h | f “rath was unwilling to serve under either Francesco Maria della Ro- that the Bcnera pre erence was ral er to create

vere, the pope’s nephew, or Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of _ them anew,”’ so that their deprivation in the first Mantua, as gonfalonier of the church (Sanudo, XIV, 185, 190). place would seem justified. The council of Pisa-

On the cardinals desire i peace, of. eenauee Le Conae Milan must be entirely quashed. Bologna must be

Seen eee eee ana tt cig. returned to the Holyff.See Storia ee d’ Italia, X, eae, 14, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 514 . : . although the Bentivoglio

8 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 181, 183, 185, and ¢f, cols. 194,210- might retain their property. The duke of Ferrara 11. On 6 May (1512) Henry VIII expected his troops to sail would have to pay the old census of 4,000 ducats

for Guienne within fifteen days (col. 269). and forfeit certain papal fiefs in the Romagna. He

87 Sanudo, Diari, 185,also and cf.tocol. 263. Bernardo Dovizi ; sanudo, » ADV, 109, XIV, an “1 must cease work the salt pans at Comacchio,

da Bibbiena wrote his brother Pietro from Rome on 28 April, d either h his brother I lito d’ E h 1512: “In Spagna se stima sara facto gran conto di questa rotta an eit er he or his brother Ippouto ste, the

[the battle of Ravenna], et che il Re fara per Italia grande Cardinal of Ferrara, must come to Rome to ask provision di piu gente et de uno capitanio” (bid., XIV, 190). pardon and receive the reinvestiture of his duchy. But the captain would not be Gonsalvo of Cordova, whom (Certain cardinals were consoling the duke of FerFerdinand disliked, and of whose great reputation he was jealous . . (cf. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, rara, however, with the thought that he might get 1963, II, 523). Ferdinand wrote the pope, after learning of the defeat at Ravenna, that he would soon attack the French —=———————in conjunction with the English, and that he would send Gonsalvo then procurator of the sénéchaussée of Poitiers, still urged Louis

of Cordova to Italy on 11 May. Gonsalvo did not, however, XII to find a way to join with the pope and the Christian princes return to Italy. Cardona suited Ferdinand’s purposes: he was _ in holding a proper council, reforming the Church, and joining

successful, but not too successful. forces against the Turks (bid., p. 549), a laudable but now 88 Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, pp. 663-64, note 139, citing rather impracticable suggestion.

the conciliar Acta, ed. of 1612, I, 183-206, and Bibl. Apost. 89 Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, no. 608, pp. 665-67, and Vaticana, Cod. lat. 3914, fols. 5Y-7". On the suspension of Julius cf’ no. 611. On Thursday evening, 6 May, 1512, the Consiglio

II by the Milanese conciliarists, cf Renaudet, op. cit., no. 617, degli Ottanta decided to renew the Florentine alliance with p. 678, and Préréforme et humanisme a Paris, p. 543, and for France after some discussion of the terms and the duration of conditions in Milan, zbid., p. 548. The rhetorician Jean Bouchet, _ the alliance (ibid., no. 612, pp. 668~72).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 121 back the enfeoffed towns in the Romagna by ac-_ vation that men must mend their ways in accord tion of the Sacred College after the pope’s death.”” with the tenets of the faith, which could not be altered to suit men’s fancy, quod homines per sacra The Fifth Lateran Council opened on Monday, immutari fas est, non sacra per homines. He made clear 3 May (1512), in an atmosphere of gloom and ap- with much classical eloquence, biblical allusion, and

prehension. The French were still in control of the historical reflection that if the Church and the whole Romagna, and rumor had it that they were Christian commonwealth had been suffering temsending 1,200 lancers toward Rome. There was still poral defeat (as at Brescia and on the battlefield of no word of the Swiss advance upon Milan. The Ravenna), they could achieve renewal and a great Venetian ambassador, Francesco Foscari, reported spiritual victory in the present council: “‘Dost thou

that the pope had deprived Louis XII of the title hear, Peter? Dost thou hear, Paul? . . . august “Christianissimo,” which he proposed to give Henry _ princes, guardians, defenders of the city of Rome! VIII if he would attack France.?! The antics of the Do ye hear to what a full measure of evils the Church ecclesiastics at Pisa and Milan had certainly moved founded by your blood has been drawn’. . . Take Julius II to convoke the Lateran Council, which was care that the Christian princes now be brought to supposed to put an end to the Gallican schism, pro- peace and the arms of our kings be turned upon tect the papal states against French aggression, effect Mohammed, the common enemy of Christ! Lo.

the reform of the Church, and organize a crusade The relics of S. Peter and S. Paul were displayed. against the Turks. It was an important assembly, Litanies were sung with the accustomed genuflecalthough surely Pastor was guilty of some exag- tions. The basilica had been fitted out with seats geration in stating that ‘‘the Lateran Council forms for the attending fathers, prelates, ambassadors, and

a landmark in the history of the world.’’?? other dignitaries. According to the usual practice, Elaborate processions had been held in Rome for _ the central portion of the church had been boarded three days, and when on Sunday afternoon, 2 May, off (murato) to a height of eight or ten feet, with a the pope was conducted to the basilica of S. John single door to the enclosure, where twenty-seven

Lateran, four hundred well-armed halberdiers Knights of S. John of Jerusalem stood guard, mag-

marched before him. The Roman barons with more _ nificently arrayed in gold and red silk with white than two hundred horse surrounded the pope, after crosses on their breasts. Upon entering S. John’s, whom followed sixteen cardinals, about seventy the pope first received the obedience of all the cararchbishops and bishops, and prelates without num-_dinals and prelates, to whom he spoke and then ber. It was a spectaculo molto bello. On Monday morn-__ had a bull read. The first formal session was to be ing, the third, Raffaele Riario, the cardinal of S. held one week later, on Monday, 10 May. It was a

Giorgio, sang the mass of the Holy Spirit, after brave beginning, but if the French were marching which Egidio da Viterbo, prior general of the Au- on Rome, the Curia might soon be in flight. Prosgustinians, created some sensation with an oratione pero Colonna had not yet reached any agreement luculentissima. Egidio made a strong plea for the with the pope for his services. His price was too reform of the Church, beginning with the obser- high; he demanded, as the saying went, maria et montes. There were others in the basilica besides Foscari who hoped that even if God had not pro%° Ibid., no. 613, pp. 673-74. The Florentine Signoria quite vided the most aUSPICIOUS beginning for the council, rightly believed that, in trying to arrange peace between France He might bring ittoa happier conclusion.? Actually and the papacy, Bologna would be the hardest nut to crack (ibid., no. 615, p. 676). The duke of Ferrara claimed to hold =————— Comacchio, just north of Ravenna, as an imperial and not as °3 Sanudo, Drarii, X1V, 203-5, letters of Foscari and others, a papal fief; the working of his salt pans in the marshes of | dated at Rome on 3 May, 1512. Egidio da Viterbo’s opening Comacchio was destructive of the papal salt monopoly at Cervia, | sermon was published, with a prefatory letter by Sadoleto to to the south of Ravenna (Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, I1I-2 [repr. _ Pietro Bembo, Oratio prima Synodi Lateranensis habita per Egidium 1956], 780-81; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, 1X, 1, 2, ed. Flor- — Viterbiensem Augustinian: ordinis Generalem: ‘‘Habita fuit Oratio

ence: Salani, 1963, II, 298-99, 301-2; Lettres du roy Lous XII, in aede Lateranensi Quinto Nonas Maias MDXIII” [sic/]. The I (1712], 259-60, and cf. vol. II, p. 220, and vol. III, p. 43). _ printer’s name is not given. The sermon may also be found in Alexander VI had reduced the Ferrarese censo of 4,000 ducats J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, to one hundred when Alfonso d’ Este married Lucrezia Borgia) XXXII (repr. Paris, 1902), cols. 669~76. On the opening of

(Guicciardini, IX, 5, ed. cit., I, 322). the Fifth Lateran Council, cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

91 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 202. 1512, nos. 35 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 583 ff.; C. J. Hefele,

°2 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 406, but in the last edition of his J. Hergenrother, and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 work he merely says, ‘“‘Es war ein wichtiger Moment” (Gesch. (1917), 343 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 406-9, and Gesch. d.

d. Pdpste, WWI-2 [repr. 1956], 847). Papste, II-2 (repr. 1956), 847-49. Note also N. H. Minnich,

122 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT this was the low point in Julius I]’s fortunes. Hence- _ rara and sent two envoys instead.®’ He was taking forth, until he died, as Guicciardini says, his hopes no further chances. There was no doubt now that rose continually, and now without any restraint the the Swiss were descending upon Milan.?° Conflictwheel of chance began to spin toward his increasing ing reports reached Rome, where the pope maingreatness.”* It was Julius himself, of course, who _ tained his stubborn opposition to French preten-

gave the wheel an occasional push. sions, and the Spanish ambassador assured him

The Venetian government learned from a let- that Ferdinand of Aragon would take the field ter dated at Urbino on 8 May (1512) that “the against Louis XII on 20 May (in an invasion of French have all withdrawn from the Romagna, Navarre).?” and these lands have come back under the sway News was coming thick and fast, and on 6 May of the Church and Pope Julius... .”"’? A few days a letter reached Pietro Foscolo in Venice from his later the Venetians were informed that Henry brother Andrea, the bailie in Istanbul. It was dated VIII’s attacks upon the French coasts—and his 28 March (1512). At first glance there seemed to preparations for large-scale landings in Guienne, _ be little in this letter to differentiate it from others Gascony, and Brittany—had caused Louis XII to that Venetian patricians or the government had recall many men from the Romagna.”° News soon _ been receiving for the past few years. The Turks came also of the departure of French troops from were having their troubles. Everyone knew that. the Polesine, the region between the Po and the According to Andrea Foscolo, the report that SulAdige, along the northern border of the Ferrarese tan Bayazid had granted his youngest son Selim duchy, because they had not received their pay. two military districts (zanzachadi) in Greece, which

Letters from Mantua stated that two hundred had never hitherto been placed under a sultan’s French lancers had returned to their homeland, son, had caused the watchful Ahmed to revolt in among them being ‘‘some gentlemen of the king, Anatolia, which he wished to seize as a counterwho left cursing Italy, the pope, and all, saying the weight to his younger brother’s possession of king had been mistaken to give up the friendship much of Greece. Both sons aspired to the imperial of the Venetians, because now the French found | succession. The Ottoman state was in a turmoil, themselves in flight.’”’ Alfonso d’ Este could see Andrea wrote: “Questo Signor é€ vechio e mal the writing on the wall. When Gian Giacomo Tri- sano, non si pol exercitar la persona.’’ Bayazid had

vulzio sent for him to come to Milan “‘that they become an invalid. On the morning of 28 March might consult together,’ Alfonso remained in Fer- a large number of janissaries had demanded to see Bayazid, and had requested that Selim be autho-

a . . rized to lead them against Ahmed, whom they had “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran Council,”’ their own reasons for opposing. Bayazid yielded Archivum historiae pontificiae, VII (1969), esp. pp. 165-73 and, ae

in general, Olivier de la Brosse, Joseph Lecler, Henri Holstein, to their INSISLENCe, and Foscolo offered the shrewd and Chas. Lefebvre, Latran V et Trente, Paris, 1975, pp. 40- Observation that this development would probably 114 (Histoire des conciles oecumeniques, 10). On Egidio, see assure Selim the succession.

John W. O'Malley, “Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought The Knights of Rhodes had captured about on Renaissance Rome,” Renaissance Quarterly, XX (1967), 1- . 11, and the works cited by O’Malley; and see the detailed eighteen Turkish transports loaded with wheat, SO exposition of Egidio’s thought in Eugenio Massa, ‘‘Egidio da that the price of wheat had jumped from nine asViterbo e la metodologia del sapere nel Cinquecento,”’ in Pensee pers a measure (el chylo) to fourteen, and was conhumaniste et tradition chrétienne aux XV° et XVI‘ siecles, Paris, tinuing to rise: ‘“The said Rhodians are inflicting

Recherche Scientifique). .

1950, pp. 185-239 (published by the Centre National de la the greatest losses on the sultan’s subjects. They 94 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X, 14, ed. Florence: Salani, make themselves feared. They are profiting greatly

1963, II, 519. 95 Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 212.

°° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 214, from a letter dated at Vicenza as on 12 May, 1512. Louis XII was said to be assembling an army °” Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 216, 217, and cf. col. 227 for another of 50,000 men against the English and another army against — report of the French ‘‘cursing Italy’? and lamenting the abanthe Spanish (ibid., XIV, 234). On the English preparations, see, | donment of the Franco-Venetian alliance. The French with-

ibid., cols. 249, 290. On 6 May Henry VIII wrote Cardinal drawals continued in considerable numbers (ibid., XIV, 264, Bainbridge in Rome, ““We understand. . . thatthe king ofthe 276). Returning soldiers even cursed the king (col. 276). French has recalled his army from the Romagna. . .”’ (ahd., %8 Ibid., XIV, 215, 218, 220-21, 224, 295, 239 935 ff, col. 268). He also said that the English army would sail for 277 fff. Guienne (and Gascony) ‘‘within fifteen days if the wind is good”’ %° Ibid., XIV, 214-15, 284. Jean d’ Albret, the king of Na(col. 269). Cf J. J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIH, Berkeley and Los _ varre, was depending on Louis XII for assistance (ibid., XIV,

Angeles, 1970, pp. 28 ff. 284).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 123 and acting aggressively.”’'°° For almost a decade coming. It would shake all the non-Christian powwestern Christians had had little to fear from the ers in the East and bring fear to the heart of every Turks, but it was becoming evident that the tide thoughtful statesman in Christendom.

was turning. At this time, however, most people (but not all)

A letter now arrived in Venice from the rector regarded events in Istanbul as remote from their and council of Ragusa containing news of devel- major concerns in Rome, where Julius II and the opments that were soon to set the Turks again Curia were caught up in the affairs of the Lateran upon the high seas of conquest. The letter was Council. The first formal session was held on Mondated 10 May (1512), and contained information day, 10 May.'°* Cardinal Domenico Grimani sang which the Ragusei had just received from their the mass. Bernardino Zane, the Venetian archenvoys in Istanbul. On Friday, 23 April, Selim bishop of Spalato (Split), preached the sermon. Sultan had entered the Turkish capital, and on ‘He praised the Catholic king [Ferdinand of Arthe twenty-fourth his father, now weary and ill, agon],” says Sanudo, ‘“‘and our Signoria, which had peacefully if reluctantly surrendered the Ot- already for more than eighty years has fought with toman empire to him, “‘and the Signor [Bayazid] the Turks in defense of the Church and the Chriswants Demotica,’’ writes Sanudo, ‘“‘which is three tian faith.’ Zane declared that the world was hadays’ journey from Constantinople, a pleasant rassed by schismatics, Jews, and Turks. As archplace, where he was born and wishes to end his bishop of Spalato he dwelt on the Turkish peril life... .”’ When the doge, Leonardo Loredan, in Dalmatia and Croatia (Liburnia), to which Carread the momentous letter (the full import of dinal Bakocz of Gran (Strigonia) would bear witwhich no one could yet appreciate), various mem- ness. bers of the Collegio and Senate remained to hear Zane could neither speak nor think of the madthe ‘‘astonishing news”’ (tanta nova). The letter of ness and power of the Turks without grief and the Ragusei to the Signoria, which is in Latin, tears. Ina hundred and eighty years, he said, from states that the praetoriani milites, commonly called _ the first Ottoman prince to Bayazid II, the elevjanissaries, had demanded Selim’s elevation, ‘‘and enth sultan, the Turks had seized most of Asia and on the following day [the twenty-fourth] the son _ no little of Europe ‘“‘cum maxima Christiani cruoris had gone to his father within the Seraglio, from effusione.’’ From Dalmatia they could cross the whom not without tears he received the imperial Adriatic in the space of a single night, and attack

throne and the sword [of Osman].”’ All the court — the papal cities in Ascoli Piceno (ad urbes tuae Sanchad made a prompt obeisance to the Sultan Selim: titatis Picentinas). He damned the Turks in tren‘‘thus so great an empire has changed hands,” says chant terms:

the letter from Ragusa, without any distur- Just think, O fathers, of the anxieties now faced by the bance. The disturbance would not be long in faithful of Christ, against whom the Turks are raging in their cruelest fashion. They snatch children from the '©° Sanudo, Diaru, XIV, 291-93. The letter was received in clasp of their parents and infants from the breasts of Venice on 6 May, 1512, and ¢., ibid., XIV, 50, 162; see in 1 nas and drag virgins off from the embrace of mother

; _ their mothers. They violate wives within sight of hus-

general Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I . a8 VINE < . (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 352-64. Of Sultan Bayazid’s *© satisfy their hateful lust. They slay aged parents, as numerous sons, only Ahmed, Korkud, and Selim survived into useless creatures, before the very eyes of sons, harness their father’s last years (cf. J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. youths like oxen to the plow, and force them to turn

Reiches in Europa, Wl [Gotha, 1854], 561 ff.). the earth with the ploughshare. What need 1s there to '°! Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 221-23, and ¢f. cols. 245-46, where say more? No respect for a woman is to be found among further information is given in a dispatch from Istanbul, which them, no kindness for youth, no pity for old age. I have describes Selim as thirty-eight years old, small in stature, of a

ruddy complexion, and of a cruel disposition, ‘‘and for this he — ————————

is loved by the janissaries, and he will make war on the Chris- On the day following the dispatch of their letter to Venice, tians.’’ Selim was actually about forty-five years old at the time the Ragusei wrote Julius II of Selim’s accession to the throne of his accession, but looked younger (von Hammer, II, 377, (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIH, 1-1

and notes). Korkud was Selim’s fratello uterin, and the third [1920], no. 1190, pp. 556-57, dated 11 May, 1512), and see brother Ahmed was said to be seeking an alliance with the also, zbid., no. 1224, p. 568, a letter of Julius II to Louis XII, sophi or the shah of Persia in order to attack Selim. The Hun- dated 2 June, 1512. garians were anxious to secure from Selim affirmation of their 102 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII (repr. 1902), cols. 676 ff., and on truce with his father (Sanudo, XIV, 272). Cf von Hammer, II, attendance at the Lateran Council in the sessions to come 364-66; Zinkeisen, II, 564-65; and A. D. Alderson, The Structure (through the years 1512~—1517), see N. H. Minnich, ‘‘The Parof the Ottoman Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, repr. Westport, Conn., ticipants at the Fifth Lateran Council,” Archtvum historiae pon-

1982, pp. 62-63. tificae, XII (1974), 157-206, esp. pp. 175 ff.

124 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not been recalling these things, most sacred pontiff, this tense juncture of affairs, and was celebrated most wise fathers, as matters | have heard or read about. with the usual bonfires and processions in Rome

Thay With oh own ree I pave ara the ies I ae and Venice.'°? It was even proposed at the Curia

ave seen them on the outskirts of my arenerocese anc’ Romana that Henry VIII be recognized as king of that sad city of Spalato, plundering, devastating a tg ; ; France, and (as we have noted) that everythe title ““Most

thing with fire and sword, carrying off into a miserable Christian Kine” be tak f Louis XH and captivity your Holiness’s children and mine, male and ristian King’ be taken away trom Louis an

female alike... .198 accorded to Henry as his reward for the apparently successful prosecution of the war against the French.

On 10 May presumably no one in Rome yet A brief had been prepared on 20 March (1512) knew of Selim s accession to the Ottoman throne. granting Henry both the title and all rights to the After Zane s sermon the pope gave the benedic- kingdom of France. It was a ‘“‘most secret’? docution. An indulgence was granted to all who were ment, to take effect only after Louis’s defeat, and

present. Those who were not members of the was entrusted to two cardinals to keep against the council were then asked to leave the basilica. ‘The day when the text might be released. It was hard membership consisted of the cardinals, patriarchs, to keep a secret in Rome. In early May the Venetian archbishops, bishops, and abbots, the generals of ambassador Francesco Foscari informed his govthe four mendicant orders, and the ambassadors ernment of the brief, about which he knew someof the kings, princes, and republics, who had been thing; he said that the pope had in fact deprived sent to the council with a special mandato by their Louis of the title, and promised it to Henry if the principals. Rome was the center of Christendom, _ |atter would really declare war on France.! It was and the ambassadors played an important part in a chimerical gesture, designed for effect and to enall papal ceremonies. The pope spoke next, ex- courage Henry to attack France. No one in Rome cusing himself for not having ruled the Christian could seriously believe that the French would again flock as he should have done, but he said that his accept an Englishman as king, as they had been intentions were good, and he stood ready to do forced to do a century earlier. everything he could for the faith. Then the litanies A courier arrived in Venice on 20 May (1512), were sung. The pope began to intone the Exaud bringing from Germany a letter of the twelfth to nos Domine. The bull was read convoking the coun-

cil (the bulla intimationis of 18 July, 1511), after which the officials of the council were identified 105 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 225, 226, 230-31, 257, 259. The and sworn in, and the pope made his ceremonious English adherence to the League had already been celebrated

departure to return to the Vatican palace. The in Venice on 20 October, 1511. Henry VIII’s preparations second session of the council was scheduled for against France continued (ibid., XIV, 329, 336-38, 424); Ferthe following Monday, 17 May. 1% It had been a dinand of Aragon was ready to strike at Navarre (cols. 335-

£ hfordthe F 36, finally the news came of joint (cols. ong d Gay aged431); pontlt,and _ 452, 453, 508-9, 569, 580-81, 594,their 595 ff.), onattack which see also

Public announcement of Henry VIII’s active Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II participation in the Holy League was repeated at (London, 1867), esp. nos. 151 ff., 183 ff., 198 ff. On the English preparations for war and the diplomatic preliminaries, cf. also

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIII, 1-1

-_-——— (1920), esp. nos. 1155 ff., 1176 ff., and on the English expe103 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, 700-707, with the quotation in dition and the Spanish seizure of Navarre, cf. Guicciardini, Sto-

col. 705, and cf. the summaries of Zane’s sermon in Sanudo, a a’ Italia, XI, 6, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 44-47.

Diaru, XIV, 224, 229. 106 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 202: ‘“E da saper, il Papa in con104 Sanudo, Diarir, XIV, 224-25, 228-30, letters dated 12 _cistorio a privo il Roy di Franza dil titolo di Christianissimo, e May, 1512. These letters call the first session of the Lateran _promesso darlo al re di Ingaltera, si con effeto el rompera a Council (10 May) the second, counting the opening on the third — Franza; e questo breve |’ a dato in man di do cardinali, et é€ as the first session. The writer of the second letter dated 12 _ secretissimo.’”’ Cf’ Alessandro Ferrajoli, ‘“Breve inedito di Giulio May, 1512 (given as 12 marzo by a slip of the pen), says thata __II per la investitura del regno di Francia ad Enrico VIII d’Incourier had arrived in Rome that morning from Venice ‘‘con — ghilterra,’’ Archivio della R. Societa romana di storia patria, XIX

nova de’ sguizari et dil Turco” (ibid., X1V, 230), but the latter (1896), 425-27 and ff. Cardinal Bainbridge was pushing the news could hardly have been that of Selim’s replacement of — proposal (D. S. Chambers, Cardinal Bainbridge in the Court of his father on the Turkish throne, since this fact was first learned Rome, 1509-1514, Oxford, 1965, pp. 38-39). The fact that in Venice and Rome from the letters dated at Ragusa on 10 Julius II wished to deprive Louis XII of his kingdom and the and 11 May. On the first two sessions of the Fifth Lateran _ title Christianissimus had become general news by July, 1512 Council (10 and 17 May, 1512), see Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIII, I-1

ann. 1512, nos. 42 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 585 ff., and Hefele, [1920], no. 1301, p. 595, and cf no. 1422, p. 651, and Hergenroéther, and Leclercq, Hust. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), | Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XI, 8, ed. Florence: Salani,

349 ff. 1963, III, 57).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 125 the effect that the Emperor Maximilian was now The French were sending costly military equipready to ratify the truce with Venice. 107 This news ment, 12,000 breastplates (corsalett) and 500 sets of was no surprise. The Swiss were descending upon armor (armadure), from Milan to France. Married Lombardy from their mountainous heights, ob- Frenchmen were leaving the city with their families viously with imperial permission.’°® The Swiss had __ for the old Orleans dependency of Asti, where the been partially dependent for decades upon Milan, wives of some Milanese were also seeking refuge.

where merchants of the urban cantons carried on The cardinals of the ill-fated council were in their a lucrative trade, and whence the forest cantons turn preparing to flee Milan for Astiand Lyon. The imported both grain and wine. Louis XII had em-__ French were fortifying Brescia, having taken away ployed Swiss mercenaries when he took over the _ the citizens’ arms. They had done the same at BerMilanese duchy, but for some years his relations gamo.''° Now Ramon de Cardona was preparing with the Confederation had been embittered by to march north from Naples with 500 lancers and disputes, and his eleventh-hour efforts to rewin 7,000 or 8,000 infantry to join the papal army in their friendship and to re-enroll their mercenaries the Romagna.''' Julius II could rejoice. He had had failed. The tempery Cardinal Matthias Schi- turned the tables on the French; rather he had ner, always anti-French and pro-papal, had aligned turned the world on them. Large forces were emtheir sturdy infantry on the side of the Holy — barking upon the invasion of France from England League. As long as Julius If and the Venetians and Spain. Swiss, Venetian, papal, and Spanish arwould pay, the Swiss would fight. One dispatch mies were converging upon Louis XII’s dwindling after another in Sanudo’s Diarii attests the day-by- forces in Milan from all directions—except the day excitement which mounted in Italy during west—whither French eyes were anxiously cast, and May, 1512, as thousands of Swiss, proud but rag- no wonder, for here lay their sole avenue of escape ged, made their way through the Brenner Pass to from annihilation.'"*

Trent.!°

The second session of the Lateran Council was

—_—— held, as scheduled, on Monday, 17 May.'!* Cardinal _'®Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 231, but the emperor’s price was BakOcz sang the mass. Tommaso de Vio, later Carhigh (abid., cols. 241-42, 265, 275, 276, etc.). He ratified the dinal Cajetan, delivered the sermon, to which we truce on 20 May (cols. 269-70), the same day as the courier’s . “ye _ arrival in Venice. Maximilian, although he did little or nothing Shall come ina moment. Now that the military crisis to help expel the French from Italy, wanted to acquire Milan, Was approaching, much was made of the English which was supposed to be an imperial fief (cols. 296, 495, 503). membership in the Holy League. Henry VIII's letter His nephew and namesake Massimiliano Sforza would be in- of 13 November (1511), signed by his own hand vested with the Milanese duchy in July (cols. 515, 572, etc.), . . although Maximilian would much have preferred to see the and sealed with the great seal of the kingdom, was

succession go to his grandson Charles [V]. publicly read, enunciating his entry into the league

'°8 Cf. Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1 (Paris, 1845), for the preservation of the authority, dignity, and

505~6. liberty of the Church, the removal of the Gallican a So Sec Rg. 4 fle 106. 110, 1181.19, schism, and the recovery of Bologna and the othe

enumeration]; Sanudo, Dian, XIV, esp. cols, 232 ff., 250 ff., Cities and territories properly belonging to the tem271-72, etc., and see A. Buchi, Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1 (1920), poral dominion of the Holy See. No member of the nos. 179 ff., pp. 143 ff. The Swiss were said to number 15- league, Henry noted, should make peace or a truce 20,000 (Buchi, I, 143, 150, and Sanudo, XIV, 266), 16,000

(Sanudo, XIV, 277, 290), 18,000 (ibid., XIV, 282, 458), 20,000

(ibid., XIV, 308), 24,000 (ibid., XIV, 235, 236, 256), 25,000 =———— (Biichi, I, 152, and Sanudo, XIV, 281), and even 30,000 (ibid., 10 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 240, and cf cols. 264, 277, 295, XIV, 232). An estimate of mid-July gave a figure as low as 319, 328; Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a Paris, pp. 10,000 (bid., XIV, 497). Cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 413 ff., 544, 551. and Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 852 ff.; esp. Chas. Kohler, Ml Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 241, 242, 263, 265, 283, 294. Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512 (1896), pp. '!2 According to one report, at the beginning of June, 1512, 323 ff.; and note Theodor E. Mommsen, ‘“‘The Accession of — the French disposed of something over 12,000 men, while their the Helvetian Federation to the Holy League: An Unpublished opponents (Swiss, Venetian, papal, and allied contingents) numBull of Pope Julius II of March 17, 1512,” in Medieval and bered more than 40,000 (Sanudo, Diarn, XIV, 286, and ¢. cols. Renaissance Studies, ed. E. F. Rice, Jr., Ithaca, New York, 1959, 277 ff.). The conquest of Ferrara and the recovery of Bologna pp. 33 ff., “in which [bull] Julius excommunicates the French were expected at this time because of the Swiss progress in supporters of the rebels against the papal see [i.e., the Bentivoglio | Lombardy, and ‘‘perché francesi sono in fuga’”’ (ibid., XIV, 290,

of Bologna and Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara], and at the same and ¢f. col. 293). time threatens the Swiss with excommunication in case they 113 Cf. Mansi, Concilia, XX XII, cols. 707 ff., where the second should conclude any kind of agreement with King Louis.”’ session is misdated ‘“‘die Lunae septima supradicti mensis Maii.”’

126 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT without the common consent of all the confoederati. The lucid and persuasive sermon which Cajetan Henry should not be expected to send anarmy into. delivered at the second session of the Lateran Italy, but he would discharge his commitment to Council (on 17 May) is an important document in the league “elsewhere,” by an attack upon France _ the history of papal opposition to the doctrine of

itself. conciliar supremacy. By the time it was published

A letter was then read from Ferdinand of Aragon, the ominous events of 23-24 April in Istanbul had condemning the schismatic Council of Pisa-Milan become well known in Rome. Cajetan alludes to and supporting the pope. Ferdinand designated his them in his dedication of the sermon to Cardinal ambassador Geronimo de Vich to act for him and Bakécz, whose coming to Rome (he says) had his daughter Joanna, queen of Castile. Vich was to awakened the hope and joy of all good men who have full political and financial powers. “It was a were longing for peace in Christendom. Internelong letter,’ writes Fra Angelo Lucido, whose ac- cine wars among Europeans had caused the loss count is preserved in Sanudo, ‘“‘on parchment and__ of Africa, Greece, and Asia to Islam. A short while well composed, so that his ambassador in Italy is, ago Sultan Bayazid, aged and ill, had been forced

as far as the war is concerned, another king of to yield his throne to his third son, ‘‘a ferocious Spain.’’ When the long letter had been read, the young man, most eager for Christian blood,” who non-members of the council had to withdraw; those had purchased the support of the janissaries, and who remained rendered obedience to the pope. The would soon dare anything at all. Africa had been litanies were sung, and a bull was read, sacro ap- almost recovered by Ferdinand the Catholic, but probante concilio, on behalf of the pope and the Lat- with the war then rife in Europe it was likely to eran assembly, which was designed to stop the _ be seized again and devoured by the Moslem dogs. mouths of the howling dogs of the pseudo-council No one, however, knew the Turkish peril better of Pisa-Milan and protect the faithful from the rabid than Bakécz, who had defended the faith and oppoison of their schism. Their acts were again con- posed the infidel even from the days of his boydemned, revoked, quashed, and annulled with all hood. the penalties and censures which they had previously Cajetan begins his sermon with the celestial vievoked. The bull concluded with the notice that in sion of S. John in the Apocalypse (21:2), “. . . 1 view of the political situation (temporum dispositio), saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down the approaching heat of summer, the need for con- out of heaven... . .” ‘“What is this city which John sidering the comfort and health of those attending saw?”’ he asks: ‘‘Certainly it is the city of the Christhe Lateran Council, and the expected attendance tian commonwealth.”’ It is in fact the Church. But of those who could not get to Rome from over the _ in establishing a city or state (civitas) it is necessary mountains and beyond the sea, the third session of _ that all the elements which compose it should live the council was hereby prorogued until 3 November _ in civil concord by common consent, which in the (1512). The Te Deum was sung, and the pope was_ ecclesiastical commonwealth means that men borne from the basilica. He was to spend that night should be born and lead their lives in the efficacy at S. Pietro in Vincoli, and return the next day to of the sacraments under the tutelage of a priest-

the Vatican palace.'" hood obedient to the vicar of Christ. The Church

has her apostles and evangelists, prophets and pas-

a tors, doctors and martyrs, fonts of knowledge and

114 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 242-45, with Henry VIII’s letter Wisdom; the Church is a city with a long history of 13 November, 1511, and on the English armada being sent extending back into heaven, whence she derives against France, ibid., XIV, 283, 299, 317; of. also Calendar of the perfection of her pattern. Harmony is the key-

State Papers Le . . . , Concile Venice, II (1867), no. 165, no. pp. 61-62; of the structure. his sermon naudet, gallican, 618,Rep.one678; Hefele,Throughout Hergen:;; rother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 354-57. Cajetan emphasizes the harmony and proportionThe bull in question, inc. Cum inchoatam, was published im- ment in nature and society, both divinely Ormediately, without indication of the printer: Bulla secunde ses- dained. The citizens of the ecclesiastical common-

sionis sacrosancti Concilu Lateranensis approbans et renovans dam- Wealth are the heredes Dei omnes, coheredes autem

nationem et reprobationem Pisani Coneiliabult et annullans omnia Christi. and although Caiet theologi not ‘anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo duo- 4 lawyer, everyone knew that the laws of inheri-

et singula in illo gesta et gerenda, celebrate die XVII Mau MDXIU, ’ 8 yetan Was a theo ogian, O

i h rti f S. John . :

decimo, sexto decimo Kal. Iunii, pontif. nostrianno nono.” On _ tance involved the transmission of responsibilities 23 May (1512) this bull was published, as indicated in a post- ay well as benefits.

Lateran, Peter's the Cancelleria end in the Campo de ; i0rl. The Church Isa holy city, peace itself, the new The text is given in Raynaldus, Ann. ecci., ad. ann. 1512, nos. Jerusalem, domicile of God and man, within which

49-50, vol. XXX (1877), p. 588. the impious can find no place. The Church, God’s

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 127 flock, exists not in the figments of poetic imagi- warlike Selim had heightened the interest in news nation nor in words of human wisdom, but in the which came to Venice from Istanbul. On 1 May testimony of the prophets, the words of the apos- (1512) Niccolo Giustinian wrote his government tles, and the deaths of the martyrs, and most of _ of the situation on the Bosporus. Bayazid was said all in the wondrous works of Christ, whose single to be discontented with Selim’s usurpation of the vicar is the pastor of God’s flock. There is one throne ‘almost by force” (quasi per forza), and was head in the Church, the vicar of Christ, the su- continually bewailing his loss. He had not yet left preme pontiff, to whom all citizens of this holy city Istanbul; there were those who thought he would owe obedience both individually and as a corpo- not be allowed to leave. Selim’s brother Ahmed rate whole. But now there seem to be two churches, in Amasya wrote that he understood their father two synods, one Roman and the other Pisan. Have had made Selim commander of an army being sent they both come down out of heaven like the New against him (as Bayazid had in fact wished to do Jerusalem of S. John’s vision? The Pisan synod at the time of his deposition): Ahmed assured Seseems rather to have come up from hell! It rep- lim there would be no need of the arduous march resents but one nation, or rather only a refractory from Istanbul through Asia Minor. Ahmed would part of one nation; it is as far from being a uni- come westward and seek him out. Ahmed had versal council as the ecclesia pisana is from being made one of his sons a member of “‘la secta di the vera Dei civitas; it tries to subject Peter to the Sophi,”’ meaning that the son had joined the hizilChurch, the pope to a council, and the supreme, bashis (the “‘red-heads’’), as the followers of the true, and certain vicar of Christ to its own con- Persian shah or ‘‘sophi’’ Isma‘1] I were known.

venticle (conciliabulum). As Ahmed thus curried favor with the powerful

Cajetan regards it all as a perversion of the order shah, who had made Shiism the official religion of of nature and reason; it is to set children over their Persia a decade before, there was great confusion father, the limbs above the head, and to put the in the Sunni capital of Istanbul. Ahmed’s son was sheep in charge of the shepherd. The Pisan synod said to have married a daughter of the shah as well is not the new Jerusalem, but the tower of Babel. as to have taken the beretta rossa of his followers. It knows no peace, no tranquillity; it merely breeds The eldest brother, Korkud, had left the region of discord, and conjures up war against the Church. Istanbul, according to Giustinian, and would join It is not the new Jerusalem, but a novitas which his brother in Asia Minor. Giustinian seemed to arose at Constance and disappeared, was brought enjoy the contemplation of Selim’s difficulties. The forth again at Basel and driven away. No, the young sultan was believed to have found little money ‘Church of Pisa’ has not come down out of heaven. in the treasury. Some said he had as much as . . . Cajetan closes with a long apostrophe to Julius — 1,600,000 ducats in aspers, others that the treasury II, extolling papal authority, which is second only was almost empty. There appeared to be agreement, to God’s, and expressing the highest hopes for the however, that he had not found the gold ducats he Lateran Council, sic namque hoc sacrosanctum concilium had expected, for which his father was blamed.'!®

in celum ascendet.. . .1"" Some of the uneasiness which was growing up

. along the Rialto in Venice and elsewhere in Italy

The passing of the feeble Sultan Bayazid I] was allayed when on 23 June (1512) forty memfrom the eastern scene and the accession of the bers of the Venetian Senate solemnly received a

—_— Turkish envoy from the Porte. He brought with 15 Oratio in secunda sesewone [sic!] Concilii Lateranensis [... hima letera di credenza, dated 4 May and written habita Romae in secunda sessione Concilit Lateranensis, xvi (sic!) Kal.

Jun. MDXH, on sign. A3}: ‘““Romae impressa apud Sanctum

Eustachium per Ioannem Beplin. Alemanum de Argentina.” ~

The tract is undated, and badly proofread, with such mistakes 'l6 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 287, 289-90, 303-4, 454, 463-65, as athanema for anathema (sign. C4) and conversationem for con- 490-91. Selim was said to have promised his father 300,000 servationem (on the last folio); typographical errors are numer- _—_ducats in gold and an annual pension of 200,000 ducats for the

ous, and even the signatures are misnumbered. Cf. Pastor, Hist. rest of his life. The news of Bayazid II’s death on 26 May, Popes, V1, 410-11, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. 1956),850- 1512, reached Venice in mid-July (@id., XIV, 483), and was

51, who seems to have read few of the tracts relating to the confirmed with details a month later (col. 578). Sanudo, XIV, Council of Pisa-Milan and the Lateran in contemporary edi- 578, says that Bayazid died on 3 July. The suspicion of poison tions, although in the last edition of his work he cites them arose immediately (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 105, from G. W. Panzer, Annales typographici. For a succinct expo- vol. XXX [1877], p. 605). The Venetian ambassador in Buda sition of Cajetan’s views of the supremacy of the pope over a__ reported that Selim wished to continue his father’s truce with council, note Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des con- Hungary (Sanudo, XIV, 519). Korkud was executed as soon

cles, VIII-1 (1917), 318-19, and cf Minnich, ‘Concepts of | as Selim could effect his capture (von Hammer, II, 385-87,

Reform... ,” Arch. hist. pontificiae, VII, 175-79. and Zinkeisen, II, 568).

128 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in Greek. The Cretan scholar Marco Musuro Leonardo Giustinian, now the Venetian bailie in translated the text for the Signoria. The new sul- the Turkish capital, wrote that Selim had gone tan Selim informed the Venetians of his father’s into Asia Minor on 29 July to attack Ahmed. He voluntary abdication of the throne of Osman, re- had gathered an army of 70,000. The beylerbeys called the long-standing friendship which existed of Anatolia and Greece went with him. The janbetween the Republic and the Porte, expressed his _ issaries and the cavalry (s¢pahis) had been “‘in disown affection for the Venetians, and made clear accord’’ and come to blows; twelve Janissaries had

his peaceable intentions.''’ On 6 August, 1512, been killed; but such events were petty episodes in Selim’s young life. He was quoted as saying that

he intended to become the most powerful ruler 117 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 408, 410-11, 414-15, and gf cols. 7 €atth. Making peace would not be his function 456, 462, 478-79. On the resources and condition of the Ot- the world (. . . vol esser el piu potente Signor del toman empire at this time, cf von Hammer, II, 368 ff. Onthe mondo, e fara guerra). He had armed ten galleys arrival of the Turkish envoy, see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 20" and twenty-five fuste to send to some strategic [30°], a letter of 3 July, 1512 (later dated the sixteenth), from point to help cut off his brother’s flight. Ahmed the Senate to their bailie in Istanbul. By senatorial action of 3 ‘oht 1] ‘df the Persi hi July, a letter dated the fifteenth was also sent to Selim, a quale Mgt _ well Tecelve al rom 1c ersian sopni, habiamo sempre de alta virti et grandeza estimato, offering him sma il I, so that Selim’s campaign was expected fulsome congratulations on “‘la grata et iucunda nova. . .dela__ to take all summer. He was said to be planning a votiva exaltation sua a quel sublime imperio”’ (bid., fol. 20° ffeet of three hundred galleys.'*® On 20 August [30°]). On 15 October the Senate belatedly voted to send an Giustinian wrote again, now stating that Selim had ambassador with a suite of fifteen persons to the new sultan, ‘“‘vedendose maxime quasi tuti li potentati che hano causa de an army of L 00,000, and that Ahmed had fled haver rispecto ala potentia sua zA haver mandato soi oratori.’” from Anatolia into Syria.’°~ Despite his necessary The Venetians had to bear in mind, as was said in the Senate, preoccupation with eastern affairs, Selim chose ‘. . . quanto el sil vicino a nui et quanto sii necessario viver _ this time to increase the tribute which Ragusa paid

pacifica ;et«ne: amorevelmente cum sua Signoria et(da usar3 ogni mezo ; : was by per aet5), et arte per tenir the ben Porte disposita lasixty mente decent quel Signor nonwhich : oo ‘ : ‘

li dar causa de alteratione 0 ponerli suspecto, possendo esser disquieting, and it was said that he was cutting certi che quantunque minima motion sua poneria in grandissimi timber furiously to build a fleet of galleys.'*° This travagli et periculi el stato nostro. . .”’ (ibid., fol. 63” [73”]). seemed a dangerous omen to a maritime power

The ambassador to be chosen would be paid 150 ducatsa_; like Venice.

month for his expenses, and could refuse election to the post only by incurring the customary penalty. Dr. Antonio Giusti-

nian was elected ambassador, and on 25 November the Senate The French withdrawal from Lombardy was was concerned with an appropriate gift to be made to the sultan gradual, reasonably well-ordered, and complete. (ibid., Reg. 45, fol. 80 [90]). Winter was coming, however, and As the Swiss advanced, Cardinal Schiner offered there was a long delay in Giustinian’s departure. In Istanbul ; ; the annoyed pashas were pressing the Venetian bailie as to when the Milanese the shelter and security of the Holy the Republic was sending its envoy to the Porte. The Senate League, 1n whose name he occupied the city of wrote the bailie on 23 April, 1513, that Selim’s constant move- Cremona on 8 June (15 ] 2). The allies had some ment from place to place had made it difficult for an envoy to financial difficulties. for the Swiss insisted upon know where to find him, but that Giustinian would leave for B t g di t the Bosporus ‘‘within eight days” (fol. 119 [129]). His com- prompt payment. Dut on June, accoraing to a mission is dated 30 May (fols. 127-128" [137-138"]). On 30 report in Sanudo, the Bentivoglio left Bologna for June (1513), presumably after his departure from Venice, the Milan. The French sent hifty men-at-arms to FerSenate issued orders for him to remain at the Porte after the yagra in order to conduct Fabrizio Colonna to discharge of his mission, because there might well be need of Milan and send him thence to France, but Alfonso his attendance upon the Signor Turco to transact other business of great import to the Republic (fol. 141° [151"]). The following October Giustinian’s mission resulted in a Turco-Venetian §=——W———

treaty, guaranteeing the merchants of the Republic security in portata questa nova de tal election, perché cussi bisogna far Istanbul, Caffa, Trebizond, and Pera, and in all the sultan’s cum questi infideli, et non € venuto ad altro fine che a questo!”’ domains (see the detailed summary in Predelli, Regesti dei Com- (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 14” [24")).

mem., VI, bk. Xx, no. 12, pp. 131-32). 118 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 26-27.

The Turkish envoy had arrived in Venice on 20 June, 1512, '!9 Ibid., XV, 185, and cf. cols. 252, 287, 347, 357-58, 392, since the Senate wrote their ambassador Francesco Foscari at 410. Ahmed was not easily removed from the political scene the Curia Romana on the twenty-third that ‘‘. . . farete inten- (ibid., XV, 504, 512, 547). der a sua Beatitudine esser zonto terzo di qui uno orator del '29 Ibid., XV, 324. On 2 February, 1513, the lieutenant and Signor Turcho novo, viz. Soltan Selim, ad nuntiarne la election council of Rhodes were expecting Selim to attack them, now sua et dir che ’! Signor suo vuol continuar la bona pace et that he had defeated his brother Ahmed (Letters and Papers, amicitia. Nui li havemo corrisposto cum parole general, et ne Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIII, I-1 [1920], no. 1604, sera necessario farli un bon presente quodammodo per haverne _ p. 733).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 129 d’ Este refused to give him up. Alfonso had the _ fewer still intended to die there. Some of them were future to think of, and Schiner had just assured killed, nevertheless, when on 11 June there was an the Milanese that the defeated French would _ uprising in the city. The angry populace looted the never again be able to return in force to Italy.'* French shops, ‘‘and Guelfs and Ghibellines were of In Milan meanwhile the French commanders one mind about the destruction of the French.’’!*4 were getting along badly with La Palice. Gian On 14 June the Swiss encamped before Pavia, which

Giacomo Trivulzio declined La Palice’s summons surrendered within a week; always demanding to rejoin the French army, “‘saying that he did not money (which they needed), their advance was want to lose what he had acquired over many inexorable. They were indeed, to use Julius II’s years.” The captive Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici, _ favorite phrase, ‘“‘chasing the French out of Italy.’’'*°

later Pope Leo X, was granting absolution, by pa- The Genoese proclaimed their independence. The

pal authority, to Milanese and even to many banner of the crossed keys was soon flying from Frenchmen, ‘‘prometendo non andar contra la the ramparts of Rimini, Cesena, and Ravenna. On Chiesia.’’ The Gallican Council had been a bad _ the morning of 13 June the pope’s nephew Frandream. After a single formal session in Lyon, the cesco Maria della Rovere reoccupied Bologna.'”° so-called conciliarists were obliged by adverse cir- Cardinal de’ Medici managed to escape from French cumstances to abandon their anti-Julian activities. clutches at almost the last possible moment.'*’ Papal

Their efforts had been not only futile, but fatal troops were preparing to attack Parma and Pito conciliarism. By seeking to confuse the pope’s acenza.'*® The allied forces of the Holy League spiritual with his temporal dominion, the French were sweeping everything before them, and there had gone out on thin ice and now, “‘chiamandosi _ was talk immediately of restoring the Medicean rein colpa,’’ some of them were seeking absolution. gime in Florence (e far mutar stato li e meter li Medici So the cardinal’s cousin Giulio de’ Medici, himself — in caxa).'*°

later Clement VII, reported in Rome. Serving as A letter now arrived in Rome from Henry VIII, the cardinal’s emissary, he brought a good deal of addressed to Cardinal Christopher Bainbridge, ininformation to the Curia from the French camp.'** forming the latter that the Emperor Maximilian Ten weeks had seen an incredible reversal of — had written, exhorting him to consent to a general French fortunes. On 9 June “all Milan was upside

down,” and now Trivulzio was alleged to be in Milan, “saying he did not want to leave and wanted 124 Thid., XIV, 327, 328. Francesco Foscari, the Venetian to die where he was born.’’!?° Be that as it might, ambassador in Rome, wrote his government on 10-11 June few of the French had been born in Milan, and _ that the viceroy Ramon de Cardona was still at Aversa, ‘‘and he was advancing slowly” (ibid., XIV, 330).

'25 Ihid., XIV, 315, 316, 317, 327, 329-30, 331, 332-33,

ete.Sanudo, a 338-39 [by an error in pagination, 336, 387~88], 392-93, Diaru, XIV, 295-96, 299-300, 303, 312, 313, 397-98, etc., 406-7, 408-13, etc., and on the collapse of the 316, and ¢f. cols. 318-19, 328. The Bentivoglio were reported — French establishment in northern Italy, see Guicciardini, Storia to have gone first to Ferrara (ibid., cols. 320, 321, 334). On = qd’ Italia, X, 16, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 525-34. Schiner’s occupation of Cremona, to the distress of the Vene- 126 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 328-29, 334; Hefele, Hergenréther, tians who claimed the Cremonese, see the documents in the — and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-1 (1917), 358. Giovanni Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 5", 6’- Campofregoso was at the gates of Genoa on 21 June, hoping 7, 7, 10", 11” [fols. 15", 16’-17", etc., by mod. enumeration], to enter the city the following day (Sanudo, XIV, 429-30, 438and cf. in general Chas. Kohler, Les Suzsses dans les guerres 50). He became the doge shortly thereafter (¢bid., cols. 450,

d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp. 390 ff. 453, 465 ff., 469, and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 17", 18", 35" 122 Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 317. Trivulzio was said to have de-_[27', 28", 45"|). Cf Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, I parted, ‘‘né si sa dove fusse andato”’ (ibid., XIV, 319). Schiner (1729), 332. Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni had reported Trivulzio’s flight as early as 21 May (A. Biichi, — di Giulio I, pp. 314-17, has described Francesco Maria’s entry

Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1 [1920], no. 184, p. 151), which suggests into Bologna and the general flight of the French from the that his intentions were well known before his actual departure. lands they had occupied. Trivulzio and Lodovico Sforza had been enemies (cf Léon G. !27 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 331-32, 333, 404; Paride Grassi, Pélissier, Documents relatifs au regne de Louis XH et a sa politique Diarium, ed. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni militari di Giulio II, pp. 317-

en Italie, Montpellier, 1912, pp. 252-54, with refs.). Having 21, who deplores the fate which seemed to attend the legates fled Milan, the Gallican conciliarists entered Lyon on 27 June, _ of his native Bologna; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, nos.

and held on 6 July another session in the cathedral (on the 59-60, vol. XXX (1877), pp. 591-92. further slender fortunes of their ‘‘council,’’ see Renaudet, Pré- 128 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 401, 448, 451, 469, and XV, 38,

réforme et humanisme a Paris, pp. 551 ff.). 165, 325-26. Julius II’s troops easily took Parma and Piacenza, '*° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 321, 323. Trivulzio probably left | and he was determined to hold both places, which properly Milan on 11 June (bid., col. 328); he was in Asti on the twenty- belonged to the duchy of Milan (ibid., XV, 351, 352).

fourth (col. 429). He soon went to France. 129 Thid., XIV, 413.

130 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT peace in Europe, so that an expedition might be im media sunt Christianitate). This would be as pleasorganized ‘‘against the perfidious Turks and in- ing to God, he was sure, as if he were in fact fight-

fidel enemies of the Church.”’ But Henry knew ing against the Turks and Saracens, and he had well, he wrote, that the emperor was making this no doubt that those who died in this most hallowed appeal at the instigation of Louis XII, who needed undertaking would win the rewards of eternal life. time to rebuild and increase his forces. Henry was_ In any event Henry could not make peace without also confident that Maximilian, ‘‘since he is the _ his allies in the Holy League.!*!

head of all the Christian princes and it especially When on 20 June (1512) Ottaviano Sforza, pertains to his office to protect the Church,” bishop of Lodi, entered Milan in the pope’s name, would appreciate the dire necessity which had the final blow was given to French prestige in the brought the Holy League into being. The English Italian peninsula. Steps were gradually taken to reply to Maximilian had been that as a member _ restore Lodovico Sforza’s son Massimiliano to the of the league Henry could make no peace without ducal throne.'** By the end of the month La Palice

papal consent and that of his allies. !*° was making his way through the Alps into France

Maximilian had written Henry that instead of with his disorganized troops.'°° Whatever his killing one another, as they had been doing for claims de iure, Louis XII was no longer duke of the past year, the Christians should be uniting Milan. Rome was ablaze with bonfires of celebraagainst the Turks. Such was the dissension in the tion, and not the least cause of the pope’s jubilaMoslem world that Christendom might not only tion was the expulsion of the French from Genoa, conquer Turkey in Europe but also acquire much _ where the rugged Giovanni Campofregoso was in Asia. It was a heaven-sent opportunity. In his elected doge.'** reply to the emperor, Henry insisted that no Chris- The French defeat was a disaster for Alfonso tian prince had exceeded his own father, Henry I d’ Este, putting his duchy of Ferrara in grave VII, in the ardor with which he had longed to see jeopardy. On 4 July he went to Rome to seek terms

a crusade organized. His father, as was well of the pope, who told the Venetian ambassador known, had negotiated with the king of Portugal Foscari, “I am going to take Ferrara away from in an effort to achieve that laudable objective. As him and deprive him of the state: I have granted his father’s heir, Henry had himself inherited the him a safe-conduct for his person and not for the

crusading objective. He desired nothing more state [of Ferrara]. . . .”'°? After two anxious than to organize a great fleet in conjunction with weeks in Rome, Alfonso escaped from the sultry his father-in-law, Ferdinand, in order to launchan_ city with the aid of the Colonnesi. The pope attack upon the infidels. First, however, they must wanted to give him Asti, an Orleanist fief, in place defend the Church in Italy before seeking its res- of Ferrara, which would compromise him hopetoration in the Levant. The record of the French _ lessly with Louis XII, who promised to help him in Italy was more atrocious than that of the Turks

in the Levant; they had been guilty of a crudelitas 139 .,

plusquam furcicaa killing raping474, burning Diaru, 397-98, 403, 404, 409, 412, 450, ’ ? ’ 453, 515,pillag572,Sanudo, 575, etc.; A.XIV, Biichi, Schiner-Korrespondenz,

ing. They had violated churches, and promoted 1 (1990), no. 213, p. 169. Cardinal Schiner entered Milan with schism. Mindful of his duty to the pope and the great ceremony on 2 September (Sanudo, XV, 15). Paride Church, therefore, Henry must for the present Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni militant dt Giulio

ce . . ; ense satisfaction.

put aside thoughts of the Crusade in order to com- PP nae describes the French loss of Pavia and Milan bat the French, the “more terrible infidels in the '33 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 452, 457, 461. The French retreated very midst of Christendom” (infideles deteriores qui _ by way of Susa and the pass of Mont Genévre (ibid., XIV, 459), but the fortresses were still held by French garrisons in Milan,

——_—__—_—___—— Cremona, and elsewhere’ (zbid., cols. 460-61, 553-54; Buchi,

130 Thid., XIV, 423-25. Henry VIII's letter to Bainbridge is Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1, no. 214, p. 170; and Calendar of State

dated 29 May, 1512; it is also summarized (from Sanudo) in Papers... , Venice, H, no. 184, p. 74, and no. 187, Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (1867), no. 177, p.67— __p. 76).

69, and Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry '“* Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 453, and esp. cols. 457-58; Paride VII, 1-1 (1920), no. 1214, p. 561. Cf Corrado Fatta, Il Regno Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, op. cit., pp. 327 ff. Similar cele-

di Enrico VII, 2 vols., Florence, 1938, I, 130. brations were held in Venice (Sanudo, XIV, 454, 456), but the 131 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 425-27. The copy of Henry VIII's allies of the Holy League were getting along very badly in the letter to Maximilian is undated in Sanudo. Julius II ordered _ field (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIH, this letter to be printed (ibid., XIV, 428); it is summarized (from 1-1 [1920], nos. 1277, 1301, 1312). Sanudo) in Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (1867), no. '° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 454-55. On Alfonso’s risky venture 178, pp. 69-70, and Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of | into Rome, see A. Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio

.. . Henry VHT, J-1 (1920), no. 1215, pp. 561-62. II,” Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVIIL (1912), 96 ff., 426-32.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 13] when he could. It was better to take a chance on _ silver, and fixed prices for fish and bread. The gov-

the uncertainties of the future than the grim al- ernment also guaranteed the unimpeded use of ternative the pope offered him.'°® Time would _ roads and bridges, superintended traffic on the casoon show that Alfonso made a wise choice. The nals, policed the city streets, issued edicts for the very completeness of the victory which the Holy control of the various currencies in circulation in League had won would cause its dissolution, and _ the duchy, defined weights and measures, and legsuch became the new rivalries among the erstwhile _ islated on the sale of firewood, the export of grain, allies that Julius II would be obliged to keep his and the carrying of weapons. The unlicensed prac-

hands off Ferrara. tice of medicine was prohibited, some effort being

The French domination of Milan had not been’ made to protect the public health, in which cona notable success, chiefly because one people does nection a decree of 8 March, 1511, forbade the not like to be dominated by another. The inhab- employment of stercus humanum as fertilizer in herb itants of the various Italian states had long been and vegetable gardens because of the “‘no small proud of their independence, having often fought danger of infection.’’ The shortage of June, 1512, bravely to maintain it. Even today sectionalism is was relieved by removing the imposts on the sale strong in Italy; local patriotism is still a force to of bread, wine, and meat.!9?

be reckoned with. Until Pélissier published the Although the Emperor Maximilian had talked documents, little was known about French admin- a good deal about setting his namesake Massimiistration in the city and duchy of Milan during the — liano Sforza, il Moro’s eldest son, upon the ducal

dozen or more years of Louis XII’s rule as duca_ throne of Milan, he much preferred that his di Milano. But if the numerous edicts and ordi- grandson Charles [V] should receive the lucrative nances promulgated in his name were scrupulously honor. Charles also had the support of his other enforced, the Milanesi were not badly governed. grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, but the vicAlthough the partisans of the Sforzeschi were ar- torious Swiss insisted upon giving the duchy to rested when they could be found, and in any event Massimiliano, and Julius II sided with them.'*® their property was confiscated, an effort was made The defeat of the French was bound to have imto keep discipline in the French army of occupa- portant consequences, not all of which could be

tion. foreseen. The Florentines were naturally fearful

Careful provisions sought to maintain civil and that the new situation might be disadvantageous criminal justice in the state, and the crown was not for them—it would soon, of course, prove disasungenerous in response to the petitions of the mu- _ trous for Piero Soderini and the republicans—and nicipal government. Fixed salaries were supposed

to be paid to financial officials in the Milanese duchy and the Genoese Signoria. The crown confirmed '°? Leon G. Pélissier, ed., Documents pour |’ histoire de la domithe privileges of the boatmen, millers, and fishermen — nanion francaise dans le Milanais (1499-1513), Toulouse, 1891

of Pavia, and the notaries of Milan. Dueling was (Bibliothéque méridionale, 2nd ser., vol. I). On the organization strictly curtailed. The ducal government of Milan of the French duchy of Milan, ¢. also Jean d’ Auton, Chron.,

regulated the manufacture of silk stuffs and bro- oe fe append.,especially pp. 347-49,inand Louis ; s confiscation ofeanaviere, property II, in Milan, hisonsecond

cades as well as other cloths and articles of gold and conquest of the duchy in 1500, see Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomate au temps de Machiavel, I (1892), 128-30, with notes.

The writer hyphenates his name in the second book, but not 138 Sanudo, Diaru, XIV, 479, 480, 481, esp. 482, and 484- __in the first.

85, 491, 510, 539, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 11-12", '°8 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 10: ‘. . . l Imperador ed il re di 27° [21-22", 37°]. On 19 July Julius II went into the Castel S. | Spagna vol meter il ducha Carlo nel stato di Milan.” But if for Angelo to escape the heat and the flies. Alfonso d’ Este had some reason Massimiliano should not take up the reins of govrequested an audience, but had no intention of seeking it behind = ernment in Milan, the Swiss wanted the right to choose the

the stout walls of the Castello! That day Alfonso fled from next duke, “pur che sia di la caxa Sforzesca’’ (loc. cit.). The Rome, aided by Fabrizio Colonna, who thus repaid Alfonso — Swiss were not given to pulling Hapsburg chestnuts out of the for not surrendering him to the French (Sanudo, XIV, 509, _ fire. Cf, ibid., XV, 48-50, and note Lettres du roy Lous XH, II 511, 524, 538, 570, 594-95, 605, 607). Cf, ibid., XV, 34,61, (1712), 285-86, 288-89, 292-93, 297, 303 ff., 308-9, 317 ff.,

84, 86, 104, 165, 188-89, etc., 286; Guicciardini, Storm and IV (1712), 24 ff. On the motives which led the pope, the d’ Italia, X1, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 5-8; Hefele, | emperor, the king of Spain, the Swiss, and the Venetians finally Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIH-1 (1917), to accept Massimiliano Sforza as duke of Milan, cf. the rather 361; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848 — cynical observations of Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal (previously no. 1022), fol. 15", from the diary of Marcantonio = 15/1 al 1527, in Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), Michiel, on whom note Theodor Frimmel, Der Anonumo Mo- — p. 288. For affairs in general, especially from the Swiss standrelliano, 1, Vienna, 1888, and Rinaldo Fulin, Diarn e diaristi point, see Ernst Gagliardi, Novara und Dion, Zurich, 1907, pp.

veneziant, Venice, 1881, pp. VII-VIH, XVIH-XVIIL. 19 ff.

132 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT they were said to be turning to the Emperor Max- Sanudo approved of the idea, because in his opinimilian for protection.'*? As the French regime ion Soderini and the republicans were intractably crumbled in Lombardy, the Swiss and the Vene- committed to France.'*°

tians took to quarreling about expenses and the A congress was held at Mantua in mid-August, spoils of war.'*” Henry VIII derived no advantage attended by Cardona himself and by Matthias from his costly attacks upon France, but the wily Lang as the Emperor Maximilian’s representative.

Ferdinand of Aragon acquired Navarre, from Although the emperor had never really joined the which King Jean d’ Albret, ally of Louis XII, was Holy League, he wanted to share in the spoils. expelled.'*! The republicans on the Arno were The assembly at Mantua showed very clearly, howvery worried. A Venetian report from Bologna, ever, that hostility to France was all that had for example, dated 11 August, 1512, contained bound the allies together; the expulsion of the the news that Ferdinand of Aragon had written French from Lombardy had made them all rivals the viceroy Ramon de Cardona to employ the again. It has always been hard for victors to share Spanish and papal forces then under his command _ the rewards of victory. Nevertheless, it was agreed

for the restoration of the Medici family in Flor- that Massimiliano Sforza should recover his faence.'** Public opinion in Venice presumably fa- ther’s duchy of Milan. As for Julius I, although vored Cardona’s march upon Florence. Certainly he had gained Parma and Piacenza, he regarded the congress as redounding “‘to his dishonor and loss.’” He was incensed at the hapless and ailing 139 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 454, 494, 548, 567. On Florentine Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, and the relations with Maximilian up to the first year of the war of the latter’s Intriguing wife Isabella, for providing hosLeague of Cambrai, see N. Rubinstein, “Firenze e il problema pitality to the self-seeking members of the condella politica imperiale in Italia al tempo di Massimiliano I,” gress. Julius wanted to maintain the independence

Arch. CXofVIthe(1958), 5-35, 147-77. . . from : 40Sanudo, anestor. eo:Diaru, ,italiano, and prestige Church, theSchinerEstensi XIV, 570-71, and cf. A.drive Biichi, :;

Korrespondenz, 1 (1920), nos. 210-11, pp. 168, 484, and no. Ferrara and the foreigners from Italy, establish a 257, p. 192, letter of Julius II to Cardinal Schiner, dated 31 balance of power in the peninsula, and take the

July, 1512 (also in Sanudo, loc. cit.). a lead in a crusade against the Turks.'** The SpanCf. Bertrand de Chanterac, ‘“Odet de Foix, vicomte de ish had no intention of being driven from the penLautrec,”’ Revue des questions historiques, ser., XIV, . ,Milan, . insula.LVI Aside(3rd from Sforza’s return. to pun-

1929), 266-68. In April, 1513, a one-year truce was arranged. ;

by Lautrec with Spain. On the Spanish acquisition of Navarre, ishing republican Florence for her loyalty to of. Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 14-15, 32, 45, 144, 168-69, 350-51; France was almost the only agreement the statesCalendar of State Papers rr Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, Il men at Mantua could reach: the government of (London, 1867), no. 194, pp. 78-79. Henry VITand the English Bierg Soderini must go, and the Medici must be weresusoon disenchanted withLord theThomas Spanish, . . .toenglesi e hegemony. | . h 145 tornati |’ insola’’ (Sanudo, XV, 339-40). How- “e restored the Florentine ard wished that Henry VIII ‘“‘had never trusted the King of In easy matters, Cardona moved quickly. On 29 Aragon”’ (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry August (1512) the Cardinal Giovanni de’ MeVIL, 1-1 [1920], no. 1286, p. 590, letter of 8 July, 1512); while qici wrote Julius II that about noontime the Spanish the English army disintegrated at Fuenterrabia on the Bay of Biscay, Ferdinand’s forces secured Navarre (ibid., nos. 1326— troops had scaled the broken walls of Prato, and 27, pp. 612-19, letters of John Stile to Henry VIII and of Wm. Knight to Thos. Wolsey, dated 5 August, 1512, and cf. ibid.,

no. 1447). See Guicciardini, Storia d’ Itaha, X1, 6, ed. Florence: §_ 77

Salani, 1963, III, 44-47. '*° Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 637: “Sara bono per le cosse de 142 Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 574: ‘“. . .al impresa di Fiorenza _ Italia, perché questi governano Fiorenza al presente, sono franper far mutar stato et meter Medici in caxa.. . .”’ Cardinal —cesi per la vita... .” Giovanni de’ Medici was said to have given Cardona 5,000 '44 A. Luzio, ‘Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio II,” Arch. ducats (loc. cit.). Cf, ibid., XIV, 567, 584, 595, 605, 619, 634, stor. Lombardo, 4th ser., XVIII (1912), 111 ff., 135.

635, and XV, 6, 9, 10, 16, 23. Although the Florentine gov- '45 On the gathering at Mantua, see Sanudo, Diari, XIV, ernment was regarded as pro-French, Ferdinand of Aragon was 545, 548, esp. cols. 559, 561, 563, 564, 567, 571, 572, 574probably not much in favor of a Medicean restoration. Ac- 75, 584, 585, etc.; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XI, 2, ed. Florcording to Francesco Vettori, since the re-establishment of Car- ence: Salani, 1963, III, 15-18; Lettres du roy Louis XII, U1 (1 712),

dinal de’ Medici would mean an accretion of power for Julius 289-91 and ff.; Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Itaha dal 1511 al II (whom Cardona knew to desire the removal of the Spanish 1527, in Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), p. 288; from the peninsula as much as he had that of the French), the Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 Florentines might have averted the coming disaster by bribing (1917), 362; Bibl. del Museo Correr, Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, Cardona to leave them alone, since he was ‘‘avaricious both by _ fols. 15*-16", from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel. Cf, Chas. nature and by necessity” (Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp-

Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI [1848], pp. 289-90). 476 ff.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 133 subjected the city to a merciless, bloody sack. Gio- thought the pope had fared too well.!°° The novanni lamented the cruel necessity of events,’*° but torious cupidity of Ferdinand was aroused by the they were carrying him and his brother Giuliano _ possibility of extending his power to the north of back to the old palace on the Via Larga. The Me- the peninsula while he held the south firmly in his diceans entered Florence on the morning of | Sep-_ grip. All the powers concerned would object to tember and, as Pietro da Bibbiena was informed by _ the Spanish dominance of Lombardy as well as of his brother-in-law Sebastiano, ‘‘All Florence came the Neapolitan kingdom. The papacy would be to meet them—in so great triumph that I cannot caught again in a vise like that of the Hohenstaufurther describe it for lack of ability.”'*’ Cardinal fen. The Venetians still imported wheat from the Giovanni delayed his formal entry into the city, south, and would not willingly risk entanglement however, until the fourteenth, when indeed he re-_ with Ferdinand as their near neighbor in the turned in triumph (in a driving rain), attended by north. The Venetians were also aware that Selim’s a company of four hundred lancers and ‘“‘acom- accession to the throne in Istanbul might mean pagnati da gran moltitudine de primarii citadinide trouble for them in the Levant, where they were questa citta. . . e con comune letitia del populo. having difficulties with the soldan of Egypt over .. .’148 After almost twenty years of republican the question of the Cypriote tribute. government, the Florentines had fallen again under The Spanish caused Pope Julius II constant anx-

the rule of the Medici.!*° iety. On 1 October, 1512, he acknowledged to

Cardinal Schiner his fear that Cardona’s army, The remarkable success of the Holy League having re-established the Medici in Florence, was delighted the pope, who might well feel that S. now marching into Lombardy with possible dePeter’s chains had been broken, and it quite sat- signs upon Milanese or Venetian territory. When isfied the Swiss, who had preserved their markets Julius tried to learn Cardona’s intentions from the and sources of supply in the Milanese duchy. But Spanish ambassador in Rome, he was merely told the papal acquisition of Parma and Piacenza (and that ‘“‘the Spanish wanted to cross the Alps against Reggio also) was annoying to the emperor, who our common enemy the French,” which (although an excellent idea in the pope’s opinion) he did not

find very convincing. Julius warned Schiner to 46 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 28-29, and cf. col. 36, and note the preserve his vigilance.'”! accounts of Jacopo Modesti, Simone Brami, and Stefano Guiz- Although most of Christendom had rejected the zalotti, in ““Tre Narrazioni del sacco di Prato (1512),” Arch. Gallican Council, now transferred to Lyon, the stor. italiano, 1 (Florence, 1842), 227-71. Modesti, ibid., p. 238, emperor’s attitude was still somewhat ambiguous, says that Prato was taken at about 2:00 P.M. (@ ore 18) on 29 hut his explicit participation in the affairs of the

August,Non as does Brami, pp. 255 ff. The poet Guizzalotti writes: ; ; tanta crudelta Turchi infedeli Lateran Council was highly desirable. In early Usaron mai cotanto alli Cristiani November, 1512, Matthias Lang, the handsome

a Quanto ch’ a Prato gli Spagnoi crudeli. bishop of Gurk, came to Rome to discuss imperial

sanudo, Diarn, XV, 29-30, and ¢. cols. 16, 23, 32-34, — interests with the pope, who saw to it that he was Storia d’ Italia, X1, 3-4, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 18. Personally accorded a nearly imperial reception. 33; Bembo, Hist. veneta, XU, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 334. The The pope was eager to win his support against the Florentines were obliged to promise an indemnity of 80,000 Spanish. It was extremely difficult, however, to ducats to the Spanish and 40,000 to the emperor (Sanudo, XV, adjust the continuing quarrel between the em93, 95); the total reached 140,000 when 20,000 more were — jeror and the Venetians. While the latter were at

36, 39, 42, 43-44, 52-53, 57-59, 63, 93-94; Guicciardini, . . . 152

added for Julius II (col. 105). Guicciardini, loc. cit., says that Cardona, not Julius, got the 20,000 ducats. Cf in general Fran-

cesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. stor. TTT itahano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 289-95. '5° Cf. the letter of Jean Leveau, Andrea da Borgo’s secre'48 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 101, letter of Cardinal Giovanni to tary, to Margaret of Austria-Savoy, dated at Mantua on 17 Piero da Bibbiena, dated at Florence on 16 September, 1512, August, 1512, in Lettres du roy Lows XH, II (1712), 298-99.

and see, ibid., cols. 105, 123. On Leveau, cf’ Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie au temps de '49 The external trappings of the old republic were main- Machiavel, 1 (1892), 373. tained (Sanudo, Diari, XV, 122-23, 141-42, and cf. A. Re- 151 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 217-19, and A. Biichi, Schiner-Kornaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-Milan [1922], nos. 623 ff., pp. respondenz, 1 (1920), no. 271, pp. 203-4. 683 ff.). Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 4, ed. Florence: Salani, 152 Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 325-27; Guicciardini, Storia a’ Italia, 1963, III, 33, says that the constitution obtaining before 1494 XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 36-37; Lettres du roy Louis

was now restored. On 17 October (1512) the Medici were en- XII, III (1712), 313-15, 321-23, and cf vol. IV (1712), pp. rolled in the Venetian patriciate (Sanudo, XV, 238, 254-55, 14-16, 24-25; Hefele, Hergenréther, and Leclercq, Hist. des

316, 338). conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 363 ff.

134 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT odds with the Spanish over Brescia,'’* they were of the [Gallican] council.’’!®> The allied powers also unwilling to yield to the demands which the — seemed to be leaving the Venetians no option but emperor was making upon them, in which he had to renew their old entente with France, which unpapal support. Wishing to appease Maximilian, der the circumstances could be easily arranged.!°°

Julius proposed that Verona and Vicenza be as- Pope Julius IJ had made up his mind. On 19 signed to the empire, and that the Venetians retain November, as the Venetian ambassadors in Rome Padua and Treviso, as well as Brescia, Bergamo, reported to their government, he subscribed to

and Crema, for the investiture of which they the accord with the Emperor Maximilian in the should pay Maximilian more than 250,000 ducats _ presence of Matthias Lang and the imperial envoys

as well as a feudal rent (censo) of 30,000 a year. Alberto Pio da Carpi and Andrea da Borgo. He Massimiliano Sforza should become duke of Milan. signed ‘‘at the fourth hour of the night [9 P.M.], Parma, Piacenza, and Reggio should become pos- the astrological hour.’’ The Spanish had done sessions of the Church, and the pope claimed Fer- what they could to dissuade him from the alliance rara as well. But the Venetian ambassador Fran- with Maximilian, who was getting a lot for nothcesco Foscari protested, “‘Beatissime pater, this is ing. The Venetians believed that Julius was acting not the peace we expected, giving up Verona and _ largely from fear of the Gallican conciliarists in Vicenza, which we ought to have.. . ..’ The pope__Lyon. He had been afraid for months that Louis replied, ‘You will have Crema and Bergamo, and XII would set up an anti-pope. The third session you will get Brescia,” and he added irritably, “If of the Lateran Council was to be held on 3 Deyou don’t want this, we shall all be against you.” cember (a month late), and Matthias Lang would At this point Alberto Pio da Carpi and Andrea da__ put in an appearance to pronounce Maximilian’s Borgo, who were also in Rome representing the support of the council and the imperial rejection emperor, stated flatly, ‘““You see, the Venetians do — of the schismatic conventicle of Pisa-Milan-Lyon.!°”

not want peace. . . ,’’ and the quarreling went The articles of agreement binding the pope and on until the meeting ended indecisively.'** emperor together were published on 25 NovemWhen on 10 November (1512) the pope pro- ber (1512) in the church of S. Maria del Popolo. posed his terms of peace ina consistory, the Vene- Their purpose was said to be the exaltation of the tian cardinal Domenico Grimani rose in vigorous faith and the establishment of peace in Christenopposition, protesting that the Serenissima had dom. Maximilian renounced all support of Alfonso not deserved such treatment after the blood and_ I d’ Este of Ferrara and the Bentivoglio of Bomoney she had expended in driving the French _ logna, and became the defender of the pope’s perfrom Italy. This was no fitting recompense for her son and the Holy See. He denounced the concilialoyalty to the Holy See. Other cardinals agreed bulo prsano, and declared his firm adherence to the

with him. “‘But the pope said in anger that he true Council of the Lateran, which the pope had wanted the terms thus,”’ reports Sanudo, “‘and that

the Turk has put his brother [Ahmed] to flight “ and is preparing aeg. great49, armada to make his own R sane. mart, XV, 336-37, 342, 344, and gf Sen. Secreta, ; : . . fols. 73 ff. and esp. fols. 77°-78", 79°80" [83 ff.]. kind of peace [pacifichar] with the Christians. The Venetians observed that “questo non saria acordo ma prin.. . On the twelfth the Venetian ambassador cipio di pit guerra” (Sanudo, XV, 340), and they had no indined with the pope, whom he reported to be re- _ tention of accepting the papal-imperial accord (ibid., cols. 334, luctant thus to oppose Venice, but was driven to 342). The Turks were again harrying the Hungarian frontiers

do so by his “‘avidity to get Ferrara and his fear (cols. 346-47). i . , Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 340, 345: “Eda saper, In questi zorni, tutta la terra diceva non esser altro remedio che acordarsi con

——$$$__—_ Franza.. . .” Cf also, ibid., XV, 349, 352, 358, 364, 366, 368. '®8 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 328-29, 342, 349-50, et alibi; Cal- Current reports suggested that the Spanish were losing some endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II (Lon- — ground to the French in Navarre (ibid., cols. 351-52).

don, 1867), no. 208, pp. 84-85, and cf. no. 212; Carlo Pasero, '57 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 350, and cof. cols. 375, 380, 383, Francia, Spagna, Impero a Brescia (1509-1516), Brescia, 1957, _ relating to the publication of la liga tra lo Papa et Imperator in pp. 315 ff. The French commander in Brescia had surrendered —S. Maria del Popolo on 25 November, when Fra Egicio da the city to Cardona rather than to the Venetians (Guicciardini, | Viterbo hailed Maximilian as difensor di la Chiexa. Cf. Sen. Storia d’ Italia, XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 35-36). | Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 80” ff. [90° ff.]; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., Cf. Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 335, 336. ad ann. 1512, no. 90, vol. XXX (1877), p. 600; Guicciardini, '°4 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 333-34, and cf, ibid., col. 351; Letters Storia a’ Italia, XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 40-42: and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIII, 1-1 (1920), Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 336; Chas. no. 1489, pp. 678-79, Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 5, ed. | Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp.

Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 37~38. 49] ff.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 135 convoked in accordance with canon law. In his alliance was announced in the Piazza S. Marco the

turn Julius II promised to employ the full re- following month.'*! sources of the papal arsenal (arme spirituale et tem- The new doge of Genoa, Giovanni di Campoporale) against the Venetians if they persisted in fregoso, also reached an understanding with Louis their refusal to give up Verona and Vicenzatothe XII whereby he retained his title as doge,'®* and emperor.'”® It is small wonder that the Venetians (since the English might withdraw from the fray)

reacted with indignation. Ferdinand the Catholic was ready to talk peace with

When news of the papal-imperial pact became the French.'®’ The pope and the Swiss were of generally known in Venice, it was widely agreed course most anxious to keep Louis XII’s forces out that “‘the pope has always been our enemy” (7/ of Milan and, now with the assent of the emperor, Papa é sta sempre per nostro nemicho). The desire were restoring the young Massimiliano Sforza to il grew on the Rialto as well as in the doge’s palace Moro’s throne, but rapid reversals of fortune had for a renewal of the French alliance.'°? Matthias become characteristic of the Italian political drama. Lang’s promotion as a cardinal, hitherto held in Louis XII began preparations for his return, and petto, was now announced in public consistory, many Milanesi were biding their time to see what with the title of S. Angelo.'°° The French were would finally happen. Thus, when he left Milan, improving their position, and as early as 23 De- Gian Giacomo Trivulzio had left behind him a december, despite the bitterness of the past three posito of cheeses (worth 6,000 ducats) which the years, the Venetian government was ready to join — bishop of Lodi, papal governor of the city, wanted Louis XII in a “‘renovatio amicitiae, confoedera- to sell, but he could not find a buyer for fear that tionis et ligae perpetuo duratura.” By the terms Trivulzio might return.’ If the pope’s accord with of a treaty, as drafted by the Venetians, Louisand the emperor drove the Venetians into renewed althe Doge Leonardo Loredan would become ‘‘amici _ liance with the French, how long would Massimiamicorum et inimici inimicorum,” and the sub- _ liano Sforza be able to remain in Milan? Maybe the jects of both parties could trade freely in each French would come back and Trivulzio reclaim his

other’s territory. Formal record was made of cheeses after all.’

Louis’s intention to recover the duchy of Milan, and the angry statesmen of the Republic stated in The third session of the Lateran Council was the text their own determination to regain all the held on the cold, rainy morning of 3 December cities, lands, and fortifications ‘“‘which they pos- (1512), attended by one hundred and eleven memsessed before the present war.” The allies would bers.'®° Alessio Celidonio, bishop of Molfetta, both be bound to put armies into the field to assist each other to achieve these objectives. It took 161 sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 84"-87° [94"-97"], docs. dated three months to adjust the demands which each 18-94 December, 1512, and of. fols. 92 ff. [102 ff.]. The text side put forward, but Louis finally subscribed to of the treaty, which Louis XII signed at Blois on 23 March,

the treaty on 23 March (1513), and the doge 1°15. We tet |129" 1 ate on Tote Apne ss grven. ratified it three weeks later (on 12 April). The Gritti. A summary is given in Predelli, Regewti dei Comme. VI (Venice, 1903), bk. Xx, no. 7, p. 130; the new treaty renewed

— that of 15 April, 1499 (bid., VI, bk. Xvi, no. 149, p. 39); and

'®8 Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 384-88; Le Glay, Négociations diplo- it remained in effect when Francis I succeeded Louis on the matiques, | (Paris, 1845), pp. 513-14, a letter of Matthias Lang — French throne (ibid., VI, bk. Xx, nos. 23, 30, pp. 134-35). See, to Margaret of Austria-Savoy, dated at Rome on 23 November, _ below, pp. 137b, 144b-145, 148.

1512. 162 Sanudo, Diari, XV, 354, 360, 382. '°9 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 352, 358, 401, 412. But Julius IT was '®° Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 364. Henry VIII disapproved of the

distressed by his alienation from Venice (ibid., XV, 363-64, papal-imperial accord exclusis Venetis, lest it ally Venice with the 383, 412), and Ferdinand of Aragon knew that Julius and Mat- _‘ French, against whom he was allegedly preparing another army

thias Lang had played into the hands of France (Letters and of 40,000 men (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VII, 1-1 [1920], no. . . . Henry VIH, 1-1 [1920], no. 1628, p. 737). Besides, Henry

1559, p. 716). regarded Venice as a “necessary wall against the Turks” (idid.,

'®° Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 361. S. Angelo had been the title of | no. 220, p. 113). Sanseverino, whom the pope had deprived of the red hat. Lang '©4 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 11. did not wish to don the garb of a cardinal as yet, and the hat '®° Trivulzio was in fact doing everything he could to effect was to be sent to him when, on his return home, he stopped _ his return to Milan (cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 390, 403, 409). at Milan (ibid., XV, 383, 384). He found Julius I ‘“‘vieulx et '66 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, cols. 727 ff.. i.e., one hundred colorique” (Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1, 515, whose and eleven members, not counting the four generals of the

summary of the document is in error). Lang was believed to Orders and two abbots: the list in Mansi, however, may be

have refused the promotion. incomplete.

136 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT preached the sermon, which was half finished be- _ eration, plus a number of others, including Federico,

fore Matthias Lang appeared. Alberto Pio da _ the little son of the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga Carpi had gone twice to summon Lang, who did of Mantua.'®* The famous letter of Louis XI, dated not wish to pledge the emperor’s allegiance to the at Tours on 27 November, 1461, was read, abroCouncil until he actually had in his hands the papal gating the Pragmatic Sanction. The text was censure of Venice. Finally he came, and duly read promptly printed and distributed.'®? Louis XII had an imperial declaration disavowing all association revived the Sanction, which asserted the indepenwith the conciliarists at Pisa, whom Maximilian’ dence of the Gallican Church, and might be emhad previously supported, and announcing his ad- ployed as an instrument in the hands of the conherence to the Lateran Council, which the pope _ ciliarists in Lyon. The bull Salut: gregis was read at had purchased at a sufficiently high price. The _ the present fourth session, summoning all supporters third session ended with the bishop of Forli, Pietro of the Pragmatic Sanction to appear before the LatGriffo, reading a bull which repeated the condem- eran Council within two months of the date of nation of Carvajal, Briconnet, de Prie, and San- issue.'’° The pope wanted to lay the specter of this severino, olim cardinales, and of their supporters threat once and for all. The sermon was preached as both schismatics and heretics. All their acts were by Cristoforo Marcello, an apostolic protonotary declared null and void. France was laid under the and, incidentally, a Venetian. With classical and hisinterdict, and the fair of Lyon was transferred to _ torical allusions, Marcello discoursed on the duties Geneva. The bull concluded with the designation — of secular and ecclesiastical princes, working his way

of 10 December as the date for the fourth session from Plato to the disastrous battle of Ravenna, and

of the Council.'®’ burst into a paean in praise of the Council: “O The fourth session of the Council was held, as_ foelix Lateranense Concilium! O sanctissima concio

scheduled, in the church of S. John Lateran on .. . , ubi una pietas viget, unus amor, una foeliFriday, 10 December. The pope presided, with citas!’” He expected the Council would remake the nineteen cardinals, ninety-six patriarchs, archbish- world, and if some of the members dozed under ops, and bishops, four abbots, and the four generals the weight of his somnolent oratory, they probably of the mendicant orders in solemn attendance, as awakened when he launched into fulsome praise of well as the envoys of Maximilian, Ferdinand the Julius II, whose sharp eyes doubtless swept the conCatholic, the Florentines, and the Swiss Confed- gregation of sagging shoulders. The pope had waged a just war, said Marcello,

—————_—— against the most powerful enemies, and had endured a Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 389-90, who erroneously calls the pot only intrepidly but even willingly the extremes session of 3 December la quarta sesswone; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, of heat and cold, sleepless nights, adverse health, 427-28, and Gesch. d. Papste, W1-2 (repr. 1956), 864-65; Hefele, . . . Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), endless hardships, facing almost death itself. At great 365-66. The bull read by the bishop of Forli was promptly COSt he had raised an army and freed Bologna. Like published, with no indication of printer or place, Bulla tertie no pope before him, Julius had won immortal glory sessionis habite in Sacrosancto Concilio lateranensi lertio nonas De- by driving the enemy from Italy, and had won Reg-

cembris, MDXII, Pont. sanctiss. D. N. Julu divina providentia Papa II anno X. (This bull, inc. Ad illus curus, is given partially in| =§©=—————————

Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 97, vol. XXX [1877], '68 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, cols. 743 ff. p. 602). The sermon was preached by the bishop of Molfetta, 169 Tittere clare memo. Ludovic: XI, Francorum Regis Christianot of Melfi, as stated in the English translation of Pastor and — nissimi, super abrogatione Pragmatice sanctionis in quarta Sessione by Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq. Pastor corrected the Sacrosancti Lateranensis Concilu publice lecte et recitate, without

error in his last German edition. Cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad indication of printer, place, or date (presumably Rome, Deann. 1512, no. 99, vol. XXX, p. 603: ‘‘. . . Alexius episcopus cember, 1512). A Venetian letter patent of 10 April, 1512, Melphitanus.. . .”” The reference is to Alessio Celidonio, on appointing Francesco Foscari as the Republic's representative whom note Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica, HW (1923), 241, to the Lateran Council was also read, emphasizing Venetian and especially Franz Babinger, ‘‘Alessio Celidonio (| 1517)und adherence to the Council (in view of the conceivable prospect seine Turkendenkschrift,” in Bettrage zur Sudosteuropa-Forschung, of Venice’s now going over to the French side). Cf. Sen. Secreta,

Munich, 1966, pp. 326-30. Celidonio was a Greek, born in Reg. 44, fols. 131°—132' [142*-143"]; Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 411, Sparta, and served as bishop of Molfetta from June, 1508, until 412; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 100, vol. XXX his death in 1517. At the time of the third session of the Lateran (1877), p. 603; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des Council in December, 1512, the bishop of Melfi appears to conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 366 ff. have been Raffaele de Ceva (Eubel, II, 209), who resigned the 7° The bull Saluti gregis is dated 10 December (1512), and see, presumably in 1513, to be replaced by Lorenzo Pucci (ibid., | was printed without indication of printer or place, Bulla Quarte III, 241). Pucci became a cardinal in Leo X’s first promotion — Sesstonis habite in sacrosancto Concilio Lateranensi, Quarto Idus Deof 23 September, 1513 (tid., III, 13). Matthias Lang left Rome — cembris MCX, Ponitificatus S. d. n. domini Juli divina providentia

on 5 December. Pape Secundi Anno decimo.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 137 gio, Parma, and Piacenza. All Italy had rejoiced in ruary, 1513.'7? Julius II would be on his deathbed, his success, but posterity would treasure the peace _ too ill to think of attending. Cristoforo Marcello he would impose upon the peninsula without further had been eloquent but inaccurate. Although the recourse to arms. Marcello now expected Julius, as | French had indeed withdrawn from Italy, the Spanthe supreme prince of Christendom, to reform the _ ish now ranged the peninsula from north to south. Church, which had been deformed by corrupt prac- The valiant old pope had brought not peace but a tices. Everyone had been seeking his own advantage; sword.

the Church had languished and deplored her lot. It had been a stormy decade. For Julius II, howEvil men would have torn the Church apart, had ever, the everlasting quiet of death was coming. not the invincible pontiff interposed his strength to He had never fully recovered from the almost fatal protect her. A manifold chorus of centaurs and sa-__ illness of August, 1511. Despite the extraordinary

tyrs was daily marring the beauty of the Church; successes he had recently enjoyed, clouds were hypocrites and sophists, ravening wolves in sheeps’ again gathering on the political horizon. A new clothing, made a mockery of piety... . But Julius Franco-Venetian alliance seemed to lie ahead,'”° was the shepherd, the physician, governor, hus- which could only be directed against Spain and, bandman, who would save the Church as he had __ presumably, the papacy. The Venetians would not saved Italy. Tu denique alter Deus in terris! The world accede to the emperor’s exorbitant demands, and looked to him for righteousness and peace.'”’ The the Swiss were still clamoring for money. Henry next session of the Council was fixed for 16 Feb- VIII was said to be planning another attack upon France for the coming spring.'’* But it was as the '”! Christophori Marcell, Proto. Apost., quarta Lateranensis Swiss captain of the papal guard told the Venetian Conalu Sessione habita Oratio iin. Idus Decembris, MDXII: ‘‘\m- ambassador Francesco Foscari in Rome toward the

pressum Rome per Iacobum Mazochium xiii Ianuarii MDXIII.” end of December, 1512, “. . . il Papa é vechio Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 103, vol. XXX e morira presto.’’!”° Julius Il had not much longer. (1877), P. 604, and Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. His successor would have much to do. On 16 JanPerhaps we should take further note of Cristoforo Marcello. U@TY> » Foscarl wrote his government trom

des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), p. 369. 1513. F . hi re He was appointed archbishop of Corfu in June, 1514 (Sanudo, Rome:

Diarn, XVIII, 236, 241, 272-73). Three years later, in 1517, . .

he incurred the wrath of Paride Grassi, the papal master of His Holiness has been in bed for the last sixteen days, ceremonies, for giving to the Venetian printers Antonio and not that he is especially ill, but he has no appetite. He Silvano Capelli the text of the “Ceremoniale Romanum,” which eats two eggs a day, and cannot take anything else; he had been published the previous year as Rituum ecclesiasticorum has no fever, but at his age some grave illness could come sive sacrarum cerimoniarum SS. Romanae Ecclesiae libri tres non upon him, an illness born of grief at the present situaante impress. To Paride Grassi’s consternation, Marcello’s edition —_tjgn,!76 of the Ceremoniale was being sold publicly in Rome. Although

Grassi had roundly assailed the memory of his predecessor

Johann Burchard for keeping secret his great knowledge of , a the complicated etiquette of the Curia Romana (cf. Luigi Frati, * Cf Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 412: “. . . et fo prolongato il Le Due Spedizoni militari di Giulio I, Bologna, 1886, introd., Concilio ad primam [16 February, 1513] post cineres [9 Februpp: XI-X1I), he also tried to preserve the arcana of papal cer- ary]... .” (Ash Wednesday is Le Ceneri.) The bull of 10 Deemonial, at least to the extent that they should not become cember (1512), Salut gregis, summoning supporters of the Prag-

public property. matic Sanction to appear before the Lateran Council in two

At Grassi’s behest, several cardinals prevailed upon Pope Leo ‘months, set the fifth session of the Council on 16 February, X to stop the sale of the book until the propriety of its publi- 1512: eo, Quintam sessionem decimoquinto Kal. Martti, que cation could be determined at the next consistory. Grassi erit quarta feria [Wednesday] post primam Dominicam Quadwanted the book burned and Marcello punished (Frati, op. cit., | Tagesime proxime future faciendam. . .” (from a contempopp. XVIUI-xIx). His charge, however, that Marcello had pla- rary printed copy). But the date given (decimoquinto Kal. Martit) giarized the work was shown to be unfounded, since the latter 18 15 February, which fell on a Tuesday in 1513; the writer of had made no effort to conceal the fact that the famous Agostino — the bull meant XIV Kal. Martii, 16 February, which falls on Patrizzi had been the original compiler (in 1488) with the aid the proper Wednesday (quarta feria).

of Burchard. Grassi’s other charge of Marcello’s indiscretion '73 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 421, 424-25, 445, 446, 448, 451could be taken more seriously, but Marcello escaped punish- 52, 475, 483, 491-92, etc. The ‘‘accord and league’ which the ment with the support of Bernardino Carvajal, the cardinal of | Venetians wished to form with Louis XII was still running into

S. Croce, who had favored the publication of the work. Al- difficulty after Julius II’s death (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. though the attempt to burn the printed copies of the Cere- 100°-102" [110°-112"], docs. dated 23-25 February, 1513 moniale thus failed, Grassi exerted all his efforts to destroy as [Ven. style 1512]), but was confirmed a month later to the great many copies as he could, which doubtless contributed to the _ satisfaction of the Senate (2bid., fol. 109 [119)]).

rarity of the work (Frati, op. cit., p. XX), of which a facsimile '74 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 462, 475, 529-30, 533, 537, 554. edition has been produced by the Gregg Press, Caeremoniale '7° Ibid., XV, 449, and cf. col. 492. Romanum of Agostino Patrizi Piccolomini, Ridgewood, N.J., 1965. '76 Ibid., XV, 501-2, and cf. cols. 503-4, 517.

138 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite his continued indisposition, Julius II Julius HI. Now he appealed to the fathers to rewanted to discuss affairs of state. He granted au-__ establish justice and ecclesiastical unity. He longed diences to the cardinals and ambassadors, but re- to see peace in Europe. If Christians must shed their mained opposed to France, and declined to receive _ blood in expiation of their sins, let them do so in two French envoys who were allegedly coming to a crusade against the Turks. The bull Si suwmmus Rome to explore the possibility of a Franco-papal — rerum opifex, prohibiting simony in papal elections,

accord.'’” On 12 February, however, Foscari was read from the pulpit in the cathedral. A siwrote that Julius had had a bad night. He doubted = moniacal election was declared void. Anyone so whether the pope would live; the cardinals were _ elected was to be deposed, like an apostate and hebeginning the usual negotiations with a view to resiarch, from the cardinalate with the loss of all the conclave.'’® From now on, the papal physicians his dignities. The secular arm might be invoked despaired of his recovery, and their aged patient against such a pseudo-pope, whose censures were gave little heed to their advice. There was an onset _ to be null. The simoniacal electors were themselves of la febre freda e calda. Julius renewed the moni- to suffer the loss of their benefices and dignities torum against the simoniacal election of a pope. unless they abandoned their pseudo-pope and reWith no regard for his illness, he wanted to press joined their non-simoniacal confreres within eight forward a campaign against Ferrara. The curial days of having been summoned to do so. Simoniacal politicians were hard at work. Four members of mediators were also to lose all their benefices and the Sacred College were talked about as possible dignities as well as to incur the confiscation of their successors to the dying Julius—the Genoese Raf- property. All such simoniacs were ipso facto excomfaele Riario and Niccolo de’ Fieschi, the Hungar- municated, and the ban could be removed only by ian Thomas Bakocz, and the Venetian Domenico a canonically elected pope. Although a half dozen Grimani—at least so Foscari reported from Rome. _ of the fathers demurred, the great majority agreed

The Colonnesi and Orsini were in arms in the to the stringent provisions of the bull. The papal Roman campagna. The pope’s nephew Francesco decree in contravention of the French Pragmatic Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino, was expected Sanction was also read, and the sixth session of the in Rome, but by 13 February he had not arrived, Council was scheduled for assembly on 11 April.'°’ for fear of his life. The pope’s physicians gave Ju- The question was, who would then be pope? lius less than a week to live.!”° The fifth session of the Lateran Council had been 81 The bull Si swnmus rerum opyfex (XIV Kal. Marin, 1512/ fixed for Wednesday, 16 February (1513). ‘The pope 13) was promptly published, without indication of printer or told his master of ceremonies, Paride Grassi, that place, under the title Juda Secund: Pontificis Max. decretum sanche wished the cardinals to assemble under the pres- tissimum in quinta sessione Sacri Conalu Lateranensts de Creatione idency of Cardinal Raffaele Riario, dean of the Sa-—_ sn Pontificis approbatum. Cf. the Magnum bullarium romanum: ullarum, provilegiorum ac diplomatum romanorum pontificum amcred College, lest the dates set for the submission plissima collectio, 111-3 (Rome, 1743, repr. Graz, 1964), no. XL,

of Louis XII and his supporters be passed and the pp. 349-50, summarized in Hefele, Hergenréther, and terms be circumvented. The Council therefore met — Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-1 (1917), 371. The original on the appointed day, praesidente reverendissimo. . , Bull condemning simoniacal elections to the papal throne, “um domino Raphaele, eprscopo Ostiensi, Sanctae Romanae s wine (cated January, 1506), included in the bu : isummus rerum opifex. The14text of the bullwas of 1506 (misdated Ecclesiae camerarwo.'*° The cardinals, prelates, curial jn the Magnum bullarium romanum, UI-3 [repr. 1964], no. V, officials, a few secular princes, four ambassadors, _ pp. 263-64, datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum anno incarnations members of the nobility, and a number of Hospi- dominicae millesimo quingentesimo quinto, decimo nono Kal. Februarn,

tallers all passed toyes the .blare of trumpets from theGrassi’s pontficanis Diarum, nosin anno ed. secundo, which should readSpedizioni anno tertto) is . . given in Paride L. Frati, Le Due palace to the basilica in solemn procession. Giovanni militari, Bologna, 1886, pp. 214-19. It was published in October,

Maria del Monte, soon to be confirmed as arch- 1510, on which note Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 440, and Gesch. d. bishop of Siponto (Manfredonia), preached the ser- Papste, 11-2 (repr. 1956), 876-77, with note 3 concerning the mon, full of praise for the.absent pontiff.translation Gianmaria puof of 1506, whichwork. has usually beenI]misdated 1505, as on in the . . nglish Pastor’s Julius was elected 1 was the nephew of Cardinal Ciocchi, and would ONC November (1503); his coronation came on the twenty-sixth, day (in 1550) ascend the papal throne himself as which began the first year of his pontificate. The year of the incarnation begins on 25 March, and so January, 1505, would

—_-—— be 1506 in our calendar, which would fall in Julius’s third year.

177 Tbhid., XV, 531-32. The invalidity and abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction and 178 Thid., XV, 541. the convocation of the sixth session of the Council for 11 April

'79 Tbid., XV, 554, and on the four alleged contenders for — (I/I Idus Aprilis) also appeared without notice of printer or place the papal throne, cf the first pasquinade given, ibid., col. 563. as Cedula quinte sesstonis prorogationis in causis Reformationis et

180 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, 762 ff. Pragmatwe Sanctionis habite in Sacrosancto Concilio Lateranensi

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 139 Each passing day had shown that it would not be Sanudo noted in his diaries, “has reigned nine years, Julius II, who was now diutina diarrhoea consumptus. eleven [!] months, and twenty days; he was sixtyOn 20 February he received the holy eucharist, and _ eight years of age, and has been the cause of Italy’s summoned the cardinals to his chamber to remind — ruination,’’ whereupon he recorded with evident them that theirs was the right and duty to elect the _ pleasure the texts of some two dozen scurrilous pas-

pope. With this the Lateran Council had nothing quinades to the same effect.'*” to do. The schismatic cardinals were to be excluded Julius IJ has had many critics from Sanudo to from the conclave and from the city. As Giuliano Gregorovius and Brosch, and defenders from Rodella Rovere, he pardoned them and raised his hand berto Bellarmino to Pastor, but Paride Grassi attests

in a blessing, but as Julius If the pope, he could to the great crowds which attended his obsequies, only insist that justice be observed. Up to this point pushing aside the guards to kiss the feet of the stalhe had spoken in Latin, employing the papal plural, — wart pontiff who had thrown the unpopular French as though he were addressing a consistory. Now, out of Italy.'"* He had been a pope of great courage speaking in Italian, he informed the cardinals that and constancy, says Guicciardini, but impetuous and he wanted the duke of Urbino to have in perpetuity of boundless ideas which might have sent him hur-

the city and vicariate of Pesaro. The cardinals tling to destruction, had he not been sustained by agreed thereto. Then he commended his family to the reverence felt for the Church, the discord of them, giving them all his blessing. They were in _ princes, and the condition of the times, for his own tears, and so was he. It was the end. He died about moderation and prudence were not such as to save 3:00 A.M. on 21 February, 1513.'82 “This pope,” him. He would certainly have been worthy of the highest glory, in Guicciardini’s opinion, if he had

——_—_——_—_—— employed the same care and determination in adquartodecimo Kal. Marti, MDXII [O.S.], Pont. S. domini nostri d. vancing the spiritual well-being of the Church as Julit Secundi anno X. See the extracts from the ceremonial diary he had expended in exalting its temporal greatof Paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. ness. !85

1-6, vol. XXXI (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 1-3, and :

Foscari’s dispatch of 19 February in Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 560. §5————————

Gianmaria del Monte’s concern for the crusade may have been Romana (XII, 441, 450), and another nephew, Niccolo, was inspired by the recent news of Turkish incursions into Hungary well taken care of (XII, 449, 459). Bartolommeo was a papal

(Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1V [1712], 33). chamberlain (ibid., XIV, 100-1). The pope’s nephew Francesco 182 Paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. Maria retained the duchy of Urbino (and now was to receive

7-9, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 3-4; Hefele, Hergenrother, and _ Pesaro) despite the fact he had murdered Cardinal Francesco Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 372; Pastor, Hist. Alidosi in May, 1511 (Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frat, op. Popes, V1, 435-36, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 870-—_—cil., pp. 278-79), although at the time the pope did think of 72, with notes not in the English translation. See also Foscari’s | removing him, or so at least it was said (Sanudo, XII, 203). In

dispatches of 20-21 February in Sanudo, Diarti, XV, 560-61, April, 1512, Francesco Maria, Niccolo, and Bartolommeo and and the letters of Girolamo de’ Grassi of 19 and 21 February, all their legitimate heirs were made nobles and patricians of ibid., cols. 565-66. Cf Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, _ Venice, and enrolled in the Maggior Consiglio (ibid., XIV, 81,

1 (1729), 337; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 99", 102°, 107°[109", 83) through no merit of theirs. 112°, 117"); Lettres du roy Lows XH, 1V (1712), 51, 58, 60; and '®8 Sanudo, Diari, XV, 561-65. Julius II had actually been A. Luzio, ‘‘Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio II,” Arch. stor. pope for nine years, three months, and twenty days, as Raylombardo, 4th ser., XVIII (1912), 414-17: “Giulio I fu P We naldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1513, no. 9, vol. XX XI (1877), p.

debrando del suo tempo.”’ 4, correctly notes. Concerning the pasquinades and other hosGuicciardini, who is not favorable to Julius II, says that the _ tile literary works produced upon Julius’s death, cf. Pastor, Hist. deathbed request of the vicariate of Pesaro for Francesco Maria Popes, V1, 437-38, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956),

della Rovere was the only instance in which he showed a 873-74, note 6. nepotistic concern for his family (Storia d’ Italia, XI, 8, ed. 184 Paride Grassi, Diarium, in Dollinger, Beitrage, HI (Vienna, Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 58): ‘In niuna altra cosa dimostro —_‘1882), 432, cited by Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. affetti privatio propril. . . .”’ Julius was, however, more of a_— des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 373, and Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 437,

nepotist than is sometimes realized. His nephews Leonardo — and Gesch. d. Papste, 1-2 (repr. 1956), 872: In his forty years Grosso della Rovere and Sisto della Rovere were both made _ in Rome, Paride Grassi had never seen, and he believed there cardinals, the former being known as the cardinal Aginense (of | had never been, such a crowd of people pressing forward to Agen) and Sisto as the cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli (cf Sanudo, _ see the body of a pope: ‘“‘Non vidi unquam ab annis quadraginta,

Diaru, XII, 105). A close friend, Francesco Argentino, was quibus in Urbe fui, nec credo visam unquam fuisse tam ingentem made cardinal of S. Clemente, and played some part in the populorum multitudinem ad ullum Pontificis cadaver effusam.”’ curial process against the schismatic cardinals of Pisa (tbid., XII, | Together with his statement, incidentally, that when he was 282, 362). Another relative, Marco Vigerio della Rovere of | appointed Cerimoniere della Cappella Papale on 26 May, 1504, Savona, bishop of Sinigaglia (Senigallia), was also made a car-__ he had been in the Curia Romana for thirty years, this text dinal. Francesco della Rovere was made the bishop of Vicenza. furnishes the chief indication of Paride Grassi’s own age (Frati, The pope’s daughter Felice was married to Gian Giordano Le Due Spedizoni militarn di Giulio HT, introd., p. 1X). Orsini of Bracciano (XII, 301, 441, 449, 459). Bartolommeo '®5 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 8, ed. Florence: Salani, della Rovere, parente dil papa, was conspicuous at the Curia 1963, III, 58.

140 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The struggle of Julius II against Louis XII had the walls of the city; improved the water supply done more than merely drive the French from the and sanitation; built new streets, as the Via Giulia Italian peninsula. It had meant that the Church still bears witness; and extended the Vatican palwould not again fall under a ‘“‘Babylonish captiv- ace, connecting it with the Belvedere. He emity,”’ not at least in subjection to France. The dan- ployed the chief artists and architects of the time, ger of a Spanish hegemony was weighing heavily including his old friend Giuliano da Sangallo and on Julius’s mind when he died, and the coming the young Antonio Picconi da Sangallo, Donato years would show that while the papacy escaped Bramante, the goldsmith Cristoforo Foppa Carathe French peril, it almost succumbed to the other. dosso, Baldassare Peruzzi, Cristoforo Romano, More than one writer has compared Julius to In- Andrea Sansovino, and of course Michelangelo nocent III; certainly Julius’s view encompassed all and Raphael. Christendom. He worked hard to maintain reli- At Julius’s command, important work was done

gious orthodoxy and to effect the conversion of in the churches of S. Maria Maggiore, S. Pietro the Bohemian sectaries at the same time as he dis-__ in Vincoli, S. Biagio della Pagnotta, the SS. Aposcouraged the ambitions of the Spanish inquisitors, toli, and S. Maria del Popolo,'®’ in the last of which whose success in Naples would have meant a se-_ he commissioned Andrea Sansovino to design the

vere limitation of papal authority in the Regno. marble tombs (in the choir) of the late Cardinals He concerned himself with the reform and reor- Ascanio Sforza and Girolamo Basso della Rovere,

ganization of the monastic orders, but he looked both being finished in 1509. He rebuilt or beyond the confines of Europe, and interested strengthened various fortresses in the papal states, himself in missionary ventures in America, Africa, including those at his favorite Ostia, Civitavecchia, and the Middle East. If he gave much of his time Civita Castellana, Viterbo, Montefiascone, Forli,

and strength to war and diplomacy, he did not Imola, and Bologna. He had work done on the neglect the arts of peace. He endowed, for ex- cathedrals of Orvieto and Perugia. Aided by ample, the papal choir in S. Peter’s, which has — grants of indulgences, he contributed to the buildbeen called from his time the Cappella Giulia. ing or rebuilding of churches in Bologna, Ferrara, In architecture as in politics Julius II pursued S. Arcangelo, Corneto, and Toscanella, and espethe grand design. Although he was a collector of _ cially those at Loreto and his native Savona. Julius books, he was not given to poring over miniatures. _ II’s attention was chiefly concentrated upon Rome, He did not have the mind of a numismatist, and however, and as his appreciative contemporary, was not in fact a scholar; he never lost himself in the canon Francesco Albertini, observed in June, the contemplation of the antique sculpture which 1509, at the beginning of the part of his guidebook he enjoyed and for which he paid high prices. Even _ relating to the recent wonders of Rome, Julius had Michelangelo’s plans for his great tomb, of which — surpassed all his predecessors in the restoration the majestic Moses (done just after Julius’s death) and embellishment of the eternal city,'*® while the expresses in some ways the pope’s own personality, work of Michelangelo and Raphael was rapidly magnarum semper molium avidus, gave way early in increasing those wonders. 1506 before Bramante’s plans for the vast new Although political theory in the middle ages and

basilica of S. Peter’s. the Renaissance prescinded for the most part from

It required an immense decisiveness to give or- a belief in God, whom the pope served as Christ’s ders for the demolition of ruinous old S. Peter’s, vicar and the kings as His viceregents, certainly the which by Julius’s own day had weathered a mil- world of the sixteenth-century leagues resembles lennium of papal history. He gave those orders.'*° modern times in rejecting metaphysical consider-

While he carried on war, he continued the re-

building of Rome, taking up the work of his pre-e }=——WW—— decessors Nicholas V and Sixtus IV. He restored '87 Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis

Romae, ed. August Schmarsow, Heilbronn, 1886, pp. 6-7, 11, 13-16, with a reference (p. 13) to Michelangelo’s work on the

rs186ceiling frescoes of the Cappella Sistina, and on Julius II’s reOn contemporary opposition to the destruction of the old _ building of the pontifical palaces, cf, ibid., pp. 18 ff. S. Peter’s, which nevertheless appears to have been in a state 188 Fr Albertini, op. cit., p. 1. The first edition of Albertini’s of near-collapse, cf; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 468-72, and Gesch. | Mirabilia was printed by Mazocchi in Rome on 4 February, d. Papste, 11-2 (repr. 1956), 920-24. On Julius II’sappointment 1510. On the wonders of Rome a decade later, cf. Marino of commissioners-general to solicit gifts for the building of S. | Sanudo’s summary of Francesco Janis da Tolmezzo’s stay in Peter’s in return for the grant of indulgences, see, ibid., HI-2, the city on his way to Spain in February, 1519 (R. Fulin, Diaru

931-32, not in the English translation (VI, 482). e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, pp. 68-70).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 141 ations and basing international relations upon self- _ less pronounced than some historians, including interest to be assured by contractual obligations. Maulde-la-Claviére, appear to think.'”° But if the Crusade, the prime object of generations, Although the English and French bourgeoisie was neglected during the papacy of Julius II, it was may have been little moved by the Crusade, the chiefly because the affairs of Italy and the Italian idea remained alive among the Venetians, whose wars occupied all his time and required most of his Levantine possessions were perennially subject to

resources. He often enunciated the ambition of the Turkish danger. That was the tragedy of the driving the infidels from Istanbul and Jerusalem, League of Cambrai, as Sanudo and his fellow and on 17 June, 1509, Cardinal Sigismondo Gon- citizens saw it: in trying to destroy the Serenissima, zaga declared that Julius wanted personally to par- the members of the league were trying to destroy

ticipate in an expedition he was then planning the chief Christian bulwark in the East, which had against the Turks—indeed, Julius even hoped already been severely weakened by a half century within less than a year to celebrate mass in Istan- of fearsome Turkish successes. Such at any rate was bul!’89 Certainly the forlorn nature of the hope the point of view the Venetians liked to maintain. requires no comment. Even as a useful device to But aside from Venetian self-interest, the idea of preach peace or collect funds, the Crusade was less the crusade remained popular with the chivalry of generally employed in his reign than in those of his Europe, the lower clergy, and the peasantry. predecessors, with the notable exception of the cru- From the time of the war of the League of Camzadas collected by Ferdinand the Catholic to help _ brai, French relations with Egypt became close, and

finance his undertakings in North Africa. But if the French consul in Cairo eclipsed his Venetian kings and princes (and some popes) viewed the pros- confrere in importance. After 1510 the French pect of a crusade with skepticism, popular opinion seemed to have a sort of protectorate over the holy continued to favor the idea of a great expedition _ places.'”' France appeared to have a future, at least against the Turks, who menaced the Hungarian a diplomatic future, in the Levant. For more than

frontiers and ranged the western waters of the thirty years after the death of Mehmed the Con-

Mediterranean. queror the papacy had been able to afford the Italian

Ferdinand directed the crusade toward North wars. Under the weak rule of Bayazid II the Turks Africa. Louis XII cherished his title Rex Christia- had rarely threatened the shores of the peninsula; nissimus, which Henry VIII coveted. James IV of for some time the captivity of Jem Sultan could be Scotland talked about the crusade continually. The and had been used to advantage. Now, however, world of Islam lay outside the Respublica Christiana. the vigorous young warrior Selim I occupied the The Moslem was the Christian adversary, the Koran throne of Osman, and contemporaries believed he the negation of Christian law, and the crusade the intended to dominate as much of the world as he noblest form of warfare. Diplomatic relations with could. French influence in Egypt would disappear Turkey were likely to be considered immoral, and — with the Turkish destruction of the soldanate. Anthe activities of the Italian envoys sent to the Porte, other generation would indeed find the French in especially those of the Venetian resident embassy _ virtual alliance with the Turks (in 1536) against the in Istanbul, were easily held up to popular oppro- Hapsburgs, but during the decades that lay ahead brium. If a change came about in European think- Europeans would again live in continuing fear of ing, owing to the increased secularization of society Turkish aggression. The Crusade would again bein the early sixteenth century, it was less rapid and come a vital force in papal policy and Italian politics, and the successor of Julius II would know an anxiety

——_——- born of Turkish power and expansion that Julius '89 Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 732, 890-95, had himself been spared.

has made the most of Julius II’s so-called Kreuzzugsplane, of

which nothing ever came. For Cardinal Gonzaga’s report of 17 =—§ —————

June, 1509, see A. Luzio, in the Corriere della Sera, no. 253 '9° Cf R. A. de Maulde-la-Claviére, La Diplomatie au temps (1908), cited by Pastor, op. cit., II-2, 892-93: “Dice volergli de Machiavel, | (Paris, 1892, repr. Geneva, 1970), 12 ff., 22 ff., andare personalmente et sperare in Dio non sara uno anno che 39-45, 71-90.

celebrara messa in Constantinopoli.”’ '9! Cf Maulde-la-Claviére, I, 88-89, 154.

4. LEO X, THE LATERAN COUNCIL, AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT (1513-1517) [NS THE LATER fifteenth and early sixteenth V was at hand, and Charles was an accomplished centuries the popes were tending to become like _ linguist.

other Italian princes. They were elected to office, The decline of Latin seems to have been detrias were the doges of Venice, by a small, oligar- mental to the prestige of the papacy. The universal chically-minded corporation. During this period the language and the universal church were going down

families of the Piccolomini, della Rovere, Borgia, together. The religious unity of Europe declined and Medici each gained the papacy more than once. with its linguistic unity, and papal authority was Cardinals were often papal nephews, and the popes _ impaired by the growth of the vernacular languages founded princely families. Patronage was reserved as well as of the national states. The popes could for personal friends or political supporters. But always preach crusades; Pius II (like Gregory X bein some ways the fall of Constantinople and the fore him) proposed to lead one. No pope ever went growing Turkish peril exercised as beneficent an crusading in the Levant, however, and in the maeleffect upon the papacy as did, later on, the whole _ strom of Italian politics it would have been unwise movement of Counter-Reformation and the Council _ to leave the Petrine patrimony entirely to the mercy

ofTheTrent. of the secular powers. Turkish threat forced the popes to take all As Europe passed into the sixteenth century,

Europe into account in formulating their major the papacy responded slowly to the needs of the policies, broadened their outlook at every critical new era. Often in the pages of Johann Burchard’s juncture of affairs, and helped (even obliged) them ceremonial diary the religious life of the Curia to try to maintain the universal character of the Romana takes on the appearance of a theatrical papacy. Sometimes, too, the appeals of Greek ref- performance, devoid of spiritual content. This is ugees and the lure of classical scholarship directed due only partly to the nature of the diary and to the attention of humanists in the Curia Romana_ the mentality of Popes Innocent VIII and Alexto the sad plight of Greece.’ It is small wonder ander VI. The Curia was spiritually deficient. The that talk of the crusade continued muchas intimes colorful panorama of papal processions; the celepast, and yet it is not surprising that so little was bration of holidays, new treaties, and naval and done to organize large-scale expeditions to attack military victories; the reception of princes and am-

the Ottoman empire. bassadors, other public ceremonies—all these Such factors as the rivalry of the Spanish and_ were in fact spectacles of uncommon interest, deFrench for the control of Italy were constantly to

require the POPes tO search a broad horizon for 1923, repr. 1956], 76, note 2). Three years later, in December, means of preserving their independence. Nev- 1518, when the humanist Cardinal Bibbiena was in Paris as ertheless, the era was not a propitious one for papal legate to enlist French support for the crusade, Francis claims to universality. The medieval synthesis, I did not want him to speak “classical” Latin, which the king such as it was, had broken down. For centuries and his advisors could not handle (Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 302): Latin had been the language of learning and di- “- :_:.¢,1! Re volse esso Legato parlasse in latin vulgar per . OO, vos . poterli far risposta Jui, et non parlando latin conveniria far far plomacy, but now it was losing its position, assailed aq altri, e voleva tutti fosseno testimoni di quello si oferira di by the vernacular languages. Increasingly the far. . . . Et cussi il Legato fece una belissima oratione vulgar diplomat had to bea linguist.” The age of Charles dicendoli il pericolo di la christiana religione per Turchi.. . .” In June, 1520, Leo X received the duke of Albany as the ambassador of the Scottish king: ‘“‘. . . Indi il secretario dell’

TT Ambasciatore fece la oratione et iscuso il Duca che per la mala "Cf M. I. Manousakas, Appeals of Greek Scholars of the Re- valetudine et imperitia della lingua latina havea dato quel carico

naissance to the Princes of Europe for the Deliverance of Greece(1453— — alui. . .”’ (Venezia, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, MS. Cicogna

1535) [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1965, a lecture given at the 2848, fol. 335’, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel). Con-

University of Thessaloniki in March, 1963. cerning the life and works of Michiel (ca. 1486-1552), see

* In early August, 1515, for example, when the young count —_E. A. Cicogna, ‘“‘Intorno la Vita e le opere di Marcantonio of Guise went on a special mission to Rome as the envoy of Michiel, patrizio veneto, della prima meta del secolo XVI,” in Francis I (just before the battle of Marignano), his talks with the Memorie dell’ I. R. Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, IX Leo X were quite unsatisfactory, his difficulties being increased (Venice, 1860), 359-425, and on the importance of the diaries

because he did not know Latin, ‘che non satisfera al Papa— _ note, ibid., esp. pp. 375-77, 391 ff. On the linguistic prowess qual non sa latin e parla francese’”’ (Sanudo, Diaru, XX, 478, of the Hapsburg brothers, Charles V and Ferdinand I, note and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V—1 [Freiburg im Breisgau, Sanudo, LIII, 384, a letter dated at Augsburg in July, 1530.

142

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 143 lighting the Roman populace. Indeed, they stilldo He took the name Leo X, the first Florentine ever so. From the reign of Julius II on, however, in- to be elected pope. His elevation caused wild recreasing numbers of serious statesmen and schol- _joicing in his native city, where news of the great

ars received papal preferment, and expected to event arrived some ten hours after its first andedicate their abilities to the highly complex foreign and domestic problems with which the Holy ——————

See was faced. Bernardino Carvajal, Federigo Sanseverino, and the others were

of course not members of the conclave (cf, Sanudo, Diaru, XVI,

When Julius H died, men were well aware that 11°58 68 79.73, 153, 299, 307, ssl) Wen Roscoe’s unusual an extraordinary papacy had come to an end. study of The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, 4 vols., Liverpool They were also well aware that the contest of the — and London, 1805, I, 164 ff., still merits attention, and not Spanish and French for dominance over Europe least for the documents in the extensive appendices. The location as well as Italy marked the beginning of a new Of the cardinals’ cells in the Sistina is known from a text which . . . sh places them under the various frescoes on the chapel walls, on period in diplomacy and warfare. The Spanis which see the interesting note of O. Clemen, ‘‘Zur Papstwahl viceroy of Naples, Ramon de Cardona, was deter- Leos X.,”” Historische Vierteljahrschrift, X (1907), 506-8. Cf. also

mined to build his position in northern Italy upon Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 13-15, vol. XXXI as firm foundations as possible because he knew, (1877), pp. 6-7; Lettres du roy Louis XH, IV (1712), 63—72; and as Francesco Vettori saw clearly, that Julius Il had Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. . . stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 296-98, whose planned to expel Ferdinand the Catholic from rather cynical analysis of the election professes to explain why Italy, as surely as he had done Louis XII of _ the cardinals in conclave preferred Giovanni de’ Medici to RafFrance.” Julius had died at the wrong time, but no _ faele Riario, the cardinal of S. Giorgio. For a brief while it one lives forever. There was naturally much spec- seemed conceivable that the voting in the conclave might swing ulation as to who his successor would be, an (cf. Pio Paschini, ‘‘Adriano Castellesi,” in Tre Illustra Prelati del whether the new pope would promote the cause — Rmasc:mento, Rome, 1957, pp. 74-75).

. : q Riario, who was thought to represent the fazione Roveresca

of peace or prolong the war in Italy. As usual Sanudo assembled al] the facts and rumors he could relating to the election (Diaru, XVI, 11, 16, 18 ff., 28-33, 36,

, 37-42, 45 ff., 50-51, 79-84 and ff.). The detailed election

; On4 March, 1513, twenty-five cardinals gathered capitulations provided for the Christian defense against the in the Vatican Palace. Insisting upon the con- ‘‘perfidious Turks”’ (ibid., col. 101), who were then believed to tinuance of the Fifth Lateran Council both to effect be moving against Rhodes (cols. 129, 133, 179). the needed reform in the Church and to prosecute Of inestimable value for the first years of Leo X’s reign is the war against the Turks, they into solemn we unhinishe work of Cardinalim Joseph Hergenrother, . .entered . Pontificis Maxim: regesta, Freiburg Breisgau, 1884,Leonis and conclave. As usual, the voting was done in the Cha- the detailed narrative of C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. pel of S. Niccolo da Bari, which no longer exists. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 (Paris, 1917), 389 ff., is as The cardinals slept in the Sistina, where small, dark always instructive. E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Le Pontificat cells were assigned to them by lot, and took exercise de Léon X (1513-1521), [Paris,] 1931, is readable but sometimes

. . ae unreliable. Paride Grassi has described in detail the ceremonies and held their deliberations in the adjoining agin in:Bibl. a Apost. g the inception ofrooms the conclave (Diarium,

of the palace. After a week, on 11 March, they Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 4 ff, 9 ff., 15” ff., by elected the affable Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici.* modern stamped enumeration), from which Cardinal de’ Medici emerged as Leo X (2bid., fols. 20 ff.).

TT On the physical appearance of Leo X and the representation * Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. _ of him in contemporary art, especially the extraordinary statue stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), p. 289: “. . . perché — of him by Domenico Aimo (now in the left transept of S. Maria il Viceré conosceva benissimo che lo animo di papa Giulio era __ in Aracoeli), see Vittorio Cian, ‘‘Su I’ Iconografia di Leone X,”’ di cacciare il suo re d’ Italia come avea fatto il re di Francia. — in Scritti varii di erudizione e di critica in onore di Rodolfo Renier,

. . .”’ The Spanish withheld Brescia from the Venetians, says Turin, 1912, pp. 559-76, with five plates. Leo, whose ‘“‘icoVettori, ‘because the king of Spain wanted to maintainanarmy —nography”’ is known from his boyhood, was in adult years tall

in Italy in another place than in the kingdom of Naples” (op. in stature, with a great paunch on skinny legs, heavy-necked

cit., p. 299, and cf. p. 288). and broad-shouldered, with myopic, bulging eyes and puffy

* Pastor, Hist. Popes, Vi (London, 1908, repr. 1950), 18— cheeks in a huge head. Nevertheless, he was dignified in bear26, and append., docs. 2-3, pp. 446-48, and Gesch. d. Papste, ing, a fluent speaker with an attractive voice, and would apIV-1 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1923, repr. 1956), 13-18, with parently strike poses in which he would display his long, white

refs., and ibid., 1V-2, append., docs. 2, 4, pp. 648, 677-78; also hands (manus nive candidiores), of which he was proud. So nearnote J. B. Saegmiiller, Die Papstwahlen und die Staaten von 1447 _ sighted that he could see nothing without an optical glass, nec bis 1955, Tubingen, 1890, pp. 137-41. Every pope from Calixtus — legere nec aliquid intueri poterat absque conspicillo magno christallino

III to Paul III (from 1455 to 1534) was elected in the Chapel (says the astrologer Luca Gaurico, Tractatus astrologicus, Venice,

of S. Niccolo da Bari, and not in the Sistine Chapel, on which 1552, 18 ff., cited by Cian); when Leo went hunting, he resee above, Volume II, p. 271, note, and cf, ibid., pp. 379, 390, — quired the prey to be caught and rendered harmless before he

notes. delivered the death stroke with a spear in one hand and his Since Cardinal de’ Medici was only a deacon, he was ordained _ occhiale in the other! In its brutal realism the statue by Aimo in a priest on 15 March and consecrated bishop on the seventeenth — the Aracoeli is probably the closest likeness we have of the first (Pastor, 1V-1, 23). The conciliarists of Pisa, the former Cardinals Medici pope.

144 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT nouncement in Rome. His brother Giuliano began attacks upon central Europe.” On 23 March Leo

preparations to go to Rome with four hundred appealed to Ramon de Cardona, the viceroy of horse, and the Florentine Signoria chose a dozen Naples, to allow and encourage aid to be sent to nobles as an embassy of obedience to the new pon-_ Rhodes, for it was believed in the Curia that the

tiff.° Hospitallers would soon be under Turkish siege Pro-French elements in Italy were disturbed. on their island fortress.'° But cultivated and

Cardinal de’ Medici had supported Julius I’s warlike courtly as he was, and aware of the perils of his activities, and had been captured by the French time, Giovanni de’ Medici was also distractable, after their short-lived victory at Ravenna in April, and we may well assume that he gave little thought 1512. He had subsequently reoccupied Florence to the Turks as he rode in procession to occupy with Spanish assistance. And yet King Louis XII the Lateran basilica on 11 April although he was received the news of his election without notable actually mounted on the same Turkish horse that regret.” Ferdinand the Catholic of Aragon was of _ he had been riding when captured by the French

course elated, as he wrote Leo,’ for after all had at Ravennaa year before. not Leo been his ally? The German and Italian re- The elaborate celebration of the possesso, or taking

actions to the election—less important than the possession of the Lateran, was held in fact on the French and Spanish—were also generally favorable. anniversary of Leo’s capture, but 11 April was also

Leo X was crowned on Saturday, 19 March.® the feast of S. Leo the Great. The day had been The Turkish problem had mounted the throne _ deliberately chosen as a reminder that good fortune

with him. On 18 March, the day before his had followed adversity.’' The major theme running coronation, Leo had warned King Sigismund of through the ceremonies attending Leo X’s ‘‘posPoland that the latter’s differences with Albrecht sesso’ was the great need of making peace both of Hohenzollern, margrave of Brandenburg and among the European powers and among the Italian master of the ‘Teutonic Knights in Prussia, must _ states. Nonetheless, peace would not be easy to sebe composed, for their near neighbors the Turks cure or maintain, however devoutly to be wished could only rejoice in the internecine strife of for, so long as the French were bent upon avenging Christians, and be encouraged to launch further their “‘defeat’’ at Ravenna and recovering their losses in Lombardy.

—___—____— By the treaty of Blois on 23 March, 1513, Louis ° Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 67-68, 148, 356, 361-62. XII had struck a “perpetual alliance’ with his Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 134. In fact Leo X’s brother Giuliano Venetian prisoner Andrea Gritti, which the pope de’ Medici wrote that Louis XII was delighted with the election might enter if h ished. The treat rel (Regem illum magnam laetitiam cepisse), and was now prepared 8 I . c wished. © trea y entirely anto make peace with the Holy See (Hergenrother, ed., Leonis X. nulled the objectives of the erstwhile League of .. . regesta, I, no. 1974, p. 112; Pietro Bembo, Epp., I, no. Cambrai. The Venetians were now to put an army 18, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, ora per la prima volta of 12,000 men into the field while the French in-

tutte in un corpo unite, IV [Venice, 1729], 8). vaded Lombardy. The allies were to fight until the

Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 242. V ; had .

® Papal coronations were commonly held on Sunday, but 20 enetians ha regained the lands they had lost to March was Palm Sunday, and Leo X’s coronation was hastened the League of Cambrai and the French had regained in anticipation of Holy Week (Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], 23). Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 57, 59, 71, 72-73, § —————— 158, 160 ff. The imperial ambassador in Rome, Count Alberto 9 Hergenrother, Leonis X.. . . regesta, I, no. 12, p. 3; Pietro Pio da Carpi, wrote Maximilian, with some clairvoyance after Bembo, Epp., I, no. 5, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, 1V the election: “‘. . . Opinione mea pontifex maximus potius erit (Venice, 1729), 4-5. On 1 April, 1513, Leo again informed mitis ut agnus quam ferox ut leo, pacis erit cultor magis quam _ Sigismund that he must allow the settlement of his contest with belli, erit fidei promissorumque servator religiosus, amicus Gal- Albrecht either by the arbitration of a papal legate or by a lorum certe non erit, sed nec acer hostis ut fuerat Julius, gloriam decision of the Lateran Council (Regesta, I, no. 1987, p. 113; et honorem non negliget, favebit literatis, hoc est oratoribus Bembo, Epp., I, 22, in Opere, IV [1729], 9), which letter was et poetis ac etiam musicis . . . bellum non suscipiet nisi plu- — followed by another to the same effect on 30 April (Regesta, I, rimum lacessitus et valde coactus, excepto bello contra infideles no. 2316, p. 134, and Bembo, Epp., 11, 19, in Opere, IV, 15, ad quod suscipiendum iam aspirare videtur. . .tamenhomines and cf. Epp., II, 20-21, pp. 15-16, and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,

mutant in horas et ‘ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus’ ad ann. 1513, nos. 33 ff., vol. XX XI [1877], pp. 14 ff.). .. .? (Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1V [1712], 79). As for Carpi’s '° Leonis X. regesta, I, no. 1928, p. 109; Bembo, Epp., I, 7, assumption that Leo X would press for peace in Europe and _ in Opere, IV, 5. On 22 March Leo had written to the Genoese war against the Turks, he was quite right, but this wasthe usual government on the Hospitallers’ behalf (Regesta, I, no. 1921, cliché of international diplomacy at this time, to which even _ p. 108; Bembo, Epp., I, 8, in Opere, IV, 5). Louis XII professed to subscribe in a letter, for example, to the '! Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 678-90, has preserved an elaborate College of Cardinals dated at Blois on 5 March, 1513 (Sanudo, description of the procession of 1] April, 1513, on which ef. Diarii, XVI, 34). Paride Grassi has of course described Leo’s Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1, 24 ff.; Leonts X. regesta, 1, no. coronation in his ceremonial diary (Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 2119, p. 121; Wm. Roscoe, Leo the Tenth, II (1805), 174-76;

28 ff., by mod. stamped enumeration). Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 41 ff.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 145 the Milanese duchy and its dependencies. '* News Pope Leo might well hesitate. On 5 April, 1513, of the treaty of Blois evoked grave fears in Leo King Henry VIII of England and the Emperor

X’s mind. Julius I] had added Parma and Maximilian I formed a Holy League at Mechlin Piacenza to the states of the Church, but after Ju- (Malines), the residence of the Archduchess Marlius’s death Ramon de Cardona had returned them _ garet of Austria-Savoy. The allies assumed the adto Massimiliano Sforza, the duke of Milan. Sforza _herence of both the pope and Ferdinand of Aragon

now gave them up to Leo, who had no desire to to the league, the purpose of which was to attack see them fall again under French dominion as de-_ France on all sides.’ After some delay the caupendencies of the Milanese duchy. As the first rumor tious Leo, who would have preferred neutrality,

reached Rome of the negotiations at Blois, Leo quietly agreed to take his place in the league, and wrote immediately to Pietro da Bibbiena, hisnuncio made funds available to Swiss mercenaries for the

in Venice, to find out all about the alleged treaty, defense of the incompetent Duke Massimiliano concerning which neither Bibbiena himself nor the — Sforza in Milan. Despite the tenseness of the political Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana had el- | situation, there was still discussion in the Curia Rother written or spoken a single word.'* Obviously mana of the opportunities which troubled conditions

Leo had no intention of joining the Franco-Venetian in the Levant offered for a crusade against the alliance, which could easily result in the eventual Turks. If the popes were to hold their own in Europe loss of all papal territories in the northern Romagna. and seek leadership in the crusade, however, the His brother Giuliano, who nurtured the old Flor- reform of the Curia and indeed of the Church was entine predilection for the French, tried to incline necessary. We have noted in some detail Julius II’s him toward Louis XIJ. But Leo could hardly dismiss convocation of the Fifth Lateran Council to combat from his mind the fact that the Medici owed their the schism of Cardinals Carvajal and Sanseverino,

recovery of Florence to Spanish arms. As the war bring about the various needed reforms in the clouds again darkened the northern horizon of Italy, Church, and take steps which might lead to the his Holiness preached peace and tried to remain crusade. In May and June, 1513, soon after his neutral, until perhaps it should become clearer who election, Leo X established or reorganized three would win the next encounter. Then it might be commissions or deputations of cardinals and other possible to see more clearly where the interests of _ prelates charged with preparing, for consideration

the Medici and the Holy See really lay."* and action by the conciliar fathers, material relating to the establishment of peace in Europe as well as

— the reform of offices and personnel in the Curia '2 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens, Romana.'° IV-1 (Amsterdam, 1726), no. LXXXVI, pp. 182-83; Predelli,

Regesti dei Commemonahi, V1, bk. XX, no. 7, p. 130, and cf nos... ~~ 23 and 30; Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 119, 121-26, 136, 143, 167- in several editions, most recently in that of Silvana S. Menchi,

68, 172, 190-91, 212 ff., 284 ff., and vol. XX, col. 436; cf 3 vols., Turin, 1971. Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. stor. '? Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 (1726), no. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 299-300; Wm. Roscoe, — LXxIx, pp. 173-75; Sanudo, Diarin, XVI, 197-202, 223, 292.

Leo the Tenth, II (1805), 186-87. Very extensive English preparations for an attack upon France

'* Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 2103, p. 120, and Bembo, Epp., 11, had been reported for some time in the Venetian diplomatic 1, in Opere, IV, 11. Few topics excited more interest in diplo- correspondence (ibid., XVI, 7, 45, 71-72, 148, 211, 232, 449, matic dovecotes at this time than the fate of Parmaand Piacenza 456). For the international complications of the time, see Hefele, and conditions in the unfortunate cities (Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917),

6, 10, 48, 49, 56-57, 58, 61, etc., 68, 72, 81, etc., 172, 223, 399-93.

307, 356-57, etc., and note vol. XX, p. 42; Leonis X. regesta, 16 Cf. Sanudo, Diarui, XVI, 359-61, on which note Leonis X. I, nos. 2421-22, p. 142, and Bembo, Epp., II, 34-35, in Opere, __regesta, I, no. 2655, p. 154, from Paride Grassi, entry dated IV, 18). On 15 October, 1513, the Venetian ambassador tothe 13 May, 1513. A schedule dated 3 June, 1513, identifies the Holy See wrote the Senate that “il Papa voria far acordo col membership on the three commissions, and defines their threeduca di Milan di tenir Parma e Piasenza e darli in recompenso _ fold purpose as being: 1) to provide for peace in Europe and Bergamo e Brexa’’ (Sanudo, XVII, 227). When the pope’s the eradication of schism; 2) to reform the Curia Romana and brother Giuliano de’ Medici married Philiberta of Savoy on 25 __ its officials; and 3) to arrange for the abrogation of the French January, 1515 (not on 25 June, as stated by Pastor, Hist. Popes, | Pragmatic Sanction (Tres deputationes facte per S. dominum nostrum

VII, 106), he was to receive Parma and Piacenza as well as reverendissimorum dominorum Cardinalium et prelatorum per ConReggio and Modena (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], — calium electorum una cum adiunctis per Sanctitatem suam super dwersis

72-74). materus et negocus tractandis et expediendis in Concilio Lateranensi '4 As time went on, Leo X played a double-dealing diplomatic — pro faciliori expeditione et universali cognitione gerendorum in eo,

game, trying to maintain the independence of Milan against dated at Rome on 3 June, 1513, without imprint of printer, the ambitions of both Louis XII and Ferdinand the Catholic — with notice of posting on the doors of S. Peter’s, the Lateran, (cf. Francesco Guicciardini, Storia d’ Itaha, XII, 5, ed. Florence: the Cancelleria, and in the Campo dei Fiori). There is a full Salani, 1963, III, 126 ff., and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 account of the sixth session of the council in Hefele, Hergen[repr. 1956], 64 ff.). Guicciardini’s Storia d’ Italia is available _rother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 396 fF.

146 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT One can only wonder how much attention Leo _ of servitude.'” But once the pope had preached the X paid at this time to an interesting memorial which crusade, ‘‘we believe that no one can doubt that all two Camaldulensian monks, Paolo Giustinian and _ [the Christian princes] will want to accept the terms

Vincenzo (or rather Pietro) Querini, addressed of a peace or truce and turn their arms against the to him concerning papal power, ecclesiastical re- impious enemies of our faith!’’?° Querini, who had form, the geographical extension of Latin Chris- been a diplomat, must have known better than this. tianity, and the crusade against the Turks. The me- Giustinian and Querini single out the janissaries morial is called a Libellus ad Leonem Decrmum. Giu- among the Turks and the Mamluks among the stinian was one of the chief reformers of his Order,'’ ““Moors”’ as the chief military forces to be reck-

and Querini had served his native Venice as an oned with in the Levant.?! The Turks are ruled envoy.'* Emphasizing throughout the Libellus the by the hereditary successor of the imperial Ottoneed for peace in Europe, the authors insisted to man house, but among the ‘“‘Moors”’ the Mamluks

the pope that not only exercise the exclusive right of bearing now, when the infidels are at odds among themselves, @™™S; but forbid a military career to those who are

and not only people against people, ruler against ruler, properly called Moors. From the ranks of the but even brother against brother, they wage savage wars Mamluks is chosen the Soldan, who rules over with overwhelming hatred of one another, victory ismore Egypt. The Turks are more powerful than the

easily assured you! Mamluks, by reason of the states they have con, , uered. Indeed, the faith Soldan hasq scarcely Nevertheless, the savage enemies of the were toa . 99 y15,000 ; 7 ; men in his fighting forces.

obsessed with the ambition to dominate and then me ; After describing the rough life of the Arabs,

destroy Christendom. Every they sought toPersians, oo , a . Giustinian andyear Querini pass on tofreethe extend their domain, rob Christians of their , ; dom. and press them down beneath the harsh voke who nurture an especial devotion to their ruler, , Pp y the Sophi. Although the Sophi is an infidel, Leo is urged to enlist his aid against the Turks, ‘‘for

—__—_—— when the Christians attack the Turks from one "Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, X, 454-55, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, direction, and this most powerful sovereign [the IV-2 (repr. 1956), 628, and Jean Leclercq, Un Humaniste ermite. Sophi] has begun an attack upon them from the

Le Bienheureux Paul Giustiniani (1476-1528), Rome, 1951. The other u will tainly be deli d tbl d text of the B. Pauli Justiniani et Petri Quirini, Eremitarum Ca- » yOu will certain y c envered, Mos Esse

maldulensium, Libellus ad Leonem X, Pontificem Maximum may be Father, of your enemies.’ But the good Camal-

found in G. B. Mittarelli and Anselmo Costadoni, Annales Ca- dolesi would do more than rely upon military maldulenses, 9 vols., Venice, 1755-73, IX, cols. 612-719. The might, and they exhort Leo to send legates to Libellus is also called De officro pontificrs. For guidance on the Egypt in an effort to convert the Soldan,”? for if MSS. and works of Giustinian, see Eugenio Massa, ed., Beato h dth or fi nth luk Paolo Giustimani: Trattati, lettere e frammenti, I, Rome, 1967, € anc the major gures in the Mamluk state were who considers the Libellus “‘il piu imponente disegno cattolico promised some part of the defeated Ottoman emdi riforma della Chiesa nell’ eta moderna” (p. Cxvil). The pire, and if with such inducement they should emLibellus appears to have been begun before the sixth session of brace Christianity, would not all the Moors then

the Lateran on 27accept April, 1513, the first session held «524 6Leo: ;Council ; “‘. wy: conversion: under . . Lateranense iam celebrari ceptum Concilium, . .

quod te [Leonem X] prosequi velle non dubitamus. . .” (ibid, If the Soldan of Egypt and the Sophi of Persia col. 652). It was presumably finished soon after 27 June, 1513, Cannot be converted to Christianity, assurances when the schismatic Cardinals Bernardino Carvajal and Federigo

Sanseverino recanted and were received back into the Sacred College, which event is noted as having taken place proximis §£——-—————

diebus (col. 710). Giustinian mentions that he had made a pil- 19 Libellus, ibid., col. 637. grimage to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, where he spent *° Libellus, ibid., col. 672. Giustinian and Querini give much three months (col. 659), and so had at least some first-hand attention to the crusade, which forms an integral part of their knowledge of conditions in the Levant, on which note Massa, ideas of general ecclesiastical reform; on the bold and wideTrattan, 1, 14, 241, and J. Leclercq, Un Humaniste ermiie. . . ranging nature of these ideas, cf. Jedin, ‘“‘Quirini und Bembo,”’

Paul Guustimani (1951), pp. 34-37. Misc. Giovanni Mercati, 1V, 410-11.

'® Libellus, rbid., col. 626: “Dum enim apud eos Reges *) Labellus, wid., col. 639: “. . . hos omnes apud Turcas Jani[Catholicos occidentales] ego Petrus pro Venetorum Republica zeros, apud Mauros Mamaluccos vulgari sermone vocari aucui tunc inserviebam legatus agerem. . . .”’ Querini is in fact divimus.. . . Janizeri enim apud Turcas peritissimi sunt milites; Vincenzo Querini, whom we have already met in Chapter 1. | Mamaluchi vero apud Mauros non solum militiam omnem exHe entered the Camaldulensian Order on 22 February, 1512, — ercent, ita ut arma tractare illis, qui vere Mauri sunt, non perand took the name Pietro. See in general Hubert Jedin, ““Vin- _ mittant, verum etiam ex eorum numero is semper eligitur, qui cenzo Quirini und Pietro Bembo,” in the Miscellanea Giovanni — supremam totius gentis illius potestatem habeat.. . .”’

Mercati, IV (Citta del Vaticano, 1946), 407-24, and reprinted 22 Libellus, ibid., cols. 639-40.

in the collection of Jedin’s articles, Kirche des Glaubens, Kirche 23 Libellus, ibid., cols. 643, 644. der Geschichte, { (Freiburg, Basel, and Vienna, 1966), 153-66. *4 Libellus, ibid., cols. 646-47, and cf. col. 648.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 147 must be got from them that they will not join the — the one unknown to the other, for the purpose of bapTurkish Sultan in attacking the crusading host. tism so that there are many who are baptized twice. The Once the Turks are defeated, neither the Mam- Greek does not approach an altar upon which a Latin luks nor the Persians will be able to resist the cru- Prest has celebrated the sacred mystery unless he has saders, nor of course can the petty rulers of the first provided for repeated ablutions of the altar. These

, . things and many others still worse, which we have seen

North African littoral: with our own eyes and heard with our own ears, we If the many troops of the Christian princes come to- regard as clear evidence of their perversity. . . 28

ether and you make a single army of them, neither the ;

Turkish sultans nor even the whole world could possibly Centuries of close contact and the crusades had oppose such a force. . . . There is no one who cannot obviously not improved Graeco-Latin religious see what the result will be if you added in your sur- and social relations. passing wisdom the capacities of the French, Germans,

Spanish, Britons, Hungarians, and Swiss to the resources Discussion of the crusade seemed almost as un-

of Italy. ending as the animus which the Greeks and Latins The bravery and military experience of the entertained for each other. The sixth session of the Knights of Rhodes are not to be overlooked, for Fifth Lateran Council was held on Wednesday, a] they are the inveterate foe of the Turks, and are April, 1513, the first ume the conciliar fathers gathaccustomed to victory: “If all the other Christian cred uncer veo presidency The pope was atprinces, each in accordance with his strength, had «the oY “oh ec frospita va Was an august shown themselves as tireless in their hostility to the gathering, with twenty-two cardinals present, ninety Turks as the single island of Rhodes has done, that mitered prelates, the ambass adors accredited to th © impious people would not have grown so strong!’’*° Holy See, and other ecclesiastical and secular dig-

Moreover, once the Christian army has begun to nitares, Francesco Soderint, then cardinal bishop fight and the first sign of victory has become man- of Sabina, celebrated the mass, after which Simon

ifest, according to Giustinian and Querini, de Begno (Begntus), bishop of Modrus (Krbava) in 100,000,000 [centena millia millium] Christian sub- vpoata Gelivered a rong discourse on me necessity jects of the Turks will rise up and use the arms they 9, TSTOPMNS the Siuren ang the equal necessity do not lack.*° Giustinian and Querini have allowed of a crusade against the Turks. He spoke of the

rhetoric to run away with common sense. damage to faith and morals which the centuries had When the wall of Islamic impiety has been wrought, the efforts of past councils to achieve restormed, a new order will arise on earth, and papal form and harmony in the Church, and the shattering power, to which God has subjected mankind, can effects of the Moslem victory in 1453 when Conextend Christianity to the far reaches of Asia and stantinople had gone the way of Jerusalem, Antioch, Africa.”’ But in the event of a successful crusade and Alexandria. The Turks had overrun the empire

the papacy will also have to deal with serious prob- “ Treoirond, the vs of the Brack oe the kinglems closer to home, in Greece for example: om of Bosnia, and a good part of Illyria. Popes

Calixtus III and Pius II had done what they could, Strong medicines must be prepared for the Greeks but the Turks had nonetheless seized the island of as for those who suffer from a grievous illness. While [yboea and most of Greece and Epirus. some people have become separated from the Roman The Christian world moved from one calamity

Church by ignorance or a certain indifference, the to another, and the heretic king of Bohemia Greeks are the only ones who not merely in ignorance Geor f P débradv. had added to th f

but even with a stubborn impiety maintain their dissent FOFBE OF TOCE Yo Nac a ve Ome WOES ° from the Roman Church [to the extent] that they do @ long generation of disaster. ‘Who is there,” Sinot fear to call the Roman pontiff and all the peoples "0? asked, subject to him bad Christians and heretics. In the cities who has not bewailed the fact that the beautiful and rich of Greece where Greeks and Latins live mixed together, cities of the East and of Epirus have been snatched by t a Greek Latin husber “ patin wile “e tbliged ve live, the Turks from Christian hearts and eyes: I say nothing

» 0 > of the ships burned, the galleys lost, our reputation

take oaths, and pray according to the Greek rite. When gone... .

they have children, the Greek father has recourse to the Greek priests and the Latin mother to the Latin priests, The Balkans were a scene of ravaged fields, sacked

cities, and conquered castles. ‘Who is there who °° Libellus, ibid., cols. 648-52.

*© Libellus, ibid., cols. 651-52. TT

27 Tibellus, ibid., col. 654. 28 Libellus, ibid., cols. 664—65.

148 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT has not already heard [of these misfortunes], al- the turn of events, Francesco Foscari, the Venetian ready mourned them unless it be we herein Rome — ambassador to the Holy See, informed his governwho shut our eyes, listen politely, and just dissem- ment on 17 June that Leo wanted to see no harm

ble!’ The valor of the Hungarians and the Poles come to the Republic, because he was anxious to would not suffice to stay the Turkish onslaught. unite Italy in the face of mounting pressure from Simon bemoaned the hard-heartedness of (west- the Turks.*' Four days before Foscari prepared this ern) Christians, “‘qui haec non videant, non audiant, non credant.’” ‘The ‘Turk was an enemy IV, 21-23, letters dated at Rome on 11-13 June, 1513). On closer, more powerful, crueler than the ancient 6 August, 1513, Andrea da Borgo wrote from Milan to Alberto Carthage which the elder Cato had said must be Pio da Carpi, imperial ambassador to the Holy See, that Masdestroyed. Would Europe wait until the Turkish | similiano Sforza lacked the funds to make his contracted payfleet had occupied Rhodes and plundered Italy? ments to the Swiss, obviously for their recent service against

Ww h mh ‘ed. “ th th the French (in the collection of Alberto Pio’s correspondence € must have peace: € cre * agit with the in the Lea Library, MS. 414, University of Pennsylvania).

enemy... , but with ourselves! *! Sanudo, Diarti, XVI, 399: “*. . . ma non vol [il Papa] pero As if in answer to Simon de Begno’s cry for peace che la Signoria nostra habi alcun danno, et voria unir Italia, the French invaded Lombardy in May, 1513, while perche le cosse turchesche le preme assai.” When the ailing

‘an f; hed westward to assist them. Girolamo Donato, the friend of Julius II, was relieved of the Venetian forces mare . difficult post of Venetian ambassador at the Curia Romana on But on 6 June the Swiss defeated the French in the — 19 October, 1511, Francesco Foscari had been elected by the hard-fought battle of Novara, and sent them scur- _ Senate as his successor (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, rying back once more through the pass of Mt. Cenis Reg. 44, fol. 69"). Foscart’s commission is dated 16 December, to the safety of their own soil. The Venetians also 1°11 (%74., fols. 88'-90"). Leo X rapidly became less friendly retreated.”” Although Leo was of course pleased by 1513 (sanudo, XVI, 426, and of cols. 519, 587). Foscari was

30 toward Venice, as Foscari wrote his government on 25 June, replaced in the Roman mission by Pietro Lando in October,

To 1513 (ibid., XVI, 587, and XVII, 22, 162, 205); his commission *9 Simons Begnui, episcopi Modrusiensis, oratio in sexta Lateranenss is dated 23 September, 1513 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 46, fols. 7°—

Concila sessione, quinto Kalendas Matas habita, MDXII, without 8°). The Venetians stubbornly refused reconciliation with the imprint of place or printer. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,ad ann. 1513, | Emperor Maximilian I unless he restored Verona and Vicenza

nos. 21-24, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 9-10, gives a few passages _ to them, an attitude which exasperated Leo X, who insisted from Simon de Begno’s address, which is listed in Carl Gollner, _ that Venice had nothing more to hope for from defeated France Turcwa: Die europaischen Turkendrucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts, 1 (Sanudo, XVI, 513).

(Bucharest and Berlin, 1961), no. 58, p. 50. Simon was bishop The suggestion was made in Rome, however, that if the of Modrus from November, 1509, until his death in March, _ Venetians were too hard pressed by their enemies, including 1536 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia the pope, they might turn to the Turks for aid (Sanudo, XVI, catholica medi et recentioris aevt, IIT [1923], 247, and co. N. H. 557): “*. . . e quando venitiani vedera tutti contra, chiamera Minnich, “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran turchi in suo socorso. . . .”” According to a presumably unCouncil,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, VII [1969], 185-89). published letter of Alberto Pio da Carpi, ‘‘Sanctitas quoque The gravestone of Simon de Begno (Simun Begna, of a prom- _—_domini nostri vere Venetos odit et dixit mihi inter loguendum inent Dalmatian family) may be found today in the cloister of | quendam astrologum Beatitudini sue predixisse ipsum nunquam the Franciscan convent by the harbor of the little town Ugljan = concordem nec amicum Venetorum futurum [esse]’’ (letter on the north end of the island of the same name a few miles dated at Rome on 16 August, 1513, MS. 414 in Lea Library, off the Zadar (Zara) coast. On Simon, note also Michael B. Univ. of Penna.). At a meeting of the Venetian Senate in DePetrovich, ‘““The Croatian Humanists and the Ottoman Peril,” —=cember, 1513, when bad news came from Rome, there was

Balkan Studies, XX-2 (1979), 266-67. agreement for the moment that the Signoria should ask the In the public session the archbishop of Reggio in Calabria, = Turk for aid (Sanudo, XVII, 365): ‘“‘Erano letere cative di Roberto de’ Orsini, read the bull Superna ulius ordinatione (dated — Roma, e tutti cridava si dimandi aiuto al Turco!”’ Cf. also, ibid.,

27 April, 1513), enunciating the pope’s intention to strive for XVII, 424. peace in Europe and to promote the crusade. Raynaldus, ad A few years before, during the War of the League of Cambrai, ann. 1513, no. 25, p. 11, gives most of the text of this bull but — the Venetians had tried hard to secure military and other asomits the incipit. I have read the bull in the contemporary _ sistance from Sultan Bayazid IJ against la liga dei principi Chrisprinted copy, which has no imprint of place or printer. Cf __ tiani, a fact to which I have already called attention (see above, J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, pp. 74-75). My notes on the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 46 (1513XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 657-58, 783-805, where the bull 1515), reveal no record of the Signoria’s willingness to seek Superna illius ordinatione is also given (cols. 792-93). There is direct aid of Selim the Grim. Quite the contrary, on 2 January, an account of the sixth session of the Lateran Council in the 1514 (Ven. style 1513), the Senate wrote the Venetian amdiary of Paride Grassi (Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 42 ff.). bassador in Rome of the sultan’s power and insatiable thirst 3° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 340-41, and ff. Guicciardini, Sto- for conquest, and conceived of an attack upon Italy as quite ria d’ Italia, X1, 10-12, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 72-84, possible (ibid., Reg. 46, fol. 37): ‘““Et perché ne scrivete sua has sketched the campaign in some detail, with much praise of | Sanctita havervi parlato cum qualche alteration circa Turchi, Swiss heroism. Leo X had furnished 42,000 ducats as a sub- anchor che la cosa sii assai manifesta: pur non volemo restar vention to the Swiss (zbid., XI, 10, p. 73), and was much relieved de dirvi che non po chi cum ragione vuol parlar in questa by their victory (Leonis X. regesta, 1, nos. 3134-35, 3145, 3159- materia iudicar altro se non che el Signor Turco habi ad invader

60, 3162, pp. 182-84, and Bembo, Epp., III, 1-5, 7, in Opere, _ Italia, perché ultra la voce che da ogni canto risonano de li

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 149 dispatch, Leo had received the Polish embassy of | low mass one Balthazar del Rio preached the openobedience in a public consistory (on 13 June). The ing sermon, and assured the cardinals, bishops, embassy was headed by John Laski, archbishop of and ambassadors present that the faith would win

Gniezno, who made the address before the throne, out over the Turks, among whom there was a dilating on the Turkish slaughter of Christians and widespread prophecy that Islam could survive only imploring his Holiness and the Christian princes to until about the year 1500.°* The critical year was come to the aid of the harassed kings of Poland and past, however, and such futile prophecies had had Hungary.” Laski’s eloquence was so devastating, a wide currency for generations. Del Rio’s assur-

according to the report in Sanudo, that the pope ance did little to remove the doubt which existed

burst into tears.°° in the sophisticated minds of curial officials. In any

After Novara, Louis XII realized that it was event the Curia still had a war on its hands, and going to be difficult to regain the Milanese duchy on 24 June (1513) Leo X wrote Alfonso d’ Este and restore his hegemony over Lombardy. When _ of Ferrara, asking him to supply Ramon de Car-

the seventh session of the Lateran Council was dona with cannon and munitions, if the latter held on Friday, 17 June, 1513, it was presided should request them for use in defending the Emover by a jubilant pope, who found the Swiss vic- peror Maximilian’s city of Verona against the

tory an auspicious beginning to his reign. After a Venetians.°” The Swiss victory also brought the troublesome

———— schism to an end. On 27 June the former cardinals apparati el fa, etiam la iuvenil eta et la feroce et bellicosissima Bernardino Carvajal and Federigo Sanseverino, in natura, la summa avidita de farsi Signor dil tuto, che perquanto the penitent garb of simple priests, acknowledged ciascuno affirma a la grandeza del appetito suo il mondo li e th | 7 F sch; : h Tati un regno, et lo haversi pacificato cum tuti quelli chel poteva EMSEIVES pul ty or schism mM a Numi lating ceredubitar potessero ritardarlo, ma sopratuto vedendo Italia et la ony of abjuration performed before a public conChristianita in divisione et il stato nostro che tanti anni € sta SIStOry in the Vatican. They rejected the Council antemural et cum tanto oro et sangue ha ritarda la rabie et of Pisa, and accepted all the censures of Julius II, furor di suo Passati esser sta da li principt christiani talmente inclu ding their deprivati on of the cardinalate. Carhorrenda la potentia sua et quello se debi existimar debi esser vajal was said by a witness to have shaken like a il successo suo non lo diremo, perché la Sanctita sua sapientissima leaf. Leo X gave them absolution, and restored them ben lo po considerar, et tenemo per certo che il precipuo re- to their honors and dignities. They also received medio Sia che il Signor Turco intenda sua Beatitudine haverne back such benefices and properties as had not been abbrazati et essersi scoperta in nostro adiuto, ne taceremo che -anted h Th dined al th th la Cesarea Maesta come ben sa sua Sanctita € quella che cercha granted to others. ey even dined a one with t Cc et non mancha hora de irritar et provocar el Turco a danni POPE, and finally left the palace, Says Paride Grassi,

attenuato lo invita et astrenze ad tuor la impresa, et quanto sia . . .

nostri. Proveda adunque lei, che meritissime € collacata in quella Sede, faci che le arme se deponino, non permetti esser menata. = =———————

in tempo che ad una si grave egritudine li remedii voglino esser 34 Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-

gagliardi et celerrimi.. . .” 1 (1917), 404-5, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, *? Leonis X. regesta, I, no. 3149, p. 183, from the ceremonial nos. 41-42, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 17-18, who does not mention diary of Paride Grassi. On John Laski, archbishop of Gniezno del Rio’s sermon, which was printed at Rome by Jacopo Ma(1508-1531), note Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, = zocchi on 8 July, 1513 (Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], no. 60, p. Herarchia catholica medu et recentioris aevi, III (1923), p. 204, 51). Balthazar del Rio became bishop of Scala in southern Italy note 3, under Gneznen., and cf. Regesta, 1, no. 4929, p. 303; = on 22 October, 1515, and died in 1540 (Van Gulik, Eubel, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 32 ff., vol. XXXI- and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, WI [1923], 294). (1877), 13 ff.; and Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. Cf. Mansi, Sacra conclia, XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 658, 659, des concies, VIII-1 (1917), 403-4. The Turkish threat to Dal- 805-27, and Paride Grassi, Diarium, in Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, matia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Hungary from 1511 to 1520 1s __ fols. 57°~59.

depicted in the contemporary diary of Marcantonio Michiel, 55 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero, who notes frequent Turkish raids (for the pertinent passages Busta 12, no. 13 (formerly no. D65): “. . . Hortamur in domino in the diary see Simeon Ljubic, ed., Commissiones et relationes nobilitatem tuam eamque ex animo requirimus ut sia te nobilis venetae, I [Zagreb, 1876], 132-43, in the Monumenta spectantia vir Raimundus de Cardona, Neapoli prorex et sacri foederis

historiam slavorum meridionalium, V1). capitaneus generalis, tormenta ulla bellica atque imprimis quae °° Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 385: ‘Eri, a di 12 [actually on the ad exercenda tormenta usui sunt petierit, eum ope tua iuves 13th?], li oratori di Polana ebeno audientia: quel episcopo fece © commodesque illum quibus in rebus poteris. Poteris autem in una degna oratione, prestandoli ubedientia al Papa et implo- _ plurimis quod eo facere libentius tua nobilitas debebit quo is rando ajuto contra Turchi: el Papa et altri lacrimo.’’ In the — tormentis illis ad defendendam carissimi in Christo filii nostri edict proroguing the seventh session of the council to 17 June, © Maximiliani electi Romanorum imperatoris urbem Veronam

1513, Leo had announced Laski’s coming to Rome (Edictum uti vult. Id si feceris, quemadmodum speramus te facturum, S. domini nostri Leonis Pape X. super prorogatione LateranensisCon- tum de rege Catholico deque imperatoris maiestate optime

cilu, dated at Rome on 20 May, 1513, without imprint of place promereberis, tum facies nobis rem gratam. Datum Romae or printer). Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1513, no. 28, vol. | apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die X XIIII Iunii

XX XI (1877), p. 12, alludes to this edict. MDXIII, pontificatus nostri anno primo, P. Bembus.”’

150 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT as though they had won the great struggle in which gland and France as well as between Venice and they had challenged papal authority (quasi ipsi fuernt the Empire. On 11 October (1513) Leo wrote victores).°° Nevertheless, Leo had the satisfaction of Henry VIII congratulating him upon the news the ending the schism which had caused his great pre- latter had sent to Rome of English victories over decessor many anxious months. The rebellious both the French and the Scots. Leo expressed disCouncil of Pisa was now only an unpleasant memory tress “‘that so much Christian blood had been

in the Curia Romana, and the French finally rec- shed,” and said that he looked toward the recognized the Lateran Council as the true and ca-_ onciliation of England with France and Scotland: nonical assembly of ecclesiastical authority and wis- then Henry might employ his military might in

dom.*” suppressing the ferocity of the Turks, who were

It proved harder to make secular than ecclesias- depopulating southeastern Europe (Pannoniae Sartical peace, however, for it was not until a Spanish- matiaeque regna), as Italy herself, inadequately deGerman army defeated the Venetians near Vicenza fended, watched with growing apprehension the on 7 October, 1513, that the Republic finally aban- approach of the Turks to her own shores.*°

doned its alliance with France. On the advice of Meanwhile, some five weeks before, Leo X had Paride Grassi, the papal master of ceremonies, Car- addressed an encyclical letter (on 3 September, dona’s victory was not officially celebratedin Rome, 1513) tothe kings and peoples of Hungary, Poland, because the good citizens of the Republic were nei- Bohemia, Prussia, and Russia, seeking to incite them ther schismatics nor enemies of the Church.*’ The to war against the Turks, who within the last four Venetians were now obliged to relax their claims centuries (he said) had overrun Cilicia, Lycia, Ar-

upon the Emperor Maximilian for the return of | menia, Paphlagonia, Phrygia, and Lydia, once Verona and Vicenza, and were quite willing to allow thriving regions in the Christian world of Asia. In the Curia Romana to arrange peace terms. Leo X Europe they had subjected to their impious arms directed Cardona to cease all offensive action against all Greece and Serbia, Bulgaria and Bosnia, ‘‘and the forces of the Republic while negotiations were in the memory of our fathers they have taken by

in progress.°? assault Constantinople, the capital of Thrace and

Pope Leo was anxious to arrange peace on all the eastern empire, once the seat of the great Confronts, desiring the end of hostilities between En- _ stantine and of so many faithful emperors.”’ They had profaned sacred shrines erected at enormous

a Popes, VII, 54-59, and append. no. 5 expense, among others of course the church of

449-50, and Gesch. d. Papste, LV-1 (repr. 1956), 37-41, and 4agta Sophia; they had defiled icons of Christ and ibid., 1V-2, append., no. 6, p. 679, and see Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, the saints, violated virgins and matrons; and reduced 400, 415, 429-30, 432, 479-81. Sanseverino, ‘“‘che stain palazo the nobility of that ancient and populous city by dil Papa,”’ used such influence as he had recovered with the slaughter and servitude. return of his hat to promote French interests at the Curia (2bid., Leo had learned from various trustworthy 1513, nos. 44 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 19 ff., and the Lettres sources that Sultan Selim, who had dethroned his

XVI, 450, and cf. col. 499). Cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. . .

du roy Louis XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 172. father and slaughtered most of his brothers and

37 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 85-89, vol. XXXI__ their sons, had resolved with his Tatar allies first (1877), pp. 37-39; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 66-68, 71-72, and to destroy Hungary, up to now Europe’s chief line Gesch. d. Papste, IV-I (repr. 1956), 45-46, 49. Louts XIVagreed of defense (antemurale), and then to destroy all the adherence and so his reconciliation to the Holy See were an- rest of Christendom. But Leo was sending the nounced on 19 December at the eighth session of the council Cardinal Thomas (Tamas) Bak6ocz to Hungary as

on 26 October to recognize the Lateran Council, to which his . d (of. also Sanudo, Diaru, XVII, 414, and Guicciardini, Stora d’ Italia, XII, 3, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 119-21). 58 Cf, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, no. 78, vol. XXXI- ———————

(1877), p. 34; Sanudo, Diart, XVII, 147 ff., 157 ff., 170 ff., 49 Leoni X. regesta, 1, no. 4924, p. 303, and Bembo, Epp.,

205, 207 ff., 217. V, 19, in Opere, IV, 39-40; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513,

°° Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5186, p. 320, and Bembo, Epp., no. 60, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 26-27. The English had shed V, 28, in Opere, IV, 41, brief dated at Rome on 3 November, a good deal of Scottish blood on Flodden Field on 9 September, 1513; Sanudo, Diarii, XVII, 227, 307-8, doc. dated 3 Novem- 1513, including that of King James IV (Sanudo, Diarzi, XVII, ber; Lettres du roy Lows XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 213-14. Ac- 233-36). By a dispatch of 15 October, 1513, the new Venetian cording to a Venetian document published by Vladimir La- ambassador in Rome, Pietro Lando, informed his government mansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, 1884, repr. New __ that “‘[il Papa] vol con questa pace unir la Cristianita a una liga York, 1968, pp. 43~—44, 411-12, the Council of Ten was willing = contra Turchi’’ (Sanudo, XVII, 227), and reported from Rome

on 14 December, 1513, to see an attempt made upon Maxi- on 10 March, 1514, that there were said to be 25,000 Turks milian’s life: “‘. . . ut vadat [frater Joannes de Ragusio, the _ in Bosnia being prepared for an invasion of Friuli. . . , “‘siche

peratoris.”’ 32).

proposed assassin] ad faciendum experientiam in personam im- __ per tutta Roma si parla che Turchi vien in Italia” (ibid., X VIII,

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 15] legatus de latere to help sustain his countrymen and pagna?** At this point the pope probably nodded prepare the way for the crusade. Those who joined agreement. Members of the Curia had been asking the ‘‘sacred expedition” would enjoy the usual in- similar questions for some time.

dulgence and the plenary remission of their sins On 28 December, 1513, Leo X wrote the Em-

‘such as our predecessors granted to those who) ___

set out in defense of the Holy Land. .. . A tithe *2 Gargha’s discourse was printed, presumably in 1514, as was imposed upon all ecclesiastical incomes to help Oratio in octava sessione Lateranensis Concilu, una cum obedientia

finance the crusade, and anathema proclaimed Magni Magistni Rhodn: Oratio Toannis Baptistae Garghae Senensis acainst those. of whatsoever dignity or rank, who °4“2"5 FMierosolymitani habita apud Leonem X. Pontificem Maximum

8 f d i] df P y d ° . . . , without imprint of place or printer. There is a detailed

diverted funds co ected for t re crusade to any analysis of the interesting woodcut which forms the frontispiece other purpose. Finally, the Christian princes must to this tract in N. H. Minnich and H. W. Pfeiffer, “Two Woodof course make peace with one another as the in-_ cuts of Lateran V,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, VI (1970), dispensable prelude to the projected expedition !79-214, esp. pp. 185-200, 211-12, and see Minnich, “Conacvainst the Turks.*! It took Cardinal Bakécza lon cepts of Reform. . . ,” ibid., VII (1969), 190-92; Raynaldus, 8 & Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 85, 92, 98-99, vol. XX XI (1877), time to get to Hungary, however, and when he _ pp. 37, 39-40, 42-43: C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenréther, and H. did, events he could not control led, as we shall — Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 (Paris, 1917), 413-16; Pas-

see, to a social revolution of disastrous propor- oT, Hist. Popes, VII, 71, and Gesch. d. Papste, IV-1, 49, who

tions incorrectly places 19 December ‘tam Sonntag.” Sanudo freTo, . ; ., | quently speaks of Turkish naval and military preparations during The eighth session of the Fifth Lateran Council 1513; for the month of December, see the Diaru, XVII, 398, was held on Monday, 19 December, 1513. Leo X 426, and cf. cols. 471, 517, 538. One cannot believe all the presided. Some twenty-three cardinals were pres- rumors and reports which Sanudo has preserved in his so-called ent as well as an impressive array of archbishops diaries, but there is no doubt that Turkish corsairs with galleys bish b d d oth It t thi > as well as fuste were active in Italian waters (ibid., XVIII, 2781S Ops; am assagors, and Otners. ; was at ; IS 79, 346-47). The imperial ambassador to the Holy See, Alberto session, incidentally, that the ancient Christian pio da Carpi, mentions Turkish galleys on the Tyrrhenian Sea dogma of the immortality of the soul was affirmed _ ina letter to Maximilian dated 20 June, 1516 (Lea MS. 414, against the assumed views of Pietro Pomponazzi, Univ. of Penna.), at which time Moorish pirates from North

who was then in Bologna. In the opening dis. Afia.rereespecly ave (Bembo, Epp. XI 8-13 in ere

course, which followed the celebration of mass, yyy] [1877] pp. 197-98) uo yo the Hospitaller Giovanni Battista de Gargha of The Turkish peril and the necessity of peace in Europe to

Siena appealed to the pope and the council for aid organize a crusade formed a major theme of the eighth session against Sultan Selim, sectae Mahumetanae immitis of the Lateran Council, concerning which the bull Ad omnipotentis

tyrannus. who had prepared a creat fleet and as. “25 publicly read in the Lateran basilica (Manst, Sacra concilia,

J bI d ; fi Pp an f XXXII [Paris, 1902], cols. 843-45), and presumably printed

semDled innumerable troops and Cannon fOr an in Rome soon after 19 December (1513): Bulla sive cedula maattack upon the island of Rhodes. Giovanbattista — teriam [sic] untversalis pacis et destinationis legatorum de latere per

emphasized the island’s strategic approaches to 8. dominum nostrum, dominum Leonem X. Pont. Max., sacro apAsia Minor. Svria. E t. and the Black Sea. He probante concilio edita, lecta per reverend. patrem dominum Archie-

‘molored h an » T BYP ¢ k f piscopum Senensem in octava sessiwone in Lateranensi basilica celebrata, Improrea the ristian princes to awaken Irom without imprint of place or printer. The reform of the Curia, their perilous slumber, take up arms on behalf of also regarded as a prerequisite for the crusade, was provided the Church, and no longer tolerate the Turkish _ for by the bull In apostolici culminis (Mansi, XXXII, 845-46), retention of either the Holy Sepulcher or Con- also read at the eighth session of the Council: Bulla seu cedula stantinople. the new Rome. Asia. North Africa reformationis officalium Romane Curve lecta in VIII. sesstone sacri

pre, ' , > Lateranensis Coneilu per reverendum patrem Episcopum Taurinensem

Egypt, and a good part of Europe lay desolate per S. D. N. B. Leonem X. Pont. Max., sacro approbante Concilio without law, social stability, or Christian fellow- — edita, without imprint of place or printer. The immortality of ship. Famous churches had fallen into Turkish the soul was asserted by the bull Apostolic regiminis, it was read hands. Christians had been slaughtered and hu- ™ the basilica by John Laski, archbishop of Gniezno: Bulla seu ‘Jiated. These facts. said the orator. had been cedula in materia fidei edita per S. dominum nostrum, dominum

Mmiiated. € Ss, S € or, ; ce Leonem X. Pont. Max.,. . . lecta publice per reverendum patrem,

known for years. And what now should be said of — dominum Archepiscopum Gneznensem, oratorem Serenissimi Regis the constant appearance of Turkish ships on the Polonie, in octava sessione in Lateranensi basilica celebrata, without

Tyrrhenian Sea? Was it not shameful that they imprint of place or printer. There are original copies of these could even raid the shores of the Roman cam- three bulls in the Lea Library of the University of Pennsylvania. They are obviously all products of the same press. On the intellectual background and purpose of the bull Apos-

—*! Leonis . tolica reguminis of 19 December, 1513 (of which the text may X. regesta, 1, no. 4347, pp. 264-65, witha substantial most conveniently be found in Mansi, Sacra concilia, XXXII, portion of the text in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. cols. 842-43), see the article by Felix Gilbert, “‘Cristianesimo, 108-15, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 45-48, and cf, ibid., nos. 63s umanesimo e la bolla ‘Apostolici Regiminis’ del 1513,” in Revista

ff., pp. 28 ff. storica italana, LX XIX (1967), 976-90.

152 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT peror Maximilian seeking to recall him from the During the reign of Leo X, however, there were arms and ardor of hostility that he bore against few periods when one was allowed to forget the those “whom you call your enemies,” and empha- Turkish threat. Giovanbattista de Gargha appeared sized his desire and that of all the cardinals to see before the papal throne again at a consistory held the Christian princes reconciled in peace and mutual on 6 March, 1514, when Leo received the Hospitrust. Otherwise the Turks, who were preparing _ tallers’ embassy of obedience. ‘“‘You have aroused for war, would certainly crush the Christian com- the highest opinion of yourself. . . , holy Father,”’ monwealth. Italy was in peril. Maximilian was to Gargha told Leo in another prepared address,

bear in mind as hope emperor had made him ;, . ar andthat all men that youGod will undertake the war against

protector of all His people. It behooved Maximilian the Turks with no less spirit than it was announced and not so much to think of whom he might subject to decided upon four years ago by Julius [II], whose suchis authority as to take care that all Christians were cessor you are. But it would have been most difficult for made safe by his imperial effort. Maximilian must Julius. No one doubts that it will be by far easiest for therefore first make peace [with the Venetians and you, for by age you are much more able to stand the the French], even if the terms were not quite what exertions than he could have done. . . . But you must

he might wish. The Turk, the perpetual enemy, 0°t delay any longer, holy Father, for the Turks have took an “incredible joy” (incredibilis laetitia) in the Prepared sucha fleet as has never been seen before, and

strife of Christians with one another. God would he passage from Greece to Italy is all too short. We reward Maximilian ten- and a hundred-fold for the must attack the enemy rather than wait for them to

generosity he might now show his Christian op- nae

ponents. Gargha’s insistence was in vain. In the late sum43

On the following day Leo wrote the seven im- mer of 1514 Sultan Selim defeated the Persians perial electors that he was sending each of them pear their capital, Tabriz, and added the important a copy of his letter to Maximilian, and sought to provinces of Diyar-Bakr (Diarbekir) and Kurdistan enlist their support for both peace in Europe _ to the Ottoman empire.*® Leo received the news the protection of Christendom against the Turk. 4+ Rome on 30 October. It came in letters from He addressed similar admonitions to Ferdinand Ragusa, together with Selim’s own dispatch to Isthe Catholic, Henry VIH, and King Ladislas If of tanbul announcing “‘la victoria auta contra il Sophi.”’ Hungary and Bohemia, rather unnecessarily re- Next day Leo summoned all the ambassadors acminding poor Ladislas that he above all must hear- credited to the Holy See and had the dispatch read ken to the papal exhortation since he was the clos- t) them. Leo said that he had not slept all night est to the danger, and the Turks had chosen him ‘‘per esser mala nuova per la Cristianita,”’ and that

as the prime object of their attacks. it was necessary to give thought to defending the

Actually one would think that fear of Sultan faith. There was no time to wait, no time to waste. Selim might have diminished during the latter part He wanted to unite the Christian princes, and he of the year 1513, as the news reached Venice and asked all the ambassadors to write to their principals, Rome of the terrible plague which had ravaged and send them copies of the letters from Ragusa Istanbul during July and August. ‘The shops had and the sultan’s dispatch. For his part, Leo said that

all been closed, and the number of dead was de- he would exert his every effort to defend the scribed in a Venetian dispatch as a “‘cossa stu- Church.49 penda.”’ The sultan even consented to a four months’ truce with the Hungarians, against whom =———_—_— he had been threatening a great campaign for 47 Oratio in octava sessione Lateranensis Concilii [see, above, note

months.*® 42|.. . : Orato Ioannis Baptistae Garghae . . . in obedientia

praestanda apud Leonem X. Pont. Max. (1514). Cf’ Mansi, Sacra —— concilia, XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 659, 660, 831, 850 ff.

43 Teonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5971, p. 379; Bembo, Epp., VI, 22, 48 Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 203, 210, 328, 346, 394-95, in Opere, 1V, 47-48; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 421, 426, 445, and vol. XIX, cols. 24, 56-61, 68, 85-88, 118-

101-3, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 43-44. 19, 129-30, 160, 175-76, 210, 216-17, 221 ff., 231-32, 233,

44 Teonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5972, p. 380; Bembo, Epp., VI, _ etc., 317-18, etc.; Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 12,680, p. 772; 23, in Opere, IV, 48-49; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, Bembo, Epp., X, 7, in Opere, IV, 78; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad no. 104, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 44, and cf. Hefele, Hergenrother, ann. 1514, no. 47, vol. XXXI (1877), p. 71, letter of 12 No-

and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 503. vember, to Fabrizio del Carretto, grand master of Rhodes, and *© Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5984, p. 380; Bembo, Epp., VI, 25, — see, ibid., nos. 37 ff., pp. 67 ff.; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, in Opere, IV, 49; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 105- Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, fols. 113”, 116", 120", 126”, 129°-

6, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 44-45. 130°, 135’, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel.

46 Sanudo, Diari, XVII, 37~38, dispatches dated at Istanbul 49 Sanudo, Diari, XIX, 210, 249-52. Tidings from the East on 25 July and 6 August, 1513, from the Venetian bailie Nic- | made some impression on monarchs in the West. Francis I in-

colo Giustinian, and cf., ibid., cols. 79, 110, 159. formed Henry VIII of his desire to see a union of the Christian

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 153 That Leo X should immediately inform the am- this traditional practice or that, and something bassadors of the Christian states concerning the might go wrong here or there when a feast day Turkish victory over the Persians was to be ex- was celebrated, a member of the pope’s family was pected. The pope naturally relied upon the dip- married, a cardinal was buried, or a prince was lomatic corps as his chief link with the various received at the Curia Romana, nevertheless papal states of Europe. Rome was a clearing house of ceremonies were staged with apparently unerring international news and the major center for the propriety, with unfaltering dignity, and with all dissemination of views touching the affairs of seemly expedition. ‘The ambassadors were always Christendom. In many subtle ways the papacy ex-_ present. While they might talk business in undererted its influence upon Europe by the impression tones, they too were caught up in the spectacle it made upon the ambassadors, and this may be and vastly impressed by the gala and brilliance of an appropriate place to consider the nature of this the Roman ceremonial, which seemed to flow

influence. from an inexhaustible treasury of social ingenuity,

The diplomatic corps was given an important and took account of the minutest details of rank, part in almost all ceremonies in Rome. The Ro-_ office, and reputation. man people were merely spectators, playing no At all the courts of Europe richness of dress was larger part in events than the numerous pilgrims regarded as a courtesy to the chief of state and to and visitors always to be found in the city. As the the participants in diplomatic functions. Sanudo center of Christendom, Rome was also the chief often describes the garb of ambassadors and other school of diplomacy in Europe, where court eti- visiting dignitaries. When the meetings or cerequette was brought to its ultimate refinement, and monies related to the crusade, the presence of the where ambassadors of the great powers actually entire diplomatic corps was especially important, learned significant details of ceremonial for the as on 31 October, 1514, when Leo summoned all first time. Precedence at functions was a matter the ambassadors to inform them of the Turkish of great moment. The ambassadors often quar- victory over the Persians. The crusade could only reled with one another as to where they should _ be an international undertaking, and gatherings stand or sit or march until the harassed master of designed to promote it required an international ceremonies settled the dispute, which sometimes _ representation.” had to be referred to the pope himself. Actually this ceremonial was largely Byzantine in origin, Anti-Turkish oratory was a good way to open and the influence of the imperial court at Con- a session of the Fifth Lateran Council, where the stantinople upon the curial etiquette of Rome still crusade was under constant discussion. Fear of the

survives into our own day. Turk sometimes inspired eloquence, and the bar-

Few kings were the intellectual equals of the barity of the Turk was a safe theme, for everyone popes, and few kings could dominate a reception was opposed to the sultan and the pashas. At a by mere presence and sheer personality to the ex- solemn ecclesiastical gathering it was entirely aptent that Pius II or Sixtus IV, Alexander VI or propriate to extol the blessings of peace and the Julius II, or even Leo X, did as a daily routine of horrors of warfare among Christians. It was not their exalted office. Although the papal masters politic, however, to specify the terms upon which of ceremonies, Johann Burchard and Paride Grassi, might complain of the pope’s willful disregard of

°° Cf, Maulde-la-Claviére, La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel,

Oo 3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 272-83 and ff. Obviously the dip-

princes in an expedition against the Turks (cf the dispatches _lomatic correspondence is a major source for all crusading plans of Sebastiano Giustinian, Venetian ambassador in London, proposed during this period. At Innsbruck on 1 March, 1515, dated 6 December, 1515, and 21 January, 1516, trans. Rawdon Maximilian declared his willingness to join the proposed antiBrown, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, 2 vols., London, ‘Turkish league (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. VI, 1854, I, 146, 165). Henry VIII was said even to wanttoattempt Reg. 39, fols. 159"-169"): “. . . ex sinceritate cordis nostri moti the conquest of Jerusalem, which was thought possible with — hiis paternis commonitionibus [i.e., Beatitudinis suae de infi25,000 men (Sanudo, Diarti, XVIII, 174). Despite occasional delibus] dedimus sufficiens et amplum mandatum magnifico grandiose statements, however, Henry took little account of | nostro et Sacri Romani Imperii dilecto Alberto Pio comiti Carpi Turkish activities, according to Giustinian; the English seemed __consiliario et apud eandem Beatitudinem Pontificis oratori noto confine their foreign policy to anxiety about French and _ stro ex arbitrio et beneplacito suae Sanctitatis huiusmodi foedus, Italian affairs (ibid., XXIII, 405). On Giustinian’s appointment unionem et confederationem componendi. . ._,”’ which union to the English mission in late December, 1514, cf, ibid, XIX, was to have a more than ambitious objective: *“‘non de defen338, 355. The Venetian government professed to believe that denda iam a Turcis tota Republica Christiana et praecipue Henry VIII was most eager to see a union of the Christian Italia, sed de recuperandis imperiis regnisque nostris quae mapowers against the Turks (Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State —_xima illi cum Christiani nominis clade atque ignominia occupa-

Papers. . . , Venice, II [London, 1867], no. 754, p. 313). vere. . .”’ (ibid., fols. 159°-160", 161°).

154 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT one prince might justly be reconciled with an- quickly became and always remained a strong adother. This was the function of the diplomat, vocate of the crusade. In addresses made before whose chief armory was the appendix of secret Innocent VIII on 3 June, 1487, and again on 20 articles he was always prepared to add toa treaty. April, 1492, he had lamented the failure of the The tenth session of the Lateran Council opened Christian princes to take up arms against the Turks, on 4 May, 1515. There was some tension in the who continued their career of conquest without lordly congregation of twenty-four cardinals, abatement. On 1 November, 1492, Stefano had twelve archbishops, sixty-one bishops, curial offi- urged the crusade and the vindication of the Chriscials, and the members of the diplomatic corps in _ tian name upon Alexander VI, of whom he seemed Rome, for every week the prospect was increasing to entertain high expectations. From February to of a French invasion of Italy. In the meantime the late August, 1500, while Alexander was planning

business of the Church must go on. a crusade, Stefano had composed three tracts with

Mass was celebrated by the Polish Archbishop general considerations and some futile proposals John Laski, who had given sucha moving exposition for organizing an expedition. When nothing came of the Turkish danger in a public consistory two _ of his efforts, he submitted his memoranda to the years before (in June, 1513). The opening discourse Curia Romana again in 1513, witha new dedication was given by the aged Stefano Taleazzi, who held to Leo X.°? the archiepiscopal title of Patras in Greece, and had Now in addressing the tenth session of the counbeen the bishop of Torcello near Venice for almost cil (on 4 May, 1515), Stefano Taleazzi dwelt on

thirty years. Stefano was well known in Rome for the unity of the Church under papal authority, his anti-Turkish oratory. As early as December, happily restored after the Gallican schism but soon 1480, when he was archbishop of Antivari, he had to be disrupted by the Lutheran revolt. He empreached a sermon in S. John Lateran on the ne-_ phasized the desperate need for ecclesiastical recessity of the crusade, which the contemporary form, which had to be effected before a crusade diarist Jacopo Gherardi da Volterra informs us was_ could be put in motion. Finally he turned to the

well received.*! pope, Stefano Taleazzi is also known to have delivered ; Ly:

; _ . you who have the plenitude of power within yourself

some forty-six sermons at religious ceremonies, of- . . . 1 by your decree true reform both in spiritual and ten in the papal presence, during the next three temporal matters will have to spread everywhere in the decades or so. A curial prelate, Stefano had lived world: take up therefore the twice-sharpened sword of mostly in Rome through the years, and Sixtus IV divine power entrusted to you, and order, command, had employed him on at least one important dip- decree that universal peace and social union be mainlomatic mission. Under Alexander VI he became _ tained among Christians for at least ten years. . . since a papal chaplain. Traveling back and forth between our enemy [the Turk] like a ferocious dragon moves his native Venice and Rome—and in both places forward in haste to devour us!

he heard a good deal about the Turk—Stefano Amid his learned and lugubrious reflections on creation and redemption, the mystery of Christ’s 1 Jacopo Gherardi, Diario Romano, ad ann. 1480, ed. Enrico incarnation, the perverters of divine law and idolCarusi, RISS, new ed., XXIII, pt. 3 (Citta di Castello, 1904), aters, and the mission of the Church as the City 33, where Stefano is however described as a vir maioris elegantie of God—the Lateran Council was going to reform quam doctrine, and Gherardi also refers toa sermon which Stefano and protect the Church against all enemies of the

gave in S. Peter’s on I January, 1482, in the presence of Sixtus Ft __ Stefano recounted one by one the Turkish barensis [1473-1485], orationem habuit, qui quantum alias in conquests of Greek lands and the terrifying oceodem munere dicendi fuerat commendatus, tantum presenti cupation of Otranto in 1480. Here he described actione damnatus fuit . . .” (¢bid., ad ann. 1482, p. 85). Ap- the Turkish danger in almost the same words as

IV: ‘Stephanus vero Teliacius Venetus, archiepiscopus Anti- To

parently Stefano’s oratory was not always a success. His anti-

Turkish sermon of 27 December, 1480, given in S. John Lat- §————————-

eran, was printed immediately: Sermo habitus in materia fide °2 See the article by Bernardino Feliciangeli, ‘“‘Le Proposte contra Turcorum persecutionem ex solemnitate gloriosi apostoli loannis, _ per la guerra contro i Turchi presentate da Stefano Taleazzi,

Rome: [Steph. Plannck,] 1481 [1480]. Considering the fact that | vescovo di Torcello, a Papa Alessandro VI,” Archiio della R. the Turks held Otranto at the time Stefano gave this sermon, = Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XL (Rome, 1917), 5-63. On we can understand how he made a greater impression with it Taleazzi’s three tracts, note Volume II, pp. 525-26. than most of his other lucubrations seem to have achieved. 53 Oratio habita in decima sessione [1515], pp. Ci-Cii; Raynaldus, Although Stefano Taleazzi enjoyed the favor of Sixtus IV Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1515, nos. 7-9, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 92and Alexander VI, at the time of the League of Cambrai he 94; Feliciangeli, ‘‘Proposte per la guerra contro 1 Turchi,”’ pp. was excommunicated on 12 October, 1509, for the non-pay- 22-23.Cf. Mansi, Sacra concilia, XX XII (Paris, 1902), cols. 662,

ment of tithes (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 245). 916-29.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 155 he had employed thirty-five years before in the formed. Although usually resident in Rome, SteLateran basilica when in December, 1480, he had fano was a good Venetian, and when he returned warned Sixtus IV of the perilous plight of Chris- home he doubtless heard a good deal more about tendom. Probably very few, if any, of his auditors the Turkish menace to Venetian ships and trading realized he was reusing the text. In 1480 the — stations in Greece and the Aegean islands. Turks were in Otranto; in 1515 they were ranging For more than halfa century no power in Europe the Tyrrhenian Sea. But the times had changed, had put upa more determined and costly resistance and men’s fears had changed with them. Taleazzi to the Turk than Venice, although she had done was applauded for his sermon in 1480. In 1515 _ so for reasons that had little to do with Christianity. he was not. As an old man, however, he was less The Turkish advance weighed heavily on the Venehopeful of something really being done to stop the _ tian mind. Schoolboys learned lists of the Christian Turk. Indeed at the end of the third tract which _ losses, and statesmen, diplomats, and historians kept

he had prepared in 1500 for Alexander VI and more extensive lists at hand for reference.°° Time had resubmitted in 1513 to Leo X, Taleazzi asks and experience taught the Venetians how to get pardon for the inadequacy of his detailed outline along with the Turks, but they never found it an of the men, money, and material necessary to pro- easy matter. Thus on 16 May, 1513, shortly after ceed against the Turk, because he now entertained Leo X’s accession, the Venetian Senate by a vote the “suspicion that nothing will be done” (suspitio of 165 to five authorized the Collegio to spend up

quod nihil fiet).* to 200 ducats on a gift for “‘Iachia’’ (Yahya) Pasha, Quite as inadequate for the practical further- the sanjakbey of Bosnia, “‘dal qual po proceder assai ance of plans for the crusade was his blithe as- bene, tenendolo amico et benivolo.”°’ While the sumption that the pope in the plenitude of his Venetians were looking for some advantage from power could impose peace upon the princes. But the purchased friendship of Yahya Pasha, their Taleazzi did his best, and enlivened his discourse _ shipping in Greek waters was being harassed by the with the usual violations of virgins, screams of chil- Turkish corsair whom they knew as Caramassan,

dren, laments of matrons, and the slaughter of whose activities the Ottoman government apparChristians or their sale into slavery.°” He spoke ently made little effort to restrain. But a report of like a voice from the past. His unadorned style 10 June from Corfu describes how five Venetian evoked no praise on this occasion; his arguments _ ships (two galleys from Candia and three fuste from lacked classical illustrations; and his plea for ec- Coron) swept Caramassan from the sea and captured clesiastical reform reminded members of the Curia _ the three fuste with which he plied his trade. The

Romana that they would be the first to be re- corsair fled into the mountains, ‘‘and so the said galleys arrived here at Corfu yesterday, with the

pp. 29, 63. famous a corsair.

°4 Feliciangeli, “‘Proposte per la guerra contro i Turchi,”’ high honor of having achieved this victory Over So 55 Oratio habita in decima sessione, die quarta Mau, MDXV, per

reverendum patrem dominum Stephanum, archepiscopum Patracen- — sem, without imprint of place or printer. Taleazzi’s sermon is 56 Cf., for example, Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Ottob. lat. also given in J. Hardouin, Acta conciliorum, 1X (Paris, 1714), 2204, fols. 71'-78*: “Tutti li acquisti de’ Turchi cosi di terra 1784-92, and Mansi, XXXII, cols. 916-29. Usually resident come di mare della Repubblica Veneta colli suoi tempi,’’ which in Rome, Taleazzi had been replaced by Girolamo di Porzia comes down to about the year 1463 (cf. fol. 77°), a carelessly in the see of Torcello (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallen- — written MS. of the mid-seventeenth century dealing with Turkberg, Mierarchia catholica, 11 [1923], 315), ‘el qual ha otenuto __ ish history and affairs.

domino Hironimo di Porzia episcopo novo publicato in con- °7 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 124". cistorio, licet il vescovo vechio [Taleazzi] sia vivo, ma |’ ha 58 Sanudo, Diari, XVI, 433. Turkish harassment of the Greek renonciato, et €a Roma con il suo titolo arziepiscopo di Patras’ _ islands was constant (ibid., XVIII, 359), and Moslem corsairs, (Sanudo, Diari, XVII, 151). With the obviously wrong date _ especially from North Africa, were harrying the Italian coasts 4 April for 4 May, 1515, Sanudo, XX, 194, records a dispatch (cf. Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIIIfrom Marin Zorzi (Giorgi), Venetian ambassador in Rome, re- 1 [1917], 504). In April, 1518, Moslem corsairs from North ceived in Venice on 9 May: ‘‘Questa matina siamo intraticum Africa (Mori) came to the mouth of the Tiber, seized all the la Santita del Pontifice nel Concilio. . . . La prima cosa, fu. wine ships, and sent the Cardinal Raffaele Riario, who was then cantata la messa per uno episcopo orator del re de Polonia; da_—_at_ Ostia, scurrying back to Rome in terror (Sanudo, Diaru, poi fu fatta una prolisa oratione per el vescovo vechio olim de XXV, 366, and cf. col. 460). Some months later two Turkish Torzello, ne la qual se porto bene atenta la grandeza de lianni _fuste captured a papal galley (ibid., XX VI, 93, 142, 165, 212, sui. . . !’” The aged Stefano was back in Venice on 1 July, 213). Corsairs were also active in Sicilian waters (zbid., XX VI, 1515, concerned about the affairs of Torcello (Sanudo, Diarn, 19, 38). Corsairs, presumably Christians, were also a problem XX, 350). On the tenth session of the council, see Hefele, for the Turks, who accused the island dynasts of the Archipelago Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), — of abetting them (ibid., XXV, 154, 158, 182). The sultan also 464 ff., who seem to know little or nothing about Taleazzi. tried to destroy Turkish corsairs (ibid., XX VI, 194).

156 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT High honor it may have been, but the struggle against the Christian subjects of the sultan was to with the Turk, whether in diplomacy or warfare, _ be valid in court. The bailie could take charge of was unremitting, and Venice was no match for the — the goods left by Venetians who died in Turkey.

Ottoman empire. As the Republic lost ground Moslem merchants were not to be molested in through the years, it became clear to everyone Venetian territory when they paid the required duthat only France and England, Spain and the Ger- _ ties on their wares. Likewise no Turkish subject was man empire were capable of protecting the Chris- _ to harass Venetians or others engaged in trade while tian front against the attacks of Islam. The weary _ they sailed on the Adriatic from Corfu to Venice.

Signoria of Venice, however, was more interested Venice would continue to pay the annual tribute in peace with the Turk than in the concord of the of 500 ducats for Zante, and Sultan Selim swore to Christian princes, and on 17 October, 1513, the observe the articles of the present pact.°9

Venetians renewed their truce with the Sublime It might well be, as one of the pope’s friends Porte. The agreement was negotiated by theiram- wrote the young Lorenzo de’ Medici (on 16 Aubassador Antonio Giustinian. The text is instruc- gust, 1514), that ‘“‘our lord [the pope] remains very tive. The Venetians’ safety was assured in Istanbul, well, thanks to God, and does nothing else than Pera, Caffa, Trebizond, and elsewhere in the Ot- make plans for the expedition against the Turk, toman dominions. The Porte recognized Venetian and he says he wants to go in person.’®’ In any suzerainty over all the ports and lands the Repub-_ event it is clear that the Venetians did not intend lic then possessed as well as over those she might to go with him.

conquer from other Christian states. The duchy Venice had long had trouble at home as well as of Naxos and its dependencies were included in abroad. Although the proud banner of the winged the truce. Neither Venetians nor Turks were to _ lion flew from forts as well as galleys in Greek terinflict loss or injury upon the other. If the Turkish _ ritories, Venetian commerce was declining. Unarmada should undertake an expedition against doubtedly the new Portuguese and Spanish trade any area not under Venetian control, the Republic routes around South Africa and to the new world was to observe a strict neutrality without making — tended to depress Venetian commerce. Lamansky, any effort to render aid to the people being at- however, noted years ago the close connection betacked or impeding the Turks in any way. Both _ tween the decline of the Venetian merchant marine

powers were to try to suppress piracy. and the extortions of the customs officials. Without If either a Venetian or Turkish merchant, accepting the full severity of Lamansky’s strictures, doing business in the territory of one of the high one may acknowledge that the checks and balances contracting parties, should fraudulently try to es- of Venetian government tended to weaken excape debt by fleeing into the jurisdiction of the ecutive power. In the courts justice was slow, and other, steps were to be taken to satisfy the injured advocates, syndics, and other magistrates were concreditor. A Venetian bailie might reside in Istanbul for three-year periods. Slaves escaping from = —————— Venice into Turkey were to be redeemed for 1000 *® Sultan Selim’s declaration of peace and friendship with aspers if they had become Moslems. Those who | the Venetians may be found in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia,

. oe . Documenti turchi, document dated at Adrianople on 17 Oc-

remained Christian were to be returned to their (once 1573 (17 Sha‘ban, A. H. 919]. It is addressed to the Venetian owners. Venice would observe the same Doge Leonardo Loredan. The document has a tergo the folprovisions with respect to Turkish slaves. Mer- lowing note ina contemporary hand: “‘U Capitula pacis Sultani

chants and others suffering shipwreck were to en- Selimi inite per virum nobilem Antonium Justinianum doctorem, j oy the full prote ction of their goods and property. or[atorjem venetum, 1513 cum inclusa traductione sub hoc : signo U,”’ but the extant and apparently contemporary transThe naval officers of both powers were to refrain lation does not bear this sign, and is misdated 17 August. On from all acts of hostility, the one against the other, 3 December, 1513, the Venetian government wrote both the or suffer appropriate penalties for their violation © sultan and the bailie in Istanbul of its full acceptance of the of the terms of the present agreement. The Vene- terms of the peace (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 46, fol. 28%): ““. . . se . ye: . - 4: . I’ armada de la Excellentia vostra andera in alcun loco che non tian bailie in Istanbul might adjudicate disp ules appartenga a la Signoria nostra, che nui ne la nostra armata and cases arising among Venetians, while the latter jon dara alcun impedimento a quella de vostra illustrissima were not to be molested or charged either at Le- Signoria né dara favor a quel loco dove andera !’ armata sua.” panto or in the Morea for the debts of their fellow In other words, if the Turks attacked Sicily or southern Italy,

citizens. the Venetian fleet would not interfere. . Venetians who did not establish some sort of res- ° See Pastor, Hist. Popes, VU, 215, with note, and Gesch. d.

. ; ; Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 147-48, with note, for the letter of

idence in Turkish territory were not to pay the non- Baldassare da Pescia to Lorenzo de’ Medici, dated 16 August,

Moslem tribute or kharaj. Testimony of Christians = 1514.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 157 niving. The police were inadequately organized. conferences which Leo X was then organizing ‘‘in Incarceration was a common punishment; the pris- materia dil Turcho,”’ but merely to affirm that Venons were in a deplorable state. Life and property ice had always fought for Christendom against the were doubtless less secure than has sometimes been Turks, and would not be lacking when the European assumed.°' Various entries in Sanudo’s Diarii de- princes were ready to embark on a crusade with scribe robberies, assaults, and murders in the un- deeds and not mere words.®° It was not an unrealighted campi and rughette when night fell upon the — sonable position.

city. The canals and ri were always at hand to re- We have already noted the papal encyclical of ceive the victims. In Leo X’s time Venice was inno 3 September, 1513, announcing the lordly Car-

mood to embark on a crusade. dinal Thomas Bakocz’s dispatch to Hungary to

Leo was quite aware of the Venetians’ reluctance launch a crusade against the Turks. From the time

to embroil themselves with the Turks. On 5 July, of his arrival in Buda, however, Bakocz found 1515, he wrote the Doge Leonardo Loredan that nothing but trouble. The military propensities of while he realized the Serenissima’s treaties ( foedera) the Hungarians, rich and poor alike, turned from with the Turks made any overt action against them crusade to civil war as the peasants rose up against impossible, still it was incumbent upon him as pope _ the feudality.°* A report reaching Marino Sanudo to take steps to check the ceaseless Turkish incur- in July, 1514, was to the effect that Bakocz had

sions. Leo had ordered the construction of some succeeded in recruiting an army of 40,000 “‘per galleys at Ancona for service against the Turks,and far la cruciata e andar contra Turchi,” but his now he wanted the doge to supply cannon and other unruly crusaders soon began ravaging the counarmaments for them. He said that he was sending _ tryside. They killed a bishop and collected a good a member of his household, a Venetian, to explain deal of booty, whereupon there were gatherings his intentions further, ‘‘and I have also instructed of the Hungarian barons, who took the field ‘‘conhim to run down at Venice certain Greek books of _ tra questi di la cruciata, ch’ é populazo.’’®°

which I have need, and if you will oblige him in It is not clear that Leo X understood the full this, I shall be most grateful.’’°* Since Leo had small gravity of the situation in Hungary, for he wrote hope of getting the cannon, we can only hope that —Ladislas II on 21 September, 1514, that Bakocz

he got the books. had informed him that thousands of Hungarian The Venetians still had a large stake in the Le- warriors could march against the Turks if only the vant. If there was really going to be a crusade, they funds could be found to support them. Leo promcould not afford to participate in a failure. Their ised Ladislas a contribution of 50,000 ducats topolicy was cautious and consistent. Thus on 6 No-

vember, 1517, the Council of Ten instructed the ~ . Venetian ambassador in Rome not to attend the Sanudo, Diart, XXV, 71. A Turkish ambassador, Ali Beg,

had just arrived in Venice, as observed elsewhere in this study (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 86-87).

———— 64 Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 174, 190, 201, 240, 340, 349; A. °! Vladimir Lamansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, Desjardins and G. Canestrini, Négociations diplomatiques de la

1884, repr. New York, 1968, pp. 671 ff., especially the quo- France avec la Toscane, II (Paris, 1861), 648, 669. The Turk tations from documents in the notes. In the discussion of his | was always a major problem for the Hungarians (cf Sanudo, texts Lamansky usually tends to be anti-Venetian, butasagen- Diuaru, XVI, 21, 57, 260, 261-62, 312, 326-27, 354-55, 375, eral corrective to his large awareness of Venetian shortcomings, 415, 436, 441, 447, 587, 588, 657-58, 673). On Saturday, 4 cf. James C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility asa Ruling June, 1513, ‘in congregation il Papa [Leone X] dete la cruciata

Class, Baltimore, 1962 (Johns Hopkins University Studies in al regno di Hongaria contra turcas”’ (tbid., XVI, 356).

Historical and Political Science, ser. LX XX, no. 2). ®5 Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 350. A report from Buda, dated 62 I eonis X. regesta, II, no. 16,292, p. 132, and Bembo, Epp., 11 August, 1514, shows that the uprising of peasant “‘crusaders’’

X, 45, in Opere, IV, 87. Leo presumably needed the Greek _ had created social and economic chaos in Hungary (ibid., XIX, books because, with the encouragement of the Greek scholar 13-17, and ¢f. cols. 99-103). The “‘crusaders’’ were suppressed and diplomat Janus Lascaris, he had recently established the _ in less thana year (2bid., XX, 57). Cf Vladimir Lamansky, Secrets ‘‘ginnasio greco” on the Quirinal in Rome, on which see M. a’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, 1884, repr. New York, 1968, I. Manousakas, ‘“The Presentation by Janus Lascaris of the First pp. 430-33; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 214-15, and Gesch. d. Pupils in the Greek Gymnasium in Rome to Pope Leo X (15 Papste, IV-1 (repr. 1956), 147; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, February, 1514)" [in Greek], O ’Epaviorns, I (1963), 161-72. Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, fol. 120", from the diary of MarA few years later, in 1520, Francis I also undertook to set up =cantonio Michiel. This was of course the revolt of the ‘‘Kuin Milan “uno studio de lettere graece ad restitutione dela ruczok”’ (i.e., Cruciati, crusaders) led by George (Gyorgy) Dozsa, lingua et scientia greca,’”’ but he failed to support the school, | whom Bakocz had employed to recruit a peasant army, of which and the expense fell on Lascaris, who could not afford to con- _ he soon lost control. Dozsa then went along with the desire of tinue it, and addressed a remonstrance to the French court on _ the rank and file in his forces to strike at the Magyar feudality 14 August, 1522 (Giuseppe Molini, Document: di storia italiana, and high clergy. When finally defeated, Dozsa was tortured to

I (Florence, 1836], no. LXXIX, pp. 162-64). death.

158 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ward a properly organized army that would ac-_ those of the corrupt and grasping nobles at the tually take the field against the Turks (s2 justum royal court in Buda. exercitum conficere atque in Turcas impetum facere sta- Ladislas II, king of Hungary and Bohemia, died

tueris).°° But Hungarian warriors were already on 13 March, 1516, leaving his ten-year-old son finding abundant employment in their own coun- Louis to occupy his shaky thrones. The ruling clique

try, where the crusade had taken the form of a at the court of Buda had Louis declared of age to social revolution of the peasants against the cruel rule in order to escape interference from his exalted exploitation of their landlords. It lasted almost a guardians, the Emperor Maximilian and King Sigyear, and from this “crusade” obviously the Turks ismund of Poland. By his last will and testament

suffered no harm. Ladislas had committed his son to the care of CarTo the Hungarians, Turkish attacks had come dinal Bakocz, who ruled Hungary for the next five to seem as inevitable as the social chaos under years (until his death in 1521). Conditions in the which they had been living since the death of the kingdom could hardly have been worse. Leo X sent

great Matthias Corvinus a quarter of a century his relative Roberto Latino Orsini, archbishop of before. Fortunately for them, Sultan Selim was Reggio in Calabria, a papal referendary and doconstantly engaged in campaigns against the mestic prelate, on a mission to Hungary and Poland. Persians and Mamluks. Nevertheless, along the Orsini went as a nuncio with the full powers of a Hungarian borders the need for defense was un-_ /egatus de latere. In the bull of appointment addressed remitting, and in this connection Pietro Bembo _ to Orsini on 2 April (1516) Leo lamented the great addressed an interesting letter in the pope’s name __loss which Christendom had suffered in Ladislas’ to the incompetent Ladislas (on 30 March, 1515). death, for according to the bull he had been “‘like Leo X had just taken steps, he wrote, to send sup- an intrepid pugilist of Christ and a strong athlete plies to certain towns exposed to Turkish attack against the monstrous madness of the Turks,” and on the eastern front. Wheat and barley were being _ had achieved glorious triumphs of victory over their sent, various pieces of ordnance (tormenta etiam “‘continual attacks and horrible ferocity.”’ (We may varti generis aliquot), ‘‘and 1000 pounds of powder _ observe, parenthetically, that the eloquence of papal prepared for firing cannon, 10,000 pounds of sul- writers was seldom employed so badly as in extolling

phur, and 5,000 pounds of saltpeter,”’ from which the virtues of this feeble champion of the faith.) more powder could be made when it was needed. Leo had a particular love and consideration, he The pope was also providing 2,000 ducats, which — said, for the Hungarian kingdom, which stood as money and supplies were to be used according to Europe’s bulwark (antemurale) against the Turks. the wishes of Peter Beriszlo (Berislavic), the ban Discord and dissension seemed likely to follow Lad( praefectus) of Croatia and bishop of Veszprém. _ islas’ death, however, to the terrible detriment of Leo had been informed that the threatened towns _ the Christian cause, and Leo expressed his hope to required refortification, and he was sending Orsini that peace and quiet might be brought about 20,000 ducats which must be used largely for re- in the kingdom. Leo was sending Orsini to work

building walls and clearing moats.°’ with Bakocz to allay the hostilities of commoners The Hungarian towns were certainly in a des- and nobles, remove strife, and seek the ends of perate plight; they required everything, and the Justice, so that with political peace and social tranMagyar nobility would contribute nothing. The quillity in Hungary Christian arms might be turned peasant uprising of 1514 had prepared the way against the Turks.°* for a full-scale Turkish invasion, which in time was sure to come. If the pope’s assistance was woefully §————W——_.

inadequate, it was at least something, and if there 68 Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 216-17, and append., no. 12, pp.

were too many polos ithe Corin Rotanty $450 md Goce abe ee, 0) Li their deficiencies were as nothing compared with Reggio from 1512 to 1320 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and SchinitzKallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, I11 [1923], 284). Cf Bembo,

—___O Epp., XII, 3-5, in Opere, IV, 101-2: “*. . . quae municipia isto

°° Leon X. regesta, 1, no. 11,826, p. 730, and Bembo, Epp., in regno [Hungariae] vicina oppositaque Turcis sunt atque in X, 3, in Opere, 1V, 76; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1514, no. | summa rerum omnium inopia versantur celerisque auxilii mag-

51, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 72-73. This letter is alluded to, but’ nopere indigent, ea in re omnem meam curam adhibebo damisdated 27 September, in Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, | boque operam ut eis omnibus in tempore succuratur. Itaque

Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 503. volo bono vos animo esse neque vereri quin a me omnia paterna

6” Leonis X. regesta, 11, no. 14,790, p. 60; Bembo, Epp., X, in vos officia procurationesque proficiscantur . . .” (letter to

23, in Opere, IV, 82, and cf. Epp., X, 24-25, pp. 82-83. Bakocz dated at Rome on 25 March, 1516).

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 159 If the Doge Leonardo Loredan sent Leo X the While offering a papal alliance to Francis I if the Greek books he had requested in July, 1515, the latter would give up the old Angevin claim to Narecent march of events could have left Leo little ples, Leo X delayed publishing his adherence to time to study them. The death of Louis XII at the anti-French league. It was not merely that Leo Paris on the night of 31 December, 1514, had practised a diplomacy of duplicity, which he did. brought to the French throne Francis I, in whom He was a cautious man who made a policy of posta youthful love of adventure was combined with ponement, and his natural indecision was usually a desire for military glory. Diplomats of the anti- prolonged by timidity.”° Even as the French were French powers were as usual trying to forge the moving toward Italy, and he was making financial links of another league which should organize the payments to the Swiss and Spanish troops, Leo was resources of pope and emperor, king of Spain and _ still prepared to reach an accord with Francis, produke of Milan, as well as of the Swiss and the Gen-_ vided 1) Parma and Piacenza remained with the oese to frustrate the French king’s inevitable at- states of the Church, 2) Francis made a lasting peace

tempt to reconquer the Milanese duchy.” with Ferdinand the Catholic, because the interminable Franco-Spanish wars were impeding papal ef-

ee forts to launch a crusade against the Turks (/a sancta On 11 April Leo expressed his anxiety about conditions in impresa contro a li Infidel), and 3) Francis ceded his Hungary, where the king was now a boy, to Sigismund of Poland claims (ragioni) to the kingdom of Naples either to

(Bembo, Epp., XII, 7, pp- 102-3). Ladislas had committed the hig Holiness or to a third party acceptable both to

boy to the especial protection of the Holy See (Raynaldus, Ann. the Curia R d to the French court. The eccl., ad ann. 1516, no. 61, vol. XX XI [1877], p. 131), and in € Uurla NKomana and to eNCn | a May Leo addressed an urgent appeal to Sigismund to help the Holy See could not tolerate control by a single prince Hungarians against the Turkish peril, ‘in quo non solum Dal- of states in both northern and southern Italy (perche matia et Croatia, sed totum etiam regnum Hungariae, . . .et Jaq Chiesa non resti in mezo d’ un principe che sia signore

13334) tota Christianitas vertitur’’ (2bid., nos. 69-71, pp. del capo et de la coda d’ Italia). lFrancis saw no neThe Venetians were on excellent terms with the Turks, with whom they had la bona pace et amicitia, on which cf. the Doge =—§ ————————

Leonardo Loredan’s letters to the sultan dated 1 September, _ latter’s son Niccolo (1503-1547), who became a cardinal under 1515 (Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, 7). But the Hungarians were ex- Paul III (see Guasti, op. cit., pp. 16-21). Leo X’s gradual entry pecting a Turkish attack, for ‘il Turcho fa gran preparamenti into the league against Francis I may be studied in the second per invader quel regno, unde mandano oratori al Papa, Franza instalment of Guasti’s edition of these documents (b:d., pp. 221 e a la Signoria nostra a exortar a la pace et darli aiuto contra __ff., and note Sanudo, XIX, 430).

Turchi. . . ,” according to a report of the Venetian ambas- ’° To his natural indecisiveness Leo X added an amiable but sador in Buda dated 25-26 August, 1515 (zbid., XXI, 53). Lad- closed personality. The imperial ambassador Alberto Pio da islas’ death on 13 March, 1516, was known in Venice by 23— Carpi observes ina letter of 16 August, 1513, ‘“Vere non aeque 24 March (Sanudo, Diarii, XXII, 63, and cf. cols. 130 ff.). The mihi notus est animus omnibus in rebus Leonis uti [ulii fuerat, report of Antonio Surian, Venetian ambassador to Hungary, tum quia natura non ita apertus est, tum quia non adhuc tanta was given to the Senate on 18 December, 1516, after hisreturn —familiaritate coniunctus sum uti Iulio fueram”’ (MS. 414, Lea from the political chaos of the threatened realm. It is sum- Library, Univ. of Penna.). In 1514 Leo X tried hard to deflect

marized in Sanudo’s Diari, XXIII, 348-54. Hungary was by the Venetians from their natural inclination toward France, now well along the road that led to Mohacs (cf. in general Wil- sending Pietro Bembo on a futile mission to the Signoria in helm Fraknoi, Ungarn vor der Schlacht be: Mohacs [1524-1526], | December, on which see Vittorio Cian, ‘‘A proposito di un’ German trans. from Hungarian by J. H. Schwicker, Budapest, ambascieria di M. Pietro Bembo,” Archivio veneto, n.s., XX X-2 1886), and was a source of constant concern and apprehension (1885), 355-407, and ibid., XXX-1 (1886), 71-128. in the Curia Romana (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, ”| “Manoscritti Torrigiani,” in Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., Reg. 6 [from the Archivum Consistoriale], fols. 142", 226”). XXVI (1877), 180, a letter of Giuliano de’ Medici written in 6° In the spring of 1514 Cardinal Matthias Lang, Maximilian’s August, 1515, when it appeared that the duke of Savoy might special envoy to Rome, had tried to arrange an alliance of Leo attempt mediation between France and the Holy See (cf. Pastor, X, Maximilian, and Ferdinand the Catholic, “‘e a questa il Papa Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], 77). Francis I had renewed non a voluto concluder’” (Sanudo, Diarti, XVIII, 210). The with the Venetians on 27 June, 1515, the alliance made in the political machinations of the spring and early summer of 1514 _ treaty of Blois more than two years before (Sanudo, Diari, XX, may be followed in Cesare Guasti, ed., ‘‘I Manoscritti Torrigiani 436). Leo X subscribed to the terms of the anti-French league donati al R. Archivio Centrale di Stato di Firenze,” Arch. stor. on 30 July (@bid., XX, 449), and the Venetian ambassador wrote

italiano, 3rd ser., XIX (Florence, 1874), 55 ff. his government on 3 August that the pope ‘“‘mandava danari This collection of documents, hereafter referred to as publice a’ sguizari et a’ spagnohi, et la Liga é conclusa con loro ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ passed by inheritance into the family... ,’’ etc., an interesting and important dispatch (ibid., XX, of the Marchesi Torrigiani in 1816, and was presented to the 470-71, which also shows that French preparations for the instate archives in Florence fifty years later. The collection had vasion of Italy had been completed). been the possession of the Del Nero family, which had acquired As always the diplomatic and other maneuvers may be folit by marriage (in 1629). Most of these documents had belonged lowed in Sanudo, Diarit, XXI, 10, 11, 12 ff., 18 ff, 28 ff., 36-— to Leo X’s secretary Pietro Ardinghelli (1470°?-1526) and the 37, 39 ff., etc., numerous, full, and sometimes excited reports.

160 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cessity of making peace on the pope’s terms, how- the celestial minds advising his Holiness were in ever, and as the Swiss blocked the Alpine passes a quandary, for as Bibbiena wrote Cardinal Giulio north of Susa, Francis entered Italy by the difficult on 18 August (1515), if the latter and the young southern route—through the Col de Larche, Ar- Lorenzo should live a thousand years, they would

gentera, Roccasparvera, and Cuneo—along the not again be called upon to deal with matters of

Stura di Demonte.”” such importance.’*

The Swiss were taken by surprise. Disorgani- The Swiss cardinal, Matthias Schiner, lost nei-

zation, even dissension, soon entered their ranks. _ ther his courage nor his animus against the French,

The Spanish viceroy, Ramon de Cardona, re- but on 30 August Cardinal Giulio wrote Lorenzo mained at Verona on the winding Adige. He _ thatif Schiner insisted upon the light cavalry being lacked funds and was waiting for German rein- sent to his aid, they should go: however, it would forcements; he also feared attack by Venetian not do for them to carry the papal banners.’° On forces; and in any event it was clear that the the afternoon of 13 September (1515), with the French had little to fear from him. Papal troops _ fiery encouragement of the indefatigable Schiner, under the pope’s nephew Lorenzo de’ Medici the Swiss launched an attack upon the French moved slowly. Lorenzo was not anxious to meet camp near Marignano (now Melegnano). A twothe French, and was fearful for the security of day battle ensued, and while the outcome was still Parma and Piacenza. Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, doubtful, Bartolommeo d’ Alviano, commander legate of Bologna, was the young Lorenzo’s advisor, of the Venetian troops, arrived to turn the edbut was constantly in need of advice himself. dying tide into a French victory. Francis I would Giulio’s timidity, however, did not prevent his very shortly become the duke of Milan. It had disagreeing with his papal cousin, who decided to been a fierce encounter. Francis’s commander return Bologna to the Bentivoglio in a belated Gian Giacomo Trivulzio described it as a battle effort to win their support. The pope’s friend and not of men, but of giants, and said that the preformer secretary Bernardo Dovizi, now cardinal vious eighteen battles in which he had taken part of Bibbiena, was even ready to see Modena and_ were, in comparison with Marignano, merely Reggio restored to the duke of Ferrara.’* Indeed, ‘‘child’s play” (battaglie fanciullesche).”° At the beginning of September, 1515, Leo told the Venetian — ciardini, XII, 14, ed. cit., III, 170), but some of them did sign ambassador that “‘il re de Ingalterra e intrato in la nostra liga: an agreement with him (on 8 September), which was immediately

si ha sotoscrito e rompera Franza. . . . E questo femo non _ broken by the arrival of new contingents of Swiss (ibid., pp. obstante le nove avemo per via di Ragusi, di le preparation 172-73). On Lorenzo de’ Medici hovering at Parma and Pigrande fa il Turcho e di armada e di zente contra |’ Hongaria.”’ —_acenza, cf., ibid., XII, 14, pp. 173-74.

(The pope had prepared anti-French briefs, which had not yet 74 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 710-11. On Bibbiena, see been sent.) The ambassador asked, ‘‘Pater Sancte, vol Vostra in general G. L. Moncallero, Il Cardinale Bernardo Dovizi da Santita, ch’ é capo di la Christianita, essere causa di meter Bibbiena, umanista e diplomatico (1470-1520), Florence, 1953. discordia tra Cristiani, che oficio suo e di unir la Christianita © Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 730. Schiner was then at contra infedeli?”’ to which the pope replied, “Il re di Franza_ Piacenza. After the French victory at Marignano, when the ha voluto cussi!”’ (ibid., XX1, 54-55). Leo made Wolsey a car- _ pope was relying on Francis to lead the crusade, Schiner still dinal to secure Henry VIII’s entry in la nostra liga (ibid., XXI, | remained the implacable enemy of the French (‘‘Manoscritti 68, 74, 251, 263-64, and J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers, Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 216, doc. dated Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VII, 1-1 [London, 4 February, 1518). For documents relating to Swiss participa1864, repr. 1965], nos. 91, 374, 780, 887, 910, 929, 960, and __ tion in the events of August and September, 1515, see Albert

1153). Biichi, ed., Korrespondenzen und Akten zur Geschichte des Kardinals

72 Sanudo, Diarii, XX, 527-28, 544, 551, 567; Guicciardini, Matthaeus Schiner, 2 vols., Basel, 1920-25, I, 563 ff. Despite Storia d’ Italia, X11, 12, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 162— Leo X’s many dangerous distractions at this time, his fear of 63, 164-67. On French preparations for the campaign that led = a Turkish attack continued without abatement (J. S. Brewer, to Francis I’s victory at Marignano, as seen by the Florentine — ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VII, 1-1 [London, 1864, ambassador Francesco Pandolfini, see the documents collected — repr. 1965], no. 968, p. 259). Brewer’s edition of the Letters by Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 681 ff. The French arranged and Papers. . . of Henry VIII contains many documents relating for a courier to be captured by the Swiss, bearinga false message __ to the proposed crusade during the reign of Leo X, but since to the duke of Savoy that Francis ‘‘era resoluto passare per 11 — they supply information generally known from other sources, passo di Susa,”’ which the Swiss proceeded to hold with resolute I do not often cite them (see Brewer’s general index under futility (ibid., 11, 703). The progress of the French to the battle “Turks,” ibid., II-2, p. 1765). of Marignano may be followed in the entries in Sanudo’s Diari ’® Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, from the beginning of August on (vols. XX-—XXI), and cf Ro- =: 1963, III, 178-85, with Trivulzio’s statement on p. 184; Martin

docanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X (1931), pp. 75 ff. du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection complete des 78 Cf. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 13, ed. Florence: memoires relatifs a l’ histoire de France, XVII (Paris, 1821), 264Salani, 1963, III, 168-70; Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 704— —_ 69; and cf. the entries in Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, 76-85, 89 ff.,

11, 718 ff. When Francis I tried to negotiate with the Swiss, 100 ff. Reports of Marignano crowded almost all other news they appeared to be ‘“‘pieni di varieta e di confusione’’ (Guic- out of Sanudo’s diaries. The battle had lasted twenty hours

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 161 Leo found the next month very worrisome as he _ the interests of the Medici, and in a secret consis-

and his advisors dealt with French proposals for tory held at Viterbo on Monday, 5 November, peace and presented his own to Francis I, who fourteen cardinals agreed to what Paride Grassi insisted upon the papal surrender of Parma and _ calls the “transmigration” of the pope and the Piacenza as dependencies of the Milanese duchy, Curia to Florence and thence to Bologna, where while agreeing to maintain the Medici in Flor- Leo would celebrate Christmas and meet with the ence.’’ Massimiliano Sforza now abandoned his _ king.®° long-disputed inheritance. Francis entered Milan Pope Leo X entered Florence on 30 November on 11 October, and Francesco Pandolfini wrote (1515) to an extraordinary welcome by his fellow Lorenzo de’ Medici from Milan on the eighteenth _ citizens. Painters, sculptors, architects, and more that Francis was very happy about the accord _ lowly artisans employed all the artistic talent of their which had been arranged between the pope and city on triumphal arches, great statues, and painted himself, ‘‘and he has no other desire than. . . to scenery. Jacopo Sansovino and Andrea del Sarto kiss the feet of his Holiness and in person to render built a wooden facade to enhance the beauty of the him a son’s obedience.’’”® Francis also wanted the — unfinished church of S. Maria del Fiore, where Car-

opportunity to talk directly with the pope, who dinal Giulio said mass. Leo left Florence on Monday,

agreed to travel northward rather than face the 3 December, and on the following Saturday, the possibility of the king’s coming like his predecessor _ eighth, he entered Bologna, where adherents of the

Charles VIII to Rome, where members of the Bentivoglio and even the other citizens gave him a Curia long preserved unhappy memories of Al- cool welcome. King Francis made his appearance exander VI’s problems (in January, 1495). There on 11 December, and was received by the pope in was reason to believe, however, that Francis did public consistory in the great hall on the second not wish to travel south of Bologna.’? This suited floor of the Palazzo Pubblico (the so-called Palazzo d’ Accursio), where so large a crowd had assembled

—_____—. that there was some fear the floor might collapse. (ibid., XX1, 80, 81, 82, 97, 101, 103, 105). Venetian jubilation During the three or four days that followed, Leo is quite understandable (X XI, 118 ff.). Francis entered Milan and Francis alternated solemn ceremonies with prion Thursday, 11 October, 1515 (XXI, 233-34, 236 ff.). See vate discussions. No secretaries were present, no the Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Francois Premier documents were issued, but some notes were taken.

(1515-1536), ed. Ludovic Lalanne, Paris, 1854, repr. New York F ‘s left Bol 15D b d back and London, 1965, pp. 20-28 (Société de I’ Histoire de France), TACs te ( Bologna on ecemDer, anc was Dac

and especially the detailed study of Emil Usteri, Marignano: Die =” France a few weeks later. Leo departed on the Schicksalsjahre 1515-1516 im Blickfeld der historischen Quellen, eighteenth and after a sojourn in Florence, where Zurich, 1974, who has made extensive use of the Swiss (and his brother Giuliano lay ill, the pope and the Curia

other) archival1516, sources. returned to Rome at the endtoof February.®! In November, Andrea Trevisan, Venetian envoy ome a ee uary.

Milan, reported to the Senate that ‘‘Milan é gran terra, 4 gran. = =————— populazion, gran richeza, e gran poverta.. . . Hanno Milanesi of Ten warned Francis I to take every precaution for the safety in odio oltramontani et francesi et alemani, et amano molto la __ of his person, because Leo X and Bibbiena would stop at noth-

caxa Sforzesca e voriano uno duca di quella fameja... ,” ing to gain their ends! (V. Lamansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, making clear that Francis would have trouble in Milan (Sanudo, pp. 45-46). XXIII, 169), but in the meantime, as the Venetian Senate wrote 8° Paride Grassi, in Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, append., no. 10, Francis on 18 September (1515), there was tremendous rejoic- __p. 452, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), append., no. 15,

ing on the lagoon, ‘‘. . . el gaudio singular et la incredibel p. 683; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1515, nos. 24 ff., vol. contenteza del animo nostro, intesa la faustissima nova de la XXXI (1877), pp. 98 ff.; Sanudo, Diaru, XXI, 231, 256, 271, celebre et gloriosa giornata, ne laqual quella [i.e., vostra Chris- 273, 313, 324, 328-29, 344, 366, 371-81, 383-84. We may tianissima Maesta] ha conseguita tanto honorevelissima victoria note here as well as elsewhere that the Curia Romana is far et acquistata triumphante et gloriosa gloria,” etc. (Sen. Secreta, | from an abstract institution during the early years of Leo X’s

Reg. 46, fols. 133° ff.). reign, considering our knowledge of hundreds of members of 77 For details, note Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X11, 16, ed. __ its personnel (from the Cod. Vaticanus latinus 8,598), on which

Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 187-89, and Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, see the remarkably detailed study of the Marchese Alessandro

133, 146, 153-54. Ferrajoli, ‘Il Ruolo della Corte di Leone X (1514—1516),” 78 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 740-41. On the treaty of — Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XX XIV (Rome,

Viterbo, signed in mid-October, 1515, between the pope and 1911), 363-91; XXXV (1912), 219-71, and ibid., pp. 483the king of France, cf; Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 539; XX XVI(1913), 191-223, and ibid., pp. 519-84; XX XVII

82-84. The preliminary French text of the treaty, dated 20 (1914), 307-59, and ibid., pp. 453-84, both parts entirely on September, is given in G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of Pietro Bembo, with numerous documents; XX XVIII (1915), . . . State Papers. . . , Spain, Il (London, 1866), no. 219, pp. 215-81, and tbid., pp. 425-52, both parts entirely on Jacopo

259-60. Sadoleto, also with docs.; XX XIX (1916), 53-77, and ibid., pp. 79 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 744: “. . . mal opinione 537-76; XL (1917), 247-77; and XLI (1918), 87-110.

. . .€che il Re non voglia passare Bologna.’’ Guicciardini says *" Cf. in general Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 126-41, and Gesch. the same thing. On 29 October, 1515, the Venetian Council — d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 86-96; Hefele, Hergenrother, and

162 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT So little is known of the extent of Leo’s agree- When facts are sparse, rumors abound. Thus ments and disagreements with Francis that itishard one Cornelius de Fine, a contemporary Dutch obto say how much of the history of the next few years _ server, noted in his diary gossip to the effect that was influenced by the discussions held at Bologna. Paolo Giovio, who was writing his history at the the supreme pontiff had promised the king of France pope’s request, apparently learned nothing of the — to advance his interests and if possible to elevate him secret exchanges between Leo and the king.®? In to the imperial throne since the Emperor Maximilian any event it is clear that the accord to which Fran- 4S "0wan old man, and so that in the meantime [Francesco Pandolfini alludes in his letter of 18 October “iS 1] might not lack an imperial title rumor had it that

, = ; . [Leo] had made him emperor of Constantinople with

to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Viterbo on 3 ; ; e(negotiated agreement, however,

that he should undertake to

October) now received the personal confirmation conquer this empire by his own valor and effort, and of both king and pope, but the latter at least har- afterwards I saw in Rome in many places most conbored grave reservations about what he was agree- _ vincing evidence of this since I observed on the fronts ing to as he treated the king with every courtesy _ of certain houses belonging to obtuse Frenchmen the

and consideration.®° French king’s escutcheon painted with the imperial crown and adorned with a diadem.*4

Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 478 ff.; Rodocanachi,

Le Pontificat de Leon X, pp. 86 ff. The description by Silvestro Whether Leo really dangled the Byzantine de’ Gigli, bishop of Worcester, of the meeting of pope andking crown before the young king would be hard to at Bologna is particularly interesting (letter dated 14 December, say. He did, however, hold out to him the prospect

1515, inJ. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, f . h € Napl h h d Ferd;

I]-1 [London, 1864, repr. 1965], no. 1281, pp. 341-42). Except of receiving t at 0 aples wnen U € age ao Ifor the pope’s granting the king the right of nomination to nand the Catholic finally went to his reward,°° and French benefices and receiving the promise of being paid the | Francis presumably reminded the pope, as Charles true value of French annates, which agreements were put in’ WII] had pressed the point with Alexander VI, writing, Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, ed. Florence: : Salani, 1963, III, 199, says that Leo and Francis transacted that Naples was an excellent point of departure

their business expeditiously, ma non per scrittura, although in for Istanbul. ;

fact other ecclesiastical decisions were put in writing besides The crusade was certainly discussed at Bologna,

those relating to benefices and annates. . . for on 14 December (1515), while Francis I was Sanudo, Diari, XXI, 396, notes that ‘‘tra il Papa e il Re, still in the city, Leo wrote King Manuel of Por-

non e intervenuto scritura alcuna,”’ but cf the unnoticed text | ho had ‘ved | Cth in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. VI, tom. 39, fol. 170°: tugal, who : a Pecelve severa grants of the cru-

‘“‘Capitula foederis inter Leonem papam X et Franciscum regem zada to assist his efforts against the Moslems in Christianissimum inita Bononiae, MDXV, mense Decembris,” Africa, that secretioribus . . . in sermonibus he had a late copy with the note “extractum ab exemplo manu ipsius ~~ explored Francis’s intentions and had found them

Heonis Decumi,” which seems to sow that Leo himself took entirely directed toward the well-being of the

notes at his private talks with the king. The bases were laid at . oe Bologna in December, 1515, for the Concordat of the following Christian commonwealth. Leo was now confident year, the terms of which were incorporated into the bull Primitiva that the plous, just, and necessary war against the ula Ecclesia of 18 August, 1516 (Magnum bullarium romanum: ‘Turks would be pressed ‘“‘not with words and letBullarum, privilegiorum ac diplomatum romanorum pontificum am- ters, as often in the past, but in fact and deed,”

plissima collectio, vol. I11, pt. 3 [Rome, 1743, repr. Graz, 1964],

pp. 433-42) and, although it proved to be of small benefit to

the Holy See, the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (1438) was = abrogated with the French king’s agreement by the bull Pastor *4 Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 141-42, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, aeternus of 19 December, 1516 (ibid., III-3, pp. 430-33). IV-1, 97, note, provides the pertinent passage from a Latin MS. On the Concordat, its background, and subsequent history, of Cornelius de Fine’s diary in the Bibliothégue Nationale in see Jules Thomas, Le Concordat de 1516, ses origines, son histoire Paris. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, ed. Florence: Salani, au XVI’ siecle, 3 vols., Paris, 1910, which remains the basic work 1963, III, 196-99, summarizes the (assumed) negotiations at on a subject, the impact and importance of which have been _ Bologna on the basis of later events, and is probably accurate re-examined more than once in recent years, as by R. J. Knecht, on the whole. There is a MS. of Cornelius de Fine in the Bibl.

“The Concordat of 1516: A Reassessment,” in the University Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Ottob. lat. 2137. The acknowledged of Birmingham Historical Journal, 1X-1 (1963), 16-32, esp. pp. _ terms of the concordat were published by Durand Gerlier at

24 ff., and see Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, VIII-1, Paris in 1518.

480-500 and ff. 8° Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 764, 765-66, letters of 82 Cf Giovio’s letter dated at Bologna on 15 December, — Francis I and Francesco Vettori to Lorenzo de’ Medici, dated

1515, the day of Francis’ departure from the city (Sanudo, 4-5 February, 1516. Ferdinand died on 23 January, 1516. Cf Diarii, XXI1, 391-93): “*. . . Quanto a le cose di pace o guerra Pastor, Hist. Popes, VU, 142, 217, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, si habino tractato, publicamente non se sa, perche €statomolto 99, 149; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles,

secreto colloquio . . .”’ (col. 393). VIIE-1 (1917), 479, who state inaccurately, ‘“Quant a reconnaitre 83 On Leo X’s opposition to French interests after the meeting —_ les prétentions francaises sur le royaume de Naples, Leon X at Bologna, see Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des _ s’ y refusa absolument”’ (although doubtless Leo had no intention

conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 501-2. of allowing French entry into Naples if he could prevent it).

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 163 and he urged Manuel to assist in the under- 1516, he had urged Ladislas II not to agree to the

taking.®° peace or truce which Selim had just requested, On the same day (14 December) Francis avowed

his intention, in a letter to his royal cousin of Na- for the sultan does not want peace with you for any varre, “‘sans fiction ne dissimulacion” to employ honest reason, but only to lull you to sleep and keep

; ; strength you quiet while he defeats his othertheenemies, so that his and youth to make war against h . € h os wh ; f the Christian faith. The necessarv pre- later on when he is free from these enemies who now enemes O " . YP threaten him, and has been made stronger [by success],

lude, of course, to any such commitment on Fran- he may attack you and overrun your kingdoms [of Huncis S part was “une bonne paix universelle,” but gary and Bohemia] at the first favorable opportunity.”° he professed to be thinking of the recovery of the

Holy Land as well as other territories which the After the meeting with King Francis at Bologna,

Turks had occupied.®’ Leo X was encouraged to think of a major effort

There is little reason to believe that Francis was against the Turks, a general league, in which all entirely insincere in his expressed ambition to be- the important Christian states might participate. come a crusader, although in the months that fol- The king’s failure to respond to two papal appeals lowed he answered Leo’s appeals for financial aid for money to assist the Hungarians in their perto Hungary with nothing more than courteous _petual battle with the Turks was disheartening, expressions of solicitude.** Although especially however, and Leo wrote Francis on 15 May, 1516, vulnerable during this period, as we have seen, urging him to send at least 15,000 ducats which Hungary was spared extreme Turkish depreda- the papacy would match and transmit to Hungary. tion as a result of Sultan Selim’s preoccupation Peter Beriszlo, bishop of Veszprém, the ban of with the Persians and Mamluks, which made pos-_ Croatia and acting regent of Hungary, had just sible renewals of the Turco-Hungarian truce in written that he had slender hope of being able to

1513, 1516, 1517, and on 31 May, 1519.°° resist the Turks any longer. Beriszlo’s vicar had Despite continuing infractions of the peace all thrown himself in tears at the pope’s feet in the along the troubled frontiers, there were no events presence of the cardinals and implored the Curia serious enough to lead to a formal declaration of | Romana and all the kings in Christendom not to war. Selim appeared to be fully occupied in the _ let the faltering kingdom pass under the Turkish East, although it was always hard to be sure of his yoke. The vicar reminded his Holiness and the next move, and Leo X realized that here was the Sacred College that Turkish fleets were now but opportunity, now or never, to take offensive action a single night’s sail away from the Adriatic coast against the Porte. Thus for example, on 27 January, _ of Italy.”!

°° Bembo, Epp., XI, 17, in Opere, 1V, 93-94. The letter, °° Bembo, Epp., XI, 25, in Opere, IV, 95-96, and Raynaldus, written by Bembo, is full of praise for Francis. Cf Rawdon Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1516, nos. 58-59, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 130. Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (London, Leo wrote in similar terms to Peter Beriszlo, bishop of Veszprem 1867), nos. 665, 670, pp. 271, 274. Brown necessarily made __(ibid., no. 60, pp. 130-31). The Venetian bailie to the Porte, extensive use of Sanudo’s Diarii in his summaries of state papers. | Niccolo Giustinian, wrote from Adrianople on 30 January, 1516, 87 Ernest Charriere, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, — that Ladislas was not anxious to accept the sultan’s offer of a 4 vols., Paris, 1848-50, repr. New York, 1965, I, pp. CXXIX- ___ three years’ truce (Sanudo, Diarii, XXII, 9). See Ladislas’ letter

CXXXI (in the Collection de documents inedits sur |’ histoire to Cardinal Thomas Bakocz, dated at Buda on 24 November,

de France, hereafter cited as Charriére, Négociations). 1515, in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, 88 Cf. Charriere, Négociations, I, 4-9, 12. On 26 January, II-1 (London, 1864, repr. 1965), no. 1194, p. 313. 1516, Francis wrote Leo of his full concurrence in papal plans *' Bembo, Epp., XII, 24, in Opere, IV, 106-7, and Raynaldus, for the crusade against the Turks and for the subsidy necessary — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1516, nos. 67-68, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 133.

to support the undertaking (‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”” Arch. In mid-February, however, when Leo wrote Beriszlo, warning

stor. italiano, XX [1874], 19-20). In April, 1516, Leo was him against the Hungarian acceptance of the Turkish offer of alarmed by the appearance of twenty-seven Turkish ships, four _a peace or a three years’ truce, he seemed confident of a French galleys and twenty-three fuste, off the coast of Civitavecchia — subsidy for the hard-pressed Hungarians (2bid., no. 60, p. 130):

(ibid., pp. 47-48, 50), and on 14 May the papal envoy at the ‘‘. . . Franciscus Gallorum rex nobis amantissime rescripsit French court was informed that “‘le cose di Ungheria, per conto omnia quae vellemus libentissime se facturum.’’ But when on

del Turco, sono non solo vicine, ma dentro al periculo. . .’ 2 May, 1516, the Venetian Senate issued Leonardo Bembo his

(tbid., p. 48). Hungary was in desperate straits. commission as dessignato baylo nostro to Istanbul, he was to assure °° Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Hist. de l’ empire ottoman, Sultan Selim of the Republic’s continuing joy in his good health,

trans. J.-J. Hellert, IV (Paris, 1836), 157, 220, 345, 350-51. prosperity, fortunate successes, and victories: ‘‘Non contenti On the Turco-Hungarian peace of 1513, note the Lettres du roy nui de questo, ne € parso convenir al grande amor portamo Louis XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 109, and Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, ala Excellentia sua et ala bona et syncera pace habiamo cum

475-76, and cf. vol. XVII, cols. 37-38, 398, 471. quella, far reiterar per tuo mezo la leticia che sempre riceve

164 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Leo needed no reminding. Members of the Curia who would take part in the projected expedition;

Romana had learned in late April, 1516, that directed the clergy to preach the crusade in their twenty-seven Turkish or Moorish vessels had been churches; and imposed a tithe upon ecclesiastical sighted off the coast some miles from Civitavecchia. properties to help defray the large expense which Leo, who was hunting, had fled from the area in could be anticipated.”* Although Leo X believed

terror. The Venetian ambassador Marino Giorgi that Europe should use its respite from Turkish informed his government that rumor had it the attacks to prepare a great offensive, the news pope had almost been captured, and there were which came from the East was not encouraging. those at Rome who wished in fact that the Moslems The young prince Suleiman wrote the govern-

had got him.”* ment of Ragusa from Adrianople on 18 Septem-

Even though Francis did not reply to the distant ber, 1516, of his father’s great victory over the needs of Hungary with alacrity, he was the chief Mamluks (near Aleppo in late August): Selim had hope of the crusade, and on 17 May, 1516, Leo defeated the soldan of Egypt, captured and beauthorized the long bull Salvator noster, addressed headed him, and overrun Syria. The Ragusei especially to the French. In this bull he outlined transmitted the message to the Curia Romana. A the responsibility of the papacy amid the perils month later (on 17 October) Pietro Bembo wrote under which the Christian world was laboring; Francis I in the pope’s name that, if the news was announced Francis’s decision personally to go “‘to true, “it is high time for us to awaken from our Constantinople and the other provinces overseas — slumber, lest we be crushed asleep and just on the held by the infidels;”’ granted indulgences to those _ point of yawning!’’”*

ee At first many wondered whether this report of el cor nostro de ogni prospera fortuna sua, la gloria de laqual

tanto desideramo quanto del proprio stato nostro. . . ,” etc. (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 11”). Bound by an agreement to 3 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1197, fols. 110-119”, by Hungary, on 20 August, 1517, the Venetian Senate agreed to — mod. stamped enumeration, “‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Pesend Peter Beriszlo (reverendo D. Petro Berisio, episcopo Vesprimiensi, trum, anno etc. 1516, sexto decimo Kal. Iunii, anno quarto.” bano Croacie) the sum of 2,000 ducats, whereas he had been Cf. Charrieére, Neégociations, I, 10, note, and ‘“‘Manoscritti Torhoping for 10,000 (ibid., Reg. 47, fols. 73°-74", a decision related __rigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 228. Also note the bull to a large financial involvement of Venice with the unfortunate —_Etsi dispensatione superna, of the same date, in Reg. Vat. 1193,

affairs of Hungary, ibid., fols. 94°-96', which need not detain _fols. 127'~129", which more briefly goes over much the same us here). Owing to the exigencies of their position in the Levant, | ground. These bulls were apparently not promulgated until Dalmatia, Istria, and Italy, the Venetians pursued, when prac- August, 1516 (cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], ticable, a Janus-like policy which looked to the appeasement of — 111).

the sultan in the East and of the pope in the West. Leo X was himself under constant pressure to proceed against The poor Ragusei were in a still more difficult position, and _ the Turks (cf. the oration addressed to him by Cristoforo Marwere from time to time contemptuously charged with cowardice __ cello, archbishop elect of Corfu [Corciren.], De sumenda in Turcas

before the Turk. The merchants of Ragusa depended for their provincia, printed without indication of place or press in 1516). livelihood upon trade in Ottoman ports, where without a mo- On 25 June, 1516, the city of Genoa was granted crusading ment’s notice the sultan might order the seizure of their persons __ privileges to assist in the preparation of a fleet; the bull is and possessions. On 28 December, 1514, for example, the Ra- _ preserved ina miserable copy in Reg. Vat. 1196, fols. 33'-41", gusan Senate wrote Peter Beriszlo, who was treasurer of the ‘“‘datum Rome anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quinHungarian kingdom, that they dared not meet their financial | gentesimo sexto decimo, septimo Kal. Tuli, pont. nostri anno obligations to the crown for the defense of Croatia, for if they quarto.”

did, they would be putting their city in grave danger. The 4 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 12-15. In the apparent conquest Turks would certainly hear of it, for Ragusa was always full of | of Shiite Persia the Turks, who were Sunnis, achieved a religious Turks: “If we gave a hundred ducats, they would be saying as well as a military and political victory. On Selim’s successes,

that we had given a hundred thousand to protect Croatia cf Ludwig Forrer, ed. and trans., Die osmanische Chronik des against the Turks.”’ At the first suspicion of such support of the = Rustem Pascha, Zurich diss., Leipzig, 1923, pp. 45-54, and for Christian cause, Ragusan merchants and their goods would be _ events in the Islamic world leading up to the Ottoman conquest seized everywhere in Turkey. While acknowledging the ancient of Syria and for the conquest itself, see Herbert Jansky, “‘Die right of the Hungarian crown to a quit-rent (census) from Ra- Eroberung Syriens durch Sultan Selim I.,”” in Mitteilungen zur gusa, the harassed senators declared that the large tribute they — osmanischen Geschichte, I] (1923-26), 173-241, with the addenda

had to pay the Porte was beyond their financial resources in Jansky, ‘““Die Chronik des Ibn Tulun als Geschichtsquelle (J. Gelcich and L. Thalloczy, eds., Diplomatarium Ragusanum, uber den Feldzug Sultan Selim’s I. gegen die Mamluken,”’ Der

Budapest, 1887, no. 426, p. 675, and cf. nos. 428-29). Islam, XVIII (1929), 24-33. 92 Sanudo, Diari, XXII, 183, from Giorgi’s dispatches dated On the Ragusei’s receipt and transmission of Suleiman’s letat Rome on 27-28 April, 1516; cf ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” ter and other news concerning Selim’s victories, see Gelcich Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 47-48, 50, referred to, above, and Thalloczy, Diplomatarium Ragusanum, nos. 432-33, pp. in note 69. An English dispatch of June, 1516, insists that Leo 679-80, Ragusan letters to King Louis I] of Hungary, dated had a very narrow escape (J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers 16 October and 13 November, 1516; cf, ibid., pp. 838, 840. . . of Henry VIII, 1-1 [London, 1864, repr. 1965], no. 2017, 41, and ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XX

p. 594). (1874), 239, 240, 250, 253-55, 367-68, 385, 400, 404-5, 408,

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 165 Turkish success in Syria (and even that of 1514 Evenas Sadoleto was polishing and repolishing his in Persia) was not a subterfuge to protect Selim _ stately prose, Selim had already entered Egypt. He from attack by the Christians while he was still defeated the Mamluks in the decisive battle of fully engaged with the Mamluks. On 4 January, Raidaniyah, and entered Cairo in late January

1517, however, Leo X wrote Francis that the (1517).°° The news of the Ottoman conquest of

Turkish victory had been confirmed from many Egypt was received with gloom and foreboding at sources. The pope had the gravest fears for Dal- the Curia Romana. matia and Hungary. The Mamluk sultan, the “‘sol-_ }~ ———————

dan” of Egypt, al-Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghuri, had in- MDXVII, pontificatus nostri anno quarto.” For the copy redeed been killed in a great battle north of Aleppo tained by the papal secretaries, see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. on 24 August (1 51 6),° and in October the viceroy XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 129, and cf. fols. 124-26, letters to the Swiss — and an unnamed bishop in France on the peril into which Tumanbey became the last of the Burj Mamluks Selim’s conquest of Egypt would bring Christendom, dated to rule in Cairo.*° Leo X wrote Francis that, unless respectively 7 and 6 January, 1517. Showing little more than the latter now did his royal part, the shores of Italy a casual interest in the crusade, Alberto Pio da Carpi wrote and the littoral of other Christian countries would — the Emperor Maximilian from Rome on 12 March, 1517, that

. the reduction of the Bohemians and Ruthenians to Catholic

be ravaged, for Selim had a fleet of 200 galleys, ecclesiastical unity and obedience, concord in Europe, peace well equipped and “designed for our destruction. in Italy, and the reform of the Church were all essential for Likea good shepherd, Leo would lay down his life _ the successful prosecution of war against the Turks (Lea MS. for the flock, if necessary, and would make every 414, Univ. of Penna.). Cardinal Schiner wrote Wolsey from effort to prevent the great slaughter, which he saw Mechlin (Malines) on 4 February, 1517, that he saw no hope impending, from being visited upon the Christian best be described as Turks (A. Buchi, Korrespondenzen . . . d. commonwealth in his reign. The papal letter was — Kardmals Matth. Schiner, Il [1925], 177). written by Jacopo Sadoleto, and is marked by the 98 Venetian dispatches place Selim’s entry into Cairo as early classical fluency which characterized much of the 48 2!~22 January, 1517 (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 162, 165, 166 Latin diplomatic correspondence of the age 97 [where ‘‘13 de Zener’”’ is clearly a mistake for 31 January], 167,

. . . Le . or peace in Italy, and that the French and Venetians could atl p P &°- 170-71, 172, and vol. XXV, cols. 133, 651 ff.). Cf in general

Stanley Lane-Poole, History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, 4th ed.,

OO London, 1925, pp. 352 ff., and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. on papal fears of the ultimate consequences of Selim’s startling 1517, nos. 23 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 156 ff. On Selim, note successes, news of which the Venetian Senate sent to the am- Ibn Iyas, An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1921), pp. bassador of the Republic in Rome on 18 and 25 October, 1516 47-48, 116-17, and on his victory over the Mamluks and entry (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 36, with similar letters to the Vene- into Cairo, ibid., pp. 97-117, and Ibn Iyas, Journal d’ un bourtian ambassador in France, the colonial government in Corfu, geois du Caire, II, 123-44.

the consul in Damascus, etc.). A firman of 16 February, 1517, published by Bernhard Mo%° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXIII, 284 ff., 262, 286, 325 ff., 384— _ritz in Arabic, shows that Selim promptly granted the Venetians

85, 397-98, 420 ff., etc. In December, 1516, Francis I was a renewal of the trading privileges they had enjoyed in Egypt offering, ‘‘unite le cose di christiani, andar in persona contra under the Mamluks (“Ein Firman des Sultans Selim I. fur die il Turco” (ebid., XXIII, 268). The Turkish victory produced Venezianer vom Jahre 1517,” in the Festschrift Eduard Sachau, much disquietude in the Curia Romana (ibid., cols. 395, 438, Berlin, 1915, pp. 422-43, esp. pp. 427 ff.). The concession 442, 486-88, summarizing a four-hour sermon of Egidio Canisio apparently received a final confirmation on 8 September as a

against the Turks, 515). At this time Leo X was chiefly con- result of a Venetian embassy to Cairo (W. Heyd, Histoire du cerned with the expulsion of Francesco Maria della Rovere commerce du Levant au moyen-age, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II [repr.

from Urbino. On the death of the soldan of Egypt, see An 1967], 545-46). This embassy was undertaken by Bartolommeo Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in the year A.H. 922(A.D. Contarini and Alvise Mocenigo, to whom on 26 May, 1517, 1516), . . . from the third volume of the Arabic Chronicle of Mu- _ the Doge Leonardo Loredan issued a detailed commission (Sen. hammed ibn Ahmed ibn Iyas, an Eye-Witness of the Scenes he describes, Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 59'-61").

trans. W. H. Salmon, London: The Royal Asiatic Society, 1921, Despite the Ottoman conquest, Syria and Egypt were to repp. 40-44, and Ibn Ilyas, Journal d’ un bourgeois du Caire, trans. main open to Venetian trade, and the Republic was clearly not

Gaston Wiet, 2 vols., Rennes and Paris, 1955-60, II, 64-67. going to lend its support to a crusade which would jeopardize °®6 Sanudo, Diaritt, XXIII, 453, and vol. XXIV, cols. 15 ff., its economic interests in the Levant. As long as the Venetians 135 ff., 154, 162 ff., 171, 203 ff., 221-22, 223-24, 254 ff., behaved, they could probably expect the forbearance of Selim, etc., 368-69, 387-88, etc., 604. On 18 June, 1517, Leonardo who doubtless feared the ultimate economic consequences of Bembo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul, wrote from Pera that the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa, which had already ‘questo Signor turco é signor del mondo, pero estote parat’’ made Lisbon a great center of the spice trade. Portuguese (ibid., XXIV, 506), but Leo X seemed to be the only sovereign imports from India entirely escaped Ottoman impositions (cf. in Europe trying to make preparations against the Turk. On _ Rinaldo Fulin, ed., Diari e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, pp. the election of Tumanbey (Tuman Bai), see Ibn Iyas, An Account 155-247, entries from the diaries of Girolamo Priuli, from of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1921), pp. 57-58, 70 ff., and August, 1499, to March, 1512, relating to Portuguese enterprise Ibn Iyas, Journal da’ un bourgeois du Caire, trans. Wiet, II (1960), in India and the apprehension which it caused the Venetians,

95 ff. Egyptians, and the Turks, on which cf. W. E. D. Allen, Problems 97 Charriére, Négociations, I, 19-21, “datum Romae, apud = of Turkish Power in the Sixteenth Century, London, 1963, pp. 10-

Sanctum Petrum, sub annulo piscatoris, die quarta Januarii 13, 46—48, with refs.).

166 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In March, 1517, it was reported in Venice that pope had failed to help the French to the extent the pope had appointed Janus Lascarisas hisenvoy of his commitments at Bologna. In his turn Francis to the new soldan of Egypt, Tumanbey, who was __ evoked the pope’s suspicions by his apparent readisaid to have appealed to Rome for aid against Se- ness to press his alleged rights to Naples and to lim.”? The devastating completeness of the Mam- aid Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino

luk defeat, however, was beyond question (and and the nephew of Julius II. Not unjustly, Leo Tumanbey was betrayed and hanged on 14 April, _ regarded Francesco Maria as a disloyal vassal, and

1517, at the Zawilah gate in Cairo).'°° On 16-17 had declared the forfeiture of his duchy. Papal April Venetian letters from Rome stated that and Florentine troops in fact overran the duchy ‘‘Lascari non va piu al Soldan,’’'°! which was just in May, and Urbino as well as Pesaro and Sinias well, for under the circumstances a papal em-_ gaglia (Senigallia) quickly succumbed. Francesco bassy to Cairo would have been quite as futile as Maria fled to his Gonzaga relatives in Mantua, and

dangerous. on 18 August, 1516, the pope’s nephew Lorenzo

There were renewed talks of a joint expedition became duke of Urbino and lord of Pesaro in a of the chief western powers against the Turks. To formal ceremony of investiture in Rome.'°4 a superficial observer the time might even have Francesco Maria suddenly returned in January, seemed propitious for such an undertaking.’°* It 1517, however, ina bold surprise attack, and reoc-

certainly seemed necessary. cupied Urbino and the chief towns of the duchy,

to Leo’s astonishment and consternation. The war

The month of May, 1516, saw the beginning now lasted eight months, and Guicciardini says of renewed estrangement between Leo X and _ that it cost Leo 800,000 ducats.'°° The papal comFrancis 1. When the Emperor Maximilian, dis- manders were manifestly incompetent. Francis | gruntled by Francis’s victory at Marignano, had finally sent as his ambassador to Rome Thomas de tried to invade northern Italy in March,'®’ the Foix, lord of Lescun, a younger brother of the

— Marshal Lautrec. Lescun requested the tithe, and 99 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 106, 143. According to a dispatch, brought the pope a force of cavalry and some dated 23 March, 1517, of Marco Minio, the Venetian ambas- 3,000 infantry to help expel Francesco Maria. The sador in Rome, the aid was requested for the protection of | French forces did very little, but Francesco Maria Rhodes (ibid., col. 143), which Tumanbey obviously did not fajled in his bid to recover the duchy of Urbino,

669. tillery.

want to fall into Turkish hands. owing to a complete lack of dh °° On the death of Tumanbey, see Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, ‘ § 106 plete lack OF Money and heavy ar1°! Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 182. Some confusion exists in the sources on the subject of this proposed embassy (B. Kndés, Janus

Lascaris, Uppsala, 1945, pp. 156-57), but Lascaris never de- 104 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, 21, ed. Florence: parted for Egypt. In speaking of the humanist diplomat Las- Salani, 1963, III, 197, 212-16; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. caris, we may note quite incidentally the interesting notice in 1516, nos. 81-83, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 137-38, who gives

Sanudo, XIX, 425, concerning the death of the humanist the date of Lorenzo’s investiture from the diary of Paride

printer Aldus Manutius in February, 1515. Grassi. Sanudo, Diariu, XXII, 456, also notes the investiture, '02 There was much popular interest in the crusade at this and cf, ibid., col. 474, and vol. XXIII, cols. 12, 73. On Leo time although, as Guicciardini says, the princes consulted among X’s prolonged efforts to take Urbino away from Francesco themselves ‘‘piu presto con ragionamenti apparenti che con Maria, cf. Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 99 ff. consigli sostanziali” (Storia d’ Italia, X11, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 105 The sum is in fact about the amount which Leo X claimed 1963, III, 274 ff.). Paride Grassi attests to Leo X’s anxiety to to have spent (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 669), and in general note see steps taken to organize a crusade (Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, | Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 143”, 151, append., nos. 14-15, pp. 457-58, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 163", 190.

[repr. 1956], append., nos. 19, 20, pp. 687, 688), and even 106 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 1-6, 8, ed. Florence: Henry VIII wrote Leo that he was ready ‘“‘to go in person on — Salani, 1963, III, 228-60, 266-74; Guasti, ed., “‘Manoscritti the expedition against the Turk’ (Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 167). Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 367 ff.; cf Predelli, The Hungarian Cardinal Bakocz said that Selim’s capture of — Regesti det Commemoriali, V1, bk. Xx, no. 66, pp. 144-45, doc.

Cairo was ‘‘bone nove per il Turco, e cative per christianie dated 17 September, 1517, and cf no. 68; Charriére, Négociatutto il resto del mondo” (zbid., XXIV, 290), and the Venetian tions, I, 29-30, note 2; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos.

ambassador wrote his government from Rome on 25 June, 81 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 170 ff. Four years later, when 1517, ‘‘. . . pur questa armata turchesca fa tremar tutta quella the break had come between the pope and the king of France,

Corte [Romana]”’ (zbid., XXIV, 420). the latter recalled his generosity to the Medici in a letter to the 1°3 Guicciardini, Stora d’ Italia, X11, 20, ed. Florence: Salani, | French ambassador in Rome, dated 19 June, 1521, in Charles

1963, III, 204-11; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, I (Paris, des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 501-2. The Venetian ambassador 1841), 123 (Documents inédits sur |’ histoire de France, no. wrote from Rome on 30 July, 1517, that “el Christianissimo 44). re [Francis I] € mal satisfato dil Papa, e il Papa di Soa Maesta’”’ The young Lorenzo de’ Medici, duke of Urbino, was the (Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 543, and cf col. 571, and vol. XXV, — grandson of il Magnifico and the son of Piero, who was expelled

col. 10). from Florence in early November, 1494, shortly before Charles

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 167 During the crowded years 1516-1517, while to reform the Church. After that we’ll make the ex-

Leo X voiced constant alarm concerning the Pedition! Turks, he had to watch with equal anxiety the conferences which the representatives of the great Leo X preferred the role of crusader to that of powers held and the conventions to which they reformer. His attention was distracted from the subscribed at Noyon, London, Brussels, and Cam- crusade, however, by the affair of Urbino and the

brai. At Cambrai, for example, on 11 March, machinations of the great powers. And in April, 1517, an alliance was negotiated whereby Maxi- 1517, there came a still greater distraction, conmilian, Francis I, and Charles [V]formeda league, cerning which the last word has certainly not yet the purpose of which was more fully defined in been said. According to the usual account, which secret articles added to the treaty in May and July: Pastor and the Marchese Ferrajoli believe, an exNorthern and central Italy were to be organized _ traordinary plot was discovered to poison the pope, into the two kingdoms of ‘‘Lombardy” and “Italy,” a plot hatched in the Sacred College itself. The and taken over by Francis I and the Hapsburgs arch-conspirator was the irresponsible young Carrespectively.1°” Leo had reason to fear that the dinal Alfonso Petrucci, but the harebrained scheme Medici might again lose their beloved city of Flor- | was soon shown to have involved Cardinals Ban-

ence. dinello Sauli and Francesco Soderini as well as the Maximilian had for some time been disen- illustrious Cardinal Raffaele Riario, camerlengo and chanted with the vagaries of Leo’s political poli- dean of the Sacred College, and that well-known cies. Thus when Marino Giorgi (Zorzi), the Vene- _intriguer, Cardinal Adriano Castellesi. Leo X had tian ambassador to the Holy See, returned home removed Borghese Petrucci, Cardinal Alfonso’s and delivered in the Senate the report of his mis- brother, from the signoria of Siena in March, 1516, sion (on 17 March, 1517), he told how Leo had asa step toward the Medicean reduction of ‘Tuscany. sent Egidio da Viterbo, general of the Augus- Borghese and Alfonso were sons of the “‘tyrant”’ tinians, with five of his black-clad friars to Maxi- Pandolfo Petrucci, and both are believed to have milian in 1515 ‘‘under the guise of persuading the _ inherited a strain of madness from their mother.'” emperor to undertake an expedition against the When one dealt with Leo X, it was well to have infidels.’’ Maximilian greeted Egidio with an out- one’s wits about him.

burst of temper: Cardinal Alfonso found the prospect of revenge sweeter than the soft life he had been leading at

Father, to what purpose have you come? You have done badly! I think you have come to attend my funeral. As § ——————— for making war against the infidels, it is necessary first 108 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 85. On Egidio, note A. Palmieri, ‘Gilles de Viterbe,”’ Dictionn. de théologie catholique, V1-2 (Paris,

1920), 1365-71, with the older literature. Leo X made Egidio a cardinal in July, 1517; Egidio died in November, 1532. We

VII entered the city. The duke of Urbino died on 4 May, _ have already referred, in the preceding chapter, to John W. 1519; he was the father of Catherine de’ Medici, queen of | O'Malley, “Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought on ReFrance and mother of three kings. Today Lorenzo is best naissance Rome,” Renaissance Quarterly, XX (1967), 1-11, and known for his tomb, which Michelangelo made for the new _ to the detailed study of Eugenio Massa, “‘Egidio da Viterbo e sacristy of S. Lorenzo in Florence—such is the caprice of history _ la metodologia del sapere nel Cinquecento,”’ in Pensée humaniste

or the force of genius. et tradition chrétienne aux XV‘ et XVI‘ siécles, Paris, 1950, pp. 185Leo X’s uneasy relations with the Gonzaga of Mantua, the 239.

della Rovere of Urbino, and the Estensi of Ferrara are de- '°? On the conspiracy of the cardinals, see the important scribed in detail, with numerous hitherto unpublished docu- work of Alessandro Ferrajoli, La Congiura dei cardinali contro ments, by Alessandro Luzio, ‘‘Isabella d’ Este e Leone X, dal Leone X, Rome, 1919-20 (in the Miscellanea della R. Societa

Congresso di Bologna alla presa di Milano (1515-1521), in| Romana di Storia Patria, vol. VI), with an appendix of docthe Arch. stor. italiano, 5th ser., XL (1907), 18-97; XLIV — uments and extensive citation of the sources; Guicciardini, Storia (1909), 72-128; and XLV (1910), 245-302. Luzio gives much = d’ Italia, XII, 18, and XIII, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III,

attention to the plight of Francesco Maria della Rovere. 200, 260-61; Paride Grassi, Diarzum, ad ann. 1518 [reflections 107 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 (Amster- — on the death of Cardinal Sauli], ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann, Nova dam, 1726), no. CXV, pp. 256-57. This treaty also contained —scriptorum ac monumentorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. ostensible provision ‘‘pour resister aux Turcs et autresennemis 405-6. The accusation that Cardinal Petrucci planned to poison

de la Sainte Foi Catolique”’ (ibid., p. 256b). As frequently in the pope was first made on 27 or 28 April in the sixth interthis period, the important articles were secret. Cf. J.S. Brewer, | rogation of Marc’ Antonio Nini, Petrucci’s steward (see Ferrajoh,

ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, \1-2 (London, 1864, op. cit., pp. 23-24 ff., 41 ff., 61 ff., 245 ff.). Cf in general Arch. repr. 1965), p. 1019, note; Francesco Nitti, Leone X e la sua Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fols. politica, Florence, 1892, pp. 101-2; Ed. Fueter, Storia del sistema 69°, 70° ff., by mod. stamped enumeration, and Acta Miscellanea, degh stati europe: dal 1492 al 1559, trans. Biagio Marin, Flor- Reg. 6, fols. 153, 155 ff., 158” ff., 161” ff., 190. On Castellesi’s

ence, 1932, pp. 421-22; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1 (repr. flight from Rome, note, zbid., fol. 164", and cf. Bibl. Apost.

1956), 110-11. Vaticana, Cod. Urbinas lat. 1641, fols. 403-4.

168 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Curia Romana. He soon paid for his alleged One of the most famous and popular figures at the designs upon the pope’s life by the sacrifice of his Curia Romana, Riario lies buried today in the south own. He had certainly been guilty of threats against wall of the apse of the Church of the SS. Apostoli Leo, as well as conspiratorial acts to repossess Siena in Rome. by force, and under torture his maestro di casa, Marc’ Except to recall to the informed reader the turAntonio Nini, and certain others affirmed Petrucci’s bulent condition which existed in the Curia guilt. But while torture opened a man’s mouth, it through the spring and summer of 1517, the condid not always lead to the enunciation of truth. The _ spiracy of the cardinals is no affair of ours in the surviving records contain many inconsistencies. Sauli_ present work. But G. B. Picotti has reviewed the and Soderini, Riario and Castellesi were ruined by known facts and documents and has reached conthe revelation of their complicity in the plot. It was _ clusions quite different from those of Pastor and

: 111

said that Riario had hoped to become pope. After Ferrajoli. He believes that Leo X seized upon exacting from him the enormous fine of 150,000 Petrucci’s indiscretions and intrigues to create a ducats as well as other concessions, Leo finally pardoned Riario,''® who eventually retired to Naples, where he died a broken man on 6 July, 1521. July. The conspiracy of the cardinals had been an almost incredible affair, crimen laesae maiestatis et privatione dignum (Arch.

as Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 162"). There is 't® Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X111, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, an account in Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urbinas lat. 1641,

1963, III, 260-65; Roberto Palmarocchi, ed., Carteggi di Fran- _ fols. 39’77"-419” (Delle goustitie fatte da PP. Leone Decimo nel dicorso

cesco Guiccrardini, II (Bologna, 1939), nos. 136, 139, pp. 118, — del suo ponteficato). The imprisonment of the cardinals who were

122; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 89-99, vol. implicated naturally made an immense stir in the Curia, as XXXI (1877), pp. 173-77; Guasti, ‘“Manoscritti Torrigiani,” | shown by Paride Grassi, Diarzum, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XX VI (1877), 404-5. Sanudo re- 238°-239°, 241'-242", 243'-244", 245° ff., by mod. stamped corded with great interest what he could learn of the cardinals’ enumeration.

conspiracy (Diaru, XXII, 51, and vol. XXIII, cols. 583-84, In the A[rchivum] A[rcis], Arm. I-X VIII, 1443, fols. 1587 referring to the loss of the signoria of Siena by Cardinal Pe- _ ff., full data may be found concerning the fact ‘‘quod Dominus trucci’s brother; vol. XXIV, cols. 106, 195, 196, 274, 288-89, Raphael de Riario olim cardinalis Sancti Georgii in presentia321, 323-24, 326, 353-54, 355, 374, 376, 401-3, 412-13, | rum in carceribus in Castro Sancti Angeli in urbe detentus pro 418, 419 ff., 449, on Riario’s fine, 477, 511; and vols. XXV, _ eius liberatione et relaxatione a dicto castro inter alia tenetur cols. 66, 163, and XXVI, cols. 358, 379, 406-7). On Leo X’s___ dare idoneas et sufficientes cautiones pro summa centum quinreconciliation with Riario, see Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. —quaginta millium ducatorum auri de camera de non recedendo 1518-19, ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum ac monumen- ab obedientia Sanctissimi Domini Nostri ullo unquam tempore torum. . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 421-23, and on Riario’s et de non recedendo ex locis sibi assignandis per eundem Sancdeath and burial (at first in S. Lorenzo in Damaso), ibid., ad —_ tissimum D. N. in dominio temporali Sancte Romane Ecclesie

ann. 1521, pp. 464-66, 468, 479. absque eius licentia in scriptis obtinenda. . . ,’” etc. There is

Besides Ferrajoli’s unusual monograph La Congiura dei car- no doubt that the fine was 150,000 ducats ( ibid., fols. 158", dinalt contro Leone X, see G. A. Cesareo, Pasquino e pasquinate 160°, 162’, 166). The relevant documents are dated from 6 nella Roma di Leone X, Rome, 1938, pp. 91-113 (in the Mis- July to 15 September, 1517, and contain the names of the scores cellanea della R. Deputazione Romana di Storia Patria); Pastor, of sponsors (_fidetussores) who stood bail for Riario. The number Hist. Popes, VII, 170-96, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), — of such sponsors from the Curia is astonishing, and must have

116-34; and esp. G. B. Picotti, ““‘La Congiura dei cardinali given Leo X some uneasiness. The imperial ambassador, AlIcontro Leone X,”’ Rivista storica italiana, n.s., 1 (Rome, 1923), berto Pio da Carpi, as observed in the preceding note, did

249-67. indeed render Riario such service as he could (ibid., fol. 164), To the known sources concerning Riario in this connection, —_as apparently did Leo X’s friend, the famous banker Agostino I can add the interesting letter of Jacopo de’ Bannissi, a servitor | Chigi, who made 50,000 ducats available for Riario’s release of Margaret of Austria-Savoy and the imperial house (anumber _(fols. 166", 168"), and Riario seems to have had the support of

of his letters are published in the Lettres du roy Louis XII), to all the European princes (fols. 170-71). Alberto Pio da Carpi over the date 14 August, 1517. Bannissi Although Leo X restored Riario to the cardinalate and to attributes Riario’s restoration to Carpi: “‘Qui he venuta la nova __ his benefices, the latter lost the commenda of the church of S. de la restitution et reintegration in ogni cosa de Monsignore — Lorenzo in Damaso, the “‘title’’ of which Leo bestowed on his Reverendissimo Cardinale de San Zorzi de che ne ho singula- —_ cousin Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, who became Pope Clement rissimo apiacere: no dubito che la opera de la Signoria vestra) VII in November, 1523. Riario thus lost the magnificent palace lo habi salvato. . .”” (MS. 414, Lea Library, Univ. of Penna.). of S. Lorenzo in Damaso which he had built around the church,

Alberto da Carpi also interceded with the pope on behalf of | the palace now known as the Cancelleria. He was allowed to Cardinal Adriano Castellesi (Sanudo, Diari, XXV, 204). On _ live there, however, until he left Rome in the fall of 1520 for Riario’s restoration, note also Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Con- Naples, seeking some restoration of his health in a warmer sistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 74°, concerning the con- climate. As noted above, he died in Naples. There is a brief sistory of Friday, 24 July, 1517, and ibid., fol. 93", consistory sketch of Riario’s career, some details concerning his extant of Monday, 10 January, 1519, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, portraits, and the text of his hitherto unpublished will in Arfols. 173-174", 252. Bandinello Sauli was also restored (zb:d., | mando Schiavo, ‘‘Profilo e testamento di Raffaele Riario,”’ Studi

fol. 175°). romani, VIII-4 (1960), 414-29, who places his death on 9 July,

MM! Sanudo, Diariz, XXXI, 117. Ferrajoli, La Congwura de 1521 (abid., p. 422). Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-\ (repr. 1956), cardinali contro Leone X, p. 106, believes that Riario died on 9 ‘132, gives 7 July as the date of Riario’s death.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 169 “plot” against his own life as a means of destroying Maximilian was grieved by Selim’s success, but

his opponents, extorting huge sums of money he was sure that this very success would awaken from them (especially from Riario), and preparing Christians to their peril. God had often given the way for the drastic enlargement of the Sacred strength to the enemy to punish the sins of His own College by the appointment of neutral and pro- people. Although the sentiments expressed in the Medicean cardinals. Unfortunately for Leo’s pope’s letter were most gratifying to Maximilian, memory, little that we know of his character makes _ he was surprised “‘that your Holiness wants God to this grave accusation impossible,''* although in open our ears to hear sometimes the voice of truth.” truth it is hard to believe that the conspiracy was _ It was not he who had slumbered until the eleventh not as real as the ambassadors in Rome apparently hour, he said, finally to be awakened by an overassumed it was. Almost as remarkable in its way whelming Turkish victory. He had long foreseen as the supposed conspiracy of five cardinals to kill what was now before the eyes of the world. He had the pope was the astonishing nomination of thirty- warned Leo’s predecessors of the need of taking

one cardinals in the great creation of 1 July, counsel for the safety of the Christian common1517,''3 after which Leo had a firm hold on the — wealth, but there had always been those opponents

College and the Curia. of the crusade who had enviously struggled against

About a month before Leo had learned of Car- his efforts to promote it. An expedition against the dinal Petrucci’s designs upon his life, he presided ‘Turks had long been necessary, no more so now over the twelfth and last session of the Fifth Lateran than formerly. One could thank God for the present Council (on 16 March, 1517). There were eighteen incitement to arms and for Leo’s own leadership. cardinals present, three Latin patriarchs, some Maximilian said that he had learned the art of war eighty archbishops and bishops, the usual curial of- not to attack Christian cities but to defend them, ficials, and the ambassadors resident in Rome. Car- and now that Leo summoned the princes to make dinal Carvajal, who had opposed the council so bit- peace in Europe there would be no hesitation in his terly under Julius Il, now celebrated the opening response. He knew well the glory of the crusade. mass, and Massimo Corvino, bishop of Isernia in Let his Holiness but raise the standard of Christ southern Italy, preached a pompous sermon, after and embark against the enemy. Maximilian would which a letter from the Emperor Maximilian was join the crusade, and devote all his strength and read (dated at Mechlin on 28 February, 1517). The resources to it. Old age would not stay his step; if emperor acknowledged receipt of a papal brief in- _ he lost his life, he would hope to live again in eternal forming him of Sultan Selim’s victory over the glory. He urged Leo to go on without flinching, Egyptian soldan in Syria and urging him to join the _ trusting in divine assistance, but he warned that if

projected crusade against the Turks.’'* these pious plans now vanished into thin air as others had done in the past, God would bear witness that

TT it was not the emperor who had failed the cause of 112 G. B. Picotti, ‘“‘La Congiura dei cardinali,”’ Revista storica Christendom.!!° If the urbane pope frowned at the italiana, 1 (1923), 249-67, from whose pages Leo X and his

cousin, Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, emerge almost as criminals, ~~ but the stakes were high, and the threats to Medicean security Turco, se € vera, € grandissima cosa. . .”” (Roberto Palmawere serious. Ferrajoli, op. cit., pp. 140-49, believes that there — rocchi, ed., Carteggi di Francesco Guicciardim, I (Bologna, 1939],

was in fact a real conspiracy to poison Leo, as stated in the no. 110, p. 90, and note P. G. Ricci, ed., Carteggi, XVII [Rome, confession extorted from Nini under torture. Rodocanachi, Le 1972], 143, 146). Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 113 ff., gives a general account of the '!? Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 2-5, vol. XXXI, conspiracy, as does Fabrizio Winspeare, La Congiura dei cardi- pp. 149-51. Sanudo, Diarn, XXIV, 104, summarizes a Venenali contro Leone X, Florence, 1957, esp. pp. 39 ff., who has no _ tian dispatch from Rome describing the twelfth and last session

doubt as to the guilt of the conspirators. of the Lateran Council and the reading of Maximilian’s letter 13 Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia to the pope, on which cf. Mansi, Sacra concilia, XXXII (Paris, catholica, III (1923), 15-17; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 196-207, 1902), cols. 977 ff. Before the last session (on 16 March, 1517) and Gesch. d. Padpste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 135-42; Guicciardini, Sadoleto had read the text to a congregation of the cardinals,

Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, IH], 265- after which Andrea Piperario, the conciliar secretary, read it 66; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 100-1, vol. XXXI___to the assembled fathers (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscel(1877), pp. 177-78; Sanudo, Diarn, XXIV, 449, 451 ff., 462, lanea, Reg. 6 [from the Archivum Consistoriale], fols. 140°— 465-66, 521 ff., and vol. XXV, col. 65; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, 141°, and Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 66).

Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 165’-167", 169-71. At a consistory held on 23 March (1517) Sadoleto read the

"4 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 1-2, vol. XXXI__ pope’s briefs in reply to Maximilian’s letters concerning both (1877), p. 149; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des — the council and the crusade (Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 143),

conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 541-42. The king of Hungary as well and see in general the detailed study of Georg Wagner, ‘‘Der as other European sovereigns received Leo X’s brief recounting letzte Tiirkenkreuzzugsplan Kaiser Maximilians I. aus dem the Turkish victory in Syria (Sanudo, Diariz, XXIV, 100). On = Jahre 1517,” Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir osterreichische Geschichts-

21 April, 1517, Guicciardini wrote that “‘questa nuova del _forschung, LX XVII (1969), 314-53, esp. pp. 320 ff.

170 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT conclusion to the letter, he could nonetheless smile of the ceremonieri, which were never intended for at Maximilian’s unblushing picture of himselfasthe publication, Paride Grassi states that virtuous prince. After Andrea Piperario, secretary of the council, | ™any and almost a majority have said that this is not the

had read letters from Francis I, Charles [V], and time to close a council but rather to open one: it is also other rulers pledging similar support for the cru- not the time to impose tithes, especially since there is

; : no hope of an expedition against the Turks, but if acsade, other business was discussed, and then Marino ; “ . ; ; yo: tually and in truth an expedition should be organized, Grimani, the new patriarch of Aquileia, read the — inen the tithes should also be collected...

bull Constitutt juxta verbum prophetae, which reviewed

the work of the council. Julius II had convoked It If such complaints were justified, and of course and held five sessions; Leo had continued its work gvents would prove them so, the Hungarians, Hosthrough the remaining sessions. The Gallican schism pitallers, and others faced a harsh future. Valuable

had been healed; the prospects for peace looked time had been lost while Sultan Selim was camBoor ane plans Were peng made for me reform paigning in the East. His conquest of Egypt had oF the wuria. Dut one of the prime objects of the converted Alexandria into an Ottoman port with council, it was said, had been to launch a crusade; diate. unim peded access to the Mediterraagainst the Turks. Since the fall of Constantinople joan He nee d no longer fear the Persians, and he * the dag of Nino's V, Leo's predec CSSOTS ae had destroyed the Mamluks. Turkish corsairs were prannee an expecition to avenge the injury then cruising in the Tyrrhenian Sea, and well might

nce LN the fan ane to repress me fury of members of the Curia fear an attack upon Italy,

the mnnge's. Now /€o in lus turn imposed a three for after all, what were the prospects for a crusade? years’ tithe to be levied for the crusade in universo Henry VIII had the answer. In a letter dated at

one ede “ be Paid by a urcnes With a fel London on 13 April, 1517, the Venetian ambas-

and folders of ecclesiastical benences. With a Ana" sador Sebastiano Giustinian wrote his government

admonition to the princes of Europe to keep the 444 Hen ry had told him peace, Leo dismissed the attending fathers to return

116 to their churches. My lord ambassador, you are sage, and of your prudence

Not all the fathers were happy, however, with may comprehend that no general expedition against the what had been accomplished at the Lateran Coun- Turks will ever be effected so long as such treachery cil. With the frankness often found in the diaries prevails amongst the Christian powers that their sole thought is to destroy one another. . . .''®

Despite the somewhat cynical view -

116 Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., adann. 1517, nos. 6-15, vol. XXXI ciliar (the h f ‘ ©" ,, of the an

(1877), pp. 151-54; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. , rs, wno preferred to see tithes levied on des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 543. Cf the pope’s letter to Francis the laity rather than on themselves, Pope Leo X I, dated at Rome on 17 March, 1517, in Charrieére, Negociations, had begun to live in unremitting fear of the Turk. I, 23-24, note: ““. . . Heri, qui dies huius mensis sextus decimus Qn 9 May, 1517, Pietro Bembo wrote Francis I in the po rosanctam Lateranensem synodum.. . . Et nunc in hac duo- b POPS . ded. tat twice already his Majesty had decima atque ultima eiusdem sacri Lateranensis concili sessione cen Temin ed of the likely consequences of the ipsam expeditionem, sacro eodem approbante concilio, contra. Turkish conquest of Egypt. Leo urged Francis to infideles suscipiendam decrevimus. . . .”” Nevertheless, the take the cross in accord with the decree of the final French were not displaying a co-operative attitude at the Curia gecsign of the Lateran Council. He wanted the

fuit, clausimus Deo concedente atque eodem inspirante sac- ’ .

Romana, as Alberto Pio da Carpi wrote Maximilian on | May: French government eith d ‘Plurima preteritis diebus significavi Maiestati Vestre que tunc 8 ent either to send new envoys to

Univ. of Penna.).

accidebant, et inter cetera de attrocibus querelis et minacibus Rome or to authorize those it now had at the Curia verbis Gallorum et de impudentibus petitionibus eorum adversus “‘to do the things which must be done’”’ (17s quae opus panctissimum Dominum Nostrum . . .” (Lea MS. 414, Library, — essent conficiendis). The Turkish sultan had just added

the weal There is a brief and superficial sketch of Leo X’s crusading he al cu and ced of Syria and Egypt to those

endeavors in J. Martin, ‘‘Le Saint-Siége et la question d’ Orient e already possessed. Francis must join a union of au XVI° siécle: Projets de croisade sous le regne de Léon X,”’ Revue d’ histoire diplomatique, XXX (1916), 35-42, drawn en-

tirely from Pastor and without references to the sources, and a more serious study by G. L. Moncallero, ‘‘La Politica di Leone 117 paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, no.

X e di Francesco I nella progettata crociata controi Turchie 16, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 154. nella lotta per la successione imperiale,”’ Rinascimento [La Ri- "18 Rawdon Brown, ed., Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII,

nascita, 2nd series], VIII (Florence, 1957), 61-109. 2 vols., London, 1854, II, 57.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 171 the Christian princes to resist the Turk, whose some’’—into Italian waters in order to patrol and enormous fleet would certainly be employed forthe protect the threatened shores of the peninsula in devastation and destruction of Christendom. God co-operation with the papal and Neapolitan fleets.''” would hold the king of France accountable as well as the pope for the use they now made of the re- = —W———

sources He had given them. 9 Bembo, Epp., XV, 17, in Opere, IV, 127-28, dated at Francis must gird for war against The rome ne Idus anno7quinto of J. W. : esch.thed.Turk. osman. Reaches inMalas, Europa, vols.,or]Ham urgZancessen, an otha,

She of poe were von nm ane men d for now 1840-63, II, 598. Although there was much tension between aamire Mis Courage NO less ur an Nis S00 ortune. the Curia Romana and the French court at this time, as ilusNews had come to the Curia that forty Turkish trated by Alberto da Carpi’s letter to Maximilian of 1 May, ships had recently been sighted between Corsica 1517 (cited above), Francis I was beginning to make some effort and Sardinia filling the Tyrrhenian Sea and the © relieve it—Carpi writes in the same letter: “‘. . . Interim islands with f ‘ and trembling. The pope requested SUPervenere quedam littere oratoris Summi Pontificis ex Gallia

. car an © 8° pop q quibus scribit c[o]lepisse Regis animum molf}]iri et ei dixisse

Francis to send the ships he had at Genoa and Mar- pnitiora verba solitis, immo plena reverentia et devotione erga

seille—‘‘and I know for certain that you have _ hanc Sanctam Sedem. . .” (Lea MS. 414, Univ. of Penna.).

5. LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE AGAINST SELIM THE GRIM (1517-1521) EO X SEEMS to have found little freedom He spoke of the overwhelming danger which from anxiety to enjoy the papacy which God _ threatened the very extinction of the Christian had given him.’ The Turks were reveling in their religion (. . . fore procul dubio ut brevi tota Chriseastern victories, according to a papal brief written _ tiana relligio pessum eat), according to the account

by Sadoleto to Francis I (on 2 July, 1517), and preserved in an unpublished letter of Alberto Pio, were now thirsting for the flow of Christian blood. count of Carpi, the Emperor Maximilian’s ambasIndeed, the nauseating arrogance of a letter sent sador to Rome. Now that the Turks had taken by the Turkish captain in the Egyptian theater of Egypt, the pope said, and possessed almost all the operations to Fabrizio del Carretto, the grand eastern Roman empire, and had prepared a powmaster of the Hospitallers (whom he dubs, as the _ erful fleet on the Hellespont, they no longer made least of his insults, a ‘‘mangy dog’’), must needs __ Sicily or even Italy the object of their ambition, turn the stomach of a lesser man than the king of _ but aspired to dominance over the entire world.° France. The Holy See and the Christian com-

monwealth looked to Francis for protection against _

the savage foe, and Leo again urged the immediate ° Alberto da Carpi’s letter to Maximilian is dated at Rome dispatch of French envoys to Rome to arrange for 0° 7 November, 1517. It may be found in the collection of his _ heto Turks. d correspondence in theThe Leaconclusion Library of (MS. 414),is University of armed opposition the lurks.Sspeed was nec- Pennsylvania. the letter missing: essary lest destruction come even before the de- ‘‘Sacratissime invictissimeque Caesar: Sanctissimus Dominus fense had been planned. “We beg of you, there- Noster diebus preteritis congregatis quibusdam reverendissimis fore. most beloved son. listen now to the voice of 2? dinalibus ad se convocari fecit omnes principum Christiano-

GOG d 1]; 932 rum oratores in Curia agentes quibus exposuit que ex multorum Calnng upon you... . . litteris et nunciis acceperat de victoriis ac prosperrimo rerum

At the beginning of November, 1517, with the successu immanissimi Christiani nominis hostis Turcorum prinusual alarming news of Turkish success coming cipis et in quot ac quam maximis periculis universa Christiana from the East, Leo X assembled certain members _ respublica versaretur cui ni opportune a principibus Christianis of the Sacred College and, as was customary in Succurratur, fore procul dubio ut brevi tota Christiana relligio . h th b pessum eat. Cum atrocissimi Turce Alexandria, Aegypto ac toto matters concerning the Crusade, all the members — fere Romani imperii oriente in potestatem suam redacto, parata of the diplomatic corps accredited to the Holy See. in Hellesponto potentissima classe, iam non Sicilie, non Italie solum sed totius orbis imperio inhiant, proinde sibi videri opportunum ut principes Christiani sese iam colligerent, secum habitarent, et super tanta re consilia intrent ut quam maiores ' According to the report which the Venetian ambassador __ nostri pro laude et gloria tantum a tot seculis exoptarent, una Marino Giorgi (Zorzi) made to the Senate on 17 March, 1517, | omnium maxime necessaria nunc pro aris, pro communi salute Leo X did in fact say to his brother Giuliano some time after — expeditio in Turcas suscipiatur. his election, ‘‘Godiamci il papato, poiche Dio ce |’ ha dato”’ ‘‘Iniungens eius Beatitudo omnibus oratoribus, qui aderant, (Sanudo, Diarti, XXIV, 90). On the election of Giorgi as am- __ scriberent hac de re ad suos principes imprimis mihi cum Maiesbassador to Rome in January, 1515, see Sanudo, XIX, 393. — tatem Vestram Christiane reipublice arcem caputque esse sciat He arrived in Rome at the beginning of April (ibid., XX, 101), | que semper saluberrimam adversus infideles expeditionem et about two years after Leo’s alleged statement. Pastor, Gesch. _ optavit et suasit. Volens oransque eius Sanctitas ut quisque prind. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 353, and Hist. Popes, VIII, 76, cipum Christianorum de hoc gravissimo periculo, quod cervibelieves ‘‘Giorgi wiederholt wahrscheinlich nur eine Anekdote __cibus ipsorum imminet, consulat, decernat, et suam sententiam der Anticamera,”’ and Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, p. _ de huiuscemodi expeditione proferat, et ad se descriptam trans-

37, also doubts that Leo could have been guilty of such an mittat, cum his que quisque illorum in hoc bellum sit oblaturus, indiscreet statement. Giorgi’s actual commission I find dated hoc etiam addens valde expedire ad presentis rei negotium 22 March, 1515, in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Sen. obeundum ut interim communes inducie inter principes ChrisSecreta, Reg. 46, fols. 104° ff., Comissio virt nobilis Marini Georgu _tianos fieret ut, regnis ipsorum securis ab omnique hostili vi doctoris, oratoris proficiscentis ad Leonem X, summum pontificem. liberis, alacrioribus animis huiuscemodi provinciam capere pos-

2 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 24-27. The offensive letter of sint. the Turkish captain to the Grand Master del Carretto is clearly ‘Cul ego respondi Maiestatem Vestram semper fuisse optime that given in Sanudo, Diarti, XXIV, 440-41: “. . . e tu che — animatam ad hoc preclarum facinus summisque votis expetisse sel uno cane rognoso de una mandra, cane figlio di cane, cane __ pro salute Christiane reipublice huiusmodi in Turcas expedide lo inferno, e tu te chiami grande cane al tempo del Signor —tionem, quod cum aliarum litterarum Maiestatis Vestre tum che governa el mondo, come é questo?”’ Cf. Rawdon Brown, que in postremo Lateranensi Concilio recitate fuerunt testimonio ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (London, 1867), | comprobatur Maiestatemque Vestram quamquam multis aliis

no. 915, pp. 396-97. impeditam tamen propediem ad me procuratoria hac de re 172

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 173 Leo now continued with the old refrain that the ten in the name of Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici (later

Christian princes should get together, and take Pope Clement VII) to Antonio Pucci, then papal counsel what was to be done. He reminded the nuncio to the Swiss, Francis I had sent Lescun from ambassadors of the centuries of fame and glory Milan to the Curia to urge the pope to press forward their ancestors had achieved in the crusade. An with plans for the crusade ‘‘et offerendo tucte le expedition against the Turks was necessary to pro- forze sue.” Leo X was said to be greatly consoled tect the altars of Christendom and to assure the by Lescun’s visit, because there was nothing he decommon safety of Europe. His Holiness asked the _ sired in all the world so much as to see the launching ambassadors to write to their principals, and at of an expedition against the Turks. In consistory this point apparently his eyes sought those of Al- he formed a ‘‘deputation”’ or commission of eight berto Pio himself. Leo wanted each of the princes cardinals—Carvajal, Remolino, Fieschi, Grassi, to consider the gravity of the peril which was hang- Pucci, Medici, Farnese, and Cornaro—to consider ing over him, and transmit his ideas to the Curia and deal with the matter. The purpose of the comin writing, each prince specifying the contribution mission was to study the logistics of a crusade and he would make in the war against the Turks. In the military and naval resources of the Ottoman the meantime peace must be restored to Europe empire.° The recommendations of this commission so that every prince might be assured of the safety were to form the basis of a special report on the of his dominions and give his whole-hearted at- requirements for an expedition against the Turks.

tention to the great problem which confronted The pope’s intention was to send a copy of this

them all. report to the chief sovereigns of Europe. We shall

Alberto Pio, who had interpreted the pope’s return to its contents presently. It is a noteworthy gesture to him as meaning that a special obligation document. rested on the emperor’s shoulders, now stated that Antonio Pucci was to inform the Swiss of deMaximilian had always been a strong advocate of _velopments at the Curia Romana and to encourage the crusade. This fact was clear, he said, from var-_ them to join the expedition. Perhaps Charles III ious letters which Maximilian had written, includ- of Savoy would take the cross, although he then ing that read at the Fifth Lateran Council. But his _ had his differences with his nephew, Francis I, who imperial Majesty, although beset by many diff- unfortunately had many enemies in Switzerland.’ culties, would quickly send Alberto Pio his letters On the tenth a letter was addressed to Giovanni of procuration (procuratoria) for the crusade, for Stafhleo, bishop of Sebenico (Sibenik) and nuncio all the ambassadors at the Curia Romana appar-

ently had such letters except him and the English ~~

ambassador.* As for Henry VIII, although he ° On 20 April, 1517, Leo X had already appointed a com. mission of six cardinals to study the prospects of the crusade made favorable noises concerning the crusade (Arch. Segr. Vati Acta Miscell Res. 6 fol. 144. and

. . . Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. ,an

from time to time, he could hardly have been less cf. Sanudo, Diari, XXIV, 195), but two of its members, Riario concerned about the Turks, had they lived on an- and Castellesi, were soon implicated in the conspiracy to kill other planet.” But of course the crusading tradi- Leo, and the commission accomplished little. On the commission tion of French chivalry caused the Turkish peril ormed in the consistory of 4 November, 1517, see the Acta to be discussed more seriously, or at least more cellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 184, the commission being appointed ‘‘ad

. . sonsistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 77°, and Acta Mis-

often, at the court of Francis I. consulendum et assistendum sue Sanctitati una cum dominis According toa letter of 5 November, 151 7, writ- _oratoribus principum super expeditione fienda contra Turchas.”’ ’ Cesare Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”” Arch. stor. italiano, XXI (1875), 189-90. Antonio Pucci was the nephew

ae of Cardinal Lorenzo (Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 665, note,

transmissuram, nam omnium principum oratores qui sunt in and Sanudo, Diarti, XX VI, 213). He left Rome on the Swiss Curia habent sua procuratoria super hoc negotio, me et Sere- mission in August, 1517 (Sanudo, XXIV, 569). The Curia Ronissimi Anglici Regis oratore excepto dixique me de hisomnibus —_ mana tried hard to reconcile Francis and Charles of Savoy ad Maiestatem Vestram scripturum id quod facio cuius bone — (‘‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1, 203-4). The Swiss

gratie . . .”’ [the copy of the letter in the Lea Library breaks _ were said to be willing to supply infantry to serve on an anti-

off here]. Turkish expedition “‘whenever they should perceive the sovLittle escaped Sanudo, who describes Alberto da Carpi’s par- _ ereigns of Christendom united to effect it and ready to act”’

ticipation in the meeting called by Leo X (Diarn, XXV, 85, (Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, II from letters of the Venetian ambassador in Rome, dated 10— _—[London, 1867], no. 851, p. 369, doc. dated 6 March, 1517).

11 November, 1517). On 21 October, 1517, Girolamo Lippomani dal Banco wrote

* [bid., Ducange, Glossarium, V1 (repr. Graz, 1954), 522, de- | Marino Sanudo of the rumor “‘che ’] re di Franza vol vegnir fines procuratorium as ‘“‘litterae quibus aliquod negotium alicui in persona a la impresa contra il Turcho, ma vol clausole di

committitur.”’ non esser molestado in Italia de li soi stadi’’ (Diaru, XXV, 65,

5 Cf, below, note 58. and cf. col. 67).

174 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to France,” concerning ‘“‘this holy enterprise against a proper financial or other contribution to the the Turk, which every hour is known to become Crusade.!! A few days later, on 14 November, of larger moment and greater necessity.”’ Francis another bull was issued, Cogimur ab ecclesiis, imwas to have the crusading levy and the tithe he _ posing another tithe on the revenues of the clergy had requested. They were to be employed, how- throughout France and Brittany, the second such ever, for no other purpose than helping to finance _ crusading tithe since 17 May, 1516.'* The crusade

the anti-Turkish expedition.” was obviously a source of considerable revenue to

On 11 November, 1517, the pope issued a spe- _ the French king, to whom the bulk of the proceeds cial crusading indulgence in the bull Humani ge-__ were assigned, but (it must be emphasized) he was neris redemptor. Again he emphasized the increase _ to use such funds solely for the crusade. Of course

of Ottoman power as a result of Selim’s conquest he did not do so, and later on he was to be held of Egypt, and gave credence to the report that the accountable for his malfeasance. ‘“Turcarum tyrannus’’ was preparing a larger fleet When Leo X stipulated that the crusading levy than ever before.'® At the same time he sent a and the tithe were to be used only to help finance special brief to the inhabitants of the duchy of ananti-Turkish expedition, was he merely playing Brittany, reminding them of Francis’s pledge to a diplomatic game? Were the pope and the king go on the “‘sacred expedition,” and granting the | of France sparring with each other over lucrative usual “‘plenary indulgence and remission of all sources of income? If there was no crusade, could sins’’ to those Bretons who within two years made _ not Leo be certain that Francis would appropriate the funds to his own use? One must doubtless an* On Staffileo’s appointment as nuncio to France, note Sa- SWET lM the afhrmative, but a letter of 17 Novem-

nudo, Diarii, XXIV, 543-44. The tomb of his nephew and ber (1517), sent to Antonio Pucci in Cardinal

successor Giovanni Lucio Staffileo (d. 1557) may still be seen de’ Medici’s name, reveals the state of mind which un the north aisle of his church, the cathedral of Sv. Jakov in then prevailed in the Curia: ibenik. ” ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 191-92. The question of the crusade [questa impresa| gets hotter On 14 November (1517) Staffileo was informed that Leo X was every day, and the more we deal with it, the more we sending three bulls, by one of which he extended the crusading perceive its necessity, because there is certainly agree-

levy (crociata) for two years in France yo:it was a, ment onand two the mostFrench importantdominions facts. First, while ultra montes; the second bull provided for another year’s tithe believed that the S; Selj ld ;

on all ecclesiastical incomes (in the French kingdom and ter- eueved tnat the signore [Selim] woure Femail a year ritories ultra montes); and the third bull authorized the collection OF S90 1 Syria and in Egypt to consolidate his victories,

of the tithe in the now French duchy of Milan. All three bulls which have been incredible, he is returning to Constanoutlined the procedures for safeguarding the funds collected tinople, where we think he has already arrived, loaded and contained penalties for their diversion to any use but the | with gold, and with such fame and ambition as can be

crusade, for (as Staffileo was to explain to Francis I) the pope imagined! Second, he is again preparing a huge was moved ma this Y xtreme necessity and his singular faith = 3;+mada beyond anything that can be found at present,

inThe Francis (#id.,was pp. 192-93). ; ; andfor he pays to nothing but collecting artillery, tithe extended oneattention year in the important bull rr ;

; | ; ; a building ships, and surveying all these seas and the is-

Etsi ad amplianda ecclesiarum omnium commoda, which is to be lands of E found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 79’- “@N1GS OF Europe. . . .

81°’, by original enumeration, and Reg. Vat. 1204, fols. 232°— ; ; ; .

236°, also by original enumeration. In Reg. Vat. 1203, fol. 81”, It God did not interpose a helping hand, It was it is dated 11 November, 1517 (‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum the writer’s opinion that Christendom might well Petrum anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo be facing catastrophe. Pucci was assured, however, decimo septimo, tertio Idus Novembris, pont. nostri anno” that Leo X would not fail to do his duty; he would

quinto’’); is dated June, 1517, inand Reg. Vat. 1204, fol.own wo . life .. v (ee : ;the easbull ., goon the1 expedition, would risk his 236" (“‘. . . Kal. Iunii, pont. nostri anno quinto’’). Pastor, Hist. J. 13

Popes, VII, 227, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), for the Christian flock.” 156, note, combines the references to the Vatican registers in

a meaningless jumble as Reg. 1204, fols. 79’—81", and misdates —

the bull ‘‘tertio Cal. Nov.’ (30 October). The Florentine banker 'l Charriére, I, 28, ‘‘datum. . . tertio Idus Nov.,. . . anno

Jacopo Salviati, a relative of the pope, handled the funds ac- — quinto.” cruing from the crusading tithe and the indulgence in France '2 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 84°85", ‘‘da(of Arm. XL, tom. 3 [Leonis X Brevia], no. 251, fol. 167). tum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno incarnationis dominice, '© Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 82"-83’, ‘‘da- _ millesimo quingentesimo decimo septimo, decimo octavo Katum. . . tertio Idus Novembris, pont. nostrianno quinto.”’ Cf, | lendas Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto.”’ Cf’ Charibid., fols. 85°-86%, ‘datum . . . decimo octavo Kal. Dec., riére, Négociations, 1, 28-29, note, and see, above, note 9, for . . . anno quinto” (14 November, 1517), and fols. 133°-134", the related bull Etst ad amplianda ecclesiarum omnium commoda. ‘“. . . octavo Kal. Sept., . . . anno sexto”’ (25 August, 1518), 13 “Mfanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 193both bulls beginning Dudum universos Christi fideles, and relating 94. Leo X had also been distressed by the Turks’ recent defeat

to financial] aspects of the crusading indulgence. of the Persians, on which note the letters sent from the Curia

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 175 While we may entertain some doubt on this last _ the writer of the letter, which was sent in Cardinal observation, it is quite apparent that Sultan Selim’s Giulio’s name, emphasizes that Leo placed all his startling successes had produced consternation at hope in Francis I, not in Maximilian,’” whose rep-

the Curia. Indeed, Selim was now said to have a__utation had worn pretty thin by this time. Year fleet of three hundred galleys (triremes) ready for after year the same questions were debated, and action in the harbor of Istanbul as well as a host no answers were found: How was peace to be made of shipwrights at work in his arsenal. On 14 No-_ in Europe? Who was to exercise the chief command vember (1517), the very day of the bull imposing of the crusading forces? Agreement was hard to the tithe on France and Brittany, Leo wrote Fran- reach. The arrival of a Turkish ambassador in Vencis that “the Turk has daily at hand a description — ice caused some measure of disquietude in the Curia and a painted map of the shores of Italy” (Turcam Romana, where the crusade was constantly under . . . habere quotidie in manibus descriptionem et prc- discussion, and whence an exhortation was adturam littorum Italiae). Previously one might have dressed to the Spanish court in an effort to evoke borne arms against this enemy in glory. Now it at least a spark of enthusiasm.'° Time was passing.

had become a matter of sheer necessity.'* The Turks seemed to be preparing for an attack, Leo X was caught in the trammels of unalter- and on 30 December Stafhleo, the apostolic nuncio able circumstance. Another letter was dispatched in France, was informed that “‘our lord [the pope] to Pucci on 17 November. He was to inform the awaits with great anticipation his Mayjesty’s reply Swiss that the pope had approved a dual leadership concerning the affairs of the Turk, with some firm

for the crusade, resolution which can be put into effect, without Log, having to waste more time in consulting and sendin

that is, Caesar and the most Christian king [of France], nivrs here and there 5017 8 8 not because [his Holiness] lacks confidence in the king’s © cre a a

wisdom, courage, and authority, and does not believe that

one commander would be better, but because if the em- Leo X did not have long to wait for the recperor is left out, there is reason to doubt that his imperial _ommendations of his crusading commission. From Majesty will co-operate with that support which would be _ the results of its inquiries a report was to be pre-

necessary, and so perhaps Spain and England also would pared for presentation to the sovereigns upon

grow cold to the idea [of an expedition]. whose participation the Curia would have to rely The difficulties were obvious. The Frenchand Ger- {0% whatever success the crusade might achieve. mans had rarely achieved co-operation in a crusad-

ing venture since the ill-fated attempts of Louis VII | 7 C d Ill al tf t P bef; B 15 «“\fanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 195.

an onra almost four centuries before. but 16 Ibid., XXI, 197 ff. The Turkish ambassador arrived at the beginning of November, 1517, as appears from the Sen. Secreta,

Reg. 47, fols. 86 ff., copy of a letter dated 5 November to the Romana on 31 October and 8 and 19 November, 1514, in Venetian bailie in Istanbul: ‘“‘Questi proximi zorni € arrivato Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 667—70. But the Venetian Signoria — qui el magnifico Alibei orator del serenissimo Gran Signor ve-

left the provveditore of its fleet in eastern waters no doubt as _ nuto de Polonia, dove I’ € stato molti mesi, et € sta honorato to the position of the Republic when he received their dispatch —_ et veduto de la Signoria nostra cum quel modo et bon et alegro dated 4 September, 1517: ‘‘Per la prudentia vostra possete ben _ volto che ricercha la bona pace et amicitia havemo cum el suo considerar de quanta importantia sia al stato nostro mantener __ serenissimo Gran Signor et anche lamor che portamo ad epso et conservar la pace che habbiamo cum el serenissimo Signor — magnifico Alibei per le sue virtu et prestante sue conditione. Turco, et quanto sia officio per ogni via et modo tuor dimezo Ne ha presentata una lettera data in Alepo de Septembrio 1516 tute quelle cosse che potesseno esser causa de turbar tal bona _ per laqual sua serenissima Signoria ne scrive mandare epso pace et amicitia,”’ etc. (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 76). On the | ambassator ad darne nova dela victoria et de lacquisto fatto del same day the Senate authorized a letter to the bailie in Istanbul _paese et signoria teneva el soldan del Cayro.. . . Nui veramente expressing the Signoria’s distress that Venetian subjects should li habiamo risposto che de li felici successi et grande victoria have injured certain subjects of the Porte, “‘perché sopra ogni _del suo serenissimo Signor come immediate facessemo intender

altra cossa desideramo non solo de mantenir et conservar la _ per lettere nostre dirrective a sua Serenita et per li oratori bona amicitia et pace che habbiamo cum sua Excellentia [the nostri che li habiamo mandati, ne habiamo sentito tanto apiacer, sultan], ma etiam de accrescerla et augumentarla come quelli _ etiam se ne siamo tanto ralegrati quanto possi haver alcun altro che desiderano la exaltation et gloria sua. . .” (ibid., Reg. 47, | suo bon et vero amico et tanto piu che sapendo che lui é€ signor fols. 76°—77'). The Venetians were of course afraid of becoming de iustitia et rason et poi ha bona pace et amicitia cum la the object of Turkish hostility, and were anxious not to get Signoria nostra. Semo certi che li subditi et mercadanti nostri involved in Leo X’s crusading plans, but they hardly wanted che practicano et nela Soria et nel Egypto sarano molto meglio to see the sultan’s acquisition of further glory: such letters were —_ veduto et tractati che per il preterito et non sara permesso gli written so that, if necessary, the bailie could show them to the © sia fatta senon bona et dretta rason.. . .”’ Cf also the letter

pashas. of the Senate to Selim dated 10 November (1517), which was 14 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 29-30, with notes, letter written read to the Collegio before being sent (ibid., fol. 87°). by Sadoleto and dated at S. Peter’s on 14 November, 1517. 17 «“Mfanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1, 205.

176 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Guicciardini has described the background of fear _ (ecclesiastical) penalties being provided for its vioagainst which the report was composed,'® and __ lation, all members of the alliance being also pledged more than a century ago Zinkeisen called it ‘“‘one to make war upon any one of their number guilty of the most noteworthy documents in the history _ of violating its terms: “‘and this alliance might be of the European movement against the Ottoman called the ‘fraternitas Sanctae Cruciatae’.’’*!

empire in the sixteenth century.”’'? The memorial Although the answers to the remaining three takes the scholastic form of a series of (six) major questions occupy by far the largest portion of the topics presented as questions to which answers are memorial, we may note them rather quickly. The given. It is dated 16 November, 151 7,79 which fourth query was whether the war should be waged

makes it clear that the commission of cardinals by all the princes, or by some only, and (of the

discharged its responsibility quickly. latter) by which ones. The answer was rather vague. The first question was whether the war should All the princes should make their contribution to be undertaken, the response being that this decision _ the great cause, but the German emperor and the was not to be reached by any investigation of the king of France were pre-eminently fitted to lead problem (consultatio). An aggressive enemy, deter- the united host “‘for many reasons . . . which we mined upon the destruction of Christianity, left no shall not enumerate, because they are quite clear.”’ alternative to war: there is no scope for ‘“‘consul- The fifth topic dealt with the means of carrying on tation” when necessity has intervened. The second the war (apparatus belli). Divine favor had to be

question, whether the war was to be offensive or assured by prayers, fasts, alms, and sacrifices. defensive, was as easily answered: the advantages Preachers would be sent among all peoples to call of offensive warfare were well understood, among _ them to a penitence that would be pleasing to God. them being the possible revelation of unexpected Funds were also needed, the ‘‘sinews of war,’ and weaknesses in the enemy. Thirdly, it was asked what considering the length and breadth of the Ottoman impediments there might be to the war, and how’ empire, to which Egypt and Syria had just been they were to be removed. The chief impediment added, as well as the sultan’s vast wealth in men was promptly identified as the “‘discords and dis- and money, large sums would have to be raised. In sensions among the Christian princes themselves,’’ fact about 8,000,000 ducats would have to be for which the remedy proposed was a general ar- found,?* but this could easily be done (the commistice (generales inducie) for at least a year, to start mission blithely assumed), because the kings could with, and then for six months beyond the conclusion — furnish a good part of this amount from their regof the crusade. The armistice was to be guaranteed ular revenues (vectigalia), as well they should, it is by the solemn oath of all the princes, its infraction said, because their own future was at stake. The to be met with the full measure of ecclesiastical Turks did not bother much with the common peopenalties and the offender’s citation as a public _ ple; they sought the heads of the nobles and princes. enemy. Disputes would be settled by the pope and Wherever the infidel had conquered, he had dethe college of cardinals or else their resolution would _ stroyed the local nobility with fearful cruelty. What be postponed until after the war. The commission _ part of the total amount needed should come from

further proposed in this regard a sworn alliance the royal and princely revenues, the commission between the princes and the pope, with the same _ refrained from suggesting, leaving it to the “‘prudence and liberality’? of those whose lives, honor,

TT and states were thus stated to be in the balance.*° 18 Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III,

278 ff.

'9 Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 11, 594-98, ~~ followed very closely by Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 223-26, and 7! Leo X’s memorial on the projected crusade is published Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 153-55. Before 21 Novem- __ in Charriére, Négociations, 1, 31-41, and (partially) in Raynaldus,

ber, 1517, Marco Minio, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 32-54, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. had not yet been able to send a copy to Venice of “‘gli articoli 159-63. These texts differ somewhat, and Raynaldus unforconclusi nella ultima congregation per esser di molta scriptura’”’” _ tunately omits the questions to which the successive paragraphs (and the text is long enough), but he knew the contents of the __ he prints supply the answers! The vigilant Sanudo, Diarii, XXV,

document: ‘Il desegno é bello et grande, ma dubita non sia 95-106, soon acquired an excellent copy of the text, which come quelli modeli che non vengono poia perfectione”’ (Sanudo, _ with some slight variations is the same as that given in Charriére. Diarii, XXV, 94). Minio sent the text to Venice late in the day 22 Both Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 596, and Pastor,

on 21 November (ibid., XXV, 106). Hist. Popes, VII, 224, and Gesch. d. Papste, IV-1 (repr. 1956), 20 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, no. 32, vol. XXXI 154, read octuagies centena millia aureum as meaning 800,000 (1877), p. 159a; the text is dated 12 November in the ‘“‘Mano- _—__ducats! Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, p. 141, makes the

187. 2° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 34.

scritti Torrigiani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XX VI (1877), | same mistake, but probably never read the Latin text.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 177 Both ecclesiastical and lay tithes were also con- and the cardinals would try to add ten galleys to sidered in the memorial as well as other kinds of the fleet. Other large ships, quas carracas seu galassessments, including the crusading indulgences, Jleones vocamus, could readily be got from France ‘from which, if war shall be waged in earnest, great and England, Spain and Portugal. Other nations sums will assuredly be collected,” for the faith was would be asked to make their contributions to the not dead in the hearts of Christians. There were _ fleet. many who would purchase eternal life for a small Three ways were considered into Ottoman tersum if they saw that war was being truly waged on _ritory. One might go through Germany and HunGod’s behalf. The usual arrangements were sug- gary, the Danube offering a convenient approach gested for collecting and handling funds. The or- to Istanbul, although certain princes might not like dinary of each diocese would depute one priest and this route. The way through Dalmatia and Illyria the cathedral chapter a second, who would work _ was difficult, and the terrain too rugged for cavalry. with one or two citizens or priests or monks to be The commission suggested that the emperor and chosen by the municipal government (universitas ci- the king of France might do well to go through vium), as it should decide, and these acting together Italy, embarking at Ancona and Brindisi for Greece would collect the sums accruing from the sale of and Egypt. The fleet should then assemble in Sicily indulgences, and secure them in a suitable strong- to transport the land forces from Ancona and Brinbox. Each member of the group should have a key — disi. A beachhead could be established in Ottoman to one of the locks, so that no one of them could _ territory, just across the Adriatic, at Durazzo, which

get at the contents without the others also being could easily be captured if the Christian fleet and present. The receipt of all sums should be diligently army converged at that point. According to Guicrecorded in writing, exchange carefully supervised, ciardini, the plan actually was for the emperor, to-

and so on. Next the commission took up the re- gether with the Hungarians and the Poles, to decruitment of troops. At least 60,000 infantry would scend the Danube valley and approach Istanbul be needed, to be sought among the Swiss, “Germans through Thrace, while the king of France and the whom they call Landsknechte,’’ Spanish, and Italians were to go by way of Brindisi into Albania Czechs. The best heavy-armed cavalry were said to and Greece. The Spanish, Portuguese, and English be French and Italian, of whom 4,000 would be _ fleets should assemble at Cartagena and thence prorequired, while 12,000 light-armed horse would ceed directly to the Dardanelles. The pope would have to be recruited from among the Spanish, Ital- sail from Ancona.”°

ians, Albanians, and Greeks. These land forces The transport of supplies from Italy ‘‘and even would, of course, need good leadership, sufficient from France’’ was considered (rather too briefly), provisions, and adequate equipment. For the war and the commission indicated that the greatest cauat sea a fleet should be collected from the Venetians _ tion had to be employed in dealing only with merand Genoese; the French of Provence, Brittany, chants who would supply provisions at honest prices. and elsewhere; and the Spanish of both the Iberian Arbiters should immediately be chosen to assign the peninsula and the two Sicilies; as well as from the conquests. In this capacity the pope and the college abundant reservoirs of men and ships in England _ of cardinals might serve, or others on whom the

and Portugal.** princes might reach a mutual agreement, and in

The sixth and last question related to the con- any event division of lands and the spoils of war duct of the war, in which the importance of a fleet should be made in accordance with the recipients’ to go with the land army was emphasized. The contributions to the crusade. Glorious adventure Turks had three hundred galleys, and were be- and splendid opportunity lay ahead. However powlieved to be preparing additional transports for erful and fierce the Ottoman enemy might be, he horses. ‘The Christians could not expect to acquire __was inferior to the European in character (virtus), so many galleys, but could certainly build up a_ military strength, and discipline, gue in bellis valent fleet of greater strength. The king of France could = maxime; hence with God’s help the proposed exsupply twenty galleys, already having a number in _ pedition might be assured of victory. The kings and the harbor of Marseille; the king of Spain could _ princes, therefore, would do their part to win the

provide a like number by adding eight to the

dozen gale ° a aireadly, had in Srey. Venice 85 Charrigre. Neégociations, 1, 37-39; Guicciardini, Storia a’ could provide forty, and senoa twenty. 1 NE Pope tatia, XII, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 278-79, whose account differs from the plan set forth in the memorandum of

TO the commission, and is rather inaccurately summarized in Zin*4 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 34-37. keisen, II, 597, note 1.

178 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT favor of God, increase their wealth, win everlasting The German answer to the memorial drafted by praise among men, and have their names written — the papal commission was prepared in the imperial

upon the very heavens.”° council. It was received in Rome early in the year

Copies of this elaborate document were promptly 1518. Beginning with a rhetorical rehearsal of the sent to Francis I and Maximilian, and soon produced cruel course of Turkish conquest, Maximilian’s rejoinders from them both. The French reply is councilors praised the knowledge and wisdom disdated 23 December (1517). In it Francis heartily played in the memorial. There is manifest throughagreed with the necessity for peace in Europe during out the German document, however, annoyance the crusade, and bound France to the observance — with the important role which the pope had assigned of such a peace. The major problem would be a __ to the king of France in the projected crusade. The financial one; much money would be needed for German nation, the councilors said quite truly, soldiers’ pay and the maintenance of artillery. Fran- | comprised many states with many different laws and

cis would do his best to help secure such funds both customs, and no such huge enterprise as that enfrom the laity and, following the pope’s advice, from __visaged in the pope’s memorial could be organized

the clergy, but a year’s tithe would not go far to in short order as far as the imperial domain was support an enterprise like the crusade, “‘car la deé- concerned. The Germans as usual had elaborate votion du peuple est si petite, qu’ il ne revient quasy _ plans; in this case it was to take three years to work

rien d’ icelle!’’ He indicated the very considerable them out. In the meantime the pope was instructed extent to which he was willing (according to him) on the best way to recruit a crusading army and to recruit troops and furnish artillery. He warned given numerous suggestions as to soldiers’ wages, that it would cost great sums each month, and that _ taxes, and artillery. it was essential to know what proportions of the A five or six years’ peace in Europe must provide cost the laity and clergy of each country were going the necessary background to the crusade. Instead to pay. A single great crusading army, however, of a single great undertaking, the emperor’s advisors with an imperfectly centralized command, would _ proposed a series of different expeditions prolonged inevitably suffer from ‘‘disorder and discord” like over a three-year period. The first was to take place the army of Darius the Persian. One could not feed as soon as possible, in 1518, against North Africa sO many men, and instead of making war upon the (where at Algiers the Spanish had been defeated Turks they would fight among themselves. If the the year before). The commanders of the African French went by way of Brindisi, the Germans, Hun- expedition should be the emperor and the kings of garians, and Poles should go by way of Hungary, Spain and Portugal, while the most serene king of and the Spanish, English, and Portuguese by sea. France would support their efforts with his fleet. As for the division of conquered territories, Francis Since Maximilian’s grandson, Charles [V], had rethought that preference should be given to those cently become the king of Spain, this plan was not who would be willing to reside in such territories, likely to be regarded either in Rome or in Paris as and would have the means to defend them against a disinterested proposal to help the cause of Chris-

reconquest by the Turks.?’ tendom against the Turks. A second expedition of

Poles, Hungarians, Czechs, Silesians, and Austrians, *° Charriere, Négociations, 1, 39-41.

?? Charriére, Négociations, 1, 41-46, “‘escript a Amboise, le ~ seiziesme jour de décembre [1517], [signed] vostre trés-obeisant | and would have required far less transport. That the papal filz, Francois.’’ Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, 157, note 2, calls | commission should suggest that French and imperial troops

attention to the Latin version of the French answer to the march almost the length of Italy for embarkation at Ancona cardinals’ memorandum in the Cod. Vat. Jat. 3922, fols. 116- and Brindisi shows the Curia Romana was willing to take con118%. It is dated 23 December, 1517, which Pastor regards as siderable risks on behalf of the crusade, which also never seems the correct date (rather than 16 December). He is probably — to occur to Ursu. As for Francis’s suggestion that the troops right. J. Ursu, in his discerning study of La Politique orientale of the great powers go eastward separately, the history of the de Frangois I” (1515-1547), Paris, 1908, pp. 12-13, observes, | crusades from the end of the eleventh century bears constant ‘‘Naturellement la descente de |’ armée frangaise devait se faire witness to the obvious wisdom of such a procedure.

par I’ Italie, ce qui a juste titre éveillait des soupcons dans Since arrangements were being made at this time for the I’ esprit de |’ Empereur;’’ but he seems not to have noticed marriage of the pope’s nephew Lorenzo de’ Medici with a that French (and, to be sure, imperial) passage through Italy | French princess, the Curia Romana hoped to find Francis I had already been recommended by the papal commission. especially co-operative on the question of the crusade (cf Pastor, Certainly imperial suspicions would have been more keenly — Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, 156, and Sanudo, XXV, 211, 213, 223).

aroused if Francis had proposed to march through Germany __ If the way could be found to pay them, Francis undertook to and Hungary, while for the Germans, Hungarians, and Poles _ provide 4,000 men-at-arms, 8,000 light horse, and 50,000 foot the northern Balkan route toward Istanbul was far more direct soldiers for the crusade (Charriére, I, 43).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 179 to whom Maximilian would furnish artillery, should document as a “sehr griindliche Arbeit,’’*? one also be set in motion to strike more directly at the can hardly believe that they expected either the Ottoman empire. A year later (i.e.,in 1519) Francis pope or the king of France to take it seriously. I, having risked his ships in the African expedition The young Charles of Spain added his own comfor the benefit of Spain, could then go via Italy ments to the others being expressed on the memthrough the Balkans by way of Novibazar (Novi orandum: Since the season was too far advanced Pazar), where an army under the king of Poland and the princes unprepared for action, the best could join him, and together the French and Poles, that could be done for a year was to stand firm Vlachs, Moldavians, and others could push on against Islam, and make “bonne provision”’ in the through Philippopolis and Adrianople to the shores places most important to the crusade, such as Na-

of the Bosporus. ples, Sicily, the March of Ancona, and certain othIn the third year (1520), ers. In these places 20,000 infantry and 5,000

after the liberation of Africa, as we hope, and the storm- no BSE shoule ve of entrated is be P a wr by ing of the cities of Algiers and Alexandria, as well as the he pope, tne Ings OF France and opain, t © vene-

scattering and destruction of the Turkish armada, in tians, Florentines, and some other Italian states.

accord with our plan, Charles already had thousands of men under arms

a in Italy and elsewhere, and with a detachment of

Maximilian and the king of Portugal would attack 2,000 horse and 8,000 foot from the king of

Greece in conjunction with the kings of France — France and 1,000 horse from the pope (the French and Poland. They would lay siege to the sultan in and papal forces to assemble in Ancona), there Istanbul and, after taking the city, would go on seemed for the present to be no immediate need into Anatolia “‘and other more distant Turkish of additional recruitments, provided Charles reterritories,” thus putting an end to the Ottoman ceived the necessary financial assistance to mainmenace. The Persians would assist the Christians tain his troops.°°

and might have one-half of Anatolia as well as all The papal project for the crusade and the Caramania and Armenia, but the rest of Asiaand French and German commentaries which it proAfrica, especially Egypt and the Holy Land, would = quced are quite revealing. Concerning the exof course be taken over by the Christians. There treme anxiety of the Curia Romana that the adwould be a just division of the conquests. The plan vance of Islam be stopped, there can be no doubt. should be put into operation as soon as possible, While the French king’s rather casual memoran-

beginning with the African expedition.” dum deals with some of the major problems that French forces, having aided the Hapsburgs to yequired solution before any expedition could be

add North Africa to their far-flung domains, Jjaunched with the slightest hope of success, the would thus be permitted to share with the em- German document is too fatuous to take seriously peror the glory (and perils) of taking Istanbul and as a plan for the crusade. It almost assumes that adding Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, and Egypttothe the Turks would stand idly by while Maximilian’s so-called commonwealth of Christian nations. Al- tortuous scheme was worked out to dismember though Zinkeisen regards the German councilors’ their empire over a three-year period. On one

principle, however, there seemed to be agree-

— ment. Peace had to be assured in Europe before *® Charriére, Négociations, 1, 49-63. The imperial project for any crusade could get under way. The princes the crusade was sent by the pope with a covering letter to Fran- would never go off to a war against the Turks,

cis | on 4 March, 1518 (ibid., I, pp. 47-49). For a speech ascribed to the Emperor Maximilian on the Turkish question, allegedly delivered to the German princes and estates at the diet of Augsburg in 1518, see Imp. Maximiliani I. . . De bello ?9 Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 600-1.

Turcico ad principes et ordines sacri Rom. Imperi in Comitis habita °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 63-64, note. The French, imOratio . . . Anno MDXIIX, Helmstadt (in Brunswick), “typis _ perial, and Spanish replies to the crusading memorandum had Henningi Mulleri, acad. typ.,”” 1664. Ulrich von Hutten ad- all been received and considered at the Curia Romana by 25 dressed his Exhortatoria to the diet of Augsburg, urging the February (1518) when ‘‘Sua Santita ne ha preso grandissimo

princes to organize a united offensive against the Turks, his piacere, inteso le volunta di questi principi essere calde et prefatory epistle to Conrad Peutinger being dated at Mainz 25 ~—prompte a questa sancta impresa”’ (‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’

May, 1518; the work was printed at Augsburg in 1518, pre- Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 227). But since a general peace in sumably after August: “In officina excusoria SigismundiGrimm —_ Europe was necessary to organize the crusade and would be

Medici et Marci Vuyrsung, Augustae, An. MDXVIII.”’ Carl difficult and time-consuming to arrange, Leo hoped that a Gollner, Turcica, I (1961), lists some eighty anti-Turkish im- _ year’s truce might first be managed and later conceivably beprints as issuing from the European presses during the reign come a general peace. The hope was also for a six years’ truce

of Leo X. between Maximilian and the Venetians (2bid., X XI, 227-28).

180 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT leaving their lands and states exposed to the en- at all to the proposed crusade, and the ambassador

terprise of hostile neighbors. of the Republic in Rome was instructed to take no Leo X, therefore, issued a bull dated 6 March, _ part inthe discussions.°* Venice would run no risks 1518, declaring a five years’ truce (quinquennales either for Europe or for the Holy See. treugae et induciae) among all Christian princes and In earlier years the popes had not been distressed powers, the infraction of which was to call forth to see Venetian resources spent on war with the excommunication and the interdict.*' The bull Turk (or spent in fighting the League of Cambrai), was published with every solemnity inthe presence and partly for the reasons which the Florentine amof the pope and the cardinals in the basilica of S. _ bassador, Ottone Niccolini, had explained to Pope Maria sopra Minerva on 14 March. The mass of Pius II a half century before. Niccolini had regarded the Holy Spirit was celebrated by one of the car- _ the wealth of Venice as just as great a threat to the dinals, and the pope’s secretary, the humanist Ja- independence of the Italian states as the sultan’s copo Sadoleto, delivered an address which sketched ambition to conquer the peninsula. Pius’s support

the past successes of the Turks, the terrors at- of Venice at that time seemed to run counter to tending their conquests, and the measures now to _ the old papal policy of diverting overly strong sovbe taken against them. Sadoleto took especial no- _ ereigns and states to the war against the infidel. It tice of the Emperor Maximilian’s grandiose plan was conceivable that a Venetian victory over the of a three years’ war against the Turks, and men- Turk would subject the papacy to the Republic (if tioned one by one the favorable responses of the indeed a Venetian victory had been conceivable), princes to the pope’s appeal—Francis I of France, but to Pius as to many popes the crusade was both Charles of Spain, Henry VIII of England, Manuel a religious ideal and a political necessity.®° The fact of Portugal, Louis of Hungary, Sigismund I of — was that the Turk was dangerous. Undoubtedly Leo Poland, Christian II of Denmark, and the young

James V of Scotland.** It was an occasion for or- Rawdon B 4. Cal .

atory. On 21 March, 1518, the pope wrote the awdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers . . 3 Venice, i king of France of the ample pronuses the princes S. Maria sopra Minerva, given on “XIX Kalend. Aprilis, were making to support the projected expedition; MDXVIII,” is printed in Jacobi Sadoleti. . . opera quae extant

. ; (London, 1867), no. 1016, pp. 436-37. Sadoleto’s oration in

consequently he hoped that they would ratify the — omnia, II (Verona, 1738, repr. by the Gregg Press, 1964), 257five years’ truce, and urged the immediate French 64, and in Wm. Roscoe, Leo the Tenth, Ill (Liverpool, 1805),

“ficati fF th le to th t append., pp. 109-14. Sadoleto had previously indited a long

ratinca Ons. the truce as an exampte to ; € Tes oration contra Turcos to Louis XII, dilating on the glories of of Europe. The Venetians made no commitment French crusading history and the responsibility which Louis himself bore to the memory of his great predecessors (Sadoleti . . . opera, II, 287-331). On Sadoleto, see Richard M. Douglas, Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547), Humanist and Reformer, Cambridge,

31 Charriére, Négociations, I, 63-68, ‘“‘datum Rome, apud Mass., 1959, esp. pp. 14 ff., 246 ff. Cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, Sanctum Petrum, anno incarnationis dominice MDXVII, sexto _IV-1 (repr. 1956), 159-60. The ceremonies of 14 March and die martii, pontif. nostri anno V,”’ which falls in the year 1518. the promulgation of the bull imposing the five years’ truce are

By letters from their ambassador in Rome dated 22, 23, and also recounted in a letter to Stafhileo dated on the sixteenth 25 February (1518), and delivered in Venice the evening of —(““Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 233).

the twenty-eighth, the Senate knew of the pope’s intention to *4 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 71, by action of the Council of Ten publish on Laetare Sunday, which would fall on 14 March, ‘‘fo scritoa Roma a!’ orator nostro in materia dil Turcho non ‘le tregue fra tuti li principi Christiani” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, _ vadia li consulti dil Papa, ma digi sempre questo stado a pugna fol. 101”), which posed some problems for Venice in her re- _ per la cristianita contra Turchi, né mai manchera, vedando li lations with the Emperor Maximilian, not to speak of the pope’s altri principi voler far con effeti e non con parole, perche si apparent intention to preach the crusade, concerning which the __ principiassero, nui saremo i primi.” Venice in fact had confirmed Senate was dubious. Cf, ibid., Reg. 47, fols. 102-103", letter her bona amicitia e pace of 1513 with Sultan Selim in September,

of the Senate to the Venetian ambassador in France, dated 1 1517 (tbid., col. 416). The agreement had been negotiated by March, 1518. On 10 March the bull had been approved in the —Bartolommeo Contarini and Alvise Mocenigo. The Turkish consistory (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, _ text is extant with the note on the reverse, ‘‘Oratoribus nobilibus

fol. 211%). viris Bartholomeo Contarino et Aloisio Mocenigo in lingua

32 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 305, 322, who notes that Sadoleto’s _turca,”’ in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, discourse was being printed, and cf’ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta with a contemporary Italian translation. The Turkish document

Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 207%, 209°—210. is dated, without indication of the day, Sha‘ban 923, which

°8 Charriére, Négociations, I, 68—70, letter of Leo X to Francis _ extends from 19 August to 17 September, 1517 (cf, ibid., Docc. I, dated at Rome on 21 March, 1518, which also describes the _ turchi, ‘““Regesti Bombaci’’). An addendum to the ‘‘capitulations”’

ceremonies attending the promulgation of the bull Considerantes of 1513, however, provided that the annual tribute of 8,000 ac animo (of 6 March) on the fourteenth, proclaiming the five | ducats which the Republic had formerly paid the soldan should years’ truce. Cf. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 601-2, henceforth, with the Ottoman conquest of Egypt, be paid to who misdates the promulgation of the bull 13 March; Sanudo, _ the Porte (see below, pp. 183-84). Diari, XXV, 270, 308-11, on the intercessory processions; and $5 Cf. Volume II, p. 246, of the present work.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 181 X wanted to see Francis I embarked onthe crusade, in Egypt was an absolute catastrophe for his Or-

for the victor of Marignano was too powerful a der. Del Carretto’s concern for the safety of neighbor to have indefinitely in Genoa and Milan.°® Rhodes increased from month to month. On 30 But the fact still remained that the Turk was dan- May and 1 June, 1518, he wrote Leo X from the gerous, and was becoming more so every year. For island fortress that the arsenal in Istanbul was the papacy the crusade meant, to be sure, the di- _ turning out new galleys and other ships constantly. version of Venetian, French, German or Spanish No day passed without the Turks increasing their arms and money from the Italian scene tothe Turk- preparation for naval warfare. The grand master ish Levant. It also meant the protection of Christians had no doubt, when Selim I had concluded his in central Europe and throughout the Mediterra- eastern campaigns, that the Knights, ‘““whom your nean. The Curia Romana saw in the crusade the Holiness calls Christendom’s first line of defense’’ combination of two most desirable objectives. What (quos Sanctitas vestra antemurale Christiane retpublice

was clear to the Curia, however, was clear to the appellat), could not successfully defend Rhodes members of every chancery in Europe. None of the against the coming Turkish attack. The longmajor monarchs would venture into the East unless awaited expedition of the Christian powers against his fellows joined him. He would not leave his ene- _ the hordes of the Gran Turco would be necessary

mies behind to attack his lands in his absence. He to save the Christian outpost of Rhodes. The would not spend his money on a crusade unless his Knights were poor and powerless; they grew rivals employed all their available resources in the weaker as the Turks grew stronger. The grand

same cause. master’s letters have a note, almost, of resignation to fate.*! They contain a premonition of things to Despite Sultan Selim’s great commitments in the come. East, Croatia had been in renewed danger of falling

to the Turks since 1514.’ As King Louis II of . Hunearv informed the Ragusei and others on 2 Guy de Blanchefort (d. 24 November, 1513), Leo X promised

Bary 8 every possible defense of Rhodes against the Turcarum cupiditas

January, 1518, one could hardly be ignorant of the bellicique apparatus de quibus scribis (Bembo, Epp., VII, 6, in ‘calamities and perils’”’ which the miserable realm Opere, IV, 53). From his vantage point in the eastern Mediterof Croatia had been suffering, with no respite from — ranean, del Carretto watched every Turkish move like a hawk, Turkish attacks.28 In the autumn (of 1518) the Ra- and immediately reported to the Curia Romana all important

d P L.ope X that Selij hadNa t facts andand rumors (cf.1517, Raynaldus, ann. Bembo, 1516, no. 55, XIII, pp. 128guselinf, intorme co tha enim no 29, ad ann. no. 19, ad p. 155; Epp., 12,

returned to Adrianople; his next move was cOonjec- and XIV, Y, in Opere, IV, 112, 119, letters written in the pope’s

tural, but he was recalling troops from Asia to Eu- name to del Carretto and dated at Rome on 22 August, 1516, rope.*? Ragusa was a clearinghouse of rumors, and and 31 January, 1517; see Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 215, 216the arrival of everv merchantman brought new ones 17, 437 ff., a letter dated at Rhodes on 29 May, 1517; vol.

y 8 * XXV, cols. 72, 94-95; vol. XXVI, col. 158).

The crusade Was NO papal conspiracy as the But Peter Schiner, a Hospitaller on Rhodes and petulant Germans liked to believe. Among informed per- nephew of the Swiss Cardinal Matthias Schiner, thought there sons there could be no doubt of the desperate need was little danger threatening from the Turks in February, for firm opposition to the Turks. Fabrizio del Car- 1517, when he wanted to return home, and del Carretto de-

h PP d € th y ‘tall had clined to grant him permission to do so, because (del Carretto

retto, t € gran master of the ospita ers, Na said) a Turkish attack was feared (see Schiner’s interesting letter learned with dismay of Sultan Selim’s victory Over to the cardinal, dated at Rhodes on 12 February, 1517, in

the Persians.*? The destruction of Mamluk power Biichi, Korrespondenzen . . . d. Kard. Matth. Schiner, 11 [1925], no. 604, 180-81). Leo X was trying to enlist Swiss mercenaries

for service against the Turks, and was annoyed at Cardinal Schiner’s unrelenting hostility to France, which was a divisive “° J. Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I’ (1515-1547), force working against Leo’s effort to achieve pax et unio in

Paris, 1908, pp. 7-8. Furope (tbid., nos. 645-46, 650, 670, pp. 260-62, 266-67, °7 J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, eds., Diplomatarium Ragu- 285).

sanum, Budapest, 1887, no. 426, p. 675. *! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. II, fols. 54— °° Ibid., no. 434, p. 680. Louis was trying to collect 3,000 55, by modern stamped enumeration, ‘datum Rhodi die XXX florins in sortem census from the Ragusei, of which they paid Maii, 1518,” and “. . . die prima Iunii, 1518:” ‘“‘Quia ante 2,000 although they could not afford it—it was, they said, like | oculos habemus imminens periculum instantis ruine quam nobis snatching bread from their mouths (ibid., no. 436, p. 681, and _ potentissimus infidelis minatur et vires nostre sunt tenues ut

cf.®p.Ibid., 841). tante moli resistere possint et quotidie undique magis debilino. 437, p. 682. temur a quibus incrementum suscipere deberemus: non ces*° Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1514, nos. 46-48, vol. samus nostras calamitates vestre beatitudini recensere et pauXXXI (1877), pp. 71-72. In a letter of 6 February, 1514, —pertatem in qua sumus constituti declarare cum quotidie nostris congratulating his old friend del Carretto upon election as _ proventibus frustremur quo fit ut quodammodo soli remaneagrand master of the Hospital at Rhodes in succession to the late mus. . .”’ (fol. 55, from the letter of 1 June, 1518). Both these

182 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT A dozen years earlier a young Hospitaller, Fra I shall not say all, but the greater part of the Cyclades Sabba da Castiglione (1485?-1554), had found life and of the other famous islands, surrounded and bathed

lonely but fascinating ‘‘on the deserted, arid, and by the Aegean Sea, the fortunate homes of so many uninhabited island of Rhodes, which suffers from _d!Vine persons, and among others I was on the illustrious

an extreme lack of just about everything except sand of i ne the irehplace of “pore and i" tana,

rocks, stones, and the sea.” So he described the W/ere with a heavy heart and a furrowed brow I beheld island to Isabella d’ Este, the marchesa of Mantua, in an undated letter which must have been written in the late summer of 1505, the first of his three He searched in vain for pieces to send to Isabella, years of residence at the Rhodian Convent. The but everything was tanto maggior del naturale, and grand master’s garden was full of ‘“‘sculture ex- so impossible to carry off and send to Mantua. To cellentissime,”’ to which the Knights attached no _ be sure, as he wrote Isabella, had there been works importance, and which they left exposed to the _ of portable size, they would not have remained on wind, rain, snow, and all manner of storms. Fra Delos for him to see. A sailor had found two coins, Sabba grieved at the lot of these ancient works of | one of which had been entirely eaten by time. ‘The art, as though they were ‘‘the unburied bones of | other he sent Isabella, wrapped in a sonnet he had my father.”’ Before his departure for Rhodes, he composed at Delos as he gazed at the desolate rehad visited Isabella at Mantua (in May, 1505), and_ = mains of Apollo’s temple.

. , the ruined walls, the broken columns, and the statues

; , strewn upon the ground... .

had promised to send her antiquities from Rhodes. In April, 1507, Fra Sabba wrote the marchesa, , Since some of the Knights, however, Tegardec . . . Iam sending your Excellency a marble statuette, the antiquarian interests of certain Italians, and without head and arms (to my great regret), the upper especially Fra Sabba’s, as idolatrous, he thought parts nude and the lower covered with the thinnest he was in some danger of ending up as a heretic drapery. I got it from the island of Naxos. Although it in the hands of the inquisitor. Nevertheless, if Is- is not as complete as I could wish, still I beg your Excellency

abella would get the French governor of Milan, to deign to receive it with a light heart and untroubled M. de Chaumont, who happened to be a nephew countenance, having a larger consideration for my good of the then Grand Master d’ Amboise, to write the ‘tention than for the condition of the gift. I am of the latter on Sabba’s behalf, it would be easy to collect opinion that, however much it may be maimed and mu-

re tilated, will nevertheless antiquities foritIsabella. And thus the not waydisplease was fi- ; oeMesser Andrea 1] d. Th th h d and Mantegna and Giovanni Cristoforo Romano. . . . Tonally prepared. ‘nen, as the months passed an gether with the statuette I am sending two little heads of the opportunities of transport presented them- Amazons, which came from Castel S. Pietro, or rather

selves, Sabba sent the acquisitive marchesa price- from Halicarnassus, and if they had been better, I should less pieces of ancient statuary, coins, and other _ have sent them the more willingly. I want also to inform relics of that distant past which he much preferred _ your Excellency how, these past days, I have finished two

to the age in which he lived. months of furious winter weather aboard a galley, in order

Fra Sabba went on tours of duty aboard the to get to Castel S. Pietro to see the magnificent tomb

Hospitaller galleys through which has recently been discovered there. But when we

were on the point of disembarking on the land, word came that twenty armed Turkish vessels were on their way to attack the Order, so that we were constrained to

letters are the originals, and are signed “Humillimus servulus go back to our islands to give them the news and [our] et creatura, Magister Rhodi, f. fabricius,”’ the signature being assistance, without seeing the tomb. . . . Concerning

the master’s own. for A third with Ithe same signature a 7grand ; matters here, theletter, present can give your ;Excellency

(ibid., fol. 56), reports: ““Turcus non longe ab Alleppo distat et her inf, . han th oh he Fast is dull omnino decrevit eventum belli tentare cum Soffi quem non 110 Ole information than that, right now, the East 1s du multi facit; tamen quotidie innumere militum manus ad eum and quiet.

tendunt et preterito tempore numquam tam potentem exercitum comparavit, quod signum est sophiane vires non sunt parvi pendende, tametsi Turcus aliter ostendat. In his provinciis ** Alessandro Luzio, ‘‘Lettere inedite di Fra Sabba da Canobis circumvicinis vulgatum est Sanctitatem vestram expedi- _ stiglione,’’ Arch. stor. lombardo, 2nd ser., III (1886), 91-112, tionem parasse et classem innumeram Brubusii [Brindusii] coe- _ has published seven letters (preserved in the Archivio Gonzaga gisse ut Avlonam aut Dyrachium transfretet, de quo maximum _at Mantua) from Sabba to Isabella d’ Este. For my quotations, timorem conceperunt [Turci] arbitrantes hoc verum esse. Nos __ see ibid., pp. 98-99, 102-3, 106-7. Having consulted with the rogationes triduo et biduo ieiunia celebravimus, Deum rogantes _ captain of Castel S. Pietro, who came to Rhodes in September, ut animorum unitatem Christianorum principum conservet et 1507, and with an engineer from Cremona, Sabba decided that

Sanctitatem vestram in tam laudando proposito confirmet. . .” he could send the whole tomb ‘‘safe and sound”’ to Mantua, (dated 7 June, 1518). Cf. Sanudo, Diari, XXV, 428-29, 462, parendome cosa che vaglia el prezzo come ognuno me dice (ibid., p.

464, 473-90, 497, etc., relating to the Turco-Persian strife to 109), but he clearly never did so. There is a rather rhetorical

which del Carretto alludes. sketch of Sabba’s life by Francesco Peluso, ibid., Ist ser., II

~ . . . . . . . * . ° 45

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 183

Caught in the throes of historical and artistic ist, Bibbiena was an old friend of the pope;*” he romanticism, Sabba da Castiglione seems to have | was also commonly regarded as quite anti-French. been one of those who extolled the past, as Tacitus The Bolognese Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio was puts it, recentium incuriosus. The East, however, sent to England, where Wolsey was later appointed would not remain ‘dull and quiet”? much longer, — his associate in the legatine mission ‘‘with equal for members of his Order would soon be fighting authority, faculty, and power,”’ according to a spe-

for their lives on the ramparts of Rhodes. cial bull of I June, 1518. Cardinal Egidio Canisio

a da Viterbo was sent to Spain. The prospect of a

To secure ratification of the five years’ truce, great expedition against the Turks was causing to help plan the countless details of the crusade, some excitement in Europe. Sultan Selim had left and to represent him at the principal center of = Cairo on 10 September, 1517, spent more than European power, Leo X proposed to send out as seven months in Syria, and thereafter returned to legati de latere tour of the most prominent mem- — [stanbul where he arrived in late June, 1518.* bers of the Sacred College. At first Cardinal Venetian envoys waited on him in Cairo and afAlessandro Farnese (later Pope Paul III) was ap- — yerwards in Istanbul. The treaty in existence bepointed as legate to the imperial court. Owing to” tween Venice and the Porte since the conclusion illness, however, he could not undertake the mis- of the last war between them (1502-3)*” had been sion, and so ‘Tommaso Gaetano da Vio, better known as Cajetan, recently created cardinal with §=—————— the title of S. Sisto, was appointed in his place. 196 On the mission of ‘Tommaso (Cajetan) to Germany and When he departed for Germany, Tommaso re- | his well-known encounter with Martin Luther at Augsburg, see ceived the special blessing of the pope, and was Robert H Fife, Phe Revolt of Martin ! uther, New York and ; 4sbyIsthe as cardina far as the 1968, pp. 280-301, 491-92.1519. Tommaso returned from accompanied sas h farLondon, as the house Germany on 5 September, of the archbishop of Nicosia, almost to S. Maria As late as 27 March (1518) Farnese was still expected to leave del Popolo.™ Bernardo Dovizi, cardinal of Bib- for Germany on the twenty-ninth (“Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ biena, was appointed legate to France. A human- Arch stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 234): Paride Grassi, ed. Hoff-

. . . ~ >¥~ . ‘| ? aah AY . L } N

‘ mann, pp. 407—8, says that Leo X believed Farnese’s illness was

feigned. According to the report of the Venetian ambassador (1876), 357-76. Sabba’s black marble tombstone, set. within to the Holy See in Sanudo, Diaru, XXV, 351, Bibbiena left fading frescoes by Francesco Menzocct, 1s stall preserved in the Rome on 13 April, Campeggio on the fifteenth, and Egidio nave of his commandery church of S. Maddalena in Faenza, on — Canisio on the sixteenth. The departure of the legates had been which note Elizabeth W. Schermerhorn, On the Trail of the Eight- expected from day to day (Guasti, ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’

Pomted Cross, New York, 1940, pp. 77-78, 177, 263-64, — Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII [1876], 7, and note p. 12).

383-84. Cf Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell.,

SN letter written in the name of Cardinal de’ Medici to Reg. 31, fols. 84°, 85', and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 217, Altobello Averoldt, bishop of Pola and apostolic nuncio to Ven- 221, and see G. L. Moncallero, ‘“‘La Politica di Leone X ice, fixes the first appomtment of the legates to the morning =... ,”” Renascamento, VIII (1957), 64-69. of 3 March, 1518 (7 Manoscritti Vorrigiani,”” Arch. stor. italiano, 45 Note Leo X’s letter to the French chancellor Antoine XXI [1875], 228-29), which is also the date given in Arch. — Duprat, in Charriére, Negociations, I, 71, dated at Rome on 7 Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. April, 1518, and cf. B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. 16283°, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 210. Cf Sanudo, Diarn, 63. Sanudo, Diarn, XX VI, 302-3, preserves a most interesting XXV, 288, 294, 310, 311, 321, 337, 348. Ina rather unusual report from Paris dated 9 December, 1518, concerning Bibgesture Leo X undertook to pay the expenses of the four legates biena’s approach to Francis I: “*. . . e il Re volse esso Legato (cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 |[repr. 1956], 158-59). On the _ parlasse in latin vulgar per poterli far riposta lui, et non parlando bishop of Pola, note Guicciardini, Stora d’ Haha, XIII, 8, ed. — latin conveniria far far ad altri, e voleva tutti fosseno testimoni

Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 274, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, — di quello si oferira di far, accid, non lo facendo, fusse tenuto IV-1, 152. Paride Grassi, Diarreum, ad ann. 1518, dates the cre- — mancador di fede. Et cussi il Legato fece una belissima oratione ation of the four legates on Wednesday, 4 March (ed. Chr. G. vulgar, dicendoli il pericolo di la christiana religione per Turchi, Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum ac monumentorum .. . collectto, —exortando Soa Maesta a tuor le arme in mano come primogenito

Leipzig, 1731, pp. 402-4), speaks disparagingly of Cardinal — di Santa Chiexia et re Christianissimo. . . .”’ Bibbiena then

Thomas Bak6cz, and affirms that papal legates ranked above — emphasized that Francis possessed all the qualities of a successful kings (guia semper Legati debent esse supra Reges quoscumque). crusader—military experience, greatness of spirit, good health,

** Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 229’- youth, and the requisite economic resources and power. Ref230", letter dated at Rome on 4 May, 1518, addressed ““Im- — erence has already been made to this text in Chapter 4 of the peratori circa legatum.” Cf, ehid , fols. 268-69, and Paride — present volume, note 2.

Grassi, Diaruim, ad ann. 1518, ed. Hoffmann, op. cit, p. 411, 46 The sultan’s return to Istanbul was known in Rome by who dates Tommaso da V10’s departure on Wednesday, 5 May. mid-August (Guasti, “‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano,

According to Paride Grassi, p. 408, Leo appointed Tommaso — 3rd ser., XXIII [1876], 409). On the date of the sultan’s deon 13 April, but the date is given as 26 April in Van Gulik, — parture from Cairo, cf Bernhard Moritz, in the Festschrift Eduard Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, 1 (1923), — Sachau, Berlin, 1915, p. 428. p. 16b and note 7; the day of the month is left blank in Ray- 47 Predelli, Regesti dei Commemonialt, V1, bk. XIX, no. 12, pp.

naldus, Ann. el, ad ann. 1518, no. 52, vol. XXXI (1877), p. 65-66, dated 14 December, 1502, and 20 May, 1503, and cf.

184 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT renewed in September, 1517, with the Venetians upon Christians;. . . his great preparations of ships and agreeing to pay the sultan the annual tribute of rowers, artillery, munitions, and food are not being 8,000 ducats which they had formerly paid the ™ade against Syria or the sophi, nor are they needed

Mamluks for possession of Cyprus.*8 against tungary or Poland, but everyting eee us te

ye . the other islands... .

As ecclesiastics in the Curia debated the cru- 2° '€V€ Mat Us preparation Is against italy, sicily, an sade, they easily infected one another with the fear

that the Turk might make his first move against The pope had written to Francis and the other the Christian front in the spring of 1518.4? Forces _ princes an infinite number of times, Staffileo was were to be recruited from everywhere possible, told; considered so many relevant matters; offered and toward the end of December, 1517, Antonio all his temporal and spiritual resources; and could Pucci was directed to make clear to the Swiss that only lament that no plan was ever concluded.

the crusade was .not to bewelooked upon as an affair i, . the 7 . princes, While wastecome time in negotiating and writing, of the pope and the other ““ma im+, ds it | k and ne his ol . le di tucta la Cristianita.’2° In this. urk spends it in getting to work and putting his plans

presa universale di tu mS into effect, and he will have taken some Christian port

context we may again remark that the POpe s lead- before we have the news that he has even set out! ership in the crusade cast him conspicuously ina_. . . And do believe that these things are not being role of universal authority, while his activities as written for effect nor for some general propriety, but an Italian dynast were seriously compromising his for very truth, for our lord [the pope] can take little position as the spiritual father of Christendom. pleasure in the thought that this ruin can come upon But of course the crusade had much to rec- US !n the time of his pontificate! ommend itself to the pope as an Italian prince. For ~The correspondence of Cardinal de’ Medici for

example, the letter of 30 December (1517) sent the turn of the year 1517-1518 makes clear the in Cardinal de’ Medici’s name to Giovanni Staf- extent of his papal cousin’s preoccupation with the

fileo in France states eastern question.*3

that the Turk is returning to Constantinople victorious The diplomats had much to talk about, and they and secure, without hindrance or fear of the [Persian] _ talked much. It was assumed that if the Christians sophi, with the certain intention of launching an attack did not soon strike at Sultan Selim, he would strike nos. 9-11, 16; this treaty had been more recently renewed in 5! Tbid., XXI, 205. May, 1513 (2bid., VI, bk. Xx, nos. 9, 12, pp. 130-32). On the 52 Ibid., XXI, 205-6, letter to Giovanni Staffileo, bishop of Turco-Venetian peace of 1502-3, see Volume II, p. 523, esp. | Sebenico, dated 30 December, 1517.

notes 80 and 81. °° A letter of 9 January, 1518, informs Staffileo that ‘‘ogni

*® Predelli, Regesti, V1, bk. Xx, no. 64, pp. 143-44, dated at giorno si ha nuovi advisi de li apparati grandi et de la mala Cairo 8 September, 1517, and cf. nos. 65, 67, and Sanudo, _ mente di quel Signore [Selim] verso li Cristiani. . .”’ (“‘MSS.

Diaru, XXV, 416, and vol. XXVIII, col. 69. On 5 November, ‘Torrigiami,” Arch. stor. italiano, X XI, 209). In Switzerland An1517, the Venetian Senate informed the bailie in Istanbul that — tonio Pucci is assured that the pope is working for the peace the Cypriote tribute would henceforth be sent to the Porte, and security of the princes as well as his own, ‘“‘et maxime hora and on the tenth wrote Selim assurance to the same effect (Arch. _ per le cose del Turco, le quali ogni di si monstrono piu periculose

di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 86", 87). The . . .” (bid., XXI, 210). A letter of 8 February, 1518, expresses tribute to the Mamluk soldan of Egypt had been paid in pre- | the same concern—“‘et maxime per conto de le cose del Turco, cious wares such as clothes, cloth, harness for horses, perfumes, le quali sono di momento grandissimo, perche ogni di si intende porcelains, and theriac; when the soldan found the tribute in- __ per cosa certa li apparati grandi de la armata in Constantinoadequate or insufficient, the poor envoy who brought it was __ poli’’—that Sicily and southern Italy will be the first objects of likely to suffer (cf Predelli, Regesti, VI, bk. x1x, no. 13, p. 66, | Turkish attack (XXI, 217).

and cf. nos. 14, 21). When Francis I wanted to hire 10,000 Swiss mercenaries for

In June, 1518, Leo X, seeking every possible ally against the — service ‘‘against the Turk and every other enemy,” the pope Turk, sent the Dominican Nicholas of Schénberg as papal en- _ protested that this would produce another war and more convoy to the princes of Moscovy and of the Tatars (Arch. Segr. | fusion among the Christian princes, “‘which would be directly Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1194, fols. 135-36, by mod. stamped enu- opposite and contrary to the needs of the Holy See and the meration, and also in Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 231). On 30 = Christian commonwealth’’—while Turkish preparations were September, 1518, Cardinal de’ Medici sent Nicholas twenty- reaching terrifying proportions, Leo obviously feared the Swiss

five briefs relating to his mission for the kings of Hungary and would be used against every other enemy than the Turk! Poland and others (“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, (ibid., XX1, 220-21). On 6 March (1518) a letter to Massimo 3rd ser., XXIV [1876], 17). Nicholas of Schénberg (Schom- —_Corvino, bishop of Isernia, repeats the oft-stated fact that ‘‘noberg) became archbishop of Capua in 1520 and a cardinal in _ stro Signor [il Papa] non ha maggiore pensiero che questa im1535 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia presa Turchesca’”’ (2bid., XXI, 230). Bulls were sent to all the

catholica, III [1923], 23, 151). He died in September, 1537. princes, prescribing the form in which intercessory processions #9 “Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 203. should be held and prayers said ‘‘per la impresa del Turco”’

°° Ibid., X XI, 204. (ibid., XXIII [1876], 13, and see, ibid., XXIV [1876], 19).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 185 at them. Sanudo has, for example, preserved a The pope was trying to bring about “‘some sort contemporary text which informs us that the sul- of [European] confederation . . . to last for five tan was reading the life of Alexander the Great years.’’ Negotiations through the spring and sumand wanted to imitate him. Indeed, Selim hoped mer of 1518 did finally produce a five years’ truce, to become master of the world, and wanted to see to run from 1 September, among Francis I, MaxAfrica, Asia, and Europe come under his domi- _ imilian, and the doge of Venice. 7 Public opinion nation.°* As Leo X wrote Cardinals Wolsey and _ helped push the rulers in Europe toward peace, but Campeggio on 20 August, 1518, where there had the desire to deny Leo X the position of general been two “most ample empires” in the East, only arbiter which he had claimed for himself was also one now remained after the sultan’s destruction quite strong, and this secular tendency was in no of the Mamluk regime in Syria and Egypt.”? To way diminished as Cardinal Wolsey exerted his inthis one vast empire Greece was subject, florentis- fluence upon the negotiations which went on to

sma Europae pars, secure a general peace. The Venetian ambassador in London said of Wolsey’s sovereign, Henry VIII,

and now |the sultan], inflated by this victory, as we have that he was no more interested in the Turkish danheard, is preparing a great armada in the East for an ger than if it threatened India.°® attack, as many people suspect, upon Christian territo-

ries since he has no other enemies left whom he can) _____ 56

assail by sea... 57 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 673-79, and vol. XXVI, col. 59; Predelli, Regest: dei Commemoriali, VI, bk. Xx, no. 84, pp. 148-

49, and cf. nos. 79, 85-87. Maximilian’s authorization to his

envoys to conclude the truce with Venice (dated 12 April, °4 Sanudo, Diarti, XXV, 439, and cf. vol. XXVI, col. 38. In 1518) contains the observation that the enmity of Christian a letter to the sultan dated in December, 1518, but presumably _ princes had been forever extending the power of the Turks. never sent, the famous Camaldulensian Fra Paolo Giustinian Cf. Leo X’s brief of 21 March, 1518, to Francis I in Arch. Segr. urged the Turchorum imperator “not to read the life of Caesar Vaticano, Arm. XL, tom. 3, no. 414, fol. 301. While Leo X or Alexander, of whom he was said to be most emulous, but —_was glad that Maximilian had accepted the five years’ truce that of Constantine and to try to imitate the latter, especially | with Venice, the members of the Curia Romana put little trust in his conversion to the faith of Christ if he wished to gain a in the imperial word (Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ quick dominion over the world to which he is said to aspire’ = Arch. stor. ttaliano, 3rd ser., XXIV [1876], 6). (Eugenio Massa, ed., Beato Paolo Giustiniani: Trattat, lettere e 58 Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, 237, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, frammenti, I, Rome, 1967, pp. 75, 83, where the letter is mis- I V-1 (repr. 1956), 166, note. Sanudo, loc. cit., says, ““Soa Maesta

dated 1513). [Henry VIII] non monstro far molto conto [of the Turks in

°° On the very day that Leo X thus addressed Wolsey and Hungary], come se li havesse ditto nove de India.’ The quoCampeggio on the Turkish peril, the Venetian ambassador in _ tation appears ina letter of 9 November, 1518, from Sebastiano England informed the Signoria that the “perpetual peace” being | Giustinian in London to the Venetian government (see Rawdon negotiated by Wolsey with France (for the alleged purpose of | Brown, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, II, 238, and Calundertaking an expedition against the Turks) appeared to be — endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 [London, 1867], no. 1102, approaching a settlement (letter of Sebastiano Giustinian, dated _ p. 473). at Lambeth on 20 August, 1518, in Rawdon Brown, ed., Cal- Henry VIII might not be worried about the Turks in eastern endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 [London, 1867], no. 1063, Europe, but the Hungarians and Venetians were. There was p. 453). Wolsey’s intentions, however, despite his protestations —_a serious Turkish irruption into Hungary in August, 1518 (Saof support for the crusade (zbid., no. 1062, p. 453), were quite nudo, XXVI, 45-48), and in March, 1519, three envoys of the

otherwise, as we shall soon note. king of Hungary, on a mission to Venice and the Curia Romana, °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 73-74, who misdates the letter informed the Venetian Senate ‘“‘che vedendo quella Maesta “MDXVII, XIII Kal. Sept.” Charriere took his text from Thos. [Louis II of Hungary] el regno suo quotidie deteriorar per le Rymer, Foedera, XIII, 621; 3rd. ed., ed. George Holmes, VI incursion et danni faceano Turchi, iquali haveano diminuto

(The Hague, 1741), 146-47, where it is correctly dated. 1 found — quel regno de forze et homeni, erano astretti ricercar el summo

the archival text of this letter in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. — Pontefice come universal capo de Christiani per unir li principi Vat. 1203, fols. 131°-133", and also fols. 139'-140", by original ad pace azio li possino dar qualche suffragio, perche quella enumeration, ‘“‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, ann. etc., | Maesta per se sola non é sufficiente ad prevalerse da tanta millesimo quingentesimo decimo octavo, tertio decimo Kal. potentia, ma convenir cieder. . .”’ (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno sexto;”’ cf, ibid., fols. 130"- — Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 6"). Intercessory processions were 131", also to Wolsey and Campeggio on 18 August, 1518. Leo’s held and the crusade was published in Hungary, where the letters, as we have noted, often allude to the unnatural violence nobility was at odds and feared the consequences of the anof the ‘““Turcarum tyrannus”’ and express fear of the terrible | nouncement, since the government wanted to make peace conqueror of Egypt (zd:d., fols. 164°, 179°, 180°, et alibz). with the Porte (Sanudo, XXVI, 43, and “‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Travelers from the Levant brought alarming tales of the size XXIV, 7).

of the Turkish armada and the unhappy assurance that Italy Wolsey had been trying for some time to organize a Eurowas the sultan’s objective (Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 335). Inevi- pean league, with the English and French kings as the first tably rumors of the projected crusade reached Istanbul (ibid.,_ partners, and although ‘‘di questa [nova lega] offerisce fare capo XXVI, 18, 22, 159), but the sultan found them amusing, et se Sua Santita,”’ his intentions were obviously otherwise (cf. Guasti,

ne ridea! (ibid., col. 95). ‘“Manoscritti Torrigiani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII

186 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In October, 1518, the treaty of London was Wolsey had made no effort to conceal his ininitiated by the representatives of Henry VIII and tention of frustrating Leo X’s effort to assume Francis I, who undertook to secure its further rat- political leadership in Europe. The facts had been

ification by the pope and the heads of the Euro- reported by Campeggio, to whom Cardinal pean states within four months. The agreement de’ Medici wrote on 6 October, 1518: established a defensive league against any stat€ The words which the cardinal of York | Wolsey] used in

which attack one of for thedealing signatories and nag hi ee ‘1heefyive theyears fi ; rue idedshould detailed with the 6to pape provided 1 proce procedures ; § i.e., ‘that they were not ready concede so much to the

signatories Own infractions of its terms. Although pope as that he should publish a truce,”’ etc., have caused the new league was said to have been formed to our lord [the pope] extreme displeasure. If such words

protect papal authority and to oppose the Turkish _ were not fitting for any Christian to use, much less should peril, the treaty deals only very generally and su- a cardinal either use or think them, and especially York perficially with the problem of making war onthe of his Holiness, from whom he has received such great Ottoman government.°* Leo X’s efforts to make honors and favors. From this, one can understand what himself the final adjudicator of international dis- '¢ Holy See and the pope can confide in him or expect

putes were disregarded. Papal prestige had been o him! ass proposals nave not been unusual, dealt a considerable blow. What is more, as far as haces. Sree many other’ popes lave aeciare

the crusade was concerned, Leo saw clearly that oo the treaty of London, which was allegedly de-

signed: to assure the ad peace of Europe in anni; perpetuity, drete, si extende farla solum per cinque non perche would very likely prove of shorter duration than \ : ; ; , . ostro Signore [Leo X] non la desiderassi perpetua, ma perché:

the five years’ truce which he had envisaged asa ta sia pil ferma et si observi pid facilmente. Imperocché le period of offensive action against the Turks. confederationi che hanno un termine prefinito, pare che li Prin-

cipi durante decto tempo si guardino piu dal violarle, et piu facilmente ancora si correggono al fine di decto termine; et cosi

ae quando si intende che una cosa ha ad essere perpetua, la quale [1876], 405 ff.). Giustinian was replaced as Venetian ambas- non piace hora ad uno, hora ad un altro, secondo li apetiti sador to England by Antonio Surian on 2 April, 1519 (Sen. de’ Principi, pensando di averla ad interrompere col tempo ad Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 162’-163"). His appointment had begun ogni modo, tengono meno conto de la fede, et non manca le on 4 January, 1515 [Ven. style 1514] (ibid., Reg. 46, fol. 84"); ghavillationi et excuse ad uscire de le conventioni. . . .” Cf, he returned to Venice in May, 1520 (ibid., Reg. 48, fol. 119”). jbid., XXIV (1876), 6, 13-14; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 239-43, °° The treaty of London and related documents are given, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, I1V-1 (repr. 1956), 164-67; Dorothy from a papal bull dated 31 December, 1518 (see note below), Vaughan, Europe and the Turk, Liverpool, 1954, p. 106. in Thos. Rymer, Foedera, ed. George Holmes, VI (The Hague, In April, 1518, Francis I was said to be quite willing to accept 1741), 169-74, and cf. Charriére, Négociations, 1, 75, note; Sa- _ the pope’s five years’ truce, and indeed wanted to be the first nudo, Diarti, XXVIII, 16, 465 ff.; a summary of the treaty, _ to ratify it (““MSS. Torrigiani,”’ X XIII [1876], 8), but the pope dated 2 October, is given by Predelli from the Venetian copy found him inconsistent and hard to deal with (ebid., XXIV, 210

in the Commemoriali (Regesti, VI, bk. Xx, no. 89, pp. 150-51, ff.) On 8 October, 1517, the Franco-Venetian alliance of and cf. nos. 99-101). The letters of the Venetian ambassador March, 1513, had been renewed (Predelli, Regesti, V1, bk. xx, in London, Sebastiano Giustinian, dated 1, 5, and 10 October, no. 7, p. 130, the treaty of Blois, and cf. nos. 23, 30), with the 1518, giving such details of the treaty as he could learn, are continued exclusion of the pope from its provisions (ibid., bk. summarized in Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 156-57, 170-72, and = xx, no. 70, p. 146), although of course Leo X was later included translated by Rawdon Brown, Four Years at the Court of Henry (ibid., bk. XX, nos. 122, 145). Various documents relating to VIII, II, 223-32. The young Charles [V] of Spain presented a the peace of 1518 may be found in the Archivio di Stato di difficulty, at first, to the new Anglo-French allies since he did — Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47 (1516-1518). not wish to allow the restoration of the d’ Albret family to the °! ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., throne of Navarre (Sanudo, Diarti, XX VI, 94, 380, and vol. XXIV (1876), 21. The fact that the proposed five years’ truce

XXVII, cols. 90-91, 198). had been so widely discussed in Europe (Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, We should perhaps note that after the French victory at 6, 103, 105-6, 116, 212, 250 ff.) added to the pope’s humilMarignano in September, 1515, the Swiss confederation had _ iation. The Curia Romana had known what was in the offing ceased to be an important political or military power. Although —(‘‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXIV [1876], 5 ff., 13~

by the paix perpetuelle of 29 November, 1516, the Swiss became 14), but the expectation of disappointment does not always dependent allies of Francis I, who granted them economic and ___ lessen its effect.

other concessions (Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 Campeggio returned to Rome from the English legation in [Amsterdam, 1726], no. CXI, pp. 248-51), they were anxious late November, 1519 (Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. Chr. G. Hoffto maintain neutrality in the struggle of Valois and Hapsburg. mann, Nova scriptorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 433The French king might, however, recruit limited numbers of 34). His colleague Bibbiena returned from the French legation

Swiss for the defense of his own territories. just before Christmas, 1519, and was readmitted to the con-

6° See the letter of 20 August, 1518, written in the name of _ sistory on Monday, 9 January, 1520 (ibid., p. 441). Bibbiena Cardinal de’ Medici to Campeggio, in Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti died on Friday, 9 November, 1520, of a mysterious illness: an Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII (1876), 413— autopsy, performed on the tenth, showed that ‘“‘viscera eius 14: ‘‘. . . Quanto al mandato per la lega universale, come ve- _inventa sunt livida, quasi ex veneno corrupta” (ibid., p. 456).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 187 Whatever the disappointment felt in Rome at already dead (11 January), and for several months this eclipse of papal influence over the affairs of _ the courts of Europe were divided and kept almost the Christian commonwealth, the Curia couldonly on tenterhooks by the question of the imperial welcome such a treaty among the powers. Kings succession.°* Charles had a rival for the throne of as well as popes were the anointed of God. In his _ the Caesars in the person of the French king, who bull of 6 March (1518) declaring the five years’ was represented by his supporters as Germany’s truce in Europe, Leo X had informed the kings _ best safeguard against the sultan’s great ambition and princes of Europe that by its acceptance they and his certain aggression. must find favor “‘in conspectu Altissimi, qui eos The costs of the projected crusade gave the kings ex nichilo creavit et [de] cuius causa et de cuius_ and privy councils a persistent headache, and the honore agitur.’’°* Now they appeared to be mak- Curia Romana increased its general unpopularity, ing such a peace. The preamble to Leo’s bull especially in Spain and Germany, by the imposition Gaude et letare Iherusalem of 31 December (1518), of tithes. The news from France had been reassurby which he ratified the treaty of London, was ing, as when on 6 December, 1518, Cardinal Bibjubilant in tone: “Be glad and rejoice, O Jerusa- biena had reported Francis I’s open pledge to take lem, since now your deliverance can be hoped for. _ the cross, promising 3,000 men-at-arms and (alleg. . . The kings are assembling . . . to serve the edly) 40,000 infantry. His Majesty wanted procesLord against the fierce madness of the Turks and sions and solemn masses “‘per la vittoria contra 1

against the uncleanliness of Islam.’’®” infideli.’’ The king said, moreover, that a slight increase in the ordinary imposts and regular tithes, The papacy remained very much in the picture. together with the crusading levy, would suffice to In theory the crusade was a religious war, and the maintain the French army for three years. But the crusading tithe which only the pope could impose costs would in any event be very large.°° In Castile was an important source of revenue. Certainly the towering height to which Selim I had climbed °4 Charriére, Négociations, I, 75-76. Charles had already formade him so formidable a figure that the German mally signified his agreement to the five years’ truce in a letter empire, the Italian states, and Spain had to take tothe pope dated at Saragossa on 11 August, 1518, the original full stock of his position. On 14 January, 1519, of which, signed with his characteristic scrawl “Carolus,” may the young King Charles of Spain ratified the treaty be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. . ae II, fols. 62°-63". The death of Maximilian (on 11 January, at Saragossa, but his grandfather Maximilian was 1519) was known in Rome on the twenty-third, according to Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. 1519, ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann,

. Nova scriptorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 423 ff.: Leo X

Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, 401. One must not, however, take asked his master of ceremonies ‘‘quis modus servandus esset these frequent charges and suspicions of poison too seriously, in exequiali memoria eius ad Deum,” on which see also Leo’s on which note Alessandro Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este e Leone X __ address to the consistory on 24 January, 1519, in Arch. Segr.

dal Congresso di Bologna alla presa di Milano (1515-1521), Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 253°-254". Paride Arch. stor. ttaliano, XLV (1910), 248. During his French legation looked up the matter with all the ceremoniere’s pleasure in Bibbiena gave up his anti-French sentiments, and became a_ detail. Cf. ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser.,

strong supporter of Francis I. XXV (1877), 18, and Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 434.

62 Charriére, Négociations, I, 67. Even before Maximilian’s death rumors had been flying back

°° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 188’-199", by | and forth concerning the election of his successor (Sanudo, original enumeration, ‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, XXVI, 7, 37, 51, 94). A Hungarian embassy in Venice (on its anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo decimo way to Rome with a desperate appeal to Leo X for aid against octavo, pridie Kal. Ianuari, {[pontificatus nostri] anno sexto”” the Turks before it was too late) told the Venetian Senate in (31 December, 1518). This copy of the bull is addressed to March, 1519, that Maximilian’s death had diverted the attenFrancis I; it dates the treaty of London on 1 October, 1518 tion of the European princes from the noble necessity of the (fol. 197"), and includes the text of the treaty and accompanying __ crusade, “‘et che se dolevano de la morte de |’ imperator perché

instruments. Cf. Charriére, Négociations, 1, 74-75, note. The vedevano quella esser causa de divertir li pensieri de li principi copy of the bull addressed to Henry VIII is given in Rymer, da questa laudabil et salutar operation . . .’”’ (Arch. di Stato VI, 170 ff. On the bull of ratification, see Cardinal de’ Medici’s di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 6”). The Hungarian en-

letter to Campeggio of 3 January, 1519 (‘‘Manoscritti Torri- voys also told the Senate confidentially that their king, Louis giani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXV [1877], 6 ff.). During II, aspired to the imperial dignity with which, in his closeness

the year 1518 Leo X made the crusade almost his major preoc- to the Turks, he could better defend his kingdom ‘“‘et cum cupation, sending his assurances to the Grand Master del Car- maior forze pugnar per la religion Christiana.” retto in Rhodes on 16 July, 1518, and appealing to various °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 74, note. In a letter to the pope princes to support the expected expedition against the Turks dated at Paris on 11 February, 1518 (1519 by our reckoning), (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 233 ff.). Fran- | Francis promised to come to the aid of the Holy See, in the cesco Nitti, Leone X e la sua politica, Florence, 1892, p. 104, has event of a Turkish invasion, with 3,000 cavalry and 40,000 no doubt of Leo X’s sincerity in seeking the five years’ peace infantry. Ifa general offensive was organized against the Turks, in Europe ‘“‘per muovere una cruciata contro 1 Turchi.”’ however, and other nations did their share, he would provide

188 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Leo X had granted King Charles a tenth of the _ the idea was quickly taken up by the pamphleteers, income of all ecclesiastical benefices to encourage and was expounded a number of times in later dehis zeal for the Turkish war, but an assembly of the cades. According to the author of the tract of 1518 clergy refused to collect any such levy, asserting its (or rather 1474), if the Franciscans contributed one illegality short of an actual invasion of a Christian young man to the army from each of their convents, state by the Turks. Castile was put under the in- 36,000 soldiers would stand ready for service. The terdict. Charles had many problems in the Spanish Dominicans, Augustinians, and Carmelites could kingdoms. The interdict had little effect upon the furnish 36,000 more, and the other orders 36,000, Castilian clergy, and so the king requested the pope _ while the same number (another 36,000!) could be

to remove it.°° raised from the financial resources of the nunneries. The German imperial council had obligingly ex- Thus an army of about 140,000 men could be reempted the friars from helping to pay the costs of _cruited for the war against the Turks; a much larger the crusade, because they had no regular sources number could in fact easily be raised if the parish of income (exceptis mendicantium ordinibus, qui nullos churches in Franciscan hands were to be included habent reditus aut proventus),°’ but the Franciscans in the plan. Actually one might hope in this way to themselves revived an old plan in 1518 for raising put an army of 500,000 in the field. The costs of and maintaining an army from the combined re- equipping such an army could also be met by the

sources of the cloisters. Although reference is monks if every person in a cloister (reckoning on sometimes made in this context to the ‘‘tract of an average of thirty persons in each cloister) con1518,” both the text and plan of the project appear tributed one penny a week; every week 14,400 to go back at least to 1474.°° After 1518, however, pence would thus accrue to a general fund from all the cloisters, which would amount on an annual

To basis to 748,800 Hungarian gulden. The ambitious

4,000 cavalry and 50,000 infantry Ga I, 81-82). See also author of the tract believed that additional sums Sanudo, Diar, XXVI, 312. It was of course easy enough to Could be raised through a general tax to be collected

promise 40,000 or 50,000 infantry, but according to the Arch. bv the cl b nf: th Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. y thec ergy: a out 20,000,000 gulden In fact, with92°, Francis actually promised 4,000: ‘Die lune 20 Decembris Out counting the impost on Jews and the voluntary 1518 Rome fuit consistorium: Reverendissimus Cornelius legit offerings of rich and pious folk. If anyone should litteras reverendissimi domini Cardinalis S. Marie in Porticu advance the argument that such taxation would im-

[Bibbiena] apud Christianissimum Regem legati quibus conti- ‘sh Christend h Idb t ‘stak

nebatur quod Rex Christianissimus promittebat pro defensione poveris Mistendom, Ne wou € quite mistaken, Italie a Turcis personaliter venire cum tribus millibus levis ar- for the money would return to the people through mature equitibus, quatuor millibus peditum, et tormentis opportunis pro generali expeditione in Turcas.’’ Nevertheless, the — ————— minutes of the consistory of 20 December, as given in Acta’ which I have a microfilm before me, and which contains no Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 251", state that ‘‘rex Christianissimus indication of the date 1480. Hans Pfeffermann, Die Zusammenpromittebat pro defensione Italie a Turcis personaliter venire arbeit der Renaissancepdpste mit den Tiirken, Winterthur, 1946, cum tribus millibus gravis armature, sex millibus levis armature pp. 63, 248, note 37, erroneously believes that lorga has dated equitibus, XL m. peditum, et tormentis opportunis vel pro ge- _ the document more than forty years too early. As the Abbe

nerali expeditione in Turchas.” Louis Dedouvres, Le Pere Joseph de Paris, Capucin: L’ Eminence By one of several versions of the bull Dudum universos Christi —_grise, 2 vols., Paris and Angers, 1932, I, 356, has observed, fideles, the pope granted absolution on 1 September, 1518 (Kal. —“‘Les projets de croisade ont toujours charme les fils de saint Sept., anno sexto) to Francis and the officials of his treasury, who Francois d’ Assise,’’ for reasons to be found in S. Francis’s own had incurred ecclesiastical penalties by collecting more money career. for the crusade than an authorized 200,000 ducats (Arch. Segr. Actually the Franciscan tract, which usually has the heading Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fol. 135"): the document says they Das ist ei anschlag eyns zugs wider die Tiirckenn, was printed as had ‘“‘probably” exceeded the authorized sum. On the same _ early as 1474, for which see Karoly Maria Kertbeny [a pseudate Francis was granted another crusading tithe for a year donym for K. M. Benkert], Bibliografte der ungarischen nationalen (ibid., fols. 136'-137", and cf. fols. 137°-138", 160°-164', 177"- — und internationalen Literatur, 1: Ungarn betreffende deutsche Erst-

180’, 187"™—-188"). lings-Drucke 1454-1600, Budapest, 1880, nos. 12-13. Despite

°° Charriére, Négociations, I, 76, note. Kertbeny’s doubt it was reprinted in 1479 (Erstlings-Drucke, no.

6” Charriére, Négociations, I, 53. 26), and appeared in numerous subsequent editions, including

®8 See N. Jorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a l’ histoire des _ six or eight in the year 1518 alone (Erstlings-Drucke, nos. 129croisades, V (Bucharest, 1915), no. LXXVI, pp. 58-62, listed as | 36, and Car! Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], nos. 105-9, where var-

from the Tiirken-Hilff de anno 1446 bis 1518, in the old Royal ious other anti-Turkish items are listed as being printed in Library, now the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, MS. lat. 1518). On the anti-Turkish tracts (Tuirkenbiichlein), see John W. et germ. 14,668, fols. 110-113”: ‘‘Dise vorgeschribne Ordnung — Bohnstedt, ““The Infidel Scourge of God: The Turkish Menace

ist gemacht worden auff den Heyligen Cristabent, anno Domini, | as Seen by German Pamphleteers of the Reformation Era,” etc., 1480.” Although Iorga cites only this manuscript, it is Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., LVIII, pt.

clear that he derived his text from a source with numerous 9 (1968), who has also noted (pp. 9, 17, 35-36) the Anschlag readings at variance with those of the Munich MS. 14,668, of — eyns zugs wider die Tiirckenn.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 189 the purchase of provisions and munitions, and all Viewing the crusade as a crude ecclesiastical deareas would profit from the whole undertaking. The _ vice to extort money, the advocates of reform took

expansive author finally urged the organization of particular exception to the tithe, and were genfive armies, each of 50,000 men, to drive back the erally venomous in their attitude toward the paTurks, convert them to Christianity, and retake the pacy. Charges of venality had been levied at Rome Holy Sepulcher.°? The figures vary in the different for some four centuries,’’ and now they were tak-

texts, all being marked by nonsense. ing powerful effect. A Latin pamphlet, repreForty years later (in March, 1558), while assuring sented as an oration before the princes at an the then Emperor Ferdinand that he was indulging imperial diet (printed in March, 1519, and once in ‘“‘kein Rhetorick odder hohe Kunst,” one Simon attributed to Ulrich von Hutten), may serve as an Wolder reckoned the available manpower of the example of the anti-papal propaganda which had monasteries as 2,200,000, with a half or a fourth filled Germany for many years, and was now being of whom one would have plenty of men to fight directed against the Florentine Leo X with espethe Turk: “‘Das macht zusamen zwei und zwenzig cial virulence:

mal hundert man: Wanns gleich halb odder den . erdtentheil h h +d h leut If ever the German princes needed prudence, counsel,

vierdtentnel macit, so hetten wir dennoc th and concord to defend their honor and the common good uberflussig snug. Yes, indeed. In the fifteenth , they seem to me to require them above all at this and sixteenth centuries the Medici, Fugger, and time... . . Four legates are now spewn forth. . . to the various Venetian merchants as well as the Venetian Christian nations to incite the kings and princes to ungovernment had an acute awareness of the signif- dertake an expedition, but actually to mulct them of icance of large numbers, but for Simon Wolder and money.. . . But the Christian empire has been established his predecessors they obviously lacked meaning and not with arms, not with the sword, but by piety and the could be employed with small sense of reality. best examples of living... . . We have lost many empires, Although the Klosterknaben marching off to the because we have not retained the arts by which they were

; produced. Piety has been lost, but we have kept the word. he G f havi f th ...If.. .Germany. . . had concentrated the funds the German reformers were having none of them. — which she alone has poured out for pallia and such nonsense in the time of the two princes Frederick [III] and 69 m Maximilian, we should now have the sinews of a state Ein sonder und furnem bedencken, Wie man wider den Turcken, . There .. Sy os . entirely sufficient for a Turkish war. would no der sich itzt mit Gewalt erfur gibt, Ziehen unnd denselbigen fuglicher —_ Turkish wars appear in popular songs of the day,

weiss bekrergen und dempfden kan. . . , 1518, 8 leaves (on which longer be any need to weary the Christian world and load note Gollner, Turcica, I[1961], no. 111, p. 74), and cf, Anschlag _ it with new tributes every day and to fleece the poor. The wider die grausamen und blutduirstigen Thiranney des Tiirgken. . . , | pope gets a revenue from his own lands such as no one 1541 (Gollner, I, no. 701, p. 331), both cited by Richard Eber- _ of the Christian kings receives [!], and yet we keep buying mann, Die Turkenfurcht, diss., Halle a. S., 1904, pp. 38-40. The _pallia, and we send asses to Rome laden with gold: we do

latter work is actually the tract of 1474/ 1518, on which ¢- bear the yoke of Christ, we promise gifts, we exchange

Bohnstea ade cours of won Pp. i Pchermann, op gold for lead, everywhere we tolerate negligences—alas,

at, p. 248, note 37, mistakenly believes the plan outlined in my pen slipped, I mean indulgences [negligentias (heu lapsus

the;works cited above indulgentias originated in June, 1523, when it wasThe . ; an . . : sum calamo) passim admittimus]. immense

submitted PopePommern.,] Adrian VINew (seeTiirckenbiichlin following note). . ¢ ; VATICE O ital... ! _ 7° [Simon to Wolder, derglerchen

vor diser zeit nie getruckt worden: Rathschlag und christliches be- You want to overthrow the Turk: I laud the ambition, dencken, wie one sonderliche beschwerde der Obrigkeit, auch der Un- but I fear you are going astray—seek [the enemy] in

derthanen, der Christenhet Erbfeind der Turck zu Wasser unnd Italy, not in the East! Each one of our kings is strong Land zuuberziehen. . . were. = » durch Simon Wolder, Pommern. enough to defend his own frontiers against the Turk. . . - » Frankfurt, 1558, fols. iin, 4°-5, et passim. Wolder had, But all Christendom does not suffice to win out over

or clothes studied ve hath, of 1 . ane ne ms fmancial that other [the pope]. The former, caught up ina tumult

calcularions are similar to theirs, Dut be reckons in faler on a with his neighbors, has not injured us yet, but the latter basis of twenty-five persons in some 200,000 ‘‘Stifft und Cl6- th ttack h d th; f he blood stern” giving their penny each week. When he includes the [the pope] attacks everywhere and thirsts or the DI0o parochial contributions with those of the monastic foundations, of the poor. You cannot slake this Cerberus’s thirst exhe reaches the total of 273,750,000 Taler available for war CEept with a flood of gold. There is no need of arms, no against the Turk each year. Besides an additional tithe on all need to raise an army. Tithes will accomplish more than ecclesiastical incomes, Wolder would also impose various as- troops. . . . I fear the indignation of Christ, not that sessments on the Jews and on the laity hohes unnd nidern Stands,

arm unnd reich, niemandts aussgeschlossen, and the sum of all moneys he would collect for the anti-Turkish war would amount —§ —————————

each year to the grand total of 821,250,000 Taler! Essentially ” In the twelfth century the English satirist Walter Map, De the same plan as that of 1474 and 1518 was presented to the — nugzs curialium, ed. Thomas Wright, London, 1850, pp. 86-87 consistory of Hadrian VI on 12 June, 1523 (Charriére, Négo- (Camden Society, vol. 50), had furnished his readers with the

citations, 1, 102). acrostic Radix omnium malorum avaritia (= Roma).

190 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of the Florentines; but in truth the business of the Flor- (since Maximilian’s death) the archduchy of Austria.

entines is getting done, not that of Christ. The heir of Charles the Bold of Burgundy as well Last summer at incredible expense a war was fought as of Maximilian, of Ferdinand of Aragon as well against Francesco [Maria della Rovere], the duke of 4. of {sabella of Castile, Charles, if chosen by the

Urbino, who was thrown out of his principality. . . , electors. would rule a ° mpero ° t

and Lorenzo de’ Medici stepped into his place... . ~ domains th 0 th 5 & 7 r cd MOPE EXTEN:

Now that the duke of Urbino has fled, [the pope] threat- S!V€ Gomains than those of any predecessor since

ens the duke of Ferrara with a similar fate. When he the days of Charlemagne. Certain electors, therehas also been ejected, we shall set up a kingdom and fore, seemed favorably disposed toward Francis I, salute Lorenzo de’ Medici, citizen of Florence, as the the victor of Marignano, the proposed leader of king of Tuscany. . . . But remember that you are Ger- the crusade against the Turks, and the friend of mans, that is, that you are a people freer than others by Pope Leo X since the conference of Bologna. nature, even as your enemies have written of you. Do The French chancellor Antoine Duprat prenot bea tribute-paying subject to anyone, least of all to pared a memoir concerning the election, in which

the Florentines. . 7 the Turkish occupation of Greece, ‘‘the noblest At the imperial diet of Regensburg . . . a tithe was part of Europe,” was blamed on the “sloth and

sought against the Turks. Then a certain prince elector, folly of the emperors.” as a consequence of which

skilled in the art of war. . . , said that with only ap Y hab; - a been forced q biure Che:

twentieth he would easily drive beyond the pillars of the inhabitants had been forced to abjure MISHercules both the Turks and those who were demand- Uanity. In contrast Duprat described Francis’s ing the tithe. These are the things, O Charles, to re- great qualities of mind and body, his youth and

member!” strength, wealth and liberality, his hardiness as a . Campaigner and his popularity with the troops, _ Charles had a good deal to remember at this «and finally his name alone would strike terror time, but doubtless his chief recollection, with him into the Turks if in addition to his other virtues

Eran, pour ot tne day, w 7 s the riya, candidacy of he bore also the distinguished title of Caesar.”’ A

had no h OF 4 © lain the mee ee . wide diversity of historical sources was employed, ad no hereditary Claim to rh, leete t ; ” hed often irrelevantly, to show that while the seat of of emperor was elective. The electors Ie 4 authority might change, the empire would remain

askance at the young Charles, who was already German. (Certainly Paris was closer to the Rhenish ruler of the Spanish kingdoms, the Netherlands, electorates than were Madrid and Vienna.) Greece Naples and Sicily, most of the New World, and and the Holy Land had to be retaken from the Turks, and Francis had the resources to do so.

re Exhortatio a _ a virtThe seven electors were appealed to, with the full curusdam doctissimi ad principes ne in decimae array of their titles, to give heed to the state of the praestationem consentiant, as printed in Wm.no. Roscoe, Leo the world (a ttento presentiumwith rerum sta Tenth, WII (1805), append., CLXXVIII, pp. 116-20, p -tu). and to elect brief selections in Charriere, Négociations, I, 76, note, who takes as emperor the most Christian king of France as

his usual liberties with the text. In comparison with this tract the sole sure bulwark against Turkish attacks. Martius Aequicola’s three De bello Turcis inferendo suasoriae, ad- They could render the Christian commonwealth dressed to Leo X, the Christian princes, and the clergy in gen- yo greater service than this. While most of Dueral (printed without indication of place in June, 1519) are very 4 . . h k . . dull, doing little for the clerical cause. Aequicola’s title page prat 5S Memoir is trite, he struck one interesting

bears the arms of Leo X. note, in a backward glance at papal relations with On the trials of the papacy in Germany at this time, when the old imperial house of the Hohenstaufen:

Sultan Selim loomed up as an ever greater menace to Hungary and the Hapsburg lands in the East, see Leo’s letters of 22-23 [The electors] must also consider that the universal August, 1518, addressed ‘‘legatis Germaniae,”’ in Arch. Segr. | peace which now blooms in all the world should not be Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 223-226. The Curia Ro- broken as a result of this election. For certainly the sumana understood well enough the extent of the damage being preme pontiff would never allow the empire and the done to Catholicism by the inflammatory letters of Ulrich von kingdom of Sicily to remain in the hands of the same Hutten against the Dominicans (quos suos hostes appellat), who person, which the constitution of Clement IV forbids, were preaching against the Turks: see the original copy of an and so all Christendom might be shaken. some givin

undated brief addressed to the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, . he Ch h h, ‘d a 8

“governor of the Holy Roman Empire,” demanding his support rer Te hc he t he C a : others to the Ch _clectee

of the Dominicans against the rabble-rousing activities of UI- [Char es], so that the ‘Turkish tyrant, seeing Christianity rich, whom the pope regards as almost as great a social menace __ thus divided, could easily attain to his desired objecas that ‘‘son of iniquity, Martin Luther, the heresiarch, source _ tive.”” of such great evils” (Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 96-97), who was condemned in the long consistory of 21 May, 1520 (Acta Mis-

cellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 314°, 316, by modern stamped enumer- —§ ~~~

ation, and cf. fols. 317° ff.). 73 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 77-79, notes.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 19] The rivalry of Charles and Francis was becom- port duty on Ragusan goods from two to five pering so sharp, however, that it began to appear cent,’’ he was pursuing a friendly policy toward the likely the flower of peace would be crushed which- western states, being very well aware of Leo X’s

ever of the two was elected. attempts to organize a crusade and of the four papal In February, 1519, Francis I was still the ener- legations to Germany and Spain, England and getic crusader, solemnly assuring Pope Leo X that France. Venetian dispatches from Adrianople reche would go in person at the head of 3,000 cavalry ord the arrival of a Spanish ambassador at the Porte and 40,000 infantry to ward off any possible Turkish to secure a confirmation of the privileges of the attack upon Rome. Ifa general offensive should be Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem and also organized against the Turks in accordance with the _ of the rights of Christian pilgrims visiting the holy pope’s crusading plans, and if other nations would _ places. For the recognition of such rights and privassume their due shares of the financial and other _ileges the Mamluk soldans had received an annual burdens, he would supply 4,000 cavalry and 50,000 tribute, which it was hoped Selim would accept for infantry.’* Conditions in the eastern Mediterranean — the same display of tolerance. The sultan received were chaotic as usual, and two texts may be cited the Spanish envoy in kindly fashion, gave him a as typical of many. A letter from Aegina, received golden kaftan and 5,000 aspers, and promised to in Venice in mid-December, 1518, informed the grant Charles’s requests if he would send another Senate of the ‘‘severe losses” (grandissimi danni) envoy with full powers to conclude a special treaty which Turkish corsairs had inflicted on the island.’”®> between Spain and the Porte.’® With reference to

The Turks had no monopoly on piracy, however, this diplomatic interchange Charriere states that and two weeks later the Senate learned from the Charles ‘“‘seemed to be approaching Turkey in case provveditore of the Venetian fleet in the Adriatic _ his rival should be elected,’’’? and this is quite conthat western corsairs, understood to be French, had_ ceivable, but the facts are not sufficient to justify

captured two ships from Candia in the port of any assumption as to what Charles would in fact Naxos. The ships were loaded with wines for Is- have done, had he not been elected emperor. It tanbul. The French corsairs sent them to Rhodes _ probably seems clearer to the historian who looks with all their cargo, claiming to have papal au- back upon the scene than it did to contemporaries thorization and the support of the European powers — that Charles’s elevation to the supreme secular dig(which were planning a crusade) to seize all ships nity in Christendom could be foretold with as great

carrying foodstuffs to infidel ports. The report certainty as most events in human experience. caused more than a flutter in the Venetian gov- German public opinion would not tolerate a ernment, whose Cretan subjects had an extensive French emperor. There were many who wanted to

trade with the Moslems.”® pass over both Francis and Charles to maintain a

During this period, when it seemed at least pos- better balance of power in Europe. Leo X was sible that Francis I might be elected emperor (or among them.*” The Elector Frederick of Saxony rather king of the Romans), his rival Charles was

in touch with Sultan Selim, who was then holding ~~ . . .

court at Adrianople. Although Selim raised the im- Meeeper aru,[ilXXVIIL, 1412". 1 Raguset che pagavano Signor Turco] vol .pagino 5 come tutti li altri de loro mercadantie. . . ,”’ froma report of the Venetian bailie Leonardo [improperly called Lorenzo in this passage in Sanudo]|

74 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 81-82, and cf., above, note 65. | Bembo, dated at Adrianople on 21 February, 1519. 7® Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, 280. From a letter of the Venetian 78 Sanudo, Diari, XXVI, 65, 79, 120, 184, 198, and esp. Senate to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 12 March, 1518, we cols. 141, 280, reports of the Venetian bailie Leonardo Bembo learn that the sultan was taking steps against corsairs who had — from Adrianople dated 21 February and 3 April, 1519. attacked Naxos. The Senate was not unaware that Venetian ’9 Charriére, Neégociations, I, 82. subjects were also engaged in piracy, but “‘siamo etiam advisati 8°Cf, Cardinal Cajetan’s long analysis of the political situation esser nel Arcipelago da circa fuste 30 dei Turchiche dannizano in Europe with reference to the imperial election, in his letter quelle insule. . . ,” and the Turks in Bosnia had been making to Leo X dated at Frankfurt on 29 June, 1519, in Delle lettere incursions into Venetian territory (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. di principi, I (Venice, 1581), fols. 67-72’. By the beginning of 107, and cf. fols. 123” ff., and Reg. 48, fols. 62" ff., 86, 184). the year 1519 Leo had acquired such a distrust of Francis I it The Senate believed that the pashas in Istanbul sometimes con- _was inconceivable that the papacy should assist the French imdoned and even encouraged acts of violence against Venetian perial ambition. Furthermore, on 17 January (1519) Leo made

subjects. with Charles V a “bona, firma, perpetua et inviolabilis liga,

’® Sanudo, Diarii, XX VI, 295-96: “*. . . Etesso Provedador _confoederatio et intelligentia ad vitam utriusque duratura et a inteso ditti corsari sono per nome dil Pontefice et de tutta la ad mutuam defensionem,”’ for the text and the importance of liga contra infideli, da li qual dicono haver liberta et ordene de —_ which see Gino Capponi, ‘“‘Documenti,” Arch. stor. italiano, |

intrometer et prender tutti li navilii che portano victuaria a’ (1842), 376-83. According to the terms of this (secret) treaty

infideli.”’ neither Leo nor Charles could make an agreement with any

192 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT might conceivably have been elected, but when he came quickly disaffected with Leo X, whom cirannounced Charles as his preference, the issue was cumstances had forced to give way in his opposition

in little doubt. One after the other the members to Charles’s election. The French court lost all its of the electoral college declared for Charles, and feigned enthusiasm for the crusade. The imperial

on 28 June, 1519, he was elected king ofthe Romans (or rather royal) title as well as the imperiled location

without protest or dissenting vote.*' Francis I be- of the Hapsburg duchies of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, and the county of Tyrol, now

—_____— made Charles V the natural defender of Christenother king or prince “to the prejudice of the other” (art. 4, dom against the Turks.®?

ibid., p. 380). ; . Charles was also vulnerable to Turkish attack in

_Atthe same time, however, “a nessun patto Sua Santita vor- southern Italy and Sicily. Except for a short seacoast ria che questo Imperio pervenissi nel Catholico”’ [Charles], be- .

cause of the power which the Hapsburg dominions bestowed on the Mediterranean, Francis was well protected upon Charles (‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd

ser., XXV [1877], 370 and ff.), in which connection note the =~ Venetian ambassador’s report to the Signoria dated 13 March, 48. Jacob Fugger played a leading role in financing Charles’s 1519, in Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers... , election, on which cf. Jacob Strieder, Jacob Fugger the Rich, MerVenice, II (London, 1867), no. 1175, pp. 503-4 (and cf, ibid., chant and Banker of Augsburg, 1459-1525, trans. Mildred L. nos. 1179, 1212): the pope could not abide the thought of the | Hartsough (1931, repr. 1966), pp. 146-57. election of Charles, whose Neapolitan borders reached within Charles’s foreign relations and German problems from his forty miles of Rome. The electors were of course divided, some _ election to the spring of 1521 receive abundant illustration in

favoring Charles and others Francis (Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, the introduction and documents published by Adolf Wrede, 479-80, 484-85, 489, 501-5, 508, and vol. XXVII, cols. 25 ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V., 11 (Gotha,

ff., 67-68 ff., 102-3, 117, 124, 130, 145-46, 171-72, etc., 1896, repr. Gottingen, 1962). At the diet of Worms, on 19 or 249, 282, 308-9, etc.). Cf Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 20 April, 1521, a Hungarian embassy which had appealed to 11-13, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 287-97, and J. Ursu, Charles and the German estates for aid against the Turks was La Politique orientale de Frangois [** (1515-1547), Paris, 1908, informed, “‘Sperat tamen sua Maiestas et ipsi status imperii ita

pp. 14-18, 21. Since Louis I] of Bohemia (and Hungary) was omnia brevi disposituros, ut intra spacium anni sua Maiestas a minor, Francis tried to get the electoral vote of Bohemia by _ poterit personaliter cum . . . principibus christianis expediticurrying favor with Sigismund I of Poland, Louis’s uncle and = onem contra Turcos suscipere et Christi fidei hostes abolere

guardian. .. .” (ibid., no. 109, p. 759).

Francis’s relations with the German princes may be explored At a consistory held in Rome on 12 December, 1519, which in endless detail in the introduction and documents published | Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, the vice-chancellor, did not attend

by August Kluckhohn, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser because of illness (in quo non interfui ob meam infirmitatem quam

Karl V., 1 (Gotha, 1893, repr. Gottingen, 1962). One of the patiebar in renibus), letters were read from the ban of Dalmatia arguments used for Francis’s election rather than that of Charles and Croatia to the effect that ‘‘ipsa regna parata erant adherere was “‘que les royaumes d’ icelluy roy catholicque [Charles] sont Turcharum tyranno atque illi tributum dare, significando quod loing de la Germanie, tellement que non seullement est difficille, | miserunt ad regem Ungarie oratores suos qui ei protestarentur mais quasi impossible de bailler aide et secours d’ iceulx a la quod nolebant amplius obedire sue Maiestati postquam f[oJedus

Germanie, si quelque gros affaire y survenoit, comme est vray- | cum eodem tyranno Turcharum fecerat . . . ,”’ after which semblable que surviendra pour les préparatifz et menasses que Leo X said that he would write to the king of Hungary either fait le Turcq”’ (ibid., no. 17, p. 173, a document from the end _ to provide Dalmatia and Croatia with special protection or to of January, 1519). Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 255 ff., and Gesch. allow these “‘kingdoms’”’ to come under the authority of another d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 175 ff., does not hesitate to em- _—_ Christian king or under that of the Holy See, so that steps might

phasize Leo’s extraordinary deviousness in trying to convince _ be taken for their defense (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Misceleach of the two candidates for the imperial throne that he lanea, Reg. 6, fols. 296’—297', by mod. stamped enumeration). would have papal support (while at the same time Leo tried to *? Cf, for example, Charles V’s titles in Predelli, Regesti dei win advantages for the Medici from both Francis and Charles). © Commemoriali, VI, bk. XxX, no. 111, p. 157, doc. dated 20 July, See also the detailed account in G. L. Moncallero, ‘‘La Politica) 1519. He still retained in the Spanish titulature the old Catalan

di Leone X. . . ,” Rinascumento, VUE (1957), 79-109. claim to the Latin duchies of Athens and Neopatras (cf. Setton, 81 Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V., I, nos. 379- Catalan Domination of Athens, p. 31, note 37). The vast extent 85, pp. 845-63, and see Cajetan’s letter to Leo X, dated at of Charles’s domains fascinated the contemporary German mind, Frankfurt-am-Main on the day of Charles’s election (hoggi), in _ still being fed on the vague, medieval dreams of universal imDelle lettere di princifn, 1 (1581), fols. 72’-73. On the observance __ perial sovereignty; cf. the Turckenpuechlem of 1522, unnum. fol.

of the election in Rome, note Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. 23” (= sign. F 111), where the list ““des Kaisers Carles Tittel” 1519, ed. Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. | occupy almost a full page. On the imperial election itself, cf. 427 ff. Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XX VII, 475-76, 483-85, 491-92, | Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I’, pp. 14-18, and Karl 540-41, 543, etc., 585 ff., 599, and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta _ Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 2 vols., 1941-42, I, 85-96, trans. C. V.

Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 101". On the im- Wedgwood, London, 1939, repr. 1965, pp. 99-112. On the portance of the crusade, for which Leo X had sent out appeals — whole papal policy had been merely an attempt to hinder the to the Christian princes, the Kreuzzugsidee und Turkenfurcht, in _ election of Charles without taking particular pains to help effect

the rivalry of Charles V and Francis I for election as king of _ that of Francis. Brandi, I, 97, thinks that Charles was duke of the Romans, see the excellent article of Ernst Laubach, ‘‘Athen und Patras’’ (!), but a memorandum in Sanudo, Diari, ‘‘Wahlpropaganda im Wahlkampf um die deutsche Konigswurde XXVI, 268, records Charles’s numerous titles correctly, in(1519),” in the Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte, LII1 (1971), 207-— cluding that of duca di Athene et de Neopatria.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 193 from such attack, although he was now hemmed in _ faded away. Leo X heard the news in late October on all sides by either the lands or the claims of the from both Ragusan and Venetian sources. He was new emperor, for Charles was little inclined to ac- vastly relieved, thanked God for the sultan’s death, cept Francis’s continued possession of the duchy of | and now looked forward to peace on the threatBurgundy, which Louis XI had added to the French _ ened eastern fronts.** Selim’s successor Suleiman domain. Causes for conflict between the two young was widely believed to be a peaceful young man, sovereigns existed everywhere. Charles held Naples, from whom Christendom would have nothing to but Francis could not forget the old Angevin claim _ fear.*” Now Charles V and Francis I each regarded

to the Two Sicilies. Francis had taken Milan by the other as his chief enemy, not the Turk, force of arms, but Milan was an imperial fief, and and each sought the support of Henry VIII and without the emperor’s investiture (which Maximilian Leo X.

had of course withheld and Charles would never Although Henry met Francis amicably, even grant) he held it as an act of violent usurpation, at effusively, on the Field of Cloth of Gold in June, least in Charles’s eyes. Disputes of long standing 1520,°° he went on to Gravelines in July to reach had been inherited in Artois and Flanders. Charles’s an agreement with Charles.8’ For reasons which grandfather Ferdinand of Aragon had driven the — the chancellor Duprat had envisaged in his memfamily of d’ Albret from the kingdom of Navarre, oir on the imperial election—the papal policy, as we have noted in an earlier chapter, and the long pursued, of keeping Naples and Sicily out of French were determined to restore them. As cer- the German emperor’s hands—Francis seems to tainly as the polarization of hostilities between Ath- have thought he could rely on Leo X, but the ens and Sparta or Rome and Carthage had led to __ latter now needed Charles’s help to suppress the war, so France was being drawn into conflict with Lutheran revolt in Germany as well as to regain Spain. When Sultan Selim I died at dawn on 22 Sep- Signor Selim et por la felice succession del serenissimo Suliman 83 fpPlans f d suo a quel imperio cum tanta satisfaction de éanimo de tember, 1520, uropean TOY fiolo a Crusad€ — quelli signori et populi quanta ne scrivete, il che stato causa de minuir 1] dolor che haveano riceputo de la morte del padre, oo havendo maxime inteso per dicte vostre la iustitia, bonta, 83 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIX, 306, 321, 323, 339, 341-42, 357- sapientia, et valorosita del predicto serenissimo Signor Suliman

59, 361, 365, 368 ff. Contrary to the statement sometimes’. . ._,’’ all of which qualities Suleiman proved to have in good made, Selim was not getting ready to attack Rhodes at the tme measure. On 7 and 20 November the Senate sent Suleiman of his death (2bid., X XIX, 265-66), although there was constant _ their assurance of friendship, and sought a continuation of their fear that he might do so (Biblioteca del Museo Correr di Venezia, peace with the Ottoman empire (zbid., Reg. 48, fols. 154” ff.).

MS. Cicogna 2848, fols. 330", 333”, 335", from the diary of 84 Sanudo, X XIX, 342-43: ‘‘. . . Soa Beatitudine ringratio Marcantonio Michiel). Despite Turkish raids on Zara (Zadar), il nostro Signor Dio. . . , dicendo € una bona nova, [il Turco] Sebenico (Sibenik), and Cattaro (Kotor), which netted the Turks | era homo malvaso, staremo hora in pace et la cristianita potra

a ‘‘grande quantita di putti, animali, et altra preda,’’ Selim _ star sicura.” insisted upon his pacific intentions (2bid., fols. 328", 328", and 85 Sanudo, Diarii, XX1X, 353, 357, 361, 390, 391. In Jancf. in general fols. 334", 336 ff.), but the preparation of a great uary, 1522, Juan Manuel, Charles V’s ambassador in Rome, armada in the arsenal at Istanbul led the Venetian Senate on _ believed that the Turks were not then likely to attack any Chris29 May, 1520, ‘‘ad fare ogni expediente provisione de ingrossar tian state (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of. . . State Papers l’ armata nostra, si per conservatione de le terre et loci nostri. . . , Spain, I1[London, 1866], no. 381, p. 399), but inevitably maritimi come per conforto de tuti quelli subditi nostri di Le- | the news soon came that the Turks were preparing for war vante’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 121°-125" and ff.): From — (ibid., nos. 395-96, 417).

Venice, the region of Friuli, Dalmatia, and throughout the 8° Sanudo, Diarti, XXVIII, 465-70, 557, 565, 638, 639-40, whole terra ferma there was to be a conscription of ‘‘a goodly 642, 644-50, 658-61, and vol. XXIX, cols. 48-50, 78 ff., 233 number of oarsmen;”’ galleys were to be equipped and armed, _ ff.; Martin du Bellay, Mémorres, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection and the provveditore Zaccaria Loredan, who was setting out complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 283-85, and (a better for Cyprus, was warned that his island charge might well be _ edition) eds. V. L. Bourrilly and F. Vindry, 4 vols., Paris, 1908—

the Turkish objective (and so fifty years before the ‘‘war of 19, I, 99-102. In letters of 10 July, 1520, to Cardinal Wolsey Cyprus”’ the Signoria feared a Turkish attack upon the island). | and Francis I, the Venetian Senate rejoiced in the prospect of Sebastiano Giustinian was sent to Crete with a like admonition __ peace which the conferences of the kings seemed to be providing

(ibid., Reg. 48, fols. 125-27). Although by 20 June (1520) the for Europe (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 135’-136). On the

4 July, etc.). 1969.

Turkish threat appeared to be a false alarm, the Republic con- —_ meeting of Henry VIII and Francis I, see Joycelyne G. Russell, tinued to arm galleys (¢hd., fol. 131°, and cf. fol. 133%, dated The Field of Cloth of Gold: Men and Manners in 1520, New York,

On the death of Sultan Selim and the accession of Suleiman, 87 Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXVIII, 470-77. Henry and Charles

the Venetian Senate wrote the bailie in Istanbul on 7 November, _ had already conferred at Dover and Canterbury in late May, 1520 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 154"): ‘‘Heri per la via de = 1520 (ibid., XX VIII, 594, 596-98, 617, 630, 631-32, 636-37, Ragusi ricevessemo le vostre de ultimo Septembrio fino 4 del 638-39, and vol. X XIX, col. 5), and in August, 1521, the pact

preterito per lequal ne significate la morte del serenissimo q. of Bruges bound them together in an alliance.

194 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Parma and Piacenza, which he had been obliged love for Venice and of his desire that Venetian to relinquish. Lutheran affairs were in fact already merchants should be well treated in his domains.”?

coming to vie with the Turkish peril as one of the The Venetian Senate could only regard this as larger preoccupations of the Curia Romana.*° good news. Although Leo generally preferred the pleasures One of those periods had come (it would not last of the hunt to the preoccupations of his office,*’ long) when the interests of the pope and the emhe was anxious to send the Rhodian Grand Master _ peror appeared to coincide. An agreement was made del Carretto two galleons and a thousand men as _ between them, according to which the French would

well as to write still more crusading appeals to the be driven from Milan, and Parma and Piacenza Christian kings.°” He breathed much more freely, would be restored to the papacy.°* Eastern affairs however, when the Turkish threat to Rhodes dis-_ were almost forgotten. War was officially declared appeared with the disbandment of the Turkish on 1 August, 1521, and so there was no reason for

armada.”! surprise when on 4 September Leo X held Francis The confrontation of Spanish and Turkish ves- I up to scorn and criticism, in a bull prepared ad sels in the Mediterranean, especially in Sicilian futuram rei memoriam, for collecting tithes on the waters, was helping to cast the young Emperor _ revenues of all the churches, monasteries, and other Charles in the role of a crusader, a circumstance _ benefices throughout the entire kingdom of France, which inevitably drew Leo X closer to him. The which had been assigned to Francis solely for the persistent refusal of the Venetians to participate needs of the crusade against the bestial Turks (while in any of Leo’s crusading plans had caused a large he had bound himself by oath not otherwise to emdissatisfaction with Venice. The statesmen on the _ ploy them), and for selfishly and impiously diverting lagoon were determined not to be drawn into hos- these funds to his own purposes.®

tilities with Suleman. On 22 August, 1520, for

example, a letter dated 8 July from Tommaso 99 ., Contarini. the Venetian bailie in Istanbul. was Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, 124, but it was hard to remain on

; ? a ? good terms with the Turks (cf, ibid., XXIX, 359). Tommaso

read in the Senate. Contarin1 reported that the Contarini’s commission as Venetian bailie to Istanbul is dated sultan’s trusted minister, Peri Pasha, had asked 10 March, 1519 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 2 ff.). him what the Venetians would do if the Turkish _ “Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXXI, 21, 172. On 3 April, 1521, the and Spanish fleets met at sea. Which side would Venetians repeated their pledge to stand with the French

‘ce help? The bailie replied that he did against Charles V (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 179° ff.), but Venice erp: € baie replied ¢ vat € al not they made peace with Charles on 17 May and were eager to

believe his countrymen would provide any imped- preserve it (zbid., fols. 182" ff., 188°-191%). A state of war viriment to Turkish operations, because the Republic tually existed between Leo X and Francis I from late June (ibid., wished to preserve the peace it had made with the fols. 194” ff., letter of the Venetian Senate to their ambassador

Turkish t. Peri Pash | dwith Rome, dated 3 July, 1521), bringing to an end the triple urkish government. Perl Pasha was picased w , entente of France, the papacy, and Venice (see the following the reply, and assured the bailie of the sultan’s note). On the ‘“‘peace’’ conferences from July to November, 1521 (under the ambiguous and egotistical management of

. Wolsey), which led to the Anglo-imperial alliance for the pur-

88° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXVIII, 581, 608, 621; vol. XXIX, pose of defeating France and, allegedly, for an ultimate “‘crucol. 492; and vol. XXX, cols. 60, 130, 192, 210 ff.; L. Lalanne, — sade,”’ see Joycelyne G. Russell, “The Search for Universal ed., Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris (1854, repr. 1965), pp. 94— Peace: the Conferences at Calais and Bruges in 1521,” Bulletin 96; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, of the Institute of Historical Research, XLIII (1970), 162-93.

1963, III, 303-7. On 6 June, 1521, Juan Manuel, the imperial °* Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 209'-209”, ambassador in Rome, wrote his master Charles V that he had = ‘‘datum Rome, etc., anno etc. millesimo quingentesimo vigediscussed Luther with the pope, and expressed the opinion that simo primo, pridie non. Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno Charles ‘“‘must proceed in the affair of Luther in accordance nono.”’ Cf., ibid., fol. 134”, bull dated 27 July, 1521. For unwith the desires of the pope”’ (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar dated texts of the Capitula inter Leonem X et regem Christianisof. . . State Papers. . . , Spain, If [London, 1866], no. 341, — simum tractanda pro salute Reipublice Christiane, see AA. Arm.

p- 354). I-XVIII, no. 2663: this papal-French entente, which had now 89 Cf Domenico Gnoli, ‘Le Cacce di Leon X,’’ Nuova An- perished, had begun with the significant consideration that

tologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, 3rd ser., XLIII (Rome, 1893), “‘sanctissimus dominus noster [Leo X papa] desiderat imprimis 617-48. Leo was in fact hunting when the Venetian ambassador et super omnia pacem universalem inter populos principesque got the news to him of the sultan’s death (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, —Christianos ut illis conciliatis adversus imminantes fidei hostes

342-43). sancta expeditio fieri possit tam necessario tempore quo non

°° Sanudo, Diarii, XXVIII, 608, 617, 621, 636, 652, andcf —_iamde illorum finibus atque imperiis aggrediendis sed de nostris vol. XXIX, col. 362: ‘‘Li galioni dil Papa stati a Rodi passo di defendendis est deliberandum.. . .”’ The Venetians had been

li. . .” (in September, 1520). included in this entente (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 177° ff., 9? Sanudo, Diaru, X XIX, 9-10, 13-14, 15. Selim had given docs. dated 3 April, 1521).

orders to put the Turkish armada into dry dock well before For the terms of the final agreement between Leo X and

his death. Charles V, see the Vatican Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fols.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 195 Christian fortunes in the Levant were often de- a brother of Marshal Lautrec, invaded Navarre and termined by developments in the West. During the set Henri d’ Albret upon the throne in Pamplona, early years of Sultan Suleiman’s reign, the Emperor after a siege in which Ignatius Loyola received the Charles V was caught up in the revolt of the Castilian wound which changed his life and the religious futownsmen, the Comuneros, who professed to be ture of Europe.” fighting for ‘‘Santiago y Libertad” (1520-1521). Francis I’s activities were a flagrant violation of Francis I supported Robert de la Marck, duke of the treaty of London, which he had himself proBouillon and lord of Sedan, who invaded the em-_ moted when he had imperial ambitions. The attacks peror’s Belgian territories and besieged Virton in’ of both Robert de la Marck and L’ Esparre had Luxembourg. The French commander, L’ Esparre, come while Charles V was at the diet of Worms,”° as the emperor complained in a letter to the Signoria 192-197: Capitula nove confederationis ter sanctissomum dominum of Venice on 9 June, 1522, denouncing Francis S nostrum Leonem papam decimum et serenissemum Cesarem Carolum breaking of the treaty and requesting the due in-

Romanorum regem electum, a text attested in 1549 as being intervention of England and Venice as signatories of the hand of Sadoleto. Another text may be found in AA. Arm. the treaty and guarantors of its terms. Henry VIII I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 172! ff. Dispatches preserved in Sanudo’s 4.4. said to be ready to meet his obligations under Leo and Charles. If the papacy must rely upon Charles (in the the treaty, and Charles warned the Signoria of spring of 1521) to proceed against the Turks and the Lutherans, | French aspirations in Italy.’ But Venice was then

Diaru trace step by step the formation of the alliance between Leo X could see no reason why the Medici family should not at the same time seek imperial protection and patronage (cf.

Brandi, Kaiser Karl V, I, 131, trans. Wedgwood [1939, repr. =

1965], 152-53). 95 Jean d’ Albret, the king of Navarre, had died on 21 June, On the war between Charles and Francis, cf. the latter’s letter 1516, leaving his claims to the throne to his son Henri, who

of 19 June, 1521, to the French ambassador in Rome, in Charles = was now restored (cf. Lalanne, Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris,

Weiss, ed., Papers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1, 116-24, pp. 41, 89-90): Sanudo, Diarti, XXX, 175, 190, 193, 195, 319, and esp. the dispatches of Juan Manuel, imperial ambassador 359, 374, 466, and vol. XXXI, cols. 12, 16, 75, 88, 109-10, in Rome, to Charles, in G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of... etc., 300, on de la Marck and d’ Albret; Guicciardini, Storia State Papers. . . , Spain, 11 (London, 1866), nos. 337 ff., pp. d@’ Italia, XIV, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 317-18; Mar350 ff. The French seneschal of Lyon arrested the Florentine tin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection complete merchants in the city and sequestrated their goods, as their des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 277, 287-300, and eds. V. L. consul and representatives protested to the French treasurer _ Bourrilly and F. Vindry, I (1908), 88-89, 104-22. Leo X was Robertet on 15 July, 1521, ‘‘. . . a cause de ce que le pape _ still anxious to get Charles V and Francis I “‘to turn their arms sest declairé contre le dit seigneur [Francis I], la quelle chose against the Turk”’ (Sanudo, XXXI, 89, 105-6, and cf. col. 192, nous desplaist fort et a esté contre notre vouloir. . ."" (Giuseppe and vol. XXXII, col. 116), who was again seen as a threat to Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, I [Florence, 1836],no. xLvil, | Hungary. According to Michael Sander, Cardinal Schiner’s secp. 101, and cf, :bid., no. XLIX). On problems, personalities, and retary, Charles was ready to go personally on a crusade unless the flow of events through the year 1521, note Angelo Mercati, | Francis, perfidus vicmus, forced him into a war in Europe (a ‘“‘Frammenti di una corrispondenza di Giovanni Rucellai, nunzio _ letter dated at Ghent on 1 August, 1521, in Biichi, Korrespon-

in Francia,” Arch. della Soceta romana di storia patria, LXXI denzen . . . d. Kard. Matth. Schiner, II [1925], 441, and cf

(3rd ser., II, 1948), 1-40. Charles’s own letter to Schiner from Ghent on 2 August, ibid., Leo X’s involvement in the war with Francis could only in- | pp. 445-46).

crease the Turkish threat to Hungary, in which connection note Juan Manuel, the imperial ambassador in Rome, wrote Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. Charles on 15 August that while the Christian princes should 31, fol. 129": ‘“Reverendissimus Cornelius legit litteras Regis combine against the Turks, they were unlikely to do so, and Polonie rogantis suppetias pro defensione Regni Ungarie in so the sole hope of Christendom was that Charles might soon periculo existentis. Tamen Sanctissimus [dominus noster] dixit conquer his enemy Francis and then undertake a war against se postea habuisse litteras quod Turce missi expugnatum Bel- the Turks (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of. . . State Papers

gradum multi fuerunt interfecti, et propter valida presidia que... , Spain, I] [London, 1866], no. 352, p. 364). venerant ex Austria et Bohemia, et Rex Ludovicus cum magno °° Among other sources, cf. Jean de Vandenesse, Journal des robore ibat ad liberandum Belgradum ab obsidione, adeo quod voyages de Charles-Quint, in L. P. Gachard, ed., Collection des Magnus Turca fuit coactus retrocedere per 20 miliaria, et Sanc- voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, \1 (Brussels, 1874), 64, tissimus cogitabat de aliquo modo pecuniario quo possit ipsum 122-23.

Regem adiuvare” (in the consistory of Friday, 24 August, 7 Predelli, Regest: dei Commemonali, V1, bk. XxX, no. 165, p. 1521). On the Turkish expedition against Hungary, cf the Sen. 170. Antonio Surian, the Venetian ambassador to England, Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 1°, 3, 6°, 7, 21, 29 ff. The Venetian had informed the Senate during the mid-summer of 1521 that government sought to deter the great powers from embarking “questa Maesta di Anglia fusse contra Franza come primo inupon another war in Italy, and to persuade them to use their _ vasor di capitoli” (Sanudo, Diarn, XX XI, 300). Francis, however, armaments on behalf of King Louis II of Hungary, ‘‘quale si claimed that Charles had first violated the treaty (ibid., XXXI, attrova insieme cum el suo regno in cussi evidentissimo periculo 450-51). As the western powers seemed to forget the Turks, et non solum epso regno, ma la Germania, Italia, et tuta la the Venetians renewed their “‘good peace and friendship” with universal repubblica Christiana per la tremebunda et formi- the sultan on 17 December, 1521 (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, dolosa potentia del Signor Turco che za ha fatto progresso in =Documenti turchi, Turkish text in Arabic script, dated at Is-

epso regno. . .”’ (tbid., Reg. 49, fol. 8", and cf fol. 28). tanbul A.H. 928, al-Muharram 17).

196 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the ally of France and, after the League of Cambrai, Netherlands frontier was of secondary importance, might well be expected to consult her own assumed the war in Italy was a major contest. When the interests (as she had always done anyway) rather French were driven from Milan, the city and duchy than abide by the letter of a treaty which Leo X_ were restored to Lodovico il Moro’s (second) son

had himself declared to be chimerical. Francesco, who duly recognized the emperor’s suThe French were defeated on 30 June, 1521, at zerainty. Parma and Piacenza were taken over by Esquiroz near Pamplona, and Charles’s forces easily _ papal troops.'°° The adherents of the Medici could regained ‘“‘la cite de Pampelune et tout le royaume rejoice, but not for long.

de Navarre.’’”® In Italy Francis I still held the great On Monday, 1 December, 1521, Pope Leo X duchy of Milan, and was of course in alliance with died unexpectedly, celebrating the news of ColonVenice. But the war could not be confined to areas _ na’s success at Milan. Paride Grassi says that he died of Francis’s own choosing, and on 19 November, of pneumonia (ex catarrho superfluo), and adds that 1521, old Prospero Colonna, who then served as_ there were rumors of poison (licet aligqui dixerint ex commander of the combined imperial and papal — veneno).'°' The pope’s lead seal and fisherman’s ring troops, expelled the unpopular Lautrec from Milan — were broken, according to custom, in the presence after most of the latter’s Swiss mercenaries had de-__ of the twenty-nine members of the Sacred College serted during the cold and rainy weeks of futile who were then in Rome. Leo’s first obsequies were

maneuvering which had preceded Colonna’s at- held the following Monday, 7 December, in the tack.*° If the fighting along the Pyrenees and the _ Sistine Chapel, so that the cardinals might be spared the discomforts of a cold day. A great spendthrift,

—___— the pope received a niggardly funeral. He had ex98 Lalanne, Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris, pp. 89-90, 91, hausted the papal treasury, and what he had not

Sanudo, Diaru, XXXI, 106, 107-8, 146, 194. spent himself, the officials of the Curia had managed

Nova scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. 475-76. news ofGrassi, ar . fuerunt meromnes officialesThe istt, says Paride

the fall of Milan to Colonna first reached Venice on Thursday a oy . morning, 21 November, in a dispatch from Andrea Foscolo, catores F lorentini acutissimi! As Leo lay that day mM podesta and captain of Crema: “‘Li avisava come quel zorno, the dark silence of death, neither secular priests

a di 19, hore 23, 1 nimici erano intrati in Milan e roto francesi nor friars said special masses, nor were alms given,

et nostri. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diariu, XXXII, 153-54, and see iN for the dead pontiff ’s soul. There was no money general cols. 155, 158 ff., 183 ff., etc.). Cf Guicciardini, Storia for th Paride G ~ who had resi d d’ Italia, XIV, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 371-74, and or these purposes. raride Tassi, Ww 0 ad resigne Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection his office as master of ceremonies quasi fessus et senex, complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 345-55, and eds.

Bourrilly and Vindry, I, 186-99, who describes the loss of

Milan in detail. Lautrec’s difficulties can be followed in the Sen. §£—-7————

Secreta, Reg. 49 (1521~1522), and on the loss of Milanon 19 in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano the Schedario Garamjfn, vol. 102 November, 1521, note, ibid., fols. 43-45", 46’-48". From the (= Indice 545), Cronologico, vol. 8, for the years 1505-1541, early 1520’s the memoirs of the French soldier Blaise de Mon- _ fols. 44"-44". The French had also violated the convention luc, who admired Lautrec above most of the commanders of | between the Holy See and the king of France relating to the his time, become valuable for details of military events and for _ sale of salt in the duchy of Milan: for the text of the convention the personalities of those involved (cf. Ian Roy, ed., Blaise de in question, see AA. Arm. I-XVIII, no. 1669, article 4. The

1972). ation.

Monluc: The Habsburg-Valois Wars and the French Wars of Religion bull Pacifica regis was copied a second time, presumably by error,

[covering the period from 1521 to 1570], Hamden, Conn., in Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 158'—-161", by mod. stamped enumerIn the bull Pacific: regis of 27 July, 1521, Leo X had imposed 100 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1V, 1, 9, ed. Florence: Salani,

ecclesiastical penalties on Thomas de Foix, lord of Lescun, 1963, III, 321, 373, and for details, see Bertrand de Chanterac, Lautrec’s brother, the French commander in Lombardy (Arch. ‘“‘Odet de Foix,”’ Revue des questions historiques, LVII (3rd ser.,

Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 134°-137", by mod. XIV, April 1929), 287-313. stamped enumeration, ‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, '°! Both Paolo Giovio and Guicciardini believe that Leo X anno etc. millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo primo, sexto Kal. died of poison, and cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia,

Augusti, pont. nostri anno nono’), taking the opportunity to Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fols. 132": ‘“‘. . . Dominus noster D. castigate the French for their violation of the five years’ peace _—_ Leo divina providentia Papa X mortuus est febre tertiana duand their attacks upon the Holy See, which had impeded the _ plici, non sine suspicione veneni propinati a suis cubiculariis

‘sanctum ac pernecessarium bellum contra perfidos Christi | charissimis quos Sua Sanctitas extulerat.. . .”’ Essentially the nominis hostes Turchas, cervicibus nostris insultantes et subinde | same text appears in the consistorial records as given in the novis victoriis virium suarum terminos proferentes. . .” (ibid., | Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 382", by mod. stamped enumerfol. 134"). The text of the bull Pacifici regis may be found in — ation. See in general Sanudo, Diart, XXXII, 203-4 ff., for Sanudo, Diarti, XX XI, 498-503, who also gives the text of | reports reaching Venice. On 6 December (1521) the procurator Charles V’s imperial edict against the king of France, dated at _—Alvise Pisani, father of Cardinal Francesco Pisani, appeared in Antwerp on 12 July, 1521 (ibid., cols. 504-6). For references _ the Collegio, “‘dicendo e alegrandosi di questa bona nova di la to further bulls of 27 July, 1521, against the French, consult morte dil Papa” (ibid., col. 208).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 197 was shocked by the negligence and disorder. After deed, all Italy was unsafe, for Colonna’s victory was the first day, however, the cardinals imposed upon indecisive, and hostilities were quickly resumed.

him the burden of the remaining ceremonies. The Moreover, the rise of Lutheranism would soon Sistina and the chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari were _ plunge Europe into a turmoil which would introduce prepared for a new conclave amid the usual grum- new complexities into the conduct of war and diblings. Some cardinals complained of Paride Grassi’s_ plomacy. The future of the Italian states was bound officiousness, and the Venetian ambassador com-_ up with that of the papacy; the rulers of the German

plained that the roads to Rome were unsafe.'°* In- states would determine the future of the empire. After Charles’s election it was clear to perceptive members of the Curia Romana that henceforth, for 102 Paride Grassi, Diarium, ad ann. 1521, ed. Hoffmann, Nova SOme time to come, opposition to the Turk would

scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. 477-87. At the time of Leo depend largely on the military resources of the X’s death the papal master of ceremonies was Biagio Martinelli Hapsburgs and the spiritual influence of the Holy da Cesena, on whom see Carlo Grigioni, “Biagio da Cesena,” See. It remained to be seen, therefore, whether the After serving as Venetian ambassador in Rome for forty Haps urgs and the Ho y See would wor together, months, Marco Minio had informed the Senate in the spring and whether they would prove equal to the harsh of 1520 that the papacy had a limited direct income of some exigencies which lay immediately before them.

Studi romagnoli, V (1954), 349-88. b Id k h 220,000 ducats, although the pope might sell a cardinal’s hat

for 40,000 ducats (E sz dice se vol far cardenali solum 10, trazera =—=———————

ducati 400 milia . . .). Minio puts Cardinal Riario’s fine for says that as pope Leo had spent 4,500,000 ducats, and left involvement in Petrucci’s conspiracy at 300,000 ducats, which debts of 400,000 ducats (ibid., XXXII, 230, 262). For Leo’s is twice the true amount; in any event Minto says that Leocould funeral, see again Sanudo, XXXII, 260 ff. Leo’s reign had not hold on to money, was generous, and had his Florentine provided the writers of pasquinades with endless opportunities friends and relatives to spend his last cent, por li: Fiorentini, st to display their talents (XXXII, 289, and cf. cols. 302 and 356; fano e€ sono sot parenti, non lo lassa mai aver un soldo (Sanudo, Erasmo Percopo, “Di Anton Lelio Romano e di alcune pasDiaru, XXVHI, 576). In March, 1517, Marino Giorg! had put quinate contro Leon X,”’ Giornale storico della letteratura italiana,

the papal income at 420,000 ducats a year (ibid., XXIV, 91, XXVII [1896], 45-91; G. A. Cesareo, Pasguino e pasquinate but on the inaccuracy of Giorgi’s report, see Peter Partner, nella Roma di Leone X, Rome, 1938 [in the Miscellanea della “The ‘Budget’ of the Roman Church in the Renaissance Pe- R. Deputazione romana di Storia Patria]; and Mario dell’ Arco, riod,” in E. F. Jacob, ed., Italian Renaissance Studies, London, Pasquino e le pasquinate, Milan, 1957, pp. 31-51).

1960, pp. 265, 272-73). The actual figure can no longer be The official Venetian reaction to Leo’s death was of course recovered, and the pope himself doubtless did not know very quite restrained (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 54’-55", letter of precisely what his income was. On Leo X’s finances, cf. Pastor, the Senate to the Sacred College dated 10 December, 1521): Fist. Popes, VIII, 95 ff., and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), ‘‘Audito nuper nuntio de obitu pontificie Sanctitatis, saneque 366 ff. On Leo X’s last hours and death, see Sanudo, XXXII, pro eo ac debuimus, gravi dolore affecti sumus, in quo tamen 203-6 ff., 230 ff., and Pastor, VIII, 63-70, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, amplius dicendum non est quam divine voluntati acquiescen-

IV-1 (repr. 1956), 345-49. dum. Pertinere autem ad officium nostrum arbitrati sumus in

There was rejoicing in Venice, where Leo was said to have _ hisce presertim rerum ac temporum maximis perturbationibus served the Turk and threatened the future of Christianity, aliquid ad reverendissimas dominationes vestras litterarum dare dicendo € morto un capitanio zeneral dil Turcho e uno che minava_. . . ,”’ and (as the Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador in la chrisnamta. . . |! (Sanudo, XXXII, 207). Alvise Gradenigo, | Rome) the greatest care must be exercised in choosing Leo’s who was the Venetian ambassador to the Holy See at the time successor. It was easy to give such advice, but the College would of Leo’s death, agrees with Paride Grassi, that the pope died _ be hard put to know who might prove a wise enough pope to without money, and that it was hardly possible to bury him for — calm the troubled waters on which the Holy See and Italy were want of funds (née sv ha potuto quasi farli le exequie!): Gradenigo then trying to sail.

6. HADRIAN VI, THE FALL OF RHODES, AND RENEWAL OF THE WAR IN ITALY Aker MIDDAY on Saturday, 20 October, There was rejoicing in the Curia Romana.’ It was

1520, letters had been read in the Collegio in premature. An interesting deletion in a Vatican Venice to the effect that the plague was rampant _ register reveals the state of mind which had existed in Istanbul. Sultan Selim I had been ill, but was said — in the Curia. One day late in the year 1522, while to have recovered. The next morning, however, Rhodes was under siege, a papal secretary was preother letters were read, containing the news that _ paring a letter to King Sigismund I of Poland on the Signor Turco had in fact died of the plague _ the necessity of the Christians’ rewinning Belgrade somewhere near Adrianople, the modern Edirne. and restoring the city to the king of Hungary. ‘The The decision was quickly reached in the Collegio — writer took particular note of the quick pacification to send word to Rome, France, Spain, England, of Egypt and Syria by the young Suleiman, ‘“‘whom Hungary, and Milan without waiting to hear from many used to regard as unwarlike and peace-loving” Tommaso Contarini, the Republic’s bailie on the (quem ambellem et quietum multi arbitrabantur). But, Bosporus. Later in the day a brigantine from Ragusa no, now the phrase seemed like a mockery of the brought apparent confirmation of Selim’s death. A erroneous judgment which had created so many courier who had left Adrianople on 23 September _ false hopes in Europe concerning Suleiman. In re-

had reported that vising the text the same secretary or another drew . his pen through the words, crossing the death of. the Signor Turco occurred between Adri- P them 5 5 out.” anople and Constantinople at a place called ‘‘Ogras,”’

where pe pad te conflict with his ane. and tna his Blado d’ Asola,” probably printed in 1531, the preface bemg eath] ha een Kept secret for sixteen days by the pasnas dared 29 January of that year for 15327], unnum. fol. 33' to prevent disturbances among the people. And they had (= sign. li): ““. . . et certamente parea a tutu. che un’ leon’ sent for his son, who had arrived by the sea, a half — arrabbiato havesse lasciato un’ mansueto agnello per successora day’s journey from Constantinople, at a place called [sic], per esser’ Solimanno giovane, imperito, et di quietissima

“Cava”... .! natura, come si diceva.. . ..’ The Venice edition of 1540 (fol.

. ry . + . : sal ¢ . ed 26°) preserves a good text of Giovio, but that of [Venice] 1541,

By 2 November the Venetian government knew — unnum. fol. 23° (= Cvii), shows already some disintegration; that Selim’s only son Suleiman had ascended the _ this is not, however, the Aldine edition of 1541 (cf. J.-Chas. Ottoman throne without opposition a month be- Brunet, Manuel du libraire, III [repr. Berlin, 1922], col. 585,

fore 1 Octob di h and J. G. ‘Tl. Graesse, Tresor de lwres rares et precieux, V1] [repr. (on ; ctober, according to anol er report Berlin, 1922], 490-91), which I have not seen. Cf Turcacarum

which had just come from Ragusa). rerum commentarius Pauli Iovu episcopi Nucerini ad Carolum V Selim’s death appeared to free Europe from the /mperatorem Augustum: ex Italico Latinus factus, Francisco Nigro

danger of Turkish invasion. There was much wishful Bassianate interprete, Paris: Robt. Etienne, 1539, p. 62: thinking in Ital h ted in the precedin “. . . omnibus videbatur mitem agnum rabido leoni succesINKINE iM italy, as We Nave No e In tie p ) sisse.. . .”’ Philip Melanchthon wrote a preface to an earlier chapter, as to the character of his successor, Sulei- edition of the Latin translation (Wittenberg, 1537), to which man I. According to Paolo Giovio, everyone thought attention is called elsewhere in this study. Cf. Francesco Guicthat the angry lion had been followed by a gentle ciardini, Storta d’ Itaha, X11, 9, ed. Florence: Salami, 1963, TH, lamb. Guicciardini also notes that Suleiman was re- 280, on Suleiman’s allegedly pacific disposition. He was ex like dj ‘13 3 pected58, to 369, keep395-96). peace with Venice Diarn,Suleiman XXIX, 357puted to be of a mild‘Id andand unwarlike ISposiuion. At the time (Sanudo, of his accession was in his middle twenties, having been born in November, 1494, or April, 1495 (A. D. Alderson, The Structure of the Ottoman 1 Sanudo, Diarn, XXIX, 303-6, 313, 334, 339, 341-42, with Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, tab. Xxx, and Sanudo, X XIX, 357, and the quotation in the text to be found in col. 306. Letters dated = cf. col. 557, summarized in Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of

18-20 September (1520) from the bailie Contariniin Istanbul, State Papers. . . Venice. . . , IMT [London, 1869], no. 141, and received in Venice on 26 October, still contained no news _p. 96). of Selim’s demise (ibid., cols. 320-21), although Contarini had * Bembo, Epp., XVI, 25, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, known on 17 September that Selim was so ill that one despaired — IV (Venice, 1729), 144b.

of his life (col. 323). He was said to have died on 22 September ° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 247. The

(cols. 342, 357, 368). gist of the letter is that, since the “Turk was fully occupied in ? Sanudo, Diarn, XXIX, 339, and cf. cols. 357-61. Rhodes, an attempt should be made to retake Belgrade. A later

3 Paolo Giovio, Commentario de le cose de’ Turchi, di Paulo Tovno, hand has added, ‘‘datum Rome, etc., anno III,” which must vescovo di Nocera, a Carlo Quinto Imperadore Augusto [with the — be wrong, considering the contents of the letter: Rhodes was undated colophon:} ‘“‘Stampata in Roma per Maestro Antonio — under siege.

198

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 199 While Martin Luther’s dramatic opposition to the “‘outer wall of Christendom,” which was to Rome was drawing Europe into the vortex of re- remain in Turkish hands (despite marked vicissiligious strife, and Francis I was resorting to war tudes of fortune) until 1867 when it became the to break his encirclement by Charles V, Suleiman capital of Serbia. Belgrade had fallen to the young had marched upon Belgrade with a large and well sultan on his first campaign. In 1456, as we have equipped army. Shabats (Sabac) was taken on 7 seen, in one of the most famous sieges of later July, 1521, and its small garrison slaughtered. Bel- medieval history, Mehmed the Conqueror had grade sustained more than twenty assaults, but at failed to take the city, but now Belgrade was made length its garrison, reduced to about 400 men in the capital of the sanjak, replacing Smederevo as condition to fight, was treacherously forced into the center of Ottoman administration in the area. surrender on 28-29 August.° Suleiman had taken Bali Beg became the first governor. He destroyed various settlements in the districts roundabout,

—_——— and refortified Belgrade on a grand scale. The 6 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1521, nos. 121-23, vol. Venetians were quick to perceive that Suleiman mae (1877), p. 340. Raynaleus, like Purope was distracted was going to be a considerable force to reckon by Ur € consequences 0 Luther's appearance betore the Diet o with, although on 11 December (1521) their amWorms in 1521, but on Suleiman’s occupation of Sabac (Sabaz, . a: Sabach), see Sanudo, Diaru, XXXI, 126, 176, 195, 249, 290, bassador Marco Minio and the bailie ‘Tommaso et alibt. For some time the Grand Turk’s main objective had Contarin1 finally secured after much effort the rebeen uncertain, but it soon became clear that he was headed pewal of the Turco-Venetian treaties of 1502-3,

for Belgrade, which it required no small effort to 24, take37-38, (bid, 1513 é ,381, and 1517, whereby Republic had XXX, 386, 396-97, 446, 478, andthe XXXI, 58, ;dy:Pguar;8 71 F. 88-89. 99. etc.. 313. 315. 320. 340-41. 348-49. 35]1-— anteed continuance of annual tributes of 500 53, 366, 374-75, 394, 407, 424, 427-29, 444, etc.). Note also ducats for Zante and 8,000 for Cyprus in return

Ludwig Forrer, ed., Die osmanische Chronik des Rustem Pascha, for the security of Venetian merchants throughout Leipzig, 1923, pp. 99-61, Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Ge- the Ottoman dominions.’ schichte des osmanischen Reiches, 10 vols., 1827-35, repr. Graz,

1963, III (1828), 10-15, and trans. J. J. Hellert, Histoire de

l’ empire ottoman, 18 vols., Paris, 1835-43, V (1836), 14-19; —_ .

J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 7 vols., Ham- NOVO ad proseguir la vittoria, nova certo lachrymabile et de

burg and Gotha, 1840-63, 11, 616-21; Chas. Oman, Art of War importantia a tut li Christiani”’ (ibed., Reg. 49, fol. 37° [51°], in the Sixteenth Century, New York, 1937, pp. 630-33. For Su- and cf. fol. 38° [52°], and Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State

leiman’s own journal on the siege of Belgrade, see Hammer, Papers. . . Venice. . . , Hil [London, 1869], no. 351, p. 185). Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, U1, 621-25, and trans. Hellert, V, 407— On 2 November (1521) the Venetian government wrote Su12, on which note Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber d. Osmanen u. _ leiman a (restrained) letter of congratulation for “primo la thre Werke, p. 77. There is a succinct sketch of the history of incolumita de la persona di vostra Maesta et poi la victoria per Belgrade by B. Djurdjev, in the Encycl. of Islam, 1 (1959), 1163- _ lei ottenuta di Belgrado, Sabaz, et Sermia et di quelle altre cita

65, with some bibliographical notices. et luochi nella Hungaria,” requesting also continuance of the

From the spring and early summer of 1521 Suleiman had ‘“‘bona pace et amicitia che é fra now” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, been making extensive preparations for the invasion of Hun- _ fol. 40° [54"). The Turco-Venetian peace did continue, but gary (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 1% the Senate worried every time Turkish fuste appeared off the [15°], 3° [17°], 19% [33°], 21 [35], 28"-31" [42'-45"]), and in Dalmatian coast (cbid., Reg. 50, fols. 9°-10° [21°-22"], docs. due time the attention of the Venetians had become fastened dated 10 April, 1523), and with good reason, for Turkish raids upon the Turkish siege of Belgrade, ‘‘laqual expugnata tuto é by land into Venetian Dalmatia were intolerable, ‘come se perduto in un’ hora” (ibid., fols. 6°~7" [20°~21"], docs. dated fussamo in una aperta guerra’”’ (2bid., fols. 12 ff. [24 f¥.]).

1 August, 1521!). The fall of the city was grievous news, for 7R. Predelli, Regesti det Commemonali, VI (1903), bk. Xx, as the Senate informed M. de Vigliers [Villiers], the French nos. 156-57, pp. 168-69, and cf. in general Sen. Secreta, Reg. envoy to Venice, on 6 October, ‘Pur a questi giorni die haver 49, fols. 1Y-2" [15°-16"], 4° [18°], 31° [45%], 40° [54°], 73°-74" inteso la Magnificentia vostra la total perdita di Belgrado, for- [88°89], 85” ff. [100° ff.], docs. dated from 10 July, 1521, to teza principale et propugnaculo del regno di Hungaria, il quale — 3 June, 1522. Note also von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. importantissimo a tuta la Christianita a quale et quanto periculo — Reaches, HY (1828, repr. 1963), 15-16, 626, trans. J. J. Hellert, si attrovi exposto hora di succumber ala incomparabile potentia —_—- V (1836), 21-22, 413, who dates the treaty 1 December, 1521,

del Signor Turco li in persona urgente et anhelante cum tute — and calls the Venetian ambassador Marco Memmo, from his sue forze ala debellation di quello per farsi la strada ad altro reading of Sanudo’s Diarit (to which he had access in Vienna), € cossa troppo notoriaacadauno. . . ,”’ andnow Venicemight — vol. XX XIJ, but the ambassador’s name is Marco Minio, and be hard put to defend Cyprus, her possessions in the Archi- _ he is well known from the publication of the Diaru, XXXII

pelago, and her “‘cita et contadi”’ along the Dalmatian coast (1892, repr. 1969), 254, 255-56, 342-43, 498-99, and

(fol. 32 [46}). XXXII, 43, 139, et alibi, as well as from (among many other On 28 October the Senate wrote Antonio Surian, the Vene- sources) his own report to the Venetian government, dated 28 tian envoy to the court of Henry VIII of England, ‘“‘Hozi eé February, 1522 (Ven. style 1521), in Simeon Ljubic, ed., Comiuncto in questa nostra cita uno nuntio del Signor Turco qual, — mussiones et relationes venetae, | (Zagreb, 1876), no. XI, pp. 167—-

stato ala presentia nostra, ne ha significato la adeption [acqui- 68 (in the Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum merisition] de Belgrado, dechiarando che dicto suo signor haveva _ dionalium, VJ), to the effect that Suleiman was planning another

lassato in quelle parte tute le sue artellarie per ritornaratempo expedition against Hungary.

200 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT If the Venetians wished to maintain peace with ‘Turks sailed to their newly-conquered provinces the Turks, Sultan Suleiman found it convenient of Syria and Egypt. Suleiman, however, at peace to oblige them. The Venetians held the islands of with Venice, could attack the Knights Hospitaller Crete and Cyprus,” which loomed large as the on the strategically-placed island of Rhodes. Although Mehmed II had failed in a vast attempt

as . . upon the fortress of Rhodes forty years before, its _Marco Minio was in factgeneration. one of the outstanding Venetian Diarii, conquest had now become576-77, both easier and more diplomats of his Sanudo, XXVIII, . . ... and E.Alberi, Relaziont degli ambasciatorn veneti, ser. II, vol. III necessary in view of the Turkish establishment in (Florence, 1846), pp. 61-64, give a summary of his account Syria and Egypt. The western powers were too (dated 2 June, 1520) of his forty months’ embassy to Pope Leo fully occupied with their own affairs to assist the X in Rome (1516-1520). Minio’s “‘relation”’ of his first embassy Hospitallers. Francis I, allied with Venice, was at to Istanbul (dated 28 February, and presented to the Senate ‘th Charles V on 8 April, 1522) is given in Alberi, Relazoni, ser. III, vol. III war wit aries ¥. (1855), pp. 69-91, and cf. Sanudo, XXXIII, 138, 314-16; it

is also published by E. A. Cicogna, Relazione di Costantinopoli di A lover of music and the fine arts, literature Messer Marco Mino, patrizio veneto. . . [per nozze Campana- and learning, Leo X had had a period of popuGroeller], Venice, 1845. His relation of a second embassy to larity. but he had worn out his welcome on the Istanbul (read to the Senate on 8 October, 1527) may be found Ys in Sanudo, XLVI, 175-77, and Alberi, ser. III, vol. III, pp. papal throne. There were many, as we have seen, 113-18. A summary of Minio’s account of a brief but arduous to rejoice at his death. His successor was unembassy (dated 7 November, 1532), this time to the Emperor popular from the very hour of his election. Amid Charles V, is given in Sanudo, LVI, 212-17. Cf. the notices the uncertainties of war and heresy, on 27 Decem-

in Francesca Antonibon’s useful collection of Le Relazoni a b 1521. thi . dinal dth

stampa di ambasciatori veneti, Padua, 1939, pp. 94, 30-31, 64 er, ot Irty-nine cardinals entered the con-

(published by the R. Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere e Arti, clave at the Vatican, where cells had been preCollana di bibliografie minori, vol. I). In 1522 Minio was ap- pared for them in the Sistine Chapel. Voting pointed duke of Candia, and a decade later became a ducal would be held, as usual, in the Chapel of S. Niccol6 councilor. Minio was succeeded as Venetian ambassador to the da Bari, just across the hall from the Sistina. Holy See by Alvise Gradenigo (appointed 29 May, 1519), whom ; . . ; he presented to Leo X on the morning of 16 May, 1520 (Ve- Thirty-six of the cardinals were Italian. Two were nezia, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, MS. Cicogna 2848, fol. Spaniards, Bernardino de Carvajal and Ramon de 330°, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel, who was then in Vich, and one a Swiss, Matthias Schiner. Of the

Rome). . . . . .

On 15 April, 1519, the Venetian Senate had voted to replace cardinals Peete Alec vd the conclave Tak owes Marco Minio, whois said to have been the Republic’s ambassador their re ats to Alexander , five to Julius II, in Rome for twenty-six months, with Giovanni Badoer, then and twenty-eight to Leo X. After the second scruthe podesta of Brescia. Badoer refused the post, and (as noted tiny Cardinal Domenico Grimani withdrew from above) Alvise Gradenigo was elected (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, the conclave, allegedly for serious illness (on 31 fol. 9°). His commission is dated 20 April, 1520, as he began Tyecember), and after nine more scrutinies and his journey to Rome (ibid., Reg. 48, fols. 113"-114", and cf. . . , ; Alberi, Relazioni, ser. II, vol. III, p. 67). Badoer was sent to nine more days of dissension in the conclave HaFrance (Reg. 48, fols. 114’-115"), and Marco Minio was des-_ rian Florisze or Florensz (Florencii) of Utrecht, ignated ambassador to the Porte ina commission dated 14 May, cardinal bishop of Tortosa, was elected on 9 Jan-

1521 (ibid., fols. 186-88). _ uary, 1522. He had been Charles V’s viceroy in

On Mehmed the Conqueror’s failure to as take Belgrade in Spain ll as the j . in linAragonA 1456, see Volume II, pp. 173-84. pain well as the inquisitor-general

®* Although their possession of Crete and Cyprus did not yet Catalonia, Navarre, Castile, and Leon. Hadrian seem seriously threatened, the Venetians remained always on was then in Spain, and first received the astonishthe alert, finding Turkish corsairs a constant menace in the Archipelago (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 38° [52°], doc. dated =9——————

28 October, 1521): ‘‘Havendose inteso che in Levante se at- alleged this intolerable burden of expense (to maintain the trovano fuori galie XX" turchesche et molte fuste de corsari, | Republic’s defense against the likelihood of Turkish aggression) di quali alcuni ne lisola nostra de Candia hano depredato uno _ asthe reason for their inability to assist the Frangipani of Segna

casal, menate via anime 60 et animali assai. . . :€ necessario (Senj) and the Hungarians at this time (cf fols. 81'-82" [96"— proveder a quelle parte siche li subditi nostri et cosse loro, 97"), doc. dated 2 May, 1522). nave, navilli, et galie nostre da mercado che sono de ritorno In answer to a charge by Cardinal Wolsey that Venice was

siano et habino ad navigar sicure.. . .” allying herself with the sultan against Charles V, the Senate Turkish corsairs, however, were not the only source of fear, | added to an indignant denial the claim to have furnished the since reports from Ragusa and Istanbul were to the effect ‘‘che various kings of Hungary with more than 500,000 ducats for

il Signor Turco oltra il validissimo exercito da terra prepara defense against the Turks, “. . . ultra ducatorum quingenta et sollicita de haver in ordine a questo primo tempo una nu- _ millia serenissimis Hungarie regibus per tempora a nobis eromerosa armata da mar et cum grandissima sollicitudine la faceva__ gata pro illius regni adversus infideles propugnatione et concalafatar, per il che ne € necessario far provisione de armar et _ servatione”’ (ibid., Reg. 49, fol. 76” [91°], doc. dated 8 April, non guardar a spesa per assecurare ilochi nostri maritimi. . .”’ 1522, and ¢f. fols. 88’-89", and Brown, Calendar of State Papers

(ibid., Reg. 49, fols. 72°-73" [87°-88"]). The Senate usually .. . Venice. . . , III, nos. 441, 469, pp. 219, 239-40).

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 201 ing news of his election at Vitoria (between Pam- the Grand Canal from his house by the Ponte del plona and Bilbao in the far north of the peninsula) Megio to the doge’s palace on the morning of 1 on 24 January, a mere fifteen days after the con- December (1521) to read the incoming mail, as clave had voted him the tiara. He chose to keep _ the Signoria of Venice allowed him to do, he found his own name (the first pope in five centuries to letters from Hungary describing “‘come quel regno

do so), thus becoming Pope Hadrian VI.” é in grandissimo pericolo di esser perso questa inLeo X’s last days had been attended by gloomy _vernada pero che Turchi non restano di farli ogni reports of the seriousness of ‘Turkish incursions danno.”’ It was feared that Hungary might fall to into Hungary. When Marino Sanudo went down _ the Turks before the end of winter.'° Rumor had it that Sultan Suleiman wanted to come to an un9 Angelo Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano... , We Diarn di derstanding with isma it (1502 1524), the sophi concistori del pontificato di Adriano VI, Citta del Vaticano, 1951, or shah of Persia, 1n order to concentrate upon pp. 85-88 (Studi e testi, no. 157). For rumors and reports ‘‘la impressa de Ungaria cum persone 300 milia. relating to the conclave, note Sanudo, Diarii, XX XH, 302,326- He would come by way of Dalmatia and invade 34, and esp. cols. 347-48: “Pur é sta grandissima cossa che di Italy. Sanudo agreed that this was news of the

39 cardinali erano in conclavio, tra li qual 36 italiani e tre highest importance, !! but there were troubles

oltramontani, zoé do spagnoli et uno sguizaro, habbino creato

questo pontifice, et é stato col favor dil cardinal Medici [Giulio Closer to home. In the weeks that followed Leo de’ Medici, later Pope Clement VII], qual vedendo non poter X’s death Francesco Maria della Rovere recovered esser lui né alcun di soi, havendo 14 voti fermi, ha fato questul [Jrbino and the Baglioni returned to Perugia.'” Note also, ibid., cols. 355-58, 377-85, 387-89, 399-402, esp. Charles V's forces took over Alessandria, Pavia,

Papa, mirum et inauditum. . . ,”’ all of which is quite correct. ) : .

cols. 412-18, and XXXII, 75 ff Parma, and Como, and on 27 April, 1522, Pros-

In the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. II, Reg. 20, Pero Colonna, commander of the imperial and fols. 202" ff., by mod. stamped enumeration, there is a copy papal forces, again defeated the French under of the elaborate instructions given by the Sacred College on Qdet de Foix, viscount of Lautrec and marshal of 19 January, 1522, to Cardinals Pompeo Colonna, Franciotto France, in the battle of La Bicocca, a few miles to Orsini, and Alessandro Cesarini, who were designated legates : to convey to Hadrian the official notification of his election and the north of Milan, when the arquebus finally to hasten his coming to Rome, attenta damnosa et periculosa showed the Swiss pikemen to bea military anachabsentia Romani pontificis ab urbe cum multi sint anni quod similis —yonism.!* electio in urbe non fuit celebrata de absente. See in general Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1X (repr. 1950), 12-48, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2

(repr. 1956), 10-35, with extensive reference to the archival ~~

and printed sources as well as the older secondary literature '® Sanudo, Dian, XXXII, 193-94, summary of letters dated (Pastor depends, however, a good deal on Sanudo). Hadrian 2-14 and 18 November, 1521, and cf, ibid., cols. 195-97, 198, had been Charles V’s tutor (in 1506). He was the first non- 207, 418, 495. Italian to become pope since the death of Gregory XI and the '! Tbid., col. 195. On the Turkish threat to Dalmatia in Janelection of Bartolommeo Prignani (Urban VI) in the spring of — uary, 1522, note, ibid., cols. 404-5, 408. 1378. There are biographies of Hadrian by G. Pasolini, Adriano 12 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXII, 217-18, 249, 264-65, 284, 290, VI, Rome, 1913; E. Hocks, Der letzte deutsche Papst Adrian VI., 292, 293-94, 302, 308-9 ff., 338-39, 345-46, 354-55, 358, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1939; and Johann Posner, Der deutsche 359-63, 378, et alibv.

Papst Adrian VI., Recklinghausen, 1962. Note also the attrac- 'S Sanudo, Diarn, XX XIII, 197-203, 213-16: Guicciardini, tively illustrated survey of the reigns of Hadrian and his successor Storia d’ Itaha, XIV, 14, ed. Florence, Salani, 1963, III, 407in E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Les Pontificats d’ Adrien VI 9; Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 11, ed. M. Petitot, Collection

et de Clément VII, Paris and Corbeil, 1933. complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 376-82, and eds.

Since Venice was in alliance with France, there was under- Bourrilly and Vindry, I, 224-31, in detail; Paolo Giovio, La standable restraint in the Senate’s congratulations to Hadrian Vita del Marchese di Pescara [Ferdinando d’ Avalos], trans. Luupon his accession; with the usual formal praise, much emphasis dovico Domenichi, ed. Costantino Panigada, Bari, 1931, bk. was put upon the perils of the time (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 11, chap. 5, pp. 287-96; and cf. Bertrand de Chanterac, ‘‘Odet 61°-62° [76°-77'], 75°-76" [90°-91"], docs. dated 21 January de Foix,”’ Revue des questions historiques, LVI (3rd ser., XIV, and 8 April, 1522). On 13 March (1522) Hadrian wrote the April, 1929), 313-17, who regards La Bicocca as an indecisive Venetians that his turbulentissimis temporibus peace must be made _ battle rather than a French defeat; Chas. Oman, Art of War in

among the Christian princes and peoples so that they might the Sixteenth Century, London, 1937, pp. 172-85; New Cambr. turn their arms against the Turks, adversus Catholicae fidet hostes Mod. History, ed. G. R. Elton, If (Cambridge, 1965), 341-42, (Sanudo, Diaru, XXXII, 129-30). A week later,on 19 March, 497-98; and Karl] Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 4th ed., 2 vols., Munich, the Senate informed the aged Count Bernardino de’ Frangipani 1942, I, 133-42, 175-76 [trans. C. V. Wedgwood, 1939, repr. (Frankopan) of Segna, who was worried ‘“‘circa il pericolo che 1965, pp. 154-66, 202-3], with some indication of the sources si attrova il stato suo,”’ that his hope of escape from the Turkish — in Brandi, I, 121-24, 150-51. On the ‘“‘impresa de Milano,” peril, like that of Europe itself, lay in peace between Charles the defeat of the French, and the cautious withdrawal of their V and Francis I and in their union with the new pope (2bid., Venetian allies under the provveditore Andrea Gritti and Paolo fols. 72-73" [87°-88"]). On Frangipani’s Turkish problem, Nani, captain of Bergamo, note the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols.

236, 633. 201, and cf. col. 217.

note Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIII, 33-34, 130-31, 153, 197, 77°-79* [92°-94"], and see Sanudo, Dian, XX XIII, 198, 199-

202 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Delayed for various reasons, Hadrian did not Upright and well-meaning, Hadrian VI now make his entry into Rome until 29 August (1522), began the sad futility of his year’s residence in almost eight months after his election. It was the Rome (he died on 14 September, 1523). His effirst anniversary of the fall of Belgrade to the forts at reform did little more than alienate the Turks, and not a good time to become pope. Both cardinals and the Curia.'° Had he been younger Rome and the Sacred College had long been “‘in _ or lived longer, it would have made no difference.

gran confusion.’’'* Hadrian received the cardinals Sultan Suleiman’s attacks upon central Europe in the church of S. Paolo fuori le mura. He entered and the attitude of certain German princes helped the city by the nearby gate of S. Paolo, “‘and was foster Lutheranism. The Protestant revolt and the accompanied by the cardinals and all the people Venetians’ fear of conflict with the Turks were to the church of the prince of the Apostles.”"'? The insuperable obstacles to the crusade, as was the scene 1s depicted in a handsome relief on histomb persistent warfare between Charles and Francis.

in the German national church of S. Maria dell’ Hadrian lamented the advance of the Turks

Anima, just off the Piazza Navona in Rome. A _ almost as much as he did that of the Lutherans. four months’ plague was beginning to ravage the At his first consistory, held on Monday, 1 Septemcity, producing a shortage and curtailing the avail-_ ber (1522) he asked for the support of the Sacred ability of priests, physicians, and gravediggers. College, spoke of the necessary reform of justice Everywhere Hadrian looked there was trouble. and curial practice, and dwelt above all on the His local problems were serious. By the sale of of- crying need to send aid to the king of Hungary fices, against which salaries were paid, the papacy and the grand master of Rhodes. The Holy See had incurred a large public debt. The papal treasury, was weighed down by debt, the grim legacy of the however, was empty. The cardinals claimed to have wars which the Christian princes had waged with no funds. Justice often went awry in the ecclesiastical one another for years. Hadrian could not, therecourts, especially in the supreme tribunal of the fore, send the Hungarians and the Hospitallers the

Rota. The whole curial administration needed re- aid which he had planned to send them. There form from top to bottom. The Roman economy was no money. The king of Hungary and the was languishing; the city streets as well as the out- grand master of Rhodes had been the bulwarks lying roads were unsafe. S. Peter’s was unfinished; of eastern Christendom. They must be helped, large sums were still required for its completion. and Hadrian appealed to the cardinals to help him Hadrian’s more distant problems were more serious. _ find the money to do so. There was apparently no

Beyond the Alps Martin Luther threatened the consideration of Lutheranism at this first consisdominance of the Holy See, and German evan- tory.!’ gelicanism was threatening Latin Catholicism. Stri- On 21 December (1522) Hadrian wrote Aldent demands for an oecumenical council frightened fonso d’ Este of Ferrara that among the various the pope and the Curia. Charles V and Francis I anxieties which had attended his elevation to the were at war. Northern Italy was full of unpaid troops _ papal throne he was especially concerned with that who turned to marauding for their compensation.

TT 85.

The Turks were laying siege to the island of Rhodes, |§ —————_——

and Hungary was teetering on the brink of disaster. '© Cf. Robert E. McNally, “Pope Adrian VI (1522-23) and Church Reform,” Archiwum histonae pontficiae, VII (1969), 253-

14 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXII, 411, 433-34, 442, 465, and 7 Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 133%: “Die lunae prima

XXXII, 8. As the Venetian ambassador Alvise Gradenigo had — Septembris 1522: Fuit primum consistorium sanctissimi Domini written from Rome on 19 March (1522), ““Roma€é restata molto nostri Hadriani Papae VI, dominos Cardinales ut iuvarent malcontenta”’ (ibid., col. 74). By a brief of 9 August, 1522, —Sanctitatem suam hortando, et fecit verba de iustitia et de moHadrian had notified Duke Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara that on _ ribus Curie quod in suppetiis ferendis regi Hungariae et magno the fifth he had boarded the fleet, post longam et ingratam nostram —__magistro Rodi, ostendens Sedem Apostolicam magno aere gra-

in Hispania moram, which was to carry him to Civitavecchia, — vatam ob bella et discordias principum quae superioribus annis whence he would proceed to Rome (Arch. di Stato di Modena, _ viguerunt se non posse ea auxilia mittere quae sibi in animo Cancelleria marchionale poi ducale Estense, Estero, Carteggio —_essent ob inopiam Sedis Apostolicae et regi et magno magistro

di principi e signorie, Roma, Busta 1299/14, no. 37). Rodi, qui semper fuerunt validissima propugnacula Christi'S Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia: Acta Miscellanea, | anorum, rogans reverendissimos dominos ut cogitarent aliquem Reg. 31 [formerly Arm. XII, tom. 122: Anno 1517 usque ad | modum inveniendi pecunias ut posset praesentibus necessitatibus 1534, Acta consistoriaha diwersa|, hereafter cited as Acta consis- | subvenire.’’ For similar records of Hadrian’s first consistory, torialia (1517-1534), fol. 133", by mod. stamped enumeration. — see A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano. . . (1951), p. 88 and Hadrian was crowned on 31 August (1522). On the collection — note 47. The Turkish menace was also the main topic for disof consistorial acts to which reference is here made, see the — cussion as Hadrian’s second consistory on ‘“‘Wednesday, 4 SepSussidi per la consultazione dell’ Archivio Vaticano, 1(Rome, 1926), | tember, 1522” (MS. cited, fol. 133’, although 4 September fell

203, 209-10 (Studi e testi, no. 45). on a Thursday in this year).

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 203 ‘que ex periculis Christiane reipublice ab impio John of Jerusalem, being preferred to the rich Sir Turcarum tyranno imminentibus nascitur.’’ Su- Thomas Docray, the grand prior of England. The leiman’s occupation of Belgrade had opened up arrogant and unpopular Andreas Amaral, a Porthe way into Europe. The magnitude of the peril tuguese knight who was chancellor of the Order, to Christians who lay in the path of Turkish in- was also passed over by the chapter, in which the vasion required the employment of every resource French faction predominated. Amaral’s defeat to ward off the yoke of servitude. Louis Il of Hun- added immeasurably to his disaffection, and he was

gary and Bohemia had appealed for aid to the alleged to have told a Spanish commander of the Holy See and to his fellow Christians, “‘and if we Order on the very day of the election, in the words fail him, the outcome of events could easily make — of the contemporary Jacques de Bourbon, “‘que ledit

clear that we have failed ourselves:’’ Quis enim de- seigneur esleu grand maistre seroit le dernier fendet Itaham Hungaria in tam potentis hostis dittonem maistre de Rhodes.” This charge was later on, when

redacta? Although Hadrian had found the Holy _ he was accused of treason, to help secure his conSee in grievous poverty and overburdened by viction and execution.”° At the time of his election debt, he had sent Louis money, and now he was___L’ Isle-Adam was in Paris. He immediately made doing so again, “‘nihilque omissuri sumus quod plans to go to Rhodes, being received before his ad sanctam et necessariam hanc expeditionem per- departure by Francis I in Burgundy.*! Charriére tinere noverimus.”’ He was urging the princes and the Christian powers to do likewise, and was there- °° Jacques de Bourbon, La Grande. . . oppugnation. . . de fore sending an emissary to Ferrara to explain the Rhodes, 3rd ed., Paris, 1526, fols. 2Y-3"; 4th ed., Paris, 1527, plight of Hungary more fully and to receive writ- unnumbered fol. 4 (= sign. Ani). For this work see the following ten assurance of Alfonso d’ Este’s contribution to note. Cf’ Giacomo Bosio, Dell’ Istoria della sacra religione et 1lthe cause of Christendom.!® Hadrian made more _ /strtssuma militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano, 3 vols., Rome,

h | Alf, na th ar that I: 1594-1602, HI, bk. xvi, pp. 519, 524-26. By the time Bosio

than one appea to onso im the year tat lay had reached this period in his history members of his own family ahead. Leo X's death had terminated the long- were playing a conspicuous part in the affairs of the Hospital. standing Ferrarese differences with the papacy, at On L’ Isle-Adam, cf: Sanudo, Diarii, XXX, 136, 146, 260-61, least for the brief period of the present reign. 264, 289, 469, docs. dated from April to July, 1521, by which Upon his election Hadrian had absolved Alfonso "™¢ 1 was well known that Sultan Suleiman was “belicoso ar . . . gran nemico di Christiani”’ (tbid., col. 469). from the ban of excommunication and Ferrara *! Jacobus Fontanus, De bello Rhodwo libri tres, Rome, 1524 from the interdict which his predecessors Julius II [the colophon reads, ‘‘Romae in aedibus F. Minitii Calvi, mense and Leo X had laid upon Alfonso and his sub- Februario, Anno MDXXIIII,”’ which may be 1525 by our cal-

jects.'9 endar], bk. 1, unnumbered fols.translation 5°—6" (signs. Bi-Bii). A Spanish of Fontanus was made by Christoval de Arcos, and was printed in 1526 ‘ten casa de Juan Varela de Salamanca

As Charles V and Francis I marshaled their re- vezino dela dicha cibdad de Sevilla,” and reprinted in 1549 sources to fight each other, neither could give ‘en casa del honrrado varon Juan de Villaquiran en la muy any assistance to the Hospitallers on the faraway noble y leal villa de Valladolid en Castilla.” Fontanus’s book island of Rhodes. The Knights had b tj had a wide circulation. Of Italian translations I know only that stand O OCS. c nig ts ha een EXPEC INS of Francesco Sansovino, Della guerra di Rhodi, Venice, 1545. an attack, however, ever since the extensive prep- — Since Fontanus was an eyewitness to the siege, his account is arations which Selim had made against them. important. With the inevitable reminiscence of the siege of There was a large Turkish fleet all ready for the Troy anda flatulent style adorned with classical allusions, Fonundertaking, but no one knew when it would be "5 easily secures the reader’s agreement to his statement

that thefor majesty of hisdle theme ordered .to sail Rhodes. it. exceeded his capacity to han-

On 22 January, 1521, the courtly Philippe de A more valuable account of the siege of Rhodes was left by Villiers de I’ Isle-Adam, the grand prior of France, another eyewitness, a Hospitaller, Frére Jacques, bastard of was elected the grand master of the Hospital of S, Bourbon, son of Louis de Bourbon (d. 1482), bishop of Liege, La Grande et merveilleuse et trescruelle oppugnation de la noble Cite

_ de Rhodes, prinse nagueres par Sultan Selyman, a present grand

'® Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Carteggio di prin- — Turcg, ennemy de la tressaincte for Catholique. . . , Imprimee de cipi esteri, Roma, Busta 1299/14, no. 45. On the concern for — Rechief[a Paris]. . . , Lan mil cing cens XXVII, au moys de Octobre.

Hungary in the Sacred College throughout Hadrian’s reign, This edition contains thirty-six unnumbered folios. It had been see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 396, | preceded by an edition which was ruined (says the author) ‘“‘par

399°, 402°, 407” ff., 413° ff., 419, 423, 426°-427", 436°. la grande et inexcusable negligence de Limprimeur.”’ The first '9 On Hadrian’s relations with Alfonso d’ Este, note also the — edition was printed at Paris ‘‘par Maistre Pierre Vidoue, pour texts to be found in the Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, — honneste personne Gilles de Gourmont libraire jure en luni-

Carteggio di principi esteri, Roma, Busta 1299/14, nos. 35— _ nersite [sic] de Paris, Lan mil cing cens XXV. au moys de 36, 38-41, 50, 54. Hadrian had reinvested Alfonso and his Decembre’”’ (as I learn from Geoffroy Atkinson, La Littérature successors with the duchy of Ferrara in the final act of abso- — geographique francaise de la Renaissance, Paris, 1927, no. 27, p.

lution on 6 November, 1522 (ibid., nos. 39-41). 38). The second edition, with slight changes, also dates from

204 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT has published some of L’ Isle-Adam’s letters to the Suleiman had at first apparently intended a secFrench treasurer Florimond Robertet, to the ad- ond expedition against Hungary. Louis II had sent miral Guillaume de Bonnivet, and to Francis himself. Stephen Broderic, provost of the church of FunfL’ Isle-Adam and his military brethren bought sup- _ kirchen (Pécs), on a mission to Venice, where he plies in France in order that their funds, presumably _ was kindly received by the Doge Antonio Grimani collected in France, might be spent in France. They and the Collegio. By action of the Senate on 2 May,

had some trouble, however, with the customs of- 1522, Broderic was told that relations between

ficers (gabeliers) of Aigues-Mortes, in connection with Venice and the kingdom of Hungary had long been

which the grand master wrote Bonnivet on 13 July marked by friendliness and mutual respect (which from Villefranche. Difficulties attended him to the was something of an overstatement), and so the very eve of his departure from Marseille, but he Signoria was always happy to see Hungarian envoys made the dangerous passage to Rhodes despite a and ambassadors come to the lagoon. The doge and fire on board ship, a storm, and a Turkish attempt Collegio had, therefore, been glad to receive Broto intercept him. On 28 October he had anxious deric and sad to hear his account of the losses which occasion to write Francis I from the grand master’s Hungary had suffered and of the perils to which palace at Rhodes. He had just receiveda letter from the kingdom was exposed. Broderic had appealed the “Grand Turq,”’ written at Belgrade on the pre-_ to Venice to work for peace among the Christian ceding 10 September, informing him of the con- princes and to help find a remedy for the troubled quest of Belgrade, Sabac, Semlin (Zemun), and five affairs of Louis’s kingdom. He had asked what the other places: ‘‘Sire, since he has become the Grand _ extent of Venetian aid might be, for the Republic Turk, this is the first letter which he has sent to _ had often assisted the Hungarians in the past (sicuti Rhodes, which we do not take for an expression of alias sepe fecimus), which was indeed the case. The friendship, but rather for a veiled threat... .”** | Senate wanted him to understand, however, that the Venetians also shared the dangers which his

ee king and country faced. Whenever the occasion had 1525 (Atkinson, no. 28, p. 39). The Gennadeion in Athens has afforded Venice an opportunity to help the king of the third edition (Atkinson, no. 31, p. 41), a handsome book: Hungary, she had never proved lacking, but hatred “Et imprime a Paris pour honnestre personne Gilles de Gour- and internecine warfare had pervaded Christendom, mont libraire iure en luniversite de Paris, Lan mil cing cens leaving their evil effects upon all Furove. King Loui XX VI. au moys de May” (colophon on fol. 44”): the text contains 8 HECES UPON all LUTOPE. NING LOUIS 44 numbered folios, with a full-page cut of Jacques de Bourbon should persevere in the detense of his kingdom, for in his study (opp. fol. I"), a stereotype. It was sold in Paris, God would not desert his warriors. The new pope according to the title page “‘a la rue sainct Jacques a lenseigne was hurrying to Rome. The divine will had recdes trois couronnes pres sainct Benoist.’’ Since Jacques de ognized his extraordinary virtues by raising him to Bourbon preferred his 1527 edition (actually the fourth edition h f Hadrian VI ardently desired or at least impression of his work), “. . . dernierement reveue C € ponunicate. Hadrian Viar rent y Gesirea peace et tresdiligentment corrigee et augmentee en plusieurs lieux,” 1 Europe. As for Venetian assistance to Hungary, I have used it in preference to its predecessors. There isa copy Broderic as well as most people must know the terin the Gennadeion (Atkinson, no. 32, pp. 41-42). The Abbe —s+ific expenses to which war had subjected the Re-

de Vertot, Hist.osdes Chevaliers Hospitaliers, 11 (Paris,sumptibus 1726), 622-ut. ;vix ,.: public (. . of . tot tantisque nostris 88, reprints the 1527 edition Jacques de Bourbon, assigning _ ern . cre-

to it by error the title (p. 622), Relation du second siege de Rhodes dibile possit videri). The Turks were making large en 1485 (!). Jacques was received into the Langue de France _ naval preparations, against which the Venetian gov-

in 1503, and became the prior of France in 1515. In this note ernment must take costly precautions by building as elsewhere in this work I have taken some liberties with the up its fleet, strengthening various garrisons, and

capitalization and punctuation of the title pages of sixteenthcentury imprints.

L’ Isle-Adam was elected grand master on “‘le XXII 1our de =|—§ ———————

Janvier, mil cing cens XX” ( Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnanon, translation of the Jesuit Father Bouhours’ Histoire de Pierre 3rd ed., 1526, fol. 2"; 4th ed., 1527, fol. 4" = sign. All), which — qd’ Aubusson, grand-maistre de Rhodes], London, 1679, pp. 433-

corresponds to 1521 in our present calendar, and is recorded (6: Abbé de Vertot, Hist. des Chevaliers Hospitaliers, I (Paris, correctly in Vertot, If, 423. From the early eleventh century 1726), 430-529, a well-known but unreliable work; Alexander until the middle of the sixteenth the French began the new Sutherland, Knights of Malta, 11 (Edinburgh, 1831), 40-86, also

year with Easter. unreliable; John Taaffe, Hist. of the. . . Order of St. John of *? For the letters of L’ Isle-Adam, see E. Charriére, Négo- _ Jerusalem, I11 (London, 1852), 142-237, rhetorical; Whitworth cations de la France dans le Levant, 4 vols., Paris, 1848-60, repr. Porter, Knights of Malta, I (London, 1858), 421-79; Cecil Torr, New York, 1965, I, 85-90, and cf. Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni Rhodes in Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887, pp. 22-32; Charles Gierosolimitano, IT (1594), bk. XVII, p. 522. On the second siege Oman, Art of War in the Sixteenth Century, London, 1937, pp. of Rhodes, note The Life of the Renowned Peter d’ Aubusson, Grand 634-48. On the works of Eugene Flandin, Albert Berg, F. de Master of Rhodes, Containing Those Two Remarkable Sieges of Rhodes _ Belabre, G. S. Picenardi, B. E. A. Rottiers, and others, see by Mahomet the Great and Solyman the Magnificent [an abridged Volume II, p. 352, note.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 205 fortifying the exposed islands in the Aegean, in qui- sources put the fleet as high as 700 ships, with bus tot tantosque sumptus fieri necesse est ut eos iam 40,000 rowers, and the land army as high as 200,000

pigeat recensere. Broderic could understand the men.*? The fleet arrived at Rhodes on 26 June, Venetians’ plight, in quo Deum testamur non animum, establishing a blockade of the island. It was first non desiderium quod summum nunc quoque est ut semper sighted early in the morning from the Christian fuit, sed vires et facultatem nobis deesse. Their past observation post atop the hill of S. Stefano about services to Hungary stood as testimony to their sin- a mile to the west of the fortress.*° A month later

cerity. While Louis II obtained no money from Venice, the Senate voted to present Broderic with =————_

silk cloth enough to make a handsome vesta with a CoMtained 200,000 men, of whom 60,000 had been brought

. 3 for the dangerous task of digging mines (Oppugnation, 1527,

proper lining. fol. 10° [= sign. Bii]; the 1st edition, fol. 5’, differs considerably

For generations, whenever the Turks had begun in this passage); the 60,000 miners had been summoned from large-scale preparations for a campaign on land or Wallachia and Bosnia (fol. 11” = Biii). Bosio, II (1594), bk. x1x, at sea, Venice had looked to her own defense. This _ P. 544, follows Jacques de Bourbon. An unauthentic copy of

time she had nothing to fear, nor was Hungary the the final capitulation of Rhodes credits the Turks with 300 , . ; ships and 200,000 armed men (E. Charriére, Négociations de la sultan’s objective, not now at any rate. Whatever France dans le Levant, 1, 92). Sir Nicholas Roberts, who had Suleiman’s initial plans may have been, he had now been at the siege, wrote the earl of Surrey from Messina on 15 decided to embark straightway upon the conquest May, 1523, that the Turks had 15,000 seamen and a land force of Rhodes, of which he had probably been dreaming of 100,000 fighting men, with 50,000 laborers “‘with spades ; ; he Ott and pikes”’ (W. Porter, Knights of Malta, 1[1858], append., no. since his boyhood. On 5 June, 1522, U € Ut oman 15, p. 516), but elsewhere in the same letter he raises the total fleet began to assemble at Istanbul. Suleiman himself — ¢o 200,000. A dispatch of 13 July from Marco Minto, then the

left the capital on the sixteenth, crossing over to Venetian duke of Candia (Crete), credits the Turks with 100 Scutari, to take command of a land army said to light galleys, 70 galleasses, and the rest transports and fuste to number 100,000 men. Thereafter his military jour- the extent of 270 sail in all (Sanudo, Diaru, XXXII, 417).

. A letter written by a knight of Rhodes to the pro-French

nal fixes the chronology of his movements and dates Cardinal Scaramuccia Trivulzio of Como on 5 December, 1522,

the chief events of the expedition from the Turkish states that the Turkish fleet contained 300 ships and the army standpoint. According toa dispatch of the Venetian 200,000 men, and rather vaguely implies that the fleet had bailie in Istanbul, as reported in Sanudo’s Diarii, been reduced to 50 ships by this date, while the army had he fleet left on the eighteenth. It consisted of 70 sustained great losses also, Exercitus ile ducentorum millium par-

U e met tert O 8 tim bello interemptus, partim divino flagello vindicante corruit. | have

light galleys, 40 heavy galleys, and 50 transports, — seen this letter in a small pamphlet (4 fols. in 12mo), with the together with fuste, brigantines, and other vessels _ title Exemplar litterarum, per quendam militem Rhodanum Cardito the number of 300 sail, all told.2* Some Turkish — ali Comen|st] missarum, which was once in the library of the well-known orientalist Charles Schefer (Catalogue de la bibliotheque orientale de feu M. Charles Schefer, Paris, 1899, p. 176, no.

TT 2813). The pamphlet is now in the Gennadeion in Athens. ®3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 81'-82" [96"-97'], doc. dated Two Trivulzi were known as cardinals of Como during the first 2 May, 1522, passed by a vote de parte 174, de non 6, non sinceri half of the sixteenth century—Giannantonio (1500-1508) and 1. On Venetian difficulties with the Turks, note Sanudo, Diarii, | Scaramuccia (1517-1527)—and so this letter must have been

XXXII, 342-43. Broderic appeared before Hadrian VI and addressed to the latter, who became a cardinal in Leo X’s fifth the papal consistory on another anti-Turkish mission a year creation of July, 1517. What we must regard as the Knights’ later (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta consistorialia [1517-1534], official version of the siege (see below, note 61), Thomas Gutfol. 148’, by mod. stamped enumeration, entry dated 1 June, chardus’ Oratio habita . . . coram Clemente VII Pont. Max., first

1523). printed in Rome ‘‘apud F. Minitium Calvum mense Ianuario

*4 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XIII, 359-64, esp. col. 380; cf von MDXXIIII,”’ gives as figures for the Turkish forces about 300 Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, II, 18-30, 627 galleys and other large ships, and 200,000 men ‘‘more or less,”’ (where his text of Sanudo seems to go astray), and pp. 628 ff. of whom 60,000 were sappers (unnum. fol. 3" = Aiii). All these (for Suleiman’s journal of the expedition to Rhodes), trans. figures are grossly exaggerated. Hellert, V, 25-28, 415, 417 ff.; and note J. S. Brewer, ed., 25 Ettore Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi nel 1522, secondo le Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, . . . of Henry VIII, WN- relaziont edite ed inedite det Turchi, Rome, 1927, pp. 15-16, 492 (London, 1867, repr. Vaduz, 1965), no. 2405, p. 1014, and —_50. Since other troops came from Egypt, Rossi apparently be-

cf. nos. 2324-25. Fontanus, De bello Rhodio (1524), II, fol. 19" lieves ‘‘che la cifra di 200,000 non sembra lontana dal vero”’ (= sign. Ei), agrees with the report in Sanudo as to the size —_(p. 50)! Rossi’s book, however, is useful for supplying the Turkof the fleet, ‘“‘nam ad tercentum et amplius naves omnis generis _ ish view of the expedition to Rhodes and the capture of the

fuisse dicitur.”’ island fortress. According to Jacques de Bourbon, the Turkish fleet con- © Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, II, fol. 19" (= sign. Eiii). The

tained 103 galleys in the main armada (not counting 25 or 30 — grand master, L’ Isle-Adam, also reported the arrival of the more which had come as an advance unit into Rhodian waters Turks on 26 June (see his letter of 13 November, 1522, in on 17 June), 35 galleasses, 15 mahonnes, etc., making a total of | Charriere, I, p. Cxxx1). Cf Bosio, II (1594), bk. xIx, pp. 542about 250 vessels. Other ships are said to have arrived from 43. When on 15 July (1522) Domenico Trevisan received his Syria to raise the total to about 400 sail. The army allegedly | commission as captain-general of the sea (from the Doge Antonio

206 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Turkish land forces reached the bay of Mar- An able Italian engineer, Gabriele Tadini di maris, and on 28 July the sultan himself crossed Martinengo of Brescia,*® in militia et toga spectandus,

over to the island. The siege of Rhodes began in had come over to Rhodes from Crete. He is often

earnest.”’ mentioned in Sanudo’s Diari. His inventiveness was of great assistance to the Hospitallers in the months —_—_____ that followed; he devised ways of detecting Turkish Grimani), he was instructed in the event of Suleiman’s moving mining Operations at the base of fortress walls, and against Rhodes not to interfere in the Turkish operations (Sen. | Was adept at blasting the sappers out with gunpow-

Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 105° [120"]): “Et in CaSO che i armata der.?*? The sultan’s arrival had promptly transdel predicto Signor [Turco] andasse ala impresa di Rhodi ad- fo med the naval blockade of Rhodes into an active

vertiral de non te impedir in alcuna cosa ne far movesta alcuna . ; . .

che loro possano havere suspitione di esser disturbati da nui, SICEC: The Rhodian garrison may have consisted of ma solamente haverai |’ ochio ala segurta del stato et cose SOME SIX hundred Knights and possibly 4,500 mennostre. . . .”’ Since in Venice as of 15 July, however, it was at-arms. After 146 days of siege (28 July to 20 Deconceivable that Suleiman’s fleet might be headed for Cyprus, cember)— Jacques de Bourbon calls the period ‘‘six Trevisan was to be prepared to defend Venetian territory cum months’’——there were only 1,500 men left to offer fol. 106°[120°]). On 7 August the doge and Senate wrote An- resistance to the enemy. Throughout the sIege tonio Surian, their ambassador in England, to explain to Henry the Turks concentrated their attacks upon the landVIII and Wolsey their desire for peace with Charles V. The ward walls, remembering the costly failure of their prime desideratum in Europe was peace, “‘laquale veramente — ¢fforts upon Fort S. Nicholas in 1480. L’ Isle-Adam €procede necessaria, riguardando ala incredibel potentia, cum laquale had tak ‘al . f h . il Signor Turco, ilquale Il’ anno preterito debello Bel- ag taken especia precautions or the protection grado, Serimia, et la potissima portione del regno hungarico, of the harbor installations. In addition to the heavy et neli mesi proximi ha conquistata Scardona et Trina [?], prin- chain which had been strung from the Tower of cipal forteze dela Croatia. Et hora in persona cum trecento”— Najllac to that of the Windmills (in 1475-1476), ven et exercito de persone centomilia Sl attrova alla impresa the grand master now extended a chain (carried by

ogni accurato studio et tute le forze de |’ inzegno tuo” (abid., . 30 .

e Rhodi. . .” (fol. 112 [128], and cf. fols. 117°, 118° [132', .

133", on Scardona and ‘Tenina”’). wooden floats) from the Tower of the Windmills On 14 August Gasparo Contarini, then Venetian ambassador all the way to Fort S. Nicholas, a distance of almost to the court of Charles V, wrote his government from Palencia

that an Hospitaller had arrived there on the twelfth, having come from Rhodes in forty days—Suleiman’s fleet contained —§ ————————

200 sail, and he ‘had already landed troops and cannon to 28 ()n Gabriele di Martinengo, the very basis of the Rhodian bombard the city.”” The chancellor Mercurino Gattinara had defense of 1522, note Picenardi, Itinéraire, pp. 112-14, who informed Contarini that Charles was directing the authorities has collected numerous references concerning him. See the in Naples to allow the Rhodians to export provisions and artillery —§ Sumario di uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo,

without payment of any duty or impost, and that he was planning in Sanudo, Diarti, XXXIV, 69 ff., at cols. 75-76 and ff., 86, to send aid to try to break the siege. Contarini was fearful that 87, and cf. Bosio, IH (1594), bk. x1x, pp. 545, 548-49, 557Charles might require some action on Venice’s part against the 58, et alibi, and A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano (1951), pp.

Turks (Brown, Calendar of State Papers... , Venice, HI, no. 91-92, note 56.

523, 265-66). 29 Cf. Fontanus, De bello Rhodw, I, fols. 19°-20° (= Enti—in).

Gasparo Contarini is one of the better-known figures of the — According to a report in Sanudo, Diaru, XX XIII, 566, Marfirst half of the sixteenth century (cf, below, Chapter 8, note — tinengo, who became one of the heroes of the siege, arrived 143). His dispatches, addressed to the doge and Senate during in Rhodes on 23 July (1522). Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, his embassy to Charles V from 23 March, 1521, to 28 July, 1527, fol. 13" (= Bv), dates his arrival on the twenty-second; 1525 (written in the hand of his secretary Lorenzo Trevisan), he also calls him a Venetian (2bid., fol. 22", line 3 = Dui, et alibi), may be found in a hefty, leather-bound volume in the Biblioteca because he was in the service of the Republic as a military Nazionale Marciana, It. VII, 1009 (7447). Seven books of Con- engineer at Candia before going to Rhodes. The Venetian tarini’s letters from 21 May, 1528, to 5 November, 1529 (cf. — government was unhappy about Martinengo’s leaving their emFranz Dittrich, ed., Regesten und Breefe des Cardinals Gasparo ploy to take up arms against the Turks. Contarint [1483-1542], Braunsberg [Braniewo], 1881, nos. 79- 30 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 28°-28°

232, pp. 27-72), written from Viterbo, Rome, and Bologna (= Fii). According to Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, 1, fol. 10° when he was the Republic’s ambassador to Pope Clement VII, — (= Cii), there were about 5,000 persons in Rhodes capable of

are contained in a MS. in the Marciana, It. VII, 1043 (7616). bearing arms, among them some 600 Knights, 500 Cretans, Both these MSS. were bequeathed to the Marciana by N. H. © sailors, rowers, etc. Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, Rome, 1524, Girolamo Contarini in 1843 (cf. Inventari det manoscritt: delle | unnum. fol. 3" (= Aiii), “‘. . . tametsi vix sexcenti ordinis nostri biblioteche d’ Italia, LXXXVII [Florence, 1967], pp. 5, 8). Ga- — milites et quinque Rhodiorum millia essent, qui tractandis armis sparo Contarini was made a cardinal by Paul III on 21 May, _ et aetate et viribus idonei forent.. . .’’ Sanudo followed events

1535. in Rhodes with his usual attention to detail (Diarn, XXXII,

*7 See Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 13° ff. 389, 390, 398-99, 404, 417, 458-60, 461, 468-69, 487 ff., (= Bv ff.), who as a soldier gives a detailed account of military 500-1, 511 ff., 565 ff., 600-3, 605, 615, 633), and see the operations, describes the Turkish gun emplacements, the sta- account in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers . . . of Henry

tions of the various pashas, etc. Cf Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, — VIH, MI-2 (1867, repr. 1965), no. 2841, pp. 1191-93, which II, fol. 21° (= Fi), and Bosio, II (1594), bk. xtx, pp. 550-51. — seems to be adapted from Jacques de Bourbon’s Oppugnahon.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 207 halfa mile, thus providing a double barrier toentry had been ordered “‘without our knowledge and into the harbor.°' The Turks did not try to pen- against our will.” While it is well known that for

etrate that barrier. some two hundred years there had been little love From the time of the sultan’s arrival, the Turkish lost between the Venetians and the Hospitallers, cannon pounded the west and south walls of the owing to the latters’ restraint of trade with the Mosgreat fortress town, which probably had the most lems and to their sometimes outrageous piratical elaborate and skillfully-contrived defense system in activities, the Signoria was certainly alarmed by the the world. The bombardment went on week after dismal prospect of the Turkish possession of Rhodes. week. There were eight major zones of defense, If Suleiman was successful, the Turks would pose well-defined sectors of wall with specific gates and a greater threat than ever to Venetian shipping as towers being assigned (running anticlockwise from well as to the islands of Cyprus and Crete. The the north) to the eight major “‘tongues’’ or com- party of appeasement in the Senate could only muspanies of France, Germany, Auvergne, ‘‘Spain’’ ter sixteen votes for their motion to send the pro(Aragon-Catalonia), England, Provence, Italy, and posed letter to Trevisan. ‘The motion was defeated Castile with Portugal. Each knight fought with his by 168 negative votes. There were no uncommitted compatriots. For example, upon Gabriele di Mar- votes cast by senators who wished to remain neutral tinengo’s arrival in Rhodes on 22-23 July, just be- (non sincert) in the decision to be taken.** Although fore the siege began, he was “received into the lan- they would not take up arms against the sultan, as guage of Italy” (et fut receu en la langue Dytalye).°* Charles V thought they should, at least there was Like certain of the church councils and the uni- a limit to their obeisance. versities, as we have noted in the preceding volume, Mustafa Pasha was the second vizir and the sulthe Hospitallers voted by nations or, more precisely, _ tan’s brother-in-law. If he was uneasy operating unby “‘langues.”’ In view of the French preponderance der the watchful eyes of his young master, at least

in this organization it is easy to account for the the latter was present to share the responsibility election as grand master of Villiers de l’ Isle-Adam, with him. They began the siege with heavy barrages who now commanded the Rhodian garrison of the — of artillery. The walls were cannonaded; mortars

Hospital against the Turks. shelled the town continually. On 10 August the

As usual in a grave emergency, and as was done campanile of the conventual church of S. John in in 1480, the grand master had forbidden the de- §=———__— parture from Rhodes of men and vessels, as well as *3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 114°-115" [129°-130"]: “Voi the removal of provisions and equipment, which dovete haver inteso per li advisi da Corphu et etiam de Candia might assist the besieged in their defense against l armata del serenissimo Signor Turco esser andata sotto Rhodi

the Turks. A Venetian ship was thus caught in ogni the per far que eevee d perche desiderio nostro saria che sidi : se amorevole demonstratione verso il capitaneo harbor of Rhodes, to the annoyance and displeasure quella, che é il magnifico Mustafa Bassa azio el potesse cognoscer of the Senate, as some members proposed to write __la intention de la Signoria nostra di voler continuar ne la bona

the captain-general Domenico Trevisan on 7 Au- pace et amicitia cum la Excellentia del Gran Signor et non li gust, stressing their “desire to continue in [our] dar alcuna causa per laquale el potesse haver suspilione che ; . ; . noi havessamo in animo di voler perturbar le imprese sue... . . good peace and friendship with his Excellency, the ‘Il che essendo voi sopra il fatto [as noted above in the text, Gran Signore.”’ They were even prepared to have the proposed letter was addressed to the captain-general TreTrevisan send a gift of silk clothing to Suleiman’s _ visan], lassamo deliberar alla prudentia et circumspectione vocommander-in chief, Mustafa Pasha, and make a_ ‘Ya, possate mandar a presentar al predicto bassa in nome similar gesture of amity and admiration to the sultan nostro le ve de Me quella ne de accommodata setta che horaforma vi mandamo et farl che saperete bene under the very walls of Rhodes. They wanted Tre- fare, che ritrovandovi in quel loco vi era parso usar questo visan to explain to Mustafa Pasha that Venetian _ segno di bona amicitia cum la Maesta sua, sapendo quanto la ships traveled and traded everywhere. L’ Isle- sia affectionata ala Signoria nostra, et cose sue... . Demum Adam’s retention of a Venetian vessel at Rhodes volemo che per instruction vostra sapiate noi haver inteso et certo cum displicentia come il reverendissimo Gran Maestro de Rhodi havea retenuto in quel porto una nave de uno mar-

rs*! cadante nostro di questa cita.. . . [Trevisan was to take steps Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, I, fol. 13’ (= Di). Onthe Turkish to explain to Mustafa Pasha the innocent presence of the Venesiege of Rhodes in 1480, see Volume II, chapter 11. tian vessel at Rhodes for, as the sultan was well aware, ‘li mar32 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 13” (= Bv), cadanti nostri traficano in ogni loco . . .’]. De parte 16, de and cf. in general fols: 14-15 (= Bvi—Ci), 28° (= Eli), et passim; — non 168, non sinceri 0.’" On 11 September (1522) the Senate Fontanus, De bello Rhodio (1524), H, fol. 20% (= Eiii); Bosio, Il. arranged for the annual tribute (pensione) for the island of

(1594), bk. xix, pp. 548-49. The “‘tongues” were represented | Cyprus to be paid to the Porte (ibid., fols. 124°-125" [140*by delegates, who apparently voted as they chose (presumably —_141"]); the tribute, formerly paid to the soldans of Egypt, was

in accordance with the interests of their nations). 8,000 ducats (fol. 126° [141*}).

208 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the northwestern part of the town, in the Knights’ Chaux, a member of the council of regency which quarter (called the Castrum or Collachium), was _ had held the reins of government for him during brought down by Turkish gunners from a battery his nonage, that the grand master of Rhodes had opposite the Tower of S. George in the (western) warned him of the imminent peril and had asked sector of Auvergne.” In the fall of the campanile him for aid. The emperor feared that Suleiman, the defenders lost a valuable conning tower from ‘‘aprés avoir debilite et quasi destruict le royaulme

which they had been able to watch the enemy’s de Hungrie,’’ would, if successful at Rhodes, movements and give warnings to those on the walls _ threaten the kingdom of Naples and Sicily and also

and in the streets below. the lands of the Church. The Turk would then be The Turkish movements were being watched, in an excellent position to overrun all Italy ‘‘and however, not only from the campanile but from ___ finally to ruin and destroy all Christendom.”’ Charles every observation post in Europe, so to speak, and__ described to Poupet de la Chaux his elaborate plans

the appeals of L’ Isle-Adam had alerted every state for an expedition to relieve Rhodes, but little or and sovereign in the Christian West to the danger nothing appears to have come of them.®? On the which Suleiman’s attack was presenting to the Med- embattled island the terrible struggle continued. iterranean world. On 25 August, 1522, the Emperor

Charles V wrote Charles de Poupet, seigneur de la With encouraging memories of the Turkish failure against Rhodes in 1480, the polyglot defend-

as .. ers ofnotes thethetown manned their with grave Suleiman collapse of the campanile ofposts S. Johnand re : Greeks ae determination. Once again Latins in his journal of the siege (v. Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. ; ; .

Reiches, U1, 629, trans. Hellert, V, 419); Sanudo, Diari, XXXII, fought side by side. The Turkish sappers were 567; Bosio, II (1594), bk. xIx, p. 554, following Fontanus; more feared than the janissaries. The explosions Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi, pp. 16-17, and cf. the map of | of mines destroyed parts of the outer wall along

e (southern) English sector -

Rhodes on p. 49 (but Rossi appears not to know that the Port 4}, : of Galleys and Port of Commerce were not so called until well ( ) gish sector, but three heavy as after the Hospitallers’ surrender of Rhodes); note also the map

in Cecil Torr, Rhodes in Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887, at §©§——— end. On 6 November, 1856, the ecclesia nobilissima sancti Johannis, °° Karl Lanz, ed., Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., 3 vols.,

which stood across from the palace of the grand masters, was _ Leipzig, 1844-46, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966, I, no. 37, destroyed in a mysterious explosion (Picenardi, Itinéraire, pp. _ pp. 66-68, and cf. also no. 39, dated at Vilnius on 22 Septem96-97; de Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights, pp. 101, 103; A. Gabriel, ber, 1522, from Sigismund I of Poland to Charles V. Since La Cité de Rhodes, 1 [1921], 8; 11 [1923], 167-70). By 1522 the | Charles was involved in hostilities with Francis I of France, he Gate of S. George had been closed; formerly disputed by the — could do nothing to assist the Knights on Rhodes, despite his language of Germany, the Tower was now protected by that good intentions. Subsequent events did little to relieve the fear

of Auvergne (Gabriel, I, 20, 27-29, 34). of a Turkish descent upon Sicily or Naples (ibid., I, no. 49, p. The Italians restored the conventual church of S. John on ‘93, a letter to Charles from his aunt Margaret, his Statthalterin the modern quay just south of their (new) governor’s palace, in the Netherlands, dated 21 February, 1524, and cf. no. 52, across the mouth of the Mandraki from Fort S. Nicholas. Here — pp. 103, 112). the work of Rottiers was very helpful (Monumens de Rhodes, I, An original letter of L’ Isle-Adam to Bernardino de Carvajal, 291-306, plates XIII, XL, XLII [exterior] and XLII [interior]). | cardinal bishop of Ostia, requesting his intercession with the For the restoration of the top of the campanile more use might _ pope, “‘datum Rhodi die XVII Iunii, 1522,” may be found in have been made of the miniatures in the manuscript of Caoursin — the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi e titolati, vol. I, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. lat. 6067, fols. 18,32. The — fol. 3: ‘‘Reverendissime in Christo pater et domine, protector

church could not be replaced on its high terrace across the _noster, domine mihi observandissime, mei humilima commensmall piazza from the grand masters’ palace, because this terrace | datione premissa, Turcorum tyrannus decima quarta presentis was (and is still) occupied by a well-kept Turkish school. Al- — mensis per suas litteras nos ad bellum diffidavit nisi cesserimus though not the Latin cathedral of Rhodes, which was the church —_jurisdictioni quam Christiana res publica sub nostra custodia in of S. Maria at the foot of the Street of the Knights, the (con- — oriente tenet et eadem die magna bonaque pars sue classis huc ventual) church of S. John was the scene of the admission of — transiens Fiscum petiit ubi radunantur alia navigia donec tota new Knights to the Order; election of the Grand Masters, who __ classis fuerit completa ut statim huc transfretet et nos oppugnet. were also buried here when they died on Rhodes; convocations _. . .”’ Rhodes was well fortified. The grand master hoped, with of the chapters-general, which usually met every five years; and divine clemency and with the aid of the Virgin Mary, to stop the chief solemn ceremonies connected with the Order and _ the sultan to the latter’s loss and ignominy: “‘Et quia ex diuturna their patron S. John. See Pietro Lojacono, ‘“‘La Chiesa con- _ obsidione populi franguntur, cibaria et munitiones consumunventuale di S. Giovanni dei Cavalieri in Rodi,” Clara Rhodos, tur, de habendo succursu cogitavimus quare commisimus ve-

VIII (1936), 245-74, with plans following p. 288. S. John’s is | nerando priori prioratus nostri Capue ambaxiatori nostro in now the Orthodox church of the Evangelismos, with some Romana Curia: supplicet reverendissime dominationi vestre ut handsome neo-Byzantine frescoes; perhaps the chief criticism dignetur nos commendatos facere sanctissimo domino nostro

to be made of the Italian architects in this connection is their .. . :’ He needed mercenaries, food, and matériel to help apparently deliberate effort to impart a Venetian look both to him withstand the siege. The letter is signed “‘P. de Villers

the church and to the campanile. Lyleadam’’.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 209 saults were beaten off here on 4, 9, and 17 Sep- by side. L’ Isle-Adam took his stand behind the tember. The grand master always went where improvised walls, where he remained (says Jacques trouble was, and was therefore usually to be found de Bourbon) for thirty-four days, until the end of in the English sector.*° On 20 and 24 September the fighting.”” On 14 November the Turks “‘set general attacks all along the walls were repulsed _ themselves to cutting the said new wall;”’ it seemed

in fierce fighting. The Turks suffered severe clear that they were in Rhodes to stay.*” Several losses, but there were simply too many of them.®’_ brigantines had run the Turkish blockade sucIt seemed that only a miracle (as in 1480) could cessfully, and on 15 November two larger vessels possibly preserve the town in Christian hands. In _ got safely into the harbor at Rhodes, bringing two October the defenders were weakening notice- dozen men, half of them Knights.*? But reinforce-

ably. There were another five attacks upon the ments of two and three at a time (as they usually English sector from 1 to 13 October. They were were) or even two dozen, as on this occasion, could all repelled, but on 10 October the Spanish wall not alter what now appeared to be a preordained was breached, ‘‘qui fut une iournee mal fortunee — result. L’ Isle-Adam had as much cause to worry pour nous,”’ says Jacques de Bourbon, ‘‘et com- about the loss of a single knight on the walls as mencement de nostre perdition.”°®> The Turks Suleiman did about the loss of ten or a dozen men could not be dislodged. They were confined, how- from the attacking force, which (besides Turks) ever, to the area of the breach by interior walls included Serbs, Bosnians, Vlachs, Bulgars, Greeks, hastily constructed to prevent their advance. Day and others. after day the struggle went on without respite. By On 13 November (1522) the Grand Master the end of October the breach was wide enough _L’ Isle-Adam wrote his nephew Francois de Montfor thirty or forty horsemen to ride through it side —morency, a younger brother of the illustrious Anne, that the Hospitallers had by that date sustained nine 06 F De bello Rhodjo. UL fol. 20"(= Eiiii):“ | major assaults, ‘‘et tousjours avec I’ ayde de Nostre bello Rhodto, II, fol. 20(= Eun):". . Quinto Seigneur repoulsé noz ennemiz avec grosse perte locovontanus, fi.e., De fifth from the north counting anticlockwise, the pre- i. ; : ceding four sectors being those of France, Germany, Auvergne, de leur Sens. Besides the Turks heavy artillery and Spain] phalanx Britannica pugnabat duce magno magistro. the grand master feared the mines, of which about . . .” On the dating of attacks on 4 and 9 September, cf Fon- fifty had been placed in the foundations of the tanus, II, fol. 24° (= Fi): “. . . quinto Idus Septembres quin- walls:42 of these ten had been ignited despite the

toque die post primam oppugnationem.. . .’”’ The best account Christians’ £ , . b ” .

of the attacks of 4, 9, and 17 September is to be found in ristians rantic countermining ul, graces a

Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 17'-18" (= Ciii- | Dieu,” the walls were still largely intact. Many were lil), who (like Barbaro in Constantinople in 1453) kept an ac- perishing of sickness in the Turkish camp. Christian curate wary of the siege. on Thursday, 28 August, the grand ~~ countermining and artillery had accounted for oth-

Meee eeefor eeethe ee ee eee op upe Cour ers. It was reported that the sultan had lost to beg immediate dispatch of help to Rhodes (Bosio, II :50,000

[1594], bk. x1x, p. 556). My notes, however, do not reveal any of his best troops. The Turks were planning to resuch letters now preserved in the Vatican Lettere di principi. | main all winter, however, and conditions in the for*” See the report in Sanudo, Diaru, XX XIII, 567, the “bel- tress of Rhodes had become desperate. All hope guardo di Santo Athanasio being the English bulwark. Forthe = yag being placed in the king of France. If his help

chronology of the successive (and almost incessant) attacks, con- forth . L’ Isle-Ad 7

cerning which there are some differences between the Euro- was not ort coming, sie-Adam saw ye means pean and Turkish sources, see Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi of being able to resist so great a power. ~

nel 1522 (1927), pp. 18-19, but the Turkish sources for the Mustafa Pasha was removed from the high comsiege do not appear to add much to our knowledge. Jacques de mand of the Turkish forces by the disappointed Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 18°—19" (= Ciiii—v), gives a

detailed description of the great attack of 24 September in

which the janissaries mounted the broken wall of the Spanish =~

bulwark (in the southwestern corner of the town), on which °9 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 23" (= Diii). Rustem Pasha also has a notice (in his Ta’rikh- Al-i ‘Othman), *° Ibid., fol. 25" (= Dv). ed. Ludwig Forrer, Die osmanische Chronik des Rustem Pascha, *! Ibid., fol. 25% (= Dv). Leipzig, 1923, p. 64. Bosio, II (1594), bks. XIX—xx, pp. 558- * Fontanus, II, fols. 19-20" (= signs. Eiii—iiii), was also much

69, describes the September attacks at length, largely from impressed by the Turkish mines, ‘“‘nam quinquaginta quinque Jacques de Bourbon, and cf. the letter of the Doge Antonio fuisse dicuntur.”’ The number of such mines varies in the sources Grimani and the Senate to the Venetian captain-general Tre- from 38 to 55 (cf. Bosio, II [1594], bk. x1x, p. 557, and Rossi, visan, dated 24 October (1522), in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. | Assedto e conquista di Rodi, p. 18, note 4). Thos. Guichardus, 132” [147°], and the letter of 17 November (ibid., fol. 137% | Oratio, fol. 3° (= Aili), says there were 45 mines.

[152%)). *° Charriére, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, 1, pp.

*8 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 21’ (= Di), CXXXI-CXxXx1II, letter dated ‘‘de Rhodes le XIII de novembre

and cf. Bosio, I (1594), bk. xx, pp. 571-73. 1522.”

210 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT sultan, who sent him off to be governor of Egypt of the human race, but this has been the chief reason on 27 October, appointing hisenemy Ahmed Pasha for the loss of Rhodes.’’*® To the last moment as the commander-in-chief.** The rains had begun Amaral asked no pardon of God or man, we are on 25 October, and yet in a divan of the thirty- told, for the manner of his life. At his execution first the Turks decided (as noted in L’ Isle-Adam’s _ he pushed aside the image of the Virgin. He died letter of 13 November) to spend the winter in with obvious contempt for his fellow Hospitallers, Rhodes. ‘The fleet was sent back to safer anchor- _ especially the pious grand master, whom he clearly age in the mainland harbor of Marmaris. The _ believed to be mismanaging the defense of Rhodes. Turks kept up a terrific bombardment, however, Some modern historians have tended to see a martyr as Jacques de Bourbon informs us, “and I firmly in Amaral. It is not clear from Fontanus’s description believe that ever since the world was created, nei- of him that the jurist regarded him as guilty.*” ther such furious artillery nor in such great quan- The Turks resumed their heavy attacks in late tity was ever shot against a town as has been against November, losing four or five hundred men on the

Rhodes in this siege.’’*” twenty-second in an attempt to storm the Italian

The beleaguered Christians found the strain al- sector, on the southeast of the town, ‘‘and our losses most intolerable. There were constant rumors of _ in killed and wounded were likewise great.’’ All day treachery, even in the ranks of the Knights. On 30 and all night on the twenty-eighth the Turkish arOctober, when the breach in the Spanish wall was _ tillery pounded the new wall and earthworks in the wide enough for a whole corps of cavalry to ride Spanish bulwark, on the southwest, firing 150 shots

through it, the Chancellor Amaral was accused of in the effort to exploit their one point of ready treasonable communication with the enemy. Jacques access to the defenders. On the twenty-ninth side Bourbon gives a detailed and bitter account of | multaneous attacks were made in strong force upon the affaire Amaral. The chancellor was arrested by _ both the Spanish and Italian walls, but were again

order of the grand master and confined to the

Tower of S. Nicholas. He was examined, according , ie Bourbon. O on. 18977. fol a

to custom, by two knights of the grand cross and _, Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 4 (= Aii), 20°(= Evi), 23-24" (= Diii-nii), who calls Andreas Amaral the judges of the castellany. Among the latter Was “André Demerail.’’ According to the document in Sanudo, presumably Fontanus, a jurist from Bruges, judge —Diarii, XX XIII, 568, Amaral was executed on 5 November in the Rhodian court of appeals, and Latin chron- (and ¢f,, ibid., col. 570). Sanudo also preserves a Sumario di uno icler of the siege. The arrogant Amaral was much _ /?r9 tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, di tutto quello

disliked: th id ; h; seguite di nove di giorno, particularmente in Rhodi (Diarii, XXXIV, ISHKE ’ there were several deponents against im. 69 ff.), to which we have already referred. It supplies a number

He denied the charges, even under torture. Being of details concerning Amaral’s execution, and also gives the found guilty, however, he was stripped of the Hos- date as 5 November (ibid., cols. 83-84). I have followed Bourpitallers’ cross in a formal ceremony in the con- pon, whose sccoume seems generally accurate. posto, I 1994), ventual church of S. John on 7 November, and was XX) PP. 9F9— 719 WHO usually follows Bourbon closely, says ; that Amaral was stripped of the Hospitallers’ habit on Wednesexecuted the next day, his head being mounted ON day, 4 November, and beheaded the following day, but in 1522 the Tower of S. George, facing the Turks in the _ the fourth of November fell on Tuesday. Bosio says that he sector of Auvergne. His body was quartered, the used a contemporary account of the affaire Amaral written by four pieces being hung on the bulwarks of Auvergne Pietro Lomellino del Campo, a Rhodian of Genoese origin, d i ni E d 8 d Italv. Thus died And “il quale essendosi trovato presente, noto di sua propria mano and spain, England and italy. us ale NATEAS in un libro tutte le cose piu memorabili ch’ occorsero in quest’ Amaral, who had served the Order for forty years, — assedio.”’ Pietro’s son Giovanni, then living in Rome, gave Bosio but “‘whose treason I believe to have been greater the book, but 4 November still came on Tuesday. Obviously than that of Judas . . for the treason of Judas in the book used by Bosio is Sanudo’s own source: we have then

th dred d d to the well-being and salvation only Bourbon’s record of the date to set against Lomellino’s.

€ end recounded to wer veins Bosio expresses surprise that Fontanus has left no clear account

of the affair; maybe as a judge, he thought the less said about

——____— that particular trial, the better. Passions were running too high

44 Cf Suleiman’s journal in von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. for objective judgment. In his address to Pope Clement VII in osman. Reiches, III, 632, trans. Hellert, V, 423. Rossi, Assedio December, 1523, Thos. Guichardus makes much of the treache conquista di Rodi (1927), p. 20, gives 28 October as the date ery of Amaral (Orati, fols. 3-4” = Aiii—iv).

of Mustafa Pasha’s departure for Egypt. On his disgrace (he *” Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, 1, fols. 17-18" (= Ei-ii). A was almost executed) and his replacement by Ahmed Pasha, see | woman pilgrim from Jerusalem, a Spaniard, had caused much Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 20", 21" (= Cvi- excitement and suspicion in Rhodes by preaching that the trib-

Di), whence Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 570. ulation of Rhodes was a sign of God’s anger at the wickedness *° Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 16% (= Cii). of the leaders (ibid., fol. 24" = Fiiii). Thos. Guichardus, Oratio,

At the beginning of the siege the Turks mounted sixty toeighty fol. 4° (= Aiv), says that, when the image of the Virgin was batteries “in diverse places and almost all around the town” presented to Amaral, he said, ‘‘Aufer a me lignum istud!’’ Gui-

(thed., fol. 12” = Biiii). chardus was an apologist for the grand master.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 211 driven back with heavy losses.*® The ardor of the the grand master presided. M. de Saint Gilles, who Turks was dampened by torrential rains as well as had charge of munitions, said that he did not have by the valor of the Knights and the Rhodians who men enough to move a piece of artillery from one fought with them. But four months of fighting were _ place to another. There was hardly powder enough

taking their toll of the defenders. The southern to reply to a Turkish assault. It was M. de Saint ranges of their walls were giving way under the Gilles’ opinion that the town was lost. Gabriele di terrific pounding of the Turkish artillery. Fourteen Martinengo reported next. The Turks were firmly batteries of three cannon each had been trained for entrenched in the great breach, which was now more all this time against the Spanish and English sectors, than 100 feet long and 70 or more feet wide. Two with seventeen others against the Italian sector.*”? other areas in the wall were also going. Most of the

The Christians’ supply of gunpowder was getting knights and other combatants were dead or very low. Breaches in the walls were being repaired wounded. The munitions were coming to an end. by pulling down houses. There were no longer men He shared M. de Saint Gilles’ opinion—the town enough to occupy all the posts along the walls. would be lost to the next great Turkish assault. The On 1 December a Genoese named Girolamo grand master and the knights could only accept the Moniglia, obviously sent by the Turks, appeared judgments of their two experts, and now they took below the post of Auvergne, just north of the Span- thought of the sacred relics and the welfare of the ish position, to urge the Knights to surrender, of- people. There was much discussion, however, “‘et fering his services as an intermediary. He was sent le pro et le contra, et y eut diverses oppinions.”’ away. Two days later he was back, claiming to have Some of the knights still wanted to die for the faith, a letter from Suleiman for L’ Isle-Adam. Again he _ but in the end the council decided to capitulate, was told to go away, ‘“‘and to hasten his departure because it would be more agreeable to God to save someone took a shot at him.’’ Exhortations to sur- so many menu peuple, defenseless women and little render were shot over the walls; other efforts were children. They spoke of the fate of Modon and, made to reach members of the garrison. The grand more recently, that of Belgrade.”’ master forbade all communication with the Turkish On 10 December (1522) two Turks rather mysemissaries, “‘considerant que ville qui parlemente _ teriously delivered a letter for L’ Isle-Adam, which est a demy perdue.”’ Rhodes was more than half they said was from the sultan. The grand master lost already, however, and there were rumors that _ read it to the council of the Knights. It stated that, the Turk would accept the town on humane terms if the town were surrendered now, all the knights of surrender. Delegations of Greeks and Latins and other people of whatever condition might leave waited on the grand master both now and later, with their movable goods without fear of molesurging him to have regard for their wives and chil- _ tation by his troops. “‘And thus he swore and promdren.”® A council of the Knights was held at which ised on his faith, and there was his signature in letters of gold.”’ A special session of the council was *8 For the chronology of these attacks I have followed Jacques required to accept the sultan’s offer, but it was done, de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 25°—26' (Dv—vi); the month and on the eleventh the grand master sent, as his

of November was lacking in von Hammer-Purgstall’s copy of spokesmen, to the sultan a knight of Auvergne Suleiman’s journal (Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 632, trans. tamed Antoine de Grollee and a Latin resident of Hellert, Hist. de empire ottoman, V, 423). Cf. the Sumario di the town, Roberto Perucci, who was a judge of the uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, in Sanudo, Castellania. The both in Greek. Ath Diarn, XXXIV, 69 ff., 85-86; Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 579, - they were both tuent in Greek, “A three who follows Jacques de Bourbon; and Rossi, Assedio e conquista days’ truce was arranged with Ahmed Pasha, who

di Rodi, pp. 20-21. on the morning of the twelfth himself took the two

© Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 14°, 15" Christian envoys to the sultan’s pavilion. Suleiman (= Bvi, Ci): “. . . la muraille Dangleterre et Despaigne, contre denied requesting that an embassv be sent to him.

laquelle [les ennemys]. . . avoyent attitrez quatorze mantel- CO PEque 8 . y

letz.. . . Apres est de scavoir aussi quil y avoit dixsept man- He said that he had not written the letter (“non-

telletz attitres contre le terreplain Dytalie.. . .”’ obstant il scavoit bien le contraire’’), but after the , panes “ pourbon, SP pugnation, 1, a son are diplomatic sparring and facesaving were over, he

= Dvi-Ei), and cf. ; , Il,

33°34" (= hah oeieuepend that the Genoese. on " return, repeated in effect the same terms. He added too asked for a Genoese merchant named Matteo de Via, which

Fontanus confirms (fol. 29" = Eiii), naming the go-between as | Girolamo Moniglia and stating that he was sent by Piri Pasha, °! Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 27'-27° commander of the Turkish forces placed opposite the Italian (= Ei), and note Fontanus, De bello Rhodwo, I, fol. 36' (= liiii), sector. Cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 580, and the Sumario di and Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fol. 5" (= Bi), who says that the uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, in Sanudo, defenders of Rhodes were now reduced to hardly 1,500 men.

Diarii, XXXIV, 87 ff. Cf, Bosio, Il (1594), bk. Xx, pp. 581-82.

212 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that he intended to remain on Rhodes until the the inhabitants had had only water to drink.°4 On town and fortress were taken, even if “all Turkey the seventeenth and eighteenth the Turks launched should die” in the process. Perucci returned to the heavy attacks upon the Spanish barbican. The first grand master and the council. Ahmed Pasha kept was repulsed; the second took the wall. The Turks the knight Antoine with him. They talked about promptly began an attack upon the right flank of the siege, apparently until late into the night. An- the adjoining English wall from this new point of toine asked the Turkish commander-in-chief to tell vantage. L’ Isle-Adam informed the fire-eaters that him honestly what the sultan’s casualties had been now they would have the chance to die fighting— up to the hour at which they talked. Ahmed Pasha’ which they had previously said they wanted—but said that more than 64,000 had been killed, and the last success of the Turks had moderated their that forty or fifty thousand had died of disease. In| enthusiasm for further combat. More ambassadors the meantime Perucci informed L’ Isle-Adam that were now sent to the Turkish camp. The terms of the sultan had said he wanted a quick answer, ‘“‘ou surrender were duly signed on 20 December:”” The si, ou non.” Two or three councils had already made churches in Rhodes would be respected; old ones the decision. Antoine de Grollée and Perucci, how- might be repaired, and even new ones built. The ever, had not been empowered to effect the sur- sons of the inhabitants would not be taken in the render. Two other envoys were sent to Suleiman devshirme, for service in the janissaries. No one would to ask for more time, so that the grand master might _ be forced to accept Islam. No one was to be required discuss the matter again with the knights and with — to leave Rhodes immediately, but might take three

both the Latin and the Greek inhabitants of the years to decide; those who chose to remain were town. Suleiman promptly ordered the Turkish bat- to be secure in their property, and would be free teries to resume fire, to which the Christians could — of tribute for five years. The Hospitallers were to make almost no response, because they had no more _ leave Rhodes within ten or twelve days. They might munitions. This, says Jacques de Bourbon, was on take their arms and property with them; if necessary,

15 or 16 December.”* ships and provisions would be supplied to carry them

According to Fontanus, a French knight broke as far as Crete. They were also to surrender, besides the truce by firing at Turks who appeared to be approaching the city walls to inspect them. He also }=————————

states that at this time a ship arrived from Crete, 54 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 30° (= Eiiii). without knowledge of the Venetian Senate, bringing Surprisingly enough, Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi nel 1522,

wine and a hundred Latin volunteers.°2 Jacques de P- 21, note 5, thinks that ‘‘the European sources do not speak

; . of the arrival of reinforcements: thisof must be an invention of Bourbon confirms the arrival in theAsport Rhodes : :Eu; ; ‘ the Turkish chroniclers!’ we have seen, the two :; chief

on 16 December of a small ship with wine and men- ropean sources are Bourbon and Fontanus, both of which speak at-arms on board. It had left Candia, headed for © of the arrival of reinforcements: it is in fact from them that the

Flanders with the wine, and carried as passengers Turkish chroniclers learned about them. Cf. Bosio, II (1594),

some Hospitallers, who had said they were going PK XX, Pp: 985-86, whom Rossi had not read.

Sicily. The knights. h had tak eth On 20 December (1522) the Doge Antonio Grimani and the

to ICY. € Knigits, Nowever, Nad taken Ove € — Senate wrote the Venetian bailie in Istanbul they had just learned ship at sea, and hence its arrival in Rhodes. The _ that a ship belonging to a noble named Niccolé Simitecolo had wine was very welcome. For two months most of _ been seized by officials of Charles V (agenti cesarei) in the port of Naples, where it was loading hazelnuts (noselle) for the voyage as5? to Alexandria, ‘‘et gia si era dato principio di carricarla de Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 28’-29" munitione et altre cose bellice per mandarla in soccorso de

(= Eii-iii); cf Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, I, fols. 33" (= hh), 37" — Rhodi.”” The Senate was alarmed that a Venetian ship might (= Ki), and Sumano di uno libro tenuto per Pero de Campo, in _ be sent to Rhodes with munitions and ‘‘altre cose bellice’’ for

Sanudo, Diarn, XXXIV, 89. Here as elsewhere there are a the Hospitallers. They lodged a protest with Charles’s envoys number of minor differences among the chief western sources; in Venice, requesting them to write to Naples. The doge and I have not concerned myself with them, but it would be well Senate also wrote Charles de Lannoy, the imperial viceroy, to have a thorough monograph dealing with the siege of Rhodes _—‘“‘per la relaxation di essa nave.” Since it was possible, even in 1522, with some consideration of the Turkish documentary _ likely, however, that the ship would be sent to the assistance sources. Cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 583-85. Asto Ahmed _ of the besieged, the bailie was instructed to explain the situation Pasha’s alleged statement that the Turkish forces had suffered and make clear the Republic’s indignation (il sumo dispiacer)

64,000 casualties, and that forty or fifty thousand had died of | over the whole affair. Nevertheless, if by the time the bailie disease (which sounds like Hospitaller propaganda to alleviate received the Senate’s letter of 20 December the Turkish fleet the blow which their prestige suffered in the surrender of had returned to the straits of Gallipoli, and the army had aban-

Rhodes), the Genoese admiral Andrea Doria observed in a_ doned the siege of Rhodes, he was to say nothing about the letter dated 9 August, 1527, to the French Marshal Lautrec matter at all, unless by some chance the Turks should learn that the Gran Turco had taken Rhodes by mining operations about the ship and question him (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. and cannon fire with very small losses of troops, ‘“cum pochissimi _143°—144" [158°-159"}).

danni de li suoi’’ (Sanudo, Diaru, XLV, 641). 5° Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 30°-31" °° Fontanus, op. cit., II, fol. 36 (= iii). (= Eiiii—v), and cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 586-87.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 213 the town and fortress of Rhodes, the island fortress than two centuries his predecessors had ruled like of Cos and the mainland fortress of Bodrum (Hali- doges in the southeastern Aegean. carnassus) as well as the castles of Pheraclus, Lindus, Stopping at Candia, where he was received by and Monolithus, the last three being of course on the duke and the Venetian captain-general Dothe island of Rhodes.?® The disaffected Turkish troops did some unauthorized pillaging. The grand §=—HH!H master and the sultan (a remarkable gesture) €X- _ possit fieri concordia et pax inter principes Christianos et ad changed visits. The Latin churches were, however, imveniendas pecunias pro manutentione belli contra predictos converted into mosques, although on the whole nostes fidei Christiane Vaticano, Actathat Miscellanea, . eg. the 6, fol. 395’). From this(Arch. text Segr. it would appear as of 28 Turks observed the generous terms which the sultan January the surrender of Rhodes to the Turks was not yet had granted the defeated knights. On 1 January, known. In another record of this consistory, however, the pope 1523, the grand master set sail for Crete as night is said to have stated that by way of a report [sent by Gabriele fell upon the harbor of Rhodes,”” where for more 1 2dinidi Martinengo?] from Sicily it was known that the Knights had in fact surrendered, “. . . Rhodios post longam 6 mensium

—_—_——— obsidionem, quam perpessi fuerant a Turcis, tandem fecisse °° The sources vary somewhat as to the terms of the capit- —_ deditionem salvis personis et rebus omnibus et tormentis bellicis

ulation: Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 31” (= Ev); Fontanus, . . .”’ (A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano. . . , 1: Diari di op. cit., fol. 37° (= Ki), the type for this page being apparently —concistor del pontificato di Adriano VI{1951], p. 91, and cf. Mercati’s

reset after the book had been made up into signatures, showing note 56). At a consistory held on Wednesday, 11 February, that Fontanus rewrote it “in page proof;’’ but the facts are — ‘‘[Sanctissimus dominus noster] proposuit quod orator Venetus given in Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fols. 5’—6" (= Bi-ii). Cf Su- nomine sue Reipublice significaverit Sue Sanctitati quod esset mario di uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo, in Sanudo, Diarti, necessaria concordia principum, presertem cum crederetur Rhodum

XXXIV, 89, and Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 588. The Capi- — pervenisse ad manus Turcharum, et propterea Sua Sanctitas cotulation de Rhodes, in Charriere, Negociations, I, 92-93, seems gitaverat de novo scribere brevia ad istos reges super concordia, accurately to summarize the terms of surrender, but its form —_addendo illis quod indicebat treguas triennales seu quadriennales makes it obvious that it 1s not an official document: Picenardi, — et quod volebat imponere decimam, et commiserat Cardinali Itinéraire, pp. 165-66, calls it “un exercice littéraire dont la Anconitano [Pietro de’ Accolti] ut ordinaret minutam que postea

forme n’ a rien a voir avec la vérité historique.” legi deberet in consistorio et etiam creari deberent legati tam A number of janissaries were apparently already discontented pro regno Ungarie quam pro regibus [aliis Christianis] . . .”’ with the stringent terms of their service, and used the siege of (Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 398°-399). On Hadrian’s efforts Rhodes to flee to Cyprus, hoping to begin life anew under the _ to make peace in Europe to meet the mmminens Turcharum periaegis of S. Mark, as shown by a letter of the new Doge Andrea —culum, see also, ibid., fols. 401°-402', relating to a meeting of Gritti and the Senate, dated 4 November, 1524: ‘‘Delliianizari — the consistory held on 23 February, 1523.

veramente fugiti da Rhodi et andati, come vostra Excellentia The surrender of Rhodes was known in Venice before 4 ne dice [the letter is addressed to Sultan Suleiman], ad habitar = February (1523), as shown by a letter of the doge and Senate cum le moglie et fioli alle insule nostre di Candia et Cypro, si to Alvise Gradenigo, their ambassador to the Curia Romana, rendemo certissimi che quelli rettori et agenti nostri, se cusi alluding to the terrible loss of Belgrade and other places in sera stata la cosa, haverano fatte le necessarie provisione che Hungary, to which must now be added ‘questa recentissima ditti ianizari siano redutti nel poter di vostra excelsa Maesta, _ perdita della importantissima cita et isola de Rhodi.. . .”’ Forperche hano da nui efficaci commandamenti di non acceptar tunately Hadrian VI was doing his best to bring about ‘“‘una simel qualita di persone. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 100” pace universale fra tuti li principi Christiani,”” for peace in Eu-

[112"}). rope was more desperately needed now than ever: “Ne mai fin

°? Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 33 (= Fi); Fontanus, II, | hora, credemo, tanto bisognosa quanto al presente la si attrova, fol. 38” (= Kui). Cf Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 590-91. Sanudo, Si per la potentia di questo Signor Turco incomparabilmente

Diarn, XXXIV, 9-10, 10-11, provides us with summaries of | magior de tuti li soi precessori, come per la opportunita et some most interesting dispatches from late December, 1522, _ faculta grande che hora li e data per il novo acquisto de Rhodi to early February, 1523, sent by Domenico Trevisan, Venetian di invader la Italia et tuti li Christiani. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. captain-general at Candia, to the home government, from which 49, fol. 157 [172]; cf, wbid., fol. 159” [174*], and Reg. 50, fols. it appears (among many other details) that the Order’s con-—2°—3" [14°—15"]). Alvise Gradenigo was replaced in the Venetian

ventual church of S. John was immediately converted into a embassy in Rome by Marco Foscari (ibid., fol. 7” [19°], doc. mosque, and that the sultan was observing ad unguem the com-___ dated 7 April, 1523).

mitments he had made. It is emphasized, however, that the According to a letter dated at Valladolid on 18 March (1523) sultan wanted all the artillery (ch’ é¢ pezz 3000). He also wanted — from Gasparo Contarini, the Venetian ambassador to the imcertain relics, namely the arm of John the Baptist and an icon __ perial court, Charles V received the news of the Hospitallers’ of the Madonna (presumably that of Phileremus), but the grand __ loss of Rhodes from Girolamo Adorno, his envoy to Venice.

master got them safely out of Rhodes. Ahmed Pasha also tried Adorno had learned the sad news from Lannoy, the viceroy to get the arm of John the Baptist, dicendo e sta de li soi progenitor, of Naples, who had sent him a letter from Gabriele di Marti-

but the grand master kept it, giving valuables to the sultan nengo dated at Gallipoli di Puglia on 14 January, describing totaling 30,000 ducats. Jem Sultan’s son Murad Beg, who had _ the surrender of the island to the Turks (Bibl. Nazionale Marbeen living on the island of Rhodes, was apprehended and put __ ciana, It. VII, 1009 [7447], fol. 291"; Brown, Calendar of State

to death. Murad is here called Zelabin. Papers. . . , Venice, III, no. 646, p. 307; cf, ibid., no. 659, p. At a meeting of the papal consistory held in Rome on 310, and A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano [1951], p. 100). Wednesday, 28 January, 1523, ‘‘Sanctissimus dominus noster See also Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 117 ff., with fecit verbum de rebus Turcharum et de periculo in quo versatur _ further references, and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta consistorialia

msula Rhodi, et ad hoc deputavit nonnullos reverendissimos (1517-1534), in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 31, fol. 139, by dominos cardinales ad cogitandum modum et formam in quo _ mod. stamped enumeration.

214 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT menico Trevisan ‘‘with great honor and courtesy,”’ The holy father to whom the knights made their the Grand Master L’ Isle-Adam sent Pope Hadrian _ sad report was not Hadrian VI, however, who died VI and the European princes official notification of on 14 September, 1523, one year and fifteen days the fall of Rhodes and its attendant circumstances. after his coronation, but Clement VII, the former After a stay of some weeks at Candia, L’ Isle-Adam Giulio de’ Medici, a cousin of Leo X, who had made and his knights continued on their way despite the him a cardinal a decade before. The reasons for bad weather to Sicily, where they arrived on 30 _ the loss of Rhodes were now formally set forth in April (1523). L’ Isle-Adam was dressed in mourning, a Latin oration delivered before Clement on 18 oppressed by melancholy, and worn by the hardships December, 1523, by a brilliant young knight, of the voyage.” While still at Candia, on 7 February, Thomas Guichardus, then about twenty-five or -six he had written again to his nephew, Francois de _ years old, a doctor of both laws, and L’ Isle-Adam’s Montmorency, lord of La Rochepot, recapitulating advocate and apologist at the Curia Romana. As the catastrophe: The Turk had finally madea breach Thomas began to address the assembly, he observed

in the wall at Rhodes so great that thirty or forty that the grievous memory of surrender impeded mounted men could enter riding abreast, through his thought, and that tears welled up to obstruct which the enemy had advanced 150 paces into the _ his power of speech. Again and again his eyes must city, notwithstanding two (parallel) counterwalls and have moved from the dark, handsome face of the defense works (constructed at right angles to their pope to the worn, white face of the grand master, inward ends). For about thirty-six days (from 14 ‘“‘who has directed me to speak for him and for the November, as Jacques de Bourbon makes clear)”” entire Order committed to him.”’°!

hand-to-hand fighting had taken place in this area. Recalling the imperial ambition of Sultan SuAccording to L’ Isle-Adam, the sultan, after losing leiman, “‘twelfth tyrant of the Ottoman family,”’ 80,000 men by combat and disease, had finally of- Thomas spoke of his capture of Belgrade and his fered favorable terms of surrender: The knights massive movement against Rhodes, whose conmight depart safely with their property. Those who quest had been made necessary by the Turks’ rewished to remain might live for five years free of cent acquisition of Syria and Egypt. There were all tribute, and never lose their sons to the Porte those who claimed that Suleiman had been bound for service in the corps of janissaries, as was done _ by an oath to his dying father Selim “‘that as soon

in Greece. After postponing their decision forsome as he could, he would prepare an expedition days, seeing that further resistance was impossible against the Knights of Rhodes.’ Knowing well the because of the lack of men, powder, munitions, and _ terrible hatreds and dissensions which divided the even hope—‘“‘ayans compassion de tant de menu Christian princes from one another and prevented

peuple estant en nostre jurisdicion’”—the grand their helping the knights, Suleiman made huge master and the knights had accepted the terms, thus and incredibly swift preparations for his attack. granted by the grace of God, Who alone had given _ First demanding by letter the surrender of Rhodes, aid to Rhodes during the long months of the siege. which the knights had boldly refused, the sultan The Turk had entered the town on Christmas day _ sent his fleet against their city. It arrived about S. (1522), and on the first day of the year the grand John’s day, some 300 galleys and other large ships. master and the knights had set sail for Crete. Next The Turkish army contained about 200,000 men, L’ Isle-Adam and the knights would be returning to Europe. ‘‘. . . We shall go to the holy father =——W——— [Hadrian Vij and the king [Francis 1] to do as they °! Orato habita ab eloquentissimo uiro F. Thoma Guichardo Rhodio

. - . . .coram Clemente VII. Pont. Max. m qua Rhodiorum oppugnationrs

roe ; 5360 ppended to Guichardus’s address

wish with respect to our Order [Religion] for service et deditionis summa continetur [a ded to Guichardus’s address

to the Christian faith. is: C. Ursini Velin Germani ad Rhodum gratulatio ob Clements VIL.

Pont. Max. electonem], “‘Romae apud F. Minitium Calvum mense

— Ianuario MDXXIIII.” I have seen another edition of Guichardus °8 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 33 (= Fi). (in the Gennadeion): ‘“‘Execudebat Robertus Stephanus, in ofFontanus, De bello Rhodio, II, fol. 39% (= Ki), states that Tre- _ ficina sua, anno MDX XVII, V Idus Augusti,”” which does not visan had been sent to Candia with sixty galleys to defend Crete — contain Ursinus Velius’s gratulatio, a poem of 96 Vergilian hex-

while the Turkish fleet and army were concentrated in the ameters, congratulating Rhodes and the world upon Clement

nearby area of Rhodes. VII's accession, for now papal and imperial arms will proceed °° Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 25" (= Dv). against the Turk. L’ Isle-Adam had arrived in Rome at the

6° Charriére, Négociations, I, 94-95, “‘escript a Castelen Can- _ beginning of September (1523), and was given lodging in the die, le VII de février.’”’ Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fol. 6’ (= Bu), — papal palace (Sanudo, Diary, XXXIV, 395). It has seemed best says that Suleiman had probably lost about 80,000 men bello _ to put the following brief summary of Guichardus’s oratio immorboque, according to the general rumor, but many people put mediately after our account of the siege of Rhodes rather than

his losses at 100,000 and even more. follow the chronology of events.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 215 of whom 60,000 were said to have been sappers a prayer that Clement’s reign might be a long and (metallici). Thomas states that to oppose such num- happy one.®°

bers there were hardly 600 knights and 5,000 When L’ Isle-Adam sailed for Crete and Sicily, Rhodians capable of bearing arms. These figures, the Turks set about the repair of the walls they had solemnly presented before both the pope and the _ breached. They introduced, however, no significant

grand master, must be regarded as part of the change into the fortifications, which remain to this knights’ official version of the siege. Of course no day almost as they were when the siege began in Christian knew the size of the Turkish forces; late July, 1522. A half century later the newness probably Suleiman himself did not know, except of certain sections of the walls, especially from the in terms of the vaguest approximation. The knights Tower of S. George to that of S. Mary, gave evihad precise knowledge of their own number (they dence of the Turkish restoration, which is not so paid emoluments, assigned duties, and arranged clear today except that there are fewer armorial ceremonies, requiring such knowledge). Whereas _ plaques of the grand masters on these walls,°* and 5,000 sounds quite likely as the number of Rho- the lines of string-course moulding are broken or

dians, Latin and Greek, who contributed to the out of alignment. The importance and prosperity defense of the city, we are actually not on much of Rhodes departed with the knights. The Greeks firmer ground here, for data are not rendered were forced to reside outside the circuit of the walls. factual merely because they appeal to reason. Every morning they entered the city to work or to Briefly but graphically Thomas described the do business, but every evening they had to leave siege for the pope, fifteen bitter engagements in before sunset. The Turks and the other inhabitants six months, the treachery of Amaral, the ghastly led a sleepy life until in 1912 the Italians seized the pounding by the cannon, the Christian losses, the Dodecanese, including Rhodes; for almost four shortage of munitions, the slaughter of Turks, the hundred years they had been living in the indolent heroism, the hardships, and the final surrender un- enjoyment of Suleiman’s conquests. Churches were der the most honorable terms. He dwelt on the converted into mosques, and ‘‘moucharabies”’ were services which the Hospitallers had rendered Chris- added to fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century tians through the ten generations they had held houses. Some new mosques were built, but little was Rhodes, maintaining on the island the chief eastern done or undone, and Rhodes remains one of the bulwark of the faith against the Turks, a refuge for _best-preserved medieval cities in the world.

the pilgrims and mariners, an ever-present aid to Turkish cemeteries quickly grew up all around the helpless, poor, and sick. The loss of Rhodes was _ the walls, except in the extreme southeast where a calamity to be lamented forever, he said, and la-__ there were Jewish cemeteries, and the Greeks were ment it he did, employing every rhetorical device obliged to form their neochoria some distance from he knew to impress upon the pope that the fall of | the walls. The Italians cleared all these cemeteries

Rhodes was extinguishing the last hope of eastern away; parks have taken their place; and one can Christians and of Christians in the East. But in con- now walk the circuit of the landward walls in an gratulating Clement VII on his accession to the papal hour, from S. Paul’s Gate to S. Catherine’s,

throne, Thomas congratulated all the Christian through pleasant walks shaded by evergreens. world: ““O beatam Medicum familiam, quae tanto Unfortunately in several places the stone revetgloriatur alumno!”’ Attributing quite exaggerated ment has fallen from the walls, terrepleins, and virtues to the Medici and imaginary ones to the counterscarps; the Tower of the Windmills threatindecisive Clement, Thomas now saw the beginning _ ens to go the way of that of Naillac; and the Greek of a new age in Clement’s papacy, laying garlands government seems not to be maintaining properly of the most fulsome flattery at the foot of the ap- the majestic stoneworks put in place by Greek (and ostolic throne, whither the Grand Master L’ IsleAdam had sought refuge from the shipwreck of the —§ ————— Order’s fortunes in the Levant. Thomas requested properties in France (Charriere, Neégociations, 1, 108). L’ Isle-

_ , ghts had guarded the conclave which

confirmation of all the Hospitallers’ rights, statutes, ea ae entered Rome he September, 1525; after Hadrian and privileges, and urged the pope to intercede elected Clement VII. In December, about the time of Guiwith the Christian princes to protect the properties chardus’s oration, Clement established the Order at Viterbo of the Order in their dominions.®2 He closed with (where Guichardus died three years later). Cf Charriére, I,

110, note, and Bembo, Lettere volgari a sommi pontefici ed a car-

a dinali, 1, 19, and X1, 1 ff., in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo,

62 A letter of the Grand Master L’ Isle-Adam to his nephew, _ III (Venice, 1729), 18, 73 ff. the Marshal de Montmorency, dated at Naples on 8 July, 1523, °§ Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, passim. shows ‘“‘some people”’ already had designs on the Hospitallers’ °4 Cf. A. Gabriel, La Cité de Rhodes, 1, 2, note 2, and p. 94.

216 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT captive Turkish) labor five centuries ago. The Two days later, on 5 March (1523), the Sacred Italians restored historic buildings and built hand- College wrote Francis a joint letter much more to

some new ones. The Street of the Knights looks the point, reminding him that the glory of his as though it had been built yesterday, as in fact it ancestors had not been won by assaults upon the was; the filth and refuse the old travelers com- western emperors, the kings of England, or the plained of have all been cleared from the streets. rulers of Spain, but rather by the warfare they had The modern traveler is welcomed into the churches _ waged against the infidels (in the crusades). Beland the mosques; he is free to study and to con- _ grade had been lost. Francis knew well the danger

template the city of the knights and the Turks. that threatened Poland and Hungary, Germany L’ Isle-Adam could easily find his way around in and Italy. At nunc, proh! dolor, dolor, amissa Rhodo.

the walled city of today. . . . Sicily might well fall to the Turks, and then what?

; deat ospualers loss of Rhodes made a CON- Whois there to render aid to Sardinia, Corsica, Marseille, siderable Impression upon Europe. ; c appear- Provence, Apulia, Campania, Latium, Picenum, and other ance of their grand master as a suppliant m Rome Christian territories? Come then, most gentle sire, have was to make no less an impression upon the Curia compassion for the grievous misfortune of such great Romana. Ina lengthy brief of 3 March, 1523, well lands, for whose safety your ancestors often had regard before L’ Isle-Adam’s arrival in Rome, Pope Ha- _ in far less perilous times. May the madness of this tyrant drian VI had warned Francis I against thinking move you, this dread marauder, whose thirst for Christian that the capture of Belgrade and Rhodes would blood is insatiable! And if perchance these considerations slake Sultan Suleiman’s thirst for conquest. Quite 4° NOt Move you, take thought for your own salvation. ; Do you imagine that, when all the others have been de-

the contrary, Suleiman was even then preparing f k fe d neighbor; feated, you will escape the great penalty? You will pay

or allacKs upon Prungary and neignboring Te- the price as will your people... . gions, upon Sicily, and even upon Italy. Hadrian therefore declared a three or four years’ truce in Belgrade and Rhodes, the twin bulwarks of ChrisEurope, in trium saltem vel quattuor annorum in- tendom, had fallen to the Turk. The future would

ducias, to permit preparation of an expedition be grim indeed if the king of France did not rally against the Turks. The pope addressed himself to the cause of his own predecessors. Francis must especially to Francis I, Charles V, and Henry VIII, _ lay aside his animus against Charles V and Henry who could have no cause for fighting one another VIII and accept the truce which the pope had just (he said) so compelling as the cause of God and_ proclaimed.®° Since the Turkish occupation of

all mankind. He called upon them to get their

forces ready for service against the Turks both b , land and b y 65 8 y Charles and indicating that the French were to be their common and an y sea. friend (2bid., I, no. 33, pp. 60-62). In mid-March (1523) envoys from Croatia and Hungary had painted a fearful picture of the

———_—_—_———— Turkish peril before a public consistory, after which a bull was 65 Charriére, Neégociations, 1, 96-102, ‘“‘datum Romae apud read imposing two tithes upon Christendom for defense against

S. Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die III Martti MDXXIII, pon- the Turks (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta consistorialia [1517tificatus nostri anno primo” [Charriére incorrectly calls the 1534], fols. 141°-142", and ef. fols. 143'-144", 145”, 148°, by document a bull]. Hadrian did issue a bull, declaring the trien- | mod. stamped enumeration). nial peace in Europe, on 30 April (1523); for the copy sent to 66 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 103-6, ‘“‘datum Romae, die V Henry VIII, see Thos. Rymer, Foedera. . . , 3rded., 10 vols, © Martii MDXXIII.. . .”’ Without introducing him into the text The Hague, 1739-45, repr. Farnborough, 1967, VI, 212-13, _ so early in this volume a word should be said of the appearance

“datum Romae . . . pridie Kal. Maii, . . . anno primo.” upon the diplomatic scene at this time of the Spanish refugee

Charles V thought it necessary to warn his old teacher Hadrian Antonio Rincén, whose hatred of Charles V had driven him VI of the insincerity and untrustworthiness of the French. On _ into the service of Francis I in 1521. Between September, 1522,

7 March, 1522, for example, he wrote Hadrian from Brussels and January, 1524, Rincén undertook his first two eastern of the filial love he bore his Holiness and the great pleasure missions for Francis. He went to Hungary, Poland, Transylwhich Hadrian’s election had brought him: “‘It seems to me _ vania, and Bohemia, trying to lay the groundwork for an antithat with the papacy in your hand and the empire in mine, Hapsburg bloc in central and eastern Europe. there are many good and great things for us to do together.” Rincon was received cautiously by Sigismund I of Poland Their decisions should always make for the same objectives. and the voivode John Zapolya of Transylvania, but could carry Reminding Hadrian of the influence he had exerted upon his _ back to Francis’s counselors expressions of pro-French symelection as pope (‘‘que a ma contemplacion fut faict lellection _ pathies. On his first mission Rinc6n apparently represented the

de votre sainctité’’), Charles warned him against the wheedling machinations of Charles V and the Archduke Ferdinand of words of the French (Karl Lanz, ed., Correspondenz des Kaisers Austria (le machinacioni et fraudi che li doi fratelli cid é Carrolo e

Karl V., 3 vols., Leipzig, 1844-46, repr. Frankfurt am Main, Fernando tratan et ordinan de far) as being almost as great a 1966, I, no. 32, pp. 58-60). Hadrian answered him on 3 May menace to Hungary as the Turks were. Louis II, however, the from Saragossa, gently disallowing that he owed his election to young king of Hungary, who was tied to Ferdinand by matri-

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 217 Rhodes, which had been almost a French outpost Kasam Beg, “qual ne ha nonciato lo infelice acquisto in the eastern Mediterranean, Francis was finding de Rhodi, come e solito far quel Signor [Turco] in it advisable to pose as a potential crusader, but he _ le victorie sue.’ Kasam brought a letter from Su-

cared little for the fate of the young Louis II of leiman, to whom the doge and Senate sent their Hungary and (what was more important) for that _ felicitations in a letter of the twenty-eighth, proof Louis’s harassed people. The chief objectives fessing to see a boon to seaborne commerce in the of his foreign policy were to acquire Genoa, Milan, — sultan’s possession of Rhodes, for he would sweep

and Naples and to damage Charles V in any way the sea clean of the corsairs who were as great a

he could. nuisance to the Porte as to the Republic. On 11

As for Venice, the chief Latin power in the April the doge and Senate informed Andrea Priuli, Levant, she feared nothing so much as inimical the bailie in Istanbul, of the cordial welcome they involvement with the Turks. Having received con- had accorded Kasam, to whom they had made a firmation of “‘la certeza de la deditione de Rhodi gift of 500 ducats of gold, and to whose retinue of al serenissimo Signor Turco,” the Senate set about fourteen persons they had given 400 ducats’ worth the election of an envoy on 4 March (1523) to go of fine garments.°® As envoy to the Porte, Pietro to Istanbul to congratulate Sultan Suleiman on his Zen was to express the Senate’s satisfaction in the success. The envoy was to receive 150 ducats a_ sultan’s conquest of Rhodes and the adjoining ismonth for his expenses. He was not to be held to _ lands, their hopes for the suppression of piracy, and an accounting of the funds, but was required to _ their desire for compensation for the losses sustained take with him a secretary and a suite of fifteen in recent Turkish incursions into Dalmatia.®° persons. Refusal to accept the post upon election Pietro Zen boarded a galley for Istanbul during would carry a fine of 500 ducats. The Senate the evening of 7 May (1523). During the course of moved rapidly, and on that very day Pietro Zen his voyage eastward he heard more about Turkish was elected the Republic’s special envoy to the depredation in Dalmatia, expected to make his way

Porte.°’ through the Archipelago ‘‘con manifesto pericolo Three weeks later, on 25 March (1523), the di corsari,’’ and learned that the plague was bad

Venetians in their turn received a Turkish envoy, on the island of Zante and in Candia, both Venetian possessions. He arrived at the Bosporus on 24 June,

val ties, feared Rincdn’s activiti han he di and began a series of letters to the Signoria which

monial tes, feared’ Rincon s activities more than he distrusted ~— were sent to Venice along with those of the bailie those of Ferdinand. Both Sigismund and Zapolya were chiefly oy .

interested in securing, if possible, French assistance against the Andrea Priuli. On 23 J uly Zen wrote his government Turks. that there was also a “gran peste”’ in Istanbul; in

Sigismund was distressed to see war in Europe at such a_ fact it had carried off poor Priuli in two days (on

perilous time, “‘. . . per eser in discordia tan potenti principi

in tempo che tanta necesita era de unione contra tan poderoso | ~~ enemico come é il Turco che I’ ano pasato conquisto Belgrado °® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 5'-6" [17'-18"], 13" [25"]. On € questo a conquistata Rodi, principali doi porte de la Chris- | Kasam Beg, l’ orator dil Signor Turco, in Venice, note Sanudo,

tianita!’’ Since the Turks were a counterweight to Hapsburg Diaru, XXXIV, 40-41. He brought with him a letter from power, however, Francis was unlikely to take action against Suleiman, dated at Rhodes on 29 December, 1522 (ibid., cols. them. He blamed the current war on the Hapsburgsand Henry 47-48, and cf cols. 50-51, 54, 91, 100, 115-16). VIII, and Rincon assured Sigismund that it was quite untrue °° Zen’s commission as “‘designato orator nostro al serenis‘‘che la Magesta Christianissima era la causa de questa guerra, | simo Signor Suleyman, grande imperator de Turchi,” is dated che a nisxun acordo volea vignir, e che lui era che i facea vignir 27 April (1523), and is given in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. il Turco,” 1.e., Francis had not urged Sultan Suleiman to attack 14 ff. [28 ff.]. On the recent Turkish raids into Dalmatia, cf. any Christian prince or power—anyhow not yet. See the re- _ the record of the papal consistory of 16 March (1523) in Arch.

markable account of Rincon’s first mission, given in the letter Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 407°-408": to his friend and patron, the French admiral Guillaume Gouffier, ‘‘Nuntius banni Croatie presentavit litteras ipsius banni quibus sire de Bonnivet, dated at Venice on 4 April, 1523, in V.-L. — significabat Sacro Collegio quomodo bascia [pasha] tyranni Bourrilly, ‘La Premiere Ambassade d’ Antonio Rincon en Ori- Turcharum expugnaverat quoddam castrum quo aperta est via ent,’ Revue d’ histoire moderne et contemporaine, I] (Paris, 1900-— _ut facile possit totam Croatiam expugnare nisi de opportuno 1), 23-44; note also Bourrilly, ‘Antonio Rincon et la politique — auxilio quamprimum provideatur, et propterea supplicabat ut orientale de Francois IT (1522-—1541),”’ Revue historique, CXII1_ dignarentur ita providere ne incole et habitatores dictorum lo-

(1913), esp. pp. 66-72, and E. Charriére, Négociations de la corum linquere dulcia arva et querere nova loca ad habitanFrance dans le Levant, 4 vols., Paris, 1848-60, repr. New York, dum, et hec eadem per nuntium suum significaverat regi Un-

1965, I, 147-51. garie et archiduci ac imperatori, et oratores regis Ungarie et

®” Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 1- archiducis etiam viva voce narrarunt in quo discrimine essent 2" [13-14"]. According to Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 19-20, on et regnum Ungarie et tota Christianitas. . . ,”” whereupon the the morning of 5 March (1523) “‘Sier Piero Zen, eleto orator usual appeal was made to the Holy See for aid against the Turks,

al Signor turcho, vene in Collegio et acept6 di andar molto and in fact two tithes were levied upon all the higher clergy in

aliegramente.”’ the papal states, including the cardinals (ibid., fols. 408°-409").

218 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 16 July). He had dined with Zen on Monday. On Two days later, on 27 April (1523), revelation ‘Tuesday he was ill, and on Wednesday he was dead. of the clandestine, pro-French activities of the Actually 16 July, 1523, fell ona Thursday, but no clumsy Cardinal Francesco Soderini landed him in matter—Priuli was as dead as he could be. Zen had the Castel S. Angelo. The whole affair enlarged fulfilled his mission satisfactorily, and now took for- Francis I’s suspicion of the pope into outright hosmal leave of the sultan and the pashas. Suddenly, _ tility. He took the arrest of Soderini almost as a however, he found himself ordered to remain in _ personal affront. Then, too, the French saw Ha-

Istanbul because of Priuli’s death.”° drian’s three years’ truce less as a first step toward

Although Pietro Bragadin had been elected an expedition against the Turks than as an attempt Priuli’s successor as bailie, his arrival at the Porte to tie their hands and prevent their recovery of would inevitably be delayed, ‘‘perche per la stagion Milan, which they had lost in November, 1521. del hynverno. . . é€ difficile a navegar.’”’ For a spe- They looked upon plans for a crusade as the pursuit cial envoy or an ambassador to remain after taking of a chimera. As they observed the truce, Charles

official leave of his hosts was, however, a ‘“‘cossa V would calmly move into Italy in order for the

insolita,’’ and evoked comment and even some sus-__ pope to crown him as emperor.’” On 30 April, as picion among the pashas. Zen was therefore directed was expected, Hadrian promulgated the bull Monet to return to Venice, if it seemed best, leaving his nos veritas, recalling the Turkish conquests of Conson Carlo as vice-bailie until Bragadin could take — stantinople, Belgrade, and Rhodes, Greece, Syria, over his post.’’ Some time did indeed pass before and ‘‘Asia,”’ and imposing a three years’ truce upon

Bragadin left for Istanbul, for his commission is all the kings and states in Christendom. Violators dated 13 February, 1524.7" At long last,on 15 May of the truce would incur the ban of excommuni(1524), as Zen was preparing to leave the Porte for cation, and their lands would fall under the interVenice, he was given a letter from the sultan to the _ dict.” Hadrian’s purpose was to prevent the Turks Signoria expressing satisfaction in his mission and from adding Hungary to their other conquests. in ‘‘la bona et sviscerata pace et amicitia’’ which the The French did not take kindly to the bull Monet

Porte was maintaining with the Republic.”* nos veritas. An agent or correspondent of Federico Venice was not in danger, but Hungary was. Pope Gonzaga, the marquis of Mantua, wrote from Hadrian was more or less the ally of Charles V,and Rome on 12 May (1523) that when Francis I was he did his best for Charles’s brother-in-law Louis informed of Hadrian’s declaration of the triennial II of Hungary. On 25 April, 1523, for example, truce to make possible a crusade against the Turks, Hadrian began an address to a general congregation he replied that the priests were the real Turks to of the cardinals with ‘‘alcune grave parole” on the be feared in Europe (respose non esser altro Turcho need of the Christian commonwealth to take steps che la preti).”’ Six weeks later Giovanni Badoer, the to meet Sultan Suleiman’s “formidabil preparation” Venetian ambassador to the French court, wrote against the kingdom of Hungary. He proposed to the Signoria (on 24 J une) of a conversation he had send out legates and write to the nuncios already recently had with Francis concerning Hadrian's at the courts of the Christian kings and princes, position of the truce upon the Christian princes warning everyone of the latter that if they did not under the threatened ban of excommunication. presently stop bearing arms against one another Francis had indignantly stated that Hadrian had and subscribe to a four years’ (or at least a three

a dress.

years’) truce, they would face the ban of excom- ~~ .

munication. 74 letters received on 29 April, and dated at Rome on the twenty-

sixth (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 17°-18" [29°—30"]). Fautors of Francis I in Rome were said to have praised the pope’s ad-

7° Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 115, 121, 126 (on the date of *° On Soderini, see Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), Zen’s departure from Venice), 231, 277, 359-60 (on hisarrival 125-29, 133, and cf Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 145”, in Istanbul), 384-85, 391, 399, 434, and XX XV, 176-77,178. and J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers . . . of Henry VIII, U1-2 7! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 50°-51" [62°-63"], doc. dated (1867, repr. 1965), nos. 2999-3000, 3002, pp. 1266-67, and 17 November, 1523, and cf, ibid., fols. 74° [86"], 86°-87" nos. 3025, 3093, 3153, and G. A. Bergenroth, Calendar of Let-

[98°-99"]. ters, Despatches, and State Papers. . . Spain, II (London, 1866), 72 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 64"-65" [76'-77"], dated 13. nos. 544-46, 548, pp. 545-47.

February, 1524 (Ven. style 1523), and cf. Sanudo, Diarn, 76 The text of the bull is given in Sanudo, Diari, XXXIV,

XXXVI, 155. 180-84; Rymer, Foedera ... , 3rd ed., VI-1 (The Hague, 73 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 140-41, and cf. Zen’sreportsto 1741, repr. 1967), 212-13 (see above, note 65); Magnum bul-

the Signoria, ibid., cols. 73-74, 142-44. larium romanum, IV-1 (Rome, 1745, repr. Graz, 1965), 7-9; 74 So the Doge Antonio Grimani, at the behest of the Senate, | and may be found elsewhere.

informed the French envoys then in Venice, on the basis of 77 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 193.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 219 no canonical right to declare such a truce. If he other hand many Germans felt that the Hungartried to put it into effect, France would withdraw _ ians were as bad as the Turks, an opinion someher obedience from Rome. Merely because Fran-__ times shared by the Italians.®°

cis insisted upon his own property—the duchy of Francis I was concerning himself with neither Milan—was no reason to talk of excommunicat- the Hungarians nor the Turks. He was preparing

ing him.’® for the war he was going to wage in Italy. His Hadrian pushed on doggedly in his desire to _ belligerence drove the pope into the arms of the achieve some measure of peace among the major imperialists. To meet the French invasion Hadrian powers in Europe and to render the Hungarians entered a league on 3 August (1523) with Charles some assistance, for everyone knew that sooner or V, the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, Henry later Sultan Suleiman would invade the ‘‘apostolic VIII, and Francesco Maria Sforza, duke of Milan. kingdom.” In July (1523) Hadrian sent Cardinal The allies were joined by Florence, Genoa, Siena, Tommaso de Vio and Giovanni Antonio Puglioni, and Lucca. In Venice on 4 August the pro-French

baron of Burgio, to Hungary with such money as doge, Andrea Gritti, reluctantly ratified the could be raised from the Turkish tithe. There had Republic’s newly-arranged pax et foedus with long been close ties between the papacy and Hun-_ Charles V."! gary, and papal policy had consistently looked to In Rome on the following day, 5 August (1523), the Germans to aid their eastern neighbors, onthe public announcement of the league was made in grounds of self-interest if not of Christian charity. the church of S. Maria del Popolo.®? Back in Venice

As usual the Germans talked much and did little ten days later, on the fifteenth, Gritti proclaimed or nothing, however, as at the three Reichstage the peace and confederation: Elaborate ceremonies held in Nuremberg in 1522-1524, where the pa- on the piazza and in the church of S. Marco celepal legate Francesco Chieregati spoke with grave _ brated the Signoria’s new “‘liga et intelligentia”’ with concern at the second Reichstag, urging the Hun- Charles, emperor-elect of the Romans, his brother

garians’ imperative need of armed assistance Ferdinand, and Francesco Sforza, as well as with against the Turks. He achieved nothing, and Car- the most holy and blessed lord Hadrian VI, supreme

dinal Lorenzo Campeggio did no better at the pontiff, and the most serene and puissant lord third assembly (in 1524). There was no love lost Henry, king of England.*° between the Germans and the Hungarians, some The purpose of the allies was, as Sanudo states, of the latter having allegedly asserted on occasion ‘“‘a fine di pace et tranquillita universale et a dethat they would prefer to recognize the sultan as

their ruler rather than put up with the conse- ~—__ — .

quences of Bohemian and German aid.”? On the [2ne@: Res: 6: fol. 436"): Reverendissimus dominus Thomas

[Gaetanus de Vio] tt. Sancti Syxti pbr. cardinalis legatus de

latere iturus [in] Ungariam genuflexit ante crucem, quem Sanc— tissimus Dominus Noster de more benedixit dicens solitas ora-

"8 Ibid., XXXIV, 289: “. . .e che volendo il suo, non merita _ tiones osculatoque pede Sue Sanctitatis recessit profecturus ad

esser excomunichato.” provinciam suam, sociatusque fuit ab omnibus cardinalibus us° Cf. Michail Popescu, Die Stellung des Papstthums und des que ad S. Mariam de Populo.” Hadrian had been trying to raise christlichen Abendlandes gegeniiber der Ttirkengefahr vom Jahre money for Hungary’s defense against the Turks (ibid., fols. 1523 bis zur Schlacht ber Mohacs (1526), diss. Leipzig, Bucharest, 412°, 413, 419, but it was hard going [fols. 426’-427']; of. 1887, pp. 19-23. In the first volume of the remarkable series Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano [1951], pp. 101-2, 106, and of Lettere di principi e titolati, in the Archivio Segreto Vati- Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-2 [repr. 1956], 129-31).

cano, are numerous original letters to the pope signed by °° Cf, Sanudo, Diarti, LII, 169, from a letter of October,

Charles V and his brother Ferdinand, Francis 1, Henry VIII, 1529: “Li Hongari. . . sono cussi cativi come li Turchi.”’ Sigismund of Poland, the young Louis I] of Hungary, Erasmus, *' Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 56 [68], and cf Sanudo, Diarii, Wolsey, Campeggio, Vergerio, Morone, Stephen Broderic,and XXXIV, 353: “. . . il nostro Doxe, qual é tutto francese others. In the Lettere, vol. I, fols. 5-6, are two interesting briefs. . . ,”. and G. A. Bergenroth, Calendar of Letters. . . and State on the Turkish problem, dated at Nuremberg on 4 and 17 Papers. . . Spain, II (1866), esp. nos. 572-82, 587, 591, 594, December, 1523, sent to Clement VII by Ferdinand, who signs pp. 567 ff. himself “‘Humilis et obsequens filius Ferdinandus, princeps 82 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 350, 358. Hispaniarum, archidux Austrie.’”” On the background, note 5° Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 363-66; Brown, Calendar of State Otto Redlich, Der Reichstag von Niirnberg, 1522-23, Leipzig, Papers . . . Venice, III (1869), nos. 734-36, p. 335. On the 1887. The Tuirkengefahr loomed as large at the three Reichstage | Venetians’ gradual abandonment of their alliance with France in Nuremberg as did Lutheranism, on which see Adolf Wrede, to join the pro-imperial league, cf, ibid., nos. 403, 426-29, 438, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V., Wl (Gotha, 460-61, 467 (the treaty of Windsor of 16-19 June, 1522, art. 1901), esp. pp. 73-122, 319-83, et passim, and, ibid., 1V (Gotha, 11), 480 ff., 528 ff., 684-85, 689-90, 697, 708, 712, 714-32,

1905), esp. pp. 429-66, et passim. and J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers . . . of Henry VIII, II-2

After a consistory held on Wednesday, 1 July, 1523, Cardinal (1867, repr. 1965), nos. 2144, 2146, 2185, 2497-98, 2847, de Vio left for Hungary (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscel- 2863, 2865, 2888-89, 3089, 3207, 3211.

220 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT fensione et conservatione de li comuni stati in Ita- of the Holy See, and requested Alfonso d’ Este to lia.”’®* This was a roundabout way of saying that send Ferdinando (Fernando) de Alarcon, the imthe allies intended to keep Francis I out of Italy. _ perial captain in Lombardy, where the French danAlthough disappointed and even distressed to lose _ ger lay, the men-at-arms whom Ferrara was bound the support of Venice, Francis had no intention of by convention to supply to the Church upon the allowing himself to be excluded from the peninsula. pope’s request. Hadrian, as we have noted, had reIn September (1523) the French entered Italy, moved the ecclesiastical censures which Julius II crossing the Ticino on the fourteenth.*” They were and Leo X had imposed upon the Estensi and Ferforced to retreat the following April, but in the fall rara. Alfonso owed Hadrian a good deal, and he of 1524 they descended into Lombardy in full force, | was probably prepared to respond to the papal ex‘‘procedendo lo exercito del re Christianissimo verso _ hortation to send Alarcon cannon, gunpowder, and

il stato de Milano cum quella celerita che cadaun other armaments, which Hadrian promised to reben intende,”’ and the Venetians, now members of — store to Alfonso or to replace when the current the league, marshaled their troops in the Veronese state of emergency had passed.*’ With his dying to meet any possible contingency or at least any breath, almost, Hadrian was trying to meet his ob-

advance into the Veneto.*° ligations as a member of the recently-formed antiFrench league.

Incessant warfare added from year to year tothe , 484 life-long friend of Enkevoirt, Hadrian conmultiple trials of the papacy. Pope Hadrian VI did tinued his appeal to the cardinals to admit the Dutch not have long to endure the burdens of office. Marco datary to the Sacred College. “Finally the cardinals

Foscari, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, re- agreed to do SO, says Sanudo, “and they received ported in a dispatch of 5 September (1523) that him as a cardinal with the usual ceremonies. This Hadrian was gravely ill, so ill in fact that some of Wason 10 September. Enkevoirt was Pope Hadrian’s the cardinals had already begun soliciting votes with only cardinal and now, like the pope himself, he the coming conclave in mind. On the eighth Hadrian lies buried in the German church of S. Maria dell seemed almost to have lost the power of speech, Anima. Four days later, as we have already noted, although he regained strength enough to plead with 0” 14 September, Hadrian died, ““a good pope, the cardinals, for the second time, to consent to his Sanudo inkorims us, ‘and our friend, and he wanted giving the red hat to his datary, Wilhelm van En- P&4C-

kevoirt, his friend of many years. At the same time

Hadrian addressed a brief to Alfonso d’ Este, duke After a mass in S. Peter's, as the Venetian amof Ferrara, lamenting the mutual hatreds of the bassador Marco Foscari wrote his government, Christian princes, the dissensions, the discords, the ‘all the cardinals, thirty-five in number, entered “whirlwinds of war” (bellorum turbines), and the vast _ the consistory to elect the pope.”’ It was 1 October fires of destruction, tam ultra quam citra montes, that (1523). The cardinals gathered in the Sistine Cha-

threatened to spread to the papal states, which it pel, where as usual wooden cells had been prewas part of Hadrian’s pastoral duty to defend: pared for their habitation for as long as it might “Since, however, our strength is not suchat present take them to choose Hadrian’s successor. Giulio that we ourselves can make provision for circum- de’ Medici, the late Leo X’s cousin and his chief stances of such overwhelming danger, we have con- advisor, seemed to informed observers a hkely fident recourse to those whom we recognize as being choice despite the opposition of the powerful Cardevoted to the Church, and we implore their aid.””. dinal Pompeo Colonna. The conclave threatened

Hadrian now looked upon Charles, emperor-elect to be as agitated as the weather was that day. and king of the Spains, as the defender (advocatus) Clashes of thunder rent the atmosphere. Heavy rain beat down upon the gable roof of the Sistina.

84 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIV, 365a. _ 85 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 36’-37' and ff. [48” ff.]; Brown, 87 Cf. Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Carteggio di Calendar of State Papers. . . Venice, III (1869), no. 753, p. 341, _ principi esteri, Roma, Busta 1299/14, nos. 35-36, 38-41, 50

and cf. nos. 794, 824. (see above, note 18), and esp. no. 54, dated 8 September, 1523.

86 Thid., Reg. 50, fol. 94 [106]. The imperial ambassadors in 88 Sanudo, Diarui, XXXIV, 398, 402, 408-10, and note cols. Rome and the other Italian states kept Charles V informed of 430, 438-39; W. van Gulik, C. Eubel, and L. Schmitz-KallenFrench diplomatic and military moves (G. A. Bergenroth, Cal- berg, Hierarchia catholica medi et recentioris aevt, III (Munster, endar of Letters. . . and State Papers. . . Spain, 11 [1866], nos. 1923), 8; Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 152; J. S. Brewer, 574, 586-87, 594, 642, 645, 651, 664-66, 677, 690, 692,693, Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VII, II-2 (1867, repr. 1965), 699-700, docs. dated from late July, 1523, to 1 December, no. 3331, pp. 1386-87, and cf no. 3464; Mercati, Dall’ Archivio

1524). Vaticano. . . (1951), pp. 109-10.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 99] As in the consistory, so in the conclave, the car- had remonstrated at the door of the conclave. The dinals were divided between imperialists and Church was suffering. The cardinals replied that advocates of French interests. Several of the car- they were holding out for a good pope. They said dinals were concerned solely with their own ad- they had decided to elect an Englishman or a Gervantage, but there were others who gave thought man, as had been done last time. The Conservators to the well-being of a papacy and of an Italy in- were aghast (Non lo fate per niente!). They said no dependent of either imperial or French domi- more, and withdrew quietly, leaving the cardinals nance. By late September the Sacred College had _ to their obdurate and baffling indecision.”

received a letter from Francis I, dated at Lyon on Luis de Cordova, duke of Sessa, the imperial 19 August, stating that he had just learned Pope ambassador in Rome, exhorted the conclave to Hadrian was in extremis. He asked the College to reach a decision. He was worried lest the new pope await the arrival in Rome of the three French car- should not adhere to “‘la liga di papa Adriano,” dinals, Louis de Bourbon, Francois Guillaume de but he could get no satisfaction from his comClermont, and Jean de Lorraine. The cardinals in munications with the cardinals. ‘There was an exRome were unwilling to wait for their confreres, traordinarily free exchange between the cardinals but they reserved cells for them in the Sistina in and the outside world. On 25 October a delegacase they should arrive before a pope had been _ tion of Romans went to the conclave to urge the

elected.*° choice of ‘‘an upright man as pope’’ (che vogliano On 5 October (1523) letters reached Rome just far un huomo da ben Papa). Cardinal Alessandro before 3:00 P.M. (a hore 21) that the three French Farnese turned them off with fair words.”* The cardinals had reached Piombino. During the eve- French forces were concentrated at Monza, just ning more letters arrived with the assurance that north of Milan. They were inflicting heavy losses they were actually in Civitavecchia, ‘forty miles on the countryside by pillaging, ‘‘much against the from Rome.” And, indeed, Bourbon, Clermont, wishes of their captains, who are providing for and Lorraine rode into the city the following morn- _ them to the very best of their ability.’’°* Sessa and ing about 9:00 A.M. (a hore 15). Straightway they the imperialists were complaining that the Vene-

made for the upper floor of the Vatican palace, for tians were not rendering appropriate aid to the Sistina and the chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari, Milan,”’ for the area was swarming with French booted and spurred though they were, “‘et intrati troops. Everything was unsettled. A report was

in conclavi con li spironi in piedi subito.”°° Now read in the Venetian Senate that Cardinal there were thirty-eight cardinals in the conclave, de’ Medici, who was assumed to be pro-imperialwith three more votes in opposition to Medici, who _ ist, had been in touch with Francis I, seeking the was regarded as the imperial candidate. The first support of the French cardinals in the conclave. scrutiny was held on 8 October. The tug-of-war Medici was allegedly promising Francis the duchy between the supporters of Charles V and Francis] of Milan, dominion over Genoa, and the obedibetokened a long conclave: “licardinalinon sihanno ence of Florence. Sanudo had already heard the ancora scoperti chi voleno.”” Even the participants © rumor.”°

in the disputed election could not foresee, however, On Wednesday evening, 11 November (1523), that weeks would pass with no candidate for the Bonifazio Ferreri, cardinal bishop of Ivrea, artiara gaining the necessary two-thirds of the votes.°!__ rived in Rome. He had been ill. The following On 19 October, Marco Foscari reported from Rome afternoon, at 4:00 P.M. (a vintitre hore), he went that ‘‘li cardinali in conclave sono piu duri che mai.” Medici had fifteen votes, ‘‘et il resto contrari.”’ The ® Sanudo, Diarii, XXXV, 134-35. On 19 October (1523) populace was uneasy. The Conservators of Rome = Marino da Pozzo, secretary of Cardinal Francesco Pisani, wrote his brother-in-law Francesco Spinelli in Venice that ‘Medici

TT sta pur saldo con le sue voce et voler esser lui Papa,” but that 89° Sanudo, Diarii, XX XV, 35, 55, and note, ibid., cols. 213— _ things were ina bad way, for the cardinals might end up making

15, 223-24, for lists of the cardinals after 10 September, 1523; as big a mistake as they did in the election of Hadrian (ibid., Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I1V-2 (repr. 1956), 162 ff.; and see col. 135, and cf. cols. 167-68, 186-87). J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VII, I11-2 (1867, 9° Sanudo, Diarii, XXXV, 149-50, a letter dated at Rome repr. 1965), no. 3547, p. 1475: ‘‘The cells of the conclave are on 25 October (1523) from Marino da Pozzo to Francesco

of thin wood, a palm distant from each other. . . . Medici Spinelli in Venice. obtained the cell under a picture of Christ giving the keys to 94 Sanudo, Diar, XXXV, 150, a dispatch from Bergamo, St. Peter . . . ,’’ which his supporters regarded as a good dated 27 October, and ¢f,, ibid., cols. 151, 153, 154, 156 ff.,

omen. 171-72, 183-84 ff.

99 Sanudo, Diarti, XXXV, 66-67, 77. 95 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XV, 169.

3! Sanudo, Diarii, XX XV, 88, 90, 118-19. °®6 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XV, 169, and see, ibid., col. 136.

222 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT into the Vatican palace, increasing the number in __ tian king. Clement also informed Sessa that the the conclave to thirty-nine and strengthening by Sacred College had adopted a resolution (constianother vote the anti-Medicean faction. Cardinal tution) that the pope should not embark upon any de’ Medici still had, however, sixteen absolutely warfare without the consent of the consistory. He loyal supporters. His twenty-three opponents were intended to observe that resolution.?? Foscari united only in their hostility to him. Marco Foscari wrote on | December that Clement had told him wrote the Venetian government from Rome that _ that he would try to make peace, and that he had ‘Medici € in fantasia piu che mai di esser lui already sent two nuncios off on just such a mission, Papa.’’’’ Medici was assessing the situation cor- one to Charles V in Spain and the other to Henry rectly. Maneuvering in the conclave and Colonna’s_ VIII in England. He was not sending anyone to

fear that his old enemy Cardinal Franciotto Orsini Francis I, because the French ambassador in might conceivably be elected with French support Rome, Alberto Pio da Carpi (who had once served led him to throw in his lot with his archrival Medici Charles’s grandfather Maximilian), had a “‘larga

during the evening of 17 November. Medici et ampla comission” to act as he thought approagreed to pardon Colonna’s ally Soderini, who had priate. Clement had made clear to Alberto Pio, been brought from the Castel S. Angelo to take however, that he did not want French armies in part in the conclave. Colonna was also to receive Italy, and that he wished to keep the Holy See the vice-chancellorship and the sumptuous palace neutral.!°° Time was to show that neither deof the late Raffaele Riario. The next morning — sideratum was possible. Medici’s election was assured, and on the nine- The first consistory of Clement VII’s reign was teenth official announcement was made of his ele- held on Wednesday, 2 December, 1523, on which vation to S. Peter’s throne as Clement VII.”® occasion the new pontiff expressed his gratitude for Clement was crowned on 26 November molto _ the divine favor which had carried him ad apostolatus

pomposamente and, acccording to Marco Foscari, apicem, and gave his thanks to the cardinals who seemed determined to make peace among the had thus elected him. He needed their help, he said, Christian princes in order to promote an expedi-_ to bear the heavy burdens which had now fallen tion against the Turks. The duke of Sessa had upon him, and spoke of the three great problems been after him to enter the anti-French league, as_ which confronted the Christian commonwealth in Hadrian had done, but Clement told him that their time, the Lutheran revolt, internecine warfare, would thwart his desire to arrange a peace or truce and the Turkish menace. These were public conbetween his imperial Majesty and the most Chris- cerns, and must take precedence over all their private affairs. He thought that two commissions

—_———— (deputationes) of cardinals should be formed, one to . Sanudo, Diart, XXXV, 197-99. seek appropriate remedies for the Lutheran illness

Sanudo, Diarn, XXXV, 206-8, 208-9, 216 ff., 225-26, and the other to find ways to bring about peace from Rome on 18 November at 8:00 P.M. (hore 3 di nocte) that 8 © risuan Princes and to provi oO the Medici had been elected (col. 207). Cf the Acta consistorialia Protection of Europe against the Turks. The

and ¢f., ibid., cols. 234-35. Foscari wrote the Venetian Signoria amone the Christ; . d ‘de f h

(1517-1534), fol. 153°; J. S. Brewer, Letters and Papers. . . of _ governmental practice of referring insoluble probHenry VII, HI1-2 (1867, repr. 1965), no. 3547, pp. 1474-77, lems to committees in the forlorn hope that some and g. nos. 3464, 3514, 3592-94, 3609-10, 3659; see also solution might emerge from their deliberations has Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 168-69, who has by I . oo. collected the relevant sources, and note the small volume of OPVIOUSIY a long ecclesiastical background. Giovannangelo di Meglio, Carlo V e Clemente VII dal carteggio A week later, on 9 December (1523), Clement

apnaee, rane PP ompeo Corona Francesco Soderini, ied atMian, Naples oncaren 28PJune, 1532,appointed and theCardinals beautiful palace o ;Pietro “es the Cancelleria (which Raffaele Riario had built) passed, along de’ Accolti, and Marco Corner as a commission

(Sanudo, Diaru, LVI, 512). —— On 21 November (1523) the Venetian Senate authorized the °° Sanudo, Diarit, XX XV, 241-42. Clement’s coronation was with the office of vicechancellor, to Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici

text of a letter to be sent in the Doge Andrea Gritti’s name to a grand affair; the keynote was peace (ibid., cols. 243-44). congratulate Clement upon his accession, “‘et id quidem multis 100 Sanudo, Diarti, XX XV, 255-56. rationibus quibus semper illustri Medices familiae indissolubili ‘©! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii (from the Aramoris ac fere necessitudinis nexu mutuo et libentissime de- chivum Consistoriale), Reg. 3, ““Liber rerum consistorialium vincti sumus’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 51°—52" [63°-64"]). | reverendissimi Vicecancellarii tempore Clementis VII pontificis Five days later (on 26 November) the Senate proceeded to the | maximi expeditarum,”’ fol. 13" by mod. stamped enumeration. election of eight nobles, VIII delli primaru di questa nostra cita, This register covers Clement’s reign from his election until 25

to go to Rome on the usual embassy of obedience (ibid., fols. | October, 1531. Other records of the consistory of 2 December 52°—-53" [64°-65"]). Cf Sanudo, Diaru, XX XV, 216-17, 232— (1523) may be found in the Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), 34, who gives a (slightly different) text of the doge’s letter of | fol. 153°, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7 (from the Archivum

21 November, but does not know the date. Consistoriale), fol. 2°.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 223 contra Luteranos, and Cardinals Alessandro Farnese, each other was making Italy the battlefield of EuLorenzo Campeggio, and Innocenzo Cibo in causa rope. Charles insisted that Milan was an imperial pacts, 102 with the concomitant responsibility for fief, and he claimed the duchy of Burgundy, which defense against the Turks. On the eighteenth Phi- his great-grandfather Charles the Bold had ruled. lippe de I’ Isle-Adam, the grand master of Rhodes, Francis claimed Spanish Navarre as well as the made his obeisance to the new pope, and Thomas kingdom of Naples. Clement was caught between

Guichardus gave his “‘eloquent”’ discourse (with them. Sooner or later, like Leo X and Hadrian, which we are already acquainted) before the pope he would presumably have to choose one side or and the consistory when the day’s work had been _ the other. Italy had become an armed camp. Fos-

done.'°° cari reported from Rome on 1 March (1524) that,

In letters of 11-13 February (1524) the Venetian although Clement was trying to get the imperialambassador Marco Foscari wrote his government ists to disband their forces, he was ‘‘tutto impethat Pope Clement was deeply troubled both by riale,”” and was merely giving the French fair Sultan Suleiman’s designs upon Hungary (?/ Turco words as he dealt with them. The French envoys feva zente per ? impresa di Hongaria) and by the re- in Rome, however, were said to be offering him

higious revolt in Germany (?/ Papa ha gran Parma, Piacenza, and Cremona to win him over paura di Martin Luter).'"* On 12 February envoys _ to Francis’s side.'°° Clement’s chief advisors pulled from Louis II of Hungary were admitted into the at him from opposite sides. Giovan Matteo Giberti, consistory to make their appeal for help directly to _ the new datary, a Genoese, was pro-French; Nicholas

the pope, who received them in kindly fashion. Schonberg (Schomberg), the archbishop of Capua, When the envoys had withdrawn, Clement dis- was pro-imperialist. Clement wavered between their coursed upon the Turkish peril. Since money was __ conflicting counsels.'°’ There were two things that the ‘‘sinews of war,’’he asked the cardinals (just as Clement did know he wanted, however, and they Hadrian had done) to try to help him find it. They were to make peace between Charles and Francis, agreed that the commission of cardinals appointed _ if it was conceivably possible, and then “‘per poter by Hadrian to look to the question of money should far una liga universal contra Turchi di principi work with his Holiness in the quest for funds, and — Christiani.’’!"" they all agreed to accept any levy that might be laid Clement could hardly put the plight of Hungary

upon them.!°° out of his mind for as long as a day, although in To the dangers which the Turk and the Lu- 1524 the situation was not yet perhaps quite as theran presented to the Holy See another had to bad as he imagined it. The Turks were having

be added, and one closer to home, for the enmity troubles of their own. In another letter of 1 March which Charles V and Francis I entertained for Foscari wrote from Rome, per le cosse di Turchi,

—. - | 14" and cf fol. 16%: Act that Clement wished to have a survey made of

_ Acta Vicecancellarn, Reg. 3, fol. 14", and ¢ fol. 19"; Acta households in the papal states, because he planned consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 154°, and cf. fol. 155°. ; . 18 Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 3, fol. 19%, by mod. stamped © levy a hearth-tax to assist Louis II and his peo-

enumeration: ‘Fr. Philippus de Villerslileadam, magnus ma- Ple. Those who lived in Rome and elsewhere in gister Rhodi, prestitit obedientiam longa oratione habita per the lands of the Church were doubtless going to Fratrem Thomam Guichardum, Rhodium virum, eloquentis-

15. 106 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVI, 27. '°4 Sanudo, Diaru, XXXV, 435. '0? Schénberg was a good friend of Baldassare Castiglione.

simum predicti magni magistri oratorem.”’ See above, pp. 214— =. ~~

°° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 3, fol. He was a Dominican. (Paul III was to make him a cardinal in 26", by mod. stamped enumeration: “‘Rome die Veneris XII May, 1535.) When in March, 1524, Clement sent him on a Februarii MDXXIIII fuit consistorium et expedita fuerunt in- — mission to France and Spain to try to make peace between frascripta: Lecte fuerunt littere regis Ungarie . . . quibus sig- | Francis and Charles, Giberti was in a better position to influence nificabatur maximus Turcarum apparatus terra marique contra Clement (Sanudo, Diaru, XXXVI, 42-43, 62, 68, 72,91, 111,

Ungariam, petens a sanctissimo domino nostro auxilium, 116, 179, 201, 212-13, 346, 367, 368, 390, et alibi, and see oratoribusque prefati regis in sacro consistorio intromissis sanc- _in general G. A. Bergenroth, Calendar of Letters. . . and State tissimus dominus noster respondit perbenigne. Post oratorum — Papers, II [1866], no. 626, pp. 610-11, and note nos. 644, 658-

discessum sanctissimus dominus noster proposuit pericula reg- 59). Schonberg returned to Rome in June, but later left on norum Ungarie petiitque a dominis reverendissimis remedia another mission. On Giberti’s career (he was born in Palermo quibus imminentibus Turcarum periculis occurrere possit et on 20 September, 1495, the natural son of a rich and advenquoniam nervus belli est pecunia, hortatus est reverendissimos — turous Genoese merchant), and on the part he played in the dominos ut excogitarent quibus mediis pecunia inveniri possit. _—_ affairs of Italy during the early years of Clement’s reign, see

Fuit conclusum quod Sanctitas sua una cum dominis reve- Tullio Pandolfi, ‘“Giovan Matteo Giberti e |’ ultima difesa della rendissimis ad id deputatis per felicis recordationis Adrianum __liberta d’ Italia negli anni 1521-1525,” Archivio della R. Societa

excogitarent remedia et quod omnes domini erant parati parere romana di storia patria, XXXIV (1911), 130-237, esp. pp. mandatis sue Sanctitatis et subire omnem impositionem fiendam 171 ff.

per Sanctitatem suam.” '°8 Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXXVI, 346.

224 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT object to such a tax. Clement, however, intended him and shown him a letter which Charles de Lanto send aid to the Hungarians to the extent of noy, the viceroy of Naples, had just sent from Asti some tens of thousands of ducats. Clement also in Piedmont. French forces were gathering for the had to help the Hospitallers find a home. Sanudo_ descent into Italy. According to Lannoy’s letter noted in his Diarz (on 5 March) that the pope had__ Francis was coming himself with 20,000 foot and granted L’ Isle-Adam pro nunc Civitavecchia and 1,200 lancers, which figures included 6,000 Swiss.'"' Viterbo as habitations for the Knights, but this was The response of the Collegio was a letter to Venier, obviously a temporary expedient.'°? The Hospi- directing him to encourage Francesco Sforza to see

tallers had long since taken to the sea. They had that the castles of Milan and Cremona were well preyed on Moslem commerce in the Mediterra- stocked with food and munitions. The Signoria nean, and in the opinion of the Curia Romana had would mobilize the Republic’s troops and seek the rendered inestimable service to the cause of Chris- opportunity to join forces with the imperial army.

tendom. Word was sent forthwith to Marco Foscari in Rome All the news now coming from Turkey was not to inform the pope, ‘‘perche di novo vien guerra

bad, despite the threat to Hungary and the Turkish — in Italia.’’"’?

incursions into Dalmatia. Ahmed Pasha, the con- Clement had not believed that Francis would queror of Sabac and the victor at Rhodes, had re- come into Italy, as Foscari wrote the Signoria, “‘per volted as governor of Egypt in a vainglorious esser exausto di danari,”’ but presently Venier was attempt to re-establish the independence of the writing from Pizzighettone, where Francesco Mamluk state. Although he failed, and according Sforza had taken refuge from the plague at Milan, to the Turkish custom his head was sent to Sultan that he was indeed coming. Francis was expected Suleiman, Ahmed’s revolt was a distraction from a__ to reach Susa, on the road to Turin, by Saturday great campaign against Hungary. Sanudo followed (15 October); now his forces were reckoned at

the news from the Bosporus with his usual unflag- 30,000 foot and 2,400 lancers, and subsequent

ging attention to detail.''° dispatches would make them even higher. They

Having defeated an ill-advised imperialist attempt were said to be advancing in three divisions, the to take Marseille in the early fall of 1524, Francis first under Francis; the second under Thomas de I once more embarked in person on an impresa di Foix, lord of Lescun, and John Stuart, duke of Milano. On the evening of 13 October the Venetian Albany; and the third under Jacques de ChaCollegio assembled in the ducal palace to take coun-__ bannes, lord of La Palice (Palisse).''* It was a ver-

sel on the last post from Pizzighettone (between itable invasion. Sanudo’s pages become crowded Lodi and Cremona), with letters from Marc’ An- with reports and rumors of the French approach. tonio Venier, the Republic’s envoy to the duke of On the morning of the fifteenth Ambrogio da Milan. Duke Francesco Maria Sforza had summoned Firenze, a Milanese who served as the envoy of France in Venice, appeared before the Collegio. He declared that the most Christian king was com'09 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVI, 19. As for Hungary, everyone ng Into Italy fo clam his quehy of Milan. His at the Curia Romana was painfully aware of the fact ‘‘che saria Majesty wis ce the Venetians we a et Sara plu mal de la Christianita quando quel regno fussa perso” (ibid., | aMICO che mai’’—he would be their friend more col. 91), although Louis II was said to be negotiating an accord than ever. The imperial and Milanese ‘‘orators’’

with the Signor Turco (cols. 150, 186). followed him, requesting the Signoria to order ° Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVI, 37, 64, 91, 99-102, 105, 17- sare for eterunter with the 21 (on Latin festivities in Istanbul), 136, 154, 159-60 ff., 212- Wlelr troops fo prepare To crow

14, 215-16, 275 ff., 277 (the head of Ahmed Pasha reached _ French, as Venice was obliged to do by the articles

Istanbul on 27 March, 1524), 338-39, 344, 354, 366, 487, of the league of August, 1523, which had guar496, and XXXVII, 27-28, 49-50, 80, 92, 95, 278-79, and¢, anteed the ‘“‘conservation dil stado de Milan.”’ the brief notice by Halil Inalcik, “Ahmad Pasha Kha’in,”’ in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1 (1960), 293. Obviously without knowledge of Ahmed’s fate, on 17 April (1524) Clement VII addressd

a brief to him, after having been informed that Ahmed had = =——— taken the title soldan of Egypt (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XL, ‘ll Sanudo, Diarti, XX XVII, 45, and on the background of tom. 8 [Clem. VII Brevia], no. 169, fol. 89): ‘‘Magnam letitiam events, cf XXXVI, 620-21, esp. cols. 626-32, and XXXVII, accepimus postquam intelleximus te regnum Aegypti et eius 14, 28, 31-34, 41, 44. As late as 19-20 September (1524), regni circunstantias ac sulthani nomen ad tuam potestatem et when Nicholas Schénberg on his second mission to try to make imperium transtulisse. . . ,” etc. Later on, Clement was also peace between Charles and Francis found the latter at Avignon, in correspondence with the ‘“‘Iannizerorum et militiae Rho- he still hoped that an accommodation could be made between diensis prefectus seu aga” (Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 120’—-122", the two contestants (ibzd., cols. 10, 39, 41, 44).

letter dated 15 November, 1526), who had apparently written '!2 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 45-46.

the pope first, on 14 July, 1526. '13 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 48, and cf. cols. 58, 59-60, 63.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 225 They were informed that the Signoria intended The chief imperial commanders in Italy were to do so, and was awaiting from hour to hour the Charles, duke of Bourbon, count of Montpensier, arrival of Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke of and constable of France, now the archenemy of Urbino and captain-general of the Venetian land _ his king (who had confiscated Bourbon’s vast do-

forces.!!4 mains in France); Charles de Lannoy, the viceroy The Sforza duke had not needed the Venetians’ of Naples; and Fernando de Avalos, marquis of

advice to stock his castles with provisions. He was __ Pescara (and, incidentally, the husband of Vittoria

already trying to do so. Supplies were being con- Colonna). They had no intention of making veyed into Milan, Pavia, Alessandria, Cremona, and peace.'*! The English ambassador Richard Pace Lodi. Pizzighettone was also being fortified, “perché made this clear to his friend Antonio Surian, the é loco forte.’’!!® The advance of the French upon Venetian podesta of Brescia. Milan was steady and determined.'’®° Letters from Pace was staying with Surian in Brescia. At dawn the Venetian rectors in Brescia, dated 23 October on 23 November (1524) he rode the few miles to (1524), arrived in Venice at 2:00 A.M. (hore 8 di Lograto, just southwest of Brescia, to dine with the notte) on the twenty-fourth, with the news that the duke of Bourbon, who wanted him to make clear

French had just entered Milan. On the twenty- to Henry VIII the strength of the imperialist pofourth, at 1:00 P.M. (hore 19), the rectors wrote — sition in Lombardy. Within a week or so, according again, having been informed within the hour that to Bourbon, the imperialists (/: signori cesare1) were “yesterday evening Milan had surrendered to the _ setting out to relieve the French siege of Pavia with

king of France.’’''’ Francis seemed to have over- from 20,000 to 22,000 foot, 1,200 lancers, and whelmed the imperialist opposition. Marco Foscari 1,500 light horse. They were also planning a raid wrote from Rome on the twenty-seventh that ‘“‘the into the Milanese and a diversionary attack upon pope [had] learned of the advance of the most Languedoc. They knew that the French had in mind Christian king into Milan,” and that Clement wanted an expedition against Naples. Whether the French to send Giberti, the datary, to Francis to try “to undertook sucha venture or not, the viceroy Lannoy

negotiate peace with his imperial Majesty.’’''® would not go south to fend off attacks upon the Three days later, on 30 October (1524), Foscari southern kingdom. He would stick to his resolution wrote that the rumor was circulating through Rome _ to recover Milan, for when he did so, any French that both Clement and the Venetian Signoria had ‘“‘impresa de Napoli’ could only end in failure. On reached an accord with the king of France.'’? The the other hand, if Lannoy did not succeed in re-

rumor was not true, but it was the shape of things taking Milan, he realized that the imperial hold to come. On that very day, the thirtieth, as Foscari upon Naples would be threatened. Yes, Bourbon wrote home a day or two later, Clement had sent _ had heard the persistent rumor that the pope was Giberti to Francis, ‘“‘con commission di trattar le joining France (la fama eé generale), but the impetrieve,”’ to try to arrange a truce. At the same time _rialists did not believe it. He was, however, quite Cardinal Giovanni Salviati also left Rome for his aware that John Stuart, the duke of Albany, had legation in Parma and Piacenza to advance the cause _ crossed the Po on his way south with all the forces

of peace from the sidelines if he could.'*° Francis under his command. He also knew that Giovanni did not want to accept either a truce or a peace. de’ Medici “delle Bande Nere’”’ was going south Why should he? He thought he was winning, and with Albany. Giovanni had become all French ( facto

apparently the pope thought so too. francese), but the imperialists were convinced that this was not because of the pope. Cardinal Salviati had written Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan and 114 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVI, 50, and on the Venetian land the imperialists, assuring them that the French

87-88. OO

forces, of., ibid., col. 55. The Venetians were preparedtodefend crossing of the Po ‘‘non procedeva da mal animo

the Ticino (col. 62). dil Papa,” and so they believed that the pope was Sanudo, Diarit, XXXVI, 61. till neutral, !22 116 Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVI, 66-75, 80-82, 83-85, ° '!7 Sanudo, Diari, XX XVII, 91, and cf. cols. 99, 101-2, 103, '*! Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 289, 294. Fernando de Ava105, 107, 108, 109, 112-13, 115. The French entered Milan los appears as Ferdinando (or Ferrante) d’ Avalos in the Italian on 22 October, according to Teodoro Trivulzio, who was then sources.

in Francis’s employ (zbid., col. 112). 122 Sanudo, Diarit, XX XVII, 247-48, and of. cols. 254, 257118 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 110. 58, 260-61, 266, et alibi; Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . Venice, "'9 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVII, 127: “. . .e per Roma si dice III (1869), no. 897, pp. 391-92. On the duke of Albany’s “‘im-

il Papa e la Signoria nostra é d’ accordo col re di Franza_ presa,’’ see Sanudo, XXXVII, 237-38, 249-50, 257, 259,

..., and cf cols. 132, 156, 196, 203, 250, 273. 261-62, 335, 342. After the battle of Pavia, it came to nothing

'20 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVII, 147. (ibid., XX XVIII, 66, 67, 82, 99, 104, 107, 109, 151, 155, 205).

226 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT If the pope was still neutral, it was not for long. already feared Charles more than he did Francis. When Clement’s efforts to arrange a truce between Months before the triple alliance of 12 December Francis I and Charles V failed, and he was being _ the imperial ambassador Sessa had written Charles,

make a choice, he turned ; , ,

pressed my pot ses - h ‘7 4 ed Mil The Pope still has confidence in the King of France, and

to Francis. “After ail, the French Nad occupied Millan, is afraid to conclude the alliance [with the Emperor and they might well take Pavia, and Albany was appar- the King of England], because he thinks he would be ently embarking upon the reconquest of Naples for obliged to spend money in consequence of it. To lose

the French crown. Clement made a treaty with money is what the Pope most fears in the world. He Francis against Charles on 12 December (1524). would resent the loss of money more deeply than the Alberto Pio da Carpi, onetime imperial envoy to _ loss of his states.'*°

l rancis’s behalf. The treat ; ;

the Holy See, acted on Francis’s behalf. Y Without taking Sessa too seriously, we may well was worked orout in Rome. The Venetians, repre- suspect that Clement feared an alliance with. the sented.;by Marco Foscari, joined the pope and his. _ ; Le imperialists, who were scouring Italy for money, most Christian Majesty intoo this “‘vera pax, syncera ; es would prove costly. As for Henry VIII, jealous concordia, et perpetua amicitia.”” The Doge Andrea ¢ a ; ; Loe signed of Francis’s soldierly reputation and resentful Gritti the 193 pact manuaugust proprna inand thewidespread ducal ;dominions, ae ; - of . Charles’s position palace on 10; January, 1525.'*" The participants, /, e was a source of some perplexity at the Curia

were to keep the proceedings secret, although p. . omana. When Nicholas Schonberg, thethey archbishop solemnly agreed that their was to put ; (unsuccessful) a: 194purpose Of Capua, was setting out onan his .first end to;the wars and to see peace prevail in Italy. ; i 1524), . peace-making mission for Clement (in March, Peace was in .;fact the cautioned, desire and“Whilst objective both hwhich oe , . the e was theofobjects

Clement and the Venetians. They had had 5,in;view _ are mperor and the Kingenough of France have of the Spaniards and the German Landsknechte for lainly | -of . ; England . ; ; plainly intelligible, the aim of the King a while, and Francis had been making friendly =. he ; ; is; . oo is as incomprehensible as the causes byapwhich

; ; moved are futile.

proaches to them for some time. Andrea Gritti was “1 99126

in favor of were the French alliance.trio Giberti as well as Th ; ; ; ey a difficult to deal with—Charles, Alberto Pio da Carpi had urged it upon the pope. F . dH dcl feel; h It 1 ible, too, that Clement, whose indeci- Panels, any cyan ement was feeling le _ ot IS possi d - h hj k led £ bl heavy weight of his exalted office. He made this

sion increased with his knowledge of a problem, clear in a piteous letter which he wrote to Francesco Sforza, the ousted duke of Milan, on 7 De123 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 112° [124°]. The Senate was cember (1524), only a few days before the finishfar from unanimous, the vote for approval being de parte 91, INS touches were added to the triple alliance. If de non 69, non synceri 11. On the futile efforts of Clement, now Sforza thought that his troubles were not of the the ally of France, to bring about “‘la pace general per il pericolo deepest concern to Clement, he was wrong:

de’ Turchi,”’ cf., ibid., fols. 108°-109" [120°-121"], doc. dated

17 December, 1524, and fol. 110 [122], dated 3 January, 1525 But as happens to those put in great danger and appre(Ven. style 1524), et alibi. Marco Foscari had informed his gov- __hension that sometimes they cannot set all things aright

ernment in a letter of 5 January ‘‘che la Beatitudine del Pon- at the same time, so must we be excused if we cannot tehice na conclusa Citta pace all “ re Christians, reset- take pains with all problems when we behold the ferocity vando loco honorificentissimo alla Cesarea Maesta ['], serenis- aq long duration of these wars, almost all the Christian

simo re de Ingelterra, serenissimo Ferdinando, Segnoria . . . . or by the . nations devastated either bynostra internal conflicts

[and of course Clement and Alberto Pio knew that Venice ; - }

would confirm the pact], et alli altri principi Christiani. . .” bitterest contests, and the might and military machinery (ibid., fol. 111° [123%]). It was the usual pious gesture of diplo- of the Turks daily trying to encompass our destruction,

macy. There was small chance of Charles V’s entering an al- and when we hearken to the complaints of humankind, liance which was in fact formed against him. Cf. Predelli, Regesti. the groans of all peoples, and the fortunes of Christendom dei Commemoriali, V1, bk. XXI, no. 3, p. 181; Bergenroth, Cal- being dashed to the ground and destroyed.!?’ endar of Letters. . . and State Papers. . . Spain, II (1866), no. 702, p. 684; and Di Meglio, Carlo V e Clemente VII (1970), pp.

62 ff. By this time Lannoy was also ready for peace, but on ©

terms that Francis would not accept (cf, ibid., no. 705, pp. '2° Bergenroth, Calendar of Letters . . . and State Papers

686-87). . . . Spain, II (1866), no. 540, p. 537, Sessa to Charles V, letter

124 Cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 108” [120°], a letter of the — dated 11 April, 1523. doge and Senate to Foscari, dated 17 December, 1524 (referred !26 Bergenroth, op. cit., no. 626, p. 610, doc. dated 11 March,

to in the preceding note): ‘. . . Cognoscemo che la Santita 1524. del Pontifice ha havuto et ha lo istesso obietto habbiamo nui 127 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 9 [Brevia Cledi metter fine alle guerre, et che ne segua pace in Italia, come —_mentis VII ad principes per Sadoletum exarata], fol. 59", by mod.

speramo seguira dalla ditta conclusione, la quale . . . faremo —_ stamped enumeration, ‘‘datum Romae die VII Decembris,

tenir secretissima.. . .”’ MDXXIIII, anno secundo:” ‘‘Quod si tua nobilitas aliquo modo

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 227 It seemed likely that the conflict between Charles launch an attack upon northern France through and Francis would indeed dash the fortunes of Flanders, which would force the French to abanChristendom to the ground. Clement regarded don their efforts to hold Milan and conquer the the glory-seeking king of France as a dangerous rest of the duchy. Owing to Henry VIII's enally. He tried to prevail upon Francis to avoid a couragement the imperialists had become “piu indecisive encounter with the imperialists, who had durati che mai.’’ The French might indeed have so little money they were finding it hard to keep to leave Lombardy to meet a serious threat to their their troops from disbanding. On the battlefield own country, “nel qual caso sua Santita cum la one exposed himself to the ‘‘pericolo de fortuna,” sapientia soa po cognoscer in qual pericolosi terwhich Clement had no desire to do, for in his mini si ritroveria et lei et nui... .”"!*9 eventful career he had already witnessed more The apprehensions of the Senate were justified. than enough of the risks and uncertainties of war. If France abandoned them, the Holy See and Venice And the Venetians were always there to remind might well find themselves in “‘pericolosi termini.”

him that the impetuosity of the French could im- There had been rumors afloat since November, peril the Holy See and indeed all Italy.'?® 1524, that Clement was in alliance with France, a Vain as the effort might appear to be, one must, month before the actual agreement of 12 December, then, try to find a diplomatic solution to Francis’s although (as we have seen) the imperialists refused claims to the Milanese duchy, for with the coming to believe it.!°° The Venetians had been well advised of spring the English and the imperialists might to conceal as well and as long as they could their entry into the Franco-Clementine union against

—_______ Charles V. The extent of their success is indicated persuasum habeat te et res tuas nobis non esse cordi quas, deum by the fact that to the very week of the decisive testamur, in animo nostro habemus carissimas nostramque erga battle of Pavia the imperial commanders Lannoy, te perpetuam benivolentiam omni ex parte conservamus. Sed ut accidit in magno periculo et metu positis, ut aliquando simul non omnia expediri possint, ita nos cum horum bellorum atro-

citatem diuturnitatemque, cum nationes Christianas cunctas '*9 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 117 [129], a letter of the doge fere aut seditionibus inter se aut acerbissimis bellis devastatas, and Senate to Foscari, dated 16 February, 1525, summarized cum Turcarum vim et apparatum exitium quotidie nobis et in Brown, Calendar of State Papers. . . Venice, I11 (1869), no. rebus nostris machinantem aspicimus, cum audimus querelas 935. pp. 405-6, and ¢f,, ibid., no. 937, pp. 406-7. Although populorum, gemitus omnium gentium, res Christianitatis pro- | Clernent for obvious reasons did not want Charles dominant fligatas et perditas, si non omnem rebus omnibus curam ad- _ both in Milan and in Naples, he was not much happier with the hibere possumus, sumus profecto excusandi. . . ..’ Clement thought of Francis’s occupation of Milan, ‘‘né si pensi che VII constantly emphasized that his chief political purpose was Franza habbi il stato di Milan” (Foscari to the Signoria, letter pax inter principes Christianos (note his letters to Charles V and dated 1 February, 1524, in Sanudo, Diaru, XXXV, 394). the doge of Venice, both dated 5 January, 1525, in, ibid., fols. ° Cf. Sanudo, Diariit, XXXVI, 203, 219, 223, 225, 227-

77, 82, et alibi). 28, 229, 231, 237, 238, 242-43, 250, et alibi: ‘‘Che circa li '"* Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 113° [124°], a letter of the — avisi dil Pontefice et che sia unito con Franza la fama é generale,

doge and Senate to Foscari, dated 28 January, 1525 ‘*. . .In mache loro cesarei non la credeno”’ (ibid., col. 248, and cf. Cal. primis ne € sta gratissimo intender che la Beatitudine soa habbia = State Papers. . . Venice, III [1869], no. 897, p. 392, cited above).

previsto che, devenendo il Christianissimo Re [Francis] alla | As Giovanni Corsi, the Florentine ambassador to the imperial giornata cum li Cesarei, si poneria a pericolo de fortuna non court, informed Gasparo Contarini, ‘“The Pope in the end must solum li communi stati, ma tutta Italia et insieme la Christianita of necessity remain at enmity with the Imperialists, for they in perpetua guerra, et per dissuader sua Maesta Christianissima _ will either conquer in Italy or be conquered. If victorious, they da tal opinione, grandemente laudamo, che non solum li habbi — will hold him of no account, considering that they gained the fatto scriver per lo illustrissimo signor Alberto [Pio] da Carpi day without his assistance” (from a letter of Contarini to the [now the French envoy to the Curia Romana], ma etiam operato Council of Ten, dated at Madrid on 6 December, 1524, sumche li mandi D. Sigismondo [Sanzio] suo secretario a fine de = marized in Cal. State Papers. . . Venice, II, no. 903, p. 396).

remover sua Christianissima Maesta da tal periculosissima On Charles V’s alleged attitude toward ‘“‘that poltroon the

deliberatione. . . .”’ Pope,” see ibid., III, no. 920, pp. 401-2, Contarini to the Council Although seeking peace, Clement was interested in recruit- of Ten, letter dated at Madrid on 6 February, 1525 (Ven. style ing a force of 10,000 Swiss, for which he wanted Venice to 1524); Dittrich, Regesten und Bnefe des Cardinals Gaspare Contarim

contribute one third of the costs, while he and the Florentines (1881), no. 50, p. 21. The text comes from Contarini’s lettermet the other two thirds (Reg. 50, fols. 114’-115"[126°-127']). book in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, Venice, MS. It. VII, He agreed to allow the Venetians’ entry into the alliance with 1009 (7447), fol. 410': ‘‘Me ha dicto heri lo ambassator fiothe Holy See and France to remain secret for awhile, ‘“‘per il | rentino come ha inteso per bona via la Maesta. . . haver usato periculo de’ Turchi, . . . havendo maxime li advisi da Con- queste parole, zoé che ragionando cum certi sui gentilhomeni

stantinopoli, Zante, et Corphu de quella importantia che per a le presente occorentie disse, ‘Io expecto male nove et da li inclusi exempli vederete. . .”’ (from the letter of 28 January Milano et da Napoli, ma non ne facio un conto al mondo. Io addressed to Foscari, cited above). Suleiman, however, was pre- ander in Italia et piu honesto modo haver6o di aquistar el mio sumably less interested in Venice’s adhesion to the alliance than — et vendicarmi di coloro li quali mi haverano offeso, maxime di

Charles V was going to be. quel villaco del papa... .”

228 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pescara, and Bourbon apparently expected the —scending intoa morass. As one Raffaele de’ Graziani,

Venetians to join them against the French. The a secretary in the forces of Francesco Maria della ambassadors of Charles V, Henry VIII, and Fran- Rovere, duke of Urbino and captain-general of the cesco Sforza were still badgering the Signoria as_ Venetians, had just written to a friend on the lagoon, late as 16 February to help achieve “‘la immediata_ ‘“‘I am looking upon the final ruin of this poor Italy liberation del stato de Milano.’’'’! Italy was de- of ours, which has been assailed by three kinds of barbarians, Spanish, German, and French. In the

———_——— end they’l!l all calm down, with Italy becoming a "5! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 117’~118" [129"-130"], letter shambles in the meantime.’ !22

of the doge and Senate to Foscari, dated 16 February (1525), cited above: “‘. . . Ulterius heri matina li oratori Cesareo, de = =—————————

Ingelterra, et Mediolanensi venero a nui, et primum il Cesareo — terra afhrmando che in noi consisteva la immediata liberation ne fece grandissima instantia per la unione delle gente nostre, del stato de Milano!. . .” adducendo le consuete ragione cum quella maggior efficatia |i 132 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXVII, 313, letter to Tommaso Tiefu possibile, et medesimamente ne insto ditto orator de Ingel- polo, dated at Brescia on 8 December, 1524.

7. PAVIA AND THE LEAGUE OF COGNAC, MOHACS AND THE TURKS IN HUNGARY, BOURBON’S MARCH ON ROME (1525-1527) ATIER AN ill-advised four months’ siege of ished, the pope in despair. On the twenty-seventh, Pavia, prolonged through the dead of winter the Doge Andrea Gritti and the Senate wrote in 1524-1525, Francis I was defeated by the im- Charles V, who was then in Madrid, that it was perial commanders in a daring pre-dawn attack not possible to express their joy in the victory upon the French camp in the park of Mirabello, which God had given him on the banks of the just north of Pavia. The battle was fought under Ticino.” Pavia did seem like a gift from heaven; an almost-full moon on 24 February (1525). A the battle had taken place on Charles’s twenty-fifth score of issues seemed to be resolved, a hundred _ birthday, the feast of S. Matthew the Apostle. The questions answered, for Francis was himself cap- imperial, English, and Milanese ambassadors and tured on the field.’ The Venetians were aston- the pro-Hapsburg colony in Venice rejoiced in the news, while the Doge Gritti was hard put to ex-

—_————. plain why the Venetians had not joined the im' The French began “‘l’ impresa di Pavia” in late October, _ perialists, as the latter had assumed they would do,

og Sanule, Diarn, BL nana non. are in defeating the army and diminishing the ambi195-26, 139, 154, 158-40, 145-46, 199-96, Too H., etc., 198, tion of the French in northern Italy.”

272-73, etofalibi). The news from fieldChe of news Mirabello on at24 _ .reac ; hed February, and Francis’s capture, quickly filledthe Sanudo’s of the victory Pavia le

pages (ibid., cols. 650-54, 656-59, 662-65 ff., and vol. Charles in Madrid on 10 March. The Venetian XXXVIII, cols. 5-30, 36-37, 39-48, 86-88). See in general ambassador Gasparo Contarini offered him the Rawdon Brown, ed., Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, III (London, Republic’s congratulations as well as his own, 1869), nos. 940, 942, 945-46, 955-57, 959, pp. 407 ff.; Fran- —,, hich ended with ‘sh that h oh cesco Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XV, 14-15, ed. Florence: which ended with a Wis t at e mignt ere ong Salani, 4 vols., 1963, III, 513-30, and Roberto Palmarocchi be crowned at Constantinople.” In thanking Conand Pier Giorgio Ricci, eds., Carteggi di Francesco Guicciardini, tarini for his kind words, Charles assured him

Teen Bee ence ane Rome, 193872: VE (Rome, ‘that I [have] never had any other wish but to

1996), p. 221, and Vil (1950), pp. 2 H. (Fontt per la storia pacify Christendom and turn my forces against the d’ Italia); Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 11, ed. M. Petitot, in =! 194 . the Collection complete des mémotres, XVII (Paris, 1821), 484-90, infidel. And he informed the Florentine ambasand eds. Bourrilly and Vindry, I, 352-58; Paolo Giovio, Vita sador that he hoped Pavia would now mean the del marchese di Pescara, trans. L. Domenichi, bk. VI, chaps. 24, pp. 413-38; S. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venexna, V =—--——————

(1856), 406 ff., new ed., V (1974), 291 ff., who misdates the ‘‘come il Papa e in gran paura.. . . Il Papa trema, dicendo battle of Pavia to 25 February; Chas. Oman, Art of War in the © saria bon luie la Signoria si adatassemo con |’ Imperator. . .” Sixteenth Century (1937), pp. 186-207. Cf Martin Luther’sletter (Sanudo, Diaru, XX XVIII, 48).

to George Spalatin dated at Wittenberg on 11 March, 1525, * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 120’-121" [132%-133"]. in D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimar, 3 Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXXVII, 656-57; Brown, Cal. State Bohlau, 1883 ff.), Briefwechsel, III (1933), no. 840, pp. 452-53, Papers... , Venice, III, no. 942, p. 409, and Sen. Secreta,

on Francis’s defeat and capture. Reg. 50, fol. 134" [146°], “circa il non essersi coniuncto lo On the affairs of Charles V just before and after the battle | exercito nostro cum il cesareo,’’ about which it was thought of Pavia, note Karl Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 4th ed., 2 vols., Henry VIII might want an explanation. Henry’s ambassador Munich, 1941-42, I, 185-204, with notes in vol. II, pp. 155- Richard Pace had proved himself a prophet when on 29 Oc172, trans. C. V. Wedgwood, The Emperor Charles V, London, tober, 1524, he had written from Mantua to Antonio Surian, 1939, repr. 1965, pp. 213-36 (without notes), and see in general the Venetian podesta in Brescia, ‘‘. . . si fortiter defendentur Jean Giono, Le Désastre de Pavie (24 fevrer 1525), Paris, 1963, Papia et Laudum [Pavia and Lodi], Mediolanum nihil proderit

pp. 108-233, 338. On 25 February, 1525, the day after the regi. . .” (Sanudo, XX XVII, 135, and cf Brown, III, no. 890, battle of Pavia, Charles de Lannoy, the viceroy of Naples, wrote _ p. 389).

Charles V of the imperialist victory and of the capture (among * Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, III (1869), no. 956, many others) of Francis and the son of King Jean d’ Albret of | p. 413, summary of a letter from Contarini to the Signoria of Navarre (Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., 1, no. 62, pp. | Venice, dated at Madrid on 12 March, 1525. Everyone was 150-52), 1.e., Henri d’ Albret (1503-1555), titular king of impressed by the emperor’s calm dignity and gracious bearing Navarre, who later (in 1527) married Francis I’s sister Mar- when the news of the imperialists’ victory reached Madrid. guerite d’ Angouleme, authoress of the Heptameron (cf. F. Genin, | There was no gloating over the disaster which had befallen his ed., Lettres de Marguerite d’ Angouleme, soeur de Francois I, reine rival. As Giacomo Suardino, the Mantuan ambassador to the

de Navarre, Paris, 1841, repr. New York, 1965, pp. 32 ff., and imperial court, wrote from Madrid on 15 March, “Il tutto si note docs. II-IV, pp. 438-44). Henri d’ Albret escaped from _attribuisce a magnanimita e grandezza d’ animo [di Sua Maesta], captivity. Writing from Rome on 3 March (1525) Marco Foscari, non extolendosi ne le prosperitate né prostrandosi ne le adthe Venetian ambassador to the Holy See, informed the Signoria __ versitate’’ (Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVIII, 206).

229

230 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT establishment of universal peace in Europe and a in Italy.’’ He further stated that he believed Franlarge-scale expedition against the Turks, against cesco Sforza should be left in possession of the whom one should celebrate victory rather than duchy of Milan.’ The retention of Milan by the

against Christians.” Sforzeschi—to keep it out of the hands of Charles

Clement VII was stunned by the news from _ V and the imperialists—was regarded as basic to Pavia, fearful for his own future and for that of — the establishment and maintenance of peace in the the Holy See.° Almost instinctively his thoughts peninsula.® turned to England, doubtless convinced that Henry The Venetians also perceived the necessity of VIII would find it hard to decide whether he was cultivating Henry’s favor, ‘‘essendo grandemente a more elated by Francis’s defeat or depressed by _ proposito delle cose nostre haver uno orator apresso Charles’s success. The English ambassador in_ il serenissimo re de Angelterra a questi presenti Rome, John Clerk, the bishop of Bath and Wells, tempi della summa importantia.”* On 6 March the seems to have had the same view of the unex- doge and Senate wrote Marco Foscari in Rome of pected turn which events had taken at Pavia. Clerk their immense satisfaction in learning from his reassured his Holiness that Henry would not stand _ ports “‘that his Holiness remains firm in his intention idly by if Charles tried to acquire ‘“‘another state to go forward in union with us.’’ The Venetian government would show his Holiness the same loy-

— alty and constancy, ‘‘and proceed along that road (ot A. ic SEL a ies ian which the light of his wisdom will show us.” The la Battaglia di Pavia, Marzo-Giugno 1525,” ibid., VI (1890), . . . . . .

Archivio storico tahano, 5th ser., IV (1889), 174-89, and “Dopo Senate was now quite ready to make a formal dec247-66, esp. pp. 253-54, for Charles’s remark to the Floren- laration of their alliance with the Holy See, in which

tine ambassador. both his Holiness and they should state precisely

© From Rome on 4 March, 1525, as soon as he had learned _ what “‘contributione della spesa”’ each side was prefor certain of King Francis’s defeat and capture at Pavia, Clem- pared to make to ‘‘questa unione et liga.”” The Sen-

ent wrote Francis’s mother, Louise of Savoy, of the grief and ate was prepared to furnish 900 lancers, 10,000 sense of shock he had sustained ‘‘ex hoc casu acerbo et inopi- f d . nato” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 9, fol. 146, and oot, and 600 light horse, ¢- fol. 170"). The text has been published by Giuseppe Molini, Which shall be at the disposal of every order and wish of

Documenti di storia I (Florence, 1836), no. XCVI, pp. his Hol; d forces sk f both 184-85. On 9 March Clementitaliana, wrote Charles of the vast benefits Is Froliness, ana we are prepared lo riskdour bot the battle of Pavia, ‘‘the like of which not even olden times ever saw,” would bring him, sz hac victoria wuste, temperate, pru-

denter usus fueris (Arm. XLIV, tom. 9, fols. 151°, 153"). On 3 7 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XVIII, 17, summary ofa letter of Marco April the pope wrote again to Charles, graphically describing — Foscari to the Venetian Signoria, dated at Rome on 27 Febthe terror which the imperial victory had caused in Italy and _ ruary, 1525; Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, III (1869), expressing fear for the safety of the “ecclesiastical order” (pro no. 945, p. 410. Cf the letter of the English agent, Sir Gregory nostra et status ecclesiastict incolumitate), but he felt assured nev- Casale, to Lodovico da Canossa, the French ambassador in ertheless that Charles’s unforeseen success at Pavia was a gift Venice, dated at Lyon on 28 September (1525), in Sanudo, to him from God, “‘sed aliquando tamen Christianae fidei saluti XL, 155, and see Brown, III, no. 1123, p. 487. consuleretur, quae quomodo exposita sit tum hereticorum ve- ® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 171" [183"], 172° [184°], 178" nenis et seditionibus tum immanissimorum et ferocissimorum — [190*], 179" [191°], 180, 181, etc.: ‘. . . Il fundamento de la

Turcarum armis atque iniuriis . . .” (fol. 173). Charles was securita et quiete de Italia é che nel stato de Millano sia il unlikely, however, to give much of his attention to either the — presente duca [Francesco] over, in caso de morte, el Signor Lutherans or the Turks until he had exploited his victory to Maximilianosuo fratello. . .” (¢bid., fol. 181°[193"], doc. dated

the full in the political affairs of Italy. This register contains 20 December, 1525). Cf also Brown, Cal. State Papers... ,

many other letters to Charles. Venice, III, no. 1162, p. 501.

For the aftermath to the French disaster at Pavia, see also ? Sen. Mar, Reg. 20, fol. 146" [162"], recorded also in Sen. the Vatican collection of original Lettere di principi, vol. III, | Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 124 [136]. Lorenzo Bragadin, who had esp. fols. 51° and ff., 73°-74", 82” continued on 93", 98", 113” just served as captain of Brescia, was elected the Republic’s continued on 118", 139°—140", et alibi. Francis was sent to Spain envoy to Henry VIII on the evening of 6 March, 1525 (abid.,

from Genoa in June, 1525, as Duke Charles of Bourbon in- fols. 126°-127" [138°-139"]). Bragadin excused himself ‘“‘de formed the pope in letters sent from Milan on the eleventh non poter andar in Ingelterra per la indisposition della persona and twelfth of the month (id:d., fols. 174-175). Cf Chas. Weiss, | sua,’’ and so on the evening of the ninth the Senate elected ed., Papiers d' état du cardinal de Granvelle d’ apres les manuscrits | Lorenzo Orio, dottor et cavallier, who had been the Republic’s

de la bibliotheque de Besancon, 9 vols., Paris, 1841-52, I, 260- ambassador in Hungary. Orio accepted the charge without de77, various letters relating to Francis’s capture and release. mur (fols. 128"[140"], 129°[141"]). He left Venice on the morn-

Clement feared the emperor’s next move (Sanudo, Diaru, ing of 31 March; he was to spend three days in further prepXXXVIII, 67, 82-83). In June, 1525, he sent the Greek hu- aration at Padua (Sanudo, Diarn, XX XVIII, 138, and cf. cols. manist Janus Lascaris to Charles in Spain ‘‘a persuaderlo fazi 49-50, 68, 91, 113). Orio’s commission is dated 5 April, 1525 guerra contro Turchi” (bid., XX XIX, 102, and cf. cols. 130, (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 133"—134* [145"-146*], on which 157, on which note B. Knos, Janus Lascaris, Uppsala, 1945, pp. | note the summary in Brown, Cal. State Papers. . ., Venice, III

188 ff.). [1869], nos. 974-75, pp. 421-23).

PAVIA, MOHACS, BOURBON’S MARCH ON ROME 231 on land and at sea and our every resource for the honor the Hapsburg lands in Carniola and Carinthia, of his Holiness and that of the Holy See and for the Styria and Austria were constantly exposed to preservation of the freedom of Italy—[and this we shall Turkish attack. While the Venetians, like the do] with that readiness and alacrity we must employ for pope, were afraid of the extension of imperial our own well-being, which we regard as being identical power in northern Italy, in the long run they would need Charles’s assistance against the Turks, The doge and Senate expressed ‘“‘great approval’? who (having taken Rhodes) now threatened what of Clement’s having rejected “‘la oblation della liga was left of S. Mark’s empire east of the Adriatic.

[:stessa] with the honor of his Holiness... . ,

fatta per li Cesarei.’’ In the parlance of the time, In March, 1525, disquieting reports reached to have accepted the offer of a ‘‘league”’ with the Venice that the Signor Turco was on the move imperialists after the battle of Pavia would indeed again in the Mediterranean. The Republic would have made Clement the chaplain of Charles V. The have to face the expense of adding to her maritime doge and Senate were therefore glad to learn that forces, which (as the doge and Senate reminded Clement was sending nuncios to the king of England _ their ambassador in Rome) was all to the good of as well as to the emperor. They were also sending Christendom. When the sultan learned of the in-

envoys to the emperor [Andrea Navagero and Lo- crease in strength of the Venetian fleet, he was renzo Priuli], ‘‘and we shall do the same tothe most likely to give enlarged effect to his habitual desire serene king of England.” In their opinion it was _ to inflict injury and loss on Christians. Everyone highly advisable ‘‘that his Holiness use all diligence shared the responsibility of opposing Turkish amand possible dexterity to win the favor of the said bition, and especially his imperial Majesty, ‘“‘alla most serene king, and in the same context we believe — qual incumbe la defension de Christiani.’’!!

it to be essential also to send forthwith to the Swiss In the end the pope as well as the Venetians cantons to dispose them to assist Italy... .”’ Pre- would have to make up to the emperor. Marc’ serving the fiction of the day, whereby one rec- Antonio Venier, the Republic’s envoy to Franognized the independence of the Medicean city on cesco Sforza, wrote from Milan on 17 March the Arno, the Venetians also professed to derive (1525) of a conversation he had just had with the great comfort from the fact “that the most illustrious viceroy Charles de Lannoy. The viceroy had told

Republic of Florence speaks in praise of his Holi- Venier that the papal nuncio Bernardino della ness’s movement toward the union of Italy and Barba, bishop of Casale di Monferrato, had reshows itself ready [to defend] her liberty. . . 710 cently given him assurance of the pope’s ‘“optimo In one way or another both Clement and the animo”’ towards his imperial Majesty, who it was Venetians had to achieve some kind of accord with hoped would now bring about that “‘peace in Italy Charles V as long as Francis I was a prisoner. Ev- which everyone devoutly desired.”’ Furthermore, eryone knew that Henry VIII’s bark was bigger Venier learned from Lannoy that the imperialists

than his bite; they must gain his support, for he had granted John Stuart, the duke of Albany, a could put pressure on the emperor; but they must — safe-conduct to return to France by water or by not depend too much either on him or on Wolsey. land, provided he and his men first sold their arms Their situation was not without its ironical aspects. and horses (which they did, and fora song). Venier The pope must not fail in his obligation to defend also wrote the Signoria of a conversation he had

Christendom against the infidel. The emperor, had with another imperial commander, Alfonso who theoretically shared universal authority with de Avalos, the marquis of Vasto (Guasto), who had him, was the most likely crusader in Europe, for just spent some time with Francis I. According to

Vasto, Francis had stated that he also wanted

'® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 126 [138], letter of the doge PCAC. Charles should now leave the affairs of and Senate to Foscari, dated 6 March (1525), and cf, ibid., fol. [northern] Italy alone, however, “‘because it was 129° [141°]. Nevertheless, the Venetians dealt most gingerly quite enough for the emperor to have a king of with the imperialists (fol. 130° [142"}), and Clement himself was France as his prisoner.”’ He should form a union

anxious to make some sort of agreement with them (fols. 130° [142”] ff.), as in fact were the Venetians (fol. 131° [143"]). On Clement's relations with the Venetians and the imperialists, §—-———————

note Ettore Tolomei, ‘‘La Nunziatura di Venezia nel pontifi- '' Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fols. 130°—131" [142°—143'], letter cato di Clemente VII (dai documenti dell’ Archivio Vaticano),’”’ of the doge and Senate to Foscari, dated 29 March (1525), in Rwista storica italiana, 1X (1892), 577-628, esp. pp. 587 ff.,and — which it is also stated, however, that any accord made with the

on his relations with France (from the beginning of March, emperor must take into full account ‘‘la pace nostra cum il 1525, to June, 1527), see J. Fraikin, Nonciatures de Clément VII, Signor Turco.”’ For the reports of Turkish military and naval

France. 164, 168-69, 193, 261, 357.

I (Paris, 1906), in the Archives de |’ histoire religieuse de la __ preparations, see Sanudo, Diaru, XX XVIII, 56-57, 62-63,

232 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of all the Christian princes, “‘and his most Chris- From Madrid on 4 April (1525) Charles wrote tian Majesty would go as leader of all their forces _ the pope directly, without the mediation of envoys

against the infidels.”’!* or nuncios:

Peace would be hard to achieve, and a crusade Most blessed father and most reverend lord: The reverend even harder. When Lorenzo Orio was being sent Baldassare Castiglione, protonotary of the Apostolic See to England as the Venetian ambassador in April, and . . . [papal] nuncio to our court, has shown us your 1525, he was instructed by the Senate to assure _ Holiness’s letter, sealed with the fisherman’s ring and dated Henry VIII and Wolsey that the Venetians were 7 March, and in accordance with the authorization given England’s most obedient servants (obsequentissimi). him he has informed us of several matters by both the

He was also to state that they had every intention spoken ane the ee hie word: we nave ndcee peer

“of fulfilling our desire loyally to remain in our P€4s¢@ to learn trom Chis letter of your Tiolness s devote ; ; _ ; , with . affection for us[placuit. . . didicisse optimum confederation his imperial and Catholic Maj- (|... . . hichvestrae we h Sanc-

\ . . ‘ entertaine oubt or distrust, nor Nave we taken 1n ba

esty”” (di voller constantemente perseverar nella con- means am nd uaa) distract. ace h ron WE kon in bad federation habbiamo cum la cesarea et Catholica Maesta), part what has happened, but have put a friendly conas if nothing had happened since August, 1523, — struction upon it.. . . Your Holiness sees fit to congratwhen the Republic’s “‘pax et foedus”’ with Charles ulate us and to rejoice in our not undeserved victory over

V had been announced. After senatorial approval the enemy [at Pavia]. It is our Lord’s doing and it is of Orio’s instructions, however, an addendum was marvelous in our eyes [c/- Psalms, 118: 23]. With divine made thereto, ‘for it could be that upon your ar- clemency He has shown us the road from here, which rival in England you may not find the most serene _ neh clear to au but seemed impassable, closed, and king to be so well inclined toward his imperial and @™OStNopeless—the road, that is, to peace and tranquillity

. . .Majesty among road Catholic [asChristians, formerly], andthe not in such to fullrepelling, (7. yea, es ofcrushing the faith i 2.the d dine with him.” The times were chanoe- [ urkis ] enemies of the faith, as well as to extirpating un erstan § ; . ie’ S- heresies and vagrant sects, to extending and strengthening Ing. Before assuring Henry of the Republic’s de- the Christian religion, and also to bringing the Lord’s

sire to remain in alliance with Charles V, Orio had fiock back into a single fold... 1° better make sure thatwent the serene king might not ; ; , . .;13 AWhile reckoning along with the rhetoric. be; ae looking more the favorably on the emperor’s ene; . mies than on his friends and allies.pope wavered, the imperial agents stood ays , firm,no andillusion he had tothat comePavia to terms. Letters Charles wasFoscari under would , ;of; , Marco to the Signoria, dated 2 and 3 April endear him to Henry VIII. Clement VII advo- , lg (1525), make clear that a papal-imperial ‘‘confed-

..em

cated usual hoped-for solution the problems tieby the be.; oF,the orthe .. eration’”’ hadhostilities alreadytobeen negotiated raised by rivalries and of the Chris~~." , della , ginning of theone month, “‘la conclusion fatta tian princes. Instead of fighting another, let . er confederation fra la Beatitudine del Pontefice et them fight the Turk. If there was an answer tothe |—this will bring to these kingdoms and to the a ; Christian commonwealth !22 Tomicki awaited the outcome of it all with appre— . . hension. He had advocated some sort of settlement,

From the beginning of the bitter rivalry between if possible, of the rival claims to Hungary, for the Ferdinand and Zapolya, the Turks had favored the _ victory of either side portended widespread ‘“‘tyrlatter. After Jerome Laski’s mission to Istanbul, di- anny and oppression.””?° rect Turkish intervention in the affairs of Hungary On 14 May (1528) Sigismund denied Zapolya’s seemed inevitable. ‘The Hapsburg brothers had their request to allow German and Bohemian merceproblems. As Zapolya himself wrote Tomicki from naries, whom Zapolya was allegedly prepared to Tarnow (on 3 May, 1528), when one looked over hire, to pass through Polish territory. He also dethe current scene in Europe, it was clear that “the clined to lend Zapolya 25,000 florins or to furnish two brothers insane desire to rule and to acquire — him with twenty cannon, but he was willing to give all they can, rightly or wrongly” (istorum duorum a safe-conduct to John Statilius, the bishop-elect of fratrum insana dominandi ac omnia per fas et nefas Alba Lulia in Transylvania, who was going to France occupandi libido) had raised a host of enemies against as Zapolya’s envoy. Statilius proposed to sail from them throughout Italy, Germany, and elsewhere. Gdansk (Danzig), and go by way of the Baltic and These enemies included Sultan Suleiman, and in- the North Seas to London and thence to the court deed what of him? Quid eam Turcus aget? In Za- of Francis I. Sigismund had been told that the Turks polya’s opinion Tomicki and every really rational were poised to assist Zapolya, and he had no intenperson should be able to see that Sigismund would _ tion of exposing himself to the obloquy of having be much better off in alliance with him, even if beena party to a Turkish invasion of Christian terthere were no supposedly binding agreements be- ritory.”® tween them (as in fact there were), than in a neutral John Statilius’s letters of credence were dated at position with respect to Ferdinand. Zapolya need Tarnéw on 16 May (1528).?” Antonio Rincén was

say no more about the Turks, but he did want to to accompany him on his westward journey. Apmake it clear that the Hungarians were not at all parently nothing delayed their departure, for on 4 sO opposed to him as Ferdinand was trying to June Andreas Krzycki wrote Tomicki from PYock,

make out.” . . ‘The lord Rincon was here in my house with Sta-

While Zapolya derived satisfaction and unin- tilius. They are both going to France, and they are tended assistance from the unrest in Germany and _ both extremely disaffected with us, especially the the strength of the Lutherans’ defiance of the Haps- lord Rincon because of certain indignities to which burgs, he had put his hopes in Sultan Suleiman. As _ he has been subjected.’’?* Since Rincon had found Tomicki informed Lucas Gorka, the castellan of the cautious (and sensible) Sigismund unwilling to

Poznan, there was no question enter an anti-Hapsburg alliance with France, he

that owing to the lord [Jerome] Laski’s efforts [Zapolya]

has entered into a perpetual alliance with the Turk under OO favorable and (to him) most helpful conditions, and of *° Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 252, p. 239.

6 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 253, p. 240. On 24 May (1528)

TT Sigismund indicated to an envoy of Zapolya that the latter had 23 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 227, p. 216, and cf. no. 237. Drze- _ been less than candid with him concerning his negotiations with

wicki was transferred from the bishopric of Wiloctawek (Wladi- the Turks (ibid., X, no. 264, pp. 247-48), to which Zapolya slaviensis) to the archbishopric of Gniezno in 1531. He died on _ returned a long and spirited defense (no. 271, pp. 254-59). 12 August, 1535 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, | Alba Iulia (German Karlsburg, formerly Weissenburg, HunMierarchia catholica, 111 [1923], 204, 336). Tanczin reached the — garian Gyulafeheérvar) is in Transylvania (Germ. Siebenbirgen,

Ottoman court safely, and (apparently with Lodovico Gritti’s | Hung. Erdély), in north central Rumania, just north of Sebes assistance) succeeded in negotiating a general truce with the | (German Miihlbach). Turks (Acta Tomicana, XI [1901], no. 364, p. 276, a letter 27 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 166-67, and cf. Acta Tomiciana, from Gritti to Peter Tomicki and Christopher Szydfowiecki, =X, no. 258, p. 244, a letter from Zapolya to Anne de Montdated at Buda on 30 September, 1529). In return for the truce | morency, grand master and marshal of France, also dated 16 Suleiman expected Sigismund to assist John Zapolya, and was May.

annoyed to learn that the Poles had not done so (ibid., XII *8 Ibid., X, no. 272, p. 260, and note, ibid., no. 273. Rincon

[1906], p. 1). and Statilius sailed, as they had planned, from Gdansk (no. 293,

24 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 244, pp. 231-32, and see, ibid., no. p. 277). Rincdn remained in friendly correspondence with

245, pp. 232-33. Tomicki (no. 410, pp. 390-91).

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 319 would now seek Francis I’s financial assistance for _ polya.*' John Laski, the archbishop of Gniezno (and Zapolya, who frequently stated that he would rather Jerome’s uncle), cautioned Sigismund against any

die than give up the throne of Hungary. As Za- thought of declaring himself on Ferdinand’s side polya’s envoy, Statilius would also seek subsidies against the Turks,°* an unnecessary admonition

from Henry VIII. since Sigismund wanted above all to keep clear of As Rincon and Statilius made their way to Lon- hostile involvement with the Turks, and had sent

don, Sigismund sent the Polish diplomat Peter John de Tanczin to try to negotiate a ten years’ Opalinski on a mission to Ferdinand, who was then _ truce with the Porte.*® at Prague. On 29 June (1528) Opalinski sent a report On 15 July (1528) Sultan Suleiman himself wrote of his mission to Peter Tomicki, who (as we know) John Zapolya that Hungarians who submitted to was bishop of Cracow and vicechancellor of Poland; the latter would have nothing to fear from the Christopher Szydtowiecki, castellan of Cracow and Turks. Their children, their homes, and their prop-

chancellor of the realm; and the latter’s kinsman erties would be safe. Those who did not submit Nicholas Szydtowiecki, castellan of Sandomir and would be put to the sword, their lands would be the king’s treasurer. In his long account of the ravaged, their dwellings burned to the ground.”* friendliness with which Ferdinand iucundissima facie Whether war was impending or not, however, at

and the Hapsburg court received him, Opalinski least one Polish noble, John Tarnowski, son and states that, as instructed, he had conveyed Sigis- namesake of the palatine of Russia, was planning a mund’s warning that Sultan Suleiman was coming _ pilgrimage to Jerusalem to see the Holy Sepulcher with a greater military ‘“‘apparatus” than ever be- “et alia pia et sancta loca.’’> fore, with the intention not of devastating Hungary The Austro-Polish diplomatic correspondence of

but of conquering it and claiming it for himself: this period does deal with other matters than the The most serene King Ferdinand replied that since his contest of Zapolya with Ferdinand and the perennial withdrawal from Hungary into his kingdoms [of Bohemia fear of the Turks. On 17 July (1528), for example, and Germany] he has given nothing more attention, care, the Chancellor Szydiowiecki wrote Ferdinand that and energy than gathering from all parts of his kingdoms Some cloths of gold and silk which the Marchese and provinces, as well as from the empire, the military Federico Gonzaga had ordered to be sent from forces with which he may be able to meet the attack of | Venice to Cracow, part of the shipment being inso formidable an enemy, so that relying on the aid of tended as a gift to Queen Bona Sforza, had been Almighty God his Majesty has every hope of defending intercepted en route and sent to Vienna, where

his realms. they were being held. Szydfowiecki asked Ferdinand Ferdinand objected strenuously to the refuge to see that the Viennese officials took good care of which had been granted Zapolya in Poland, and the cloths until Bona herself could write to request when Opalinski claimed that Sigismund had not _ their dispatch to Cracow, which she did (from Vilbeen aware of Rincon’s anti-Hapsburg activities "Mus on 30 July). Ferdinand replied to Bona a (because of his absence in Lithuania), Ferdinand month later (on 29 August) that since ownership replied that Sigismund could easily have learned of the goods had been in doubt, he had ruled some the truth, “‘si diligens inquisitio facta fuisset.” De- time before that it must be established within a spite the weakness of the Polish defense when it ™onth. Since the specified period had elapsed withcame to ZApolya and Rincén, it was clear to Fer- Out clarification, he regretted that it had been necdinand that Sigismund feared the Turks more than ©SSaTy to yield to the laws and customs of Vienna

he favored Zapolya.?° (concerning the sequestration of foreign goods), and There were persistent rumors of a Turkish ex- that he could not have the cloths of gold and silk

pedition in the offing against Ferdinand in Hungary. S€nt on to Cracow.*’

Zapolya was said to be distributing funds to his Sigismund had appealed to Pope Clement VII courtiers in Tarnow to pay their debts and to be geting ready for his own hasty departure from the >! Ibid., X, nos. 314, 330, 343, 347, 378-81. Francesco de’ ciLy. In the hight of the ‘Turkish dange1 , however, Frangipani, bishop of Kalocza, and Stephen Broderic, sometime

renewed efforts were being made to bring about chancellor of the late Louis II of Hungary, were then exerting some sort of accord between Ferdinand and Za- themselves to find a basis for peace between Ferdinand and Zapolya. — be ibid. X, no. 331, pp. 314-15, a letter dated 11 July, 1528.

29 Opalinski’s report may be found in the Acta Tomiciana, X, 33 Cf, wbid., X, no. 333, p. 322. no. 302, pp. 285-92, and note esp. pp. 287, 290, as well as nos. °4 Ibid., X, no. 339, pp. 325-26.

344, 366, 377. °° Ibid., X, no. 341, p. 327. °° Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 314, p. 301, and note nos. 317, °° Ibid., X, nos. 342, 360, pp. 327, 345-46.

337-38. 37 Ibid., X, no. 383, p. 370.

320 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to intervene in an effort to make peace between by way of Bohemia, representing (or misreprethe two claimants to the beleaguered kingdom of senting) himself as Sigismund’s ambassador, for if Hungary. Still lamenting the chaos and destruc- the Hapsburg officials whom he encountered had tion in Rome and elsewhere in Italy, Clement re- known that he had gone abroad on Zapolya’s behalf, plied from Viterbo on 22 July (1528), commend- they would have seized him. At any rate Ferdinand ing Sigismund as a model whom other Christian claimed that Laski had declared himself to be Sigprinces should emulate. There were few crowned _ismund’s ambassador, and despite a good deal of advocates of peace in Europe. There was little or sympathy for Zapolya at the Polish court, Ferdinothing the pope could do, but he shared Sigis- nand’s assertion of Laski’s deceit was widely bemund’s fervent hope that fear of the Turk, if not — lieved.*”

any feeling of good will, might bring Ferdinand Implacable enemy of the Hapsburgs, Jerome and Zapolya to terms, “‘lest they allow that fatal Laski addressed a memorial to all the inhabitants, Turkish virus to spread more widely, and let so of both high and low estate, in Hungary, Dalmatia, great a pest and plague assail the Christian com- and Croatia (on 6 August, 1528): 1938

monweath stull further. lained of Polish i Raise your heads and now look to yourselves and your

ot a versarles complained OF Folishn neutrality, posterity! Know that my most serene lord [John Zaas Tomicki wearily acknowledged to Andreas polya] has made and confirmed by my mediation a perKrzycki (on 1 August, 1528), and on the fifth of petual peace, accord, and close alliance with the Turkish the month Zapolya sent Sigismund an eloquent ti- sultan lest, while he was contesting possession of the rade against Ferdinand, a defense of Jerome Laski, _ kingdom with Ferdinand, the all-powerful sultan should

and a justification of his own approach to the cut short their strife and without effort occupy the kingTurks.*?9 Sigismund regarded Laski as an unruly dom thus rent by civil war. And my lord has obtained subject, almost a traitor, since without his permission such aid against his enemy as will suffice not only to

Laski had left his service for of Zapolya,on onhis drive Ferdinand from Hungary . . .made but even assail ; .that Ferdinand own native soil. I have a to useful

whose behalf he had negotiated the extraordinary d th the Turk f d

lliance with the Turks. Even before that, however, “page Peace With the “fark for you ane your alla . ne > children. . . . Whoever wants to avoid the impending in the early spring of 1527, when Sigismund Was storm, must seek King John’s favor, which he will apparently unaware of the full extent of Laski’s easily obtain because of his Majesty’s goodness and disapproval of Polish policy vis-a-vis the Hapsburgs, — generosity... . .*°

he had given Laski permission to go to the shrine , at Loreto. The latter had wanted to go to Italy to th as re SuMer OF oes wore on, It Decame clear

enlist Clement VII’s support for Zapolya, but the Tork h ee dig “re t cet Ha, Beer on sack of Rome in May had prevented a visit to the din 4 1 XP Li we . Sine dt, ry ‘be aa

Curia. Laski had then gone on to France and En- Peco! coht -. ” Ge igismunde tat, to “lable

gland as Zapolya’s ambassador.*! He had returned “#PO'Y4 MISE Hine erinan mercenaries avaliable to serve him, if he could find money enough to pay them, but since there was no evidence that he 8 Ibid., X, no. 350, pp. 334-36. Clement had every right had access to the necessary funds, ‘‘I fear for him to bemoan the catastrophes which had fallen upon Rome and and his affairs.” Zapolya was dejected, and seemed Italy, but on 20 October, 1528, two weeks after the return of the papacy to Rome, the Mantuan ambassador Francesco Gonzaga wrote the Marchese Federico that the repair of buildings _ the fourth or fifth [of July, 1527] I shall proceed to England, and the restoration of hope in the city were most encouraging _my lord’s affairs being well arranged here. And I hope that I to behold (Sanudo, Diarii, XLIX, 134): “Si comenza a dare may acquit myself with the same good fortune with his Britannic principio a le facende, et ciascuno attende ad accomodarse al Majesty. ._.”’ (Acta Tomiciana, IX [1876], no. 208, p. 219). See

meglio che si puo, et si vede reparare et restaurare le case et the undated letter of Sigismund to Duke George of Saxony bottege assai gagliardamente, dimodoché si puo sperare che _ (ibid., X [1899], no. 306, p. 295). Kamenets Podol’skiy (Kafino a qualche di Roma non debba parere quella che era questi menez-Podolsk, formerly Podolia) lies southeast of L’vov mexi passati, et ogniuno se retroveria assai contento ogni volta (Lwow, Lemberg), of which it was a suffragan see. che la carestia non fosse tanto extrema; pur si sta In speranza 42 Acta Tomiciana, X, nos. 299, 331, 367, pp. 283, 313, 356che le cose per |’ advenire habbino a passare piu mitamente — 57, et alibi. per grani et altre robe, che ragionevolmente sarano condotte 43 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 365, pp. 352-53, and Laski adds

qui.” the admonition, ““Amore Dei sit vobis melior et acceptior pax °9 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 362, p. 347. Turcica, regis Joannis serenissimi opera confecta, quam anile

40 Tbid., X, no. 364, pp. 348-52. Ferdinandi bellum. . . .” Cf, tbid., X, nos. 389, 429. On or 41 On 22 June, 1527, Laski wrote Laurentius Miedzileski, before 21 October (1528) Zapolya himself addressed public bishop of Kamenec-Podolskiy (1521-1531), from Paris, ‘Iam _ letters to the nobles of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia, busy here by order of my most serene lord, the king of Hungary _ offering to intercede for them “‘pro pace eis ab imperatore

[Zapolya], as his ambassador to his most Christian Majesty.On Turcarum. . . impetranda”’ (no. 427, pp. 410-11).

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 321 to be losing hope. The Turks, however, may have _ bassador to the English court, wrote the Marshal shown good judgment in not coming. The weather Montmorency that Captain Rincon was then in had been fearful, with endless rains; the Vistula London with Statilius, the bishop of Transylvania, overflowed, and flooded the broad, flat plains of homme de credit vers le roy de Hongrye. If they were Poland. The crops seemed likely to be ruined and, _ telling the truth, and du Bellay was certain they as Tomicki wrote the king’s secretary, John Cho- were, the French now had an opportunity to give jenski, in Cracow, he was worried about the har- the Hapsburgs, ceste race de Bourgongne, a beating vest and the possibility of high food prices for the such as they had never had. One might contrive coming year.** Rain is a perennial problem in Po- not to leave these would-be rulers of the world even land. The weather might have been more clement a foot of earth to call their own.*’ Cardinal Wolsey (and it is more stable) in Hungary, but the Turks detained Rincon and Statilius for some time, asking

had not come to find out. them detailed questions about John Zapolya and Jerome Laski had no doubt the Turks would his chances of success against the Hapsburgs in come in due time and after adequate preparation. Hungary.** They were gone, however, by 19 AuContemporaries must have found him as unpre- gust, as du Bellay reported to Montmorency. They dictable as he was determined. Stephen Broderic had sought financial assistance for Zapolya, of wrote Tomicki from the castle at Tarnow (on 23 course, “‘but when it comes to disbursing ready cash,

September, 1528), the people here show res Careythemselves a trifle on the Yesterday evening the lord Laski suddenly arrived while chilly side. , ,

we were dining. He has been wholly transformed into Statilius was detained longer in Paris than in

a Turk, I mean as to his habit and headdress, for as- London.” John Zapolya’s hostility to the Hapsburgs suredly as to other things, all the benefits he brings us, had become all the more important to Francis | which are numerous and much to his Majesty’s advan-_ since Andrea Doria’s abandonment of service to

tage, they bespeak the true Christian.* France, and even more so since Lautrec’s death and

Certainly Zapolya had to acknowledge that ne an parte . the fon One ber (1588 Maly. Laski was bringing him benefits, but Sigismund ' Leos hece F den ° G chODer sen

viewed his activities_ with APEambassador ESE BCCETIEO MONZA A (presumably by , is dismay. relativei ©and Francesco), was relayed More than once Sigismund had said that he to Venice, informing the doge and Senate that would deal with Laski ‘si aliquando ad dominia Francis I had just written the pope of the French nostra redierit.”” But Tomicki, who had been determination to persist in their “Italian enterprise”’ shocked by Laski’s unauthorized negotiation of a (jy, questa impresa de Italia). Francis was sending reten years Turco-P olish truce, advised his king not inforcements of both horse and foot to assist Renzo to take serious action against Laski. It would be qa Ceri in Apulia. He was also determined to mainoffensive to Zapolya; it would alienate Sultan Su- tain his position in Lombardy.®! leiman. Perhaps, too, Tomicki gave thought to the distress it would cause old John Laski, archbishop §=————_ of Gniezno (whose suffragan Tomicki was), for old *7 V._-L. Bourrilly and P. de Vaissiére, eds., Ambassades en John doted on his audacious nephew. In any event Angleterre de Jean du Bellay. . . (1527-1529), Paris, 1905, no.

Sigismund spent the summer and fall of 1528 at 135, pp. 371-72. .

; . é 46 y, dated at London on 11 August (1528): “Cum

Vilnius, in his grand duchy of Lithuania, and so 44.7 Charmiene: Negocations 1, 161, a letter from Rincon to Jerome Laski found it easy to keep out of his way. me vene uno episcopo [Statilius] per imbasador de parte del

re de Ungaria. Io seria in diligentia in continenti andato, ma

Antonio Rincon and John Statilius had left Poland mopand snort meAmbassades a detenuto. en . . .” . . ourrilly de cardinal Vaissiere, Angleterre de Jean toward the end of June (1528). They arrived in 4, geiiay (1905), no. 139, p. 379, and J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters England at the beginning of August. On the eighth — and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, 1V-3 (1876, repr. 1965), append.,

Jean du Bellay, bishop of Bayonne and Frencham- no. 190, p. 3163, where du Bellay’s letter of 19 August is misdated the fifth.

TTT 5° Tudovic Lalanne, ed., Journal d’un bourgeois de Paris sous #4 Acta Tomiciana, X, nos. 373-74, pp. 361-62. le regne de Francois Premier (1515-1536), Paris, 1854, repr. New *5 Ibid., X, no. 400, p. 383, and cf. nos. 402-3. York, 1965, p. 365: ‘“‘Au dict an [1528], au mois d’ aoust, vint

*6 Tbid., X, nos. 306, 344, 367, pp. 295, 329-30, 357, et alibi. a Paris un ambassadeur de Hongrie vers le Roy pour demander On the ten years’ truce which, mirabile dictu, Jerome Laski — secours et ayde contre les Turcgs et infidelles [quite the con-

negotiated with the Porte in Sigismund’s name but without trary!]. . . , et fut le dict ambassadeur en ceste ville de Paris either his knowledge or consent, see above, note 16. Laski was pour long temps.”’ said to have brought Zapolya encouraging news from the Turks >! Sanudo, Diarit, XLIX, 154-55, and cf., ibid., col. 190.

(nos. 411, 413-14, 445, pp. 391, 393-94, 428). Clement VII’s response to the French overtures was to be ex-

322 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT

were too - 5 or

The French prospects did not look good, but dom of Hungary freely and without molestation on the they would certainly be improved if Ferdinand Patt of Ferdinand and [the Emperor] Charles.”*

Turks) « naré pressed Ae Zapo'ya \and . the By that time in fact Francis had already reached alist £ sene a ; i It assistance to the Wm- an accord with Charles, their short-lived war endeet from Fee In italy. vane sw that Ch oe V ing in the treaty of Cambrai (on 3 and 5 August, should be forced to aid his brother in Hungary 1529), in which Francis let down badly his allies

’ anclis § poin OT vVIew, a aries : . : . :

and thus oO to red his st th in Italy. Stach in the League of Cognac, the Venetians and the reduce his strength in italy. status — Florentines, Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara and Franwas 1n Paris to discuss such matters, and discussed cesco Maria Sforza of Milan.”

they were, especially with the Marshal Montmo- , rency and the French chancellor Antoine Duprat, =————_

bishop of Sens, who had recently been made car- 52 Charriere, Negociatons, I, 162-69, the quotation appearing

6 : 9 . : ’ ’ , an —OU.

dinal with the “‘title’’ of S. Anastasia. The result 63 Peo gh sane ae MTT te ane ee 48, oo was a trealy of everlasting fraternitas, uNntO, CON- to send money to Zapolya (ibid. XLIX 442), In November federatio et amicitia between Francis and Zapolya 1528, Ferdinand’s affairs in Hungary are said to have been ‘‘in and their successors and heirs, a treaty that was manifestissimo periculo” (ebid.. XLIX, 193-94, and ¢f. cols. to be so firm and stable that neither time nor cir- anne and 302), but in Hungary everybody’s affairs were in

cumstance could ever break it. miserable condition (col. 291). On 25 March, 1528 (O.S.), i.e.,

The ; _ h 1529, Francis addressed a letter to the Estates of the German € instruments comprising the treaty were — empire at Speyer, protesting against the lies and slander which

signed and sealed at Fontainebleau and Paris on 23 _ the imperialists directed against him, and also “que j’ay empesche

and 28 October (1528). John Zapolya ratified the Je Grand-Turc de faire paix avec Fernande”’ (Weiss, Papiers foedera, pacta et conventiones with France at his camp d'etat de Granvelle, 1 [1841], 454, and ¢, rhid., II [1841], 340).

before Buda almost a year later (on 1 September; »The truelatter enemy of Christendom, he says, was ‘“‘which Charles V, for if the would accept the terms of peace, I have 1529). He promised to wage war against Ferdinand, offered him so many times,” France would put 30,000 foot “king of Bohemia,”’ sparing neither his purse nor and 2,000 horse in the field against the Turk (ibid., I, 456). his person until Francis should have recovered his F¥ancis says that the Italian ambitions of the house of Austria two sons whom Charles was still holding as hostages Py nciss leteer may be found in Saude, L, 299-96. Although in Spain. Zapolya had promised Rincon as much, Francis had appealed to the Porte on behalf of the ‘‘friars of and also that he would never make peace or an Mount Zion” (Sanudo, XLIX, 72-73, 182), he was clearly not alliance with Ferdinand without Francis’s express yet ready to seek an alliance or formal entente with the Turks

willingness andOn consent. On Zapolya’s Sta- 282!st the Hapsburgs. eae . . ; Le the new harmonybehalf between the two rivals, see|

Sanudo,

tilius promised that, once Ferdinand’s ambition to Diaru, LI, 111-12. The Venetians took pleasure in informing occupy the throne of Hungary had been checked, — Sultan Suleiman, then retreating from the unsuccessful siege his master would assist Francis in Italy with both — of Vienna, of “‘l’ accordo fatto a Cambray da I’ imperador et Hungarian light horse and infantry. In the mean- Te 4 eranza senza la Signoria nostra”’ (ibid., col. 361). The

time Zipolya agreed to adopt young Henry, duke "stot Cama! wasnegtatd y the Aehducess Margart of Orleans, as his son and in the event of his death of Savoy, the mother of Francis. It established the “Paix des

without male heirs as his successor. Dames” (cf. Karl Brandi, Kazser Karl V., 1[1942], 242-43). The Francis promised Zapolya that he would help terms are given in Weiss, Papiers a’ état de Granvelle, I, 464—-

; weight . ,two. ;weeks . Frankfurt am toMain, , 5P ,ee . ; heavy of war against Ferdinand, ; ; . Some after the signatories thesending treaty of Cambrai him, with money and otherwise, to sustain the rand fan a Correspondens ts 6). 300 ff 355 (Leipzig,

him forthwith 20,000 scudi in gold. He would also had published the text of their agreement (on 5 August, 1529), try to see that his allies, meaning the Venetians, forty-eight members of the Venetian Senate were prepared to

gave Zapolya financial assistance. write Lodovico Gritti, Turcophil son of the Doge Andrea, to the following effect:

If moreover it should happen that the most Christian “Per le precedente et ultime [lettere] nostre te habbiamo king [of France] himself should come to some accord data notitia di quanto ni €é sta scritto dal orator nostro in Franza,

with the said Emperor [Charles], he will try by all the theni de C, ma ara Ne ad eengentia nostra circa le trat-

means he canto nclude the king of Hungary also, so monde Cambra. delle qual dit orator ne a coment that the latter may remain, if at all possible, in his king- — tenute secretissime et per Cesarei et per Francesi. ‘Ne scrisse esso orator nostro, come per ditte ultime ti si-

TT gnificassemo, che la pace fra Cesare et Franza era fatta cum la

pected. In November (1528) Gasparo Contarini wrote the — inclusion delli confederati, et che la si devea publicar a primo Venetian Signoria, as reported by Sanudo, that “‘soa Beatitudine __ del instante. Dappoi per lettere del ditto orator date a Cambrai

li ha risposo non voler esser contra il Re. . . , ma non vol — aultimo et primo del presente siamo advisati come la ditta pace esser in Ja Liga per |i grandissimi torti li hanno fatto Venitiani era conclusa et firmata fra el prefato Cesare, Franza, et |’ Arin tuorli Ravena et Zervia . . .”’ (thid., col. 164, and cf. col. — chiduca [Ferdinand], et per quanto era divulgato senza inclusion

199). delli confederati, li quali habbiano ad adattar le cose sue cum

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 323 According to the terms of the peace of Cambrai, The Gran Turco had become the Venetians’ Francis I was to redeem his two sons, the dauphin _ sole hope. He was also Zapolya’s only trustworthy Francis and Henry of Orleans, for two million ecus ally. Francis’s erratic foreign policy was going to (they were not released until 1 July, 1530). Six weeks be as unpopular in Istanbul as it was in Venice. after Charles V’s ratification of the treaty Francis Ottoman forces had been gathering and moving was to withdraw “‘tous les capitaines et gens de westward for months, their goal being no less than guerre qu’ il a en Italie.” This was to be done at — the conquest of Vienna, the capital of Ferdinand’s least fifteen days before the return of the two hos- archduchy of Austria. In this connection we have

tages. Among those included in the treaty were the evidence of John Laski, provost of the church Clement VII, Ferdinand as king of Hungary, Henry at Gniezno, brother of the fearless Jerome and VIII, Sigismund I, Christian of Denmark, and the nephew of old John, archbishop of Gniezno. On Archduchess Margaret. Venice was omitted, and 18 November (1528) John Laski wrote Antonio Francis even requested the Signoria ‘‘to restore the Rincon from a vantage point in Poland:

ands wien we howe - Apulia ty Y irtue one a I might have written many things to your lordship

lance which we made with his Majesty, and in tne Which concern the affairs of our lord [John Zapolya], event of our not making restitution of the said lands, jhe most serene king of Hungary, but I do not have the his Majesty had put himself under obligation tothe cipher with me now, by which everything could have

emperor to declare himself our enemy!”’ been written safely. Now it is hardly safe to put anything into an ordinary letter. Nevertheless, I should like you to know these things, if indeed [this letter] reaches your lordship. To begin with, all his Majesty’s affairs are sucCesare, et il medesimo se ha da Ferrara et dal duca de Milano ceeding according to our prayer and wish. His Majesty per lettere da Cambrai de tre del instante, et che fino quel Jef; our land of Poland and went into his own kingdom

giorno non era fatta la publicatione de ditta pace. . on 3 November, being received there by 8,000 Hun-

pogarian dir altro, salvo re de Franza havuto . . re‘‘Non . err ;siaes horse onch’ theeldemesne of thehabbia lord [Franciscus]

il primo obietto suo di recuperar li figlioli, per li quali li e parso a His Maiestv j tS d with a |

condescender a quello ha voluto Cesare de non includer hi ommonay. IS : ajesty Is NOW al ozege wi a ange confederati. Questo € quanto habbiamo fin hora de ditta pace, Turkish army, which the sultan has put at his Majesty's

della qual havendo li capituli et de quelli et de quanto ne per- service. It has been led there by the planning of my venira a notitia subito sarai advisato” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, | brother, the palatine [of Sieradz]. How large it is at the

fol. 187% [214%], letter dated 18 August, 1529). present time, I do not know, but within two weeks it The Florentines, Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara, and Francesco can well be 60,000 horse, if the situation should require Maria Sforza were even more threatened by Francis I’s betrayal jx. They are all quartered in places near to one another of their interests. During the negotiations at Cambrai the Flor- so that they can easily be called together for his Majesty entines as well as the other members of the anti-imperialist if. as I sav. the situation should require it

League had been repeatedly assured that they would be included » q in the treaty (Abel Desjardins and Giuseppe Canestrini, eds.,

Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, 1] [Paris, ~~ 1861], 1058 ff., 1064 ff., e¢ alibi). The treachery of Francis I ditte terre, quella si havea obligato a Cesare dechiarirse inimico was unbelievable, as the Florentine ambassador to the French nostro... .”’

court, Baldassare Carducci, wrote his government from S. The Senate was taking time to reply, but would notify LoQuentin on 5 August, 1529, when the treaty of nearby Cambrai —_ dovico Gritti immediately as to their decision (whether to retain

was published: ‘Io non posso senza infinito dispiacer d’ animo _ or to surrender to Charles V the lands which Venice held in significare |’ impia ed inumana determinazione di questa Maesta Apulia), so that Lodovico might inform Ibrahim Pasha. In any € suol agenti in questo trattato di pace, stretto contro mille promesse case, however, the Republic would always persist ‘‘nella sincera e giuramenti del non concludere cosa alcuna senza la partecipazione et inviolabil pace et amicitia che habbiamo cum il serenissimo

degli orator degli aderenti e collegatt.. . ! (abid., I, 1102). Gran Signor. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 200° [227°], and °4 The Venetians’ suspense and ignorance as to what precisely cf, abid., fols. 201° ff. [228° ff.], 212°-213” [239°-240"], 246° had been done at Cambrai (see the text cited from the Senatus ff. [273” ff.]).

Secreta in the preceding note) had been finally brought to an For the stipulations in the treaty singled out for notice in end by a French envoy to the lagoon, as indicated by a letter the text above, see the summary in Weiss, Paprers a’ état de to Lodovico Gritti, which was presented to the Senate for ap- Granvelle, I, 465, 467, 469. The treaty is given in full by J.

proval on 9 September, 1529: Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, 1V-2 (1726), no. I, pp.

‘‘Alvise,. . . € gionto qui uno gentilhomo del re de Franza_ 7-17. Cf. Sanudo, Diarn, L, 248-52, 253-56, 282, 323-24, mandato da sua Maesta alla Signoria nostra per farne intender 366, 373-75, 377-78, 388-89, 402, 413, and note col. 322: la conclusion della pace fatta in Cambrai, alla qual la madre di ‘‘Le conclusion é€ che la paxe é fata tra I’ imperador et re de sua Maesta era condescesa per rehaver li figlioli regii, soi nepoti. Franza con intervento del pontifice, et senza li collegadi et . . . Et soggionse che ’| prefato re era obligato per Ja ditta | confederadi, videlicet Venetiani, duca di Milan, Fiorenza et

pace de restituir in termine di sei settimane dappoi el giorno — Ferrara.. . . Unum est, non eramo compresi perhoché volevano della ratificatione, la qual si faria alli XV di ottobre proximo, do capitoli: si fosse contra il Turco et si restituisca Ravenna et tutte le terre che sua Maesta tiene in Puglia, et che liconfederati Zervia al papa” (summarizing letters from the Venetian amsuoi fariano el medesimo et ne ricerca ad restituir le terre che _ bassador to France, Sebastiano Giustinian, dated at Cambrai tenimo in Puglia per virtu della confederation che facessemo on 31 July and 1 August, 1529). Cf Brown, Cal. State Papers cum sua Maesta, et che quando non si facesse la restitutionde .. . , Venice, IV, nos. 487, 494-96, 503, pp. 221 ff.

324 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT There are still no signs, however, of a battle in the weeks later Sultan Suleiman himself addressed a offing, for although Ferdinand is said to be making a letter to Sigismund, confirming the fact that he was military levy at Vienna, up to now he has no troops. setting out, and assuring the latter of his friendship Throughout the whole of Hungary the nobility and all (qmico vestro fore amicum, hosti hostem). Suleiman’s

; . the sea.

the people are flocking in droves to armies the most ; at as the waves of wouldserene be as irresistible King John, partly from fear of the Turks, partly as a 58

result of the clemency of a prince who is ready to receive

back into his favor the nobility and the common people. On 10 May, 1529, Suleiman left the shores of He is being very difficult, to be sure, about receiving the Bosporus with a large army, carrying in his the magnates, and this not without reason, although _ train (it is said) 300 cannon, ostensibly to fulfill his many of the magnates also have already submitted to promise to John Zapolya.°® Heavy rains, swollen Ban ts Majesty ® favor... . Furthermore, the Sultan rivers, broken bridges, flooded plains, and washedof the Lurks has now recruited another new army oO out r l 400,000 men, horse and foot, with which he will in per- t roads de ayed the PROBTESS of the Ottoman son invade Austria next summer. He will come through

the Danube valley proceeding, that is, est asquin farfama [westward] _nuntia ;;; rendissime.of Non dubium velox malorum as he ,can toward the .sources the river, the greater ; : nominis _ ve a ; . ; ad Sanctitatem vestram attulerit saevissimum Christiani part of which [area] he prides himself on having already hostem Turcarum tyrannum tot victoriis elatum in maximo subjected to his rule with little effort. And this willcome esse apparatu ut Hungariam denuo invadat in eaque Christi about without doubt unless this coming spring, before nomen omnino extinguat atque deleat. Quod ille facile se conthe sultan begins his march, the dispute between his __ficere posse sperat cui nihil non hactenus ex sententia in Chrisroyal Majesty of Hungary and King Ferdinand is settled _tianos successit, sive Rhodum insulam fortissimum propugnaby some sort of agreement which, however, King John culum captum sive Belgradum urbem natura et loco munitiswill not accept without consulting the sultan, for this is S!™4M_ expugnatam, sive Hungariam devastatam et clathe very first article of the treaty between the sultan and —"Ss!mum regem Ludovicum extinctum respiciamus. . . ."" The

his Majesty.°° emperor was seeking ecclesiastical subventions both from the Spanish kingdoms and from lower Germany for an expedition Through the early months of 1529 the Poles against the Turks. Clement was ill and depressed throughout

. . ; the spring of 1529, as indicated in numerous dispatches from

were largely concerned with their own affairs, pome preserved in Sanudo.

consulting and corresponding with one another to 58 Acta Tomicana, XI, no. 181, pp. 143-44. determine whether Sigismund’s grand duchy of °° On 11 May (1529) Pietro Zen, the Venetian ambassador Lithuania should not be formally united with the and vicebailie in Istanbul, wrote the Signoria about ‘‘come a kingdom of Poland in order more effectively to di 10 la matina il Signor turco. . . se parti da Constantinopoli . . con tutta la sua Porta per andar a |’ impresa di |’ Hongaria’’ ward off the constant incursions of the Tatars. They (Sanudo, Diaru, L, 470-71). The news spread rapidly, and on learned what they could of the expected Turkish 16 May Tomicki informed Sigismund, ‘‘Hodie mihi nuntiavit expedition against Austria and of Ferdinand’s prep- —_dominus episcopus Sirmiensis [Stephen Broderic] id, quod recens

arations to meet it.°° Everyone seemed to know it & Ungaria scriptum accepit, Imperatorem Thurcorum iam XX : diebus loco se movisse et cum magnis copiis Ungariam versus

was coming. From Saragossa on 19 April, 1529, Fcisci” ; proficisci”’ (Acta Tomiciana, XI, no. 187, p. 147).

Charles V wrote Clement VII of the widespread Suleiman’s army was reported at Nis (Nish) on 1 July (Sanudo, report that Sultan Suleiman was planning another _ LI, 74, 77). Zapolya planned to await him at Belgrade. Despite great thrust against Hungary.”’ From Istanbul three the torrential rains, the expedition gave every promise of Success.

Ferdinand was said to be still in Germany or Bohemia, and

appeared to have no chance of resisting the Turks (ibid., cols.

- 124-26, and note cols. 150—51, 182, 192, 240-41, 260, 263). 55 Acta Tomiciana, X, no. 448, pp. 431-32, and cf, zbid., no. Suleiman finally reached Belgrade with “40 milia cavalli’’ (cols.

454, p. 439. The (young) John Laski became famous in later 309-10). years as the chief Polish adherent to and advocate of Protes- Despite the distractions of European politics through the tantism. For various reports of Turkish preparations against — years 1529-1530, the Curia Romana did not avert its eyes from and attacks upon Ferdinand, note Sanudo, Diaru, XLIX, 182, eastern affairs. On | July, 1529, a congregation of cardinals 193-94, 275, 288, 290-91, 301-2, 369, 383, 427, 432, and considered a petition for further financial aid to Hungary against see, ibid., esp. cols. 226-30, for dispatches describing Zapolya’s the Turks, which all the cardinals present said they were willing

successes against Ferdinand during the fall of 1528. There is to provide to the best of their ability, but a proper means must a sketch of Jerome (and John) Laski’s efforts on behalf of Zapolya _ be found to collect the money, “‘attenta maxima inopia eorum,

and of the latter’s struggle with the Hapsburgs in Hermann _ et quod provideretur ne summa pecuniarum elargienda pro Kellenbenz, ‘Zur Problematik der Ostpolitik Karls V.,’’ in Peter hac re convertatur in alios usus’’ (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Rassow and Fritz Schalk, eds., Karl V., der Kaiser und seine Zet, Miscellanea, Reg. 7 [from the Archivum Consistoriale], fol.

Cologne, 1960, pp. 118-37. 167, also to be found in Reg. 31, Acta Consistorialia [1517°© Cf. Acta Tomiciana, XI (1901), nos. 31, 81, 99-100, 136, 1534], fols. 226°-227', and in the Acta Vicecancellariu [from 157, 159, 164, 178, and 187, interesting texts butonthe whole — the Arch. Consistoriale], Reg. 3, vol. 163%, by mod. stamped unimportant, and note Sanudo, Diari, L, 68, 70, 106-7, 133, enumeration, and Reg. 4, fol. 31"). On Suleiman’s invasion and

175, 235, 336, 346, 376, 409, 563. the siege of Vienna, cf: also Od. Raynaldus, Annales ecclesiastics,

°7 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. VI, fols. ad ann. 1529, nos. 22 ff., 28-49, who quite rightly emphasizes 35°-36", the original letter: ‘‘Beatissime pater, domine reve- that the rise of Protestantism increased the Turkish peril.

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 325 army. We shall not follow their laborious march _ his hand. On 3 September the Ottoman army arin detail. The Venetians were able to do so, how- _ rived before Buda (Ofen), then held for Ferdinand ever, since the doge’s son Lodovico Gritti kept by a German garrison. The city was taken on the them well informed by frequent letters. They re- eighth amid the usual scenes of bloodshed. A week joiced in the discomfiture of the Hapsburgs.”” On later, on the fourteenth, Zapolya mounted the 19 August Zapolya and his court waited upon the throne of the Arpads, and began his rule under sultan in the memorable field of Mohacs, where the watchful eyes of a Turkish governor whom the soi-disant king of Hungary now added the hu- Suleiman left behind in the Hungarian capital.”! miliation of his people to their previous defeat. In Moving from Buda on to Vienna, Suleiman began a solemn ceremony in the imperial tent Zapolya the famous three weeks’ siege of 1529 on 26-27 was courteously received by the sultan and kissed September, allegedly bringing to bear upon the city 120,000 men, 20,000 camels, 400 pieces of artillery, 60 Cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 187 [214], a letter of the and a fleet of 400 Danubian river boats. Although

doge J. and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 99,dated fol.18aAugust, _ the1529: great Austrian historian von Hammer-Purgstall Senate to Lodovico Gritti,

‘‘Stando in expettatione di tue lettere per intender li progressi SAYS that the defenders of the feeble ramparts of del serenissimo Gran Signor et Felice Porta, come per le ultime | Vienna could muster only 16,000 men and 72 can-

nostre de XII del instante expedite per Piero da Liesena te pon,°* a Venetian informant who had left Vienna significassemo, ne sopragionse a XV del presente Carlo de Nicolo

cum tue lettere de XXX del preterito copiose, et da noi vedute

cum summa satisfattion del animo nostro si per haver inteso | della incolumita et prosperita del serenissimo Gran Signor, si °! W.F. A. Behrnauer, ed., Sularman des Gesetzgebers (Kanunt ) etiam perché vedemo che la impresa succede votivamente se- Tagebuch auf seinem Feldzuge nach Wien, Vienna, 1858, pp. 5condo il commune desiderio. Et ni é sta parmente de singular 6, 16-21; Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, contento la amorevolissima oblatione del magnifico Ibraim Bassa III (1828, repr. 1963), 81-84, 647-49, trans. J. J. Hellert, V

che la imperial Maesta sia per far a favor della Signoria nostra (1836), 114-18, 445-49. By a slip of the pen Hammer dates

quello ne sera bisogno.. . . the sultan’s reception of Zapolya on 20 July. J. W. Zinkeisen,

‘‘Siamo certi che passato il fiume Drava et Buda et le altre Gesch. d. osman. Reaches, II (1854), 682-83, dates the event on terre dell’ Hungaria li serano obediente, et sua imperial Maesta 20 August, as do Behrnauer, op. cit., p. 5, and Ursu, La Politique continuera la impresa, come tu ne hai dechiarito, cum el po- orientale de Francois I” (1908), p- 49, Suleiman’s journal, however,

tentissimo exercito suo, dal quale in caso de bisogno ne pro- puts it on 19 August (ed. Hammer, III, 648, trans. Hellert, V, mettemo quelli favori ne occorrerano come ne ha offerto la 448, and ed. Behrnauer, pp. 16-17). In the Moslem calendar Magnificentia sua, et pero cum summo desiderio expettamo 14 Dhu-l-Hijja, A. H. 935, corresponds to 19 August, 1529, intender il procieder de quella Felice Porta, affirmando al ma- in the western calendar. gnifico bassa che delle occorrentie de queste parte et operatione Venetian dispatches said the Turks had impaled the German di Cesare siamo per darli frequenti advisi, possendo la Ma- soldiers at Buda (Sanudo, Drarii, LI, 63, 65, and cf. col. 349). gnificentia sua haver cognosciuto che non habbiamo mancato ‘From Belgrade, on 13 November, 1529, Suleiman wrote the fin hora née mancaremo nello advenir, come la desidera.. . .”’. Venetians his own account of the occupation of Hungary and A week later, on 25 August, the proposal was made in the taking of Buda (abid., cols. 370-72), for which see, below, p. Senate to write Lodovico Gritti again “‘che per via de Lion et 332a. Antonio Rincon returned to Poland in the summer of de Fiorenza siamo advisati come alli cinque dell’ instante in 1529, and then went on to Hungary. The Poles followed the Cambrai fo solennemente publicata la pace fra el Papa, Cesare, Turkish expedition (and Rincon’s activities) with close attention

re de Franza, re de Ingelterra, et archiduca di Austria, che (Acta Tomiciana, X1[1901], nos. 187, 189, 195, 240, 255, 272loro chiamano re de Hungaria, senza denomination né inclusion 73, 275-76, 283-84, 288, 305, 314, 333, 335, 342, 348, 354, della Signoria nostra et altri confederati.. . .Nowhabbiamo tutta 357, 359, 361, 363, 365, 369-71, 379, 385, 397-98, 401-2, la speranza nostra nellr prospert successi del serenissimo Gran Signor, 404-5, and 434-35). Peter Tomicki seems to have believed et € necessario che per liberarne da questo cost proximo et imminente that Suleiman had more than 500,000 men in his army! (rbid., periculo, tu debbn sollicitar tl magnifico bassa ad penetrar nella Austna, XI, nos. 369-71, 397).

et cosi come noi li damo particular noticia delle occorrentie de ®2 In an undated letter (written in late July, 1529) the doge’s qui, possendo ben cognoscer per la molta prudentia della Si- son Lodovico Gritti had informed the Venetian government gnoria sua la necessita nostra, cosi desideramo haver frequenti that the Turkish army had passed Belgrade with “175,000 men advisi del proceder della prefata imperial Celsitudine, li auxili in all’ (Sanudo, Diarz, LI, 333), but the reports of contemdella qual serano tanto piu presti al bisogno nostro, quanto li _ poraries are even less to be trusted than the estimates of modern soi potentissimi exerciti procederano piu avanti” (ibid., Reg. historians. Cf’ Hammer, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III, 86, and 53, fol. 190 [217]). Forty-eight members of the Senate voted _ trans. Hellert, Hist. de [’ empire ottoman, V, 121, 122, with the to send this text to the doge’s son, but 107 voted ‘‘quod praesens _ insertion of a paragraph containing the statement that “‘l’ armateria differatur in crastinum.” Although on 26 August for _ tillerie des assieges ne consistant qu’en soixante-douze canons,

some reason it was voted to date the letter on the twenty-third, n’ était guére que le cinquiéme de celle des Ottomans.” A

it is not clear that it was ever sent. Venetian report speaks of 15,000 troops on pay in Vienna Other texts of similar import appear also to have failed to (Sanudo, LII, 98), and another of the Turkish ‘‘boche di bronzo secure a passing vote, but these letters illustrate the point of | sopra le carette quatrocento”’ (ibid., col. 59), but gives absurdly view of no small part of the Senate (ibid., Reg. 53, fols. 190°- high figures for the Turkish army. General summaries of the 193° [217°-220"]). Nevertheless, the doge and Senate did send events of the siege preserved in Sanudo, LII, 237-38, 433, some letter to Lodovico Gritti on 25 August, as indicated by _ place the size of the Turkish army at 120,000, which is Hamthe reference to “‘le ultime nostre de XXV del preterito” ina mer’s source. An official report of the Austrian council of war

letter to Gritti of 9 September (fol. 199% [226"]). in Vienna, dated 24 September, 1529, as the siege was begin-

326 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT on 18 September reported that there were more failure of the last assault upon the battered walls than 25,000 soldiers in the city, both foot and horse, on 14 October, Suleiman gave the order to abandon not counting the local militia, and 6,000 Bohemians _ the siege and break camp. Vienna had been saved.”*

were still expected. The walls had also been pro- The news electrified Europe. On All Saints’ day

vided with bastions and put in good condition. Clement VII, then in Bologna, celebrated the There was the greatest abundance of bread, wine, Christian victory with a solemn mass in the caand meat in the city; every day loads of grain were _ thedral, after which the Te Deum laudamus was sung arriving from Bohemia and elsewhere; ‘‘and he says in thanksgiving.®’ Nevertheless, when Suleiman that he saw more than 70 pieces of artillery, many of which are of large size.’’°* With the details of }|—=————_ the siege we shall not be concerned, but after four °4 [Peter Stern von Labach, ] Viennae Austriae urbis nobilissimae large-scale assaults (the greatest being on 12 Oc- 4 Sultano Saleymano immanissimo Turcarum tyranno immenso cum . exercitu obsessae historia, ‘Silvanus Ottmar excussit, Augustae tober) the Turkish forces had exhausted their sup- Vindelicorum, Anno MDXXxX, pridie Idus Augusti.’’ This work plies, and could secure no more in the surrounding is usually, and erroneously, attributed to Didaco de Sarava (see country which had been stripped bare in advance Kabdebo, Bibl. zur Gesch. d. berden Turkenbelagerungen, pp. 13-

of their coming. Neither the best efforts of the sul- 14). The copy in the Gennadius Library in Athens bears on tan’s engineers to mine the walls nor of the janis- the title page the signature of ‘Stephanus Baluzius Tutelensis. saries to scale them could take the city or induce monograph, with thirty appendices of western and Turkish the besieged to surrender. The season was advanc- _ sources, was published by Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Wien’s

; 8 ; J On the three-hundredth anniversary of the siege a valuable

ing. It was a long way back to Istanbul. After the °"s“e aufgehobene turkische Belagerung, Pest, 1829, and cf. his Gesch.

d. osman. Reiches, 111, 84-89, and the French translation, vol.

—_ V, pp. 118-28. Both in the original version of the latter work ning, paints a gloomy picture of conditions in the city, but gives (III, 85, 86) and in the translation (V, 120, 122) Hammer gives

no specific figures (ibid., cols. 255-57). It is, however, stated the size of the Turkish flotilla as 800 river boats in one place elsewhere that the Turks had not brought to Vienna proper and 400 in another! Peter Stern, op. cit., unnum. fol. 8” (=sign. artillery, ‘‘di sorte alguna di poter bater la citta,”” presumably Biv) puts the number at 500: ‘‘Vicesima deinde septima die because of the difficulties of transport (col. 349). There are Septembris nassadistae [river boatmen] quingentis velocibus day-to-day outlines of the siege in Sanudo, LI, 226-28, 237- Danubii pontem invasere, occupatum exussere. ..”’ (as Ham39, and cf., ibid., cols. 228-29, with the usual colossal figures mer, Wien's. . . Belagerung, p. 20, later noted).

for the size of the Turkish army. Reports in Sanudo, Diaru, LII, 226, 237, 432, say there were

Eyewitnesses were appalled by the grim spectacle of the siege: 400 river boats in the Turkish fleet: ‘“‘A li 23 dito [Septembrio ‘*Scriveno che non fu mai veduta tanta crudelitade, sono romasi 1529]. Vene su per el Danubio 400 barche, chiamate nassade,

li fossi pieni de Turchi, et de nostri n’ € morti assai, ma hanno et quelle assaltorno el gran ponte et quello brusorono et in tenuto tanto la bataia.. . . Fu morto di grande gente et valenti tuto ruinorono”’ (cf, Hammer, Wien’s . . . Belagerung, p. 57, homeni de li nostri, ma de li Turchi una quantitade grandissima, from the MS. of Sanudo, but with the language modernized). perche li nostri haveano grandissime boche di artellarie fece A dispatch from Udine dated 25 October (1529) seems to have una gran mortalitade de Turchi” (Sanudo, LII, 171, from a been the first inkling received in Venice of the failure of the

letter dated at Augsburg on 22 October, 1529). Turkish assault of ten or eleven days before (Sanudo, LH, 104°° Sanudo, Diarn, LI, 6-7, from a dispatch dated at Udine 5, 140-41, and cf. cols. 154, 163-64, 166, 167-68, 170, 171on 29 September, 1529. Precise figures were of course im- 72, 202, and 210-11), which forced the sultan into retreat. possible to get, but later Venetian reports tend to confirm this | Martin Luther learned of Suleiman’s withdrawal from Vienna dispatch, sometimes giving the number of defenders as more — toward Hungary ‘‘magno Dei miraculo”’ late in the day on 26 than 25,000 (ibid., cols. 59, 62, 93, 211, 225, 229, 259). Fer- October, as shown by two of his letters (Weimarer Ausgabe, dinand had retired from Vienna (z:d., cols. 31, 93, 98), although = Briefwechsel, V [1934], nos. 1484-85, pp. 166-68, and cf. nos. he was alleged to have promised to come to the aid of his people 1486, 1491-93). Luther was not alone in seeing a miracle, ‘‘et (cols. 41-42). Popular word had it that there were 300,000 in dicono, per la verita, la salvation de quella cita esser stata non the Turkish army, and only 10,000 footsoldiers in Vienna to _ per alcuna altra virtu ma per puro miracolo de Idio!”’ (Sanudo, defend the city (col. 34), and of course there were not lacking —_LII, 202).

rumors that Vienna had fallen (cols. 56, 62, 63-64, 75, 116, 65 Sanudo, Diarz, LIT, 169. Clement had announced the 139, etc.). Jean de Vandenesse, who traveled in the suite of | Turkish failure under the walls of Vienna at a consistory held Charles V, reports 250,000 men in the Turkish army (Itinéraire on Friday, 29 October, 1529. A month later, on 24 November, de Charles-Quint, in L.-P. Gachard, ed., Collection des voyages des a letter from Ferdinand was read, confirming Suleiman’s withsouverains des Pays-Bas, II [Brussels, 1874], 84). The two Turkish drawal eastward, leaving Zapolya and Lodovico Gritti in Hun-

sieges of Vienna, in 1529 and 1683, have given rise to a bib- gary with the intention, presumably, of embarking on another liography almost as extensive as the excitement they once caused. invasion of Austria in the early spring of 1530 (Arch. Segr. More than a century ago Heinrich Kabdebo, Bibliographie zur Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7 [from the Archivum ConGeschichte der beiden Tuirkenbelagerungen Wien’s. . , Vienna, _ sistoriale], fols. 176, 177, also to be found in Reg. 31, Acta 1876, listed 138 items relating to the first siege (pp. 1-40, 128- — Consistorialia [1517-1534], fols. 231°, 232", and in the Acta

30) and 341 to the second (pp. 43-128, 130-32). There isa Vicecancellarii [from the Arch. Consistoriale], Reg. 3, fols. day-by-day account of the siege of 1529 by Ferdinand Stoller, 169%, 170"): ‘Soliman vor Wien,” Mitteilungen des Vereines fur Geschichte der “Die Veneris XXIX Octobris Bononie fuit primum consisStadt Wien, YX—X (Vienna, 1929-30), 11-76, and an extensive _torium, in quo fuerunt per oratores Cesaris presentate littere

modern bibliography by W. Sturminger (Graz, 1955). nunciantes exercitum Turcorum, capta Ungaria, obsidere

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 327 withdrew from Austria and returned to Istanbul, right of imperial nomination to twenty-four bishhe left Zapolya in control of most of Hungary.°° _ oprics in the kingdom. Since Clement had declared the escheat of the Ferrarese duchy, feudum Ecclesiae,

Reports of Suleiman’s westward march had_ to the Holy See ‘“‘on account of the felony and nohelped to bring the pope and the emperor together torious rebellion of the illustrious Alfonso d’ Este in a formal alliance. By the treaty of Barcelona (of . . . as well as of the sentence passed against him 29 June, 1529) they had afhrmed their united stand in the consistory,’’ Charles made himself responsible against the ‘“Turcae victoriis elati, arma parantes, for the execution of the sentence against Alfonso, diraque Christiano nomini minantes.”’ Their pur-_ if it remained Clement's final decision. pose was to bring peace to Italy and to Europe in In two further articles, addenda to but apparently order to contain “lupus ille, rapax inimicissimus not parts of the treaty, Clement granted Charles Turcha.”’ They pledged their mutual aid to the and his brother Ferdinand, who was under Turkish protection and recovery of both papal and imperial assault, a fourth part of the fructus et reditus of ecterritory. Clement agreed to allow the imperialist clesiastical benefices in their various and numerous forces free passage through the papal states, and domains. He also renewed and increased the yield Charles promised to see to the restoration of the of the tax known as the cruciata (cruzada), the preMedici, illustris suae Sanctitatis familia, haeredes scilicet vious Concession of which Charles had found unquondam Magnifici Laurenti de Medicis, to their he- satisfactory because of certain restrictions.

gemony over the Florentines. Francis I was constrained to conclude his eighteen Charles would also see that Clement regained months’ war with Charles V in the treaty of Cambrai Cervia and Ravenna from the Venetians as well as (of 3 and 5 August, 1529). The treaty of Barcelona Modena, Reggio, and Rubiera from Alfonso d’ Este, had removed the last hope of his receiving any form

duke of Ferrara. Clement would confer upon of papal support. The fundamental issues dividing Charles a “‘new investiture” of the Neapolitan king- Francis and Charles, despite the endless verbiage dom, and would content himself with a palfrey a of the treaty of Cambrai, remained unsolved, quite year as feudal dues (solo censu equi seu gradarn. . . apart from their personal dislike of each other. ‘To in signum recognitionis feud). He also conceded the be sure, Charles gave up or at least deferred his

claim to Burgundy, and Francis abandoned his claims to Flanders and Artois, Milan and Naples.

Vienne, propterea hortabantur Collegium ut una cum Sanctitate Francis had once solemnly sworn never to give up sua cogitare vellent ut Vienne auxilium afferretur. In eodem = @NY of the lands or rights of France. Now that he consistorio Sanctitas sua nunciavit Collegio Dei auxilio liberatam had done so, he appealed to Clement VII for abfuisse Viennam obsidione Turcorum cum magno ipsorum de- solution of the oath (absolutio twramenti). On 29 No-

trimento. . . . [Cf note 76 below.] __ vember (1529) Clement granted the requested abDie 24 Novembris fuit consistorium in loco consueto, in luti ff . h F ‘s had di h quo fuerunt lecte littere regis Ungarie | Ferdinandi] nunciantes SO ution, a Pmins, that Francis la acte An t iS tirannum Turcarum recessisse cum magna parte exercitus versus Interests of public peace and social tranquillity.

eius provincias, relicto bayboda [Zapolya] in Ungaria et filio ducis Venetiarum [Lodovico Gritti] cum magna manu Thurcarum quos putat primo vere invadere.” Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. °? Dumont, Corps unwersel diplomatique, 1V-2 (1726), no. 1,

eccl., ad ann. 1529, no. 81. pp. 1—7a; Sanudo, Diaru, LI, 98-99, 106-7, 109-10, 119-20, 66 There is a concise account of French-Hungarian diplomatic 127-30, 134, 143-44, 203, 252, 282, et alii, and cf. cols. 443relations from 1526 to 1530 in Ursu, La Politique orientale de 45. Francois I”, pp. 40-50, with a well-marshaled selection of the °° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1440, fol. 3, “datum Bochief sources. The Turks had stripped Austria to the last hen —_nonie anno, etc., millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo nono, tertio and the last tree (Sanudo, Diariti, LI, 516). Ferdinand’s inability = Kal. Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno septimo:” ‘‘. . . Votis to pay his troops in Vienna, after they had endured the siege, _ tuis illis presertim per que paci et quieti Christiane reipublice was causing him endless trouble (2bid., cols. 502, 526, 602): — consulitur libenter annuimus, eaque favoribus prosequimur oprebellion in the city was followed by desertion to Zapolya. Luther —_ portunis: Sane pro parte tua nobis nuper exhibita petitio conreported that Hungary and Austria had been laid waste. Vienna __tinebat quod licet alias Maiestas tua iuraverit res et bona ac had escaped by a miracle, but was virtually destroyed. Germany __iura a corona regni Francie numquam alienare, dismembrare, was full of traitors playing fast and loose with the Turks, and aut separare et ad id vinculo iuramenti te astrinxeris, quia tamen Charles V was likely to be a worse menace to (evangelical) in civitate Cameracensi die viz. quinta mensis Augusti presentis Germany than were the Turks (We:marer Ausgabe, Briefwechsel, | anni inter Maiestatem tuam et charissimum in Christo filium

V, pp. 175-76). There is a vivid description of the siege of | nostrum Carolum, Romanorum et Hispaniarum regem CathoVienna, crediting Suleiman with 300,000 armed men and in- _ licum in imperatorem electum, sororium tuum charissimum, numerable camels, in a bull of Clement VII, ad futuram re: perpetuum foedus firmatum percussumque fuit, in eoque non memoriam, dated 27 January, 1530, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, _ nulle hinc inde alienationes [the treaty of Cambrai contained Reg. Vat. 1440, fols. 19°-20°, ‘‘datum Bononie anno, etc., some alienation of French rights ‘here and there’ !], sine quibus

1529, sexto Kal. Februari, anno septimo.” respublica Christiana tranquilla esse non poterat, facte fuerint

328 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Later on, Francis even married Charles’s sister to settle the stormy questions which still rent the Eleonora, widow of the late Emmanuel of Portugal, Italian atmosphere. matrimonial barriers of the third and fourth degrees of consanguinity having been removed by a papal Charles V had sailed from Barcelona, aboard one

dispensation (of 18 February, 1530),°° but he was” of Andrea Doria’s galleys, to Genoa, where he never willing to forget the great day of Marignano, landed on 12 August, 1529, as Gasparo Contarini and longed to retake Milan and to possess Naples. later recalled, ‘“‘circa il tempo nel quale il campo On 11 November, 1529, Clement VII informed del Turco giunse in Ungheria ed in Austria, e veniva Cardinal Wolsey that peace had been established sotto Vienna.’’’? Charles was received by the Sioutside Italy, ‘“‘which we have sought so whole- gnoria and two hundred citizens ‘‘all dressed in silk.” heartedly from the beginning of our pontificate, After welcoming salvoes of artillery, he rode slowly

and now hope so much the more to see established under a baldachino toward the palazzo della Sihere also.”” He emphasized that, in his every ex- gnoria, where he was to stay, ‘“‘always talking with change with the emperor, he had never thought of Messer Andrea Doria, who went on foot at his left or sought for anything except “‘peace among us and _ side.” Charles dismounted at S. Lorenzo, the duomo

the expedition against the Turk.’”’’? On the same of Genoa. He entered the church, and thereafter day he wrote Henry VIII of the mercy God had made his way to the palace on foot. He was in a shown in the Turkish failure at Vienna. To his joy jovial mood. The Genoese had erected two triumat the Christians’ deliverance hope was now added __ phal arches in his honor. The city was alive with that the time had at length come (which he had painted banners, one of which showed “‘come Zenoa

sought from the beginning of his pontificate) when ritornava in liberta per man di Messer Andrea peace might be made among Christians, so that their — Doria.”’

arms could be turned to the expedition against the Charles had come with an army of 12,000 foot Turks. He enlisted Henry’s help in putting out the and 5,000 horse, in a fleet of a hundred vessels, of flames of discord in the Christian community in which more than thirty were galleys, fourteen of order to advance the crusade.’! In the meantime, them belonging to Doria. The atmosphere was thick a week before this, the papal and imperial courts with rumors: Charles had come to Italy with two had come together at Bologna, and were now trying millions in gold, including 300,000 ducats which he had got from John III of Portugal. He saw Doria

—________ every day. Khaireddin Barbarossa was heading for visum fuit eidem Maiestati tue pro publica salute, pace, et quiete the coast of Spain witha large fleet of fuste, galliots, ac tranquillitate huiusmodi expedire per te prestito 1uramento and galleys. Charles was going to meet with Clement huiusmodi contravenire violensque tue conscientie ac Christiane Vil at Bologna. Lodgings were being prepared for

reipublice huiusmodi saluti providere.. . .” A slightly defective his Majest t Pi The M h Federi text of this bull appears in Thos. Rymer, Foedera, 3rd ed., 10 yesty a lacenza. c arc ese € erico

vols., The Hague, 1739-45, repr. 1967, VI-2, p. 139[previous Gonzaga had arrived in Genoa, and it was said that edition, XIV, 352], and a notice with the wrong date (28 for he was going to be made captain of the imperial 29 November) in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of army in Lombardy, where Antonio de Leyva’s de-

Henry VHI, IV-3 (1876, repr. 1965), no. 6066, p. 2706. feat of the French commander Francois de S. Pol,

Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1440, fols. 47-5", “datum ; . ;

Bononie anno, etc., millesimo vigesimo nono, duodecimo Kal. at Landriano just south of Milan, on 2] June had Martii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo.”’ On 12 May, 1526, made the imperialists dominant in the long-disputed Ferdinand of Hapsburg had written Clement VII that the Em- valley of the Po.

peror Charles had settled his differences with Francis on the most equitable terms—‘‘not such as another would have ex-

torted’’—and had in kindly fashion sent Francis back home, ~~ ‘‘desponsata illi Leonora serenissima regina, nostra charissima ”? Eugenio Alberi, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatort veneti al

sorore, quo pax et fedus percussum aeternior inviolabiliorque — Senato, ser. II, vol. III (Florence, 1846), p. 263, from Contarini’s sit’’ (from the Vatican Lettere di principi, vol. IV, fol. 88). The report to the Venetian Senate on 8 March, 1530; see also Carlo reference was to the treaty of Madrid (of January, 1526) which — Bornate, ed., Historia vite et gestorum per dominum magnum can-

was in fact an attempt at extortion. cellarum (Mercurino Arborio di Gattinara), in the Miscellanea di

7° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fol. 167, and — storia italiana, 3rd ser., XVII (Turin, 1915), pp. 376-77, on on the background of papal-imperial negotiations, note, zbrd., | Charles’s itinerary from Barcelona to Genoa, and esp. Giacinto

Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7, fols. 170° ff. Romano, ed., Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia (dal 26 77 Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 167’—168", ‘“‘datum Bononiae Lugho 1529 al 25 Aprile 1530), Milan, 1892, pp. 75 ff. The die XI Novembris, MDXXIX,” and cf. Brewer, ed., Letters and author of the Cronaca appears to have been one Luigi Gonzaga Papers. . . of Henry VII, 1V-3, no. 6056, p. 2703. But conditions di Borgoforte, a cousin of the Marchese Federico of Mantua.

in Italy did not improve very much; war continued, as did On the Turkish approach to Vienna, cf, ibid., pp. 92-93, 99famine, pestilence and the Turkish menace (Reg. Vat. 1440, 100, and on their subsequent withdrawal ‘‘quasi in fuga,” pp.

fol. 32°, “datum Bononie anno, etc., 1529’’). 102-3, 149-50.

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 329 The news from Cambrai had delighted Charles. While on the road from Piacenza to Parma, amid The Florentines and the duke of Ferrara had been howling winds and a driving rain, Charles V received

left out of the peace “per amor del papa.’’ The a letter from his brother Ferdinand, dated at Linz Venetians had sixty days to pull out of Barletta, on 19 October, 1529, with the joyous news that on Trani, and Monopoli on the southern coast of the the preceding Friday, 15 October, after “‘quatre Adriatic. De Leyva was said to be expected in Genoa, groz et longs assaulx’’ the Turks had given up the and Francesco Maria Sforza to be coming with him, | siege of Vienna.’° The Venetian ambassador Gasbut apparently no one believed it. It was also said paro Contarini wrote the Senate from Bologna (on

at the court that the Venetians were urging Sultan the twenty-ninth), anticipating his countrymen’s Suleiman to come “‘cum gran gente,” but again no ambivalence at the news, “‘la qual, benché sia bona

one believed it.” per la Christianita, € mal a proposito alli presenti Since his presence was required in Germany, and __negocii.’’”’ What was best for Christendom was, Vienna was under siege, Charles wished his coro-

nation as emperor to take place in Bologna rather =~ than in more distant Rome. The idea did not appeal 146-47, 154; and G. Romano, Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V

to the Curia, for imperial coronations were held in tala (1892), pp. 100-1. . al di A. von Gevay, Urkunden und Actenstucke zur Geschichte der Rome. There was a si y report that the cardinals Verhaltnisse zwischen Osterreich, Ungern und der Pforte [see above, had pressed Charles to receive the crown at Bologna, Chapter 7, note 63], vol. I, pt. 3 (Vienna, 1840), no. XXIV, pp.

and that he had replied he had so many crowns 49-50, and note Sanudo, Diarn, LHI, 138-39, 154: “. . . lo already he could hardly hold up his head (Ho tante exercito del Signor turco, da poi dato 13 bataie a Viena et esser

he | test "tH, les had b sta mal trattato, si era levato da la impresa.”’ Cf, ibid., cols.

corone che le me pesa im tes a). Charles had been 1 ¢9_61, 163-65, 167-70, 171-72, 210-11. looking forward to his coronation at papal hands The news brought relief to the cardinals in Bologna (Arch. ever since his election ten years before. Clement Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia: Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 31, had every reason to oblige him, and on 7 October formerly Arm. XII, tom. 122: Anno 1517 ad 1534, Acta conpope and cardinals left Rome, headed for Bologna, sistoraha dwersa, fol. 231", by mod. stamped enumeration):

75 Bononie Veneris 29 Octobris 1529 fuit primum consistorium where they arrived on 24 October. in quo fuerunt per oratores Cesaris presentate littere nunciantes exercitum Turcarum, capta Ungaria, obsidere Viennam; propterea hortabantur Collegium ut una cum Sanctitate sua cogitarentur velle ut Vienne auxilo aufferetur. In eodem consistorio 73 Sanudo, Diarn, LI, 398-403, and cf. cols. 411, 418, 427, | Sanctitas sua nunciavit Collegio Dei auxilio liberatam fuisse

and LII, 88, 89, 112-13, 120, 136; Brown, Cal. State Papers | Viennam obsidione Turcarum cum magno ipsius [sic] detri-. . , Venwe, IV, no. 499, pp. 227-28, and cf. no. 507. On 9 mento.’’ On 17 December, 1529, the Sacred College was inSeptember (1529) the Doge Andrea Gritti and the Venetian formed of a general levy to fall on both clergy and laity ‘‘idque

Senate wrote the doge’s son Lodovico: pro subventione Regis Ungarie in rebus Turcicis” (ibid., fol.

‘‘Per le ultime nostre de XXV del preterito haverai inteso 233"). Cf,’ Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 3, fols. 169%, 171°-172', la venuta di Cesare a Genoa, et che de li devea venir a Piasenza. and Reg. 4, fols. 38", 40°. Hora ti significamo come Cesare in Genoa ha turato et fatto 77 Dittrich, Regesten u. Briefe (1881), no. 226, p. 70, and Gaspublicar la pace fra lui, il pontifice, re de Franza, re de An- — paro Contarini (1885, repr. 1972), pp. 184-85. In their letters gelterra, et archiduca de Austria, exclusa la Signoria nostra et _ to Istanbul the Doge Andrea Gritti and the Senate emphasized

li altri confederati. Et alli XXX del preterito parti da Genoa, (as the Turks were doing) the sultan’s conquest of Hungary, et de hora in hora si expetta intender che ’] sia gionto a Piasenza. and made light of the failure at Vienna, but no one on the Siamo certificati che 'l ha seco li ambassatori de quasi tutti li lagoon failed to understand that Venice was now more exposed potentati di Italia, afhrmando voler pace cum ognuno, ma tut- to attack by the imperialists. Note the letters of the doge and tavia fa proceder le gente sue venute de Alemagna, le qual Senate to Lodovico Gritti, dated 2 and 26 November, 1529

passano per il Veronese, ove fano molti danni... .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fols. 223-24 [250-51 )): Charles V was uniting his forces in Italy, “‘possendo venir ‘(Le tue lettere] ne sono state gratissime per haver inteso da Piasenza sopra il stato nostro in meno di due giornate, ne _con grande satisfattione del animo nostro la incolumita et proconvenimo ritrovar in manifesto pericolo, percioche e difficillimo — sperita del serenissimo Gran Signor et felici progressi soi, ha-

che noi soli possiamo resisterli. Et oltra de cio siamo advisati vendo acquistato il regno di Hungaria et quello liberamente che Andrea Doria faceva impalmar le galie che se ritrovano a __consignato al serenissimo re Zuanne [Zapolya], operatione in Genoa, viz., le sue, quelle de Spagna, et de Sicilia, le quale — vero degna de magnanimo imperator, di haversi perpetuamente computate galie XII che ha promesso il re de Franza a Cesare devincto ditto serenissimo re mediante tal incomparabil beper la ditta pace serano in tutto galie XLVI, et dice che esso __neficio. . . . [Lodovico was to congratulate Sultan Suleiman, Doria die venir in questo Colpho [the Adriatic] nella Pugha Ibrahim Pasha, and the other pashas on ‘“‘tal felici successi.’’] . . .’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fols. 199°-200° [226°-227"}). Et farai parmente quel officio si conviene di congratularti con

74 Sanudo, Duarii, LI, 540. il serenissimo re Zuanne in nostro nome, di haver recuperato ” Fr. Dittrich, Regesten und Briefe des Cardinals Gasparo Con- il regno suo secondo il commune desiderio. . . .

tari (1483-1542), Braunsberg [Braniewo], 1881, nos. 217- ‘‘Praeterea vi dicemo cum senatu esser stato di molta satis25, pp. 65-69; also note Dittrich, Gasparo Contarm, Braunsberg, _ fattione della Signoria nostra haver inteso la elettion vostra in

1885, repr. Nieuwkoop, 1972, pp. 177-81; Sanudo, Diarii, episcopo de Agria [i.e., Eger, Erlau, in Hungary, on which cf,

LII, 78, 94, 107-8, 112-13, 118-19, 120, 138-39, 142-45, above, Chapter 8, note 153] et thesorier general del prefato

330 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT alas, obviously not best for the Venetians and He could not hear the emperor’s reply, for Charles Florentines, Francesco Maria of Milan and Alfonso (as usual) spoke very softly, but Cardinal Paolo d’ Este of Ferrara. Relieved of the urgent necessity de’ Cesi told Contarini that Charles had said he had of providing his brother with immediate aid against come to kiss the pope’s foot and to settle by disthe Turks, Charles could remain longer in Italyand cussion those problems which could not easily be impose harsher terms on the allies of the erstwhile dealt with by correspondence. Charles gave Clement League. In Bologna one awaited Charles’s arrival a purse of medaglie d’ oro worth about a thousand with unease as well as with excitement. Contarini scudi. When all the imperial courtiers had kissed informed the Senate on 3 November that Charles the pope’s foot, Charles entered S. Petronio, and had reached Castelfranco, seventeen miles from Clement stepped into a sedia gestatoria to be conveyed

Bologna, and on the fifth he described Charles’s the short distance to the Palazzo Pubblico (or majestic and memorable entrance into Bologna.’”® d’ Accursio, now the Palazzo Comunale), on the The pomp and circumstance with which em- _ west side of the piazza, where both he and the emperor and imperial entourage entered Bologna _ peror were being lodged. Thousands had witnessed (on 5 November, 1529) by the Porta S. Felice met _ this first meeting of pope and emperor. The papal all the theatrical requirements of a mannered but master of ceremonies, Biagio Martinelli da Cesena, elegant age. Painters and daubers, architects and _ had planned the details, and Isabella d’ Este as well Carpenters, masons and ironsmiths had decked out as Contarini has described it all in letters which the city in short-lived finery to receive the long have never lost their appeal.’” lines of lancers, artillerymen, and Landsknechte, Clement was much concerned about his family’s horse and foot, councilors and secretaries, marquises _ restoration to power in Florence. He was also anxand counts, bishops and knights, in colorful garb ious to achieve, if he could, the complete ruination and burnished armor. That afternoon they wound _ of Alfonso d’ Este. He knew that Contarini would, their way through triumphal arches, past equestrian of course, defend the Venetians’ retention of Rastatues, under pennons streaming from poles and venna and Cervia when the emperor came to Botapestries hanging from windows, until they had logna. Clement had suffered severely in recent years. conducted Charles (under the usual baldachino) to _ As indecisive as ever, he had become more suspithe ornate tribunal set up before the church of S._ cious than ever. On 31 October (1529) Contarini

Petronio in the Piazza Maggiore. Here Clement had reported to his government a conversation awaited him, in pontifical dress, a jeweled miter on which Sir Gregory Casale, the English ambassador his head, and here for the first time the pope and _ to the Curia, had just had with Clement. Casale had the CMPETOF Came face to face. Having mounted found him harsher than ever, for his Holiness said that the tribunal, Charles fell to his knees, kissed the should the emperor not keep faith with him, he will papal foot and hand, after which they exchanged return to Rome immediately, and have the agreement

an osculum pacts. made with his imperial Majesty printed, so that the

There were twenty-five cardinals present as well world may know that he [the pope] will have been deas all the ambassadors to the Curia Romana. Con- ceived by him.*°

tarini stood close enough to hear Clement’s expressed hope that God had brought the emperor 79s. ,udo, Diarii, LI, 180-99, 200-1, 205-6, 259-80; to Italy “per beneficio universal de la Christianita. Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, IV no. 524, pp. 234-36; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1529, nos. 82-84; cf. G. Constant,

‘‘Les Maitres de cérémonies du XVI siécle: Leurs Diaires,”’ Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, XXIII (1903), 170-72, and

serenissimo re de Hungaria . . . perché mediante I’ autorita on Martinelli, see Carlo Grigioni, “Biagio da Cesena,” Studi che harete con il prefato serenissimo re siamo certi che non romagnoli, V (1954), 349-88. Both Clement and Charles were mancarete de continuar et accumular li boni officit da voi fatti lodged in the ‘‘Palazo grande della Communita,”’ as stated in in ogni tempo per il stato nostro... . .”’ By this time the Senate | Romano, Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia, pp. 101, 114,

already knew of Suleiman’s raising the siege of Vienna, which 124, 126, not in the (small) Palazzo del Podesta across the led them to assume that Charles V would now concentrate his square from S. Petronio, as declared by Hayward Keniston, strength upon bringing Venice to heel (2bid., fols. 224" [251"], — Francisco de los Cobos, Pittsburgh, 1959, p. 130. The Palazzo del

226° [253"], 247° [274"], 258 [285)). Podesta was far too small to accommodate the four to five

78 Dittrich, Regesten u. Briefe, no. 230, pp. 71-72. Charles hundred imperial guardsmen who were kept “‘constantly in the received Contarini, whom he knew well, in most friendly and palace’ (Romano, op. cit., p. 126). courteous fashion, but turned a ‘“‘malissima ciera’’ to the Mil- *° Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, IV (1871), no. 522, anese and Florentine envoys when they approached him. The | pp. 233-34; Dittrich, Regesten u. Briefe, no. 227, p. 70: “. . . coronation in Bologna raised eyebrows in Rome, as Contarini Che si Cesare non li serva la fede, [sua Santita] é per ritornar wrote the Senate: ‘“‘Incoronandosi Cesare a Bologna et non a_— subito a Roma, et vol far stampar la capitulatione fatta cum la Roma, non lo chiamaremo Imperator Romanorum, ma Im-_ cesarea Maesta, azo che tuti intendano che sera sta ingannata perator Bononiensium!”’ Cf. Sanudo, Diarn, LIT, 192-93, 201. da Cesare.”

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 331 On the morning of 6 November Contarini pre- Contarini was still negotiating with the impesented his letters of credence to the emperor in _rialists at Bologna when a Turkish envoy arrived a private audience, and expressed pleasure in his in Venice. “And during the afternoon [of 17 DeMajesty’s coming to Italy, for his presence was _ cember, 1529], as Sanudo informs us, which es to a an end i ne monte ciscordle we have learned that there have arrived at the Lido this whic eset the peninsula. re roug t up t c morning two brigantines. . . , on which there is an envoy touchy subject of Ravenna and Cervia, Expressing — of the lord Turk with [a retinue of] sixteen persons, coming

the forlorn hope that Charles would intercede to our Signoria. The Collegio has decided to have him with the pope on behalf of Venice. The Republic lodged at the Ca Dandolo on the Calle delle Rasse (where would pay a proper censo for the two cities. Charles the house has been prepared for the arrival of the lord listened to Contarini, quietly, graciously, and then Renzo da Ceri, who is coming here from Barletta), and said that he had indeed come to Italy to bring has decided to send many gentlemen this very day to fetch

peace, but as for Ravenna and Cervia, he had the envey trom the ae wee brigantines, and to promised to restore them to the pope. ‘“‘Why,” he conduct him to the aforesaid dwelling, paying the expenses

6s ; >» forhim. Andtwo thereplaces were sent, others, to Seryou: Tommaso asked, “‘are these so among important a. C _ lained that Ven; had d Contarini, who was envoy to the lord Turk, and Ser Pietro

ontarini explained that Venice nad possesse Bragadin, who was bailie at Constantinople, and many them for manly years, and had been called in by others who, when the envoy had been conducted hither, the inhabitants themselves to cut down on civil all came into the Senate.*?

strife. It was no use. Charles said that he had to

satisfy the pope.*! It would seem quite appropriate to lodge the Contarini’s letter of the sixth was borne to Venice Turkish mle R and his suite Ie the “Cha Dandolo

by a rapid courier, and on the tenth the Venetian t “ e de le Rase. The patace has been one of government authorized him to say that ‘‘we are Ue cer enown hotels in Venice since the begin-

content to give [the pope] Ravenna and Cervia when "Ng Of the nineteenth century.

peace has been made with the emperor.’’®* Day The Turk was Yunus Beg, a tall and handsome after day Contarini dealt with imperial deputies ™an, with an assured manner. He had already concerning peace in Italy and a defensive alliance served as the sultan’s ambassador in Venice. The or ‘“‘league.” The Venetians were very doubtful day after his arrival on the lagoon Yunus entered about another Italian league, especially one which the Collegio, dressed in black velvet, walking bemight conceivably involve them in hostilities with tween Tommaso Contarini and Pietro Bragadin, the Turks. Contarini was trying to get the impe- ambedo1 Stati baili a Constantinopoli. Yunus

, 86

rialists to reduce the large indemnity which Charles Was said to know Latin, but the Venetian secretary had demanded from Venice and Milan. Between 2. Girolamo Civran, who was fluent in Turkish, was and 29 November (1529) the Venetian government 0” hand to act as interpreter.” The Doge Andrea finally indicated to Contarini its reluctant readiness to enter the proposed “‘liga a conservation di stadi 9———_——_— de Italia.’’ Not only would they give the pope Ra- terre quando le tolessemo. . . .’’ Contarini still had, however, venna and Cervia, but they were also prepared to difficulties to straighten out with both the pope and the emder to Charles the lands and the artillery the peror (ibid., cols. 377-78, 381). On Contarini’s negotiations for

surrende ; 33 y y peace and the Senate’s instructions to him, see Sen. Secreta,

then held in Apulia.” Reg. 53, esp. fols. 237” ff. [264° ff.]. He was replaced in the

Venetian “‘legation” to the pope by Antonio Surian, whose

TT commission is dated 2] January, 1530 (zbid., fols. 268°-269" 8! Sanudo, Diari, LI], 200-1. Venice had held Ravenna until [295*-296'}).

1509 (ibid., col. 286). 84 Sanudo, Diarii, LII, 359-60. The Venetians remained in 82 Sanudo, LII, 212, and see Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2. close and friendly touch with the Turks (2id., cols. 361-62). (repr. 1956), 381 and note 4; R. Predelli, Regest: der Comme- On 9 January, 1530, Renzo da Ceri appeared before the Colmoriali, VI (Venice, 1903), bk. XXI, no. 83, pp. 203-4, a papal __legio in Venice. He had with him some ten Neapolitan lords brief of 14 November (1529), acknowledging the Venetian — of the “‘Angevin” (French) party. They had left Trani on 15 decision to restore Ravenna and Cervia to the Holy See; Acta’ December (col. 468). consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 232", and Acta Vicecancellari 85 The Ca Dandolo dates from the mid-fifteenth century. It (from the Archivum Consistoriale), Reg. 3, fol. 170°, by mod. is the present-day Danieli Royal Excelsior Hotel. Yunus Beg’s stamped enumeration: ‘“‘Die XV Novembris fuit consistorium arrival in Venice was soon reported to Clement and Charles in in loco consueto. . . . Relatum fuit Venetos restituere velle | Bologna (Romano, Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia, pp. terras Ecclesiae, ut puta Cerviam et Rabenam per eos occupatas.”” 157-59, whose account, however, of the purpose of Yunus’s

The consistorial texts are carelessly recorded. embassy is inaccurate).

°° Sanudo, Diarii, LII, 299, 300-1, 314: ‘*. . . per tanto li °° Twenty years later we find Girolamo Civran teaching

dicemo nostra opinion esser far la paxe et liga come lihavemo ‘Turkish to Raffaele Corner, a notary in the Venetian chancery, scrito, videlicet daremo al papa Ravenna et Zervia, a Cesare le ‘‘et ha za fatto bon profitto nel imparar la lengua turcha dal terre tenimo in la Puia con le artellarie, come erano queste __ fidelissimo nostro Hieronymo Civrano”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66,

332 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Gritti welcomed the ambassador with almost ex- states were included in the pact—Clement VII, cessive courtesy. Yunus had left Sultan Suleiman Charles V, King Ferdinand of Hungary and Boat Belgrade five weeks before, and now brought _hemia, the Republic of Venice, Dukes Francesco II with him a long letter, addressed to the doge (and _ Sforza of Milan, Francesco Maria della Rovere of dated at Belgrade on 13 November, 1529). Su- Urbino, and Charles III of Savoy, the Marchesi leiman reminded the doge of the defeat of Louis Federico Gonzaga of Mantua and Bonifacio PaleoII, the Turkish conquest of Hungary, and his ac-_ logo of Montferrat, together with Genoa, Siena, ceptance of John Zapolya as Louis’s successor. and Lucca. Charles and Ferdinand, the Venetians Thereupon Ferdinand, brother of the king of and Francesco Sforza pledged themselves to a perSpain and himself the king of Bohemia, had in- petual, defensive alliance against any Christian tervened, taking Buda from Zapolya as well as his power or personage threatening or endangering crown, and overrunning the entire kingdom of _ the peace of Italy (contra quoscumque reges, principes,

Hungary. potentatus, et dominos. . . Christianos), which clearly

Suleiman had, therefore, marched into Hungary exempted the Venetians from taking up arms and Austria “‘con tutta la mia Porta,” as Ferdinand against the Turks. The pope was to get back longfled into Germany. The Turks had laid successful disputed Ravenna and Cervia; the emperor, the siege to Buda, recovering it from Ferdinand, and Venetian-held cities on the Adriatic coast of the ‘‘prendesemo la forteza et tutto il resto de Hongaria Regno.*® et tutte le sue terre.’ Suleiman had given the king- The Florentines were not included in the treaty. dom of Hungary to Zapolya, “‘secondo el costume Clement VII intended to re-establish Medici rule de mia molto grande Maesta. . . , azio el daga__ in their city, and he was having his way at Bologna. carazoa la Porta di la Maiesta mia.” Asnon-Moslems The Hapsburgs or their advisors seem to have alZapolya and his subjects would pay the poll-tax or _ tered their view of papal participation in the affairs kharaj. According to Suleiman, the Turks had ac- of state. So at least we may gather from an interquired (for Zapolya ) the crown of S. Stephen, with- esting letter which Pietro Zen, the Venetian amout which no one could be truly crowned king of bassador and vicebailie in Istanbul, had written Hungary. As for Ferdinand, the Turks had pursued _ the Signoria the preceding March (1529). Zen rehim to the confines of Germany. They had reached _ ported a conversation which he had recently had Vienna on 25 September (a li 22 de la luna di Mi-_ with the grand vizir Ibrahim Pasha, who had asked charea, 1.e., al-Muharram), while Ferdinand fled into Ferdinand’s envoys, when they were at the Porte,

Bohemia, to a city called Prague. Suleiman de- about the Hapsburgs’ role in the sack of Rome. stroyed his lands, *‘. . . et la mia Maesta etiam stete The envoys blamed the whole lamentable business li sotto dita Viena 20 giorni,” after which his Majesty on Clement, ‘‘because the pope should have been returned to Buda, and thence to Istanbul. Because attending to his books and to ecclesiastical affairs,

of the good faith and friendship which existed be- and should have left the state to the emperor, tween the Porte and Venice, Suleiman was sending whose province it is.’’®° ‘i] nostro schiavo Jonus interprete de la mia Porta,”’ to bring Venice the good news (of his campaign —=——————— and his safe return) as well as another message, ** The text of the (rather complicated) treaty of 23 Decem“and you will put in what1V-2 he will (1726), tell you.””87 per XL, ea maypp. be found in Dumont, diploma; ; faith tae que, no. 53-58. ThereCorps is auniversel summary in The Venetians needed something to put faith mm, Predelli, Regest: det Commemoriali, VI (1903), bk. xxI, no. 84, their ally Francis I had let them down at Cambrai; _ pp. 204-6, and ¢f. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg.

and Suleiman himself had suffered a serious setback 53, (ols 20 82 fb 26)" ff. risaras he mperia at Vienna. They had little faith in the Hapsburgs 2rd wih the duke of Mian wos ebseibed at about #0 and perhaps even less in the pope. Having NO prac- 389 and see cols. 383-86). The Venetians were never going ticable alternative, they decided to make peace. The to move against the Turks, as they were prepared to write the treaty was signed on 23 December, 1529, in the © sultan, “perché volemo perseverar in la nostra bona paxe”’ lodgings of Mercurino Gattinara, the imperial (Sanudo, Diaru, LI, 332, and cf. col. 393). On the negotiations chancellor, who had been made a cardinal four leading to the peace of Bologna and on the treaty itself, see especially the ‘“‘Maneggio della pace di Bologna tra Clemente months before (on 13 August). A dozen rulers and VII, Carlo V, la Repubblica di Venezia, e Francesco Sforza,”’ in Eugenio Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, vol.

TT ITI (1846), pp. 147 ff., 217 ff., 227, 247 ff., and on the presence fol. 96" [116"]). Civran was frequently called upon asa translator — of the Turkish envoy Yunus Beg in Venice, ibid., pp. 221, 231,

(cf. Sanudo, Diaru, LV, 36, and LVII, 323-24, 413, et alibi). 936, 87 Sanudo, Diari, LII, 367, 370-72, and note col. 529. In 89 Sanudo, Diarii, L, 175: ‘*. . . perché il papa doveria aten-

the Moslem calendar 25 September, 1529, corresponds to 21 der a libri et cose ecclesiastiche et il stado lassar a |’ imperador al-Muharram, A. H. 936. ch’ é suo.”’

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 333 Clement was also demanding Alfonso d’ Este’s voy to the Porte to explain her position. Yunus cession of Modena, Reggio, and Rubiera, con- professed to be satisfied.?” cerning which Charles insisted upon postponing The Venetians wanted to keep Yunus Beg sathis decision. Nevertheless, papal support went far isfied. On 31 December the Senate voted to give toward preserving the Milanese duchy for Fran- him five hundred ducats in gold, and authorized cesco Maria Sforza although, to be sure, the em- the Collegio to spend another five hundred on peror was charging a price for his investiture be- vestments for him.”* The first of January had been yond Francesco’s capacity to pay. Charles was al- set as the day for publishing the new Italian “‘peace ways short of money, especially so at this time, and and league.” A heavy fog gave a somber aspect

he levied as high an indemnity on Venice as he_ to the day. The weather had been bad. The unthought the Signoria would be prepared to pay paved walkways were muddy. The church of S.

without further recourse to arms.”° Marco was hung with tapestries and cloth of gold. On the morning of 21 December (1529) Yunus The exterior of the church was not adorned, nor Beg had spent more than two hours in secret au- were the standards of the doges and the captainsdience with the doge and members of the Collegio. general displayed, ‘‘per causa del tempo cativo.”’

Civran was the interpreter. Sanudo apparently The patriarch of Venice, Girolamo Querini,

never found out what the Turk wanted, nor what said mass. the Collegio’s response was to his requests.?' On Turkish ambassadors did not attend masses; the twenty-ninth Yunus came back to the Sala del they did not wish to witness the elevation of the Collegio for a private audience; he was accom- host. Yunus was given a ringside seat, however, panied by Tommaso Contarini, Pietro Bragadin, over a tavern in the piazza, in the house of Pietro ‘‘and three others, [all] in scarlet.”” The heads of Lodovici, the bailiff (gastaldo) of the procurators the Council of Ten were present. Yunus was told of S. Marco. The interpreter Teodoro Paleologo that peace had been made with the imperialists. was with him. From their vantage point they had It would be necessary to publish the treaty and to an unobstructed view of the ceremonies in the

celebrate the occasion, but the Turks must un- piazza, where the masters and members of the derstand that Venice would abide steadfastly by ‘‘Scuole’’ of S. Giovanni Evangelista, S. Maria her peace with the sultan, and would send an en-_ della Carita, the Misericordia, S. Rocco, and S. Marco all marched in procession. The Schools had

vied with one another in the festivities, and now ° On 27 January, 1530 (Ven. style 1529), the doge and presented tableaux of Justice seated, S. Marco

Senate informed the Venetian ambassador and the vicebailie Standing, and an ensemble of the pope, the emin Istanbul ‘“‘che ’] ditto duca de Milano si e obligato dar a peror, Ferdinand, the doge, and the duke of Milan Cesare in termine di anno uno ducati CCC m., per li qual seated together, ‘which was beautiful to see.’’ Cesare tiene per cautione sua el castello de Milano et Como, All the friars participated, carrying relics, as did havendo fatto consignar tutto ‘I resto del stato al locotenente . . . del prefato duca de Milano, et fatta la exborsatione della ditta the nine congregations of priests as well as the quantita de ducati CCC m. in ditto tempo de uno anno Cesare cathedral chapter of S. Pietro di Castello. Torches li die consignar ditto castello et Como. Se ha etiam obligato glowed throughout the piazza. Trumpets were ditto duca de Milano per la investitura che li ha fatta Cesare blown, fifes played, and bells rung. A huge bonfire de darli ducati D m., a ducati cinquantamille all’ anno. Praeterea . . . vi significamo che siamo tenuti dar a Cesare il danaro li pro- was lighted in the piazza. As the afternoon wore mettessemo per la capitulation fatta con luidel MDX XIII, che OF) and the fog thickened, the doge announced alhora fu communicata a quella Excelsa Porta, viz., de darli that the Venetian envoy in Bologna, the noble ducati CL m. de presenti et hi altri ducati Lm. a uno anno, et Gasparo Contarini, had concluded and signed q il restante delh ducati CC m. promessi in anni VIII a ducati ‘bona, vera, valida, sincera et perpetua pace” with XXVm.all’anno. . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 272” [299"], ; and cf. fol. 277° [304"]; see also the letter of the doge and Senate the POpe, the emperor, Ferdinand, and the duke to Lodovico Gritti, dated 10 February, ibed., fol. 276" [303"]). of Milan. He hoped that divine clemency would The Senate kept Lodovico and Pietro Zen, the Venetian am- maintain the peace forever, et viva San Marco!*4 bassador and vicebailie, well informed concerning Charles V’s activities (zbid., Reg. 54, fols. 1 ff. [23 ff.]).

See also Sanudo, Diaru, LI, 326, 327, 333, 347-48 (!),381, §

382, 422-32, and Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, IV, 2 Sanudo, Diarn, LII, 393. The accord with Charles V and nos. 582, 617, pp. 244, 256-57. On the Florentines’ armed Ferdinand came at a bad time, ‘. . . maxime hessendo el suo contest with Clement VII and the imperialists, note Sanudo, _ orator [i.e., del Turco] in questa terra”’ (ibid., col. 392). On 31 LII, 372-73, 422, 436, 449, 461-62, etc., 500-1, 528, 539, December (1529) Tommaso Mocenigo was elected ambassador 546 ff., 565-66, 584-86, 592, et alii, and LITT, 10, 11-12, 16, to the Signor Turco (cols. 399, 571).

etc., 275-76, et al. °3 Sanudo, Diaru, LII, 408.

°' Sanudo, Drarii, LIT, 380: “. . . L’ orator del Signor turco *4 Sanudo, Diani, LI], 435-36, 437, and see Romano, Cronaca

. . . expose quelo volse.. . .”’ del soggiorno di Carlo V im Itaha, pp. 166 ff.

334 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On the afternoon of 6 January (1530) there away quite content.’’?* It remained to be seen what arrived in Venice two persons who were undoubt- sort of report he would give the sultan and the edly known to Yunus Beg. Sanudo says little about __vizirs. As always during this period, however, the them, but the Signoria was probably glad to see __doge and Senate relied upon Lodovico Gritti, the

them. Both were known enemies of the Haps- close friend of the all-important Ibrahim Pasha. burgs, which would reassure Yunus, who might — Gritti had a double loyalty, to the Porte and to profess to be satisfied with the peace of Bologna, _ the Republic, and during the years of Turkish and

but knew well that the sultan would not be. The Venetian warfare with the Hapsburgs, he had new arrivals on the lagoon were Stephen Broderic, found no difficulty in doing his bounden duty to

bishop of Sirmium (Mitrovica), grand chancellor both. But now Venice had made peace with

of John Zapolya’s kingdom of Hungary, and An- Charles V and his brother Ferdinand. Gritti must tonio Rincon, ‘“‘an ambassador of the king of — explain to the Turks that Venice, abandoned by France. . . , who has been to the said King John her allies, had had no alternative. Charles was in to take him 30,000 ducats in his king’s name.’ nearby Bologna. He had come into northern Italy Broderic came with a retinue of horse. Rincon had — with powerful forces which could have reached

been traveling with him.*? One may easily be the lagoon in two days, and but for the peace of misled by his own speculation, but it is hard to 23 December would undoubtedly have done so, imagine Rincon’s being present in the same city _ bringing utter ruin to the Republic. It was proper as a Turkish envoy without being in touch with — to make peace. It had saved Venice, ‘“‘which we him, in close touch more than once during the two are quite certain must needs be to the satisfaction weeks they were going up and down the Grand of the Gran Signore, because the preservation of

Canal in plain sight of each other. our state redounds to the honor and advantage of

Broderic and Rincon were lodged together in _ his imperial Highness.’’*° the house of one Francesco Cherea. On 7 January the Collegio dispatched three Savialla Terraferma §=——W— to confer with Broderic. It is not clear whether ® ganudo, Diarii, LII, 480, 488-89, 494, 495, 496, and esp. their visit was purely honorific or involved the _ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 267° [294], letter dated 11 January, discussion of serious business.2° On the tenth 1530 (Ven. style 1529), al serenissimo Suleyman Sach, imperator

Broderic made his formal appearance before the @ Ture _ | . . .

Collesio. H dressed in black damask. and Cum iucondissimo animo habbiamo raccolto il magnifico

Oneglo. Tie was ”. Ionusbey, orator di vostra imperial Maesta, questi giorni gionto

attended by ten gentlemen. He presented his et- qui cum le lettere sue, expeditene da Belgrado, el qual ultra tera di credenza to the doge, and when all non-mem- | la particular continentia di esse lettere ne ha savia et accombers of the Collegio had (as usual) been dismissed modatamente dechiarito tutti li felici et prosperi successi di from the hall. “che gave an oration in Latin. savin vostra excellentissima Signoria cum il vittorioso et potentissimo

. , 8 . h 74 ; 8 exercito suo, si nello haver posto nella regal sedia in Buda il

that his most serene sovereign, John [ apo yal, serenissimo re Zuane, coronandolo della corona de tutto ’l regno had sent him here, having just recovered, with the di Hungaria, come delli altri felicissimi sui progressi in Alleaid and favor of the most serene lord Turk, his magna, in che la imperial Maesta vostra ha ben dimostrato la kingdom [of Hungary] which Ferdinand king of grandezza et magnanimita sua, la summa sua bonta, et iustitia,

Bohemia. had ‘ed > Broderi ._ comin del che la ne receve gloria immortale. . . .” O emia, a occuple sts rode C S 'S On Yunus Beg’s mission, note also, ibid., Reg. 53, fols. 258°—

to Venice was intended as an expression of Za- 959" [985°-286"], 260 [287]. Despite the Senate’s pleasure in polya’s ‘‘bona amicitia’’ for the most illustrious John Zapolya’s coronation as king of Hungary, a week later Signoria, to all of which the doge returned, verba (on 17 January) they declined his appeal for financial assistance,

pro verbis, a fitting preterita turbulente et difficillima guerra . , .answer.2” . per annihavendo XX et nol piu nella continui spesa una innumerabil et infinita Yunus Beg remained in Venice until 19 January summa de oro” (ibid., fols. 270"-271" [297°-298"}). (1530) when, well supplied with gifts, “che went *° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fols. 271"-272" [298'-299'], letter

dated 27 January, 1530 (Ven. style 1529), and addressed Reverendo domino Alovisio Griti electo episcopo Agriensi, summo thesaurario

et consiliario regis Hungariae, ac apud invictissimum turcarum um-

°5 Sanudo, Diarnu, LI, 462-63. peratorem eusdem regis orator, filio nostro carisstmo: ‘“‘Recevessemo

°6 Sanudo, Diarii, LI, 466, and on the Savialla Terraferma, alli tre dell’ instante sotto lettere del conte et capitanio de see Giuseppe Maranini, La Costituzione di Venezia dopo la serrata Sibinico le vostre date in campagna de Samandria alli XX VII del Maggwr Consiglio, Venice and Milan, 1931, pp. 333 ff. novembre, le qual sono copiose et expressive della ottima volunta °? Sanudo, Diarn, LI, 479. On 11] January (1530) the Senate — et desiderio che havete del beneficio delle cose nostre. . . . voted the Collegio authority to give both Renzo da Ceri, venuto | Havendosi il duca de Milano accordato cum Cesare, et essendo in questa terra, and Stephen Broderic, !’ orator del serenissimo re noi sta abbandonati da Franza et rimasti soli, senza speranza

Zuane de Hongaria, fifty ducats’ worth of wax-candles and co- di poter haver adiuto da alcuno al bisogno nostro che non

mestibles (abid., col. 481). pativa dilatione, ritrovandosi Cesare a Bologna cum potentessime

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 335 On 20 January, the day after Yunus Beg’s de- _ to the peril of attack. The bull of excommunication, parture, Stephen Broderic appeared before the Cum supremus coeli terraeque moderator, is dated 22 Collegio again. Now he came to the real purpose December (1529), which is when Giovanni Picco-

of his mission, lomini, cardinal bishop of Albano, presented the . text to the consistory. Zapolya apparently first heard and he stated that he understood the pope wished to y. aapotya app yeewhen ; ae : of the bull (and doubtless secured copy of it) excommunicate his king, a thing which would cause a_ | din P 3] 1530 huge commotion in that kingdom. Consequently he 1¢ Was promulgated in Frague on January ( ). urged that the Signoria be willing to discuss the matter Publication of the bull gave it a wide currency with the pope, because for the well-being of Christen- throughout Bohemia and Hungary, Germany and dom he must not do this. Then he asked that this state Italy, and quickly led to Zapolya’s vain but vehement agree to give his king some financial aid in secret so that remonstrance against such flouting of justice by a he might be able to maintain himself, either give it or pope who claimed to have been put in the iustitiae loan it, as should seem best to us. The most serene cope sedes by the “supreme ruler of heaven and earth.’?!°!

answered him courteously, saying that there would be On 2 February (1530) John Dantiscus, the Polish envoy to the imperial court, wrote Sigismund The intervention of the Signoria on John Za- I from Bologna that, a day or two before, Clement polya’s behalf would have done no good. Although VII had summoned all the “‘oratores” to a conit would indeed seem that Broderic was unaware sistory, where Cardinal Alessandro Farnese had of the fact, Zapolya had already been excommuni- launched into an extended diatribe against the cated a month before, as an iniguitatis filius, whose Turks. A great deal of money was going to be encouragement of the Turk had not only ledto the needed to resist them. The various envoys were subjugation of Hungary, but had exposed all Europe asked whether they were authorized to deal with this matter. When all except the representatives of Charles V and Henry VIII [according to Dan-

consultations, but that we had no money to give him. ; -

ae in: doi _ tiscus, which must bein apersona slip contro for Ferdinand] force che giorni haveria possuto venir ;

said

il stato nostro et ruinarlo, come indubbitatamente seria seguito, they had no such authority, they were asked to ne & stato necessariissimo per conservation nostra devenir alla secure from their principals the mandata required pace cum sua Maesta, che siamo certissimi debba essere di sa- tg make the commitments necessary to organize tisfattione al serenissimo Gran Signor, percioche le conservation genera lis expeditio contra infi deles. This was an awk-

del stato nostro convien essere ad honor et commodo di sua d sj ‘on f, Polish be in. for Si imperial Celsitudine. . . ,”’ with whom the Venetians will re- ward situation tor a Folish envoy to be in, for sigmain always at peace, ‘“‘come firmissimo fundamento della con-

servation del stato nostro.” The doge and Senate were as usual taking steps against cor- '0l Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii (from the Arch. sairs in Levantine waters, especially four vessels which had been —_ Consistoriale), Reg. 3, fol. 172", also in Acta consistorialia (1517-

armed at Marseille, but the provveditore of the Venetian fleet, 1534), in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 31, fol. 233°, by mod. as well as the colonial government at Candia, had been instructed stamped enumeration: “‘Die Mercurii XXII Decembris [1529]. ‘‘che de tempo in tempo dagi particular adviso a Rhodi, Modon, . . . Reverendissimus dominus Senensis [Giovanni Piccolomini] Coron, et altri lochi del serenissimo Gran Signor de tutto quello ut unus ex deputatis cum reverendissimis de Sancto Severino intenderano de ditte barze et gallioni [i-e., the corsairs’ vessels [Antonio di Sanseverino] et Cesarino [Alessandro Cesarini], qui armed at Marseille], accio se possi assecurar li subditi di sua —_ egritudine impeditus adesse non potuit, retulit super privatione imperial Maesta et della Signoria nostra, che sonno una cosa = Comitis Johannis [Zapolya], Baiboda [sic] Transilvani, tanquam istessa per la sincera et inviolabil pace nostra!” (b:d., Reg. 53, — eius qui iniverit amicitiam cum Thurcarum tiranno, qui ipsius fols. 271°-272", and note fols. 235 [262], 264 [291], on the — ductu et promissis Regem Ludovicum tunc et nuperrime totum suspicious movements of the four French vessels). The French — regnum occupaverit, incenderit et deleverit, ex quibus privatus, had become personae non gratae in Istanbul since the peace of | excommunicatus et declaratus existit iuxta tenorem minute per

Cambrai. reverendissimum primum diaconum lecte.’’ The same text oc'°° Sanudo, Diaru, LI, 498. Stephen Broderic left Venice curs in the Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 4, fol. 40. on 30 (or 31?) January, “going to Padua to spend some days Note also Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 446there”’ (bid., col. 530). On the thirty-first he wrote Peter Tomicki 47, and append., no. 123, p. 755, who misdates the bull of

and Christopher Szydfowiecki a letter, dated ‘‘Venetiis, ultima | excommunication Cum supremus coeli terraeque moderator (datum

Januari 1530,” in which he gave them the current news, but Bononiae, anno incarnationis dominiwae [1529]. . . , undecimo did not mention his futile attempt to get money from the Vene- kal. Januarn, pontificatus nostri anno septimo) as 21 December. A tians (Acta Tomiciana, X11 [1906], no. 34, pp. 35-36). In June — dated text of the bull may be found in the Acta Tomicana, XII

(1530) Ferdinand was also appealing to the pope through his (1906), no. 36, pp. 36-39 (it might have been put in vol. XI envoy Andrea da Borgo “‘che, expedita fusse I’ impresa di Fio- _ to preserve the chronological sequence of the Acta although, renza [i.e., the return of Florence to Medicean rule], soa Santita. to be sure, Vincenzo Pimpinella, the archbishop of Rossano prometesse esser contenta che tutte le gente cesaree et quelle — [1525-1534], who was serving in central Europe as nuncio with di soa Santita andaseno in Alemagna per tuor |’ impresa di _ legatine authority, published the bull in Prague on 31 January, Hongaria contro il Turco” (Sanudo, LIII, 300, and note cols. 1530). Zapolya’s protest contra excommunicationem papae is given,

313, 327, 350, on Hapsburg activities against the Turks). ibid., XII, no. 37, pp. 39-42.

336 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ismund had and wished to preserve a truce with Sultan Suleiman looked benignly on the Lutherthe Turks. Dantiscus had had to notify Sigismund ans, because they gave the Hapsburgs no end of of the Curia’s request, but “as for me, I desire trouble in Germany. The Venetians also took a nothing else than to leave here honorably and to good deal of interest in the Lutherans, much of return to your most serene Majesty—if anything it for the same reason, and they shared their news of this sort must be dealt with, I should like [your from Germany with the Turks. Majesty] to send someone wiser than I.”’ Dantiscus On 10 February (1530), for example, the Doge did not believe a crusade was possible. He doubted Andrea Gritti and the Senate wrote Pietro Zen, the whether the current peace would last, especially Venetian ambassador and vicebailie in Istanbul, that

since Francis I was said to be recruiting a new they had just been informed by letters from their army. Dantiscus had never had any confidence in envoys in Bologna that the German princes were the recent “‘alliances,”’ 2n tot infectis et rursum refectis urging Charles V to return to imperial territory foederibus. ‘The emperor had made “friends” of ‘“‘per causa delle differentie che tra loro vi sonno, two powerful enemies, presumably the Frenchand _intervenendo le cose Lutheriane.’’ Venetian docthe Venetians, ‘‘not weighing sufficiently, I think, uments in fact abound in references to the Luthe old adage that no faith isto be putinan enemy _therans. According to the current word Charles who has become your friend,”’ inimico reconciliato had decided to receive the crown in Bologna on 24 non esse fidendum!'°* Dantiscus was right. The out- February. Clement VII wanted the Venetian envoys look did not include a crusade. Charles would go _ to be present at the coronation. After the ceremony

from Italy to Germany, where the Lutherans Charles intended to return to Germany (or so it would claim his attention and occupy his time. was said), but in the meantime he had ordered his The Venetians could give Zapolya no financial forces to see to the submission of the Florentines aid. They needed their money. They had a large _ to his Holiness. ‘‘You will pass this information along

indemnity to pay Charles V, and now they stood as usual to the magnificent Ibrahim [Pasha] and to alone. The French had left them in the lurch. _ the other magnificent pashas with the assurance that, They had long been at serious odds with Clement whatever happens, their Excellencies will be advised VII. Despite Lodovico Gritti’s influence at the immediately.’’!°?

Porte, the Turks were doubtful friends, and de- Two days later (on 12 February) the doge and spite the peace of Bologna, so were the Hapsburgs. Senate wrote Pietro Zen that a commission of four The future was uncertain. The Venetians and the cardinals had convened with the various envoys in Turks had, however, an unwitting allyincommon. Bologna to consider the steps to be taken in the event of Sultan Suleiman’s again attacking “‘li paesi

lla Maesta 2 “‘cer-

10? Acta Tomiciana, XII, no. 39, p. 43: “‘. . . unde interrogati de amas ta cesarea fi vement had ordered a St fuimus, si ad istiusmodi negotium tractandum nobis essent a tain Imposition to find the money to Sive effect principibus nostris mandata; quod cum omnes praeter caesari- tO the cardinals’ final recommendations, and had anos et Anglos [a slip for Bohemos? Hungaros?] negaremus, fuit exhorted the envoys in Bologna to sound out their postulatum a nobis reliquis, ut a dnis. nostris ad tractandum in principals as tO a movement in force against the

commune pro generali expeditione contra infideles mandata Turks. The Veneti had not tak tj obtineremus.”” On John Dantiscus, see Felipe Ruiz Martin, : © € an envoys ad not taken par in ‘‘Carlos V y la confederacion polaco-lituana,”’ Boletin de la Real NY of these discussions. .. . You are to inform Academia de la Historia, CXX XIII (1953), esp. pp. 384-427. _ the magnificent Ibrahim Pasha of all this according

When some five months later (on 24 June, 1530), Clement to your wont, and you will also tell our son, the VII addressed the same question to the ambassadors, whether reverend lord Lodovico Gritti.’?!%

they had ‘‘mandates”’ commit their €principals, Thet V k he P Hing, Af “erhielt er the nur necessary von den Vertretern Karls V.tound Ferdinands Venetians kept le :orte well in ormed.coo

I. bejahende Antwort” (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, IV-2 [repr. ter several changes of mind and long searchings of 1956], 447). Henry VIII had little more enthusiasm for assisting heart, Charles had indeed decided to be crowned

the Hapsburgs against the Turks than did Francis I. Pastor, ibid., 1V-2, 4477-59, has illustrated (from the dispatches of Fer-

dinand’s ambassador to the Curia Romana, the able Andrea da Borgo) Clement’s dedication to the crusade and his efforts '°3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 276" [303°]. The Lutherans to assist the Hapsburgs against the Turks throughout the years said that one should not set about making preparations against 1530-1532, as well as the French and English opposition to — the Turks until the religious problem had been properly dealt every pro-Hapsburg gesture or appointment made by the pope _ with, et dicono non doversi parlare di preparamenti contra il Turco (ibid., esp. pp. 453, 456, 461-63). In this connection see Karl se prima non s2 determina circa la fede (Sanudo, Diarti, LIII, 352). Stoegmann, ‘‘Uber die Briefe des Andrea da Burgo, Gesandten __If, conceivably, the Lutheran princes should have to take the

Konig Ferdinand’s, an den Cardinal und Bischof von Trient field against the Catholics, they did not want to have spent Bernhard Cles,” in the Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie _ their strength against the Turks.

der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Hist. Cl., XXIV-2 (1857), 159-252. '04 Tbid., Reg. 53, fol. 277 [304].

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 337 in Bologna on 24 February (1530), his thirtieth The recent round of peacemaking in Europe birthday and the fifth anniversary of the imperialist had, of course, not included the Turks, who were victory at Pavia. Ata consistory held on 4 February © still very much at war with the Hapsburgs. While Pope Clement had let the cardinals know Charles’s Charles was getting ready for his coronation, the decision ‘“‘to be crowned at Bologna on the feast of | Turks had raided the old Hapsburg duchy of CarS. Matthew.’’ Clement assigned Cardinals Pietro niola, burning the towns of Kocevje and Ribnica. de’ Accolti, Wilhelm Enckevoirt, and Innocenzo ‘They carried off a huge booty in animals as well Cibo to make the necessary arrangements.'°’? On as 1,300 prisoners, taking everything and everythe sixteenth he inquired about the progress of their one to Ogulin in northwest Croatia, where they

plans. He wanted to know where the emperor’ were planning to regroup in preparation for anshould receive the iron crown of Lombardy (the _ other raid into Carniola, this time (it was said) with locus traditionis), and how many days should elapse Laibach (Ljubljana) as their objective.'°®

between the receipt of the iron crown and the Although the peace of Bologna had been disgolden crown of empire (necnon [de] diebus inter fer- appointing to the Turks, the Venetians seemed ream et auream coronas interponendis). On the twenty- _ still to be in the good graces of the sultan, who first Accolti presumably provided the answers to — had just added (at Lodovico Gritti’s behest) 500 these and similar questions, when he reported that cantara of saltpeter to the five hundred he had four witnesses had been examined concerning previously given the Signoria. The Senate was im-

Charles’s election. They had all expressed their mensely grateful to Ibrahim Pasha, to whose complete approval of the electoral procedure. The _ friendship with Lodovico they knew they owed pope had therefore declared that Charles had been _ both the Gran Signore’s initial gift and his further legally elected. He was to be crowned with the dis- donation. They were no less grateful to the dilipensation that he might retain the kingdom of Na-__ gent _Lodovico, but the Senate apparently preples along with the empire.'°° It would certainly ferred to express their gratitude in a verbal rather have been astonishing if the cardinals had discovered than a written message, since they doubtless did any impediment to the coronation. Consequently, not want it known that they were receiving salton 22 February, Charles V assumed the iron crown _ peter from the Turks.!°? Letters were forever in the chapel of the Palazzo Pubblico, and on the twenty-fourth he was finally crowned CMPeror - Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fol. 275° an elaborate ceremony in the handsome basilica of [309],

S. Petronio at Bologna.’ Contemporaries were fascinated by the ceremonies attending the meeting of pope and emperor, and especially by those which

marked the coronation (cf. Jean de Vandenesse, Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, in L.-P. Gachard, ed., Collection des '®° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7, fol. 184%; voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, I [Brussels, 1874], 85-94),

Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), ibid., Reg. 31, fol. 235"; Acta and the papal historian Ludwig von Pastor seems hardly less Vicecancellarii (from the Archivum Consistoriale), Reg. 3, fol. fascinated (Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 [repr. 1956], 383-87, with 175”. Enkevoirt, the cardinal of Tortosa (Dertusensis, in Spain), abundant references). Note also Manuel de Foronda y Aguilera, had been created a cardinal in Hadrian VI’s sole promotion — Estancias y viajes del Emperador Carlos V, Madrid, 1914, pp. 336-

of 10 September, 1523 (Eubel, III [1923], 18), as we have 39. The Hapsburgs, however, were anxious to arrange a truce

noted above, Chapter 6, p. 220. with the Porte at this time, if it could be done without appearing

106 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7, fol. 185; to give evidence of their own weakness (cf. Charles’s letter from Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 235; Acta Vicecancellarii, | Bologna to Ferdinand, dated 11 January, 1530, in Lanz, CorreReg. 3, fols. 175°-176"; and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. spondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., I, no. 131, pp. 361 ff.), at which

1530, nos. 6 ff. time the Venetian Senate professed the deepest friendship for

'°? Sanudo, Diarn, LI, 553, 569, 581, 588, 592, 593-94, John Zapolya, rex Hunganae, but regretted that it was not possible 603-19, 624-79, preserves several contemporary descriptions to furnish him with money (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fols. 270°— of Charles V’s two coronations (with the iron crown of Lombardy — 271" [29'7"—298"], doc. dated 17 January, 1530 [Ven. style 1529],

brought from Monza for the purpose, zbid., col. 605, and with and see Sanudo, LII, 498). a golden crown, such as the emperors had received when '°8 The news had come from Ljubljana to Cividale in Friuli crowned at Rome), along with the ceremoniale (cols. 657-79), on 22 February (1530), whence it was transmitted to Venice which contained the notable oath to be sworn by the emperor by Gregorio Pizzamano, the provveditore at Cividale, on the to the pope (cols. 606, 659). See also the almost too detailed twenty-fourth. Sanudo apparently learned of the raids on 1 account of the “‘coronatione ferrea”’ and the imperial coronation March (Diaru, LUI, 6-7, and cf, ibid., cols. 73~74). in Romano, Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V m Italia, pp. 191- '°° Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 2° [24"], the text of a pro-

223, esp. pp. 202 ff. Clement VII and Charles had been drawn posed letter to Lodovico Gritti, dated 8 March (1530): “. . . together, as we have seen, in the so-called peace of Barcelona Habbiamo recevuto a vostre annexo il commandamento havete (Sanudo, LII, cols. 443-45, 471-72, 478). A partial text of the — ottenuto delli cantara cinquecento de salnitrii oltra li altri cinpeace of Barcelona may be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A.A. quecento perinanci per il mezzo vostro impetrati, quali ne scriArm. I-X VIII, no. 6028, a later authenticated copy, and note _ vete il serenissimo Gran Signor haverne concesso in dono, per

338 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT being intercepted or going astray, and in either comed Beatrice of Savoy into the city,'!? now in-

case falling into the wrong hands. formed the Signoria (on 6 March, 1530) that Charles

No one in Venice could be sure what the Turks’ HI of Savoy was sending an “‘orator’”’ to Venice to final reaction to the peace of Bologna would be. _ renew his claims to the kingdom of Cyprus, ‘‘et per Disappointment and annoyance could be taken for dimandarne percio qualche pensione.”’ On the ninth granted, but the Venetians wondered whether there the Senate voted that when the Savoyard envoy might not be more substantial manifestations of the should appear before the Collegio, either by himself sultan’s displeasure. On 3 March (1530) letters ar- or accompanied by Charles V’s own envoys, the rived in Venice from Pietro Zen, the Republic’s Doge Andrea Gritti should state with his accustomed

vicebailie and ambassador to the Porte, and Lo- eloquence and prudence that the duke of Savoy’s dovico Gritti, who called himself bishop of Eger claim was indeed astonishing (contra ogni sua aspet(Erlau) in Hungary, and was John Zapolya’s am- _ tatione),

bassador on the Bosporus. Their letters were dated .

at Istanbul on 28-29 January and 1-2 February masmuch as the kingom of Cyprus has Sine been he

(1530). Zen and Gritti had twice called on Ibrahim ‘OT SOME SIXty years, having come to our olgnoria at the death of King James [II], who had previously possessed

Pasha, who hadPjalready learned of the peace of . ; ; b rR it, when he was set up in the kingdom by the then lord

Bologna, la paxe fata con I’ imperator, Y Way OF Xa- soldan (who ruled Syria at that time), with an annual gusa. Whether In an angry Or a reflective mood (or tribute to the value of 8,000 gold ducats Venetian, both), Ibrahim had told Zen and Gritti that ‘“‘the which the said king used to pay... .

faith of Christians was writ in snow, that of the Sultan in marble, and [that] there must needs be From the time when Venice first came into pos-

but one monarch in the world, either the emperor S©5S!07 of Cyprus, she had paid the same tribute,

or his own lord.’”!!° first to the Mamluk soldans and (after 1517) to the To the Venetians a world dominated by either Ottoman sultans ‘‘senza interpollation ne molestia a Hapsburg emperor or an Ottoman sultan was de alcuno. The Savoyard envoy shoud therefore an equally bleak prospect. But if it was not one desist from this scandalous claim, which could be problem, it was another. For a while it looked as dangerous to Venetian interests in the wevant. The

though Venice, having made up with Charles V, cpu had always been and di the good

was going to have trouble with his brother-in-law the aux Savoy, ane.imperial a Just brotherentered thehee newofpeace and of union with his

Charles III of Savoy, who had been among the “law Charles y 13 P

dozen rulers or states included in the peace of he §; Sy. h

Bologna. The Charleses had married daughters of The Signoria had tod yunus Beg that a venetian the late Emmanuel of Portugal (d. 1521). Charles ambassador would follow him to Istanbul. As we of Savoy’s wife Beatrice had just entered Bologna ‘‘con gran pompa et bella comitiva”’ at the beginning of March (1530). Her husband had been ''? Of the Venetian delegation which had attended Charles trying to get himself made king of Savoy, but V’s imperial coronation, Marco Dandolo and Gasparo Contarini,

Charles V . d in his furth the latter having been the Republic’s ‘‘orator” at the Curia

aries was not interested in his further ag- — Romana for some twenty-one months, returned to Venice on

grandizement. 3 March, 1530 (Sanudo, Diarn, LIII, 9). Alvise (or Lodovico) The Venetian envoys in Bologna, some of whom ___ Gradenigo, Alvise Mocenigo, and Lorenzo Bragadin must have

had joined the imperial entourage which had wel-_- returned about the same time. Antonio Surian, recently elected

ambassador to the pope, and Niccolo Tiepolo, recently elected ambassador to the emperor, were still in Bologna, and would be there for some time to come (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, fols. il che harete immense gratie al magnifico Ibbraym [Bassa], da 267°-270' [294°-297"], and Sanudo, LH, esp. cols. 396, 399,

chi potissimum cognoscemo tal dono, et voi dell’ opera che in 450, 481, 495, 543, and LIII, 8-10, 16-17, et alibi). Gabriele cio havete prestata, potrete esser certo che ne chiamamo sa-___ Venter was also in Bologna, as the Venetian envoy to Francesco tisfattissimi et molto commendamo il studio et diligentia vostra. | Maria, duke of Milan.

.. .’ This letter was, however, never sent to Lodovico, the "I Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fols. 2Y-3" [24°-25"], resolution of vote in the Senate being de parte 85, de non 85, non syncert 10. the Venetian Senate dated 9 March, 1530: ‘‘. . . imperoche 110 Sanudo, Diaru, LIII, 8: ‘‘. . . et la fede de Christiani era essendo esso regno nostro de Cypro gia anni LX in circa, perscrita in neve, quela del Signor in marmoro, et bisogna sia uno — venuto nella Signoria nostra per la morte del re Zaccho, che solo monarca al mondo, o |’ imperador o il suo Signor.” prima el possedeva, introdutto in quello dal q. Signor Soldan, ''! Cf Sanudo, Diari, LII, 12, 13, 31, 40 ff. Charles V had — che a quel tempo dominava la Soria, con uno annuo censo della

married Isabella of Portugal (d. 1539) on 11 March, 1526,and_ valuta de ducati VIII m. d’oro venetiani, che esso re li conCharles of Savoy had married her sister Beatrice (d. 1538) five tribuiva. . . .”’ Cf, ibid., fols. 7’-8" [29°-30"], and Sanudo,

years earlier, on 26 March, 1521. Diaru, LI, 14, 15, 17, 20, 48-49.

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 339 have already observed in a footnote, Tommaso Mo- _ the assault in Turkish territory upon some Vene-

cenigo was elected ‘‘ambassador al Signor Turco” tian gentlemen who were returning home from on 31 December (1529).'!* As usual there was an Istanbul, and having attended to certain other interval between the date of election and the date matters, Tommaso Mocenigo would be free to of departure. Mocenigo naturally did not relish a return home.'!” winter-time voyage to the Bosporus. On 11 March Five days after his return to Venice, after almost (1530), however, he received his commission as the two years at the peripatetic Curia Romana, GasRepublic’s ambassador to the most serene lord Su- _ paro Contarini gave his report to the Senate (on leiman, “‘grande imperator de Turchi.’”” He was to 8 March, 1530). He said that when Pope Clement go to Istanbul in the galley commanded by Girolamo had left the Castel S. Angelo (on 7 December, Contarini. Francesco Bernardo, “‘designato baylo 1527) he had been well-disposed toward Venice, nostro de li,”” was to make his way to the Porte at but the Venetian occupation of Ravenna and Certhe same time, but in a different galley. Mocenigo’s via had pushed him into the emperor’s arms. The general instructions were much like those of his pope was determined to have his way with Florpredecessors (and successors), requiring him to make _ ence, not that he wanted the current siege to result

the usual visits to the pashas and to present them in the ruin of the city, but he did want to re-eswith the usual gifts. He was to explain, however, tablish the erstwhile rule of the Medici on the that the chief reason for his mission was to con- Arno. According to Contarini, the papal revenue gratulate Suleiman on his safe return from the ex- had formerly been 450,000 ducats, but was now pedition during which he had placed John Zapolya reduced to 200,000, “‘per causa che la Alemagna

back upon the throne of Hungary. é fata Lutherana poi papa Leon.’’ Clement had

Although the doge’s son Lodovico Gritti and also reduced his income by the alienation of “‘assa the ambassador and vicebailie already on the spot _intrade de la Chiesa.”’'*° In an abridgment of the had offered their congratulations in the Signoria’s_ account he read to the Senate, however, prepared

name to the sultan, the doge and Senate felt it heavily incumbent upon them to send another ambassador to express viva voce their satisfaction and '’? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fols. 3'-4" [25'-26"], 17° [39°], contentment in the sultan’s success. “‘come veri commission of Tommaso Mocenigo, orator noster designatus ad

boni . ‘ci che si d ° . owe) Serenissimum dominum Turcum, and see also in this connection,

onl, et perpetul amici cne slamo de €sso INVITCIS- ibid., fols. 18” ff. [40° ff.]. The commission of Francesco Bersimo imperator. Special thanks were due Ibrahim nardo, baylus designatus Constantinopoli, is also dated 11 March

Pasha for his promptness in making available to — (bid., fols. 4°-6" [26°-28"}). Venice one thousand cantara of saltpeter which Having been informed that three of Sultan Suleiman’s sons was to be shi d from Alexandria. The do e and were about to be circumcised, the Senate voted on 20 April

SHUPpee tO nM OBE ANC’ (1530) that the boys be given presents of objects worked in

Senate were no less grateful to [brahim for his gold and silk to the value of 2,000 ducats (ibid., Reg. 54, fol. understanding of why they had had to make peace 18” [40°]). Presently a Turkish envoy arrived in Venice who with Charles V, ‘finding ourselves abandoned by informed the Signoria that Suleiman was going to celebrate our friends. with our state infested by the arm the circumcision of four sons, and the Senate, perceiving the

f th ° > Veni had had y . y importance which the sultan attached to the event, voted that

of that emperor. enice na ad no alternative gifts in cloths of gold, silk, and wool to the value of 5,000 to surrendering to the pope and the emperor the — ducats be sent to Istanbul (fol. 24° [46°], resolution of the Senate,

five cities they had claimed, just as she was being dated 6 June, 1530). The four sons were Mustafa, Mehmed,

forced into giving the emperor money. Selim, and Bayazid (Sanudo, Diari, LIT, 250, 255, 276-77). all. Mocenigo was to make clear to Ibra- Mocenigo, who had still not left Venice, was ordered to wait . Above M , Cenigo Was 0 a~ for the presents ‘‘per far Il’ officio della presentatione et con-

him and the other magnificent pashas that the gratulatione in nome nostro” (Reg. 54, fol. 24” [46"]). Mocenigo Venetians had no more sincere and heartfelt peace and the new bailie Bernardo were well received at the Porte with any Christian prince than they had with Sul- _ (fol. 28° [50°]). Cf. Sanudo, LIN, 25, 141, 257, 277, 347.

. . 6 Cf Sanudo, LILI, 15-16, wh hat C ini

tan Suleiman, to whom Mocenigo was to present f- Sanudo, LILI, 15-16, who says that Contarini was

heir “ , I h l sal ere i three hours on the rostrum (in the Sala dei Pregadi), et stete tre C cir amorevol et honorevol sa utation! as we hore in renga. There is a later summary of Contarini’s “relation” as his letters of credence, together with the gift in Eugenio Alberi, ed., Relazoni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, he was bringing the sultan, all in that ‘‘brief form _ ser. IJ, vol. III (Florence, 1846), pp. 259-74. Alberi’s text is

of words which one is accustomed to use in the 4'aw" froma seventeenth-century MS., once in the possession resence of his Majestv.”” Havin rotested inst of Count Leonardo Manin; since it refers to Paul III Farnese,

P Jesty. & protested agains ibid., p. 260, this text must date from a period more than four

years after Contarini’s speech in the Senate. It took Contarini three hours to read his text (or at least he was on the rostrum 'l4 Sanudo, Diarii, LII, 399, 571, and cf, above, note 92. for three hours), not seven, as Albéri, op. cit., p. 258, and Fran-

340 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT early in Paul III’s reign, Contarini gives no figures _ nonical right ‘“‘to impose upon the reverend clergy

for the papal income, but states quite correctly subject to our state two tithes for the present year that ‘“‘one cannot say anything in detail and with 1530, two for the year 1531, and another two for

accuracy about the pope’s revenues.”!"” the year 1532, in the form and fashion that he has Mistaking rumor for fact, the ambassadors often conceded other tithes to us.”’ The Venetian ‘‘arsent inaccurate reports to their principals. On the madada mar’”’ was, as his Holiness was quite aware, whole, however, the ambassadors of the major pow- a “‘beneficio universale.”’ The majority of a rather ers managed to keep their governments well in- sparsely attended meeting of the Senate, however,

formed. The Venetians passed on to the Turks a__ preferred to ask only for the two tithes for the good deal of the information which came to them current year 1530, which was done.'!” in the diplomatic pouch. Thus in early March (1530) On or about 10 April (1530) a letter arrived in the doge and Senate wrote Pietro Zen, their “‘orator Venice from Lodovico Gritti in Istanbul. It had et vicebailo”’ in Istanbul, that Florence was still held been written on 7 March, and was addressed to under siege by both papal and imperial troops. The _ the heads of the Council of Ten. Gritti stated that

duke of Ferrara, with imperial assurance, was seek- although the pashas had been incensed at the ing some accommodation with Clement VII. Eleven treaty of Bologna, they had relaxed upon undergalleys had burned up at Genoa, where one sus- standing that it was not directed against the sultan. pected arson. The French princes, held as hostages, The Turks were in a warlike mood, however, and were supposed to be returned to their father Francis were preparing an armada. Ibrahim Pasha had I toward the end of the month. The vicebailie was _ been to the arsenal twice to look to the equipment

to report the news to Ibrahim Pasha and his con- of galleys. There would be no armada this year, fréres as well as to ‘‘our son, the reverend lord _ but very likely the next, for Ibrahim had told Gritti

Lodovico.’’''® the Turks would advance by land and by sea ‘‘to

Despite their recent difficulties with Clement do away with the Emperor [Charles’s| arrogance”’ VII over possession of Ravenna and Cervia, in (smorzar la superbia a questo imperador). Ibrahim April the Venetians turned to the Curia Romana wanted the Turkish armada to have ready access for financial help. The Republic had been weighed to Venetian ports. He also reported a victory down by heavy expenses for many years, and the which John Zapolya had recently won over Ferpresent year was proving especially onerous, for dinand’s forces on the Danube, when they had the maintenance of fifty-two galleys at sea had in- attempted unsuccessfully to take Buda.'*° volved costs exceeding the available resources. The Laski (Laski) family rejoiced in Ferdinand’s The Senate saw the immediate need of nolessthan discomfiture. The support which old John Laski, 80,000 ducats above and beyond the usual expen- the archbishop of Gniezno, gave to his nephew ses which the springtime brought, when other gal- Jerome’s anti-Hapsburg activities (and to John Zaleys had to be fitted out for service in the Aegean _polya also) led to his being regarded at the Curia and in Cypriote waters. Pirates were swarming in Romana as well as at the Hapsburg courts as “‘ille the islands and mainland coves throughout the — perditionis alumnus, Judae Iscariot frater, . . . Levant, and had caused losses to Venetian ship- nomine archiepiscopus, opere vero archidiabolus

ping of more than 200,000 ducats in the re- Gnesnensis regni Poloniae.”’ It led also to old

cent past. John’s receiving a citation (monitio) to appear beThere were many in the Senate who thought, fore a secret consistory to answer the manifold or were at least willing to assert, that without the charges being made against him,’*! and finally to pope’s assistance Venice could not manage for the current year. Seventy-two members of the Senate = ——__ therefore wanted the Doge Andrea Gritti to in- 119 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 54, fols. 17-18" [39°—40"], doc. dated struct Antonio Surian, the Venetian ambassador !! April, 1530, the vote being de parte 95, de non 8, non syncert

at the Curia, to appeal to his Holiness for the ca- [7s Pops ad been oppo he Venn ages fo pation of Malta would doubtless reduce the activities of Moslem

OO corsairs in the western Mediterranean (zbid., cols. 165-66). cesca Bon, Le Relazioni a stampa di ambascatort veneti, Padua, 120 Sanudo, Diarii, LIII, 134, and cf, ibid., cols. 21, 141-42, 1939, p. 95, both erroneously state. Nevertheless, it did not 157-58, 173, 213-14; Acta Tomiana, XII (1906), nos. 175, require three hours to read the ‘‘relazione” published by Alberi, 183, pp. 162 ff. and apparently we do not have the version of the text which '21 Acta Tomiciana, XII (1906), no. 40, pp. 44-51, monitorrum

Contarini presented to the Senate. romanum contra Joannem Lash, archiepiscopum Gnesnensem, propter

7 Albeéri, op. cit., p. 269. Turcos in Christianas provincias adductos (published by Pietro 118 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 8° [30"], letter dated 11 March, — de’ Accolti, cardinal bishop of Sabina, at Bologna on 6 February,

1530. 1530), and note, ibid., XII, nos. 63, 65, 102, 104-5, pp. 74 ff.

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 341 his excommunication and his unexpected death As the Venetians collected and considered the (on 19 May, 1531). In the meantime, however, reports of Turkish doings, the doge and Senate Sigismund I declined to publish or officially to re- kept Pietro Zen abreast of events in Italy so that ceive the monitortum against the archbishop, he might pass on the news to Ibrahim Pasha. After a stay in Mantua, where he had made the Marchese for his Majesty was afraid lest King John [Zapolya], tak- Federico Gonzaga a duke (to his mother Isabella ing offense on this account, should either aac hisking- q’ Este’s delight), Charles V had left on 19 April dom with the Turks whom he has around him at pres- (1530) for Germany, intending to go by way of

ent, or should change his mind accepting ; wat. . Trent. The popeabout had returned to Rome,the whileoye his agreement and peace Ferdinand] his Maj; Florence — , 122[with ~~ forces and those ofwhich the emperor still held

. . . . . . 99125

esty is now carefully negotiating through his envoys. cL ; under siege, ‘‘with little hope, as they say, of taking

John ZApolya could not safely make either a it, for those within are persevering in the defense truce or a peace with Ferdinand without Sultan with more determination than ever. Suleiman’s permission. Despite the usual border The resistance of the Florentines was remarkable. incidents and the Austrian attempt upon Buda, They had been suffering for weeks from a “gran the eastern front was relatively peaceful. Clement ¢@restia;” there was a shortage of everything except VII insisted upon looking ahead, however, and bread and water. Sanudo notes (in his summary of

saw in the near future another Turkish invasion 4 letter from Carlo Capello, the Venetian ambasof Hungary and even of Italy. He summoned a sador on the Arno) that the Florentines had no congregation of the cardinals to discuss the cru- W!Ne, il vino non ze, but that they did have money sade (in late June, 1530), appealing also to the and a determination to hold out, costantissimi a manenvoys at the Curia to warn their princes “‘et tratar — /”27S?. By mid-June, however, Clement VII was in

la provision.”” The Venetian envoy Antonio Surian touch with Malatesta Baglioni, who had been diexcused himself from any such discussions or ne- Tecting the defense of the city for the past several gotiations ‘‘for reasons well known to his Holiness, months. ‘There was talk of an accord, but neither who said, ‘You are right.’ ’’!?? Clement also wrote the pope nor the republican government in Florence directly to various sovereigns in Europe, including Would take the first step by sending an envoy. The Sigismund I. There was a strong note of fear and Pope wrote Baglioni that, volendo Fiorentini praticar

urgency in his letter, acordo, they should send someone to him, but the

Florentines replied that, se 1 papa vol alcuna cossa,

since from the East, as we believe is known to your he should send someone to them. The siege conSerenity, word is brought constantly, continually, and tinued. “° The Florentines were suspected of taking is confirmed daily, that the Turkish tyrant is working with all zeal at preparation for a great war, and is quiet now for no other reason than that next year he will rise §=———————

up [against us] stronger and better equipped for war.'** '25 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 20° [42"], letter of the doge and Senate to Pietro Zen, dated 29 April, 1530, and redated 21 April: “. . . la persona del imperator alli XIX del instante parti da Mantoa per Allemagna, et fara la via de Trento, havendo

'22 Acta Tomiciana, XI, no. 105, p. 108, from a letter of sua Maesta dimorato in essa citta di Mantoa piu di quello cadauno Peter Tomicki to John Dantiscus, the Polish ambassador to _ pensava per assettar, per quanto dicono, alcune cose sue et Charles V, dated at Cracow on 25 April, 1530, and see, ibid., | etiam per concluder (come |’ ha fatto) nozze tra il signor marXII, no. 104, p. 106, a letter of Sigismund I to Cardinal Lorenzo _ chese di Mantoa et una delle figliole che fu del serenissimo re Pucci, also dated 25 April. On Sigismund’s embassy to try to Federico da Napoli [the Infanta Giulia of Aragon, but the mareffect some sort of accord between Zapolya and Ferdinand, — riage did not take place, and Federico married Margherita note, zbid., nos. 90-91, 115, 140, 143, 148, 166, 184, 203, et — Paleologina, heiress of Montferrat, the following year], al qual alibi. Despite the usual rumors the Poles did not expect a Turkish —_ signor essa Maesta ha etiam dato titolo de duca.. . . Il pontifice

entry into Hungary (or Austria) coacto igenti exercitu during —€ ritornato a Roma, et |’ exercito suo insieme con il cesareo si the year 1530 (no. 52, pp. 59-60, and ¢f. nos. 55-56, 73, 84, —ritrovano pur anchora alla obsidione di Fiorenza con pocca 196). On 24 June (1530), however, John Wiecwienski, the cas- | speranza, per quanto si dice, di ottenerla, perseverando quelli tellan of Plock (Plocensis, northwest of Warsaw), wrote Albrecht, | de dentro piu constanti che mai nella defensione. . . .”’ Cf, duke of Prussia and margrave of Brandenburg, that “*. . .1am __ibid., fol. 28" [50°], and Sanudo, Diari, LHI, 175. On Charles Hungaria ita repletur Turcis, non 1am hospitibus, verum incolis’ V’s stay in Mantua, see, ibid., cols. 107-11, 130, 154 ff., 207

(no. 182). ff., et alibi, and on Federico’s reluctance to marry Giulia of '23 Sanudo, Duiarii, LIII, 302, from letters of Surian to the Aragon, who was living in Ferrara, ibid., LIV, 430. Charles

Signoria, dated at Rome on 26-27 June, 1530. was in Mantua from 25 March to 19 April, 1530 (Romano, '*4 Acta Tomiciana, XII, no. 186, p. 172, a brief dated at — Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia, pp. 239-82). Federico Rome on 27 June, 1530. After the siege of Vienna the Austrians = was made a duke on 8 April.

needed no anti-Turkish admonitions, but they believed that '26 Sanudo, Diarn, LI, 275-76, and cf., ibid., cols. 305, 368,

the Poles did (ibid., XII, no. 213, esp. pp. 195-96). 372 ff., 393, 402.

349 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT steps to poison the pope. '”’ Their resolution to de- sion of three of Sultan Suleiman’s sons— Mustafa, fend themselves against the Medici and the impe- whom the Venetian witnesses to the proceedings rialists was actually breaking down into internecine judged to be eleven or twelve years old; Mehmed, strife,'** but in any event the end of the struggle about seven or eight or nine; and Selim, about five

was coming soon. or six or seven, “‘il piu piccolo, . . . ma piu bello

On 3 August (1530), asaresult ofan unfortunate de tutti li altri.” On 13 July Pietro Zen, still the encounter with a part of the imperialist army at Venetian ambassador to the Porte, sent his sons Gavinana (northwest of Pistoia), a Pisan force of a detailed description of the ceremonies, and on

more than 3,000 infantry recruited by the Floren- _ the following day his fellow envoy Tommaso Motines (and commanded by Gian Paolo, the son of _ cenigo wrote his son Giovanni Mocenigo, his sonRenzo da Ceri) was thoroughly defeated, Paolo da in-law Andrea Dolfin, and his nephew Bernardo Ceri was captured, and the Florentine commissioner Capello a similar account of “‘li triomphi fatti de

Francesco Ferruccio was killed, “il che fu grave Ii.”” Despite the difficulty of maintaining order iattura alla citta de Fiorenza.’”’ Tumult followed. among thousands of people, the multitude of onMalatesta Baglioni refused to continue the struggle, lookers had awaited the sultan’s appearance with and in fact forced the Florentines to surrender to — such silence and reverence ‘‘that one could not the imperialists (on 12 August). Charles V was to — behold it without admiration.” settle the Florentines’ differences with the pope and The four pashas were most impressive. The to determine the form of government which the Grand Vizir Ibrahim seemed almost like a “‘secity was to have. The exiles were to return to the condo imperatore.’’ They all gave the sultan rich city, 80,000 ducats were to be paid to the imperia- gifts, Ibrahim first of all. Some said his gifts were

list troops, but there was to be no reduction of worth 50,000 ducats. They included precious Florentine territory. A general amnesty was de- books; a caftan of cloth of gold, worked with jewclared for the protection of all the anti-Medicean els, “‘with a value of seven to eight thousand activists on the Arno. All this the Doge Andrea _ ducats;”’ eleven handsome boys dressed in silk; Gritti and the Venetian Senate reported to their — brocades, fabrics of gold, velvets, satins, and dambailie in Istanbul, so that he might pass the infor- asks; and fifteen warhorses led into the square by

mation on to the pashas.'*” grooms.

In Istanbul, in the meantime, everything was The Republic’s envoys both Pietro Zen and

peaceful. Beginning on 27 June (1530) there were Tommaso Mocenigo participated in the ceremonies, festivities day after day celebrating the circumci- and so did Lodovico Gritti, the ‘‘reverend lord”’ of Eger (Erlau) in Hungary, and Jerome Laski, whom

—____— Zen calls the ‘‘voivode of Transylvania.” (Zapolya

127 6 | had just appointed him to that high367. office.). There anudo, Diari, LIT, 304-5, ye

128 hid. LIL, 388 ff. were other Venetians who wrote home describing

129 Cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 32 [54], letter dated 18 the colorful events, among them the new bailie August, 1530, and on 6 September the doge and Senate wrote Francesco Bernardo anda galley commander named the bailie that the government of Florence had already been Melchiorre Trevisan. The events and their setting “reformed,” at a quello [governo] elett XII de fathion de Medvet were something to write home about—gorgeous (ibid., fol. 37° {59°}). See also Sanudo, Diaru, LI, 460-61: : : ; . ‘ ‘“ . , La sustanzia e che il governo se habbia a stabilire per lo tents, including three witha history, one seized from imperatore; li pregioni et forausciti se liberano et restituiscono, Uzun Hasan in the previous century, another taken se diano li obstagi, et pagino 80 mile ducati; se perdoni a tutte from the sophi of Persia, and the third from the le injurie. - .’ Philibert de Chalon, prince of Orange, was soldan of Egypt; rich caftans and glittering jewels,

also killed in the encounter, on which note, zbid., LIII, 418, Le . . .

419-20, 429-32 and ff. 464, 466, 476-77, 480, 498, 508. Janissaries on foot and sipahis on horseback, and On the defeat of the Florentine forces under the Florentine eight hundred archers carrying bows and arrows.

commissioner Francesco Ferruccio and Gian Paolo da Ceri, see Those who were allowed to give the sultan presents

the detailed letter of Pao ete a ennai cated advanced to kiss his hand ‘‘con grandissima ref cols 480-8 18384, 187 f On 13 September Malatesta verentia et silencio. ; Baglioni withdrew from Florence, according to a dispatch of Suleiman was a handsome man with an agreethe Venetian envoy Carlo Capello, and Lodovico da Lodrone able look about him (according to Zen), and conentered the city with a thousand Landsknechte (i:d., LIT, 552, sidering the fact that he was the sultan, ‘“pareva 553-54). The Medicean faction took over the government (ibid., uno ydolo in adoracione.. . .”’ Every day there LIV, 45), and Clement VII’s opponents began to pay the price . . of their hostility (ibid., LIJI, 63). For long lists of those banished was some new attracuon—jousts, feats of strength, from Florence, see, zbid., LIV, 157-61, and note Pastor, Gesch. and pageants of arms, elephants, lions, leopards,

d. Pdpste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 391-93. tigers, and wildcats. In the evening fireworks burst

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 343 in the darkening sky, and at night bonfires illu- Although Francesco Bernardo was successful in mined make-believe ‘‘towers, towns and castles, securing Ibrahim Pasha’s permission (and so the and a variety of animals.’’ From eight to ten thou- _ sultan’s) to load spices and silks in Beirut and Alsand persons were fed, ‘‘havendo le vivande da la__ exandria,'** his compatriots were having a hard cucina del Signor.” It was all, as the observers _ time in the latter city. On the following 7 January

agreed, ‘‘a marvelous thing to see,’”’130 (1531) the doge and Senate wrote Bernardo that, This was the sort of news the Venetian Senate two weeks before, they had received letters from liked to receive from Istanbul, fireworks aglow in the Venetian consul at Alexandria and the captain the sky rather than galleys abuilding in the arsenal _ of the galleys, dated 15 and 16 November (1530), on the Bosporus. More disquieting news, however, lamenting the terrible treatment of the Republic’s also reached the lagoon shortly after the arrival of merchants in the Egyptian city. They had not in the letters from Zen and Mocenigo. Thus we find fact been allowed to load the galleys “in tempo that in early September (1530) the Senate was dis- della muda.”’ Then they had been prohibited from turbed by the report that Sultan Suleiman was plan- leaving port. The Ottoman officials had tried to ning to invest the 150,000 ducats he was said to force them to load their galleys ‘‘dappoi la muda,” have in Syria and Egypt in spices and other mer- which meant a late and perilous voyage home. chandise, which were to be shipped to Istanbul by Furthermore, the officials had not yet granted the way of Alexandria. This was bad news, for the _ licenses for the departure of the galleys and other Venetian galleys had already left for Alexandria vessels. The Senate knew that such outrageous and Beirut. They were unlikely to find spices and treatment was no expression of the sultan’s attiother wares available in sufficient quantity (and of | tude toward Venice. sufficient quality) for profitable resale in the West, Francesco Bernardo should go to see the pashas, ‘il che cederia a summo danno della nation nostra, especially Ibrahim, and let them know the full ex-

si de praesenti come in futurum.”’ tent of the losses and injustices to which the mer-

A letter went off posthaste to the bailie Francesco chants had been subjected. He should also remind Bernardo, directing him ‘‘with all speed”’ tosee the them that such procedures were a sure way to pashas, especially Ibrahim, and to try to have a fir- diminish the customs duties, export fees, and other man sent to all the sultan’s agents in Damascus, revenues which the Porte derived from the spice Beirut, Tripoli, and Alexandria ‘“‘che li nostri pos- and silk trade with the Republic. He was to request sino senza alcuna prohibition ne disturbo contrattar the prompt dispatch of orders from Istanbul to et cargar specie, sede [silks], et altro sopra esse galie Alexandria “‘that our galleys and ships should be nostre, accioché se possino expedir de li alle mude __ released and allowed freely to depart, with no li habbiamo statuite con il suo cargo.”’ Bernardo

wasisto do‘‘muda”’ his bestreferred to persuade theestablished ;.... The to in thethe textsultan was thethat period

quantities customarily loaded on the Venetian gal by Venetian law for loading cargoes in Levantine ports (1.e., leys would not so deplete the stocks of Spices, silks, in March-April and September-October, but subject to change and other goods that his Majesty’s intentions would — owing to weather, war, or other unusual circumstances). The be in the least disturbed. There was enough for the __ term was also applied to the fleet or convoy in which the mersultan and for the Venetians, “‘who are among his chant galleys commonly but not always sailed together. On the

. 313] muda and the “rhythm of trade and turnover at Venice,” see

dearest friends. Frederic C. Lane, Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, esp. pp. 112-17, 128-41, 195 ff. A Turkish incursion into the area of Clissa (Klis) on the west '8° Sanudo, Diarit, LUI, 443-59, and cf, ibid., col. 530, and — slope of Mount Mosor, five miles northeast of Venetian-held

Acta Tomiciana, XII (1906), no. 181, p. 169. Spalato (Split), near ancient Salona (Solin), was also worrisome, 'S' Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 36 [58], letter dated 6 Sep- _‘“‘cosa pericolosa di far seguir qualche incomodo a questi luogi tember, 1530, baylo nostro Constantinopoli. If necessary, the de- _ nostri’’ (ibrd., LILI, 478, and cf: cols. 527, 534). The persistent parture of the galleys from Beirut and Alexandria for the return —_ rumor that the Turks were preparing another large expedition voyage might be postponed for twenty days (until 14 November) — against Ferdinand was less worrisome, at least to the Venetians if it would help them to load fuller cargoes (ibid., fols. 37°-38" — (abid., LIVI, 424-25, 483). There was a report that the Turks

[59°-60']). The matter had been considered in the Senate on __ had already launched twenty unarmed galleys, and were plan18 August (Sanudo, Diarii, LIII, 470, and see, zbid., cols. 530- ning ‘‘armar 100 galie et far grosso exercito per terra’’ (zbid., 31, where it is said that 600,000 ducats’ worth of spices, silk, LIV, 43), while the Free Cities in Germany (Terre Franche) were and sugar were to be sent to Istanbul, ‘‘dove chi vora haverle, prepared to assist Charles V against the Turks with 40,000 le havera de qui’’!). On the Venetians’ concern over the pro- infantry and 8,000 horse (ibid., col. 90, and cf. cols. 109, 239, posed establishment of a temporary monopoly in Istanbul for 242).

the sale of spices, silk, and sugar, note also, ibid., LIII, 536, 82 Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, LIV, 155: ‘‘. . . Imbraim ordino and LIV, 133, and on their difficulties in Alexandria, ib7d., cols. comandamenti in la Soria et in Alexandria che nostri mer-

184-85, 214, 295. chadanti potesseno contratar per questa volta... .”

344 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT harm being done them,” and that there should be Once more the Gran Turco and his grand vizir no repetition of such miserable practices in the had responded in friendly fashion to a Venetian

future.'°° appeal. Past experience must have suggested to

Sometimes one follows in the sources the course the Senate that this amity would not last indefiof the Republic’s difficulties with the Porte up to _ nitely, but it served the Republic’s political and a given point, after which our information comes commercial interests to preserve it as long as posto an end, and one is left wondering about the _ sible. In mid-February, 1531, Sigismondo della outcome of this episode or that. In the present Torre, also known as Fanzino (whose acquaintance case, however, we soon learn that Bernardo’s ap- _ we have made in the preceding chapter), the Manpeals on behalf of his countrymen were crowned _ tuan envoy to Charles V, who was then in Brussels, with success, for in letters of 1 and 2 April (1531) wrote Duke Federico that word was coming from

to the Signoria and to the heads of the Consiglio various quarters of the huge preparations the dei Dieci he could write that the Venetian vessels Gran Turco was making by land and sea for an

in Alexandria had indeed been released.’** attack upon Christendom, i.e., upon the Hapsburgs. The news had come by way of Hungary

————— and Poland. A friar who had just arrived from 33 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fols. 53°54" [75"-76"], doc. dated — Istanbul had confirmed the sad tidings, which had 7 January, 1531 (Ven. style 1530), baylo nostro Constantinopol: also been relayed from Genoa by way of Chios and

; . . . ... from Venice.

The consul at Alexandria and the captain of the galleys had Sicily, ‘“‘and likewise from every source except written ‘“‘che ne hano afferito summa displicentia per la 1attura f. et ruina grande delli mercadanti nostri, quali sono cost dannizati et tortizati, non essendo sta prima concesso il cargar le galee Although the southern coast of France was less in tempo della muda, et poi non permesse partir, volendo con- exposed than the long shoreline of Sicily, the Spanish stringerle ad cargar dappoi la muda, et retenuto le nave, che —cgast, or the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy, Francis I e certo molto inconveniente et (come non dubbitamo) alieno was supposed to be arming twenty galleys at Mardalla mente di quel serenissimo Signor. . . . [The bailie was ; cet - : directed to try to secure] commandamenti in bona et efficace seille to protect the Yiviera from possible attack forma che le galee et navilli nostri siano liberati et permessi by the well-known corsair Khaireddin Barbarossa. liberamente partir, non li facendo nocumento alcuno.. . .” The Turks, however, were unlikely to attack the

Cf. also, tbid., fols. 62°63" [84"—85']. . French coast, nor were they likely, at this time, to Francesco Bernardo now resigned as bailie in Istanbul. Piero k the V . . he Adriati d (or Pietro) Zen was elected, but declined the post, because he attac € Venetian possessions on t c ‘ r1auic an

was a member of the Consiglio dei Dieci (ibd., fol. 60 [82]); | the Aegean or even the Republic’s distant islands he was, however, constrained to accept the election and to of Crete and Cyprus. Like the Hapsburgs, the Turks prepare for the journey to Istanbul (fols. 61°, 63" [83", 85'],_ preferred to deal with their opponents one at a 67° [90"]). His commission (see the following note) is dated 22. time The French might some day be useful to them. May, 1531 (ibid., fols. 74°-76* [97°-99"]). He was to take Sultan , . “1 the “ d Suleiman, among other gifts an ‘‘alicorno, cosa di. . . rarita The Venetians were trying to remain the goo et excellentia,’” and do his best to protect Venetian interests friends’ of the Turks, and were apparently loath in the spice trade, since “il condur da |’ Egypto et Soria a Constantinopoli” had an ominous ring. The Turks doubtless wanted some of the spices for the use of their own subjects, and were unlikely to dump them on the __bailie this time, not vicebailie (col. 334). On the twelfth he said western market. But who could be sure? Suleiman was pleased —_ that he would return to Istanbul as ambassador and vicebailie, to receive the ‘‘alicorno”’ (i.e., a unicorn). Like all the Venetian _ but not as bailie (cols. 334~35, and cf. the preceding note). On ambassadors sent to the sultans, Zen had matters about which __ the thirtieth he was elected ambassador and bailie (or vicebailie),

he had to explain and others about which he was instructed to and when called upon by the doge, he said he was willing to complain (ibid., Reg. 54, fols. 95 ff. [118 ff.]). On 8 December, go (col. 340, and cf. cols. 341, 373, 406, 467). Zen indulged 1531, the ex-bailie Francesco Bernardo arrived back in Venice, __in the usual delay of departure, until on 16 June (1531) the reporting that all was well in Istanbul (fols. 100°-101° [123°- | Council of Ten declared “‘che sier Piero Zen eleto orator ¢

124"). vicebaylo a Constantinopoli debbi montar in galia et partirse Venice was, at this time, quite understandably fearful of | soto pena di ducati 1000 . . .”’ (col. 474): he had to leave

being mentioned in the crusade propaganda in which Clement —_ immediately or face a fine of a thousand ducats. Even so, illness

VII and Ferdinand, king of the Romans, were indulging (ibid., | delayed him, and he finally set sail in late July (cols. 480, 508,

Reg. 54, fols. 61°-62° [83°-84'], 65° [87"}). 512).

'34 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 72” [95”], letter of the doge One Giovanni Domenico Modoneo, a map-maker, whom

and Senate dated 6 May, 1531, baylo nostro Constantinopoli. On Zen had known in Istanbul, made a mappa mundi of cloth in this date Bernardo was still in Istanbul. The commission of his — the Ca Zen in Venice. The map was transferred to the doge’s successor Pietro Zen is dated 22 May (ibid., fols. 74” ff. (97" — palace in May, 1531, and in June Modoneo was given a pension ff.], and cf Sanudo, Diani, LIV, 440-41). Zen had returned _ of five ducats a month, to be paid on the revenues of Vicenza, to Venice in October, 1530 (Sanudo, LIV, 14-15, 33, 78,91, — ‘‘so that he will not go to Constantinople, as he has wanted”’

93). Cf, ihd., LIV, 320, 331, 333, on the question of who (Sanudo, LIV, 425, 479). Maps and charts had become imshould succeed Bernardo. On 11 March Zen was re-elected, as portant.

THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA 345 to add their voice to the chorus of alarm of which No one was more exposed to Turkish attack Sigismondo della Torre spoke in his letter to the than the Venetians, whose prime objective was

duke of Mantua.'”° their own well-being. If they were not winning the esteem of Europe with their almost Turcophil cau'*° Sanudo, Diarii, LIV, 301-2: “Qui [in Brussels] per diverse tion and complacence, at least they were drawing vie se intende il grandissimo apparato che fa il Turco et per 4 Certain profit from it. The question was how mar et per terra a danno di Christiani. . . per via di Ungaria long would it last. et di Pollonia, . . . et di Genova per via di Syo et di Cicilia, et similmente per da tutte parte salvo che di Venetia... . . Qui ci € nova che la Maesta dil re Christianissimo fa armar 20 galere Hungary and Austria, but would note that Lodovico Gritti fiin Marsilia per diffender quella riviera dalle incursione dil Bar- nally sent word westward ‘‘ch’ el Signor Turco non fara ex-

barosa corsale.. . .”’ ercito questo anno,” and Francesco Bernardo sent a similar

The apostolic protonotary Uberto di Gambara wrote Clem- —_ assurance from Istanbul (col. 348). There had been much ado ent VII from Brussels of the sultan’s recruiting an army and about nothing, but the failure of the Venetians, who knew more getting ready a fleet, which led Clement to remark to the Vene- about the Turks than any western power, to issue a warning tian ambassador to the Curia, Antonio Surian, “é bon quella as the Turks recruited troops and readied their galleys remains Signoria [Venice] fazi armada grossa” (Sanudo, LIV, 308). The _ no less interesting and significant. Reports that a large Turkish Turks were the last people on earth against whom the Signoria _—_ expedition was in fact coming still persisted (cols. 354-55, 359,

wanted to employ their ‘‘armada grossa.” The Turkish prep- 361, with further reference to the silence of Venice “sopra arations were causing ‘‘great trepidation” in Rome, where even questo apparato di guerra del Turco”’). Unless it was to their an invasion of Italy was feared (ibid., col. 336). | omit various | own advantage, the Venetians were usually reticent about the references in Sanudo to the Turks’ alleged plans to invade = Turks (col. 575).

10. CLEMENT VII, FRANCIS I, AND HAPSBURG OPPOSITION TO THE TURKS (1530-1534) COMING AFTER THE TREATIES of Barce- Clement and Charles had both harbored a

lona and Cambrai (in late June and early Au- strong resentment against the Venetians, the

gust, 1529), the coronation at Bologna on 24 Feb- _ pope’s erstwhile allies and the emperor’s erstwhile ruary (1530)—Charles’s thirtieth birthday, as we enemies. The Turks had pulled back from Vienna,

have already noted, and the fifth anniversary of having failed to take the city. The Signoria rePavia—was a memorable occasion in the annals of — gretted the Turkish failure almost as much as the both the Empire and the Holy See. No one could — sultan did. Charles and Ferdinand had seemed suspect that it was to be the last time an emperor _ poised for the desolation of Venetian territory, would receive his crown in the papal presence (until and “‘grave ruina’’ was the Senate’s own assess1804, when Pius VII presided over Napoleon’scor- ment of the situation which had then faced the onation). There seemed to be a new harmony be-_ Republic. At papal and imperial insistence the tween pope and emperor, for Clement VII and Venetians finally agreed to give Ravenna and CerCharles were united in their opposition to the Turks _ via back to the pope and to surrender to the trium-

and the Lutherans. Clement needed the imperial phant emperor the lands they had acquired in troops to regain control of Florence. He was also Apulia. The doge’s son Lodovico Gritti would relying upon Charles to recognize the justice of the make the necessary explanations in Istanbul.* papal claims to Modena, Reggio, and Rubiera, al- In Istanbul Charles V’s coronation was far from though here Charles was to disappoint him, and popular. On 8 May, 1531, Giovanni Antonio Verender a politically-motivated decision in favor of _ nier, the Venetian ambassador to the French court,

Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara. wrote the doge and Senate that he had been received

On the morning of 4 May, 1531, in fact, the — by King Francis four days before, at which time the Ferrarese ambassador to Venice, Giacomo Tebal- king had told him that he was getting news from deo, appeared before the Collegio with a letter Istanbul from John Zapolya’s envoy, presumably from Alfonso. Charles had confirmed his master Jerome Laski. Sultan Suleiman was increasing his in possession of the duchy of Ferrara in accord forces,

with, .Hadrian VI’s bullmoreover of absolution, restoring the ; ;that and [the envoy] informs me [Francis] Estensi to the duchy (in November, 1522). Alfonso possibly this year the Turk will make some naval exwas to pay the Holy See an annual census of 7,000 pedition,. . . and he will ravage Puglia, going perhaps ducats. However disappointing this may have been ag far as Rome, for according to this intelligencer of to Clement, it was not unexpected, but Tebaldeo mine, Sultan Solyman always says, ‘‘to Rome! to Rome!”’ went on to explain that Charles had also decided and he detests the Emperor and his title of Caesar, he,

“that the said duke should have the dominion of

Modena, Reggio, and Rubiera with their depen- ~— sis . . Cth

dencies, and should give. the within one year to rendersee, hs decision. On Chapter Hadrian VI’s6,reinvestment onpope stensi with Ferrara, above, note 19.of the 100,000 ducats,” which were to be paid in two Various documents relating to the duke of Ferrara’s paying installments. Charles had rendered and recorded _ the Holy See the 100,000 ducats in question may be found in this judgment at Cologne on 21 December (1 530). the Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Carteggio di prin-

Four months .later (on 21 April) “opened, “P; 5°" Roma, Busta on 1299/14, e Senate hadit was written Lodovico Gritti 10 February,

read, and published at Ghent, after Charles had 1530 (Ven. style 1529) that Venice was in grave danger, ‘‘. . .

gone back to the Netherlands. ' percioche haverete inteso che essendo il stato nostro invaso dalle gente cesaree con dessolation, incendii, et ruine delli territorii nostri et in manifestissimo pericolo della total iattura di quello, essendo maxime rimasti soli, non si poteva excogitar

1 Sanudo, Diari, LIV, 417, 430, esp. cols. 435-38, 442, 481, piu salutar remedio di preservar i] stato nostro da cosi grave 496-97, 537. Clement and Alfonso d’ Este had agreed in March, __ruina, che vi era irreparabile dalle force di Cesare et di suo 1530, to submit all their differences to the emperor, “quale _ fratello libero da quel canto per il ritorno della Excelsa Porta, habbia a terminar fra sei mesi quello che gli parera giusto et — che devenir alla pace, per la quale habbiamo convenuto conconveniente”’ (Giuseppe Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, I signar Ravenna et Cervia al Pontifice et a Cesare le terre et [Florence, 1837], 295-96; note also Giacinto Romano, Cronaca lochi da noi acquistati in Puglia. . .’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 53, del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia, Milan, 1892, pp. 232-33), and fol. 276" [303°], and cf, wid., fols. 224% [251%], 226" ff. cf. Sanudo, LV, 662-63. Charles had taken more than six months —_‘[253¥ ff.]).

346

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 347 the Turk, causing himself to be called Caesar [ facendosi his armed strength in the Mediterranean, and had

lui Turco appellar Cesare]. summoned to the Porte “the Jew,” Barbarossa’s

, rmidable companion piracy. Another report, Francis further stated,inpresumably fo comp piracy. P inaccurate, told of sixty armed galleys

I do not believe that he [Suleiman] will go into Germany _ ready to leave their moorings at Istanbul and go because, the Emperor not going with an armed force through the Dardanelles to Modon.° against the Lutherans, the said Lutherans will have no Things were bad enough as they were. The cause to favour the Turks, but would rather defend Ger- Christians did not need more Turks at sea. An-

many... 3 . ,sol am ofSurian, opinion thatthe he will prefer attacking .,; tonio Venetian ambassador

Rome, Sicily, or some other part of Italy... to . .the ;. Curia Romana, wrote the Signoria (on 14 April, The Turks continued to harass the Hapsburg 1531) that there was the “‘greatest scarcity” of forces along the eastern front, and Moslem corsairs wheat and wine in Rome, because Barbarossa’s were busy in the western Mediterranean during the fuste were offshore, and were not allowing food

summer and fall of 1530. Khaireddin Barbarossa to be landed (at Ostia).° Clement was seeking had sailed from Algiers (Zer) in August to attack funds to help promote a crusade, because (he said)

the Spanish coast ‘‘per far danni verso Granata, some day the Turk was bound to make another regno di Valenza et Catalogna.’”"* He was making move against Christendom.’ Algiers his home port. His forces, consisting of The Hapsburgs exercised a constant vigilance in Turks and Christian renegades, were saidtonumber the Mediterranean as well as along the Hungarian two thousand men. In October (1530) Barbarossa frontier. They also kept a sharp eye on the Venehad sent to Istanbul, as a gift to the Gran Turco, _ tians, and not only in Friuli, where there had long forty boys, three lions, and two leopards. His rep- been a conflict of interest between the Signoria and utation at the Porte was high, but he was unpopular _ the house of Austria. In the spring of 1531 Niccolo in Algiers, “‘per esser molto tyranno e colerico.’’ Tiepolo, the Venetian ambassador to the imperial Such were the reports picked up from Christian court, apparently asked Charles V about the poscaptives. The Turks gave a much higher estimate _ sibility of granting an imperial safe-conduct to cerfor Barbarossa’s forces, however, declaring that he _ tain galleys on the Barbary Coast. Charles refused, possessed or had command of some sixty vessels, ‘‘saying that the galleys carry Moors and Jews, who including both galleys and fuste, and that he had are his enemies and [come and] go as spies.’”®

under him in Algiers more than seven thousand Charles found the French quite as difficult to Turks. The Gran Turco was planning to increase deal with as the Turks, and until Francis I’s sad

ee subscription to the treaty of Cambrai the Vene5 Rawdon B Calend State P Venice V tians had been the allies of the French. Venice was

awdon Brown, Calendar of Stateno. Papers « «+ Venice, no longer strong enough (London, 1873), append., 1011, pp. 619-20 [which doc- to: .go; it. alone. She

ument should have appeared in vol. IV (1871) after no. 669]. needed friends and allies. The Signoria was always Already on 23 December, 1530, Lodovico Gritti had written especially cautious when it came to the Turks, who Charles from Buda, warning him that Suleiman was then making coyld almost put a stop to Venetian trade in Legreat preparations for attacks upon Christendom both by land vantine waters. Oddly enough, however, during

and sea, ‘‘such as have never been seen in our age.’’ Suleiman

was getting ready to attack in the spring (of 1531, but the Turkish expedition did not come until the spring of 1532), and the Hapsburg brothers would be well advised to make their ° Sanudo, Diarit, LIV, 228-29, and cf. cols. 259, 281, 293, subjects cease all molestation of King John [Zapolya] and to 302, 310, and 486, where “si ha nove come il Barbarossa et cede Hungary and its dependencies to John (Karl Lanz, ed., _ il Zudio sono potenti in mare.’”’ On the Jewish corsair Ciphut Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., 3 vols., Leipzig, 1844-46, Sinan of Smyrna, cf, below, Chapter 11, note 3.

repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966, I, no. 153, pp. 411-12, but ® Sanudo, Diarii, LIV, 378. cf. no. 164, pp. 439-40, a letter of Ferdinand to Charles, dated 7 Ibid., LIV, 402. 19 April, 1531, relating to a year’s truce with the Porte). There 8 Sanudo, Diaru, LIV, 428, a letter from Niccolo Tiepolo are numerous references to the Turks in the family corre- _ to the Signoria, dated at Ghent on 3 May, 1531, and received spondence of the Hapsburgs, on which see Ferdinand’s letters in Venice on 10 or 11 May. Excerpts from Tiepolo’s reports to his brother Charles V and his sister Mary of Hungary, in (from 16 June to 21 November, 1530), relating especially to Herwig Wolfram and Christiane Thomas, Die Korrespondenz the Lutheran problem and to the necessity of providing for Ferdinands I, in the Veroffentlichungen d. Kommission fur Neuere the defense of Germany against the Turks, contained in a MS. Geschichte Osterreichs [58], II, pts. 1 and 2 (Vienna, 1973, 1978). in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana (Cod. Ottobonianus lat. 1921, fols. * Sanudo, Diariu, LIV, 128-29, who also kept track of the 257'-266"), have been published by Johannes von Walter, Die Turks’ assistance to John Zapolya (ibid., cols. 132, 163, 165, Depeschen des venezianischen Gesandten Nicolo Tiepolo uber die Re166-70, 185, 203-5, 215-16, 246, 286, 297-98). The Diari, _ligionsfrage auf dem Augsburger Reichstage (1530), Berlin, 1928, volume after volume, contain almost innumerable references 85 pp. (in the Abhandlungen d. Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften

to Barbarossa. zu Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, new series, X XIII-1).

348 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT these years trade seemed to be bringing the Turks strenuously denied the accusation (as we have and the Venetians together. They had a common seen) in a long letter addressed to the German cause in the extreme disquiet the Portuguese were Estates assembled at Speyer, labeling the charge causing them both. The Turks were losing the and other such calumnies as “‘iniques et sacriléges Egyptian revenues from the spice trade, while the menteries.’’!! Francis’s own assertions sound like Venetians were finding their sources of supply — the truth untruly told. He welcomed the assistance

much diminished. of the Turks hardly less than he did that of the

The trade which the Portuguese had been car- German princes in his unending opposition to the rying on with the (East) Indies, despite the long Hapsburgs. Although Charles V talked a good voyage around the Cape of Good Hope and past deal about the ‘‘emprinse contre le Turcg,”’ the the island of Madagascar, had been highly prof- Hapsburgs were strongly desirous of negotiating itable for at least two decades. To the annoyance a truce or (still better) a peace with the Porte, as and frustration of the Turks and the Venetians, we know from the long letter which Charles wrote the venturesome Portuguese made their way into his brother Ferdinand from Bologna on 11 Janthe Gulf of Aden, and went on to Ormuz, Goa, uary, 1530.!” and the Malabar Coast of India, the cinnamon-rich Two years later, on 25 January, 1532, as the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Sumatra, Malaccaon Hapsburgs continued to denounce Francis as a the southern end of the Malay peninsula, and the Turkish fautor, while another Turkish expedition spice-laden island of Java. They took on board seemed clearly to be in the offing, Francis returned pepper, ginger, cloves, cassia and cinnamon, nut- with vehemence to the persistent charge being meg and mace, cardamom, odiferous amber, made against him. He had been made well aware, pearls and diamonds. During the summer of 1531 as he informed his ambassador in Rome, Francois Sultan Suleiman was reported as planning to send de Dinteville, bishop of Auxerre, of the ‘‘groz pre“170 ships with lumber and other things to Al- paratifz et €quippage que le Turc dressoit 4 Con-

exandria to build up the fleet against Portugal stantinoble, . . . en intencion de venir contre

because of the trade with India [per le cosse_ |’ empereur et son frére en Ytalie et en Honguerie.

de India).””” . . .” The ambassadors of Charles and Ferdinand When the royal councilors in England com- had tried to shift the responsibility for meeting the plained to Carlo Capello, the Venetian ambassa- Turkish challenge and for promoting Turkish dor to Henry VIII, that the Republic’s galleys aggression upon other princes, and to make the were no longer bringing spices, and indeed fewer world think that they had done everything they galleys were finding their way to the island, Ca- could to frustrate the sultan’s hostile intentions pello could answer ‘“‘with good reason that the toward Christendom, ‘‘qui est tout le contraire.”’ fault is not ours, but the world has changed, and The fact was, Francis went on (in his letter of that the spices which used to come to Venice are 25 January),

now going to Portugal. 2 as you [Dinteville] have very properly said and reminded During the AN xtous months and weeks preced- our Holy Father [Clement VII], they could not choose a ing the Turkish campaign which led to the walls petter means or way to bring the said Turk down upon of Vienna, the Hapsburgs had accused Francis of Christendom than to do what they have done, namely to “dissuading the Grand Turk from making peace have brought about the excommunication of King John with Ferdinand.’”’ On 25 March, 1529, a month [Zapolya] of Hungary, who only asked for justice of our and a half before Suleiman had set out from Is- Holy Father and the said Emperor... . .

tanbul for Hungary and Austria, Francis had yj, 4 fyy consistory, entirely without a hearing, Zapolya had been deprived of his kingdom, ex-

—_——_——— communicated, and driven from the Church, ’ Sanudo, Diari, LIV, 512, a dispatch from the Venetian bailie Francesco Bernardo to the Signoria, dated at Istanbul in late June or on | July, 1531, and see, zbid., cols. 560, 583, 595, '! Chas. Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal [Antoine Perrenot]

599. On Portuguese expansion, the ‘‘pepper wars,” and the — de Granvelle, 9 vols., Paris, 1841-52, I, 454, letter dated 25 cartography of the times (up to about 1530), see Albert Kam- = March, 1528 (O.S.), i.e. 1529; Sanudo, Diarin, L, 293, ‘“‘injusta merer, La Mer Rouge, |’ Abyssinie et l’ Arabie depuis I’ antiquité, sacrilegaque mendacia;’’ and cf., above, Chapter 9, note 52.

II, pts. 1-2, Cairo, 1935 (Mémoires de la Société royale de '? Karl Lanz, ed., Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., 3 vols.,

geographie d’ Egypte, vol. XVI). Leipzig, 1844-46, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966, I, no. 131, '© Sanudo, Diarii, LV, 191, an entry of 27 November, 1531, — pp. 360-72, ‘‘Cest de Boloingne ce XI* de januier [1530], de in reply to a letter from Capello dated 20 October and cf., ibid., _ la main de vostre vray bon frére Charell.’’ This letter is alluded

cols. 26, 37, 63, 83, 117. to, above, in Chapter 9, note 107.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 349 which was an injury so outrageous that no prince at French missions to the Bosporus, the Hapsburgs under the sun would tolerate it without seeking were themselves most anxious to negotiate a truce help wherever he could find it. Quite understand- with the sultan. On 3 April, 1531, Charles V adably Zapolya had turned to the Turk. Justifying vised his brother Ferdinand to try to arrange some his ancestral title Trés-Chrestien, Francis stood kind of accord with Zapolya short of the permaready, he said, to defend the pope and Italy against nent relinquishment of his claims to Hungary, the Turk by appearing personally in the peninsula ‘‘pourveu que ne renuncez le droit dudict roywith fifty thousand foot, three thousand men-at- aulme a tousiours.’’’” arms, and all the artillery and munitions necessary. A truce with Zapolya would be the first step

But to move against the Turks to settle the quar- toward a truce with the sultan. Nevertheless, rels of others, especially of those who had brought months later (on 15 December, 1531), Jerome the Turkish peril upon themselves, “‘je ne suis Laski, agente del serenissimo re Zuanne [Zapolya] de point délibéré de le faire.’ Let the opposition to Hungaria, wrote the Signoria of Venice from the Turks be financed by the enormous ransom Innsbruck that Zapolya had been making every which the Hapsburgs had obtained for the release _ possible effort to achieve peace with Ferdinand, of his sons. As for the imputation that he had been and that all such attempts having ended in failure, soliciting Turkish assaults upon the Hapsburgs in _Zapolya was appealing (through Laski) to Charles both Italy and Austria-Hungary, Francis regarded and to the other princes of the Holy Roman Emit as a scandalous and unwarranted attack upon _pire.!® his honor, and Dinteville might inform any of his fellow ambassadors who made any such assertion §=————— “that he lied in his throat,” qu’ il ena menty par — im XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderte [see above, Chapter 7, note 63],

la gorge. IS vol. I, pt. 4 (Vienna, 1838), p. 29, from the report of Lamberg The Hapsburgs, however, believed themselves and Jurisic to Ferdinand: “*. . . Er [Ibrahim] west woll darum, . . - dan der pabst hete derhalbn brief pey Ime gehabt und to be well informed concerning French missions ; ; solch :;; _ . sein not seinem hern dem kaiser [Suleiman] und Im treulich

to the Porte. Indeed, the grand vizir [brahim klagt, dergleichen het khunig von frankreich solchs gar neulich Pasha had taken care to inform Ferdinand’s en- durch sein potschaft und sonder schreibn, auch gethan dapey voys, Joseph von Lamberg and Nicholas Jurisic, Im gedachter kunig von frankreich seiner leib harnasch eines

who had come to Istanbul (in the fall of 1530) to 8eschikt hete. . | k d f i] h k The Latin rendering may well be helpful (2b:d., doc. no. VI, Seek peace and to forestall anot cr attack upon p.76): Ibrahim had informed the envoys that Charles V was

Vienna, that both the pope and the king of France scarcely human, since he had attacked and captured the pope, had appealed to the Turks for aid after the sack —_mulcted him of a huge sum of money, demolished sacred buildof Rome. The pope had sent a letter to the Porte. ings, befouled the relics of the saints, held the king of France

. in chains, extorted money fromas him, and sold hima his own Francis I had. ;sent envoy as well a letter, man sons: an “‘Idque sibi [Ibrahim] non parvo inditioand esse, A quod ;Pontifex

had presented Ibrahim with a set of body armor ad ipsum Ibraim literas miserit, quibus hanc suam necessitatem (leah harnasch). M4 Despite their public indignation et Cesari [Suleiman] et Ibraimo fideliter et ex animo conquestus est. Et idipsum etiam nuperrime fecerit Rex Frantiae per nun-

tium cum quo sibi arma quaedam pro ipsius Regis persona '? Ernest Charriére, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, fabrefacta misisset.. . .”

4 vols., Paris, 1848-60, repr. New York, 1965, I, 184-90, Lamberg and Jurisic presented the report on their mission dated 25 January, 1531 (O.S.), i.e. 1532. Everyone knew that (they had been in Istanbul from 17 October to 22 December, Francis had objected strenuously to Zapolya’s excommunication —_ 1530) to Ferdinand at Linz on 23 February, 1531. Cf in general (cf, Sanudo, Diart, LVI, 245). Francois de Dinteville, whose — Sanudo, Diarii, LIV, 188, 225, 281; Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, correspondence is preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale — Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, 10 vols., Pest, 1827-35, repr.

(Fonds Dupuy, no. 260), was the French ambassador to the Graz, 1963, III, 101 ff., 656 ff., trans. J. J. Hellert, Histotre de Curia Romana from July, 1531, to February, 1533 (Alex. Taus- —_l’ empire ottoman, 18 vols., Paris, 1835-43, V, 145 ff., 462 ff; serat-Radel, Correspondance politique de Guillaume Pelluier, Paris, | and J. Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I”, Paris, 1908, p.

1899, p. 508, note). In January, 1533, his brother Jean, the 58, et alibi. bailli of Troyes, was appointed the French ambassador to En- '° Lanz, Correspondenz des Kausers Karl V., 1, no. 161, p. 432, gland (V.-L. Bourrilly, Guillaume du Bellay, Seigneur de Langey in answer to a letter from Ferdinand, dated at Budweis on 17 [1491-1543], Paris, 1904, pp. 141 ff.). Jean appears, with his — March, 1531, given in von Gévay, I-4 (1838), no. XII, pp. 97colleague Georges de Selve, in the well-known painting “The 105. Cf. also Charriére, Négociations, I, 177-82. Ambassadors,”’ done by Hans Holbein the Younger in 1533, © Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 109 and now in the National Gallery in London. Between the two [132]: “‘. . . che essendo il re suo desideroso di pace cum il ambassadors, lying at their feet, is an elongated death’s head _ serenissimo re de Romani, havea cum ogni mezo a lui possibile which assumes more normal proportions when seen from the _ tentato de ottener quella, havendo mandati piu sui oratori alle

side, an odd memento mori. publice diete et al prefato re de Romani, cum far etiam arbitro

‘* Anton von Gevay, ed., Urkunden und Actenstiicke zur Ge- in cid il serenissimo re de Polonia, et non havendo possuto fin schichte der Verhaltnisse zwschen Osterreich, Ungern und der Pforte alhora conseguir cosa alcuna esso suo re, |’ havea inviato per

350 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite [brahim Pasha’s statement that Clem- that he remained in close touch with the Turks ent VII had sent a sad letter to the Porte, detailing (through Antonio Rincén), even during their cam‘his need”’ (sein not) for help after the desolation paign against Ferdinand in the summer of 1532, of Rome by Bourbon’s troops, both Clement and to which we shall come presently. In the meanthe Curia stood solidly behind the Hapsburgs in _ time, however, we may note that Ibrahim told an

their opposition to Zapolya and in their defense Austrian embassy sent with the forlorn hope of of Hungary against the Turks. That the Haps- arranging an armistice with the Porte (while the burgs’ “‘defense’’ of Hungary was merely the Turks were on the march), “We know very well armed assertion of their claim to the ‘apostolic how he [Charles V] seized the king of France by kingdom” was a matter of no consequence to good _ treachery and at night. He [Francis] has often sent

Christians, of whom (Luther to the contrary) there his embassies to us, and he is our good friend! were still some at the Curia. What could be done. . .”!8 by bulls, broadsides, and letters of indulgence to assist Ferdinand on the threatened eastern front, Clement did.!” As for Francis I, there is no doubt Christi redemptoris nostri iniurias, offensiones et opprobria ulciscantur et in hostes Christianorum omnium sanguinem sitientium et evangelicam legem delere conantium arma sumant

TTT ... (Reg. Vat. 1440, as cited above, fol. 26"). We should

suo orator alla cesarea Maesta et a tutti li stati del Sacro Imperio presumably read sitientes . . . conantes. Cf., ibid., fols. 169%~ ...,” and see, ibid., fols. 104 [127], 108°-109" [131°—132"]. 172”, the important bull Existamavimus haud futurum, dated 5 On ZApolya’s efforts to reach a truce or a peace with Fer- May, 1531, depicting the sad plight to which the ravenous Turk dinand, cf. Sanudo, Diarii, LIV, 285, 296, 306, 307, 428, 432, had reduced Hungary, based on information supplied by Feret alibi, which made Sultan Suleiman indignant (ibid., col. 337). dinand. Note also Ferdinand’s letter to Charles V of 27 March, Suleiman at first rejected an accord with Ferdinand, non vol nt 1531 (in Lanz, I, no. 160, pp. 425-29), and see Ehses, Conc. paxe nt acordo (ibid., LIV, 335), although in April, 1531, he was = Trident., IV, introd., pp. XLI ff., LIV, LVI-LVH, LXH-LXUI.

expected to accept a truce (col. 385), and he finally did so (cols. In the Gennadeion in Athens, among some anti-Turkish 477, 481, 487, 498, 512). In Rome, however, it was feared that — broadsides bound together in an Italian leather binding of the

Suleiman would return to war before the truce had expired _ eighteenth century, is a printed letter of indulgence which was

(col. 534). sold on 4 April, 1531, for a contribution to the war against the

'7 Clement had been active on Ferdinand’s behalf for some Turks, and made out “pro Georgio de Antinis et Ginepra de time. In a very long bull, Cum superiort anno, in Arch. Segr. Taliaferro uxore.”’ The printed form carries, centered at the Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1440, fols. 19'-31", dated at Rome on 1 bottom, a large cross with the words Sigillum S. Cruciate on the

September, 1529 (datum Rome anno, etc., 1529 Kal. Septembris, _ transverse bar. The indulgence bears the printed notation that anno sexto), and redated at Bologna on 27 January, 1530 (datum —- Vincentius Archiepiscopus Rossanensis dicte Cruciate est supremus Bononie, anno, etc., 1529, sexto Kal. Febr., anno septimo), Clement | Commissarius, and the signature (in a brown ink that has not

related the terrible recent history of the Turkish invasion of taken well to the coarse paper) ‘‘Ego Frater Franciscus Bracis, Hungary and the siege of Vienna, reviewed the plight of Fer- —_ coletor scripsi manu propria.” Chiefly issued for the benefit of

dinand, and indicated that he had borrowed 40,000 ducats Ferdinand, the indulgence shows something of the continued ‘‘with difficulty” to provide a subsidy to help check the progress _ papal support of the crusade on behalf of the Hungarians and of the Turks in Hungary: “. . . a nonnullis mercatoribus licet | Austrians. On Vincenzo Pimpinella, the archbishop of Rossano, difficulter summam quatraginta millium ducatorum mutuo re- _ cf. above, Chapter 9, note 101. On the importance of Pimpi-

cepimus et eam summam pro exercitu eiusdem regis [Ferdi- _nella’s tenure in the history of the German nunciature, see nandi] solvendo et alendo per litteras cambii (ut moris est) | Walter Friedensburg, ed., Nuntiaturen des Vergerio (1533-1536), transcribi fecimus, nihilque rerum omnium que in nostra sint —_‘in the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst ergaénzenden Acten-

potestate ad tam sanctum, pium et necessarium opus iuvandum __ Stticken, pt. I (1533~1559), vol. 1, Gotha, 1892, repr. Frankfurt

ac promovendum ullo unquam tempore sumus pretermissuri am Main, 1968, pp. xLvuI-Lul, 40, and Gerhard Miller, .. .” (fol. 21"), but of course this sum was quite inadequate ‘Vincenzo Pimpinella am Hofe Ferdinands I. (1529-1532),”

to meet Ferdinand’s tremendous needs. Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Biblio-

Clement had had the crusade preached in Germany andthe _¢heken, XL (1960), 65-88, which is largely concerned with the Hapsburgs’ other northern domains, granted a plenary indul- Ttirkengefahr. Pimpinella advocated an accord between Ferdigence to those who placed their persons or properties in the nand and Zapolya, without which in his opinion Christendom fight against the Turks, and made every other provision that faced ruin, ché invero, segondo il mio debile ingegno, se lor doi non he could to organize an expedition which should seize the ini- 5’ @ccordano, la Christianitd é rovinata (ibid., p. 86). Pimpinella, tiative from Turkish hands. Now he enjoined peace upon the _ however, had little or no influence either at Ferdinand’s court world, ‘‘at least for as long as the expedition lasts,” imploring or at the Curia.

the princes, especially in Germany and Hungary, ‘“‘ut mutuam '8 The Austrian embassy, to which we shall return, was inter se charitatem atque pacem et concordiam vel saltem tem- _ headed by Count Leonhard of Nogarola and Joseph von Lampore quo expeditio predicta durabit, treugas, inducias seu belli | berg, who submitted their report to Ferdinand at Linz in Sepmoram quas tenore presentium auctoritate omnipotentis Dei tember, 1532 (von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 1-5 [1838], ac pro securitate tam sancte et laudabilis expeditionis nos man- —-_29): “*. . . Wier wissen wol wie er [Charles] den kunig von damus ac per universa regna et dominia ipsius Ferdinandi regis —_ frankreich mit vereterey und pey der Nacht gefangen: Er [Fran-

inter incolas et habitatores illorum servari volumus observent, cis] hat oft seinj potschaft pey uns gehabt und ist unser gueter

arma deponant, et privatarum iniuriarum ac offensionum obliti freund.. . .”

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 351 Few witnesses of the events of the past decade _ the imperial cession of the island of Malta to the had known greater reason for discouragement Hospitallers, for whom it would make an excellent than Philippe de Villiers de |’ Isle-Adam, grand base for attacks upon the enemy. He also exmaster of the Knights of S. John. He lived almost _ pressed the wish that he could finance the whole as a wanderer from court to court, seekingacenter expedition himself, but he would in any event for the Knights to take the place of Rhodes. On _ promise the Hospitallers the full support of all his 8 May, 1528, L’ Isle-Adam had written Clement — strength and authority.”° VII from London that he would keep him in- Finally, on 25 March, 1530, Clement wrote from formed through Cardinal Alessandro Cesarini, Bologna to Cardinal Antoine Duprat, then the papal protector of the Order, of the results of an em- legate in France, that the Hospitallers had just rebassy he had sent Charles V to seek a free grant ceived from the Emperor Charles the islands of

of the islands of Malta and Gozo.'” Malta and Gozo as well as the fortress of Tripoli,

Despite the terrible trials of the year 1527, for it appeared that every hope and occasion had Clement claimed never to have lost sight of the been lost of their regaining their ancient seat of need to regain the island of Rhodes or at least to Rhodes. The Knights were now to establish theminflict some severe blow upon the Turkish enemy _ selves at Malta, concentrate their strength in this in the East. Writing to L’ Isle-Adam from Rome _ new home, and resume their attacks upon the eneon 20 November (1528), Clement rehearsed his mies of the faith both by land and by sea.*! On the earlier communications with the grand master on same day (25 March) Clement wrote also to Ferplans for a crusade, and noted that he had written dinand of Hapsburg, Francis I, Henry VIII, and sometime before to the Christian princes seeking the king of Portugal, announcing the grant and their aid for such an expedition, although it was describing briefly the circumstances under which it clear that little might be expected of them because had been made.*? In a bull dated at Rome on 25 of their wars and quarrels with one another (nec April, 1530, after words of high praise for the Hosmultum ob discordias principum in eorum auxilis sper _pitallers and an expression of concern for their ponendum est). Clement now believed, neverthe- homeless plight, Clement confirmed Charles’s reless, that a good prospect existed for launching a cent investment of the Order with the “‘cities, castles, successful crusade. He informed L’ Isle-Adam that — and islands of Tripoli, Malta, and Gozo in perpetual, they must bend every effort and employ every resource to see that all the necessary preparations §—=————— for the expedition were completed during the 2° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 9, fols. 509'present winter, so that with the advent of spring 512°, by mod. stamped enumeration, datum Romae, etc., die XX they might be confident of sailing by divine favor Novembris 1528, anno quinto:"*. . . Quod ad nos attinet, utinam to a certain victory. He had written a gain to the Wires haberemus totius huius expeditionis nostris opibus SuSCI-

. . . piendae, sed tamen quicquid habemus virium atque auctoritatis,

emperor and the other princes, lauding their good id totum vobis promptissime pollicemur. . . .”’ Like other will, and L’ Isle-Adam could see from the copies popes, Clement employed the resources of the Hospitallers for of the papal letters being sent to him that Clement _ his own political and personal convenience (cf Arm. XLIV, believed they would not fail the major cause of tom. 8, fols. 132", 135”), but he was also most vigilant in adChristendom. It remained of course for the grand 72"'"8 the interests of the Order with the emperor and the . ; § ; kings of France, England, and Portugal (ibzd., fols. 146-152", master and the Knights to do their part. With the letters to which Clement alludes in his letter of 20 Novemsomething less than the usual vilification of the _ ber to L’ Isle-Adam). Turk, Clement made clear his great anxiety and * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fol. 191°, “Di-

full awareness of the danger which the archenemy lecto filio nostro Ant. tit. Sanctae Anastasiae S. R. E. presbytero of the faith posed for eastern and other Christians, gato,” on whom see W. Van Gulik, C. Eubel, and L. Schmitzwhile he encouraged the grand master to hope for Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica medii et recentioris aevi, III (1923),

. . cardinali Senonensi, nostro et Apostolicae Sedis in Francia |e-

20. Antoine Duprat was created a cardinal in Clement VII’s second promotion of 21 November, 1527, held in the Castel '* Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. V, fol. 168. |S. Angelo. Charles V’s grant to the Hospitallers is displayed in

By 27 June (1528) L’ Isle-Adam was lamenting to the pope a glass case in the Armory of Valletta, Malta: it is dated 23 that Charles V had sequestrated all the Hospitallers’ property March, 1530, datum m Castello Franco die XXII mensis Marti in the kingdom of Naples (ibid., fol. 186). Original letters of — tertie imdictionis anno nativitatis dominice millesimo quingentesimo L’ Isle-Adam to the pope, all signed ‘‘P. de Villers Lyleadam,”’ _trecesimo. . . . After the imperial coronation Charles had left are not uncommon (¢f., ibid., also fols. 121, 178, and 231). On Bologna on 22 March (1530); Clement left the city on 31 March,

the question of Malta, see also L’ Isle-Adam’s letter toClement and arrived back in Rome on 12 April (cf Pastor, Gesch. d. VII dated at Nice in Provence on 27 May, 1529 (Lettere, vol. Papste, 1V-2 [repr. 1956], 389-90).

VI, fol. 49), and cf. Lettere, vol. XI, fols. 176" and 186’. 22 Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 192°—193".

352 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT noble, full and free enfeoffment,’’ binding the Venetian ambassador in Rome, sent details of the Knights to the feudal payment ofa falcon ora hawk Hospitallers’ success to the Signoria, which was each year at All Saints to Charles as king of Sicily already well informed, and concerned about the and to his successors in years to come, but recog- possible consequences. A Florentine Hospitaller nizing also the Knights’ exemption from all forms named Donato Acciajuoli had landed at Gallipoli of military service to leave the crusaders of S. John in the heel of the Italian boot, sent by the prior full freedom to pursue their historic mission of war of Rome to bring the Curia “‘la nova dil successo

with the infidel on both land and sea.*° di Modon.”’ Acciajuoli described the taking of the Although the Hospitallers had accepted with city to Clement VII.

some misgivings their new base on the barren 1s- The Knights had made three assaults upon the land of Malta (they would have much preferred fortress, into which many Turks had fled. Being a home at Syracuse in Sicily),*4 they were soon unable to take the well-walled Castello by storm, active again in an anti-Turkish campaign. In early however, the Knights subjected Modon (a forlorn September, 1531, they struck suddenly at the sight today) toa merciless four hours’ sack, killing Turkish forces in the southwestern Morea, where more than four hundred Turks ‘‘1n diversi lochi they succeeded in taking the fortified city of Mo- di la cita.”” They boarded their galleys and dedon. On 2 October Marc’ Antonio Venier, the parted that same evening, sending in vain to the Venetian island of Zante for some ship’s biscuit.

—_—___— Acciajuoli had informed the pope, the curial of23 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1440, fols. 55'-58", by _ ficials, and the ambassadors that the “Religion of mod. stamped enumeration, datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum Rhodes’’ had taken some 1,600 prisoners, mostly anno, etc., millesmo quingentesimo trigesimo, septimo Kal. Mau, pon- women and children. ‘‘and that the booty both

tificatus nostri “*. .and . Sane innotuit " on’ ’ aan anno ,; ofseptimo: the sack ofsicut thenobis saidplene prisoners’ ransom,

can nuper cum carissimus in Christo filius noster Carolus Quintus, Romanorum imperator semper Augustus, qui etiam Sicilie rex well amount to the sum of 100,000 ducats.”” Clem-

existit pro sua munificentia et pietate ac religionum hospitalis ent told Venier that he hoped God would somepredicti devotione ne dilecti filii Philippus de Villers Liskeadam how turn it all to good effect. It would have been magister et conventus ipsius hospitalis qui superioribus annis, Herter to hold the city than to sack it. In Venier’s

expugnata per Turchas sanctissimi nominis Christi nephandis- -_ th di Ie f d th

simos hostes vi et armis insula Rhodi olim eiusdem hospitalis, Opinion neit cr pope nor carainals found t Me insulam ipsam relinquere coacti fuerunt amplius per alienas Knights exploit a particularly laudable venture. sedes vagari contingeret sed pro vetusto eorum more et laudabili

consuetudine locum, ubi contra ipsos fidei hostes presertim Sultan Suleiman’s failure under the walls of

classe maritima arma exercere possent, obtinerent eisdem hos- V; had b bl hj ‘d d

pitali ac Philippo magistro et conventui civitates, Castra, et insulas jenna Nad been a DIOW to Nis pride an to OtTripolis, Melibeti, et Gandisii in feudum perpetuum, nobile, toman prestige, the first defeat in the almost ten liberum, et francum sub conditionibus infrascriptis quas pro years of his reign.”° It might be expected that he earum inviolabili observatione per Ipsos magistrum etconven- would try to invade Austria again, and so it was

oe Ti a - no wonder that the Turks as well as the Lutherans

tum in statuta et stabilimenta perpetua redigi voluit et mandavit

per suas autenticas litteras manu ipsius Caroli imperatoris sub- :

scriptas et illius sigillo quo in regni sui [stc] superioris Sicilie supplied a topic for debate at the well-attended utitur munitas sub dato viz. XXIII] mensis Martii proxime diet held at Augsburg during the long summer of

preteriti donasset et concessisset. . . .” 1530. The Curia Romana was interested in both The bull next relates how L’ Isle-Adam, the Convent of the issues, which as always were closely related. A let-

Order, the bailies, priors, preceptors, and Knights assembled f th 1] dinal L C in chapter-general at Syracuse on 25 April last (1529), studied, ter 0 the papal legate, Cardinal Lorenzo am

approved, and accepted the terms of the grant being made to peggio, to the papal secretary Jacopo Salviati in them by Charles as king of Sicily, the feudal dues being defined Rome, written from Augsburg in late October as the payment of a falcon or hawk (sub censu dumtaxat unius (J 530) emphasizes the announced intention of the falconis seu accipitris) to Charles and his Sicilian successors every Luth : d cities t tribute their full year on the feast of All Saints. The Hospitallers were not to utheran princes and cities tO CON ute the Tu be subject to any form of military service, nor could they dispose

of any part of their new fiefs to the prejudice of the donor, © ~—_~__~ etc. Provision was made for jurisdiction over refugees, the right 2° Sanudo, Diari, LV, 25, and cf, ibid., cols. 12, 19-20, 78of appointment to ecclesiastical benefices, as well as for other 79, 83-87, 91-93, 100, 124, 181-82, 405, 444, 518. To the legal, judicial, and administrative problems that were certain Turks L’ Isle-Adam was the “‘gran maistro ladro’’ (col. 403); to arise. On the grant to the Order of Malta, Gozo, and Tripoli, he kept a sharp lookout throughout the Aegean islands (ibid.,

note also Sanudo, Diarn, LIT, 166, 359, 539, 540, and pre- LVI, 538-39, 638). sumably reference should be made to the Abbe de Vertot, 2° On Suleiman’s ‘‘burning’’ disappointment at his failure to Historre des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem, 4 vols., take Vienna, owing to the ‘“‘pest and the approach of winter,”’

Paris, 1726, III, 84-88 and ff., 493-501, and IV, append., note the Acta Tomiciana, XII (1906), no. 143, p. 138, a letter

p. 30. from Jerome Laski, the ‘“‘voivode of Transylvania,” to Peter 24 Sanudo, Diarn, LV, 556, 631. Tomicki, dated at Buda on 24 May, 1530.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 353 share of the anti-Turkish subsidy, provided the dous sight. The Piazza Navona [Agone], the Rotunda, and emperor instituted no process against them in the Campo dei Fiori have got to look like the Adriatic ‘matters of the faith’ until a church council [mare Hadriano}, and the water has spread so widely should be summoned. Although the emperor had throughout the whole of Rome, right up to the stairs of rejected their proposals with the statement it was me wag PIGOBHO. that one has never heard of anything

not fitting that his hands should thus be tied in

the administration of justice, he did give them var- A report to Duke Federico of Mantua, sent pre-

ious direct, if guarded, assurances.” sumably by his kinsman and envoy Francesco GonIn October of 1530, however, Clement VII was zaga, also states that the inundation was a catasgiving less thought than usual either to the Lu- _ trophe ‘“‘poco minore di quello che fu al tempo del therans or to the Turks. It was a month long to be _ sacho.”’ Terror was widespread. Was it all a judgremembered in Rome. On the seventh and eighth ment of God? Almost the least of the Romans’ heavy rains, having followed fair weather, became fears was a return of the “‘pest.’”’ The high waters torrential downpours. They caused a flooding of lasted for three days (from 7 through 9 October). the Tiber unequaled since the days of Martin V- They reached halfway up the lower portals of S. and Alexander VI, as the Venetian envoy Antonio Maria sopra Minerva, where a plaque on the faSurian informed the Signoria and his brother Ago- cade (to the right) still recalls their height and the stino (in letters from Rome dated 12, 15, and 18 Virgin’s protection. October), “11 che ha posto in ruina tutta questa mi- Clement VII had been in Ostia when the Tiber sera citta.’”” Rome had become ‘‘a world of ruined overflowed its worn banks. He returned on 10 houses.”’ An apostolic scriptor had lost a “‘bellissimo October, quite depressed, “‘seeing such a spectacle palazo,” and three palaces on the Via Giulia had _ of ruined houses and shops.”’ Prices had been high

collapsed. Surian had been staying in Cardinal enough before the flood. Now there was almost Marino Grimani’s palace, but had fled as water nothing to eat or drink. What there was went for reached the ceiling of the ground floor. People and a pretty penny, ‘‘maxime il pane, vino et vivere houses, casks of wine, foodstuffs and fodder were _ per li cavalli.’”’” Most of the mills were a wreck.

washed away, and so was the “great parapet’’ on Flour was not to be had. Rome was in a “‘gran the bridge of the Castel S. Angelo. Surian lost all disordine et confusione,’’ and the writer of the his wine and a year’s provisions, ‘che midaradanno report did not know how soon the means could di ducati 500.” The disaster, he wrote his brother, be found to put the city back on the road to rewas no less than the sack of the city three years covery.”° before.

Alvise Lippomano, an apostolic protonotary, After the diets of Speyer (in 1524 and 1526) the wrote his brother Tommaso in Venice that the in- Peasants’ War, the ““Bauernkrieg”’ (of 1524-1525),

§PPq.

undation was indeed another sack: the religious division of Germany between Roman

Allhethgrains . . . Catholicism andand Lutheran and wines are lost, there is a Protestantism great b ble £ hich quickly Id hel scarcity of everything. For five days we have made do ecame an una tera © act, which wou cip to with bread of bran mush. You never sawa more horren. Getermine the social history of the Fatherland and

contribute to its disunion and disorder for gener-

27 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. II, fol. 36’: ations to come. By the _Protestation of Speyer (in “Lia enti delii rincipi et citta Lutherane in uesta materia 1529) the Lutheran (and Zwinghian) minority had di sussidio contra il Turco si sono resoluti voler far ogni cosa, refused to accept the dictates of the Catholic mapur che sua Maesta commandasse che contra di loro per le cose. jority, which had the full support of the Hapsburgs.

della fede non si procedesse nec de jure nec de facto sinal fine At the diet of Augsburg (in 1530) the Lutherans del Concilio: sua Maesta li ha reiecti con dire non essere con- restated the essential tenets of their faith in the veniente che la iustitia sia ligata nelle mani soe, et per quanto intendo, gli ha detto di molte e gagliarde parole.”” Campeggio

also discussed the proposed German subsidy against the Turks | ~~~ of 40,000 infantry and 8,000 cavalry (abid., fol. 35”). Some six 28 Sanudo, Diarit, LIV, 72-74, summaries of letters of Surian months later, on 5 April, 1531, Campeggio wrote from Ghent, dated 12, 15, 18 October, 1530, and of Lippomano dated 14 ‘Circa le cose del Turco non c’ é altra particularita” (fol. 64"). October. Cf the oddity to be found, ibid., LVI, 498. No one was more aware than the Hapsburg brothers that there 29 Sanudo, Diarn, LIV, 74-76, ‘“‘da Roma, alli 10 de octobrio were many pitfalls in seeking Lutheran aid against the Turks — 1530, al signor duca di Mantoa.”’ News of the flood spread far

(cf. esp. Ferdinand’s letter to Charles of 27 March, 1531, in and wide. On the impression it made in Paris, see Ludovic Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., 1, no. 160, pp. 426-27, — Lalanne, ed., Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris. . . (1515-1536),

also pp. 435, 436-37, and note Hugo Lammer, ed., Monumenta Paris, 1854, repr. New York and London, 1965, pp. 419-21, Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam saeculi XVI illustrantia, Freiburg and cf. E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Les Pontificats d’ Adrien

im Breisgau, 1861, nos. XXXIX—XLIII, pp. 58-62). VI et de Clément VII, Paris and Corbeil, 1933, pp. 249-50.

354 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Augsburg Confession (Confessio Augustana), and re-__ that eventually the Hapsburgs might deal with the

monstrated against what they regarded as the errors Lutherans or crush them, but since Suleiman inand abuses which had, over the centuries, entered sisted upon Zapolya’s right to the throne of Hunthe Church. They found no true worship or rev- gary, the Turk was extremely difficult to deal with, erence “in remaining celibate, in begging alms, or and despite the occasional flights of fancy in which in wearing dirty clothes” (non est in coelibatu aut court rhetoricians and political soothsayers might

mendicitate aut veste sordida).°° indulge, the Hapsburgs did not stand much chance

Lutheranism had become embedded in the soil of crushing the Turk. Indeed, as we have just noted, of Germany. Its roots went deep; there was nothing _ they stood little chance of crushing the Lutherans fragile about it. It was to survive and grow strong for the very reason that, as the champions of Cain the years which lay ahead despite Charles V’s _ tholicism in Germany, Charles V and Ferdinand victory at Muhlberg (in 1547) over the Lutheran would profit from the victory of Rome over WitElector Johann Friedrich of Saxony and the League _ tenberg. Some of the Catholics were themselves of of Schmalkalden after which, victorious though he — two minds about such a victory. The Wittelsbach was, Charles failed in a last attempt at doctrinal dukes of Bavaria, perhaps the most ardent defenders

compromise in the Augsburg Interim (of 1548). of Catholicism in Germany, were also persistent After eight or ten diets and thirty-five years of | enemies of the Hapsburgs, and had no greater desire strife the legality of Lutheranism was finally and — than did the Lutheran Landgrave Philip of Hesse fully recognized in the religious peace of Augsburg _ to see the enhancement of the emperor’s power and (in 1555), which gave the Lutheran as well as the _ that of his family. Catholic ruler the right to prescribe the faith of his Despite the abhorrence in which heresy was held subjects (cuius regio eius religio). As we shall note in in Rome, the Curia had a more immediate fear of a later chapter, Sultan Suleiman followed with great the Turk. The Lutherans were a danger to the interest and derived no small advantage from these faith, but not to Italy; the Turk, however, was a

years of discord. danger both to the faith and to Italy. Like FerdiThe Protestant princes’ fears of reprisal following —_nand, the Curia thought constantly of Hungary. On the failure to reach a religious accord with the Cath- 5 May, 1531, Clement VII declared in the bull Exiolics at Augsburg (in 1530), despite the conciliatory — st2zmavimus haud futurum, prepared as a future record

efforts of Melanchthon, had led in February, 1531, of events, that Hungary had recently been in the to the formation of the Protestant League of | extremest danger when the Turk had launched anSchmalkalden to meet whatever force the Emperor _ other invasion with his innumerable troops and inCharles and the Catholics might put into the field credible military apparatus. If Hungary were to fall against them. On 5 January (1531) Ferdinand of — before such an onslaught, the Turk would be preAustria had been elected king of the Romans by _ pared to tread under foot and reduce to bondage six electoral votes, the Saxon vote being cast against the rest of the Christian commonwealth. Again in him.*! Ferdinand, as king of Hungary, feared the _ this emergency the pope said he had sent money, Turks more than he did the Lutherans. Ferdinand and authorized the conversion of church vessels and was the great compromiser of the age. He thought jewels into money as well as the sale of certain ecclesiastical properties to secure funds for the defense °° Confessio fider exhibita invictissimo Imperatori Carolo V. Caesant of Christians in Ferdinand s dominions. In the Curia,

Augusto m Comitus Augustae anno MDXXX, art. 27, ed. Paul Hungary was still regarded as the bulwark of ChrisTschackert, Die unverdnderte Augsburgische Konfession .. , tlanity, presidiwm et quasi vallum Christiane reipublice.

Leipzig, 1901, p. 181. The Vatican feared a Turkish invasion of Italy. Buda

"Cf Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7 (from had been taken, the pope said, and Vienna laid the Archivum Consistoriale, as previously noted), fol. 209°: under siege. Christian captives had been dragge d Die XXIII Ianuarii MDX XXI fuit consistorium in loco consueto in quo sanctissimus dominus noster retulit ex litteris legati off to Turkey by the thousands, through SwalMps apud Cesarem regem Ungarie fuisse electum in Romanorum — and over mountain passes, to dig the soil, guide the regem eumdemque legatum celebrasse divina cum plenaria in- plow, pull the oar, or perform some other harsh dulgentia quibus tamquam veri orthodoxe fidei cultores supra and vile service in a distant. heathen realm. The

quadraginta millia hominum interfuere ac communionem . , .

sumpsere excepto filio ducis Saxonie qui vicem patris gerebat eastern borders and rivers of Hungary were ina in electione quem Maiestas Cesarea tamquam hereticum ore state of constant warfare. Dalmatia, Croatia, Carproprio publice ab eius presentia et publico convivio reppulit.””. _ niola were also under attack. The domains of many

This text also appears in the Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), princes besides Ferdinand’s were at stake. Condiibid., Reg. 31, fol. 245°, and Acta Vicecancellarn, Reg. 3, fol. tions on the eastern fronts were deplorable beyond 191°, by mod. stamped enumeration. On Ferdinand’s election oo ,

as king of the Romans and his coronation, note also Sanudo, description.

Diarii, LIV, 247 ff., 266, 268-78. The Turk was preparing for another invasion

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 355 next summer with a more powerful army than ever During the summer of 1531 no end of imporbefore. He would attack Ferdinand’s domains ‘“‘and tant topics came up for discussion in the papal perhaps all Italy, and the state of the Church as __ consistory but, as the secretary recorded of the well” (tyrannum ipsum. . . et forte cunctam Italiam meeting of 24 July, “‘plura sunt dicta, nihil conet statum ecclesiasticum aggressurum fore). The prospect clusum.”’ On the thirty-first of the month the pope

had been considered in a secret consistory, where and the cardinals were hard put to find an answer it had caused a commotion, for Sultan Suleiman to a blunt question from Ferdinand as to how was preparing a great fleet as well as a great army. much financial aid he might count on the Holy At the same time as his army invaded Hungary, his See’s providing ‘‘tam in offensivo quam in defenfleet might attack Sicily and the Adriatic coasts, the sivo bello Thurcarum.”’ Ferdinand dwelt on the kingdom of Naples, and the cities, castles, towns, Turks’ extensive preparations and the “‘certainty”’ and other lands of the Holy See. If a year’s truce of war in the coming year. Those present at the were made and observed between Ferdinand and __ consistory on 31 July had obviously still not found Suleiman, an attack upon Italy would appear all the the answer when they heard a petition from enmore likely. The apostolic treasury was almost voys of the Croatian city of Segna (Senj, Zengg), empty, and so his Holiness imposed another as- whose citizens were living in deadly fear of a Turksessment upon the states of the Church for their _ ish siege. Their fathers and grandfathers had been defense. Besides the often-expressed fear for the harried before them, for the region of Segna had very future of Hungary, the likelihood of a Turkish long been an object of Turkish attack. The envoys

attack upon Italy was uppermost in Clement’s sought the hire of five hundred infantry for six

mind.*? months for the defense of their city. Otherwise, since they were powerless to hold out, they said,

——_——— they wanted an indulgence (venia) to reach an ac5? Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1440, fols. 169°-172", by cord with the Turks.°* The request for an indulmod. stamped enumeration, datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, gence was probably an effort to twist the papal anno, etc., millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo primo, tertio non. Man, arm into granting a military subvention. The

pont. nostri anno octavo (5 May, 1531): “. . nunc . Ecce charissimus C . : : ea: . roatian appeal was doubtless in Christo. filius noster Ferdinandus, Hungarie et Bohemie I met with soft

words

etiam Romanorum rex illustrissimus, per oratorem suum nobis and expressions of sympathy, but the envoys could

significavit quanta et quam gravia pericula rebus Hungarie im- scarcely have got the cash they wanted. It was minerent ex quo sevissimus Turcarum tyrannus cum incredibili probably not to be found in the Apostolic Camera. rursus apparatu et innumeris copiis ad regnum Hungarie ever- On 8 August. 1531. Cardinal Lorenzo Campeg-

tendum irruisset, ut eo in potestatem redacto reliquam Chris- ; BUST f , ls. wh h P&S

tianam rempublicam pessundaret labefacteretque . . .”’ (fol. gio wrote Salviati from Brussels, where the Emperor 169°). ““. . . Hec postquam in consistorio nostro secreto perlecta Charles then was, that he had informed the emperor fuerunt vehementerque nostrum et fratrum nostrorum animos of the Turks’ preparations, and exhorted him to commovessent [sec], considerantes tyrannum Turcarum terra) make counter-preparations in his dominions and to potentissimum exercitum paratum, mari autem ingentem clas- build gallevs to t assaults on the sea as well as

sem instructam habere posseque uno eodemque tempore Hun- gancy MEEt assaults © a

garie regnum exercitu invadere, classe vero ad oras Sicilie ac O01 land. Charles seemed willing to take every prelittora Maris Adriatici penetrare et regnum Neapolitanum ac caution that he could. Campeggio tried especially Civitates, castra, oppida, terras nobis et Sancte Romane Ecclesie to impress upon him that Suleiman was very likely mediate vel immediate subiecta vexare belloque urgere, AgTOS 45 attack Italy (for so the pope had been advised)

vastare depopularique, in predam libidinemque 1 h . 34 convertere. . .” (fol. 171°.omnia as welldenique as to make another attempt upon Vienna.

It need hardly be added that the crusading imposts proved On 13 September following, still in Brussels, Camdifficult to collect, even in Italy, which the pope represented peggio wrote Salviati that he had just conferred at as in imminent danger of a Turkish attack. Conflicting stories length with Charles about ‘“Vexpeditione del

often reached the Curia as to why such collections had not T > Tt d her doubtful th h h been made (cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. urco. seemed rather doubttul then that the VII, fol. 553", by mod. stamped enumeration, a letter from the Turk would launch a large attack the next year, Anziani and Gonfaloniere of Lucca, dated 13 November, 1532, but Charles agreed that special precautions must

as to why a levy on ecclesiastical revenues was apparently not collected, the papal commissioner’s estimates of income not corresponding to the estimates of various incumbents). The whole story of the Turkish invasion of Hungary, the 38 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7, fols. 222°— seizure of Visegrad, Szekesfehervar (German Stuhlweissenburg, 223", entries from 24 July to 4 August, 1531; also in the Acta Latin Alba Regia), and Pest, as well as the siege of Vienna was _ consistorialia (1517-1534), Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 251%, recounted by Paulus de Varda (Kisvarda), archbishop of Gran and the Acta Vicecancellarii (from the Archivum Consistoriale), (Esztergom), in a long letter to the pope dated “‘ex arce mea Reg. 3, fols. 198’-199", by mod. stamped enumeration. Cf. also Dreghel, die octava mensis Octobris, M.D.XX XI” (8 October, Sanudo, Diaru, LIV, 582.

1531), in the Vatican Lettere, vol. VI, fols. 267, 273 (letter 34 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fols. divided, as so often in these volumes, by wretched binding). 84°-85".

356 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT be maintained for the defense of Naples and Sicily. could take no hostile step against the Turks. They Charles said in fact that he had forty armed galleys, had sworn to observe their peace with the Porte with twelve to fifteen of them deployed from Genoa _ in perpetuity, and they would have to observe that to Naples and from Sicily to Barcelona. They could — good faith which was the very foundation of their quickly be put in order, but he did not know whether __ state. Zen was so to inform Ibrahim Pasha. Twenty-

the force could be found to man them. Campeggio four members of the Senate wanted Zen also to urged him to make greater provision than this for state that, when the pope had learned of the sulthe safety of southern Italy, telling him ‘“‘quanto tan’s “‘apparati di guerra,’’ he had imposed two

sua Santita temeva questa impresa.”’ tithes upon all the clergy in Italy, sending the Charles replied that by April it would be clear bishop of Verona to Venice to secure the Senate’s whether the Turk would embark on an expedition. assent to the collection of the tithes in Venetian If he came, Campeggio could be sure that Charles territory. The Senate had told the bishop that, would fail neither his brother nor the Catholic faith. with all respect to His Holiness, Venice could not Campeggio lamented that the Holy See would not _ satisfy his request for the tithes. This addendum be able to contribute to the army. It was certainly was to be made to the letter being sent to Zen.*’ not from lack of desire on the pope’s part to do so, | ‘“T'wenty-four votes were not enough to secure pas-

but because of the poverty of the Holy See, “‘che sage of the amendment, however, which was the assai € notoria.’’ Charles replied that he was ashamed _ subject of a long debate and several motions in the

to make any request for funds. Necessity forced Senate.*® him to do so, however, for he could not maintain The reports from Istanbul which had led Clement by himself adequate forces to meet the Turk and VII to take fright were confirmed by a letter, dated at the same time provide for certain other possible 18 December (1531), which the doge and Senate contingencies that might occur in Italy, ““come hora _ received toward the end of January from Pietro per le cose di Genova se andasse avanti quello che Zen in Istanbul. The ambassador and vicebailie had si dice de’ Francesi.’’ He had problems in Spain, written that there was much more activity than usual and soon he must take measures against the infidels in the sultan’s arsenal, and that the founders were in North Africa. He wished the pope to see whether casting a great number of cannon (artegliaria) for there were not in fact some material assistance he —_ use at sea as well as on land. About one hundred could render, but Campeggio said he knew it was and forty galleys and galleasses (galeazze grosse, baimpossible to find money at this time, and urged _ starde, et sotil) were being got ready, together with Charles not to inflict upon his Holiness the unhap- some three hundred other vessels. About 40,000 piness of being asked for funds it would be quite mariners (asappi) were being enrolled for the arimpossible to provide.*” Speaking thereafter of other | mada plus some of the corsairs known as barbareschi.

matters, they were in clear agreement “In quanto As for the land army, besides the Tatars, Vlachs, periculo sta tutta la Christianita del Turco et Lu- and others, as well as 81,000 akinjis (achenzi), ‘‘che therani—sua Maesta lo conosce meglio di me. sono cavallicorradori,”’ it had been decided to dou-

2. 88 ble the strength of the janissaries from ten to twenty When toward the end of the year 1531 reports

reached Rome of the extensive preparations which =—————__the Gran Turco was making per mar et per terra, 37 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fols. 110"-111" [133'-134"], doc. the pope sent his old friend Gian Matteo Giberti, dated 23 January, 1532 (Ven. style 1531). On 22 January it bishop of Verona (1 524-1543), to Venice to learn had been proposed in the Senate that the bishop of Verona what contribution the Republic was prepared to sould be frankly told that".miglia, . . noi confinamo con Il Signor . urcho per uno tratto de domille che e dalla insula make to the defense of Christendom and the Holy nostra de Cypro fino alli confini dell’ Histria, et ben potemo See. As the doge and Senate wrote Pietro Zen, dir tutto esso stato nostro maritimo esser posto et situato nelle their ambassador and vicebailie in Istanbul, how- _ fauce di esso Signor di quella grande et formidabil potentia, ever, ‘“essendo ben memori della pace habbiamo che a tutti é nota, nelli paesi del qual et precipue in Constan‘ot . Dy . tinopoli, Soria, Egypto, et Morea negociando come fanno molti cum quel serenissimo Gran Signor, the Venetians nobeli et cittadini nostri con opulenti cavedali, cadauno puo tenir per cosa certissima che venendo esso Signor Turco in alcuna suspicione delle operation nostre,. . . 1’ habbi de subito ad commandar con sui editti che essi nostri mercadanti siino

55 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fols. | detenuti et poste le mano sopra le faculta loro. . .” (ibid., fol.

(fol. 93"). [130’-131"], 114” (137°).

90°-91", ‘‘di Brusselle alli XIII di Settembre del MDXXXI” 105 [128], and cf, ibed., fols. 106°—-107° [129°-130"], 107°-108"

°® Ibid., Lettere, vol. XI, fol. 92%, and cf. Acta Miscellanea, °° Sanudo, Diarn, LV, 373-74, entry dated 23 January, 1532

Reg. 7, fols. 224°—225". (Ven. style 1531), and see, ibid., cols. 338, 345.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 357 thousand. The sultan also wanted an additional that immediately after Easter they will be here, whence 40,000 foot (asappi XL m. a pied?) for the army, one _ he plans a quick departure either to meet the Turk at half archers and the other half lancers. If the current his approach or for Italy—and yet for many reasons he negotiations for peace between the Hapsburgs and coneiudes eat aes Turk will not come by land for an the Porte became too long drawn out, and the @{t@CK upon Maly.

Turkish army and armada were set in motion, it Although he talked bravely of setting out in per-

would be extremely difficult to recall them. son against the Turk, Charles had a hard time Lodovico Gritti was hard at work. He would be- throughout the spring of 1532. The self-discitake himself in due time to King John Zapolya, pline, which his contemporaries admired, always whom he would try to assist in making peace with gave way before a large platter of meat and a large

Ferdinand, king of the Romans. In the event of stein of beer. Beset with gout, he was managing their failure, orders had come from the Porte that sometimes well, sometimes badly, with a walking the sanjakbeys, the flambulari, and the commanders _ stick. He seemed far from well, his face pimply; of the Vlach and Tatar contingents should take the he was wearing (in April) a green-silk patch on his

field, and that the armada, which was all in order left eye. He would get better, and then suffer a on the Danube, should begin moving toward Aus- relapse, postponing all business until the next retria. On 3 February (1532) the Senate voted to covery. At one point his face became quite swollen, instruct Marc’ Antonio Venier, the Venetian am- and the physicians bled him twice, the second time bassador to the Curia Romana, to convey all this during the late evening of 16 April. His current information to the pope ‘‘con quel secreto modo affliction had apparently begun with ‘‘a terrible

che si conviene.””** itching” (un prurito grandissimo) over his entire Charles had said that by next April the inten- person, becoming confined to his face, and settling tions of the Gran Turco would be clear. He was

rch (153 eggio wrote Salviati: - oe, .

very worried before April. From Regensburg on =§=—_____—_

26 March (1532), Campegg *° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fol. 116, His [imperial] Majesty is quite certain that the Turk will “di Ratisbona alli XAVI di Marzo, alle III hore doppo il meggio

come by land with a great army, and assuredly toward — BIOTNO, Tee aaries was Breatly worried about re Vienna. He says that for his part he will not be found coming furkish expedition, expecting either victory over te

; dh “1 k ff. the diet t Turk or a place in heaven for his effort (2b:d., fol. 118°). Cf.

wanting, and he will make every effort at (he diet 10 also, in general, fols. 128", 134", 136", 147°, 148, 150°-151', prevail upon the German princes [to vote aid]. He thinks 1 54+_155" 157 €f., 175, 179, and 186". The Venetians had

warned Charles of the Turkish preparations (note the letter to his brother Ferdinand dated 2 January, 1532, in Lanz, I, no. 39 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 54, fol. 113" [136"], letter dated 3 Feb- 259, p. 642).

ruary, 1532, but to be redated 31 January when sent to the In early January a letter from Jerome Laski was read before ambassador in Rome. The text lacks the upright cross—placed the papal consistory, in which he expressed his willingness to in the sixteenth-century registers before the numeral indicating __ try to effect an agreement between Ferdinand and John Zapolya

the decisive vote, not in the left margin as in the earlier period— (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 7, fol. 237"): but the Senate voted to send the letter de parte 170, de non 23, “‘Fuerant etiam lecte littere Hieronymi Lascho, oratoris Baivode non synceri 7. Similar letters were sent to the Venetian ambas- Ioannis apud Cesarem, quibus observatur et obtestatur ponsadors at the courts of Charles V, Francis I, and Henry VIII. tificem ut vellit suscipere provintiam concordandi suum prinOn the Turkish plans for the expansion of their forces, see | cipem cum rege Romanorum.”’ Although his final break with Sanudo, Dian, LV, 538, and on the akinjis and asapi (or asappi), | Zapolya lay some two years in the future, Laski was losing some note Stefano Taleazzi’s account of the Turkish forces in Volume _ of his ardor for the cause of the “‘voivode.’’ Laski wrote also II (of the present work), p. 525 and note 86, and on the san- _—— (from Innsbruck) to the Signoria of Venice “come era venuto

jakbeys and flambulari, ibid., p. 329, note 50. li per nome dil suo re per tratar paxe . . .”” (Sanudo, Diarii, As the pope had just informed the Venetian ambassador LV, 301). Venier, “*. . . |’ imperator etiam inclina a far la pace col re Much depended upon peace between Ferdinand and Zapolya. Zuanne [Zapolya], ma il re di romani suo fratello no” (Sanudo, — According to a Mantuan dispatch from Rome, dated 20 January

LV, 437). See also the notice in Sanudo, LV, 122, dated 27 (1532), ‘“‘A lo accordo fra il re di Romani et il Vayvoda se October, 1531, ‘‘. . . che non succedendo accordo fra Fer- _atende et si spera debba riuscire, perche li imperiali et il Vayvoda dinando et re Zuanne, che Turchi ritornerebbeno alla ruina lo desiderano, et Nostro Signore [Clement VII] et il re di Polonia et danni di |’ Austria,” and cf,, ibid., cols. 232. 326-27, 345, — [Sigismund I] vi si affaticano molto, perche non seguendo saria 413. Zapolya had instructed his envoy Jerome Laski to appeal —ruina di la Christianita’’ (Sanudo, LV, 407). Marc’ Antonio to the German princes if Ferdinand refused to make peace (col. | Venier, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, had informed his 372); Laski wished to do so, being furious at Ferdinand’s refusal government on 29 December, 1531, ‘‘ch’ el Papa per le cose to accept the terms which Zapolya offered (cols. 389-90, 408, dil Turco é in grandissima paura’’ (col. 309). Charles V was 520-21, 525-26, and esp. LVI, 17-21). Thereafter Laski spent receiving letters directly from Istanbul, with information conthree weeks in France, and then went to the port city of Lubeck cerning the last stages of Suleiman’s preparations. Campeggio in northern Germany, always busy ‘‘per operar contra |’ im- _ refers to ‘‘delle lettere di XI et XIIII d’ aprile [1532] di Con-

perador e suo fratello” (cols. 442-43). stantinopoli’’ (Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fol. 147°).

358 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT around his eyes ‘“‘with more annoyance than Turco come della cesarea Maesta.’’** Keep a pain.”’*’ He worried about the Turks, and kept a__ weather eye on the sultan’s fleet as well as on the wary eye (patch and all) on the Venetians, who emperor’s—such were Capello’s instructions—but refused to join any political or military amalgam- Venice intended to remain absolutely neutral in the

ation against the Porte. impending struggle.**

The Turks continued to send limited amounts On 25 March (1532) Niccolo Tiepolo and his

of saltpeter to the Venetians, who reported to their colleague Marc’ Antonio Contarini wrote the Siambassador and vicebailie Pietro Zen in Istanbul gnoria from Regensburg that Charles for transmissi

test a fom ke the sultan ana he Pash as) the has ordered 100,000 men to be got ready and to be atest News trom the le 0) egensburg, where the paid for four months, saying that if the Turk should German princes were joining the brothers Charles Come to attack him, he wants to be on the [eastern] V and Ferdinand. According to a letter of 23 March borders of his state and not to leave until one of them

are - ; 45

(1532), which was, however, not sent to Zen, two _ becomes the victor, for in overcoming the enemy he will envoys of Ferdinand [Leonhard von Nogarola and acquire the further merit of fighting for the faith, the Joseph von Lamberg] had already set out ona mis- _ state, and glory for himself and his posterity, and dying sion to the sultan; they were said to have halted at he will achieve at least the salvation of his soul and the Ljubljana, where they were awaiting a safe-conduct. 8!©Ty of the kingdom of heaven. In a letter of 6 April, which was sent to Zen, the During the worrisome year 1532 the diet (or diets)

doge and Senate stated that the Hapsburgs were of Regensburg, Schweinfurt, and Nuremberg, well aware of the Turks extensive preparations on which went on through the spring and summer, land and sea, and had been taking countermeasures was dominated by two of the three sources of of their own. Charles was said recently to have sent Hapsburg woe, Lutheranism and the Turkish 100,000 ducats to Genoa for the needs of the im- peril.*®

perial fleet, in addition to 50,000 ducats which he The third bane of Hapsburg existence was was known to have sent previously. The Venetians France. Although, as Campeggio had written Salhad decided to add to their own armaments, amid the current excitement, but the vicebailie was in-

. : Diaru, LV,an 606. merely concer

structed to inform Ibrahim Pasha that they were ** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 19° ff. [39° ff.],and cf, Sanudo,

7 crely ce new as always in such Soeeente, dell ** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 29°-30" [49°-50"], letter of per securta et © cose nostre et contento de qn the doge and Senate to Capello, dated 17 August, 1532, and populi et subditi.”” He would of course make it _ note, ibid., fols. 31 ff. [51 ff.]. The Turkish fleet anchored off

the Porte. . ;

abundantly clear that Venice would steadfastly ad- __ the Venetian island of Zante early in August, and proceeded here to the ‘‘bona et sincera pace” she had with {rom there to Prevesa and Valona. There were those who feared

42 that its destination might be Segna (Senj) and Fiume (now Rijeka), which Capello thought most unlikely. The Senate agreed

When on 11 June (1532) Vincenzo Capello re- with him, but reminded him that vigilance was the order of

ceived his commission as captain-general of the sea ___ the day, ‘“‘existimando nondimeno esser benissimo fatto haver from the Doge Andrea Gritti, he was told that his __!’ecchio in ogni canto ne si lassar ritrovar incauti et sproveduti

chief responsibility would be to watch “tutti li pro- | na Capeltoy 31", 32", the latter reference being to the text gressi et movimenti cosi dell’ armata del Signor 45 Senate Diarii, LVI, 17, and cf, ibid., cols. 41, 59-60, 79. It was said that Suleiman also wanted to find himself “‘faza a faza con Cesare et far zornata’’ (col. 608). *© Cf Sanudo, Diarii, LVI, 60, 100-1, 109-10, 119-20, 125-

*! Sanudo, Diarii, LVI, esp. cols. 109, 125. 26, 129-37 (an extraordinarily informative letter dated at Cra*2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 5'-6" [25"-26"], letter dated cow on 10 March, 1532), 180 ff., 194, 222-23, 249-62, 290. 23 March, 1532, oratori et vicebailo nostro Constantinopoli, which 346 ff. (Niccolo Tiepolo’s relazione to the Venetian Senate on

was not sent to Zen (cf, ibid., fol. 6"), and fols. 9Y-10" [29°- 3. or 4 June, 1532), 364-68, 379-83, 388, 424-30, 463-64, 30°], letter dated 6 April, which was sent to Zen, with a vote 493, 503-4, 508, 561-62, 584-88, 686-87; Ascan Westerof approval de parte 143, de non 57, non synceri 14. Niccolo — mann, Die Tiirkenhilfe und die politisch-kirchlichen Parteren auf dem Tiepolo, the Venetian envoy to the imperial court (the emperor — Reichstag zu Regensburg (1532), Heidelberg, 1910, esp. pp. 41

had left Brussels for Germany on 17 January, 1532), wrote his __ ff., 78 ff., 152 ff. (Heidelberger Abhandlungen, Heft 25); Wolfgovernment on 18 January ‘‘. . . haver inteso Cesare harimesso = gang Steglich, ““Die Reichsturkenhilfe in der Zeit Karls V.,” a Zenoa ducati 54 milia con pagarli in Spagna, si dice per far = Militargeschichtliche Mitteilungen, XI (1972), 7-55, esp. pp. 47 armada, et si dice per Pasqua ne remetera altri 50 milia’’ (Sanu- _—ff.; and J. V. Pollet, ed., Julius Pflug, Correspondance... , 5 do, Diarui, LV, 444; cf, ibid., cols. 469, 505, and LVI, 11, 14, vols., Leiden, 1969-82, I, 182-201 and ff. The correspondence 15, et alibr). To the vast indignation of Clement VII the Signoria of the Saxon statesman Julius Pflug (1499-1564), the bishop of Venice exacted a ‘‘loan”’ (imprestedo) of 100,000 ducats of | of Naumburg-Zeitz (from 1541), now available in the admirable

the clergy in the Veneto because of the troublous times (LV, edition by Pollet, contains numerous references to the Turkish

501-2, 570-72, 595, 630, 632, 660-61, and LVI, 14-15). peril.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 359 viati, Charles had decided “‘that the Turk will not pursuing his own ends while enacting a comedy of come by land for an attack upon Italy,” the pos- opposition to the Turks, was a possibility Charles sibility of such an attack might well play into French _ did not relish and a prospect he would do anything hands. Charles entertained no illusions concerning — to forestall. Rendered thus especially anxious by Francis I. He would not have been surprised (nor the impending Turkish expedition and Francis’s would Francis) to read the dispatch which Giovanni _ position, in the mid-summer (of 1532) Charles neAntonio Venier, the Venetian ambassador to the _ gotiated the religious peace of Nuremberg with the French court, sent the Council of Ten. Venier had Lutherans, postponing one great problem in order apparently been too depressed to write for some _ to deal with another.”° time. At length, however, on 26 January, 1532, what he had doubted had finally become only too =—_—_—___— clear. The reports of Turkish preparations by land all the necessary artillery in the event of a Turkish invasion of and sea per passar In Italia’ were producing mer- the peninsula (Charriére, I, 187, 190-91; Sanudo, Diarzi, LVI,

riment among the French at court, 154, 244), but he was not persuaded of the necessity to assail the Turks “‘pour les differends et querelles particuliéres d’ au-

and they do not care, and this because of the great try,” 1.e., the Hapsburgs. Cf Campeggio’s letter to Salviati dated hatred which the king has for the emperor—he would at Regensburg on 25 March, 1532 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Letlike his [imperial] Majesty to have need of him, so that _ tere di principi, vol. XI, fols. 119°-120", et alibi, esp. fol. 148, he might ask him for aid and succor, giving him a share which also reports Francis’s conversation with Balancgon). Cf. in the states of Italy, perceiving it to be impossible for Weiss, Il, 341, and Sanudo, LVI, 73, and LV, 399, where him to have in any other way that which his Majesty according to a report of Camillo Ghillini, the Milanese envoy

47 to the imperial court,the it was quiteof clear “‘che lo .imperatore most. . desires, namely state Milan. - ra ee, e in opinione che ’l Christianissimo ogni volta veda |’ occasione

If the Turks could be induced to engage the on mancara di temptar cose nuove in Italia, al che sua cesarea . ‘al . k Italy. Franc; Maesta € dispositissima fare ogni possibile provisione per obimperial troops in an attac upon taly, Francs viarli” (from a letter to be dated in December, 1531). The would emerge asa crusader coming to the Italians emperor's foresight was as clear as the historian’s hindsight. defense, occupying Genoa and Milan in the process. °° One can see something of the manner in which Charles When in April, 1532, the imperial envoy to the moved ever closer to the religious concession of Nuremberg French court, Gérard de Rye, sieur de Balancon, in Campeggio’s letters (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi,

. , vol. XI, fols. 139, 143", 150°-151", 180-182, 185). For the

asked Francis for aid against an expected Turkish more important official texts, see Ehses, Conc. Tridentinum, IV, invasion of Hungary and Germany,» the king re- _ introd., pp. Lxx1lI-LXxx, and note Sanudo, Diarit, LVI, 503-

plied that such a contribution on his part would be 4, 561-62, 757-58. The increase in the number of Lutherans quite unnecessary, the emperor’s forces on the east- and the members of other sects was astonishing. In late Sepf ts bei holl fic; the Turk tember, 1531, Andrea da Borgo, Ferdinand’s envoy in Rome, ern ron Ss being W lO y sutncient to expe c ; UIKS. had shown the Venetian ambassador Marc’ Antonio Venier a Francis also made it clear that he required his fleet etter from Bernhard von Cles, the cardinal bishop of Trent, to protect Languedoc and P rovence, but ‘desiring to the effect that ‘‘quelle sette, si lutherane come de altri noviter to maintain the name of Roy Tres Chrestien, and sublevate in Alemagna, andavano multiplicando et di giorno to deserve it no less than his predecessors, if the 1 8!0™e crescendo” (Sanudo, LV, 26). The Anabaptists were

k lands ; . i f , also ‘‘multiplying”’ (ibrd., LVI, 649).

Tur an s in Italy, he will go to its defense in The French king had long been known as the Roy Tres

person with 50,000 men.”’ It was precisely the an- — Chrestien. At his coronation he was anointed with the holy oil

swer which Charles V and his advisers had ex- (the chrism) with which Clovis had been sanctified. According pected.‘ But Francis in Italy with 50,000 men, legend, the chrism had been borne by a dove from heaven to earth, and gave the king miraculous healing powers, which his confrere of England also possessed, and on which see in

general Sir Francis Oppenheimer, The Legend of the Ste. Ampoutle,

4? Sanudo, Dian, LV, 572, and cf., tbid., cols. 601-2. It was London, 1953, esp. pp. 137-40, 169 ff., 229-30, 252-63; Marc widely believed the Turkish armada would in fact head for — Bloch, Les Rows thaumaturges, Strasbourg and Paris, 1924, pp. Apulia (col. 681). On Suleiman’s hostility to the Hapsburgs, cf. 54, 68 ff., 81 ff., 97 ff., 120 ff., 142 ff., 216 ff., 284 ff., 312

col. 690. ff., 397 ff.; and Percy Ernst Schramm, Der Konig von Frankreich, *8 Weiss, Papers d’ etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1, 602-6, 2nded., 2 vols., Weimar, 1960, I, 239-42. The elaborate coro-

letter of Charles V dated 3 April, 1532, to Gerard de Rye, nation had a highly ecclesiastical character, and like a priest

sieur de Balancon. the king communicated in both kinds at the ceremony. The

49 Weiss, Papiers d’ état de Granvelle, 1, 604-5, 611-12: Jean French kings had prided themselves upon being servitors of de Vandenesse, Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, ed. L.-P. the faith and the special protectors of the Church, taking very Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverais des Pays-Bas, 1 _ seriously their title of rex Christianissimus. In this connection cf.

(Brussels, 1874), 126-27; Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl Jean de Pange, Le Roi Tres Chrétien, Paris, 1949, pp. 20-21, V., I, no. 278, pp. 676-77; Charriere, Négociations, 1, 200-1, 30 ff., et passim, and Walter Ullmann, Principles of Government note; Ursu, La Politique orientale, pp. 62-65. Francis had also and Politics in the Middle Ages, New York, 1961, pp. 201-3, 205, assured the pope and the cardinals of his willingness to come who notes that “the age-old distinction which the French king to the aid of Italy with 50,000 foot, 3,000 hommes d’ armes, and _ enjoyed in being the rex Christianissimus could in times of stress

360 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Numerous entries in Sanudo’s diaries through _ effect upon public opinion in Germany. Francis was the spring and early summer (of 1532) contain _ restricted by the treaty of Cambrai from diplomatic sometimes terrifying reports of Suleiman’s huge _ relations with both the German and the Italian preparations and the Turkish advance ‘in Hongaria _ states, although he was now seeking to restore his et verso la Germania.’”°?! The captain of the Turkish contacts with the Lutherans, whom he had left in armada, which set sail as the sultan’s army began _ the lurch by his subscription to the terms of Camto move westward, was ordered (in April, 1532) brai. Charles’s representatives in Rome were connot to molest or attack Venetian, French, and En- _ stantly asserting that Francis had no intention at all glish vessels.°* The Venetians picked up a rumor _ of rendering assistance against the Turks. Francois (reported in the Senate in mid-July) “that the lord de Dinteville, the French ambassador to the Holy Turk had a fine and firm understanding with the See, wrote Anne de Montmorency, the grand master most Christian king [of France], whom he had _ of France, that the imperialists were said to be trying promised to make emperor of the Christians, if it to secure the excommunication of every prince who should be acceptable to milords of Venice, and they failed to help Ferdinand in Hungary against the

not stand in the way.”’”” Turks. Clement VII displayed his usual indecision

under pressure. When Zapolya was excommuniThe German princes had promised Charles and cated, he was allegedly absolved four days later.”° Ferdinand 40,000 foot and 8,000 horse (more or In the early spring (1532), when the Turkish ofless) for service against the Turks, in addition to _ fensive was expected to include Italy, the pope was the help which was expected to come from Bo- jn almost daily consultation with imperial agents, hemia, Moravia, and even Hungary, but Charles fearing to ask for French aid because Charles had feared that such support would not be enough.”* decided to do without it. According to Dinteville, While pleading poverty (and he was poor), Clem- in fact, Clement saw little hope of effecting his own ent VII was raising money wherever he could for defense if the Turk appeared, and had probably use against the Turks, and twice informed the car-__ decided to take refuge in the papal city of Avignon, dinals in consistories held in early June ( 532) that taking with him whatever money and valuables he each one of them was to contribute one half his could, ‘‘and leaving to anyone who wants, to fight total (annual) income “‘per la defensione contra el — over Italy,” et laisser débatre I’ Italie a qui voudra. Turco.” He gave all members of the Sacred Col- The imperialists claimed to have news from Venice lege the right to sell such lands and other posses- that the Turk was coming with the full knowledge

sions as might be necessary to make up the of the French king, whose ambassador was even

amounts which they were being required to pay.” then in Istanbul.°” It was always to Charles’s interest to advertise The Grand Master Anne de Montmorency and

and even to exaggerate the Turkish peril for its the Admiral Philippe de Chabot are alleged to

—_—_——— have encouraged their sovereign to maintain

and tension be a severe liability.” Although the eastern policy | peace with Charles and to pursue an anti- Turkish of Francis | was remote from Ullmann’s thoughts when he policy as became the Rex Christianissimus. Jerome wrote the sentence quoted, it was no less true, multis mutatis Laskiand Antonio Rincon, however, were always mutandis, of Francis I than of his predecessor Philip IV. Francis’s . sy . we . trouble came, however, from the Hapsburgs, not from the fostering Francis’s Italian ambitions, trying to set

papacy. him against the emperor whom they both hated. 5! Sanudo, Duarii, LVI, esp. cols. 74, 82, 193, 246-48, 290, After the treaty of Cambrai the official policy of 293, 389, 394-95, 411-12, 434, 452 ff., 484 ff, 505-6, 509, the French government was that of opposition to

ae ey ae eet b3 es no. 551, 563 f., 588 H., 600, the Turk. Nevertheless, Francis pursued a private

52 Sanudo, Duarii, LVI, 460. policy, carried on (more or less secretly) by Rin53 Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 616. con, who served as the French ambassador to Za** Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 253, 256, 346-47, 369-70, 379-80, — polya. Rincon’s objective was a French alliance or

424-25, 429-30, 460, 463-64, 494-96, 528, 559, 592. On at _Jeast an entente with the Porte both against Charles’s resources, in Niccolo relazione d th Luth ; .the h to the Venetian Senate (onas 3 orreported 4 June, 1532), see, abid.,Tiepolo’s cols. pain an (wit ut eranSpai assistance) against 322 ff. Almost two years before (on 6 October, 1530) Tiepolo German-Hapsburg empire.

had written the doge and Senate that the diet at Augsburg had

agreed to furnish Charles and Ferdinand with help against the Turks, “‘et questo si é divulgato esser di cavalli 8 mila et fanti 56 Charriere, Neégociations, I, 193, letter of Dinteville to Mont-

40 mila, ma io ho havuto da persona degna di fede non passare morency, dated at Rome on 17 February, 1532. hora la summa di cavalli 4 mila et fanti 20 mila’ (Joh. von 5? Charriére, Négociations, 1, 196-97, letters of Dinteville dated Walter, Depeschen des venezian. Gesandten Nicolo Tiepolo. . . auf at Rome on 21 and 28 March, 1532. Clement VII lived in

dem Augsburger Reiwchstage, 1530 [1928], p. 82). terror of a Turkish landing in Apulia (Sanudo, Diaru, LV, 30955 Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 430, and cf., wbid., col. 540. 10, and cf, ibid., cols. 325, 338, esp. 356, 357-60, 640-43).

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 361 In early April, 1532, Rincon passed through and the Hapsburgs at odds, could hardly be exVenice on his way to Ragusa, informing even the pected to prefer French interests to his own. He

French ambassador to the Serenissima, Lazare de intended to attack Ferdinand in Austria to

Baif, that his mission was to dissuade the sultan strengthen the Turkish hold upon Hungary rather from attacking Christendom and to arrange some _ than to attack the emperor (and the pope) in Italy, kind of accord between Zapolya and Ferdinand.”® which would have provided Francis with the opObviously Rincon was preserving the strictest se- portunity to descend into the peninsula as the decrecy as to his mission, lest word of it get back to fender of Holy Church and, incidentally, to oc-

Montmorency and Chabot. Rincon’s instructions cupy Genoa and Milan along the way—while were presumably to ask the sultan to attack Italy in Charles V was fully occupied with a Turkish inorder that the French might regain Genoa and the vasion of Apulia or Sicily. Furthermore, since

duchy of Milan. Francis had been trying with some success to add Although Rincon was delayed by illness at Zara the dissident Catholic dukes of Bavaria to the and later at Ragusa,” it must have been too much Lutheran (Schmalkaldic) League against the Hapsto hope for his success even in the best of health. burgs, the French feared, indeed they knew, that Sultan Suleiman, however happy to keep Francis the Turkish penetration into Austria would bring the traditional enemy of Christendom too close to home. In their own defense the German estates

°° Charriére, Negociations, 1, 198, letter of de Baif to Dinteville, would rally to the support of the emperor and his dated at Venice on 13 April, 1532. From France on 5 March — brother Ferdinand. John ZA4polya meanwhile was

Giovanni Antonio Venier, the Venetian ambassador, had 1in- A deri . h f d formed the Signoria “come. . . el re [Francis] expedi in secreto oun erims, trying to reac some sort oF accor

il capitanio Rincom al re Zuane [Zapolya]’’ (Sanudo, Diari, LV, with Ferdinand at the same time as he turned to 689). On 8 April, “vene I’ orator dil re di Franza [de Baif] France for assistance against the Hapsburgs. insieme con il capitanio Rigon di nation spagnol, vol andar per Suleiman doubtless suspected that the Hungarian nome dil re Christianissimo al re Zuane, richiedendo pasazo ‘ne ZApol Id b tchi I securo, et una galia per smontar a Segna [Senj]. I] Serenissimo party supporting Zapolya wou car watcning- wn [the Doge Andrea Gritti] li disse la terra é libera, andaseo con any event he had already set out on 24-25 April, galie o con altro come li piaceva, et cussi se tien andara con la 1532, witha large army to attack Austria,°! although galia soracomito [i.e., the galley commander] sier Sebastian he knew perfectly well that the Lutherans as well Venier, si parte poi doman’’ (id:d., LVI, 32-33). The Hapsburgs 4. the Catholics would rally to the side of the Haps‘‘was up to no good,” as the imperial secretary Francisco de burgs. As usual, however, Suleiman ha been Gelos Cobos told the Venetian ambassadors on or about 21 April, layed by heavy rains, which had slowed him up but

were following Rincon’s movements, and they knew that he . db d ‘‘. . . et disse non credea questo Richon operasse bene!” (bid... could not stop him.®” LVI, 118-19). Note also Pascual de Gayangos, Calendar of. . . State Papers,

. . . Spain, 1V-2 (London, 1882), nos. 905, 928, pp. 389, 418 60 VL. Bourrilly, ed., Guillaume du Bellay, seagneur de Langey ff., letters from Rodrigo Nino, the imperial envoy in Venice, (1491-1543), Paris, 1904, pp. 125-36, esp. p. 133, on the antito Charles V, dated 26 February and 10 April, 1532: Nino = Hapsburg alliance of Scheyern (near Munich) on 26 May, 1532. says that a recent mission of Rincon to John Zapolya was ‘‘not 6! Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 271, 284, 297, 303, 312, 360, 394— without mystery.”” He had been told, however, that when Rincon 95, etc. [cf., above, note 51], 704, 714-15 (with absurd figures came to Venice, “‘he said to one of his friends that the king of _ for the size of the Turkish forces), 717 ff., 726, 743 ff., 759France had given him various secret commissions, none of which 61 and ff., 813, 870. he could reveal, as he had been expressly commanded by the 62 From Regensburg on 26 June, Campeggio wrote Salviati

King [Francis I] not to say a word about them either to the | in Rome (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XI, Grand Master [Anne de Montmorency] or to the Admiral of fol. 146"): “‘Ne ci é altro di novo salvo il continuar delle nove France [Philippe de Chabot], both of whom were opposed to della diligentia che usa il Turco in caminare. Qui ogni di piove his warlike plans, by which language he [Rincon] gave it to be __ et il Danubio cresce, il che dara pur qualche impedimento al understood that King Francis himself intended coming down —_Turco.”’ On the flooding of the Danube, see Sanudo, Diaru,

to Italy or sending an army” (ibid., p. 42). Cf J. Ursu, La LVI, 798, 865, and note Vandenesse, ed. Gachard, II, 102Politique orientale de Francois I? (1515-1547), Paris, 1908, pp. 3, who states incorrectly that the sultan left Constantinople on

54-57. 17 May (with an army of 300,000 with the intention of laying

Montmorency was, however, well aware of his king’s close siege to Vienna). In the meantime French envoys in Switzerland connections with Istanbul, and on 4 May, 1532, he complained — were seeking “‘secrete de levar 12 mila fanti a nome dil re to the Venetian ambassador Venier that dispatches from the —Christianissimo, promettendoli continuar la exbursation de Bosporus, coming to the French court by way of Venice, had —_danaro, come fano ogni giorno” (Sanudo, LVI, 37), and Francis been held up in the latter city for eight or ten days by the _ I certainly did not intend to use a secret recruitment of troops doge’s natural son Giorgio Gritti (Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , against the Turks. The Swiss were said not to be interested in Venice, V, no. 1011, p. 619). Like his half-brother Lodovico, — the French proposals (zbid., col. 44), although in mid-June (1532)

Giorgio was involved in Franco-Turkish affairs (ibid., pp. an imperial source preserved in Sanudo, LVI, 421, related

620-21). ‘‘come la Maesta dil re di Franza é d’ acordo cum il Turco, et 59 Charriere, Negociations, I, 200, 204-5; Sanudo, Diaru, LVI, disse lo re di Franza havea pagato 25 milia Sguizari [Swiss], et 705. che ’! voleva vegnir presto presto in Italia... .”

362 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite our current easy access to the docu- had certainly begun his westward march. There ments, unpublished as well as published, Clement _was no longer any need to try to conceal it. VII was doubtless better informed of French af- The fact was becoming well known throughout fairs (and perhaps of Rincon’s activities) than we Europe. Sultan Suleiman’s progress was steady if

are today. He had an unsuspecting and unsus- not fast. Rincon reached the sultan’s camp just pected spy at the French court, possibly a royal northeast of Belgrade, apparently on the river secretary. On Ascension Day (9 May, 1532) Garcia road to Esseg (Osijek), at the beginning of July. de Loaisa, the Spanish cardinal of Sigiienza, wrote He was received with almost royal honors on the from Rome to Francisco de los Cobos, Charles V’s fifth. In the camp he found the two Austrian ensecretary and advisor, the following intriguing facts: | voys, Count Leonhard von Nogarola and Joseph von Lamberg, who after a period of virtual imI have often written that the pope has a person in prisonment had been received by Ibrahim Pasha France who has been informing him of all the secrets on 12 June. They had failed in an effort to forestall which come up for discussion at that court, and from =the Turkish expedition by offering terms which what his Holiness tells me as well as from what I myself Ferdinand had doubtless thought generous (the

h vom his dispatches, rhe tat he how | be * Neman Hapsburgs found it hard to be generous), but

who Knows hardly less of their affairs than Juan Aleman hich Ibrahim had declined with no excess of

knew of; ours! The pope gives him a hundred ducatstwo a, ; courtesy. Rincon told the

envoys, month (without counting other favors) for the inforh d ; awhen his | ; .they mation he provides. The person in question, however, snowed No interest in his interceding on their bedoes not know that his reports come under the eyes of half , that he had indeed not come to meddle in his Holiness, for the relay of information comes through their lord’s affairs, but only for the well-being of a man here [in Rome] who is authorized to give him the Christendom (. . . er war darum nit komen, das er hundred ducats in order to be kept abreast of [French] unsers hern sachen wissen wolt, sonder der gemein affairs without the informant’s realizing that his reports Christenhait zuguet).°°

were being passed on... . One suspects that, with the diplomatic courtesy

. of the time, Rincon would indeed have rendered

On 6 May (1532), Loaisa goes on, the pope had them any personal assistance that he could. Over summoned him and shown hima long letter from the centuries the sources still bear witness to the the French informant. The letter was in French, attractiveness of his personality. The Turks beand since Loaisa knew but little French, the pope came very fond of him. When he had left Ragusa, parsed it for him phrase by phrase, and one thing the state had paid him every honor, as an eyeemerged clearly from the letter, which it took the witness informs US, ‘fond he deserves great honor, pope more than an hour to translate, namely that for he is charming and generous.’ Charles V had no greater and no worse enemy anywhere in the world than the king of France. =________ Even the Turk did not nurture sO heartfelt a 64 Heine, Briefe an Kaiser Karl V. (1848), p. 554, and cf, ahid., hatred for Charles as did Francis I, y osaria afirmar pp. 331-39. que si es verdad lo que en ella viene escrito que el Turco 6° Anton von Gévay, Urkunden und Actenstticke zur Geschichte

no le tiene mas entranable desamor.°?> On 8 June, der Verhaltnisse zwischen Osterreich, Ungern und der Pforte (see Loaisa wrote again to Cobos. The pope had shown above, Chapter 7, note 63), vol. I, pt. 5 [sometimes bound as

. hanother f he Fletter h inf pt.the4], pp. informant, 27, 36-37; Ursu, La Politique orientale Francois him from French — jcf. (1998), pp. 69-71; and note Sanudo, Diarti,de LV, 499, 559, and translated it for him. The informant must — 567, 671, and LVI, 15, 27-28, 45, 88, 100, 111, 303-4, 363, have been close to the grand master, Montmo- 365, 383, 432, 434, 521-22, 620, 782-83. Nogarola and Lamrency, for the facts seemed to come from that berg gave Ferdinand a full report on their embassy, at Linz on The pope’s go-between with the informant 1/5274 S¢Ptember, 1982. source. pope s¢§ 66 Sanudo, Diarit, LVI, 743, a letter from one Giovanni di lived in Florence. The letter said that the Turk Rocco, a Raguseo, to one Bartolommeo di Niccolo, a Genoese,

dated at Ragusa on 2 July, 1532: ‘‘El ditto signor ambassator [Rincon] é ussito fora con grandissima pompa e honori di questa 63 G. Heine, ed., Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., geschrieben von seinem terra, et merita grande honor: e piacevole e liberal... .”

Beichtvater in den Jahren 1530-32, Berlin, 1848, doc. no. VII, Although Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I (1908), pp. 545-46, and cf. pp. 318-19. Juan Aleman or Jean Lallemand pp. 58-60, believes that Rincon undertook missions to the Porte was a Flemish nobleman, lord of Bouclans and an imperial — in 1530 and again in 1531, Rincon actually seems to have spent secretary. In 1528-1529 he was charged, probably unjustly, | most of both these years in France, on which cf. V.-L. Bourrilly, of treasonable correspondence with France. Although acquitted “‘Antonio Rincon et la politique orientale de Francois I% (1522-

of treason, he was banished from the court, owing to other 1541),”’ Revue historique, CXIII (1913), 273-78, esp. p. 276, charges against him (Hayward Keniston, Francisco de los Cobos, note 2. Bourrilly deals briefly with the background of Rincon’s

Pittsburgh, 1959, pp. 74-75, 111-13). journey to the sultan’s camp in the summer of 1532.

,P

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 363

Rincon is alleged to have asked Suleiman to ceived their instructions, in both Latin and Gerdesist from his expedition “‘against the Chris- man, at Innsbruck on 5 November, 1531. They tians.’”’ A month later, back in Venice, he reported rendered an account of their unsuccess at Linz on

the sultan as replying 11-21 September, 1532. Their specific purpose

that for the old friendship which he had with the house 8108 to the Porte had Deen ro Seek an extension of France, he would willingly have withdrawn at his request of the current one-year truce \presen es Maule ve if he had not been so far advanced, but that [now] one nales) for as long a period as possible and even, 1

would say that he retired for fear of Charles of Spain, as It proved practicable, to try to settle the vexed they call him, and further that he was astonished at the | problem of the Hungarian succession. Ferdinand king’s making such a request on behalf of aman who has _ had hoped that the truce might be prolonged for treated him so badly, and who is not a Christian, a decade beyond the death of either survivor, until

for Charles had sacked Rome, imprisoned the in fact both he and Suleiman had gone to whatever pope, and indeed held for ransom “‘le grand vi- celestial lot awaited them.

: 9367 ; If the Turks spoke of a tribute, as they usually

caire de son Christe.’’’’ The sultan’s answer was , la and b cht offer the sul

in keeping with the Franco-Turkish propaganda did, Nogaro aan a “TS okt Hh, om € sultan then being directed against the emperor. Rincén’s * ppm n, + bos ; lon hin, a ia item ee mission had had at least some success. Orders were "27% ad p oa en hs mM... . OF eed ton O apparently given to place the Turkish fleet at the Ferdinand's ‘oP A fre he Pitre ben ° C90 000 French king’s disposal if Francis was willing to . sts at m8 Ifthe T Le deat. d this 20,00 ' come out in the open and attempt the reconquest ucalls a yea. © 0 HERS Gece tas amoun

, . ; if thi Iso refused, forty, Ic gra-

of Genoa and Milan.® insufficient, the envoys might propose thirty thou-

As for Ferdinand’s effort to forestall the sultan’s sane anq i this eth mach declinetiog oh then expedition, the dispatch of Nogarola and Lamberg offer to fifty. si 5 seventy. eighty. ninety. et de

to the Porte was the fifth Austrian attempt to deal Yr SEN) Yo CIgey Ye OF Oe with the Turks in as many years. They had re- mum ad centum milia ducatorum, et non ultra transiri y years: posset-—100,000 ducats (no inconsiderable sum)

was to be the limit. If there should be no hope of securing the entire kingdom, however, the envoys

ated at Venice on ugust, , and cf. Sanudo, Diarni, . . .

; 7 Charviere, Négoagtions, I, 207 fever or ne Bait to Dintewle should seek recognition of that part of Hungary LVI, 799. Rincon gave quite absurd figures for the allegedly which Ferdinand then Possessed reducing ane vast extent of the Turkish army, obviously expecting de Baif proposed pensio- to one ia of that which we offer to let the news leak out. Upon his return to Venice, Rincon for the whole kingdom. talked for four hours, on 5 August, with Gian Giacomo Leonardi Payments would be made, whether for all or for of Pesaro (the envoy or agent of Francesco Maria della Rovere — half the kingdom, in four annual installments, the in Venice), who informed the Signoria of the fact (Sanudo, frst to beg; h , hs af; h . .? f LVI, 680). On the seventh, Leonardi appeared before the Col- rst LO begin three months atter the expiration 0 legio, and gave a detailed account of what Rincon had told the current truce. If the Turks should require more him (ibid., cols. 705-9), his report being quite in keeping with — than the specified sums—or possession of any part de Baits letter to pe as is another account of Rincon’s — of Hungary which Ferdinand then held—the envoys that the Turks had brought with them 500,000 horses and he thes state that their mandate did not provide 8,000 camels! In Venice Rincon stayed in the house of de Baif, or Ul er acceptance of these demands. Such was who informed the Collegio on 20 August that ‘“‘he has under- Ferdinand’s desire for peace with the Turks that stood there are three Spaniards [in Venice| who are trying to Nogarola and Lamberg might even agree

mission (201da., COIS. _ » WHIC represents Im as stating ° ° .

t . 819). : : : : , kill him [Rincon]” (ibid., col. 781). The Venetian government

st ne time " ny ns the Hapsburgs of Rincon’s return to that a truce be made between us for as long a time as 68 Twas neported in Venice by letters dated at Corfu on 13 possipe wie tas understanding, that John Zapolyal of July (1532) that ‘‘l’ armée de mer du Turcq,”’ to the extent of Hupoary aad th an ieee hi b he hac in 4 held 130 ships, had arrived in Modon on the fifth of the month Bary OSE Places WIT DG Mas Nac and ne with the intention of sacking the Venetian-held island of Zante up to now, even with the ttle king of Hungary, but (Charrieére, Negociations, I, 206). On 28 July, L’ Isle-Adam wrote without Marrying, and ending his days In) celibacy.

from Malta to the French ambassador in Rome that the Turkish — .

armada at Modon numbered 150 ships. They were said to be Ferdinand was even willing to cede to Zapolya cerheaded for Malta, and L’ Isle-Adam was preparing to meet _ tain fortress towns then in Hapsburg hands, but them (ibid., I, 207). The sultan’s answer to Rincon concerning a] this without prejudice to Ferdinand’s heredi-

Charles’s sack of Rome was repeated in June, 1533, by Ibrahim tarv rights to the kined fH U 74

Pasha to the Austrian envoys, Jerome of Zara and Cornelius ary "8 Sto the Kingdom oO ; ungary. pon 1aSchepper (see below, where their important mission is dealt polya’s death, however, Ferdinand and his heirs

with in some detail). were to be undisputed kings of Hungary and rul-

364 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ers of its dependencies. Since Ferdinand and the By 22 June (1532) it had become abundantly royal chancellor Bernhard von Cles, the cardinal clear that the mission of Nogarola and Lamberg bishop of Trent, realized that the success or failure had been futile, but Ferdinand could write his sisof Nogarola and Lamberg’s mission depended al- ter Mary, the widow of Louis II of Hungary and most entirely on Ibrahim Pasha’s decision, they now regent of the Netherlands, that their brother were also authorized to offer him an annual ‘‘pen- Charles had been able to recruit about 40,000 sion’”’ of four to ten thousand ducats, if they saw men—12,000 Landsknechte, 10,000 Spanish,

that he would in fact assist them to gain their 10,000 Italians, 4,000 men-at-arms, 2,000 light

ends.°” horse, and 3,000 or 4,000 ‘“‘pioneers.”” Other imAt Innsbruck on 3 November, 1531, Bernhard perial forces (promised by the German estates) von Cles, the prince bishop of Trent and Ferdi- should be about 40,000. Including aid from Bonand’s chancellor, had written or at leastapproved hemia, Ferdinand hoped himself to put some the text of a letter to Ibrahim Pasha, requiring the 45,000 men in the field. The emperor had forty

usual salvusconductus eundi et redeundi for Nogarola fine pieces of artillery. The expense was enorand Lamberg, whose object was to be the nego- mous. Ferdinand had to find 130,000 gold florins tiation of an unio, pax et amicitia seu inducie longiores a month. He hardly knew where to turn. Suleiman

et firmiores, which would lead to the stability and was apparently advancing so rapidly that Ferditranquillity of the Porte as well as of Ferdinand’s nand feared the Christian forces would not have realms.’° The diplomatic correspondence of the assembled in time to meet him.”4 Indeed, from Hapsburgs, like their claims to universal sover- Esseg (Osijek) on 12 July Suleiman himself wrote eignty, was usually drafted with a lofty self-im- Ferdinand to assure him of the Turkish advance.

ortance which annoyed the Turks exceedingly. . P . y ; B'y Your envoys have come to the borders of the kingThe Turkish modes of expression were even more fH dh lained thei dil t but the G T did k om of Hungary, and have explained their embassy to

srandeioquent, Dut the Gran turco did not se€€K my grand vizir Ibrahim Pasha, whom God preserve and

concessions from the Hapsburgs. cause to prosper! He has told me everything, so that I In any event the sultan, through Ibrahim Pasha, understand what you want. Know that my purpose is had already declined to treat with previous Aus- not against you, but [has been] against the king of Spain trian envoys, and would accept neither truce nor _ from the very time I took the kingdom of Hungary with peace with Ferdinand unless the latter gave up the my sword. When we shall have reached his German whole of Hungary and its dependencies.”! It took frontier, it will not be fitting for him to abandon his

weeks to get a safe-conduct from the Porte for Provinces ane ningdoms a us and take fight, Ter the

Nogarola and Lamberg.’? News had kept coming —PLONIIESS OF RINGS are as their very wives. “nd i they

to the court at Innsbruck of colossal Turkish pr are left by fleeing husbands to fall prey to aliens, it is 0 le COUT Aah AS hie. oreo ° Ch Ur 4 P i an extraordinary indecency. The king of Spain has long arations to come this year into Uhristendom. been proclaiming that he wants to take action against the Turks, but it is I who by the grace of God am advancing with my army against him. If he is a man of °° A. von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstucke, I-5 (1838), pp. 3- courage, let him await me in the field, and the issue will 11. Ferdinand commonly referred to John Zapolya as count

of Szepes, not as king of Hungary (cf, above, Chapter 9, note 11). 7° Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 1-5, doc. no. U1, pp. _ affaires sans actendre grant aide des autres princes, car certes 47-48, and note Ferdinand’s letters of 5 November to Suleiman ___lapparance y est bien petite, principalement sur ceulx qui se

and Ibrahim Pasha, ibid., nos. VI-VII, pp. 51-52. nomment ‘tres-chrestien’ et ‘deffenseur’ [Francis I and Henry 71 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstucke, 1-5, no. VI, pp. 56 VIII], qui meritoirement on peult plustost intituler destruiseurs ff.: “*... Turcum non alia ratione nobiscum pacisci, nec inducias de la Chrestiente par leurs indirectes praticques, dont lon peult aut pacem assumere velle, nisi totum illi Hungarie regnum —_ clerement percevoir du roy de France! . . .” (p. 78). eiusque pertinentias, atque totum id quod nos in eo hucusque 74 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstucke, 1-5, no. Xx, pp. 80-

occupavimus et possidemus, libere cedamus.. . .”’ 81, letter dated at Regensburg on 22 June, 1532, and cf, ibid., 72 Cf. Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstucke, 1-5, no. X, p. 66, nos. XXI, XXVII-XXIX. Ferdinand’s estimates seem most un-

doc. dated 29 January, 1532. realistic, but note the absurd figures—200,000 foot and 30,000 73 Ihnd., 1-5, no. XI, p. 68, a letter of Ferdinand to his sister horse—given in a Venetian dispatch dated 1 September (1532)

Mary of Hungary, Statthalterin of the Netherlands, dated at of the contribution which the German estates were allegedly Innsbruck on 20 February, 1532: “Quant est du Turc vous — going to make against the Turks (Sanudo, Diarui, LVI, 927). avertis aussi, Madame, que iay souvent nouvelles du groz et —_ Although there was some uncertainty as to where the Lutherans

merveilleux appareil quil fait tant par mer que par terre pour _ stood, it was generally assumed at this time that they would de rechief entrer ceste année en la Chrestiente.. . .’’ See also, assist the Catholics against the Turks, on which note Jerome ibid., nos. XIV-XVIII, pp. 71-72, 73, 75, 77, 78, all letters of | Aleander’s letters to the papal secretary Giovanbattista Sanga, Ferdinand to Mary: “‘Et est bien besoing, comme dictes, Ma- in Hugo Lammer, ed., Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam dame, que sadicte Maiesté [Charles V] et moy regardons a noz _ saeculi XVI illustrantia (1861), nos. XCVII-CX, pp. 127-44.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 365 be whatever God wills. If, however, he chooses not to Mantuan dispatches of 9 and 13 August (1532), await my coming, let him send tribute to my imperial also from Regensburg, are similar in content, with Majesty. But you have sent your envoys to seek peace the interesting addendum that “‘it is reported some and friendship with my imperial Majesty. If anyone enemy cavalry have already been sighted at [Wieseeks peace of us with honesty and good faith, it Is yer] Neustadt, which is but a short distance from proper that we should not refuse him. We ourselves seek Vienna, and was the residence of their Majesties’ peace from everyone with honesty and good faith. Know re decessors as well as the burial place of all the

that we have given your envoys leave to go, according Pp sD ware N dt is in £ to our custom, and we have told them everything quite house of Austria. Wiener custadt 1s In ract

openly.75 about midway between Vienna and Guns (Koszeg), a _ which now for the first and probably the last time

Despite the fanfare with which it began, Sulei- found itself in the mainstream of history. And it man’s much-feared campaign of 1532 faltered to was the heroism of Nicholas Jurisic which put it a lame conclusion. ‘The response to the Hapsburgs’ there. appeal had been great enough—and the emper- Guns was a place of no importance. A Mantuan or’s expenditure of funds liberal enough—to as- dispatch from Regensburg, dated 24 August (1532), semble a very large and very likely effective army giving the town one of its dozen names, describes in and near Vienna. With the almost disastrous jt as ‘‘un castello chiamato Schrips, castello in confin failure of 1529 in mind, Suleiman and Ibrahim qj |’ Austria et de la Styria, . . . il qual loco e de Pasha moved into the fields and woodlands around pochissimo momento, et guardato solo dai paesani.” Giins (modern Koszeg) in western Hungary almost Jurisic and his ‘‘peasants,’” however, immobilized on the Austrian border, scarcely sixty miles (asthe the whole Turkish army for more than three weeks, crow flies) south of Vienna. ‘The emperor had re- as one attack after another met stiff resistance. Armained at Regensburg whence, on 12 August, the tillery fire brought down parts of the walls, but Venetian ambassador Marc’ Antonio Contarini brought about no surrender. The Turks’ mines wrote the Signoria that on the sixth the Turk had = were sapped by countermines. The Hapsburgs and encamped, and was beginning the siege of a for- their supporters were rejoicing in the Turks’ absurd tress town called “‘Biz,” i.e., Guns, one of more — discomfiture: ‘‘Questi signori stanno molto aliegri than a dozen variations of the name occurring in et con bonissima speranza, vedendo il malo effeto the dispatches and letters preserved in the diaries che |i sortisse de una piccola impresa, come quella of Sanudo (Bers, Ginz, Sabaria, Grinas, Schrips, del soprascrito castello, et si teme ogni di meno di

Guns, etc.). loro.’”’’® If the Turks could not take Guns, they Guns Was held by a task force commanded by certainly could not take Vienna, which had doubtless the Croatian soldier and diplomat Nicholas Jurisic, been their main objective.”°

whom Contarini represents (doubtless incorrectly) Jurisié held out until 28-29 August when the as being confident that he could hold the town, Turks, impressed by the courage of the defenders which was said to be strong and to have supplies and anxious to save face, granted them unusually enough to last for six months. He also reports, favorable terms of surrender. By this time, howhowever, that the Turkish antiguarda, secunda ever, it was too late to try to put Vienna under

squadra, and retroguarda numbered some 220,000 men besides 16,000 or 18,000 janissaries, while Lodovico Gritti was waiting in the wings (at Buda) with 130,000 ‘Tatars, Moldavians, and Vlachs. numbered 200,000 men; the Turks, 700,000; and the sultan Furthermore, the Turks were attended by count- was expecting aid from the Gran Tartaro to the extent of

less sappers, and had dragged in their train a huge another ‘‘100 milia cavalli, cossa grandissima di gente! (ibid, I , - ‘ llaria i . oe col. 823). Indeed, yes. On the siege of Guns, note also, ibid., artillery (infiniti guastatori,. . . artellaria infinita). cols. 827, 864, 900 (““Ginz”), 901, 905, 906, 909, and see the very useful survey of events in Gertrud Gerhartl, Die Niederlage

; ; der Turken am Steinfeld (1532), Vienna, 1974, esp. pp. 7 ff.

- Von Gevay, I-5, no. XxV, pp. 87-88. Rincon brought a (Militarhistorische Schriftenreihe, Heft 26), who also believes, Spanish version of this letter (and much more in the Turkish however, that Suleiman’s army consisted of 200,000 soldiers, style) to Venice upon his return from Suleiman’s camp (bid... 100,000 servitors and camp followers, with 100,000 horses and no. XXVI, pp. 88-89) as well as the Latin texts of Ferdinand’s 50,000 beasts of burden. letters of 5 November, 1531, to Suleiman and Ibrahim Pasha 77 Sanudo, Diari, LVI, 820-21.

(ibid., nos. VI-VII, and Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 782-83). "8 Ibnd., LVI, 891, 959-60, 982, 1002-3, and cf, ibid., col. 7®© Sanudo, Diarti, LVI, 814. Numbers seem to have had little 927: “Et de Gins, havea auto piu asalti et si tenea. Et il Signor

meaning for the sixteenth-century mind. One Lodovico de [Turco] era in gran collera contra Imbrain [Ibrahim Pasha] che Taxis, master of the imperial couriers, wrote his friend Francesco si tardasse tanto a expugnar si vil Joco.”’

Donati, a silk merchant in Venice, that the Hapsburg forces 9 Ihid., LVI, 865, 868.

366 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT siege.°° The sultan probably, or rather undoubt- Charles V, who was tired of Lutherans and Turks, edly, had hoped that an imperial army would come _ had gone to Italy, where he wished once more to

to relieve Giins, affording him an opportunity for consult with Clement VII, for it had been clear a larger engagement. In any event he now with- for months that, despite the financial assistance he

drew from the scene of his second great humili- had rendered against the Turks, Clement was ation, pillaging Styria as he went. While his raiders again moving toward an entente with France.*°

or akinjis wreaked havoc in the countryside with The Turkish fleet was no more successful that fire and sword, they also suffered more than one _ year than the land army, venturing no farther west costly setback themselves. A large detachment of than Corfu. Its progress was stopped by Andrea akinjis was trapped, and many were slain by the Doria, who took the great castle on the hill above allied Austrian and German forces in the valley of Coron after a few days’ siege on 25 September the Triesting not far south of Vienna, between (1532), and about three weeks later occupied PaEnzesfeld and Leobersdorf (on 19 September). tras with equal speed.** The outcome of SuleiThose who escaped, along with various others, were set upon and annihilated in bloody encounters ne the are as around Wiener Neustadt and At the picturesque, walled town of Waidhofen an der Ybbs, Neunkirchen. Certainly sadder and perhaps about a hundred miles southwest of Vienna, the Stadtturm was wiser, Suleiman got back to Istanbul just after the built about the middle of the sixteenth century to celebrate the middle of November (1532).°? In the meantime repulse of the Turks, who had tried to take the town in Sulei-

man’s campaign of 1532. On one of the four faces of the clock in the square tower the time is halted at 11:45, when the Turks gave up the siege, an everlasting reminder of a close call. 8° Already on 9 October (1532) the Doge Andrea Gritti and 8° Cf Charriere, Négociations, 1, 215-20, 226; Jos. von Ham- the Senate could inform Vincenzo Capello, captain-general of mer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, IN] (1828, repr. 1963), the sea, that the Venetian ambassador to the emperor (Marc’

110-14, trans. J. J. Hellert, V (1836), 160-64; Lanz, Corres- | Antonio Contarini) had written from Vienna that “‘. . . sua pondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., 11 (1845, repr. 1966), no. 288, pp. _ cesarea Maesta de bocca sua ha ditto ad esso orator nostro haver

3-4; no. 293, p. 9, et alibi; and cf. Kar! Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., deliberato venir in Italia per la via del Friul volendo vedersi 2 vols., Munich, 1941-42, I, 281-82, and II, 227; G. E. Roth- — con la Santita del Pontifice in Bologna o in Parma o Piasenza enberg, The Austrian Military Border mn Croatia, Urbana, 1960, _ per passar poi in Spagna senza alcuna interposition di tempo, p. 22. According to Brandi, I, 280-81, Luther’s hymn Ein’ _ et dovea partir da Vienna fin doi giorni, havendo per cosa certa

feste Burg ist unser Gott was thought at this time to be directed ch’ el serenissimo Signor Turco sia partito di quel paese against the Turks. On 6 September (1532) Clement VII in- . . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fol. 36 [56], and note, ibid., fols. formed the consistory that he had “‘nothing new” to report 37 [57], 41°-42* [61°-62"], 44 ff. [64 ff.]). concerning the Turks (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia: 84 Sanudo, Diaru, LVH, 25-26, 31-32, 40-41, 75 ff., esp. Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 31, fol. 266", and note fol. 266", by 93-95, 134 ff., 181-83, 227-32, 937-38, 251 ff., 278 ff., etc., mod. stamped enumeration, and Acta Vicecancellaru, Reg. 4, 555, and cf. cols. 666-67; Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl

fol. 96", and note fol. 97°). V., HI, no. 303, pp. 16-17; Charriére, Négociations, 1, 209-210, 81 Gerhart], Die Niederlage der Tuirken am Stemfeld, 1532(1974), 213, 229, 230, 238; Ludwig Forrer, Die osmanische Chrontk des

pp. 9-18. The akinjis received neither wages nor maintenance. — Rustem Pascha, Leipzig, 1923, p. 76; Vandenesse, ed. Gachard,

During a campaign they supported themselves, and tried to II, 103. The Greeks and Albanians rose up against the Turks turn warfare to profit by seeking plunder and taking captives, | (Charriére, I, 235). Cf von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman.

a certain portion of their booty being claimed by the Porte. —_Reiches, III, 122-23, trans. Hellert, V, 176-77, on the taking Lighthorse raiders, they wore a cuirass, and usually carried a of Coron and Patras, and see in general Ursu, La Politique orilance as well as bow and arrows, a short sword and a shield. entale de Francois I7, pp. 65-73; Francisco de Laiglesia, ‘‘Un 82 Charriére, I, 237; von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. _ Establecimiento espafiol en Morea en 1532,” in Estudios histo-

Reiches, 1, 122, trans. Hellert, V, 175. By 3 September, 1532, —ricos (1515-1555), 3 vols., Madrid, 1918-19, I, 159-201, esp. word was spreading everywhere that the Turks had withdrawn _ pp. 168 ff., with documents from the Archivo de Simancas, and from Giins, ‘. . . che per tutti quel!i paesi si afferma esser José Maria del Moral, El Virrey de Ndpoles Don Pedro de Toledo levato el campo de Turchi da Gins, re infecta. . .”’ (Sanudo, _ y la guerra contra el Turco, Madrid, 1966, pp. 99 ff.

Diaru, LVI, 896, a dispatch from Udine, received in Venice One can follow Doria’s gradual approach to the southern on 5 September). The disappointed sultan had wanted to meet coast of the Morea during September (1532) in Sanudo, LVI, the Hapsburgs in the field. Three Turkish prisoners, questioned 915, 921, 929, 931, 932, 970, 988, 1006-7, 1015, 1019-2], on 23 August, had stated that ‘‘non sano se ’! Signor [Turco] | and 1023. Early in the month Doria had asked two Venetian voi bater Viena, Neustat o altro, ma dicono che aspeta Cesare galley commanders whom Vincenzo Capello, the captain-general et il serenissimo re Ferdinando, de li quali non teme punto et _ of the sea, had sent to confer with him whether the Venetians vien per far la giornata con loro” (wid., col. 894). Cf, wbid., did not wish to join him in destroying the Turkish fleet, which cols. 915, 925, 926, 947-48, esp. cols. 949-50, 951-52, 962— was then at Coron: “Esso capitanio [Doria] li disse et dimando 63, 965-66, and 969: “Dil Turco et suo exercito altro non se _ se io [Capello] in questa tanto grande et bella occasion de ruinar intende con certeza se non che a [2 29 [avosto, August] si levo di l’ armata turchesca non volesse intervenir con lui voluntieri. l’ assedw di Gins, et ha fato acordo vergognoso con quel capitamo . . .”’ When informed that it would be inconsistent with the Nuoliza [Junsi¢]. . .” (from a dispatch of Marc’ Antonio Con- current policy of the Signoria, Doria replied, “. . . lo so ben, tarini, dated at Linz on 12 September, and received in Venice perche ho hauto lettere di Venetia, che al vostro capitanio li

on the eighteenth). son legate le mane, dacendo li vostri se inganano pensando di con-

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 367 man’s Austrian campaign, Doria’s successes inthe the Turks to the prospect of a temporary peace Morea, and especially the plans being made at the with the Hapsburgs. Porte for a renewal of war with Persia, all disposed As a matter of fact, the Hapsburgs profited more than once from the sultan’s practice of accompanying his troops on major campaigns. Sul-

. . tan Suleiman’s son, Selim II, was the first of the

tinuar in tal termeni con questi Turchi,” etc. (ibid., cols. 1019- | Ott nili nly to del te the mil20), revealing a certain measure of political clairvoyance on 10ns . oma. ne COMMOMN!y Cc cga e tne .

Doria’s part. itary high command, and from his time the dis-

On 30 October the Doge Andrea Gritti wrote Vincenzo cipline and efficiency of the janissaries, sipahis, and Capello: ‘Sera venuto a notitia vostra li danni fatti per l armata other troops declined markedly. Under Suleiman, cesarea nelli lochi di quel serenissimo Signor [Turco] et oc- however, as under his predecessors, it was obcupatione di Coron, lequal cose seben anchor nui habbiamo .; . inteso ingratamente per la amicitia che cum esso serenissimo viously difficult for the Porte to wage large-scale

Signor ne intercede, nientedimeno existimandole tumultuarie warfare on both the eastern and the western et non di fondamento, tanto piu hora ne confirmamo in tale fronts, for it was beyond even the exalted Capacopinione, havendo ad partir essa armata cesarea. . .”” (Sen. ities which the poets and chroniclers attributed to

Secreta, Reg. 55, dated fol. 42°at[62')). Suleiman to July, march1533, in opposite directions In a document Barcelona on 13 Charles : PP ; : at the V rewarded Theodore Hayapostolitis (0 “AytatooroXirns), a Same time. Consequently war with Persia would native of Coron, with a grant of the villages of Leondari and mean peace with Austria. S. George of Skorta as well as by the honor of knighthood for

his signal services in helping to win Coron from the Turks The menace was always (Andreas Mustoxidis, EAAnvopynpwv, ITTurkish (March 1843], 147-one. of: :the

49): Theodore would unfortunately have to wait until the Turks problems uppermost in the minds of those seeking had been expelled from these villages to enjoy his rights and the safety of eastern Europe and Italy. A concorrevenues. While Charles was thus rewarding his loyal servitor, dat negotiated between Clement VII and Charles Cornelius Duplicius Schepper and Jerome of Zara (as we shall V7 at Bologna on 24 February 1533 provided that note presently) were trying to restore Coron to the Porte in the vo hould ntai th i d th exchange for the Turkish recognition of Ferdinand’s sovereignty © pope shou mann ain tnree galleys and the

in Hungary. emperor eleven, and ‘‘that they should be ready

In the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. VI, for every necessity . . .not only on behalf of Italy fols. 360, 415, 441, 448, 453, 519, 522, by mod. stamped but for all Christendom.’’ The pope was to seek enumeration, to Clement on from the progress aid from problems of are the reports Christian fleet. AVII letter Andreaand Doria ; the other princes and try to prevail upon (ibid., fols. 448, 453, unfortunately divided by the binder) is he Hospitallers to defend Coron and the other dated “di gallera nel golfo di Corone alli XX VI de Septembre, places which Andrea Doria had occupied in the M.D.XXXII.”’ Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 459, name of the emperor, and which the latter was note 1, says this letter is entirely in Doria’s handwriting (ganz prepared to turn over to the Hospitallers ‘‘for the

egenhandig), but the360), handdated seems to meonto6be that of the first of theCommonweaitn. Christ; Ith.” J t was letter referred to (fol. at Zante September, B00 0 cdrisuan 1532, and only signed by Antonio Doria. In his letter of the agreed that the peace of Europe depended upon twenty-sixth (fols. 448, 453) Andrea Doria says that his batteries that of Italy, and that neither the pope nor the opened fire on the castle of Coron on 21 September. His men emperor would give any outside power the pretext then defeated a relieving force of 500 Turkish cavalry. The oy the occasion to interfere in Italian affairs. If the

Turkish garrison asked for terms on the night of the twenty- ; . . , -

second, and were granted a safe withdrawal with their wives, POP€ 5S NIece, Catherine de Medici, were to be children, and goods. The castle of Coron was formally occupied married to a son of the king of France, the latter on the morning of the twenty-fifth (heri matina), when the papal must support the convocation of a church council, and imperial banners were raised over the battlements. In a pledge assistance against the Turks. and observe

letter dated “‘di gallera appresso Castel Novo appresso del Golfo hi t h , d | di Lepanto alli XVIII d’ Octobre, M.D.XXXII”’ (fols. 519, IS comm ments to the emperor under the trea522), Andrea Doria describes the taking of the two castles at es of Madrid and Cambrai.°° The agreement Patras on 15 and 17 October. In Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 247'-249' I find letters of Clement VII dated 27 and 29 July, 1532, to Antonio and Andrea Doria, encouraging them to gain 85 Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle. 11, 2-4; the victories the Christian world was waiting for, etc. Doria’s Jacopo Salviati subscribed to the treaty in the pope’s name, and success was naturally a source of much satisfaction to the Haps- _ Francisco de los Cobos in the emperor’s. On 27 February (1533)

burgs (note the letter of Jerome of Zara to Wilhelm von Rog- a league was formed for the defense of Italy by the pope, the gendorff, Ferdinand’s lord-high-steward, dated at Ragusa on — emperor, and the dukes of Milan, Ferrara, and Mantua (ibid., 26 November, 1532, in von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 1, 7-19). The instrument of the league is a lengthy and invol. II, pt. 1 [Vienna, 1838], doc. no. vil, p. 58). The Turks structive document, witnessed by the Florentines Jacopo Salviati regained Coron, as noted below, p. 392a, in April, 1534, when — and Francesco Guicciardini and by the imperial councilors Nich-

Charles V decided the fortress was untenable (Wm. Miller, olas Perrenot, lord of Granvelle, and Francisco de los Cobos, Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 505-7). For a while | commendator of the Order of S. James of Spata (on this league, Clement VII and Charles V had regarded the town asa possible see below in the text). Nicholas Perrenot was the father of

location for the Hospitallers (Charriére, I, 238). Antoine, the later cardinal of Granvelle, whose papers (con-

368 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT seemed to be directed against the king of France Milan, 15,000; the duke of Ferrara, 8,000; the as much as against the sultan of Turkey, as the Genoese, 3,000; the Sienese, 2,000; and the Luc-

French were well aware.®® chesi, 1,000, making a total of 84,000 ducats, leav-

One can follow Charles’s progress from Vienna ing an obvious deficit of 16,000 to be raised elseto Bologna in the late fall of 1532 in the rich series where in case of a military emergency. The duke

of Senatus Secreta in the Venetian Archives.’ of Savoy had also been made a member of the

Clement had arrived in Bologna on 8 December _ league, “‘for the state which he holds in Italy,’ and

(1532), accompanied by many cardinals. Charles so had the duke of Mantua, although the latter left Mantua on the eighth, and reached Bologna was not to be held to any financial contribution. on the thirteenth. A week later they were deep in To work with Antonio de Leyva, as captain-gentheir confabulations. On 4 March (1533) the doge _ eral of the league, two financial commissioners had and Senate wrote Pietro Zen, their ambassador and been named—Francesco Guicciardini for the pope, vicebailie in Istanbul, the details of the new “‘league and (for the emperor) Ferrante Gonzaga, brother for the defense of Italy.”” Each member of the league of Duke Federico of Mantua (both of them sons was to contribute a given sum—the pope, 30,000 _ of Isabella d’ Este, who watched the proceedings ducats, ‘in which one understands Florence to be — with maternal satisfaction). But the relay of all this included;”’ the emperor, 35,000; the duke of Milan, information was not merely to keep the vicebailie 15,000; the Genoese, 8,000; the duke of Ferrara, posted concerning the changing flow of events at 10,000; the Sienese, 8,000; and the Lucchesi, 4,000. home. Quite the contrary, “‘il tuto farete intender The seven members of the league were to provide a quella Excelsa Porta et magnifico Imbraym!”’ He 25,000 ducats each year per portion to maintain the — was to tell the Sublime Porte and Ibrahim Pasha ‘‘captains of war,”’ and in the event of Italy’s being everything the Senate had learned about the new invaded they were held to contribute 100,000 duc- league for the defense of Italy.®°

ats a month “‘per rata delli denari sopraditti.’’ An- The Venetians, caught in the middle as usual, tonio de Leyva, the old imperialist stalwart, was feared to offend anyone, especially the Turk. On elected captain-general of the league, ‘“‘la qual fu) 5 April (1533) Tommaso Contarini received his conclusa et sigillata in Bologna alli XX VII Fevrer commission from the doge to go as the Republic’s preterito.”” Venice had declined to join the new ambassador to Sultan Suleiman, and Niccolo Giuleague, but Charles V and Clement recognized the _ stinian a second commission to go as the new bailie ‘confederation fattaa XXIII Decembre MDXXIX _ to Istanbul. Contarini was to congratulate Sulei-

tra sua Santita et Maesta [Charles] et la Signoria’ man and the pashas on their safe return to the nostra.”’ Charles left Bologna when the negotiations Bosporus [from the siege of Giins], express Venhad been concluded, “‘hoping to be able to spend _ ice’s delight in the “‘prosperita et felice successo

Easter in Barcelona.’’®® delle cose sue,”’ and assure everyone at the Porte

The Senate provided their vicebailie—and of _ that the citizens and subjects of the Republic were course the Turks—with additional informationon and would remain the Turks’ “‘veri, boni, et per5 March (1533). According to the last word from _ petui amici.’’ He was to reaffirm the Venetians’ Bologna, the monthly contribution of the partic- adherence to their peace with the Turks, and to ipants in the league, in caso fusse invasa Italia, still stress (if the vicebailie Pietro Zen thought the repstood at 100,000 ducats. The original seven mem-_ etition would be useful) “that . . . we have had bers were now to be assessed as follows: Clement, no part in this last league concluded at Bologna, 20,000 ducats; Charles V, 35,000; the duke of _ neither in its final settlement and publication, nor in its negotiation or in any matter relating to it.’””° taining many relating to the years when Nicholas served as the © ————— chancellor of Charles V) were edited by Weiss in the Documents 89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fol. 65" [85"], and cf, ibid., fol. 66" inédits, no. 44. Cf’ Vandenesse, ed. Gachard, IH, 105; Ehses, —_[86"], concerning a certa scrittura stampata, a printed broadside,

Conc. Trident., 1V, introd., p. LXXXVI. which listed Venice as a member of the league, to the indignation °° Weiss, Papiers d’ état de Granvelle, 11, 121, 139-40, 143, of the Senate.

145, 152, 211-12 ff., 234, 243-44, 295, 330. 9° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 69 ff. [89 ff.]. Contarini was *7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, esp. fols. 36 [56], 47° [67'], 48 [68], also to deal with some minor problems arising from the oc-

and cf. the text given above in note 83. currence of incidents at Nauplia, Coron, and Monemvasia; the

8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 63°-64" [83'-84"]. On the liberation of Paolo Bembo, the Venetian consul in Alexandria;

‘‘“confederation’’ of 23 December, 1529, alluded to in the text, freedom of trade and the “expedition” of the merchant galleys see above, Chapter 9, note 88, and on the meeting of the pope _ for the return voyage; the failure of the last 500 cantara of

and the emperor at Bologna, Sanudo, Diarii, LVII, 365-67, — saltpeter granted by the sultan to arrive in Venice; and the

368-70, 380, 383 ff., etc., 572-74, 600-10. Republic’s need of still more saltpeter. Furthermore, Contarini

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 369 The emperor and the pope seemed to be getting —_ they seemed (as they put it) merely to have escaped

on very well together, and the French were not from the coals into the flames.” alone in feeling irritation at some of the conse- It would require a work of larger scope than the quences of the concordat. On 8 April, 1533, the present volume to note all the more interesting and dean and chapter of ‘Toledo addressed a most vig- important letters known to have been sent to the orous complaint to the pope about the repeatedand = Curia Romana at this time. But a letter of Stephen

exorbitant imposts he had allowed Charles V to Broderic of 8 May, 1533, addressed to Clement make upon the Spanish churches on the pretext of | VII, merits particular notice. He writes Clement an expedition against the Moors in Africa. Within that he was then living as the bishop of Funfkirchen recent years, quite apart from the tithes and sub- (Pécs) in Hungary. The tedious peace negotiations sidies levied by other popes, Clement had himself between Ferdinand and John Zapolya were dragging twice authorized collection of the fourth part of all — on, but naturally both kings would eventually have

ecclesiastical incomes throughout Spain, an in- to accept the Turkish sultan’s disposition of the tolerable burden. A vast sum of money had been Hungarian kingdom. Conditions were wretched. collected in three years. If those from whom this The Turks were only three or four miles away. money had been extorted had borne it with equa- = ‘May the good God always keep your Holiness nimity and patience, the reason lay in their belief happy and safe.’’?9 that these exactions were final, and that they would

not be subjected to further such impositions. Now oo . éToled id have been 4; 4 came the unheard of news, however, that his Ho- The protesting clergy of Toledo would have been distresse

; , ; th to learn that Clement had granted Charles permission ‘‘cum

liness had authorized not a subsidy, nota tithe, NOt recta conscientia convertere in alios quam dicte cruciate usus”’

even the levy of a fourth, but actually of a half of the funds collected from indulgences, the tithe, and the levy all ecclesiastical incomes, inaudita concessio, which ofa fourth on the revenues of all benefices (Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

was converting the status of the Spanish clergy from Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fol. 124°), for which restitution would 91 crown. doubtless never be made to finance the purposes announced that of free men to one of bondage to the

; : . at the time such moneys were collected.

After the hard fiscality of earlier pontificates, the "* Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. VIII, fol. dean and the chapter had hoped that Clement’s 82: ‘‘Feci vestram Sanctitatem sepe cerciorem de rebus nostris accession would bring juster and better days, but -Hungaricis per litteras ad dominos Casalios scriptas et ex Posonio quo pacis faciende causa conveneramus ac novissime hinc ex

Quinque-Ecclesiis his diebus proximis. Neque nunc aliud scribere

possum nisi rem Christianam eo esse deductam cuiuscumque would now pay the 8,000 ducats’ tribute for Cyprus. The Turks culpa id acciderit ut de regno Hungarico quod paulo ante viwere said to be readying their fleet for the recovery of Coron —__dimus florentissimum ac inter Christiana regna potentissimum (ibid., fols. 74° (94"], 75° (95"]), which Charles V and the im- coram Thurcarum imperatore disceptetur et utrique regi illius perialists seemed determined to defend (fols. 102”’—-103"[122’~ — arbitrio sit standum. Adhuc nihil intelligimus quid de nobis sit

123"), 108" [1287], 112°-113" [132°-133"], 120” [140")). secretum. Quicquid erit conabor vestram Sanctitatem facere The Venetians were trying to avoid a renegotiation of their —_ cerciorem statim. Ego sub mirabili sidere sum natus occupato

peace treaty with the Turks, suggested by Ibrahim Pasha to — per Thurcas episcopatu Sirmiensi quem mihi divus Rex Lumake things “‘clearer and easier,” fearing that if some matters —_ dovicus cum cancellariatu dederat. Nunc episcopatum Quinque-

became clearer, they might not be easier for Venice (Reg. 55, —_Ecclesialem teneo et ipsum Thurcis ad II] vel III miliaria fols. 67°—68" [87°—88"], 70° ff. [90° ff.], 75” ff. (95" ff.]). The — vicinum, adhuc quidem satis insignem sed magno periculo ex-

vicebailie Pietro Zen, also the Republic’s ambassador to the _ positum. Deus optimus Sanctitatem vestram semper conservet Porte, could leave Istanbul when Contarini and Giustinian had _ felicem et incolumem. Ex Quinque-Ecclesiis, 8 Maii, 1533. arrived to take over the reins of office (cf fol. 85" [105"], et | Eiusdem vestre Sanctitatis humilimus servulus et capellanus, S.

alin, and note Sanudo, Diarn, LVU, 633). Brodericus Sirmiensis subscripsit.”’

9! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. VIII, fols. Thus the correction which Walter Friedensburg makes in 70°, 78", and ¢f., ibid., fols. 83"-84", 96%, 104° (letters divided the letter of Ennio Filonardi, bishop of Veroli, dated at Rome by the binder), dated ‘“Toleti in loco nostro capitulari, die VIII. on 19 December, 1534, to Girolamo Rorario, recently appointed Aprilis, M.D.X XXIII.” “Hiis proximis annis decursis (ut decimas _ papal nuncio to Hungary (“‘Havendo Nostro Signore visto lettere

et subsidia aliorum pontificum omittamus) Sanctitas vestraduas del vescovo Sirmiense 0 vogliano dire Cinque Chiese . . .’’), quartas partes omnium fructuum ecclesiasticorum totius His- to the effect that Broderic was ‘Bischof von Sirmium, nicht panie sub pretextu expugnationis Maurorum Africe Cesaree von Funfkirchen,” is both unnecessary and mistaken: Filonardi Maiestati concessit, quod intolerabile onus etsi ecclesie humeris | knew what he was talking about, and Broderic’s letter of 8

importabile fuit.. . . Cum ecce (quod non sine lachrimarum May, 1533, was one which Clement VII and Filonardi had effusione refferimus) adducunt a Sanctitate vestra aliam, non obviously read (see Friedensburg, ed., Nuntiaturen des Vergerio subsidium, non decimam, non denique quartam, sed medietatis [1533-1536], in the Nuntaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst eromnium fructuum inauditam concessionem, quam rem etsia gdnzenden Actenstticken, pt. 1 [1533-1559], vol. 1, Gotha, 1892,

Sanctitate vestra non dubitamus importune fuisse extorsam. repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1968, p. 326, note 1). As we have . . . Infelicitate nostra actum est ut ex prunis saliremus in _ seen, references to Broderic abound in the documents (cf. Lanz, flamas, et ex liberis perpetuo tributarii maneamus.. . .’’ The Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., Il, pp. 137, 148, 151, 154,

archbishop of Toledo had his troubles (ibid., fol. 80). 166-68, etc., and esp. p. 207).

370 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite the concordat of Bologna, Pope Clem- Obviously there was no likelihood of an effective ent VII was very restive under the domination of — union of the Christian powers against the Turks. Charles V, who had organized the Italian league Nevertheless, Sultan Suleiman’s campaign in the against the Ottoman sultan and the king of France. autumn of 1532 had gone badly. Although he celClement was still looking toward the French court, ebrated imaginary victories after his return to Iswhere the flattering expectation had been held out _ tanbul (in mid-November), he was disposed toward to him of the marriage of his niece Catherine de’ _ peace with Ferdinand, whose envoy Jerome of Zara, Medici to a prince of the royal house. On 10 Feb- an elder brother of Nicholas Jurisic, was admitted ruary, 1533, Clement had granted Francis I two _ to the imperial presence on 14 January, 1533, the tithes—to be collected in France and Brittany, fourth day after his arrival in the Turkish capital.”° Provence and Dauphiné—to stimulate his alleged _A bit prematurely perhaps Jerome wrote in jubilant ardor to undertake an expedition against the — tones to the Spanish garrison in Coron (on 20 JanTurks.°* The two tithes were also the beginning uary) and to Ferdinand (on the twenty-first), inof a renewed rapprochement between Clement forming the latter ‘“‘che io per la gratia de Dio ho and Francis. In fact, to glance ahead fora moment, _ fata et confirmata la tanto desiderata et honorevole, Clement soon formed a sort of family alliance with — gloriosa, utile et longa pace tra il serenissimo et the king, which recalled the old entente between _ invictissimo imperatore de Turchi et vostra sacra Florence and France. Despite the persistent ob- regia Maesta.’’ Suleiman now looked upon Ferdijections voiced in the consistory, Clement ar- nand as his own son, and looked upon Ferdinand’s ranged to meet personally with Francis. Leaving wife Anna and his sister Mary as his own daughters.

Rome on 9 September (1533), Clement sailed The garrison at Coron should cease all activity from Livorno on 5 October, and arrived at Mar- against the Turks, because ( Jerome wrote) he had seille on the eleventh. He was accorded a grand included the Emperor Charles in the peace “‘per reception on the following day. Francis made his uno certo tempo.”””’ entry into the city on 15 October, “‘la plus belle Sultan Suleiman had ordered all his pashas, san[entrée] qui fut faite de vie d’ homme.” On 28 jakbeys, voivodes, and subjects to desist from hosOctober Henri [II] d’ Orléans, second fils de France, tilities along all fronts, and he expected his Chrismarried Catherine de’ Medici, the ‘‘duchess of tian opponents to do likewise. Neither Lodovico Urbino.’ Clement himself performed the cere- Grittinor John Zapolya was to attack or otherwise mony. Catherine was to play an unhappily conspicuous part in the subsequent history of France. ——~———— For a whole month pope and king conferred with _rondissement de Boulogne-sur-Mer, VI (1900-3), 131-52; Weiss, each other, but the full extent of the commitments Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, II (1841), 75 ff, 341which each made to the other remains uncertain. ~ Charles V's letter 19 April, 1535, addressed to Adrian e Croy, count of of Roeulx; Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte aus On 7 November, however, to the distress of the — peusschland, I-1, no. 34, pp. 129-30, letter of Vergerio to Clem-

imperialists in the Curia, Clement created four ent VII, dated at Vienna on 3 October, 1533, and see, ibid.,

; aI; - repr. ’ —O2, WI a full recor e u ;

French cardinals ( Jean Leveneur, Claude de Givry, esp. nos. 96) 475 nie pes Pastor, ae d. Papste,

Odet de Coligny, and Philippe de la Chambre), and Brandi Kaiser Karl V., 1, 300-1, and I, 949-43: and of Ehses about eighteen months later, after Clement's death, Conc. Trident., 1V, introd., pp. Cli-Ccul. The Hapsburgs had Charles V charged (in a letter dated at Barcelona _ been expecting this marriage for some time (Lanz, Corresponon 19 April, 1535) that, while at Marseille, Clement — denz d. Kaisers Karl V., 1, no. 195, p. 507). had accepted the idea of French co-operation with Rumors, plans, and preparations for the meeting of Clement Sultan Suleiman, and actually. ‘‘confirmed”’ it in the vn andmay Rrancsbe I, which was to take Nice (Nuzza),Sen. but . ged to Marseille, followed inplace the atVenetian presence of a witness, which seems unlikely. How- — Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 100 [120], 101” [121°], 103” [123°], ever that may be, Clement was not entirely com- — 114’-115" [134°-135"], 123-124" [143°-144"], 125” [145"], fortable on French soil. He embarked for home on 127" [147°], docs. dated from June to October, 1533.

12 November, and was back in Rome a month Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 541-42, and note cols. 394, 574-

95°776; Négociations, 1, 242-45. later. VonCharriére, Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-1 (1838), nos. x— XI, pp. 62-63, “ex urbe Constantinopolitana XX [et XXI]

OO mensis Ianuarii 1533,” and cf., ibid., no. XII, to Bernhard von

°4 Charriére, Négociations, I, 239-40, note, doc. dated at Bo- Cles of Trent. A miscellany of important documents, from logna ‘anno MDXXXIII quarto idus Februarii, pontificatus | March, 1533, to October, 1534, relating to the Austro-Turkish

nostri anno decimo.” negotiations for peace and to concomitant problems may be

°5 Alfred Hamy, “‘Entrevue de Francois I avec Clément VII__ found in L.-P. Gachard and G. J. Chas. Piot, eds., Collection des 4 Marseille (1533). . .”’ [French translation of acontemporary — voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, 111 (Brussels, 1881), nos. 1Provencal text], in the Bulletin de la Société académique del’ ar- — LX, pp. 450-567.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 371 harass Ferdinand’s lands and subjects. Jerome’s Quite understandably, the Turks became suspison, Vespasian of Zara, had gone to Ferdinand’s cious of the fact that peace was being sought in court with a Turkish envoy to sound out the Haps- duabus partibus. The sultan was “the lord, and burgs on the details of their terms for peace. Week making peace was his affair.’”’ Jerome kept Ferafter week Jerome wrote letters to (among others) dinand posted, and carried on very well, ‘‘seeing Johann Katzianer, the captain of Ljubljana and that there were so many controversies and so many field commander in Carniola and lower Austria; persons who were seeking to break this peace.’”'"! Thomas de Lazcano, the captain of Gran (Eszter- On | April (1533), after dinner, Ibrahim Pasha, gom); Johann Rizan, vicecaptain of Fiume (Ri- who had returned to Istanbul, sent for Jerome, who jeka); Andrea Doria, the imperial admiral; andthe arrived some time before the Venetian “‘bailie,” stubborn garrison of Coron, imploring all the re- although Ibrahim received the Venetian first, which cipients to observe the armistice.?* The Spaniards (in politic fashion) Jerome omits from his report to

ensconced in the fortress height at Coron seemed Ferdinand. The Venetian in question was Pietro likely to undo Jerome’s good work. They had, in- Zen, the Republic’s ambassador and vicebailie. Zen deed, received a letter from him, sent through the _ himself waited an hour for Ibrahim to appear, and flambulario of the Morea, but they replied on 15 — when he did, the grand vizir and the vicebailie were February (1533) that they were in Coron to guard _ closeted together for a long while. Ibrahim had no the town and to make war on the Turks. This was love for Charles V, as Zen makes clear in the long their duty, and they had no alternative but to do _ letter he wrote the Signoria on 3 April, “*. . . molte it until the Emperor Charles ordered otherwise.”? parole disse contra Spagna.” Jerome waited three

On 4 February (1533) Suleiman had left the hours astride his horse, outside the entrance to Bosporus to go hunting with Ibrahim Pasha at Ibrahim’s residence, presumably in the courtyard. Adrianople (Edirne). It was at the sultan’s behest Suleiman had built Ibrahim’s residence or housing that Jerome of Zara wrote eight of the letters complex, which was located on the northwest side (from 11 to 28 February) to which we have just of the Hippodrome, about a decade before as a gift alluded. From Adrianople Jerome was informed _ to the ‘“Makbul,” the “Favorite.” that armed Christian vessels were being sighted in When Jerome was finally admitted, he found the Archipelago. He was directed to write again the grand vizir in a courteous but quizzical mood. to the Spanish garrison at Coron, cautioning them Ibrahim gave Jerome two letters from the captains against ‘“‘molesting”’ the sultan’s subjects. Jerome of Coron (the letter of 15 February and another did write (on the twenty-eighth) not only to the of 12 March). He apologized for opening them, garrison at Coron but also to the commanders of ‘‘for it was not the way of the Turks to open other the imperial and papal galleys in the Aegean.'°° _ people’s letters,” but he had thought they conIbrahim Pasha was given copies of the letters. cerned him. He complained According to J crome, the Venetia ns k ept inter- that those who were in Coron were behaving badly and fering stimulatione et mala infe ormatione in his deal- were not observing the truce, and that they had burst

ings with the Porte. In the meantime Lodovico gut of the town and plundered the following places, Gritti had just written from Buda that both Fer- namely, the town [castellum] of Calamata, the area dinand and Sigismund I of Poland had sent envoys around the town of ‘‘Miseure,” as well as a village near to him and to John Zapolya “‘to negotiate a peace.” Zonchio, having also captured some Turks... . .

Ibrahim said that Jerome should write again to 98 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, II-1, nos. XIII-XVI, Coron, “conceding also this, that their own sanXVIII-XXIV, XXVI-XXVII, pp. 65 ff., and cf. no. XXVIII, p. 82,

letters dated from 21 January to 4 March, 1533.

° Thid., H-1, no. XXIV, pp. 77-78: “*. . . Recibimos una letra '°! Ibid., 11-1, pp. 3-4, from the report (pp. 3-48) which de vuestra senoria por via del fanbulari de la Morea... , Jerome of Zara and Cornelius Duplicius Schepper, who joined pero nosotros quedamos aqui por guarda desta tierra y para _— him in Istanbul on 20 May, presented to Ferdinand on 20 Sep-

hazer guerra a ynfieles y hasta que veamos la horden de su tember (1533). The written text is dated the twenty-seventh Magestad [Charles V] no podemos hazer al contrario.. . .” _—_(ibid., p. 48), but a letter of Pietro Paolo Vergerio, the successor On 28 February Jerome wrote (for the third time) to the garrison — of Vincenzo Pimpinella as nuncio to Ferdinand, informs us that

at Coron, telling them that both Charles V and Clement VII = Jerome and Schepper returned to Vienna on the twentieth, and were included in his “pace et amicicia’’ with the sultan, who that Ferdinand received them immediately, obviously spending had twice ordered his own people to cease hostilities with the — a good deal of time with them. See Friedensburg, Nuntiatur-

Christians (ibid., no. XXVI, p. 79). berichte aus Deutschland, 1-1 (1892, repr. 1968), no. 31, pp. 121-

ceding note. on 22 September, 1533.

109 Tbid., 11-1, nos. XXVI-XXVH, pp. 79-80, and cf. the pre- _—.23, letter to the papal secretary Jacopo Salviati, dated at Vienna

372 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT jakbeys were not always prudent.” And so Jerome not said what the Turks wanted, they had only to wrote again, on 3 April, turning the letter over _ tell him. If he had said too much or anything dis(as usual) to Ibrahim to send on to Coron through _ pleasing, they should so inform him, and he would the flambulario of the Morea, ‘“‘which letter Ibra- _ mend his ways.

him opened, and he did not transmit it.’’' Four days later Ibrahim Pasha sent the interpreter On the morning of 6 April (1533) Ibrahim Pasha Yunus Beg, the well-known envoy to the Venetian

sent first one state usher or messenger (zaus, Signoria, to tell Jerome, if he wished during the cha’ ush) and then another to tell Jerome of Zara _ holy days (of Easter, which fell on 13 April in 1533) what the sultan and Ibrahim himself had been dis- to attend Christian services in Pera or the town of cussing. According to Jerome’s informants, the ex- Galata, “‘that it would be quite all right with them.” asperated sultan was quite prepared to retake Coron _ If he wished to go through Istanbul or to go elseby force as well as to order the destruction of the | where by land, Ibrahim would give him horses and Church of the Holy Sepulcher, the demolition of | an appropriate guard. If he wanted to go sailing (in all other Christian churches, and the expulsion of — the pleasant springtime) or to see the castles along all Christian priests, friars, and merchants from Ot- _ the shore of the Black Sea—to relieve the tedium toman territory. Jerome was told that he should _ of waiting for the return of the Turkish envoy, who send letters to this effect to Charles V, Ferdinand, had gone to Ferdinand’s court with Jerome’s son Clement VII, and all the other Christian princes to | Vespasian—he had only to say so, and the Turks whom he felt such letters should go. On that very would prepare a fusta or a galley and whatever else day, the sixth, Jerome wrote Ferdinand, protesting was necessary. Jerome thanked his hosts, but said against the “‘superbia et arrogantia”’ of the Spanish _ that he did not wish to go anywhere: ‘‘When they in Coron, who had ventured out four times in fuste asked him why, he replied that he had not come on senseless raids upon the Turks. They had dis- _ to see their country, but to carry out the tasks for

regarded Jerome’s advice and his repeated re- which his lord had chosen him.’’!°° monstrances, and now they were in danger of setting As Jerome of Zara waited patiently for the rethe whole world on fire in a greater war than ever turn of the Turkish envoy who had gone to

before. Vienna, Lodovico Gritti returned to Istanbul from The sanjakbey of the Morea had laid down his Hungary (on 29 April, 1533), and foregathered

arms, but the reckless adventurers in Coron, with Ibrahim Pasha on 3 May. Two days later moved largely by avarice, were attacking his do- Ibrahim sent word to Jerome that he should get main, capturing his people, and reaping a petty, together with Gritti to discuss the proposed peace. contemptible profit from their lawless exploits. Jerome therefore met with Gritti, who began by Jerome had assured the Turks that this outrageous saying that he was Ibrahim’s spokesman (mediator) conduct was the consequence neither of the desire _ as well as John Zapolya’s envoy, ‘‘and that the king-

nor of the instruction of Ferdinand, Charles, or dom of Hungary belonged to King John, alleging Clement, no one of whom knew what was being many reasons in the voivode’s favor.”’ The sultan done by “‘quelli da Corron.” Ibrahim had assured had given Hungary to King John, and had conJerome, however, that the Porte would wait two firmed the grant more than ten times. Jerome simand one half months for the Hapsburgs’ accep- ply had to revise or retract the basis upon which tance of the negotiated terms of peace. Jerome he was seeking to negotiate peace, for his position gave his letter, signed and unsealed, to one of the was without a foundation in fact or in writing. messengers “‘to take it to the divan, that is, the Gritti dismissed the question of Hungary as easy Turks’ council.’’ He also told Ibrahim that he was _ of solution (the kingdom belonged to Zapolya); baffled by the sudden anger he had just encoun- the problem was how could peace be made with tered. If in his letters he had not said enough or 102 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-1, p. 4, and, ibid., °° Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, I1-1, pp. 4-5, and, doc. no. XLIV, pp. 107-8; see also Pietro Zen’s letter of 3 April ibid., doc. no. XLVIH, pp. 112-13, Jerome’s letter of 6 April, to the Venetian Signoria, in Sanudo, Diaru, LVIII, 141-43. — 1533, to Ferdinand. In his lack of curiosity to go sight-seeing

There is a brief sketch of Ibrahim Pasha’s career by M. T. in Turkey, Jerome of Zara was vastly different from his sucGokbilgin, in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, 111 (1971), 998-99. cessor of a generation later, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecgq, FerSanudo followed the Austro-Turkish negotiations as best he —_dinand’s ambassador to the Porte (intermittently from 1554 to

could (Diarii, LVIII, 41, 56, 72-73, 74-75, 141-43, 160-61, 1562), who went to see everything he could, collecting coins 205, 226, 298-99, 303 ff., 442-45, 494, 504-5, 624-25, 736) and copying inscriptions along the way, and describing Turkish as well as conditions in Coron (ibid., cols. 118-21, 329-31,431 customs and the countryside as well as the flora and fauna he ff., 501-2, 525 ff., 585, 609 ff., 645 ff., 673 ff., 721 ff., et alibi). | encountered whenever he could get out of Istanbul.

|5

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 373 the emperor. He did not think that Charles would to some other decision, all the effort we expend restore Coron, without which the Turks would not here will have come to naught.’’ Almost three accept a peace, ‘‘and so he did not believe that weeks later (on 25 May) Ibrahim sent for Jerome there was going to be any way of bringing about again. Vespasian had come back from Vienna. He

peace.”’ accompanied his father to Ibrahim’s house. JeJerome denied the legitimacy of Zapolya’s ele- rome asked the pasha how the Turkish envoy had vation to the throne of Hungary, and claimed that fared at Ferdinand’s court. Had he confirmed as the sultan had in fact now bestowed the crown of _ the truth everything that Jerome had stated, and

S. Stephen on Ferdinand, had promised, on Ferdinand’s behalf? “‘Ad quod

and had received him as his son, and that Ibrahim Pasha Lor iranimus respondit quod sic. The if ash a

had stated in so many words, and had promised, that Sal , es, whereupon Jerome presentec im

he would recommend that Lodovico Gritti himself treat With the keys of Gran (Strigonia), “Here are the with the voivode to this end—that he should renounce keys which you and the sultan asked for as EVIthe kingdom and crown to [Ferdinand,] his royal Maj- dence of the good faith and constancy of his Maj-

esty of the Romans... . esty.. 2.”

Jerome told Gritti that Ibrahim had been assuming to eam Pasta faugned, and nodded to J “fh ithe

that the Hungarian problem could be worked out, P y- bol of submission. The Turk nts vay. Otherwe the kingdom might be ie KP Wav ny symbol of submision, The Turk

vided, which would be consistent with the sultan’s fortress of Gran. Later on, Jerome gave Ibrahich to live very much longer, for he was already an 1° SU) Which Kerainanc’ had sent. lorahim ex: old man nae d the line dom had onlv been an pressed pleasure as well as thanks, and Jerome said

promise. In any event the voivode was not likely he wift which Ferdinand h d eb hj

ised to him for his lifetime.” Gritt had already that F cramand Maiect ume gum he beater: suggested that Jerome had none of this in writing his cher brother Now howere,, Jer fe “ne

(nist oreaad os),prince to which that Corne the lained that C ir Dschepper, licius S hhis hj sod of great wasthe hislatter bondreplied piaine that lus Duplicius

ae ks for C, ron Nerome had not offered the town us collega, had arrived in Istanbul. Henceforth to the Turks. The pasha had asked for its return, he h nn cone uct his Se aster s business mn vd wait and had sugested (according Jerome) that with Ni, NS colleague Schepper, They would wa

the restitution of the town, the artillery the Chris- siche dto know whether the Hapsbure envovs now

tians had seized, and the captives they had taken, had a | f he E yan P OR. the Turks would make peace with Charles V for (720.2. 6U6r trom Me Emperor Charles. N€spon-

6Wef YEARS P d ldOFthi dit illi Hieronymus quod sic.’’ Jerome said that BOF Seven, and’ wourle accep® fim as they did, ‘“‘at which he showed himself most

a brother, as they had accepted the king of leased. and ordered that they should France.’’ They were awaiting Charles’s answer. dience on he followin da 108 come to an

Gritti acknowledged that he had to catch up on 5 OAy:

the details of the negotiations: “‘If I had been here, The Hapsburg envovs did. indeed. have a letter

affairs would not have been transacted in this way, dd d P h 5 * harles V. ; d but I shall talk with the pasha, and we shall get "t Alossandeia « Satan by © Tah ° yes ates together many times later on.’’ Jerome had, how- 1533. Besinn; ‘th Charles’ y dd titles

tent, for the latter’s parting shot on this occasion of 5 5 .

was, “I find a good deal more dexterity in you Jerusalem, the duchy of Athens, and the lordship than I was led to believe by the Hungarians and of Tripoli, the letter approved the sultan’s current

by some Germans!” disposition toward peace and stressed Ferdinand’s On 6 May (15 33) Lodovico Gritti told Jerome hereditary right to the kingdom of Hungary. The that he had talked with Ibrahim Pasha. They had SWt@n would find Charles prepared to fulfill the agreed that nothing more could be done or need obligations which one good prince was bound to be said until Vespasian of Zara returned with the ——————— Turkish envoy ‘“‘with the decision of the emperor 105 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 1-1, pp. 7-8. Vesand the king , because if these latter should come pasian of Zara’s report on his mission to the Porte, from which he had returned to Ferdinand’s court with the Turkish envoy, is given in Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages des souverains

des Pays-Bas, III (1881), no. 1, pp. 450-55, dated 1] March,

'°4 Von Gévay, II-1, pp. 5-7. 1533.

374 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT discharge toward another, ‘“‘and whatever friend- The Austrian envoys’ audience with Ibrahim ship [your Serenity] shall have shown our own Pasha came, for some reason, a day later than he most serene brother, we shall deem to have been had intended. Jerome and Schepper met with

shown to us ourself.’’'”° Ibrahim a trois on 27 May (1533), the first of eight

Charles had certainly given careful considera- such parleys, four with Ibrahim and four with Lotion to a letter to go to the sultan. The letter was dovico Gritti, over a period of seven weeks. As von like Charles himself, restrained and courteous, Hammer-Purgstall has said, the documents relating with more chill than charm. Schepper had also _ to these meetings are a most important source, and brought his own letter of credence and procura- not only for the diplomacy of the time; they also tion from Ferdinand, which not only made Schep- _ give us, in Ibrahim’s own words, an insight into his per the full partner of Jerome in their shared fa- character, with all his ‘‘boasting, arrogance, cuncultas, auctoritas et potestas, but also ratified and ning, and almightiness.’’'’” At their first meeting approved all Jerome’s acta, facta, dicta et gesta. And with Ibrahim, Schepper spoke first, ‘‘salutavitque along with Schepper’s letter of credence came two Bassam nomine Ferdinandi Regis ut fratris.. . .” new letters from Ferdinand, addressed to the sul- He brought the pasha deferential greetings from tan and to Ibrahim Pasha.'°’ Ferdinand hoped — Ferdinand, as to an elder brother. After exchanging that by persuading his brother Charles to restore _ the usual formal courtesies, Ibrahim launched into Coron to the Turks he might induce his newly- a near oration. Nothing was better than peace, he found father Suleiman to recognize his “‘heredi- said, as he dwelt on the hardships and horrors of tary right”’ to Hungary. We shall hear more of this — war, and quickly went on to the subject of the sulanon, however, for we have now come to one of _ tan’s power.

the most interesting and best-documented epi- The Turks could cover the earth with their sodes in the long history of Austro-Turkish dip- troops, and carry on war forever, for the land army lomatic relations, the first one in fact to produce cost them nothing, so to speak, since their troops

peace—at least for a while. were paid the same wages in peace as in wartime.

Although Jerome had written Ferdinand and Once the janissaries had been paid at the rate of a the Hapsburg commanders of the ‘‘peace’’ which mere half-asper a day. Now they received more, he had negotiated, Suleiman had been unwilling but no one of them got more than eight aspers a at first to go beyond a truce. He would convert day. Maritime warfare involved expense, of course, the truce into a peace when the keys of the Hun- but the sultan’s resources were so great that the garian city of Gran had been delivered to him as__ costs were hardly felt (sed tam magnas esse opes ut a token of obeisance. The first Turkish envoy to minime sentiri possit). Only the day before, the sultan Vienna had been received with great ceremony by — had ordered him to withdraw from the Ottoman Ferdinand, who sat on a throne covered with cloth accounts the equivalent of 2,000,000 ducats ‘“‘to of gold under an ornate canopy. After the Turk’s send an army into Italy.”’ The Porte had at its comdeparture for home (on 31 March, 1533) Cor- mand “‘forty thousand Tatars who could destroy nelius Schepper had set out for the Porte. It was the whole world. . . ,” andthe sultan had decided he who had brought the keys of Gran to Istanbul to send them as well as an army of 300,000 men to fulfill the sultan’s requirement for peace.'°® into Italy. Who could resist such a force? Ibrahim Pasha assured Jerome and Schepper

OO that he had himself spared the Christians an end"* Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-1, no. XLi0, pp. Jess flow of blood. He had helped many thousands 106-7. On Charles V’s instructions to Schepper, also dated at

Alessandria on 26 March, 1533, see Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, III, nos. 11-111, pp. 455-61. Schepper was in Vienna

at the time, as shown by his letter of 12 April to Charles (ihid., 13, 14, 16-17, 21). There was agreement between Vienna and

no. IV, p. 462). Rome on the necessity “‘di concluder pace con Thurchi et di '°7 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-1, nos. XLV- rimover i errori et le impieta che sono per Alemagna”’ (ibid.,

XLVI, pp. 108-11, all three letters dated 4 April, 1533. I-1, no. 14, p. 99, and cf no. 15). On the Hapsburg attempts 1°8 On 2 April, 1533, the papal nuncio to Ferdinand, Pietro to employ Coron in bargaining with the Turks, cf., rid., nos. Paolo Vergerio, wrote from Vienna to Jacopo Salviati, the sec- ‘13, 14, 29, 38, 63, 83, 91. The marriage of Henri d’ Orléans retary of Clement VII: ‘“L’ orator del Turco fu expedito — to the pope’s niece Catherine de’ Medici so closely approached l’ altroheri, et la expedition é tale che a Constantinopoli, dove —_a_papal-French alliance that it was naturally worrisome to the

€ un nuncio della Maesta del re [i.e., Jerome of Zara], se havera’ house of Austria (ibid., nos. 44, 45, 47-48, 52, 62, 72, a far la conclusion, come si havera havuta |’ opinion di Sua 101-2). Santita et della Maesta del imperator”’ (Friedensburg, Nuntia- 109 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, U1 (1828, turberichte aus Deutschland, pt. I, vol. 1, Gotha, 1892, repr. repr. 1963), 127, paraphrased by J. J. Hellert, Host. de l’ empire Frankfurt am Main, 1968, no. 1, p. 82 and cf. nos. 3-4, 8, 10— _— ottoman, V (1836), 182-83.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 375 of women, children, and others to find the road _ erence, so that the royal envoys Jerome and Cornelius to freedom, even compelling them secretly to flee | were quite astonished that he should show such honor into the woods at night ‘“‘to escape from the hands _to the Emperor Charles.

of the Turks.’’ He had done such things, and so had other good Turks, “‘for the Turks,” he said, Schepper then said that Ferdinand had under‘were not so barbarous, inhuman, or cruel as the stood from a report of Jerome’s that the way was Christians were making them out to be” (non enim open to Charles to enter the peace if he wished esse Thurcas tam barbaros, inhumanos aut crudeles, to do so, that Sultan Suleiman now considered prout apud Christianos esse estimarentur). It was he, Charles his brother also, that the sultan was preIbrahim, who ruled the great Ottoman empire. pared to make peace with Charles for five years Whatever he wanted done was done, for it was he or for seven, and that the return of the town of who exercised the power (omnem enim se potestatem Coron would go far toward achieving Ferdinand’s

habere). He controlled all the offices, all the king- desire (to secure Hungary). Schepper could state doms of the Ottoman realm. ‘‘What I choose to. on Charles’s behalf that he would be content to give away,” he said, “‘is given, and it stays given. be included in the peace which Suleiman was makWhat I do not grant is not granted!”’ If the sultan ing with his brother on certain conditions. First himself made a decision of which Ibrahim did not of all, he wished to inform Suleiman that he had approve, it was not put into effect, “for everything never given the Turks any reason to make war on is in my hands,” he said, “‘war and peace and him, and yet the sultan had been the first to comwealth, and this I do not say without cause!”’ mence hostilities. Nevertheless, he ascribed this

Schepper made an appropriate reply with fit- fact not to the sultan but to the enemies of the ting timidity, for Jerome had instructed him inthe Hapsburgs, referring presumably to Francis I and ways of the Turks or at least in the ways of Ibrahim _ to Zapolya. Charles was, however, quite willing to

Pasha, who had a good deal more to say of Turkish enter a peace which should include his brother resources, especially in foodstuffs. He might well Ferdinand.

close Turkish ports to Christian commerce, he Jerome of Zara had written, as Schepper went declared, and if he did, what hope would the on to say, that the return of Coron to the Turks Christians have except to die of famine? Schepper ‘was very important to secure possession of the and Jerome solemnly agreed with everything that entire kingdom of Hungary, and because King FerIbrahim said, ‘‘et ipsum Imbrahimum bonis verbis dinand had been working hard to see that Coron

laudaverunt.” Since we owe our knowledge of wasreturned. . . ,” Charles was willing to accede these parleys almost entirely to the report which — to his brother’s wishes. All the Christian princes

Jerome and Schepper made to Ferdinand at wanted Charles to hold on to Coron, however, and Vienna four months later (it is dated 27 Septem- _ to fortify it, because of its strategic position. As the ber, 1533), we must assume the substantial truth head of Christendom, he could not go against their of what they told their sovereign, although their will unless he could show them some equivalent account of Ibrahim is rather at variance with the — gain for their fellow Christians, such as ‘‘that the impression of him which we get from the scores ‘lurk should be willing to be their good and quiet of Venetian dispatches preserved in the diaries of | neighbor” (Thurcam illis velle bonum et quietum vi-

Marino Sanudo. cilnum esse).

When Schepper had presented Ibrahim with his Considering the sultan’s “generosity,” however,

letters of credence, and noted that Ferdinand in ceding Hungary to Ferdinand as the country’s looked to his ‘brother’ to help him make good rightful heir, Charles would give up Coron, but his ‘‘hereditary right’’ to Hungary, the expansive only under the following conditions: Ferdinand pasha merely asked whether Schepper hada letter must in fact receive tota Hungaria. The sultan must from the Emperor Charles. Schepper said that he require Khaireddin Barbarossa to return the ‘“‘isdid have such a letter [of 26 March, 1533, to which _ land”’ of Algiers to the Spanish, and take care that we have already alluded], affirming Ferdinand’s _ the lives and properties of the Christians in Coron right ‘‘pro regno Hungarie toto obtinendo.”” Upon _ were protected. (There were few Greeks in Coron; seeing Charles’s letter and taking it in his hands, | the town was inhabited largely by Albanians.) Fur-

thermore, the sultan was not to interfere in the

Ibrahim rose to his feet, and said, ‘‘This is a great lord, differences which existed among the Christians and therefore we must honor him.” He took the letter © Concerning their faith, nor impede “their return to and kissed it, and touched his forehead with it in the _ the true faith,’ being obviously a reference to the Turkish fashion. Then he set it aside with great rev- Lutherans. The proposed peace must include the

376 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pope, the French king, the Venetians, and all the he had ordered sweetened water to be brought. He Christian princes and states. There remained, then, drank from a large turquoise cup, the envoys from the formal text of the peace and the voivode John’s _ silver cups. He held up the poculum turquinum for renunciation of Hungary, which Ibrahim Pasha _ them to see, saying that “‘of these turquoise stones could now prepare (according to the foregoing my lord gets every year. . . as muchas two horses provisos), and which Jerome of Zara and Cornelius can carry.’’ When the envoys rose to their feet, Schepper had the plenaria potestas to subscribe to _ bade their host adieu, and went to their lodgings,''° in Ferdinand’s name. When Schepper had finished _ they had had their fill both of Ibrahim’s sugared his long review of Charles’s requirements, Ibrahim water and of his conversation. replied “that peace is always to be desired, and it is the duty of every prince to seek it.”” If the Emperor As required by Ibrahim Pasha, Jerome of Zara Charles wanted peace, he would have it. The sultan and Cornelius Schepper met, on 28 and 30 May had never denied peace to those who had asked (1533), with Lodovico Gritti in the latter’s house.

for it. They began by expressing their satisfaction in Ibrahim Pasha then picked up Charles’s letter being able now to discuss the related problems of to the sultan. He examined the seal on the letter, Coron and Hungary with a man of Gritti’s intel-

and said, ligence and authority and, to be sure, the historical . a record does suggest that this bastard son of a doge

My lord has a seal which he takes with him. I have a was a remarkable fellow. Gritti replied that he was seal similar to his, which I carry with me, for he does playing in this whole affair the dual role of adnot want there to be any difference between himself and d arb; H their ad beme. Whatever clothes he orders for himself he orders versary and arbiter. rie was their a versary, © also to be made for me. He does not want me to spend C@US€ he had come there on behalf of King John anything in building. He does the building for me. Zapolya; he was an arbiter in the case, because the

sultan and the pasha had assigned him the task. As for Coron, Ibrahim said that it was only a for- They must understand that as long as Zapolya tress town. The Turks had many like it. They were — lived, whether as voivode or king, Ferdinand not concerned about it, preferring to repossess it would never acquire the entire kingdom of Hunby force than otherwise. In any event they could — gary, because the sultan had given Zapolya his

reduce it to ashes at any time they chose. word.

Hungary was another matter. The sultan had As for the return of Coron, almost the last thing given it to John Zapolya, Ibrahim now stated, and the Turks wanted was to get the town back “‘by could not take it from him, which seems hardly _ restitution or by negotiation.” A fleet of sixty galleys consistent with the alleged tenor of Jerome’s ear- was ready; twenty more were about to leave their lier conversations with him. Yes, he was well ac- moorings at Istanbul; and another ten were being quainted with the island of Algiers. Barbarossa was _ got ready at Gallipoli. Some of these galleys would

the sanjakbey there. Later on, they would have to assemble at Rhodes, where there were already discuss the lands and dowry of the dowager queen thirty-six fuste and galliots as well as “‘innumerable”’

of Hungary, the Hapsburgs’ sister Mary, the other vessels, which would attack Apulia as soon as widow of Louis II. He commended Jerome and the Emperor Charles moved against Barbarossa, as Schepper for their soft-spoken courtesy in nego- rumor had it he was about to do. Charles had detiating with him. He observed that there was a manded the return of the fortified islet of Algiers, great difference between a word harshly spoken __ but Gritti declared “that the sultan could not restore

and the same word said softly, stating ‘“‘that the it if he would, and would not do so if he could.” tongue is a small part of the human body, but it _ If peace could not be made without the “‘restitutio is of the highest importance.” He would consider __insule Argel,” there was not going to be any peace.

the letters they had brought and the things they The Austrian envoys asked about the possibility had said. In the meantime they should confer with _ of the sultan’s restraining Barbarossa from attacking

Lodovico Gritti about Hungary. Noting that Jerome and Schepper had exchanged glances in si-_ }=———————— lence, Ibrahim told them, ‘Don’t WOITry, because 110 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-1, pp. 8-15, entry

I do what I want, not what Lodovico Gritti wants. for 27 May, 1533, in the report which Jerome of Zara and Lodovico will do what I order. Just talk to him!’ Cornelius Schepper presented to Ferdinand at Vienna, dated Jerome and Schepper assured Ibrahim Pasha that 2 September (1888) On the lite sand of Algiers, the Fein they would go to see Gritti the next day. Their p. 234b. Barbarossa built a mole, connecting the parva insula exchange with Ibrahim had lasted six hours. Twice with the mainland.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 377 Spain and the emperor’s other territories. Gritti Gritti said that he had seen Pietro Zen, the replied that the sultan could certainly do that. One Venetian ambassador and vicebailie, earlier in the must remember, however, that Barbarossa had oc- day. When he had told him of Charles’s desire to cupied Algiers without the help of the Turks. He _ have al! the Christian states included in the proheld the islet as his own property, although he was jected peace, Zen had stated that Venice would a servitor of the sultan. Gritti expressed astonish- not want to be included, since she already had a ment at Charles’s wanting “‘all the Christian princes” —‘‘bona et firma pax”’ with the sultan,''* and (Gritti

included in the peace—a difficult and time-consum- added) so did Sigismund I of Poland and Francis ing matter at best—inferring that this was a device I, the latter of whom was the sultan’s “‘brother.” for prolonging the imperial hold on the town of At this point the Austrian envoys decided that one Coron. The envoys denied the imputation, but of them would soon have to go back to Ferdinand Schepper could not resist a smile in suggesting that and (if the latter ordered it) to Charles to secure if the sultan could take Coron before peace with the necessary mandates to conclude the negotia-

the emperor was confirmed, “why, then, there tions for peace. Since Schepper was the younger would not remain the problem of returning it!’’ and stronger, he agreed to go, and he said that Assuming, however, that the sultan might be unable cum auxilio Dei he would return within the reto repossess Coron by force of arms, he could con- quired three months. Gritti said he thought it was

tinue the negotiations if he wished. a good idea. He also declared that although SchepThe envoys’ second meeting with Gritti took per had come to the Porte as an envoy of Ferdiplace, again at his house, during the afternoonand _nand, he regarded him as being in actual effect early evening of 30 May. He told them that the — the representative of Charles ‘‘sub specie et pre-

sultan could not make peace with the Emperor textu Regis [Ferdinandi].’’ The envoys replied Charles unless the latter either sent his own “or- that Gritti, like everyone else, could believe what ators’? to the Porte or authorized Jerome and __he chose. Their function was merely to carry out Schepper to act for him. There was, of course, the their instructions. third possibility that Charles might promise, for- Now Gritti came back to the affairs of Hungary, mally and in writing, that he would abide by what- _ stating that they would require further discussion

ever commitment his brother Ferdinand might ata later date. The sultan would keep his promise make for him. Otherwise the Turks would not to Zapolya, however, as long as the latter lived. recognize the existence of any peace. They feared Nevertheless, after Zapolya’s death, he was willing that they were in fact being deceived, for in their _ to assure Ferdinand the right to the “totum regopinion Jerome and Schepper had no other ob- num Hungarie.” Gritti was well aware that there jective than to gain time until the advent of winter. | was a widespread rumor that he aspired to the In the meantime the sultan would grant Charles kingdom himself. He said there was absolutely no a three months’ truce. He would instruct Barbarossa truth in the rumor, “‘and may I die like a dog if to refrain from attacks upon Christians. The Spanish — I have ever entertained such an ambition or do so

garrison in Coron must be ordered not to assail now!’’ He had nothing good to say of the Hunsubjects of the Porte. If peace were made, and Bar- __ garians, “‘calling them an evil folk, treacherous barossa disregarded it, the sultan would make every — and intractable.”’!'* effort to destroy him. As for the Coronenses, in the

event of peace the Spanish garrison might be re- ~— moved to some place of safety. As for the Albanians '' Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, LVI, 442-43. The Venetians were (who had assisted in the imperialist occupation of also having difficulties with the Turks. As Jerome of Zara and

Coron), Gritti said. ;that did not know how theysubiunxit Cornelius Schepper noted in their report tomale Ferdinand, ; . he. .{Aloisius Gryti] Imbrahimum bassam con-

would be dealt with, but he had reminded Ibrahim _ tentum esse de Venetis.”. When Schepper replied that, being

Pasha that Andrea Doria had promised to help a Venetian, Gritti could and would easily change Ibrahim’s them. Be that as it might, however, Gritti hoped allegedly hostile attitude toward the Venetians (whom he had to be able to see to the security of the inhabitants. usually assisted), ore acknowledged". . . verum esse, se illis Schepper said that their safety would be essential; (Von Géva "Tpoemden a Aclonittcke ILL 19). Although Charles had demanded it, and could not make an __ blood may be thicker than water, as the English expression honorable peace with the Turks without such as- goes, Gritti’s illegitimate birth had been an obstacle to a career surance. Charles had wanted “all the Christian that might have satisfied him in Venice, on which note Paolo

; y, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, , p. 19). Althoug

. ms . ~ oe Preto, Venezia e 1 Turchi, Florence, 1975, pp. 210-14, 328.

princes included in the peace, but Gritt stated ''2 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-1, pp. 15-19, enthat the sultan would regard himself as being in tries for 28 and 30 May, 1533, in the report of Jerome of Zara

pace only with those who requested It. and Cornelius Schepper to Ferdinand. I have adhered strictly

378 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On 2 June (1533), which fell on the Monday _ there were forty navigable rivers, but ‘“‘very few in after Pentecost, Ibrahim Pasha sent a state messen- the Spains.’’ He also asked ‘“‘Why was Spain not so

ger to Jerome and Schepper “‘to order them to well cultivated as France?’’ Schepper replied that come immediately to Ibrahim,” which they did with Ferdinand the Catholic’s expulsion of the Saracens all speed. When they arrived at the pasha’s house, and Moors, ‘‘who were good farmers and diligent,”’ they found that he was conferring with Lodovico as well as the expulsion of the Jews, was part of the

Gritti. They sat for a while on a bench near the reason, as was the Spaniards’ manliness of spirit. entrance to the reception-chamber. Finally they They were born to advance to the forefront of batwere called into the chamber. After the customary _ tle, not to trail behind a plow (qui bello magis quam

expressions of respect for, and deference to, the aratro nati sunt). Also there was a lack of water in pasha, the two envoys sat across from him. Gritti parts of Spain. Ibrahim believed that the magnitudo sat between the pasha and Jerome, Schepper next anim Hispanorum, of which Schepper had spoken, to the latter. Yunus Beg, “the interpreter of the came from the “‘heat of the brain’’ (caliditas cerebri, Porte,” stood between Gritti and Jerome, while ‘‘hot-headedness’’). Those who lived in Greece and Mustafa Chelebi, whom Ibrahim introduced to __ like areas were also ‘‘audacious and highminded.”’ Schepper as the sultan’s private secretary, stood be- Take the lion, for example. Suleiman was a lion. tween Ibrahim and Schepper. It was clearly going So was Charles V. to be an important meeting. As Ibrahim explained, Once more Ibrahim Pasha dilated at length on all letters and affairs (of moment) were referred to his own importance as the alter ego of Sultan SuMustafa. With his usual formal courtesy, Ibrahim _ leiman. “‘I was educated with him. I grew up with asked the two envoys how they were. ‘‘Responde- him from boyhood, having been born in the same

runt, ‘Bene’.”’ week as he.”’ He spoke of Louise of Savoy’s appeal

Turning to Jerome, Ibrahim observed that the to the sultan after her son Francis’s capture at older envoy knew Istanbul well but, with a glance Pavia, the Turkish conquest of Hungary, Hoborat Schepper, he said that the latter obviously did dansky’s insolent embassy to the Porte, and the not. Schepper agreed, but replied that perhaps some siege of Vienna. During the siege, he said, Charles time he could get to know it better. Ibrahim asked _ had been in Italy, threatening the Turks with war questions, to which Schepper provided the answers, and the Lutherans with enforced reversion to Caconcerning Charles V’s various places of residence _ tholicism, “‘to the old rite”’ (ad veterem ritum). Then

in Spain and the relative merits of that country in Charles went to Germany, where he did nothing comparison with France, where (Ibrahim had heard) about the Lutherans. It did not become an emperor to begin something and not finish it or to

—_______ say something and not do it. He had promised he to the Latin text of Jerome and Schepper, which is summarized would hold a coune ul, “et non fecit.” Ibrahim exin some disarray in von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. aggerated Charles’s failings, as the envoys later Reiches, U1, 124-31, trans. Hellert, V, 178-88. Cf H. Kretsch- reported, and he gave them no opportunity to remayr, Ludovico Gritti, pp. 53-55, and Merriman, Suleiman the ply. The imperialists had laid siege to Buda, after

Magnificent, pp. 120-25. _ its occupation by the Turks, and failed to take it. Cornelius Schepper had been secretary to Christian II of Charles should have established peace between his Denmark before the latter’s fall from power in 1523-1524 (cf. . , Pp . Karl Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 1, 166, and II, 141). He was sub- | brother and King John [Zapolya]. He did not do sequently employed by Charles V on various diplomatic mis- | s0, but ‘‘we shall do so.’’ If Louis II had died in sions (Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 11, 230- _ his bed, Ferdinand might have had some claim to 43, 247-48, 253, 261-63, 269, 344), and appears frequently Hungary. “But, now, since we have twice taken

in Charles’s correspondence (ed. Karl Lanz, Leipzig, 1844-46, . .

repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966). that kingdom by force of arms, . . . twice taken From the spring of 1532 Lodovico Gritti had been trying, Buda, the kingdom is ours!”’ asa Christian subject of the Porte, to gain possession of Clissa Ibrahim Pasha asserted that when, the year be(Klis), just northeast of Spalato (Split). Extensive remains of the fore, the sultan was advancing upon Vienna, Ferramparts of the castle still exist on the height of a cliff which dinand had sent two envovs to sue for peace.

towers over the (modern) road. Gritti was opposed by Count y Pp Petar Kruzic, known to the Italians as Pietro Crosi¢, a sort of

vassal of Ferdinand (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, we gave them peace, because we give peace to all who Reg. 55, fols. 15'-17" [35'-37"], 47°48" [67°-68"], 53° [73"], oan and Sanudo, Diarii, LVII, 44, 401, and LVIII, 143, 422, e¢ 28K It of us, and we inquired whether they were also alibi). In 1537 Kruzic, a native of Segna (Sen)j), lost his life and requesting peace for the Emperor Charles. ‘They replied

the castle to the Turks, who made it a focal point in their that they knew nothing of Charles, because he had not

control of the Dalmatian midlands until the mid-seventeenth | been with their lord Ferdinand. Thus we continued with

century. our army, and when they asked us where we were going,

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 379 we said that we were on our way to seek out the Emperor _ I have heard that great Christian lords go to Jerusalem

Charles, wherever he might be.. . . in the garb of mendicants. If the Emperor Charles should

think that he is going to become king there by making a

Such was Ibrahim’s lame approach to the August- pilgrimage in the puise of a beggar: I shall forbid aay long siege of Giins (K6szeg) where, he said with Christian from ever going there, either him or anyone

a glance at Jerome, else! we gave back to your brother Nicholas [Jurisic] his castle,

and the rest rendered an oath of fealty to us. We remained Likewise he declared that Charles inscribed himfor as long as we wanted in our kingdom of Hungary, — self as duke of Athens, “‘which is now [called] and we saw no one to offer us resistance.''” Nor did we ‘‘Sithine.’ There is a small castle there, and it is

hear anything about the Emperor Charles, and when it mine. By what right does he try to usurp my seemed best to us, we came back here, and now here possessions?” Ibrahim’s parvum castrum was the

we are! Acropolis.

Finally Ibrahim got down to business, admon- Momentarily Ibrahim decided that the offen-

ishing the two envoys to pay attention to what he _ sive letter did not really come from the Emperor

was about to say. He asked Cornelius Schepper Charles, and that the latter knew nothing about whether he was a servitor of the Emperor Charles. it, but he went on indignantly to state that the Schepper replied that he had served Charles, but emperor had put Ferdinand and the sultan at the was now in Ferdinand’s service. Where had he got same level of dignity. It was all very well for the Emperor Charles’s letter (of 26 March, 1533) Charles to love his brother more than he did the which he had brought to the Porte? Schepper said sultan, but his apparent disdain for the sultan was that Ferdinand had given it to him. Did his com- unpardonable. “My lord has many sanjakbeys,” mission include the authority to reply to questions _ he said, “who are far more powerful than Ferdi-

concerning its contents? ‘That would depend on nand, and have more lands, more wealth, and the questions. Ibrahim then picked up Charles’s more subjects than he.” After providing a few letter, with its list of the seventy titles he claimed. (quite untrue) examples of sanjakbeys with more Waving the parchment at Schepper, Ibrahim lands and wealth than Ferdinand, Ibrahim came said that this letter certainly was not written by a with marked satisfaction to the “‘much greater, modest and prudent prince, “‘quia cum tanta su- truly regal modesty”’ of Francis I, who in recent perbia enumerat titulos suos,’’ and indeed Charles _ letters to the sultan had signed himself merely as had included in the heading of his letter, Ibrahim “Franciscus Rex Francie.” In writing to Francis, went on, titles that he had no right to claim. Why _ therefore, in order not to be outdone in courtesy in defiance of the sultan did Charles presume to and nobility of spirit, the sultan had even omitted call himself king of Jerusalem? Did he not know _ his name in his letters, and simply addressed the that the sultan ruled in Jerusalem? Ibrahim turned _ king of France as his brother. “Furthermore, we an angry countenance toward Schepper, ‘“‘Answer have ordered Barbarossa not only that he should me.’’ Would Charles take away the sultan’s lands not harass subjects of the king of France, but that or was this a gesture of contempt for the Porte? he should obey the king of France just as he does Poor Schepper tried to explain that the title was _ the sultan, and carry out all his orders.”’

merely a convention of the chancery, because the Reverting next to a subject which he had Christians had once possessed Jerusalem, but in brought up more than once, namely, that Charles any event his commission did not includecomment had promised to see to the pope’s summoning a on the implications of such matters. The letter had council, but had never done so, Ibrahim Pasha

been delivered to the Porte ‘‘ad promotionem declared, Ferdinandi.”’ Schepper knew nothing more about it (and since the letter had doubtless been sealed, I would force them to hold a council, and if I wanted Schepper had presumably not read it). Gritti in- to, I could do it now. And the Christians could not tervened to say that it would have been better not excuse themselves with one alleging that he had the to send the letter at all, especially in sucha form. gout, another a headache, and others other reasons why

Resuming his tirade, Ibrahim said, they could not come. If Charles has peace with us, he

will indeed be emperor, and we shall take care that the kings of France and England, the pope and others rec-

rs113ognize him as the emperor, and of this you can be sure. brahim Pasha made no mention of the annihilation of | - - - And the same goes for the Lutherans. Now, if I large detachments of Turkish akinjis in encounters south of | wanted to, I could put Luther on one side and the pope

Vienna, on which see above, p. 366a. on the other, and force them both to hold a council!

380 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Warming up to the subject (et ferventior factus), _Schepper believed that they at least could hear as Jerome and Schepper recorded later, Ibrahim what he had not said. Later on, after comparing Pasha claimed that he had been responsible for notes, they wrote: the ted b fanlure to ne da counc . f peace And so we envoys withdrew. This time we had only one CxS 1 7 ween tne le an id be he ehrie drink at his house. Weighing his words at some length, Char cs, NOWweve}r, Char es could make t © Chris- we quite understood (without recourse to dubious guesstians do this or that, just as he chose. “Et hoc work) that Ibrahim had made all his pronouncements

Christian fai | il. ; oo

dicebat cum cholera.” Did the two envoys believe with caution, owing to the presence of the sultan’s secthat Charles had improved his situation by the im- __ retary and Yunus Beg, for he frequently connived with perial coronation (at Bologna three years before)? us when Lodovico Gritti acted as interpreter. Insofar as Hardly! Charles had just added to his enemies. one can reach understanding by conjecture, we inferred

. . that he had said these things as a subterfuge [semulate],

Do you think that the pope is on his side? Certainly not, — because he believed that neither the secretary Mustafa when he recalls how he was held captive and shamefully —_ nor Yunus Beg would be quiet about what they had heard,

treated—treated so contemptuously that we could never but would reveal it [all] to the Turks and the other have done such a thing! No, he does not love the em- pashas.'!4

peror. I have here a stone which was on his tiara [corona].

I bought it for sixty thousand ducats, as well as many On the evening of the same day (2 June, 1533) others which had been his property. Also this ruby, Ibrahim Pasha and even Sultan Suleiman himself went to Lodovico Gritti’s house, where they spent he continued, showing the envoys a large ruby, three hours, plurima secreta cum eo conferentes, to the ‘it was on the finger of the king of France when — extreme annoyance of certain Turks who believed he was captured, and I bought it. Do you believe _ that the sultan was being duped by his grand vizir that the king of France will ever love the Emperor and the Italian adventurer. On 11 June, Jerome

Charles?”’ and Schepper met again with Gritti, who had seen

Ibrahim found serious fault with other expres- Pietro Zen the day before. Gritti told the envoys sions in Charles’s letter, which (he said) he did not that he could inform them of part, but only part, want to show Sultan Suleiman, lest the sultan be- of what had transpired when the sultan and the come so angry that the ‘‘whole business’’ of dis- grand vizir had come to his house. Briefly he went cussing peace would come to an abrupt end. As far over the same complaints about Charles V’s letter as peace with Ferdinand was concerned, the envoys to Suleiman that Ibrahim had dwelt on at length could regard it as already made (facta manebit). As in their second meeting with him. Suleiman had in for Charles, as Gritti had already told the envoys fact been told the contents of the unfortunate letter on 30 May, if he wanted peace, he must send his or had read a translation. The Turks had taken own representatives to the Porte, or provide Jerome _ every phrase apart, and had discovered (presumably

and Schepper with a ‘‘mandatum sufficiens” to act unintended) implications; the phraseology of the for him, or send in writing his ratification of what- letter had led Suleiman to assume that Charles set ever agreement Ferdinand might choose to make in his brother’s name. As the envoys had been informed vonth than efor ume ors were mowing 4 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, I1-1, pp. 20-28, and a three months truce for C arles to decide between cf. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, UI, 131peace or war. All hostilities were to cease. The gar- 36, trans. Hellert, V, 188-95, who makes no reference, however, rison at Coron was not to be reinforced. The envoys to the reflections of Jerome of Zara and Schepper that they said that Schepper was (very likely) going to Spain discounted much of what Ibrahim Pasha had said because of to see Charles. Si thev had no proper commission the presence of Mustafa Chelebi and Yunus Beg.

Os aTIes. SINCE ; ey Na ; Op Ps Ibrahim’s apparent implication that Charles V had trafficked

from Charles, Ibrahim declined to discuss any fur- in the jewels of the pope and the king of France was of course ther details concerning Coron, Hungary, or Bar- quite untrue. We may be pretty sure of how Ibrahim acquired barossa with them, although Lodovico Gritti then the ruby, which was almost certainly the one the sanjakbey of spoke up, ‘‘Don’t worry about these matters now. 2°S"!4 had plundered from the French envoy in 1525 (see Youllwill d 1come willtotell may above, p. 245b). This snide reference to the jewels, however, see me, an wil tell you. © was probably designed less to annoy Jerome and Schepper than also told Schepper that before he left, he should to appear adequately anti-Charles within the hearing of Mustafa

seek another audience of the pasha. and Yunus Beg.

Whatever Mustafa Chelebi and Yunus Beg, as On Ibrahim’s statement that Barbarossa’s fleet was at the

it to th di h th ° ht disposal of the king of France, cf Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal wi NESSES oO Mese procee Ings, May Nave ous de Granvelle, II (1841), 344. It was quite true that the sultan (especially when Ibrahim Pasha boasted of his OWN addressed Francis I as his brother (of. Charriére, Négociations,

supreme authority), Jerome of Zara and Cornelius _ I, 408, 417, letters of 1539).

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 38] himself above the sultan, and put the latter at the — if right now he should send a cook to kill Ibrahim lower level of Ferdinand. Or at least Charles saw Pasha, nothing could prevent his death.”’ himself as the sultan’s equal. “‘Sic enim se supra nos Christendom had never been so divided, Gritti facit,’’ Suleiman had said (according to Gritti): ““Ad- declared, as he ranged from Henry VIII’s divorce minus sibi me parem fecisset. Quae est ista superbia? _ to Francis I’s desire to take Genoa. He said that he . . . Imperator sum!” If Charles wanted peace, he _ was sending his brother Giorgio to Khaireddin Barmust seek it directly of the Porte, for Suleiman barossa with four galleys and a galeotta, and therewould no longer accept Ferdinand as an interme- after Giorgio would go to Francis I, and possibly

diary. also to the Emperor Charles “‘to settle their discords, Suleiman wanted no more reference made to for it was better that an intelligent man, and a Coron. John Zapolya was to keep those parts of Christian, should go there than some Turk, who Hungary which he then held. If he wished to cede __ was entirely ignorant of these affairs.”” The king of

Hungarian territory to Ferdinand, the sultan France had sent to the sultan to ask what he might would not object. Gritti was himself to go to Hun- hope for from Barbarossa and his fleet. Gritti was gary, when winter came, with “plenary power” to _ telling Jerome and Schepper these things as a friend. fix the boundaries between Ferdinand’s Hunga- ‘They would hear the same things from Ibrahim rian realm and that of Zapolya. The wily Turco- Pasha, but they must not reveal the fact that he had Venetian assured Jerome and Schepper that if already told them. He showed the envoys through Ferdinand was willing to trust him, his Majesty his house, from which one had a view of the entire would be pleased with the results of his mission.’'” city, and offered them a brigantine for a tour of

He now added, however, that Zapolya’s portion the picturesque castles at the mouth of the of Hungary was a heritable state. The sultan had Black Sea.'!® given it to him and to his heirs (pro se et haeredibus Eleven days later, on 22 June (1533), Ibrahim suis), which was contrary to the envoys’ previous Pasha summoned Jerome and Schepper to a third

assumption. interview. He congratulated them on obtaining that The Austrian envoys made suitable replies to the cessation from war and that recognition which a Turks’ objections to Charles’s letter, but observed half dozen previous Austrian ambassadors—Hothat if the sultan preferred to repossess Coron by bordansky and Weixelberger, Lamberg and Jurisic, force rather than by some mutual agreement, ob- Nogarola and Lamberg—had been quite unable to viously it was useless to speak of peace between the achieve. Peace would be made for as long as Fertwo “Caesars.”” Young men were going to have no__ dinand was willing to maintain it. As Gritti had told

end of opportunity to employ their military talents them, Ferdinand might keep what he then held in (non defuturam materiam iuvenibus exercendi se et mili Hungary. He might also reach an accord with Za-

tandi). A colossal war might lie ahead. From the _ polya, but Suleiman reserved the right to ratify it. time of Charlemagne no western prince had ever Gritti would mark out the boundaries. If Charles been more powerful than Charles V, nor had there V wanted peace, he must send an ambassador to ever been in “‘Asia”’ a stronger sovereign than Su-_ the Porte, but he would not be attacked unless he leiman. A trial of arms would show which of the himself were guilty of some aggression. As the entwo God intended to remain on top. Gritticonceded _voys noted in their diary of these events, ‘‘We certhat Charles was a powerful ruler, but stated that tainly found him [Ibrahim] absolutely opposed to all his subjects did not obey him. One must bear war in all his pronouncements, and desirous of peace the Lutherans in mind. All subjects of the Porte, everywhere.”’

however, obeyed the sultan without question. The On the following morning (23 June), having sultan had limitless resources in men and money, already received from Ibrahim Pasha thorough horses and camels. But, above all, the Ottoman instructions in Ottoman palace protocol, Jerome world’s obedience to the sultan was so great ‘‘that and Schepper were conducted ad Portam Felicem,

accompanied by a cavalry force of 150 men, ‘beautifully dressed in gold and silk.” They had

— breakfast with the (then three) pashas. When they !? Later on, Ferdinand wrote Gritti that he looked forward appeared nervous, Ibrahim urged them in kindly

with keen anticipation to seeing him in Vienna on | January, 1534 (Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, III, no. XI, p.

468, a letter dated at Vienna on 5 October, 1533). On the ~~ same date Ferdinand addressed a long letter, rehearsing past '!© Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 1-1, pp. 28-32. Gritevents and present arrangements, to Ibrahim Pasha (ibid., no. ti’s house was north of the Golden Horn, in Galata (ibid., 11-2

XH, pp. 469-76). [1839], doc. no. XXVH, pp. 106, 116).

382 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT fashion to eat, for otherwise he would not do so vance the sultan’s good fortune. Yunus Beg did himself. Turning to Schepper, he said, “You're a_ the translating. Ibrahim Pasha relayed his words modest fellow and thoughtful,” to which Schepper to the sultan. The envoys later wrote that they replied that nothing was more becoming to young _ believed Ibrahim had previously instructed Yunus men than modesty. The remark pleased the pa- ‘‘in the Turkish words which he should use.”’ shas, “‘for they are much moved by such maxims.”’ Sultan Suleiman himself addressed the envoys Through the interpreter Yunus Beg, Ibrahim told four times. At Ibrahim’s bidding, Yunus informed the envoys what to say when they were admitted the envoys that they were fortunate,

to the presence, which finallya response they were. . . ; sultan’s because you have a favorable response, which Suleiman was seated on a low dais covered with .. h b bl btain. Th

em-studded cloths of gold and rich cushions. The °*,PPEVIOUs envoys Have not been able to obtain. “I he

§ENVOYS kissedKISSE the hu§€ hem Chiofneg . great Caesar grants you a firm, propitious peace, not nis garment, and drew for seven years or twenty-five or a hundred, but for two

a deep breath. Ibrahim addressed some words to hundred, three hundred years, indeed for an eternity, the sultan which they did not understand. Then, _ so long as you shall want this peace and so long as you

turning to Schepper, he said, “‘You speak first do not break it.”

since came later.’’ following th Ferdi;;; ve YO. you «are Chury fomowing te The Carefully sultan’s lands and subjects were now written instructions (documentum) which Ibrahim ; ; ; : nand’s also, just as Ferdinand’s lands and subjects had given the two envoys the day before, Schepper were those of the Porte. If Ferdinand, as the sul began with a formal salutation tan’s to the silentmoney sultan. oy: he son, wanted or ships:or. soldiers,

Although Yunus Beg stood between the envoys need only write, and he would have them. And all and Ibrahim, the latter now acted as a sort of in- this as lon as Ferdinand did not break the eace

terpreter, “for the sultan paid no attention to the for the cahan would never break it P

words of Yunus Beg.”’ The other two pashas, Ayas At th ; Yur Bee indi

and Kasim, did not utter a word, nor did they cared to Cornelius Schepper that he should kiss

move. Actually Yunus translated Schepper’s words ; PPe ?

to Ibrahim. who repeated them to the sultan the sultan s hand, and after him Jerome, “‘but they Schepper sai d gravely and briefly, that he an d touched his gown at the knees, for the great Caesar , - did not extend his hand or move at all.’ Ibrahim

Jerome had taken up certain matters with Ibrahim h © ata

Pasha, Ferdinand’s “adopted brother,” on behalf Pasha rehearsed the terms of the peace once more. of the said Ferdinand, now the sultan’s “‘son.”’ Je- i revealed a ney persona ity, and seemed (0

rome and he had no doubt but that his imperial : ved hot he ha 7 «P Twit ‘ bh, ae h soo " Majesty understood their purpose from what Ibra- Sin Tbeahi: 4 an wit 4 th is ve 50° he i him had told him. They asked only that the sultan nce 7 ran cleanly wanted’ tie sultan (0 near

, ; A - an explanation of the unfortunate phraseology of

deign to give them a “benign response.” When Gy. 16° | £ 96 March. Sch | d Schepper had finished, [brahim directed Jerome aries § renter OF aren, Scaepper famene

of Zara to speak the misunderstanding. It was all a matter of the Jerome was an old hand at diplomatic parlance. interpretation of the. text. Certa inly no offense, He began by observing that the ‘magnus Caesar,” not the slightest, was intended. ‘‘Finally they took

as he and Schepper always called the sultan, had their leave of the great Caesar, and withdrew, resumably learned from the “slave” whom he not without the wonderment of all the Turks that

P : they should so long infthe had sent to Viennahave that remained all the statements and h h great pledges which he, Jerome, had made on Ferdi- “aes § presence, or they were Mere almost

nand’s behalf” The during were true. me received oe ; ; nextthe daypast (24 weeks June) they were again Ferdinand wanted a “‘long and enduring peace by Ibrahim Pasha at his h here thev also found

with his father.’’ He also would like to maintain °Y ‘OPan Pasha at his house, wihere they also tour a bailie or consul in Istanbul. Jerome spoke briefly, ———————

as Ottoman court etiquette required. He also ry Nevertheless, on 30 November, 1533, Lodovico Gritti hoped that the “oreat Caesar’? would deign to give had occasion to tell Vespasian of Zara, Jerome’s son, that the Ferd; da “beni - h - £ sultans did not commit their successors to long-term treaties, craimand a Denign response to the petition for ‘quia nesciunt cui post mortem imperatoris [Turcarum] imHungary and for peace. Nothing concerned a son _ perare contingerit” (Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 1-2

which did not concern his father, just as every [1839], doc. no. XxvH, p. 108). On the Turkish translators concern of a father shared by sce Pfortendolmetscher poact M at tn one ouring. Suleiman's reign (ane iter), : “ys and vs .property . “ys see Josewas atuz, ‘“‘Die zur Herrschatftszel pis son nai esse fin quod mon su patris, me hee Stileymans des Prachtigen,”’ Stidost-Forschungen, XXXIV (1975), pa ris quoa non sit fi it). N Closing, Jerome sal that 26-60, who gives much attention to Yunus Beg, on whom note,

both Schepper and he prayed that God might ad- _ ibid., esp. pp. 42-46.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 383 Gritti, who had not been present at their memorable ably the Hungarians of John’s party had done the audience with the sultan. Again they listened quietly same to the most serene King Ferdinand. . . .” as Ibrahim philosophized. The peace would be pub- —_Gritti clatmed he was a Christian, and favored the

lished in Istanbul and in Ragusa. ‘“‘Yesterday you Christians, but it was not yet time for them to took bread and salt with us,” he said, “‘and we are attempt any movement against the Turks, for friends, for I cannot be your enemy after we have Christendom was too divided. He and the envoys eaten together.’’ The terms of peace were again talked of other things, but these were the impordiscussed, and clarifications were attempted, espe- tant matters (hanc esse summam rerum). cially in connection with the dower rights and prop- Indeed, Gritti talked and talked. At length, howerties in Hungary of the dowager Queen Mary, who ever, he told Jerome of Zara and Schepper that

was now Charles V’s regent in the Netherlands. Jerome Laski, who had arrived in Istanbul on 8 Here Schepper and Gritti found themselves some- July, was there in his house. Would the envoys allow

what at odds. While they were discussing Mary’s Laski, the great enemy of the Hapsburgs, to join problem, Ibrahim and Jerome of Zara were con- them? Gritti laughed as he spoke of Laski. He said versing together in Croatian, their mother tongue — he did not much like him, “‘but he accepted him (lingua sclavonica). The pasha then settled Schepper’s for what he was, as he stated quite openly.’’ The differences with Gritti by taking the latter’s side. Austrian envoys had no objection to Laski’s being When the envoys rose to their feet to leave, and with them, and so he was invited to come in, which bade Ibrahim farewell, he also rose, and assured he did, extending his greetings to the trio in Gritti’s them that he would take care to see that they re- bedchamber. Laski sat at his ease, and to Gritti’s ceived the official letters which should go to Fer- unconcealed amusement “‘he began to discourse on

dinand and Charles V."!® his glorious exploits.”’

Thereafter Jerome and Schepper had a consid- Jerome of Zara and Cornelius Schepper left Iserable wait for the letters. On 14 July (1533), how- tanbul on 16 July (1533), taking with them the ever, Yunus Beg arrived with the letters in two two sacculi of letters from Suleiman and Ibrahim portfolios (sacculi), one for Charles, the other for to Charles V and Ferdinand, four letters, all dated Ferdinand. Gritti was reported to have become 4 July, all overbearing in tone but with a note of gravely ill. On that day, too, as the envoys noted friendship in those addressed to Ferdinand.!!° in their diary, Niccol6 Giustinian, the new Vene- They were in Sofia in Bulgaria by 30 July, where tian vicebailie, arrived in Istanbul with Tommaso _ they learned that adherents of the Gritti brothers Contarini, who would replace Pietro Zen as the had apparently made an attempt on Clissa (Klis), Signoria’s ambassador on the Bosporus. Believing on the Dalmatian coast above Spalato (Split), althat Gritti would be too sick to see them before though Lodovico had solemnly assured them he their imminent departure, the envoys sent Peter would never do such a thing. They also picked up of Trau (Trogir), Jerome’s secretary, to his house. news or a rumor concerning Charles V’s fleet. Peter brought back word that, “‘notwithstanding Whether or not to verify one rumor or the other,

death itself,” Gritti wanted to talk with them. they headed for the Adriatic. They went up the When they went to his house, they found him coast where Jerome, being a Dalmatian, spoke the

in bed. language and could ease their journey, and (perGritti was almost as great a talker as his friend haps through Ljubljana) made their weary way to and patron, Ibrahim Pasha. He assured the envoys Vienna.'*° At the cost of no little humiliation to once more that if Ferdinand would trust him, he would show himself to be his Majesty’s “bonus et ''° The texts of the letters may be found in von Gévay, fidelis servitor.”” He wished to confer with Ferdi- Urkunden u. Actenstucke, I1-1, nos. LXIV-LXVII, pp. 135-40. nand, to talk with him alone, and was prepared Jerome of Zara and Schepper also carried a letter, dated 15 to go to Vienna to do so, but he did not want the July (1533), from Lodovico Gritti, regm Hungarie gubernator, Hungarians to know this. They were “an intrac- °° Ferdinand (zbid., no. LXVIII, pp. 140-41). See also Gachard table and faithless breed. for there was no one in and Piot, Collection des voyages, II, nos. VI-Vill, pp. 463-66,

. ; a? letters of Jerome of Zara and Schepper to Ferdinand and Charles

his Majesty’s Hungarian party who had not of- vy, dated at Istanbul on 2 July, 1533. On Tommaso Contarini’s fered to serve King John [Zapolya], and presum- arrival in Istanbul, cf Sanudo, Diarn, LVI, 575-77, 623. '*° Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, U-1, pp. 33-48, which

TO brings to a conclusion the report of Jerome of Zara and Schep''* In a letter which Schepper addressed to Charles V about __ per, dated 27 September (1533), and cf von Hammer-Purgstall, a week later (on 2 July, 1533) he described Gritti as “‘la troisiesme Gesch. d. osman. Reaches, III, 137-40, trans. Hellert, V, 196— personne apres le grand Seigneur” (Gachard and Piot, Collection 201; Charriére, Négociations, 1, 242-45; Weiss, Papiers d’ état

des voyages, III, no. VII, p. 464). du Cardinal de Granvelle, 11, 54, 55; N. lorga, Gesch. d. osman.

384 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Hapsburgs (Ferdinand had become the upstart proceedings in Istanbul.'?? Vergerio had written grand vizir’s younger brother), Jerome and Schep-_ Salviati on 2 April, 1533, that Ferdinand had per had managed to make Austria’s first peace asked him to send word to Rome ‘“‘that he has two

with the Porte. supreme desires, one being to conclude the peace

with the Turks, the other to do away with these According to a statement of Charles V, made __ perverse opinions about the faith.”!*’ Some four eighteen months later, Pope Clement VII was fully months later Vergerio had the satisfaction of writinformed of the course of these negotiations, and _ ing Salviati that news of the peace had finally arquite approved of the peace which Jerome of Zara rived, at noontime on 21 July.'** Ferdinand proand Cornelius Schepper made with the Turks on _ fessed to be highly pleased with the results of his behalf of Ferdinand and the latter’s Hungarian envoys’ mission to Istanbul.

kingdom.'*! The letters written by Pietro Paolo Since Charles V had not been officially repreVergerio, papal nuncio in Vienna, to Jacopo Sal- sented by the mission, he was not included in the viati, Clement VII’s secretary, also make clear that peace, as we have seen, although he might be so the Holy See was kept informed of the Hapsburg _ included if he wished. According to the news which Jerome of Zara and Schepper finally brought to

ee Vienna (where they arrived on Saturday, 20 SepReiches, I1 (1909), 418-19; note also Ferdinand’s letter to Lo- tember, 1533), Ottoman affairs were in great con-

dovico Gritti, dated at Vienna on 5 October, 1533, in H. fusion, owing to a terrible plague and to the exKretschmayr, Ludovico Grittz, Vienna, 1896, pp. 100-1, with tatio f ‘th Tahmasn I. the shah of P . its references to the “‘imperatorem Turcorum patrem nostrum pec n of war with }ahmasp |, the s a vos ersia et Ibraimum Bassam fratrem nostrum seniorem,”’ Ibrahim’s (1524-1576), usually called the ‘“Sophi.”’ Pope “seniority”’ adding to the Hapsburg humiliation. Yunus Beg Clement VII had also been excluded from the peace. was the enemy of Gritti (Kretschmayr, op. ci., pp. 61, 64-65), There was supposed to be something unseemly and

as was Khaireddin Barbarossa. Gritti’s influence seemed to be

waning. On the Gritti brothers’ interest in occupying Clissa, § —-———— which Suleiman was said to have ‘‘given”’ to Lodovico (cf: Sa- '22 Cf. Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. I,

nudo, Diarii, LVIII, 41-42, 573, 574, 722). vol. 1, nos. 13-15, pp. 98, 99, 101, letters dated at Vienna on During this period Yunus Beg (Jonus Bey) is a conspicuous —_5 and 9 July, 1533. On the early career (until 1533-1535) of

figure in Ottoman affairs. He had been Suleiman’s envoy to Vergerio, who later (in 1548) became an ardent Protestant, Venice in May and June, 1522, at which time the Senate had see, idid., pp. 12-34, and especially the learned monograph of voted that he should be given a parting gift of 300 gold ducats, = Pio Paschini, Pier Paolo Vergerio ul Grovane e la sua apostasia: Un and that his famiglia should be given new clothes to the extent — Episodio delle lotte religiose nel Cinquecento, Rome, 1925.

of another 200 ducats (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 85°-88" 123 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, J-1, no. 1, p. 81, letter [100°-103"]). The Senate usually authorized such gifts, as we referred to above, note 108. have had earlier occasions to note, to all Turkish envoys to the 124 Thid., I-1, no. 22, p. 110, letter to Salviati dated at Vienna Signoria (cf, ibid., fol. 126" [141"]). Yunus was in Venice again — on 21 July, 1533. The news came in a “picciola lettra” from

in December, 1529, and January, 1530 (see above, pp. 331 Jerome of Zara and Schepper (dated 2 July), which stated they ff.), and two years later, in December, 1532, and January, 1533 had taken official leave of the sultan on 23 June and of Ibrahim

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fol. 44° [64°], 46 ff. [66 ff.]; Sanudo, Pasha on the twenty-fourth. The following day (ibid., no. 23, Diaru, LVU, 305, 307, 312, 323-24, 330-32, etc., 413, etc.). dated 22 July) Vergerio informed Salviati at rather longer length

When he got back to Istanbul, he claimed that he had been that a messenger had carried two letters (dated 2 July) from treated with less than his due in Venice (Reg. 55, fols. 83[103], Istanbul to Vienna by way of Buda in nineteen days, one to 84-85" [104—105"]; Sanudo, LVIII, 95, 116). Yunus had not — Ferdinand and the other to his chief advisor, Bernhard von been long back home when he was serving as interpreter for —_Cles, the cardinal of Trent. The letters, written in the hand Jerome of Zara and Schepper. Yunus was of Greek origin, “and — of Jerome of Zara and signed both by him and by Schepper, isnow a Turk, and is grand dragoman of the sultan” (see below, —_ brought news ‘‘ch’ era stata conclusa et publicata la pace, et

Chapter 11, note 42). scriveno pace longa, bona et honorevole et tale che credeno 121 Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 11, 269, a dover esser molto satisfattoria al re,’ and that they would themletter of Charles V to his ambassador at the French court, dated _ selves soon be back at Ferdinand’s court to explain the details 5 January, 1535. That Clement VII was informed of the course of the peace. Cf, ibid., nos. 27, 29, esp. 30-31, 32, 33-34, and of the negotiations in 1533 is, apart from other evidence, shown _ Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., 11, no, 359, p. 80. Jacopo by the report he received from Luigi Gherardi, the Florentine — Salviati, the close friend and secretary of Clement VII, died

consul in Istanbul, dated 12 October, 1533, in Arch. Segr. on 5 September, 1533 (Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte aus Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. I, fols. 100-1, on which see Deutschland, I-1, no. 30, p. 119). below, note 134. Gran (Strigonia, Esztergom) had suffered se- 125 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 1-1, no. 31, p. 122, report verely from Turkish attacks, but a siege of almost four months of Vergerio from Vienna, dated 22 September, 1533: Jerome had not sufficed to take the city and fortress (:bed., vol. VIII, — of Zara and Schepper had informed Ferdinand that, with proper

fols. 205, 207°, a letter of Archbishop Paulus de Varda of Gran mandates from the pope and the emperor, they could easily to the pope dated on Palm Sunday, 1533). Sometime during _ have included them in the peace, “‘agiongendo appresso che the latter half of the year 1533 the Hapsburgs sent—or planned le cose di quel imperio [i.e., the Ottoman empire] sono hora to send—two envoys to Clement to inform him of the results in gran confussion per diversi rispetti, maxime ch’ ora gli acof the embassy of Jerome of Zara and Schepper to the Porte, cadera far guerra contra Persiani, et havevano |’ armata del and of the fears and problems which still lay ahead (Gachard _ Doria nei suoi mari oltra una fierissima peste, che vi era, et and Piot, Collection des voyages, III, no. LIX, pp. 559-61). incomparabile.”’

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 385 indeed unsavory about the popes’ negotiating with he wrote Ferdinand from Fiume (Rijeka) on 27 infidels, as the nuncio Vergerio noted in a dispatch February (1534), he was ill with quartan fever. Also from Vienna in September, 1533 (che hanno esser he very much doubted whether another embassy perpetui inimici degli inimici della fede nostra). Vergerio _ to the Porte was advisable at this time, because Petar

was quite willing, nevertheless, to suggest that a Kruzic, the Uskok captain who held Clissa (Klis) in temporary and secret truce with the Porte might Ferdinand’s name, had just broken the peace which be a good idea to give the harassed Clement a he and Schepper had made less than a year before, breathing space in which to heal the wounds inflicted = ‘‘et [li Turchi] potrebono dire che noi siamo inupon Catholicism by the Lutherans and to try to ganatori et non ambasciatori!’’’*' Schepper set out restore peace among the princes of Europe. But, alone, his journey delayed by heavy rains and conmore than this, Vergerio, who had had some ex- trary winds. He went by the Adriatic. It took him perience of Turkish affairs in Dalmatia, and who eighteen days to reach Ragusa where, as he wrote knew the Slavic language, often used by diplomats Jerome, he was waiting (on 31 March) to receive at the Porte, offered to go secretly and incognito to assurance from the sanjakbey of the Hercegovina, Istanbul, where he had reason to believe that Lo- through whose province he would go on to the dovico Gritti thought well of him, and would assist Bosporus.'** Schepper took with him Peter of Trau him to secure a papal-Turkish truce which would (Trogir), Jerome’s secretary, who knew the Turks assure the Holy See against Turkish naval attacks and spoke the ever-useful lingua sclavonica. Unfor-

upon Italy.'*° tunately for Schepper, Ibrahim Pasha was absent Cornelius Schepper was sent on to Spain to tell from the Turkish capital, having embarked on the

Charles V about his and Jerome’s negotiations war against Persia.'°° with the Turks. He returned to Ferdinand’s court, Schepper arrived at the Porte on 26 April (1534). then at Prague, on 5 February, 1534,'*’ and ten He dealt with Ayas Pasha, who was occasionally ill. days later left for Istanbul. Vergerio tried, with He also conferred three times with Lodovico Gritti small success, to learn the terms of his commis- (on 9 and 22 May and 11 June), who told him that sion.'*® At Monzon, in northeastern Spain, on 24 Clement VII had been trying to make peace with December (1533) Charles had authorized Schep- the Turks through Luigi Gherardi, the Florentine per to try to negotiate an abstinentia belli et pax consul in Istanbul. Although (as usual) Gritti tended

with the sultan “‘both in our name and in that of to misrepresent the facts, he was not entirely Christendom,” although he thought that Francis wrong.'** On 17 May, Schepper was received by I might well interfere.'*? Charles was willing to Sultan Suleiman, who was preparing to join Ibrahim give up Coron for a truce or a peace, provided Pasha on the Persian campaign. Khaireddin Barthe (Albanian) inhabitants were assured of their barossa was present at the audience. Schepper safety. In any event he did not intend to try to hold Coron beyond March (1534), and did not —=———— expect more than a year’s truce or peace with the '80 Von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-2, pp. 19-25.

Turks. Clement VII must approve the pact and ** Ibid., 11-2, doc. no. Xxv1, pp. 103-4; note also nos. Iv, be included. Khaireddin Barbarossa must be re- P: 89; and XxviiL, pp. 124, 125, and, ibid., pp. 60-61. Jerome

. : ; and Schepper had been instructed to undertake the Turkish

strained from attacking Charles’s maritime POS- mission together (ibid., nos. XIII-XXIV, pp. 92~100). Although sessions. On 11 February (1534) Schepper and it was soon being said ‘‘quod novissime Petrus Chrusick non Jerome of Zara, who was supposed to go with him, _ latrocinium, sed justum bellum intulit Thurcis. . .”’ (Gachard received further instructions from Ferdinand at 24 Piot, Collection des voyages, HI, no. XXVII, p. 515), Jerome

Prague. 130 wrote Ferdinand again on 8 March (1533)per thatche “rimane la malla , opera che a fato Chrusichio a Chglissa, li Turchi poJerome did not go with Schepper to Istanbul. As _ terano dir che vostra Majesta a fracta la pace. . .”’ (ibid., no. XXVIII, p. 517, and cf, ibid., XXIX—XXXI, XXXIV).

—_—_-— '52 Von Geévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-2, no. XXIX, p. 126 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 32, pp. 123-27, dated at Vienna _—_—-126, and note Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, III, nos.

22 September, 1533; also printed in Hugo Lammer, Monumenta XXXVI-XXXVII, pp. 529-32. Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam saeculi XVI illustrantia (1861), no. '33 Cf von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reaches, UI,

CXVH, pp. 146-49. Cf’ Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, nos. 33-34, pp. 143 ff., trans. Hellert, V, 204-5 ff. Ibrahim Pasha had left

128, 129. Istanbul on 25 October (1533) ‘“‘ad preparandum exercitum '27 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 1-1, no. 60, p. 173. contra regem Persarum”’ (Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke,

'28 Ibid., 1-1, no. 63, pp. 183-84. II-2, no. XXVH, p. 104).

29 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, I, pt. 2 (Vienna, '54 Cf. Luigi Gherardi’s letter to Clement VII, dated at Is1839), pp. 3-16, ‘‘actum Monsonii die vicesima quarta Decem- _tanbul on 12 October, 1533, and the papal secretary Pietro bris MDX XXIII: Subscriptum ita Charles. . . ,” and see, ibid., | Carnesecchi’s answer from Rome on 14 December (Von Gevay, doc. no. VII, pp. 83-88, and Gachard and Piot, Collection des | Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-2, nos. 11, V, pp. 77-79, 81-82). voyages, III, nos. XVI-XIX, pp. 486-505, the same (or similar) The letter of 12 October is to be found also in Gachard and

material in French. Piot, Collection des voyages, II, no. Xl, pp. 477-79.

386 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT sought peace with the Turks for all the Christian context of his mission. Suleiman became still more

princes as well as for Charles, but the pope must difficult. He proposed to set himself up as the ratify the peace. Suleiman was, quite understand- judge or arbiter between Charles and Francis con-

ably, annoyed at this attempt to include the “alii cerning the lands disputed between them. He reges et potentatus Christiani’’—were they all wanted Charles to send another envoy, this time Charles’s ‘“‘subiecti et servi?’ Well, no, they were with the plena potestas to make any and all comnot all his servi, but some were his subditi, and others _mitments which the Porte might require for peace, were his amici. As far as the sultan was concerned, ‘‘et hoc dicas Carolo!’’Schepper said he would tell those who wanted peace must send their own envoys Charles. Suleiman assured Schepper of his safe

and letters to the Porte. He gave Schepper a hard departure from Turkish territory, and when the time, telling him, ‘‘Si Carolus vult mecum pacem, latter had made the customary obeisance to the sciat quod rex Francie est frater meus. Ideo ipse sultan and saluted the two pashas, Ayas and Kasim, Carolus restituat regi Francie omnes illas terras quas_ he withdrew, with Yunus Beg leading the way. ab ipso occupavit et omnes pecunias quas ab ‘“‘Very well,’’ he said to Yunus, ‘‘now we have neiipso habuit. Tunc tractabimus de pace cum eo, et ther war nor peace. . . ,” and added it was un-

prius non!’’!°° likely that the future would bring them as good

Schepper explained with cautious courtesy that an opportunity to make a general peace as that Charles had never occupied lands belonging to the which they had apparently just lost. French, but that Francis still held Charles’s duchy Schepper thought the sultan a bit unstable (variam of Burgundy, “‘and this unjustly for many years.’”’ ipstus Caesaris esse naturam). As he spoke, Suleiman To be sure, Charles had received money from Fran- seemed to waver between anger and amiability. Ancis, who had paid his ransom after Pavia, but the ger would certainly have prevailed if the sultan had money had been wrung from Charles’s own duchy _ learned that Schepper now tried to bribe a Flemish of Burgundy. Suleiman said he would consider the _cannoneer ‘‘to burn up Barbarossa and his galley”’ whole matter, and give Schepper his answer later. if and when the chance should present itself. SchepIn leaving the palace, Schepper was rudely jostled per hoped that eventually something might come and ridiculed by the janissaries. As he remarked to of it, for he had given the cannoneer to expect a Yunus Beg, everything had been different the year suitable reward if Barbarossa and his galley went before (when Ibrahim Pasha had been at the Porte). up in smoke. Schepper learned (or at least was told) that the Turks There was an unease at the Porte. A Silesian had sixty-four ships and “‘some thousands of can- from ‘‘Vratislavia,’’ a convert to Islam and servitor

non” in service against the Portuguese on the of Ayas Pasha, spoke of Ibrahim Pasha in terms

Red Sea.'°° of hostility and contempt, asserting that his regime

Barbarossa sailed westward on 28 May (1534) would not last much longer (hinc non diu duraturum after which, on 2 June, Schepper was again re- ipsius regimen). Jerome Laski was in Istanbul (Schepceived by the sultan, who was willing to discuss per saw him briefly on 8 and 10 June); he was now peace with Charles V if the Turkish captives and complaining of John Zapolya and his “‘ingratitude.”’ the Albanian refugees from Coron, together with Yunus Beg made no secret of his hatred of—and the artillery which Andrea Doria had seized, were contempt for—Lodovico Gritti, pessimus et scelestisall returned to the Turks. Schepper said, however, simus homo, neque Thurca neque Christianus. Gritti, that his commission did not provide the authority he said, did stand in well with Ibrahim, but who for him to make such a decision. The sultan re- else would be so concerned with a prostitute’s son? plied that when an envoy undertook negotiations, Gritti and Barbarossa hated each other.'*” And so he should be equipped with the power to deal de- it went. Besides this and other court scandals, howcisively with everything that might lie within the ever, Schepper learned from Laski that Philip, the Lutheran landgrave of Hesse, had written Zapolya, 85 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, H-2, p. 43, from ae him not to make peace with Ferdinand.

PP »?p 7

Schepper’s account of his mission resented to Ferdinand at Philip had also stated that he had decided to make Prague on 2 August, 1534. Khaireddin Barbarossa had arrived war on the Hapsburgs (to take the duchy of Wurtin Istanbul ‘‘magna pompa et triumpho”’ on 21 November, temberg from them, and restore it to old Duke 1533 (ibid., 11-2, doc. no. XXVII, p. 119). Thereafter he had Ulrich). Philip had received forty cannon (he left, returned on 9 March, and was busying himself in the

arsenal (no. XXXV, p. 135). Sultan Suleiman had planned, ut = comunis est rumor, to leave Istanbul for the Persian campaign '87 On the enmity of Gritti and Barbarossa, cf. Gachard and

on 23 April, 1534 (no. XXVIII, p. 121). Piot, Collection de voyages, WI, nos. XXXVH-XXXVIII, pp. 532'° Cf above, pp. 238-39, on Francis’s ransom after Pavia. 33.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 387 claimed) and 200,000 scudi from the king of France. 18 July (1534) that conditions had altered a good This was news which would interest Ferdinand even deal. Ferdinand had for various reasons made him

more than Charles. change his mind. Vergerio now believed it would

On 11 June (1534) Sultan Suleiman crossed be better to wage war on the Turk than to make

over to the Asian side of the Bosporus, to Scutari_ either a peace or a truce with him, especially if the (Uskiidar), where he remained until the fifteenth, pope could keep the king of France quiet.'** Ferand then moved eastward to the Persian war. Cor-_dinand was apparently equally ready either for peace nelius Schepper had already left the Turkish cap- or for war with the Turk, depending on which would ital on 13 June, having accomplished little or noth- be more to the advantage of the Hapsburgs.

ing. He arrived back in Prague on 28 July,’** and Inasmuch as Jerome of Zara and Cornelius on 2 August he presented Ferdinand with the Schepper had just brought back from the Porte, written text of his report on the mission which only nine or ten months before, the first AustroJerome of Zara had wisely stated was likely to be Turkish peace ever to be negotiated, one may well

a mistake.'*? question Ferdinand’s sincerity in the dispatch of the two recent Hapsburg missions to Istanbul. ‘The

Toward the end of the year 1533 and early in letter of Vergerio, just alluded to, is actually dated 1534, while Lodovico Gritti was himself expected ten days before Schepper’s return (to Prague on along the confines of Austria and Hungary to es- 28 July) from the second mission. Even if Schepper tablish the borders between the Hungarian do- had not succeeded in making an immediate peace minions of Ferdinand and those of Zapolya, the between Charles V and Suleiman, at least the papal secretary Pietro Carnesecchi de’ Medici, who | peace which he and Jerome had made the year had succeeded to his post upon the death of Jacopo before still existed between Ferdinand and the

Salviati, encouraged the all too willing Vergerio to Porte. do what he could to dispose Gritti “to every good The political planets appeared to have reached deed for the benefit of Christendom.’"'4° Nothing a conjunction favorable to Christian affairs, aided came of these projected papal-Turkish negotiations, _ by the intervention of nature itself. Already on 13

as we shall see, and Gritti never got near Austria. October, 1533, Vergerio had written the pope By the beginning of June (1 534) a rumor reached that King Ferdinand had told him the plague, then Prague, whither Vergerio had accompanied Fer- raging in Istanbul, had claimed 50,000 lives from dinand’s court, that Gritti had been poisoned by 15 June to the middle of August. It had reached order of the sultan.'4! The rumor was untrue, to such severity that 1,500 persons were dying in a be sure, but as the weeks passed, Vergerio, with single day. The sultan’s government was alarmed whom the proposal to deal with the Turkish em- and depressed, believing the plague to be an evil issary originated, finally wrote to Carnesecchi on augury for the Ottoman empire. '*° The presence of the plague on the Bosporus and

— the expected absence of Ibrahim Pasha (and even138 Friedensburg, Nuntraturberichte aus Deutschland, 1-1, nos. tually of Suleiman) in Persia seemed to Ferdinand

Orechepper’s pp. 288, 289. to provide an excellent free report of 2 August, 1534, opportunity from whichtothe . 7,Chris.

foregoing has been taken, is given in von Gevay, Urkunden u. tranity forever from the menace of Islam, if only Actenstiicke, 11-2, pp. 29-65. On the Hapsburgs’ loss of Wiirt- the European princes could come to a satisfactory temberg, see Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 1, 283-84, and II, 227- — settlement among themselves. No one doubted that 31; on Schepper’s difficulties with Suleiman, note Gachard and the success which had attended the joint efforts of Piot, Collection des voyages, III, no. XLUI, pp. 539-41, and cf, ibid., NOS. XLIV—XLV, letters dated 2 June, 1534. Westerners

were suspect at the Porte, and had always to be careful (among = ————_ other sources, see, ibid., no. LI, pp. 550-51). Schepper wrote '42 Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 105, p. 282, letter dated at Charles V an especially informative letter on 3 August (1534) Prague, 18 July, 1534, and cf no. 107, pp. 287-88. after his return to Prague (zbid., no. XLIX, pp. 547-49), in '#8 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. VIII, fol. which he stated that Suleiman was planning eventually to send 165, printed in the Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 37, p. 133: “Il a pasha into Italy with a powerful army “‘to take some city Re mi ha detto haver havuta nova da Constantinopoli che dalli which would have a harbor, and thereafter to come in person XV di Zugno sino a meggio Agosto vi sono morti di peste

in order to occupy Rome!” cinquanta millia persone, et che tal giorno solo n’ erano mancati

'49 Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 53, p. 160, letter © MCCCCC, et che quelli del governo stavanno d’ un malissimo

dated at Rome, 9 January, 1534, and cf. esp. no. 58, p. 169; | animo havendo quella tanta mortalita per sinistro augurio allo no. 68, pp. 190-91; no. 69, pp. 193-94; no. 72, p. 200; and = imperio loro.” (My transcription is taken from the original

also nos. 54—55, 59, 66-67, 75, 79-80, 88, 100, 105-6. letter in the Vatican Archives.) By the end of October (1533) 141 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 94, pp. 254-55, letter of Ver- there was some plague in the castles around Vienna (Nuntia-

gerio to Carnesecchi, dated at Prague, 2 June, 1534. turberichte, 1-1, no. 40, p. 136).

388 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Jerome of Zara and Cornelius Schepper was the — shippers to pay all the accustomed Turkish dues, consequence of the Turks’ desire to free their Hun-__ duties, and imposts, for charges of fraud were the garian borders from attack while they concentrated _ last thing the Senate wished to face in the light of their resources upon the coming war with Persia. Lutfi Beg’s unexpected charge of trespassing. On As Vergerio wrote Carnesecchi (on 21 October, 30 October the Senate authorized the Collegio to 1533), however, the Turks had already devastated send 500 ducats to the Venetian “‘rectors” of Corfu

wide areas of Hungary, and were expected to at- and Zante to present to Lutfi in such form and tempt the forcible recovery of Coron. All things fashion as the Collegio might decide.'*° considered, Ferdinand believed the time was ripe There had apparently been some cheating of the to take offensive action, ‘‘far maggior forza contra Turkish customs officials at this time (there usually Thurchi,”’ if only the Christian princes could reach _ was), but there had also been an unfortunate nightsome “good accord.’’'** Papal diplomatic observers _ time encounter at sea. The Venetians had mistaken professed to be quite hopeful of Christian chances some Turkish galleys for corsairs, while the Turks in the Levant. On 4 November Jerome Aleander, mistook the Venetian galleys for part of the imperial archbishop of Brindisi and nuncio in Venice, wrote _ fleet. A secretary of the Signoria, one Daniele LuErard de la Marck, cardinal bishop of Liege, that dovici, was hastily dispatched to Istanbul to explain

a Turkish fleet was going to winter ina port near the deplorable accident “‘con quanta passion et Coron, obviously planning some mischief, but the summa molestia nostra habbiamo inteso el caso preChristians were not afraid, for the Emperor Charles _ ditto.’’!*’ had shown that the Turks’ striking force had been While the Venetians were practicing their usual exaggerated. On the other hand, Barbarossa’s Heet Turkish timidity, Ferdinand seemed quite ready had increased by so many galleys that he could be for the fray. He was still telling Vergerio that “‘if

called ‘‘no longer a pirate but a true enemy.’’'*” everyone were willing to do only a part of what The Venetians were only too aware of Turkish he could do without burdening or disturbing himreinforcements at sea. While the Senate tried des- self unduly, the undertaking [against the Turk] perately to maintain peace with the Porte, there would not be difficult now.”’'** Despite his peace were signs of trouble ahead, as when Lutfi Beg, with the Turk, Ferdinand informed Vergerio captain of the Turkish fleet as well as sanjakbey that “he would rather have occasion to treat of of Ianina and Arta, protested the appearance of other than peace with the infidels, but that he Venetian vessels in what he regarded as Turkish would nonetheless accommodate himself to neterritorial waters. In a letter of 23 October, 1533, cessity.’” He would always consult the pope’s (and the doge and Senate wrote Tommaso Contarini the emperor’s) wishes whenever he had the chance

and Pietro Zen, ambassadors, and Niccolo Giu- to aid the cause of religion and the common

stinian, bailie, in Istanbul, that Lutfi’s protest carried good. 149 with it an ‘“‘excusatione di poter far ogni male contra The Hapsburgs always saw their own interests as li nostri, che non conviene alla bona pace che hab- _ being identical with those of religion and the com-

biamo con quel serenissimo Signor [Turco].”’ mon good. Considering the Lutheran problem and Contarini and his associates were directed to take French hostility, there was much to be said for peace

up the matter with Ibrahim Pasha, to whom the’ with the Porte if, after his return from the Persian Venetians always turned. (Ibrahim, however, had campaign, Sultan Suleiman would continue to obalready left Istanbul for the war against Persia.) serve it. When the Turkish armies marched eastThe Senate was gravely concerned, “‘cognoscendo — ward, the sultans always wanted peace with the West;

il disturbo et incommodo che succede alla naviga- when they went westward, the sultans made peace tione nostra,’’ for besides the problem which Lutfi’s stand might present in the future, a number of }-—————— Venetian vessels had left port some time before to ‘“° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 55, fols. 125-28 [145-48], docs. dated load grain (presumably on the Bosporus) with Sultan 18 to 30 October, 1533. On Lutfi Beg, of: Sanudo, Diarii

Suleiman’s permission. The colonial government in LVIT, 303, 442, 548, 549, 552 H., 651, 719 20. :

. . ; Ibid., Reg. 55, fols. 130°-131" [150°-151"], 132-137

Corfu was instructed to warn all Venetian ships and —[152-157*], 140 ff. [160 ff.], docs. dated from 14 November, 1533, to 20 January, 1534 (Ven. style 1533). On Ludovici, cf. von Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-2, p. 50, and Sanudo,

—_—e——— Diaru, LVIII, 48, 215, 498, 559, the latter refs. relating to 44 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 38, pp. 134-35, letter dated at | Ludovici’s activities in Venice before his departure for Istanbul.

Trautesdorf, 21 October, 1533. '48 Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 56, p. 165, letter of Vergerio '45 Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Vat. 8075, fols. 92’-93", as _ to Carnesecchi dated at Prague, 23 January, 1534.

cited by Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, p. 135, note 1. '49 Ibid., 1-1, p. 166.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 389 with Persia. Ferdinand was gravely tempted, as we At any rate one was going to have to keep his eyes have seen, to try to take advantage of the Ottoman open. (Vergerio was quite right for, as Ferdinand involvement in the Persian war and (after June, knew, Gritti had been boasting of “‘plenary au1534) of Suleiman’s absence from Istanbul. The thority’? for months).'°’ Schepper had been ill for Turks assumed that he would be, and so both Su- some time, and although he was now at the royal leiman and Ibrahim Pasha sent him glowing ac- court (in Prague), it was most difficult to talk with counts of their victory over the Persians and of the him. Vergerio suspected that Charles was in fact sophi’s flight from encounter with the Ottoman _ being included in the peace which Schepper had forces, which had conquered Baghdad, the ‘“‘Bel- discussed in Istanbul, and which Ferdinand and grade of the East.’’’”° In the meantime week after Gritti would soon be concluding when the latter week, month after month, Ferdinand, Vergerio,and arrived on the Austro-Hungarian borders. At any many others had been awaiting word of Lodovico _ rate the pope was not being included by the broth-

Gritti’s coming to Hungary. ers of the house of Austria, probably because they

When Cornelius Schepper returned from his regarded his Holiness as being virtually an ally of second mission to Istanbul, it was finally learned the king of France.'°*

that Gritti had left the Turkish capital on 19 June Although certainly there were close ties be(1534), and was headed westward to negotiate tween Clement VII and Francis I, there were none

with Ferdinand who, however, was said to be the between Clement and Suleiman. If Barbarossa’s only one with whom his commission authorized fleet descended upon the shores of the papal states, him to treat. He was to deal with no one else on to whom might the pope look for protection? Franbehalf of either the pope or the emperor (accord- cis was a friend of the Turks, and was Charles now ing to Schepper’s report), because the Gran Turco _ ceasing to be their enemy? Vergerio suspected the had ordered that if anyone besides Ferdinand emperor of thus seeking the means of discouragwanted anything of him “‘in the matter of peace,’”’ ing Clement from supporting Francis in any athe was to seek it in Istanbul or wherever else the tempt upon Spanish or imperial possessions. Maybe Turk might be. This was in substance, Ferdinand Vergerio now suspected that Ferdinand had been told Vergerio (on 2 August, the date of Schepper’s deliberately misleading him by derogating his am-

written report), the news to be passed on to his bition to negotiate with Gritti on behalf of the Holiness. But Vergerio’s fertile imagination was Curia Romana on the grounds that it was better soon playing with the fact that after Schepper’s to make war on the Turk, “‘maxime se la sapientia first mission to Istanbul he had gone to Spain to di papa Clemente potesse un poco quietar quel re give the Emperor Charles a full report of how he — di Franza.”’!”° and Jerome of Zara had fared and what they had Vergerio found it difficult to acquire information accomplished. Then Schepper had returned to at Ferdinand’s court, for he was distrusted there. Istanbul as Ferdinand’s envoy—and as Charles’s_ Ferdinand, rightly or wrongly, seems to have realso? Had he discussed a peace between the sultan garded him as a Venetian agent as well as the papal and the emperor? Was Gritti’s commission as lim- nuncio. Vergerio had been born at Justinopolis (Caited as Ferdinand stated? Gritti was said to have _ podistria, now Koper), at the northwest corner of left Istanbul within a few days of Schepper’s own _ the Istrian peninsula just south of Trieste. The redeparture. He would never have told Schepper _ gion, long coveted by the Hapsburgs, was still under

that he was empowered to deal Venetian domination. In writing to his friend and

neither with the emperor nor with the pope, but know- counselor Cardinal Bernhard von Cles (on 9 Seping his nature, | Vergerio was certain that] he will have tember, 1534), F erdinand indicated that both he been quiet about this, and will have come to the negotiation [with King Ferdinand] allowing people to sup-_ }=§=————— pose that he probably has a larger and more extensive '°! Cf Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, U1, no. XXVIUI,

authority and control of mediation than with the king Pp. 517.

alone! 152 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 108, pp. 289-90, letter of Vergerio to Carnesecchi, dated at Prague, 3 August, 1534. Schepper ~'°°had gone to Istanbul as Charles’s representative as well as FerVon Gévay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-3 (1841), nos. v-— dinand’s. The account of his mission which he submitted to IX, pp. 7-16, letters from Suleiman and Ibrahim Pasha to Fer- _ the latter at Prague on 2 August makes this clear (von Gevay, dinand, dated at Baghdad (‘‘Babylon’’) in December, 1534,and = Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-2, pp. 38, 40-41 ff., 52, and see, February, 1535. On Suleiman’s participation in the Persian — ibzd., nos. VIII-IX, pp. 89-90). On his illness, cf., ibid., nos. XLII, campaign, see von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Rewhes, XLV.

II, 146-59, trans. Hellert, V, 211-28. Suleiman returned to 153 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 105, p. 282 (cited above, note Istanbul on 8 January, 1536. 142).

390 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and the cardinal knew Vergerio well, ‘‘and that he determined revolt against him. He had come with is not so much well disposed toward the Venetians 3,000 infantry and horse, now increased to 6,000 as that he is almost a Venetian himself” (et hunc esse as he took refuge in the fortress town of Medgyes non tam Venetis affectum quam quasi Venetum).'°* Fer- (Medias) on the Kokel River (Tirnava Mare), dinand had doubtless taken the precaution to warn whither he had been driven by a popular army of Schepper, whom Vergerio was trying to see, to be 30,000, which grew allegedly to 60,000, when it

careful of what he told him. finally held the hated Gritti under siege in MedTwo days after his interview with King Ferdi- gyes.'°’ There was no hope of assistance from Isnand, Vergerio was able to talk with Schepper (on _ tanbul, which was twenty days’ march distant; be4 August), the latter being somewhat recovered. _ sides that, the pashas in the Turkish capital lacked Schepper apparently talked freely, but Vergerio had the authority, in the sultan’s absence, to put into

some doubt about the value of his information. the field a force large enough to contend with a Schepper had left Istanbul almost two months be- _ people’s army of 60,000. All this of course is acfore, and a great part of what he had to say was’ cording to the accounts which were pouring into presumably known to the pope anyway from the Vienna during the first two weeks of September reports which Luigi Gherardi, the Florentine bailie (1534). Ferdinand could do nothing to assist Gritti, or consul in Istanbul, was sending to his Holiness. as Vergerio informed the papal secretary CarneAccording to Schepper, however, the common _ secchi, because his Majesty was not obeyed in Tranopinion in Istanbul was that Gritti had lost much _ sylvania, nor could he possibly raise a large enough of his former influence and authority at the seat of | army by a stroke of the pen, and send it a hundred Ottoman government. Schepper himself believed, leagues’ distance to combat a whole country up in nevertheless, that Gritti still enjoyed the sultan’s arms. Gritti was said to have offered the captains favor, and that he was coming westward with great of the besieging army 100,000 ducats and hostages, powers. Schepper in fact made no mention of “‘the _ including his own son Antonio. His offer had been limitation of which I [Vergerio] wrote in yesterday’s refused. Nobody in Transylvania trusted Gritti. He letter, about which the king told me.. . .”’ For the was believed to have with him in his camp a huge rest, news came to Prague every day from Venice, fortune in money, jewels, and other valuables, and but Vergerio did not report it, because it also got many had joined the siege in the expectation of a to Rome. As usual, he sent some information on _ share in the booty. There were rumors that Gritti

German and Bohemian affairs.’”° had been entertaining the highest political ambitions

Vergerio was soon reporting to Rome the dis- in Hungary for himself, intending to put John Zaquieting news reaching the royal court at Vienna _ polya to death, and of course there was not lacking (whither Ferdinand had now returned) of Gritti’s the report (now emanating from Buda) that Medviolence against certain local magnates in Tran- _ gyes had already fallen, and that Gritti had himself sylvania and Wallachia. Ferdinand and Cardinal been done to death. Jerome Laski was said to have von Cles of Trent ‘“‘do not have now a very good come into Transylvania with Gritti, and to be inopinion of this Gritti,’’ and could not believe that — volved in the plot to make Gritti king of Hungary. he might be the means of reaching a settlement For his services Laski was to be made voivode of

of the affairs of Hungary.’”° Transylvania. Now, however, Laski, who was alleged

Gritti’s tyrannical and cruel ways soon had the _ to have gone to Buda to murder Zapolya, was himTransylvanian baronage and people in open and _ self the prisoner of Zapolya, who had subjected him

to torture, and thus learned of the full extent of

154 Von Gevay, Urkunden u. Actenstiicke, 11-3 (Vienna, 1841), Grittr’s infamy, “after which confession the Poor

doc. no. 11, p. 3, dated 9 September, 1534. man was put in the dungeon of a strong tower, and '5° Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 109, pp. 292-93, letter to Car- there are those who say that he has already been nesecchi, dated at Prague, 4 August, 1534. Schepper’s illness drowned in the Danube.’’!*® lingered, and he was not yet “‘quit”’ of it by 18 August (Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, III, no. Liv, p. 555). Despite —=————————

what he apparently told Vergerio about Gritti’s retaining the ‘97 Gritti had reached Medgyes (Medias) in mid-August sultan’s favor, Schepper wrote Charles V on 3 August that ‘il (1534), on which note Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages,

[Gritti] a perdu assez de son crédit emprez du Turcq”’ (ibid., LI, no. LUI, p. 554.

no. XLIX, p. 549). '58 Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, no. 114, p. 300, and esp. no. 116,

'°6 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-1, no. 113, p. 299, letter of Vergerio pp. 303-5, the latter being a report to Carnesecchi dated at to Carnesecchi, dated at Vienna, 27 August, 1534. During Vienna, 13 September, 1534, and cf. von Gévay, Urkunden u. August news was reaching Prague and Vienna of Pope Clement —Actenstticke, I1-2 (1839), nos. XLIX-L, pp. 152-54, and H-3 VII's illness, “‘che era in pericolo extremo della vita,” on which (1841), nos. I-IV, XU-XIV, pp. 2-3, 4, 7, 18, 20-21, 23-24,

cf, ibid., nos. 112-13, 114-15, 116. et alibi.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 391 Vergerio’s dispatches reveal the excitement Vergerio’s dispatches from Ferdinand’s court which prevailed at the court of Ferdinand, who during 1533-1534 reveal far more of his own saw a wonderful opportunity to employ the up- persistent energy and ambition than they do of rising against Gritti, the sultan’s emissary, to his papal policy. It was apparently his idea to go on own advantage. He made a show of seeking the a secret mission to Istanbul to secure the papacy pope’s advice through Vergerio, who wrote Car- “a little truce’’ (una prcciola tregua) with the Turks. nesecchi of his willingness to make a flying trip to He received no encouragement. When Gritti was Rome for his Majesty’s sake. But now Vergerio expected in the Hungarian borderlands, however,

could report (on 20 September, 1534) that the the papal secretary Carnesecchi did inform him, past week had brought the reassurance that, al- obviously with Clement VII’s permission, that he though Laski was indeed a prisoner in Buda and_ might well enter into such talks with Gritti as had revealed some knowledge of Gritti’s plans, he seemed opportune and to discuss all relevant top-

had not been tortured nor had he confessed to ics with him ‘‘disporlo ad ogni buona opera in going to Buda for the purpose of murdering _ beneficio de la Christianita.’’*°' But that was the Zapolya. In the meantime Gritti was putting up extent of it. Vergerio was never exhorted to the a good fight for survival in the town of Medgyes, performance of the task he had set himself, alwhich he had occupied by treachery and with though it is also quite true that he was never dibloodshed, after assuring the gullible inhabitants rected to abstain from treating with Gritti in an that he wished merely an asylum for his two sons effort to spare the papacy the trials of a Turkish and a place of safety for his goods, and that neither attack upon Italian shores. he nor his forces would enter the town, which of Vergerio had his difficulties at Ferdinand’s court, course they had done as soon as the gates were and they were increased by the suspicions which opened. Gritti’s position, however, now seemed Clement VII had aroused by his month-long meet-

hopeless to Vergerio.'°? And hopeless it was. Be- ing with Francis I at Marseille and by Henri fore the end of the month he was caught as he d’ Orleans’ marriage with Catherine de’ Medici in tried to escape from the forlorn enclosure of Med- late October, 1533. With Francis’s encouragement gyes. His captors killed him, thus ending one of Clement had been dragging his feet as Charles V the most extraordinary careers of the first half of | tried to move him toward a general council to seek

the sixteenth century, the bastard son of a doge the means of restoring unity to the embattled of Venice and aspirant to the throne of Hun- Church in Germany.

gary.'°° Caught in the worst decade of the century, Clement had found no answers to the fearful questions noNuntiaturberichie, , - . of his I-1, time. His policies, ecclesiastical as well as secno. 117, pp. 306-7, Vergerio 0 ular, were often determined by timidity or expe-

Carnesecchi, from Vienna, 20 September, 1534, and cf von dj Ith h he cl ‘ousl fe _ Geévay, Urkunden u. Actenstticke, 11-3, no. Li, pp. 70-75. Hency, alt ous ec ung tenaciously to a lew po

'®° As Ibrahim Pasha wrote Ferdinand from Baghdad between litical objectives. Chiefly he sought, hopefully with 8 and 17 December, 1534, ‘“‘Intelleximus quod in illis partibus the help of France, the aggrandizement of the Mediquidam rustici occiderunt filium principis Venetiarum Loysi. Ci, of whom there were precious few left. He was Hic supradictus filius domini Venetiarum erat servus Maiestatis prepare d to support the French (to the extent he cum imperiali mandato. . .”’ (von Gevay, Urkunden u. Acten- dared) as a counterweight to the Spanish prepon-

[Suleiman], expugnatoris totius mundi, et iverat ad illas partes ; .

shiicke, 11-3, no. Vu, p. 11, and cf, wid., nos. vill-1x, xii-xv, | derance in Italy. The French faction at the Curia XXI-XXUI, XXXVH, XL-XLI, XLVU, LI, LIV-LV, and LXxxtll_ Romana had apparently seen a papal-French alliance | !}). Gritti’s young sons were also killed (cf. Walter Friedensburg,

ed., Legation Aleanders | 1538-1539], in the Nuntiaturberichte aus. Deutschland, pt. 1 [1533-1559], vol. 3, Gotha, 1893, repr. una citta detta Migies, et ultimamente combattuta et presa detta Frankfurt am Main, 1968, doc. no. 66, p. 239). Among the _ citta, fu fatto prigione et condottolo in campo, dove gli hanno reasons for Suleiman’s Moldavian campaign (in the summer of _ tagliata la testa, et insieme con lui a un’ Giovanni Doctio, no1538) was said to be (ibid.) ‘“‘per haver fatto morire li figlii di _ bilissimo et potentissimo Ungaro, et a molt’ altri gentil’ huomini

Aloysi Gritti, che . . . furno menati priggioni poi la morte dil | Ungari ch’ erano seco.

padre.”’ ‘Due figliuoli del Gritti fatti pregioni sonno stati mandati

See also the two avvisi, dated at Rome on 15 November, _ vivi al Vaivoda. Et fu sacchegiatto il thesor’ del Gritti che si 1534, and 6 March, 1535, Sucess: di Roma et di tutta |’ Italia, | truovava, secondo che dicono, fra oro, argento, danari, et gioie con |’ apparecchio de I’ armata contra Barbarossa,. . . et ultimamente la valuta di 400,000 ducati, et questa é stata la fine di tanto la morte del Signor Luigi Gritti, bassan’ del Gran Turcho (imprint huomo, che per ambitione di farsi re d’ Ungaria havea conof the year 1535). These avvist were prepared by one Girolamo _ giurato a la morte di molti signori Ungari, et massimamente Fantini. In that of March, 1535, he states, ““D’ Ungariacisonno del Re Giovanni... .” avvisi certissimi che la vigilia di S. Michele, che fu a XXVIII 161 Nuntaturberichte, 1-1, no. 32 and no. 53, p. 160, dated 9 di Settembre il Signor Luigi Gritti assediato da Transilvani in January, 1534, and cf., above, p. 387.

392 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the agreements (whatever they were) at Marseille. resources were not being employed against the

The future looked more benign to them than the Turk, they were likely to be employed against past, for Clement was still in his early fifties, and France. To obviate the possibility of another such seemed to be much improved in health. In June, Christian success on the Mediterranean as Doria’s 1534, however, Clement became ill, and members occupation of Coron, Suleiman (in March, 1534) of the Sacred College received grim reminders of had appointed Khaireddin Barbarossa grand admortality in the deaths of Wilhelm Enkevoirt on miral, or kapudan pasha, of the naval forces of the 19 July, Andrea della Valle on 4 August, and Tom- Porte, which seemed to assure Charles a certain maso de Vio called ‘“‘Cajetan”’ on 9 or 10 August, amount of trouble in the western Mediterranean. and now Clement’s turn had come. He died on the _ His finances restored by some years of peace, and afternoon of 25 September. Kindly and courteous, _ with his infantry forces now being rebuilt, Francis well-meaning and cultivated, he had deserved a bet- was willing to re-enter the fray. In France peace ter reign, but adversity had been too much for him, was almost as unsettling as war, for the nobles, and he has left a lesser mark on the historical record who could seek careers neither in commerce nor than his contemporaries Francis !and Henry VIII, in the professions, became restless and unruly. If

Charles V and Suleiman. henceforth we do not try to follow every French

In the meantime, before his departure on the embassy to Suleiman or to Barbarossa, who occampaign against Persia, Suleiman had had the cupied Tunis in August, 1534, we should at least satisfaction of recovering Coron, which Clement note that for the last dozen years of his reign Franhad been anxious to see remain in Christian hands. _cis’s policy remained as he is alleged frankly to

A Turkish army had appeared under the high have described it to the Venetian ambassador, walls of the town, which was regarded as Turkish Marino Giustinian, in 1535:

territory and had no pearing upon acum > T cannot deny that I am most anxious to see the Turk

commitment to Jerome of Zara and Cornelius jy emain very powerful and ready for war, not on his own Schepper. Although Doria with 26 galleys de- account—for he is an infidel, and the rest of us are feated a Turkish armada of 70 ships, of which 50 — Christians—but to weaken the emperor’s power, force were said to be galleys (sent into southern Moreote _ him to heavy expenditures, and reassure all other govwaters to support the land army),'°* Coron had to — ernments against so great an enemy.'™

be abandoned to the Turks on 1 April, 1534,secretary, , pr . In February, 1535, Francis’s Jean de

when a hungry andlahard-pressed Spanish garri- An ;undertook an ; 163 Foret (la Forest), awithdraw. Hospitaller, son was allowed to ;With ,; .; . ; elaborate mission and at Suleiman. Francis I did not wishtotoBarbarossa see Charles peace ay:

; é ; the ; a rekindling of hiswhile anti-Hapsburg ardor, Francis with Turks, however, Suleiman carried .,, , , was seeking ways to regain the duchy on his offensive against the Persians. If Charles’sof; ;Milan, the county of Asti, and the lordship of Genoa as well

ee as to repossess the disputed sovereignty over Flan'82 Sanudo, Diaru, LVI, 675-76, 680-82, esp. cols. 722, ders and Artois. La Foret was to propose to Sulei-

724-26, and cf. col. 736. man a joint Franco-Turkish campaign both by land '®> Teodoro Spandugnino, De la Origine deliamperatori ottoman, and by sea against Sicily and Sardinia, Naples, or

in C. N. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs a I’ histowre de la Grece

au moyen-age, IX (Paris, 1890, repr. Athens, 1972), 195; K.

Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., 11 (repr. 1966), no. 349,.._ | pp. 67-68; Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, U 164 NN). Tommaseo, Relations des ambassadeurs venitiens sur les (1841), 53-54; Charriére, Negociations, 1, 245; von Hammer- affaires de France au XVI’ siecle, 1 (Paris, 1838), 67, cited by Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reaches, II, 163-64, trans. Hellert, | Leon Dorez, ed., Itinéraire de Jerome Maurand d’ Antibes a Con-

V, 235-36; K. Hopf, ““Griechenland im Mittelalter,” in J. S. stantinople (1544), Paris, 1901, introd., p. XL, note 1 (Recueil Ersch and J. G. Gruber, eds., Allgememe Enzyklopddie der Wis- | de voyages et de documents pour servir a I’ histoire de la géosenschaften und Kunste, vol. 86 (Leipzig, 1868, repr. New York, = graphie, XVII), and Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I",

1960, vol. II), p. 169b; Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), p. 75; and cf. in general Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, pp. 505-7; Francisco de Laiglesia, ‘Un Establecimiento espanol nos. 109, 113, pp. 292, 299-300, on Tunis as Barbarossa’s en Morea en 1532,” in Estudios historicos (1515-1555), 3 vols., | objective; Gachard and Piot, Collection des voyages, UI, nos. Madrid, 1918-19, I, 159-201, esp. pp. 168 ff., with documents =XXXIX—XLII, XLV, XLIX, pp. 534 ff., on Barbarossa’s importance

from the Archivo de Simancas, to which reference has been — in the Ottoman world; Charriere, Negociations, I, 246 ff.; Brandi,

made earlier in this chapter. The Venetian Senate informed Kazser Karl V., 1, 307-12, and II, 248-50; and Weiss, Papers the Republic’s ambassador in Milan of “‘la consignation diCoron — d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 11, 337-53, a letter of Charles

per li Cesarei alli agenti del Signor Turco” in a letter of 30 to Adrian de Croy, count of Roeulx (in the province of Hainaut), April, 1534 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 56, fol. 28", and cf. fols. 33", dated at Barcelona on 19 April, 1535, reviewing in detail Fran-

47°). cis’s prevarications and treacherous dealings with the Turk.

CLEMENT VII, HAPSBURGS, AND TURKS 393 even Spain, and to caution the sultan again that an for his knowledge of demotic Greek (he had been attack by way of Hungary would only bring the a student of Lascaris), which might prove a means German princes into the imperial camp to protect of direct communication with officials at the Porte. their own lands, while none of them would try to Suleiman was then involved, however, against the assist the Hapsburgs in Italy, actendu mesmement que __ Persians on his own eastern front (vague rumors of les Allemans ne se mouveront pour le peril del’ Ytalie.'°° his success and difficulties began reaching France

La Forét was, conceivably, chosen for this task partly early in 1535),'°° and his return to Istanbul was delayed until January of 1536. As if this were not enough by itself to wreck Francis’s plans, Charles

TT V now chose this strategic time for a large-scale

_ '° Charriere, Negocations, I, esp. pp. 255-63, from La Forét’s attack upon Barbarossa’s so-called kingdom of bebrasty | for his embassy to Suleiman, dated at Paris, 11 Tunis, the continued existence of which wasa grave which note Alex. Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance politique de menace to the kingdom of Naples, Sicily, pro-imGuillaume Pellicer, Paris, 1899, introd., pp. XI-XII. Cf, Papiers perial Genoa, and the coasts of Spain.'®

ebruary, 1534 (O.S.), i.e. 1535, and signed by the king, on . —_ .

d’ état de Granvelle, 11, 290. Cf. also Ludovic Lalanne, ed., Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Francois Premer (1515— = =—§ ————————

1536), Paris, 1854, repr. New York, 1965, p. 440, on which 166 Cf. Charriere, I, 253-55, 264-65, 276-77. note Pierre de Vaissiére, Charles de Marillac, ambassadeur et '®7 Cf Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I, pp. 88-95; homme politique sous les regnes de Francois I’, Henry II et Franco RR. B. Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire, 11 (1925), 303-9,

H (1510-1560), Paris, 1896, pp. 10-12. and see the following chapter.

11. PAUL III, THE LUTHERANS, VENICE AND THE TURKS (1534-1540) Q)N THE MORNING of 13 October, 1534, by than twenty-five years Farnese had postponed ora single formal scrutiny thirty-five cardinals dination to the priesthood, remaining a cardinal elected to the Apostolic See the aged Alessandro deacon until 1519. Upon his election he took the Farnese, who had been made a cardinal some forty name Paul III. A wily diplomat, Farnese had manyears before (in 1493) by Alexander VI, who had aged to get along with six popes, and had steered good reason to look benignly on him.’ For more mirabile dictu a neutral course year after year between the hostile currents of Hapsburg and Valois,

| Arch. Seer. Vat Acta Miscell Rew. 8 (f he 50 that in the brief conclave that made him pope

rch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, (fromthe the he was almost the only significant: figure Archivum Consistoriale), fol.Reg. 1, 8and Acta Vicecancellarii, J in the

Reg. 4, fol. 122° by mod. stamped enumeration; Pastor, Hist. Sacred College whom both the imperial and the Popes, X1, 6-14, and append., nos. 1-4, pp. 546-54, and Gesch. French parties found acceptable for elevation to d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 7-12, and append., nos. 1-4, pp. the papacy. 811-17; the introduction to Carlo Capasso, La Politica di Papa Through the early years of his reign Paul III Paolo Hl el’ Italia, Camerino, 1901, and especially Capasso, ‘ed hard id . th ‘d Paolo III (1534-1549), 2 vols., Messina, 1923-24, I, 34-43, with l€@ Nard to avoid commitment to either side, a full coverage of the sources and the older bibliography. The fearful of Spanish domination in the Italian pen-

Venetian ambassador in Rome reported Paul’s election in a insula and yet equally fearful of repeating the enter dated 12 October (by which time in a us possession mistakes of Clement VII’s pro-French policy and of te tara was a foregone conclusion), to which the Senate — suffering thereby the misfortunes of his predecesreplied on the seventeenth, ‘‘Havendo per vostre [lettere] di f XII intesa la meritissima promotione al pontificato del gia re- sor, or the events of 1527 were never forgotten verendissimo Cardinal Frenese [sic], habbiamo in vero sentita’ 19 Rome. Paul III remains a most interesting figquella letitia di animo che con parole maggior explicar si possi ure. With the insight of old age if not the inspi73°) (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 56, fol. ration of religious ardor, he wasa reforming pope, Despite his sister Giulia’s notorious liaison with Alexander initiating in fact the great cra of the Catholic RefVI, Cardinal Farnese had never been well-off during the Borgia ormation. At the time of his accession the Curia reign. On 22 March, 1494, the Florentine Lorenzo Pucci had Romana was in a sadly demoralized state, most written ns brother Puccio that “i povero cardinaie non na a offices being held by persons chosen as a consecited by G. B. Picotti, La Grovinezza di Leone X, Milan, 1927, quence of favoritism or political expediency. Sev p. 539, note 101, and “Nuovi Studi e documenti intorno a enty-six cardinals had been appointed Im some Papa Alessandro VI,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Itaha, V twenty years by the Medici popes, forty-three by [1951], 219, 220, notes 230, 236, and ¢. p. 227; Maria Bellonci, Leo X and thirty-three by Clement VII. Through Lucrezia Borgia, Milan, 1939, repr. Verona, 1960, p. 82; and the fifteen years of his pontificate Paul III apcf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, IlI-1 [1924, repr. 1955], 378-79). ‘nted t includ; h . d In September, 1500, the Venetian envoy to Rome, Paolo Ca- pointed seventy-one, inclu MINS suc convince Tepello, had informed the Senate that the young Cardinal Farnese, formers as Gasparo Contarini, Gian Pietro Carafa, “fradello di madona Julia” was ‘‘di pocha reputation in corte’ Reginald de la Pole, and Gregorio Cortese, as well (Sanudo, Diarn, Hf, 843). In the assessment of cardinals for assuch distinguished humanists as Jacopo Sadoleto the crusading tithe in 1500-1501 Farnese’s annual income was and Pietro Bembo. Paul’s four immediate succes-

vivere”’ rch. di Stato di Firenze, Strozziano , Lol. - “os “oe :

estimated at 2,000 ducats, one of the lowest of more than forty . 1; listed (see, above, Vol. II, p. 529). Giovanni Soranzo, Studi SOrs to the papal throne are to be found in the lists intorno a Papa Alessandro VI (Borgia), Milan, 1950, pp. 92-129, Of his appointees to the cardinalate.* Paul III was

has tried to recast the Borgia pope’s relationship with Giulia Farnese in a morally more favorable light, claiming that Al- Johann Friedrich’s letter to Vorst is dated at Grimma on at Mantua for the removal of heresies, the settlement of various 1 February, 1537 (Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, no. 45, pp. 68quarrels, the reform of the Church, and “‘so that finally a general 69). He said the League was due to meet in Schmalkalden on expedition may be undertaken against the perfidious Turks’ the seventh of the month, and suggested that Vorst arrive about (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 3, nos. 92-93, fol. 89, the twelfth or the fourteenth. Cf, ibed., no. 55, pp. 89-90, and and Ehses, IV, 37—40). On Strazzola’s career, see Pio Paschini, Ettenius’s account in F. X. de Ram, ‘‘Nonciature,’’ Nouveaux ‘Un Nobile friulano ai servigi di Paolo III, Panfilo Strassoldo,” = Mémoires de I’ Académie Royale de Bruxelles, XII (1839), 10, in the Memone storiche forogiuliesr, XXIII (1927), 109-14. On 16 ff. 21 October, 1536, Giovanni Morone, bishop of Modena (and 76 Cf. Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, nos. 48, 51, pp. 71-72, 78later cardinal), was appointed Vergerio’s successor as resident 80, Matthias Held’s representations to the Protestant leaders nuncio (continuus nuntius) to the court of Ferdinand, on which — at Schmalkalden on 15 and 24 February, 1537. Note, ibid., no. see Walter Friedensburg, Nuntiatur des Morone (1536-1538), 1n 53, pp. 81-87. At Vienna in December, 1536, Matthias Held the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. 1 (1533-1559), vol. 2, had reported on the serious preparations being made by the

Gotha, 1892, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1968, nos. 1 ff., pp. Turks at Adrianople and Belgrade for planned attacks upon 57 ff. Morone arrived in Vienna on 29 November (iiid., 1-2, — Italy and Austria (Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 13, p. 91, Morone

no. 5, p. 69). His instructions, dated 24 October (1536), are to Pope Paul III, 26 December, 1536). Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. well known (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, nos. 6 ff., vol. — Papste, V (repr. 1956), 61-62.

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 417 would the Turkish problem be solved? In the meet- that all the evils and abuses of which complaint was

ing at Schmalkalden in February, 1537, Germany made, originated with the popes themselves and had reached another crossroads of Catholicism and with the Curia Romana. Hadrian had promised the Protestantism. In Catholic unity undoubtedly lay correction of these evils and abuses, but his death the most effective means of opposing the Turks and had cut short his presumed good intentions. At the

perhaps of launching an offensive against them. second diet of Nuremberg (in 1524), however, Most of the political and intellectual leaders of Clement VII’s legate had taken quite a different German Protestantism were present at Schmalkal- position. But at that time all the orders and estates den for the assembly of February and March, 1537. of the empire had passed a decree affirming the Six personages of ducal rank were there in person— need of a general, free, and Christian council to be Johann Friedrich of Saxony, Philip of Hesse, Ernst held in Germany, and not such an assembly as that and Franz of Luneburg, Philip of Pomerania, and now proposed for Mantua. Furthermore Charles V Ulrich of Wurttemberg. Eight counts were present, had confirmed the aforesaid decree of the second and the envoys of five other dukes, a margrave, diet of Nuremberg when he had granted the Luand a count. There were twenty-nine envoys from _ therans the religious peace of 1532. The following imperial cities as well as twenty-eight doctors and year (1533) Clement VII had sent a nuncio into distinguished preachers. Among the doctores et con- Germany with proposals for a council which were clonatores appear the names (in the Vatican records) much too restricted and at variance with the decrees of Martinus Lutherus, Joannes Pomeranus [Bugen-__ of the imperial diet. The Lutherans had therefore hagen], Nicholas Spalatinus, Philippus Melanch- quite properly refused them. In 1535 they had also thon, Magister Adam de Fulda, Martinus Bucerus, found it necessary to reject Paul III’s decision to and Andreas Osiander. The Protestants at Schmal- hold the council in Italy, for they were still unwilling kalden boasted that they had further allies in the to depart from the decrees and resolutions of the kings of England, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden empire. Paul’s subsequent summoning of this counas well as in the duke of Prussia and many other cil was not in accord with the aforesaid imperial barons and nobles.”’ By and large the Curia Romana decrees nor with any conceivable definition of a was in a good position to assess the validity of Prot- true and free synod. Paul’s purpose in fact, acestant claims of alliance with, or of support from, cording to the Lutheran princes and cities, was not every prince, prelate, professor, and preacher in the reform of the Church, but the suppression of Germany, as shown by the catalogue of the names what he called “heresies recently arisen. . . , by

of such persons together with the comments on which word he does not mean those errors and their religious sentiments with which Giovanni Mo- abuses, which he and his ilk defend, but without rone, the bishop of Modena, had been furnished doubt he means that doctrine which he condemns, when in late October (1536) he had succeeded Ver- namely our Christian and catholic confession.” Be-

gerio in the Austrian nunciature.’® sides, Leo X had already condemned their profesOn 24 February (1537), a historic date, the Lu- _ sion of faith, and Paul’s own recent condemnation theran princes and cities, much impressed with their of Lutheranism as a “‘pestiferous” heresy at the

own power, gave their reasons to the emperor’s time he convoked the council as well as his anrepresentative, Matthias Held, why they refused to nounced intention to effect the extirpation of Luaccede to a council to be held at Mantua. A similar theranism in the bull which he had promulgated reply was later given to the nuncio, Vorst. The for the reform of the Curia Romana [Sublimis Deus, princes and cities stated flatly that Pope Hadrian dated 23 August, 1535]’? both showed that he and VI (Vorst’s countryman), by the instructions which __ his fellow bishops would be prejudiced and improper

he had given his nuncio to the first diet held at judges of the Protestant cause in Germany. The Nuremberg in 1522, had in effect acknowledged Lutheran princes thus made it clear that they would not attend the council which Paul had summoned, ” Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. 1X, fols. especially outside Germany, for they would be ex103, 105", 106", and cf, Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, 108, but POSINg themselves and their doctors to obvious danVorst, who sent this list to the Curia, reported from Zeitz on §€T and their dominions to the attacks of their Cath23 March, 1537, that the Lutherans claimed a larger representation at Schmalkalden than they actually had (Ehses, 1V, § ————————

no. 61, p. 97). According to Ettenius, Melanchthon was ‘“parvus "8 Published in Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, 451-53: *. . . peshomuncio tam macilento et exili corpore, ut tantum umbra__ tiferae Lutheranae et aliarum haeresum extirpatio.. . .”” Ha-

esse videatur”’ (de Ram, “‘Nonciature,”’ p. 21). drian VI’s nuncio to the diet of Nuremberg in 1522 was Fran”® Nuntiaturberichte, pt. 1, vol. 2 (hereafter designated I-2), cesco Chieregati. Clement VII's legate to the diet of 1524 was

no. 4, pp. 65-69. On Morone’s career, see below, note 198. Lorenzo Campeggio.

418 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT olic adversaries who would be remaining in Ger- versation and (as they saw it) of double-dealing. many. The final article of their deliberations at Pastor seems more distressed by the historical recSchmalkalden was an appeal to Charles V, tamguam _ ollection of the event than Vorst was by the direct summo capiti mundani impern, to fulfill the task which experience. The latter was quite rightly irritated God had placed upon his shoulders of defending _ by the pettiness of the whole performance, but he the truths of religion and of doctrine. A pious and _ notes the interesting fact that he found a number durable concord must be sought for Germany and _ of crypto-Catholics in the Lutheran ranks.®*?

for the Church, rooted in the firm foundation of The pope and the Curia were as well served by Christ and the gospel, and arrived at ina general Vergerio and Vorst in Germany as could be excouncil where judgments should be rendered by _ pected. Curial officials and nuncios had broadcast

pious and impartial judges.*° the convocation of the council without sufficient The Protestant reply was certainly brusque, but guarantees from Federico Gonzaga, the duke of under the circumstances it was certainly not un- Mantua, that he was able or willing to assume the expected. Pastor, who omits the Protestant reasons heavy responsibility of playing host to so large an for not attending a council at Mantua, laments assembly. Only three months before the inaugural Vorst’s treatment at Schmalkalden as almost without | date set for the council, the pope wrote Gonzaga parallel in the history of diplomacy. To be sure, Vorst was received in cavalier fashion (on 25 Feb- § ——————— ruary) by the Elector Johann Friedrich, who laugh- ** See the long and interesting report which Vorst wrote the ingly declined to accept the papal bull of conciliar Protenetary and apostolic secretary Ambrogio Ricalcati from . d briefs add d him®! | Schmalkalden on 2 March, 1537 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere convocation and two briets a ressed to him. Ne di principt, vol. 1X, fols. 83-84, 89-90, divided by the binder): deed Vorst was most ungraciously treated; after all, . | | Hoc tamen nolui omittere quin scriberem quod adhuc it had been the elector who had suggested that he — multi sunt boni Catholici sed secreto, et venerunt ad me aliquot come to Schmalkalden in the first place. The other resipiscentes et petentes absolutionem quam libenter illis im-

. ; pendi iniuncta penitentia, qui mihi dixerunt metu et Lutheran princes refused to see Vorst all,opinionem, aquod petty _omni.vi,; pertracti fuissent adat ipsorum nam noneg cessant

gesture of their defiance of papal authority, but the opera id effhicere et vulgus irritare contra Sedem Apostolicam, German princes were not noted for their courtesy. uti etiam facile videri potest ex epistolis Io. Hus, antiqui heretici They did have some reason for dissatisfaction, how- Bohemi, quas Lutherus noviter edidit, et in vulgus vernacula

n rd of tergi- 8 parse, q ;

: , - _ lingua sunt sparse, que miris modis recusationem Concilii co-

ever, in the Curia Romana's lo 8 Teco 8 lorant.” Cf, ibid., vol. XII, fols. 147 ff. Vorst’s report to Ricalcati of 2 March, 1537, is published in Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, 8992, with classicized spelling, the passage I have quoted occurring

*° Arch. Segr. di principi, fols. re 8 Pp PlVaticano, on p. 92,Lettere at lines 28-34.vol. Cf IX, Raynaldus,

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537,

75-77, 80-81, by mod. stamped enumeration, and ¢f. fols. nos. 12-14, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 415-16; Pastor, Gesch. d. 104-105: “Responsum principum et oratorum civitatum Lu- Papste, V (repr. 1956), 65-66; and in general Jedin, Konzil von theranarum in conventu per eos in Schmalckalden proxime Trent, 1, 255-62, and Council of Trent, 1, 316-24. celebrato datum oratori Cesaree Maiestatis die 24 Febr. 1537 Considering the prominence with which Ambrogio Ricalcati et postea nuncio apostolico similiter ab eis traditum.”’ This copy appears in the documents of this period, we may again note of the document bears the signatures [not original] of Johann that he was Paul III’s private secretary. He was apparently play-

Friedrich of Saxony and Philip of Hesse. ing a dangerous game, however, and was alleged to have reThe response of the Protestant princes at Schmalkalden on _ vealed papal secrets to the emperor and also to have been guilty 24 February, 1537, is printed in Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, 73- — of extortion. Toward the close of 1537 Ricalcati was imprisoned

78, whose notes (although strongly anti-Lutheran) point out jn the Castel S. Angelo, and was not reprieved until 1544. From certain factua] and chronological errors in the princes’ decla- the beginning of 1538 the young Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, ration (¢f. p. 75, note 5, showing how their declaration misdates the pope’s grandson (called in the documents secundum carnem the papal bull providing for reform of the Curia, and p. 74, nepos noster) served as a sort of papal secretary of state, handling note 1, indicating that Hadrian VI’s acknowledgment of papal the correspondence with the legates and nuncios abroad (Pasand curial responsibility for the evils and abuses in the Church tor, Gesch. d. Papste, V [repr. 1956], 26). was not quite after the fashion stated by the princes). Ehses, IV, Alessandro Farnese was born on 7 October, 1520, the son 76, note 2, is probably correct in attributing the long attack — of Pier Luigi Farnese and Girolama Orsini; his promotion to upon the pope (pp. 76-77) to Luther, who was present at the cardinalate was proposed in the consistory of 15 December, Schmalkalden, in the party attending the elector of Saxony, but 1534, the creation taking place on the eighteenth. He was made whose activity there was much limited by a severe illness. Ehses, the papal vicechancellor on 13 August, 1535, upon the death IV, 106-8, also publishes the summaries of the Lutheran re- of Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, who had held the office. Despite sponse of 24 February and Vorst’s letter of 2 March, read in the extreme nepotism which raised him to the purple, Farnese the consistory on 20 April (1537). Cf Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. was a very able man (note the refs. in Pastor, V, 99-101, and 29, Morone to Ricalcati, from Prague on 16 March, 1537, with — on Paul III's “politica nepotistica,”’ see Capasso, Paolo III, | Friedensburg’s notes, tbid., pp. 128-29. Luther was ill, “quia [1994], 134 ff). per quinque dies non poterat reddere urinam”’ (de Ram, ‘‘Non- On Johann Friedrich’s refusal to accept the papal bull and

ciature,” p. 24). briefs addressed to him, see Ettenius’s account of Vorst’s mis®! Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, nos. 55, 67, pp. 90, 106. sion in de Ram, ‘‘Nonciature,” pp. 16-21.

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 419 (on 15 February, 1537) that, as his Excellency importance relating to the coming council.** doubtless knew, he had summoneda general coun- Thanking Federico for his co-operation on 21 cil to remove heresy, effect reform, “‘andturnthe March, the pope reassured him on the question arms of Christians against the common enemy’ of guarantees for the safety of those in attendance

[the Turk]: at the council, informing him that the general en-

And when we considered the place in which the council forcement of law and order would be enough. On

; : the same day he announced the bestowal of the should be held, our thoughts turned immediately to duk d £ your city of Mantua, which we saw would not only be golden rose upon the duke as evidence OF appresuitable and convenient for so great an assembly, but Clation of the service he would be rendering Chris-

because of our benevolence toward you and your tendom and the Holy See.

brother, the cardinal [Ercole Gonzaga] of Mantua, that Continued negotiations during March and April it would be made more prosperous and famous by this (1537) revealed a serious, indeed insurmountable, gathering, and we wanted you and your illustrious fam- obstacle standing in the way of a council at Manily to be made the more illustrious by the memory of tua. Duke Federico insisted that an armed guard

the convocation of this council. of at least 100 horse and 1,500 infantry should be

- 2 gg —__

The pope cautioned Federico to see to the security ™aintained at the pope’s expense in Mantua to of Mantua, and make certain of adequate lodging deal with any untoward contingency that might and food for those who would soon be converging

upon his city. . 84 Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, no. 49, pp. 72-73; Friedensburg, The duke’s answer (on 24 February) to this let- Nuntiaturbenchte, 1-2, pp. 425-26. Presumably Federico Gonzaga

ter is more than a little strange, for although he _ had not been officially informed of the choice of Mantua for thanked the pope in fulsome fashion for the signal the council, ‘‘che solo per universale voce havea prima inteso,”’ honor being done his city and _ his family, he as he states emphatically to the pope in his letter of 24 February, . d h h £ ved ficial ; 1537, but as early as 8 April, 1536, Giovanni Agnello had claime to have thus far received No OFMclal No written him from Rome that if the council really did take place, tification of the selection of Mantua as the place ‘il luogo dove il concilio s’ havera a fare . . . sara Mantova’’ for the council, and finally commented on the (Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, V [repr. 1956], append., no. 19a,

shortness of time for the necessary preparations P- 829). | _ |

(il tempo 6 molto angusto). He was willing to try to Cardinal Ercole had offered his brother S city for the council , when Mantua was being discussed in the consistory as a possible see to lodgings and food, but felt that he could site, and accepting its selection in Federico’s name, had so innot assume responsibility for the security of the formed him ina letter written from Rome on 2 August, 1536, pope and the council, and therefore requested that and preserved in the Archivio di Stato di Mantova, Lettere del the pope send some person of authority to Mantua — €ard. Ercole (Ehses, Conc. Trident., introd., p. Cxxx1), which to consider this problem and all other matters of “5 followed from week to week by an extensive correspondence relating to the council (¢bid., pp. CXXXI-CXXXVIII, with

refs.). Nevertheless, considering the abundance of rumors

—_—___—— about the council (emanating especially from Lutheran and

*° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 5 [Pauli III Brevium French sources), Federico might well hesitate to incur the great Mimutae}, no. 131, fol. 146: “‘Duci Mantuae: Dilecte filisalutem. | expense which preparations for the council would obviously Superiore anno sicut tuae Nobilitati notum esse non ambigimus _ necessitate. Mantua had seemed a likely place for the Germans ad tollendas hereses, mores reformandos, discordias compo- _ to come, for the Gonzagas were of partly German descent, and nendas, armaque Christianorum in communem hostem con- — had maintained close ties with various German princes.

vertenda generale concilium in hunc annum indiximus. Cumque *° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 5, no. 191, fol. de loco in quo celebrandum esset deliberaremus, flexit statim 195, the brief dated 21 March, 1537, and, ibid., no. 192, fol. cogitatio nostra ad tuam civitatem Mantuae, quam non solum __ 196, of the same date, bestowing the golden rose on Federico.

aptam et commodam tanto conventul futuram videbamus, The first brief is given in Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, no. 59, pp. verum etiam ex nostra erga te tuumque fratrem Cardinalem 94-95, and Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, pp. 426-27. Mantuanum benivolentia florentiorem ac celebriorem ex hoc The diary of Blasio de’ Martinelli of Cesena, papal master of hominum concursu reddi, vosque ac vestram illustrem familiam — ceremonies, contains the following interesting entry (Arm. XII,

ex hac celebrati concilii memoria amplius illustrari cupiebamus. tom. 56, fol. 520, cited by Ehses, IV, p. 95, note 2): “Die 21 Ea etlam nos ratio ac spes impulit in tul animi magnitudine — martii dedi instructionem pro rosa portanda duci Mantuae cuicollocata te pro tuo honore et gloria effecturum, ut loci securitas, dam D. loanni Baptistae [de Grassis] Mantuano camerario.”’ hospitiorum commoditas, annonae ubertas ipsis convenientibus — Copies of Martinelli’s diary may be found in the Bibl. Apost. prestetur, ac dicta civitas tantis decorata hospitibus oportunam — Vaticana, Codd. Barbb. latt. 2,799 and 2,801; for other copies, se omnium usul prebeat, quae ceteris posthabitis una electa est —_ especially Bibl. V. Emanuele, Rome, Cod. 2,399 (270 Gesuitico), ad quam omnes convenirent. . . .”. The date for convening — see Capasso, La Politica di Papa Paolo III, 1, 54, note. Blasio (or was 23 May. The pope’s brief of 15 February, 1537, has also Biagio) de’ Martinelli was relieved of the office of ceremoniere

been published in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, no. 4, | in 1540, when he was more than eighty years old. Having vol. XXXII (1878), p. 410b, and in Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, served as master of ceremonies under four popes, he died toward

no. 47, pp. 70-71, with one or two slightly different readings, the end of the year 1544 (on his career, see Carlo Grigioni,

and cf. Pastor, Gesch d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 70-71. ‘Biagio da Cesena,” Studi romagnoli, V [1954], 349-88).

420 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT arise.”° Although it was abundantly clear by now _ torial action on 8 October to prorogue the council

that there would be no Lutheran participation in until 1 May, 1538.88 But conditions in Europe the council, Paul III believed quite rightly that any were certainly not favorable for a council, considmilitary force of such size would create the sus- ering Francis I’s hostility toward the Hapsburgs picion of intended coercion, and would become and that of Henry VIII toward the Holy See, and a theme for the Protestant propagandists. It would — by glancing a page or two ahead, so to speak, in also be inconsistent with the form and purpose of — the crowded chronicle of these years we may see

a council, and would set a bad example for that no council was in fact to meet at Vicenza. the future. Other locations were talked about, Piacenza or Bologna. Finally a bull, Decet romanum The Germans would not attend any council in pontificem, was published in a consistory held on which papal influence might be paramount. More 20 April proroguing the council until 1 Novem- than once we have had occasion to observe that ber, when it should be assembled in some other if they feared the Turks, they well-nigh hated the

place to be decided upon in the meantime.*’ Italians, who in their opinion had corrupted the Now there was talk of Verona, Padua, or Udine, Church. In an interesting dispatch of 28 Decemall three in Venetian territory, provided the Se- _ ber, 1536, which the nuncio Giovanni Morone had renissima would give permission for the assem-_ sent from Vienna to Pope Paul III, he wrote that bling of a council in one of her cities. Francis | he had it on good authority (da bon loco) that one objected to any attempt to hold a general council of the Lutheran princes had offered Charles V to

as long as the war between him and Charles V maintain a thousand horse and 6,000 foot at his should last, but he said that, later on, he would) own expense for the duration of the war with the attend the council himself with the French bishops Turk and with the king of France, provided if a proper place were selected. Ferdinand, always Charles would favor the Lutheran sect. The Free concerned about the Lutherans, proposed Trent Cities (Terre Franche) which were contaminated as the best location. The political neutrality of the with Lutheranism made wonderful offers to the Venetians, however, and their detachment from same effect, ‘‘and before all things they claim to the religious controversy recommended them as_ want nothing else than to ruin Rome and the Apthe best possible hosts for a council. Furthermore, _ostolic See.’’ Morone’s informant told him to warn

Sultan Suleiman’s recent attack upon Corfu and_ the pope that if he should show any inclination the resumption of the Turkish war in the Morea toward France at this time of crisis, there would inclined them to an open display of crusading fer- be such an outpouring of barbarians into Italy, vor. The crusade was to be one of the major topics even if the emperor did not want it, as had never on the agenda for the council. On 25 September been seen even in the time of the Goths, “‘just (1537) the Venetians gave their consent to Vi- because of the mad fury they entertain against the cenza as a location for the council, which was then Roman Church.’’®?

settled upon as the place of meeting, and since it A month later (on 28 January, 1537) Morone was now necessary again to circularize the princes wrote Ricalcati from Vienna that an assembly of all and the higher clergy, it was decided by consis-

neaEhses, 8 The change of place to Vicenza and the second prorogation Conc. Trident., 1V, nos. 62, 65-66, pp. 98-99, 101— until 1 May, 1538, were announced in the bull Benedictus Deus 4: “. . . [non] con meno di cento cavalli di guardia et de mille of 8 October, 1537 (Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV, nos. 91-92, pp. cinquecento fanti. . .” (p. 103, lines 38-39). Cf, Nuntiatur- 135-37). The princes were informed separately on 18 October berichte, 1-2, pp. 428-35, and especially the long letter which (1537). Ehses prints the brief to the Emperor Charles V (abid.,

Federico wrote his brother Ercole from Mantua on 24 March, no. 94, pp. 138-39); according to my notes the brief to the 1537, in which he set forth quite clearly the reasons for his emperor dated 14-18 October, 1537, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, caution (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fols. Arm. XLI, tom. 8, no. 81, fols. 98-99, was not sent, but cf. 76'—80", and Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fols. 51°-53'). nos. 82 ff., and Ehses, IV, pp. 138-39, notes. Cf Raynaldus, 87 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 6, nos. 70-73; Ehses, © Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, nos. 33-34, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. Conc. Trident., 1V, nos. 67, 69, pp. 104-8, 111-12, publishes 422-23; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, V (repr. 1956), 75-76; Jedin, the consistorial acts of 20 April, 1537 (cf Arch. Segr. Vaticano, =-Konz. von Trient, I, 266-69, with refs. The Venetian Senate Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fol. 87", and Acta Vicecancellarii, voted its permission for the council to assemble in Vicenza on Reg. 5, fol. 56"), as well as the bull Decet romanum pontificem. 25 September, 1537 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 77-78", and See also the letter of Ricalcati to Morone, dated at Rome on _ ¢f. fol. 84"). 21 April (Nuntiaturbenichte, 1-2, no. 36, pp. 150-51); Raynaldus, °9 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 14, p. 94. This is the last of Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, nos. 21 ff., vol. XXXII (1878), pp. | Morone’s letters addressed to the pope; he had not known that 419 ff.; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 71-72; Jedin, | nuncios usually sent their reports to the pope’s secretary!

Konzl von Trent, 1, 263-65, with refs. (bid., no. 15, p. 96).

PAUL HI, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 42] the chief Lutherans was to meet on 7 February at pope seems to have claimed some rights in Clissa, Schmalkalden, ‘‘on the confines of Saxony under and in September, 1536, there was talk in the Curia the jurisdiction of the landgrave of Hesse.” King of strengthening the defenses of the fortress. The Ferdinand had no doubt that they would refuse to pope notified Ferdinand that he was willing to share attend the oecumenical council being convoked by _ the costs of maintaining a proper garrison in Clissa.”* the pope (and we have seen that his prediction was Ferdinand did send aid to Clissa, and was apparently

quite right), and that they might even “‘make war hopeful of holding the fortress when the Turks on true Catholics.” Ferdinand feared some such again laid siege to it.”

development, and told the nuncio, Ferdinand recruited men at Trieste and else-

, ; ; where 1 Hapsburg lands, and Paul III sent

if the presence of Dr. Matthias [Held] does not in some cre ™ the psb 8 4 ds,

degree ; soldiers Ancona;being in all there were about 3,000 calm the from mad proceedings encouraged by ° f ded b Kruzi the king of France and perhaps by the Turk, that he holds !"fantry, Commanded by Count Petar Kruzic, one

it for certain things will go from this pass to outright Niccolo dalla Torre, and a papal commissioner. warfare, of which he sees some sign, because the aforesaid “They made a sizable relief force. On 9 March (1537)

Lutheran princes are making preparations for war.” they disembarked near Clissa at a place called S. Girolamo, with fourteen pieces of artillery. An initial On 12 February (1537) Morone wrote Ricalcati : P ; abut on 7 . encounter with the Turks was that, indecisive,

if the war came, it would bethe“‘no less than , twelfth they wereperilous overwhelmed by the arrival that with the Turk, for these [Lutherans] are more ‘ , ; 4 . ofagainst a “‘gran diSee cavalli et pedoni di quel sererabid thenumero Apostolic than the Turk —._. ; ‘3 ;to ; Sg] nissimo gran Signor [Turco]. According the

against Christians. ; ; : . assador and bailie in Istanbul (on 21 March), the

; report which the Venetian Senate sent their amthat of Vorst in Germany. He helpPetar’s do some ; ; Turks cutwas offbeto Count of the spadework for the council to summoned a :head. Some other Morone’s purpose at Ferdinand’s court was like b ye:

. Christian captains were killed, but dalla Torre was at;Mantua (ortoVicenza), making whatever contri;; ; believed have escaped. It was more than a minor bution he could to reconcile the Hapsburgs to Fran-

cis I and the idea of peace, and to promote the defense both of central Europe and of Italy against be destroyed, so that neither Turks nor Christians could hold the Turks.”* The Turkish siege of Clissa in Dalmatia _ it. The letter of 28 July announced the raising of the siege, but excited the fear and attention of Rome as well as _ the writing on the wall must have been painfully clear to evof Vienna. Week after week Morone reported to eryone. More than two years later, on 21 October, 1536, Paul

. . . Gs IIIsuch wrotedetail the defenders of Clissa, urging themcose to persevere Ricalcati as he could ondespite “‘le ; . ; aein; oe oe ; ; ; their heroic defense against gather the Turks their;‘‘penuria

di Clissa.’’ Clissa had been intermittently under SIe8€ — pulveris et frumenti”’ (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1536, no.

since June, 1534, when Ferdinand had tried to se- 21, vol. XX XII [1878], p. 380, and cf. Ehses, Conc. Trident., IV,

cure some papal galleys from Ancona, just across 0. 31, p. 45). the Adriatic from Traut, Salona, and Spalato “4 Nuntiaturberihte, 1-2, p. 73, note 1. In late November,

h Cli ‘cht b an d d h. 1536, Sultan Suleiman wrote the doge of Venice from Adri-

whence Ulissa might be provisione and strength- anople, warning him that the Christian garrison in Clissa (Klis), ened. Salona (the modern Solin) served as the port — which was devastating Ottoman territory, was receiving ‘‘vicof Clissa (Klis). If the Turks took the fortress town _ tualia da le circumvicine cita vestre pertinente a Venezia,” and of Clissa, the coasts of the Romagna ‘and March _ ‘hat forcontrary Venetian to subjects - Supplytpsucht am enemy pro93the VISIONS Was tne friends whicn existewith etween of Ancona would be exposed to direct attack.” The the Porte and the Republic (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, Turkish text with contemporary Italian trans-

—_———_——. lation, “‘scripti nel mezo de la luna de Zemadielachir dell’ anno 9 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 21, pp. 110-11. 943, che fu ali 27 de novembrio vel circa 1536” [actually 25 1 Ibid., 1-2, no. 23, p. 114, letter dated at Linz, 12 February, | November—4 December)).

1537, and cf. nos. 25, 31. A decade later Suleiman was still complaining to the doge 92 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 16, p. 99, et passim. that Venetian subjects in Dalmatia were harassing his own sub°3 Nuntiaturberichte, I-1, nos. 106-7, pp. 283-84, 287-88, jects and devastating Ottoman lands in the region of Clissa letters of Vergerio to Carnesecchi, dated at Prague, 22 and 28 = (?did., Turkish text with contemporary Italian translation, ‘‘scritte

July, 1534. On the early stages of the siege, see Arch. di Stato nel principio della luna de Zemadiel dell’ anno 953, che fu alli di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 56, fols. 45’, 48-49", 51-52", — do de lugio vel circa 1546” [actually 30 June—9 July]). Depredocs. dated 29 June, 4 and 11 July, 1534, and Reg. 57, fol. 86%, | dation was a way of life in Dalmatia, and in the same document dated 11 October, 1536, on Paul’s desire to aid the Clissani, the sultan notes that the Venetian bailie had transmitted to the and cf. fols. 50°, 80", and esp. 127°-129*, dated 10 February, Porte the protest of the rector of Zara that Turks had ravaged 1537, which contain the categorical assurances of the Venetian the area under his command and enslaved some of the inhabSenate to the sultan and the sanjakbey of Bosnia that the Re- _ itants. public would in no way render assistance to the besieged Clis- »° Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 26, p. 122, Morone to Ricalcati, sani. Vergerio, who knew Clissa, thought the fortress should from Prague on 5 March, 1537.

422 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT disaster, but as usual the Venetian ambassador and assessments of King Ferdinand and his four chief bailie had to congratulate the pashas upon the counselors. Ferdinand had a natural goodness and Turkish success. At the same time, however, they _ was addicted to religious ceremonies, but had little

were to protest a Turkish attack upon Venetian- or no inner faith and conviction. (We have other held Salona, which the Senate regarded as most appraisals of Ferdinand to the same effect.) The unjust. The Venetians had given no help to the _ king’s four counselors were rapacious and unsteady. Clissani, as Yunus Beg could easily see when he _ If Morone is including Bernhard von Cles, the carpassed through Venetian territory on his way back dinal of Trent, among the four (and Bernhard was to Istanbul from his mission to Venice. Inany event _ the king’s chief counselor!), he obviously cherished Alessandro Contarini, provwveditore of the fleet (and no high opinion of the cardinal. One of the four

possibly the Alessandro who owned the disputed was a Lutheran, Johann Hoffmann, a fautor of ship Contarina), was leaving immediately for the Lutherans; the other two, Wilhelm von Roggendorff Dalmatian coast, and he would look after the Re- and Leonhard von Fels, limped along in their service public’s possessions. Contarini had no easy task, for to the crown, but were anticlerical and ill-disposed the Senate was determined to keep inviolable the to the Apostolic See. Johann Fabri, the bishop of ‘Turco-Venetian peace, ‘cond we are certain that his WViennaand the king’s confessor, was a robust fellow Majesty [Suleiman], the magnificent pashas, and and a stalwart defender of Catholicism, ‘‘but avatheir agents are going to do the same thing on their _ricious and insatiable, not such a good example as side.”"°° The statement was made for the record, he ought to be, and not of much authority [at the but the cautious statesmen of the lagoon could al- court], as far as can be gathered.”’ Fabri and Friedways hope. Despite the savage destruction of the rich Nausea, who preached at the court, were great Christian relief force at Clissa, it was believed at complainers, boasting of the toils they underwent

Ferdinand’s court (then at Prague) as late as the and assailing the ingratitude of the Holy See and first week in April that 5,000 men could still retrieve the rest of the world for not according them due the situation.”’ But the Turks were in the fortress recognition. The country was gradually succumbing on the great rock; the Christian Uskok community to Lutheranism.” moved into Croatia; and there was no retrieving the situation. In mid-May Ricalcati wrote sadly to It had been clear for some months that Venetian Morone of the great expense the pope would now _ relations with the Porte were deteriorating. Sultan be put to, in maintaining a coast guard along the Suleiman was planning a movement in force toward shores of the Romagna and the March of Ancona.”> Valona, as we have seen, and this was a serious Less imaginative but shrewder and steadier than

Vergerio, Morone sent to Rome the most sober *? Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 27, pp. 123-24, letter to Ricalcati,

——____ dated at Prague, 6 March, 1537. In a letter to Morone, dated °6 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols.20°- at Rome on 17 May, Ricalcati wanted to know the names of

21", by mod. enumeration. the four counselors in question (ibid., no. 43, p. 171, lines 239°” Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, nos. 31-33, pp. 138, 140-42, letters 24); from Prague on 13 June Morone replied with a description of Morone to Ricalcati, dated at Prague on 2, 4, 5 April, 1537. of each one, now writing more discreetly, but Ricalcati could 9° Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 43, p. 171, letter dated 17 May, _ have little difficulty reading between the lines (b:d., no. 46, pp. 1537. Cf’ Louis de Voinovitch, Histoire de Dalmatie, II (Paris, 182-83): Roggendorff was very rich and now rather old. Hoff1934), 584-85; Marko Perojevic, Petar Kruzié, kapetan 1 knezx mann had been recently made a baron, had formerly been (come grada Klisa [Peter Kruzic, Captain and Lord of Clissa], Zagreb, dicono) a scrivener of a very modest family, and had lately served 1931, cited by G. E. Rothenberg, The Austrian Military Border for some time as presidente della camera regia, had a large income, in Croatia, p. 29; and note Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, | was about forty-five years old, of great ability, a Lutheran, and

nos. 46-47, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 429-30. Clissa (Klis) be- | except for the cardinal of Trent he exercised most influence came one of the focal points of Turkish rule in Dalmatia until — on the king. Fels, “‘a nephew I believe of the cardinal of Trent’s in 1648 the Venetian commander Leonardo Foscolo seized the _ sister,’’ was now captain-general of the army in Hungary opcastle (built high up ona cliff), which is now a tourist attraction. | posing John Zapolya, “‘a new man and in a brief while become Ferdinand had sent Franz von Sprinzenstein, whose instruc- very, very rich,” smart and practical, but an indifferent Catholic

tions are dated at Vienna on 20 November, 1536, ona futile and an enemy of priests. Except for the cardinal there was not embassy to the Porte to get the Turks to raise the siege of a friend of the papacy among them (ib:d., pp. 182-83). On the Clissa. Sprinzenstein arrived in Istanbul on 10 April (1537), advisors who surrounded Ferdinand I during the long course and left on 9 May. His instructions, account of his mission, and __ of his reign, see the well-documented article by Helmut Goetz,

ten relevant documents may be found in Anton von Gévay, ‘‘Die geheimen Ratgeber Ferdinands I. (1503-1564): Ihre PerUrkunden und Actenstticke zur Geschichte der Verhadltnisse zwischen _ sonlichkeit im Urteil der Nuntien und Gesandten,”’ Quedllen und Osterreich, Ungern und der Pforte im XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderte, — Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XLU-

vol. III, pt. 1 (Vienna, 1842), esp. pp. 4, 9 ff., 20, and docs. XLIII (1963), 453-94, and in the present context note espe-

nos. Hl, IX, pp. 34, 39-40. cially, ibid., pp. 463-74.

PAUL HI, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 423 matter. On 21 March, 1537, Alessandro Contarini we give you full authority to punish anyone, even received his commission as provveditore of the fleet to capital punishment.’ to protect the Serenissima’s Dalmatian possessions If the occasion presented itself, Pesaro was to at Spalato (Split), Sebenico (Sibenik), Trau (Trogir), remind the commander of the Turkish fleet that and Zara (Zadar). He was instructed to discharge Venice had the right of custody over Naxos and his responsibility in such fashion as not to disrupt the other islands of the Archipelago, according to the Venetian peace with the Turk, while the pope, _ the articles of peace between the Republic and the the emperor, the kings of France and England, and Porte. He was to build up the food supply of the other princes were kept informed of the march of fleet as opportunity came his way or necessity imevents in Istanbul and in Dalmatia.!°° As the Vene- pelled him to do so, in which connection he might tians kept pressing Paul III for the subsidy of spend without hesitation ‘‘any sort of money”’ (ogni 114,000 ducats to be paid by the clergy in Venetian _ sorte de danari). The commission given Pesaro conterritory everywhere, his Holiness replied that to ferred extensive powers upon him, but the Senate lighten the burden on the cardinals, the rest of the approved them by 165 affirmative votes, with clergy had been taxed too much. The Senate was nineteen members casting contrary and ten castin favor of everyone’s contributing to the common ing uncommitted votes.'°* The situation was grave, defense, however, as the Turk was believed to have but the Senate knew that Girolamo Pesaro would a fleet of 300 sail in readiness to leave the docks. not try to take strides longer than his legs. The Venetian ambassador in Rome was directed to Like the sultan and the king of France, the Emurge his Holiness to delay no further the declaration peror Charles now appealed to Venice, whose fleet of tithes in the Venetian dominions, which would — was always to be reckoned with. In early April (1537) yield the amount so badly needed for the enlarge- an imperial ambassador informed the Senate he was ment and equipment of the Republic’s fleet.'°’ certain that, if the sultan should try to attack VeneOn 10 April (1537) the Doge Andrea Gritti is- _ tian possessions, Charles would order Andrea Doria sued a commission to Girolamo Pesaro as captain- to join forces with the Venetian fleet to safeguard general of the sea, observing that this further op- the Republic’s interests, ‘‘and asking us, then, if the portunity to serve the state would win him high - said Signor Turco attacks places belonging to his

praise. Pesaro was to watch closely the progress Majesty, what order shall we give our own fleet, of both the Turkish and the imperial fleets, and and he has requested our answer to this in order keep the home government informed of their to be able to inform his Majesty.’’’°’ The Senate movements, ‘‘and we give you permission to open’ did not find the answer easy. They had already all letters addressed to our Signoria, so that ev- solemnly assured both Suleiman and Francis I of erything may be known to you, and you may be _ their strict neutrality as well as their determination able to take the steps required by the exigency of _ to fulfill their obligations under the Turco-Venetian our affairs.” But Venice was at peace with both — peace. Suleiman was coming to Valona, however, the sultan and the emperor; Pesaro was to observe and who could anticipate his intentions? Venice a strict neutrality between them. Although his re- —_ might need Charles as an ally. sponsibility was the security of the Republic’s over- The first motion before the Senate was simply seas possessions, he was to try to keep out of the to tell the imperial ambassador that their reply to way of both the Turkish and the imperial fleets. him must be what it had been to the sultan and the

Chance encounters often led to irretrievable acts French king, that they had pledged their word to of hostility. Whereas Pesaro was to confer with a peaceful neutrality, and that they must abide by Alessandro Contarini and Francesco Pasqualigo, it, ‘according to our custom.’’ The motion was the other provveditore of the fleet, he was in full passed on 13 April, but withdrawn the next day command in all matters relating to navigation, when other efforts at preparing the Senate’s reply discipline, and the administration of justice, “‘and were also voted down. Finally they decided on the sixteenth not to commit themselves. Expressing ful-

— some appreciation of the emperor’s generous con190 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. sideration of Venetian interests, they voted to in19°20", and ¢f. fols. 30” ff., 38", 44", 45”, 46", 49", etc., relating form his ambassador ‘“‘that at present [which two

to the communication of news to the Christian princes. last words were struck out on the next vote] we Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 22, and cf. fols. 35%, 79". Ina

letter prepared on the same date (10 April, 1537) the Senate suggested that if the pope refused them the tithes or delayed }9—_————

much longer, the state might be reduced to collecting them '? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 23"-25".

anyway (ibid., fol. 23", and cf. fols. 31‘, 38”). '°5 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 27°.

424 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT should do well to proceed prudently in order not apparently sent them to the French ambassador La to run headlong into the blows and perils which we — Foret in Istanbul. The Senate wrote the Venetian are doubtless going to encounter.’’ On 17 April this ambassador in France ‘‘that we are certain this will answer was read to the imperial ambassador in the _ displease the most Christian king;” they quite rightly Collegio, and a copy was sent to the Venetian am- regarded the whole affair as a scandalous impro-

bassador in Spain.'"* The action was not as timid priety, since they said French couriers traversed as it might appear. The Senate did not give Charles Venetian territory quite without interference. On the same answer as Suleiman and Francis had re- the other hand the French ambassador in Venice, ceived, and as many senators shifted uneasily in whom the Senate did not like, reported that a mestheir seats, Venice moved a step closer to another | senger who was being sent to him from France had

war with the Turks. been waylaid and injured by four unknown horse-

It would not be difficult to take another step. men in the region of Venetian-held Brescia. They There was friction between the sanjakbey of Bos- had taken letters and money from him. The Senate nia and Venetian subjects in Dalmatia,’°? which — expressed official displeasure at the news, directing seemed like a minor matter as the news reached _ their rettor’ at Brescia to bend every effort to discover Venice on 31 May (1537) that the Turkish fleet who the culprits were. The rettort soon replied that under Barbarossa had left the dockyards of Istan- the guilty persons were apparently Milanese, who bul, 250 galleys strong in addition to the usual had done their job with quiet efficiency, and were fuste and other ships. Sultan Suleiman had set out quite unknown in the area. The French messenger for Valona with a powerful army, as the Senate had employed two guides in the Grisons, whom the wrote the captain-general Girolamo Pesaro on 6 _ rettori suspected of having had “‘intelligentia con li June; they still hoped for peace with the Porte, delinquenti,”” and were therefore detaining them but they sent Pesaro detailed instructions for the in prison.'°’ There is no sequel to this account, for

deployment of his fleet in Corfiote waters.'°° the transgressors remain among the trivial unIt took a long time for letters to reach Venice, | knowns of history, but the episodes are illustrations as we have noted, and those who made the important of the constant danger of interception to which letdecisions were often a month behind developments ters were exposed when they were borne by couin Istanbul. Furthermore, the delivery of dispatches riers.

was not always certain. At this very time, for ex- But of course letters flowed in and out of the ample, a Venetian brigantine on its way to Cattaro Senate's chamber in the ducal palace, to and from (Kotor) with letters for Istanbul was held up by Europe and the Levant, with merciless regularity, contrary winds. A man went ashore to carry the merciless to the historian who tries to read them letters to Cattaro. As he went by Ragusa, the arch- all. Among them was a letter from Istanbul dated bishop (assuming he was carrying such letters) sent 16 May (1537), reporting that Yunus Beg had said two of his henchmen after him. They accosted him _ that it would be a proposito for the Venetians to send along the road, took the letters from him, and car- an appropriate person to the sultan upon his arrival ried them to the archbishop, who opened them and _—_ at Valona “‘to do him reverence, as a sign of our and friendship.”’ On 6 July the captain-general _ of the fleet, Pesaro, was peace instructed to do so.!°8 In

104 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 25'-27". the meantime the Senate waited from day to day

'®° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 29, but of course the Senate — for the return of Tommaso Mocenigo,'°” who had made every possible diplomatic gesture to preserve peace with gone as their envoy to Istanbul, and who was rethe Turks (abid., fol. 33°). On 26 May, 1537, Giacomo da Canale turning as he had gone, by land, although at this received a commission to go as the Republic’s bailie to Istanbul ; ; ; (fol. 36), which in view of the mounting tension was not an point it made little difference which way he came enviable assignment (fols. 53", 55"). By the evening of 31 May, home, for the westward movement of Suleiman’s letters from Istanbul dated 30 April reached Venice “‘continente army filled the roads as Barbarossa’s fleet filled the la certezza dell’ ussir della armata del Signor Turco numero- seq Janes to Apulia. The Signoria now hired the

sissima et potentissima, et la venuta de[]] ditto Signor in persona . ; . , . alla Vallona con grossissimo exercito . . .”’ (fol. 38’). condottiere Valerio Orsini (on 9 July) with his con196 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 38” ff. The usual prudence dotta of eight officers and 2,000 foot. Barbarossa’s is urged on Pesaro to take good care of the Venetian fleet,

‘‘essendo quella [l’ armata], come ben possete intender, il fondamento del stato nostro”’ (thid., fols. 40°, 41°, 59°). Note also =—§ ———— P. G. Ricci, ed., Carteggi di Francesco Guicciardini, XVII (Rome, '°? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 47°-48".

428 ff. '°9 Ibid., fols. 49", 50", 55°.

1972), 327, 337, and, in general, Capasso, Paolo IIT, 1 (1924), '°8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 49.

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 425 fleet had sailed past Modon some time before, and _ funds were to be drawn to pay him.''* Venice was would soon reach Valona. The Senate had a sense at war with the Porte.

of imminent danger.''° The Senate continued, however, to make every As the days passed, the news became more pre- conceivable effort to divert the stream of events cise. The Turkish fleet was reported as being off into a peaceful channel, and on 23 August (1537) Corfu on 8 July, and was forty miles from Valona_ wrote the Venetian bailie Giacomo da Canale, who on the tenth, on which day or the following it would — was still in the Turkish encampment near Valona, presumably sail into the shelter of Valona. Its size that having received the present letter, you should go to was NOW said to be 170 galleys, 70 galliots and fuste, the magnificent pashas to whom you will insist, beginning

with various other vessels making a grand total of With such general and affectionate words as shall seem 320 sail. Letters from Cattaro bore the news that best to your prudence,. . . that our Signoria has felt and the sultan had himself already arrived in the neigh- feels the greatest displeasure and distress at the disorders borhood of Valona, and that his army was encamped _ that have occurred, which are truly events [successi] con-

throughout the area.!!! trary to our expectation and desire, which is firmly and

At this critical juncture, while the Republic was 1mmutably fixed upon observing inviolably the peace seeking to maintain the delicate balance between which we have with the most serene Gran Signore... . war and peace with the Porte, the commander (s0- The provveditore Alessandro Contarini also got into pracomito) of the Venetian galley Zaratina took an trouble for attacking a Turkish galley, and was imaggressive stance against the Turks, who had so far mediately recalled to Venice ‘‘accio contra lui si faci maintained an attitude of correctness and even giustitia.”!!® The caution of the Signoria was often friendliness toward the Venetians. When the sultan — pelied by the rashness of her citizens, but somehow sent Yunus Beg in two galleys to protest the com- over the years the remarkable combination of remander’s indiscretion, he was met with discourtesy, straint and reckless endeavor had built a great comas the captain-general Pesaro reported to the Senate, mercial empire.

which demanded the condign punishment of the That empire now appeared to be threatened as offenders and an end to such acts of provocation. news came from Naples by way of Rome that the Such minor events, however, probably had little Turkish fleet had sailed from Valona to Corfu, carinfluence upon Turkish plans, but they did Neato rying detachments of the sultan’s army. Although the sultan with a pretext for his next move. The ful credence was not at first given to the report, Venetians had met little cordiality in Istanbul and it was quite true. The Venetian ambassador in Rome Adrianople for some months. The Vallaresso affair wrote his government of the pope’s great distress and the Turkish seizure of the Contarina had in- «che Ig guerra fosse contra il stato nostro.” The creased the growing sense of estrangement. By 14 pope offered the Republic every assistance of which August (1537) a Venetian dispatch refers to reports the Holy See was capable.!!® At Corfu the Turks from Rome of lr successi dell’ armata nostra,” burned the borgo, and ravaged the island. On 11 which meant that “incidents” were occurring be- September (1537) the Senate wrote the colonial tween the Venetian and Turkish fleets. The con- government of Corfu that it would spare neither dottiere Valerio Orsini appeared in Venice with his jyen nor money “per la conservation di quella imsubalterns, and on the seventeenth the Senate com- portantissima et carissima terra nostra.”’ The local pleted arrangements to hire his condotta which, to officials were directed to encourage the soldiery begin with, he was to lead to Treviso, whence the and citizens of Corfu that food and a fleet were on the way to their relief. The Corfiotes were to take

—___ heart; Venice would reward their loyalty, ‘“‘for you ''° Tbid., fols. 50", 51°, 52°-53". On 19 September, 1537, the Senate authorized the hiring of the condottiere Alessandro Vitello, who also came with a condotta of eight officers (capi) }——————

and 2,000 foot (ibid., fol. 77°). 'l4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 57’-58". On 6 September 'Il Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 55°. (1537) Pietro Martinengo was engaged to lead a condotta of

112 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 54", 56°-57", docs. dated 26 thirty men-at-arms under Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke July and 3 August, 1537, and fols. 58°-59", dated 23 August: of Urbino and captain-general of the Venetian land forces (ibid., ‘“. . . essendo sempre stata intentione nostra che quelli che fol. 65). commetteno li errori, siano per giustitia puniti. . .’’ (fol. 58”). 'l® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 60’, and cf. fols. 62"-63", dated ''S Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 74", a letter of 15 Septem- 28 August, relating to the election of Vincenzo Grimani as a ber, 1537, in which the Venetian Senate described to Francis special envoy to the sultan.

I how open hostilities began between the Turks and the Re- "Tt Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 64°-65", doc. dated 6 Sep-

public (and cf., ibid., fols. 95°—96"). tember, 1537.

426 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT are the dearest children of our state.’’!!’ On the Andrea Doria was reminded that if the Turks same day the Senate sent word to Rome, appealing were successful at Corfu, their next step could be for the deployment of the papal and Rhodian fleets toward Messina and Brindisi. The emperor had ofat Messina in readiness for action, and asking their _ ten said that the defense of Christian territory was ambassador to remind the pope (rather needlessly, _ the joint responsibility of the European powers. The one would think) of the incomparable loss which — occasion to meet that responsibility had arisen. The Christianity would suffer if the Corfiote fortress Senate was sending its naval armament to Brindisi, should end up in the possession of the Turks.''® ‘si per il far la unione come per soccorrer Corfu. The captain-general of the sea, Girolamo Pesaro, . . .’’ They asked Doria to proceed immediately to received orders to proceed with his fleet to Brindisi, Brindisi with the imperial fleet under his comwhere other Venetian ships would join him. If the — mand.'?! siege of Corfu was still in progress, he was to attack On 14 September (1537) the Senate wrote Marc’ any Turkish vessels he encountered. The Republic Antonio Contarini, the Venetian ambassador in was increasing the size of its naval armament, and Rome, that the Republic was going to have to spend in view of the crisis the provveditore Alessandro “‘an incredible amount of gold without further delay Contarini, the commander of the Zaratina, and the _ in order that provisions may arrive in time.’’ The other Venetian skippers who had showna premature costs would exceed the resources of the state. Since disposition to fight were to remain in service with the Venetians were laboring for Christendom at the fleet.''? But no plans were made for a direct large as well as for themselves, they were obliged assault upon the Turkish fleet and land forces on once more to have recourse to his Holiness, who Corfu. The Senate talked a lot, and asked the pope must himself feel ‘“‘che il thesoro della Chiesa non for the immediate recruitment of 10,000 infantry. die essere riservato a maggior bisogno di quello che They wanted the emperor’s agents in Rome toraise _€ al presente.’’ The ambassador was to request peranother 10,000, as they themselves prepared to put mission for the Republic to sell ten percent of the a like number in the field against the Turks. Now they were willing to join their own fleet with the §=————_ imperial fleet, which Andrea Doria was command- _ fol. 73"). On Venetian moves to recruit 10,000 infantry, see,

ing. They also assured the pope through their am- ibid., fol. 76°. -

bassador dorinInRKROME h he RthatblitheldRepublic ‘d The Senate continued to elaborate plans for an ambitious would provide offensive against the Turks (even after the raising of the siege 100 light galleys, ten large galleys, ten transports, — of Corfu), stating that the allied Christian fleet should be no and three well-armed galleons, “‘et si congiongera _ less than 200 sail, and the army not less than 50,000 infantry—

con quella [I’ armata] della Cesarea Maesta per andar cae V, Paul ie ane Venice each providing 10,000 troops, a soccorrer et liberar Corfu et contra infideliadanno 2% 8nating equally in the expense of recruiting 20,000 Landset ruina loro. Also 20,000 Landsknechte should would also be needed. Francesco Maria della Rovere, the duke be recruited in Germany, for which the Emperor _ of Urbino, told the Senate that 4,500 horse and sixty pieces

“ - knechte (2bid., fols. 96’-97", 101, 117). Cavalry and artillery

Charles, the pope, and Venice should each pay one of field artillery would suffice (2bid.), etc. Despite his poor show-

third. !2° ing on the battle field Francesco Maria was considered (by the

Venetians at least) as a military expert; for his letters and discors militant, see Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 109 (7,805).

Francesco Maria I della Rovere died on 21 October, 1538,

17 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 65°—66". and was succeeded in the duchy of Urbino by his son Guido'18 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 66. baldo (zbid., Reg. 59, fols. 1177, 118", 126°-127"), from whom, 19 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 66’-68". Since Paul II] had as we have noted more than once, Paul III insisted upon rechosen this time to send troops (or was preparing to do so) ceiving Camerino, which Guidobaldo said he was willing to against Guidobaldo della Rovere, the ‘“duke of Camerino” (see surrender to the emperor (idid., Reg. 59, fols. 132’—133"). The

above, pp. 402-3), and was apparently planning also to attack whole affair was a distraction from the crusade, which quite Guidobaldo’s father, Francesco Maria, the duke of Urbino, the — distressed the Venetians. After settling with Guidobaldo the Senate agreed at the latter’s request to send an envoy to Rome __ financial accounts of the late Francesco Maria, the Senate took to ask his Holiness ‘‘ad voler desister da questi moti di arme _ him into the employ of the Republic with a condotta of 50 mencontra sua Excellentia et il Signor Duca di Camerino” (2bid., at-arms, which was increased on 20 March, 1539, to 100 (2bid., fol. 68, doc. dated 12 September, 1537, and cf, fols. 73‘-74"). | Reg. 60, fol. 26", by mod. enumeration, and cf. Reg. 61, fols. 120 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 68’-70". On 13 September 28°29", and Reg. 62, fol. 123, doc. dated 29 December, 1542). the Senate wrote Andrea Doria ‘‘che |’ armata turchesca silev6 | On the date of Francesco Maria’s death, often given incorrectly, dalla Valona, intr6 in canal de Corfu et contra quella insula see Walter Friedensburg, ed., Legation Aleanders (1538-39), in nostra ha fatto quelli maggior danni che ha potuto, brusato il the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. I (1533-1559), vol. 3,

borgo con morte et preda di quelli miseri subditi nostri, et alla Gotha, 1893, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1968, no. 58, p. 222, terra é posto I’ assedio si da mar come da terra, attrovandosi and on the affair of Camerino, tbid., nos. 82, 89, 107, 117, pp. il Signor Turco in persona, in persona, con lo exercito al Bu- 286, 304, 339-40, 368, et alibi. trinto loco all’ incontro di Corfu . . .” (ibid., fol. 70", and cf. 121 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 70.

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 427 goods belonging to ecclesiastical benefices yielding and imperial ambassadors to dine with him, eman annual return of more than one hundred ducats, _ phasizing “‘that now more than ever was the time ‘by means of which we could in part meet the — to act boldly, and that it was necessary to hold a aforesaid expenses.’’'** Although the piety of the council for the well-being of Christendom.’’ On faithful, as they stood fearfully at the door of death, 6 October the Senate again assured their ambas-

enriched the Church from one generation to the sador in Rome that the council might be held in next, in times of crisis the living frequently repos- Vicenza. They were glad to learn that the pope sessed themselves of the gifts of their forebears. had dispatched nuncios to Spain and France in a Quite apart from the Protestant revolt, the total further effort to make peace between Charles and resources of the Church were shrinking in Catholic Francis. The league of the major western powers, countries, and the raising of levies for the defense so much discussed, should no longer be delayed, of Europe against the Turkish peril contributed and its intention should be to take offensive as well significantly to that diminution, until the Christian as defensive action against the Turks. Powerful victory at Lepanto led to some slight relaxation. forces would be needed to achieve the ‘‘desired Although Doria did not go to Brindisi, but re- victory,’’ however, and now the Venetian ambasturned to Genoa instead,'*? and among members _ sador was intructed in his turn to urge boldness of the Venetian Senate there was clearly some lack upon the aged pope. The princes should move of confidence in the captain-general Pesaro,'** in swiftly. Protracted plans and inadequate funds to retrospect the Turkish attack upon Corfu must have support them would only expose Venice to the seemed to cause more excitement than was neces- ‘‘most manifest peril.’’ Sultan Suleiman would not

sary, for on 28 September the Senate could write obligingly wait a year, to be assailed in his own the Venetian bailie and captain of Nauplia in the — capital at the convenience of the Christians. BarMorea: ‘“The news has come to us that the Turkish — barossa was still on the high seas with a large fleet.

armada which was engaged for many days in the ‘The princes must be ready to strike in full force siege and devastation of our city and island of Corfu. before the coming March.'** Charles V had said has pulled out entirely with the [Turkish] army, he would put all his forces into a campaign against with loss and humiliation to itself, and is returning the Turks, but of course he could not do this unto Constantinople in agitation over their small suc- less he had peace with the French, to the achievecess.”” As the Turks went back home, they would ment of which the Senate implored the pope to very likely seek to do whatever damage they could _ bend his efforts.’*? The pope had been doing so to the Venetian possessions still remaining in the | for some time. Morea, as the Senate warned the bailie.!*° On the morning of 29 September (1537) mem- In the meantime as Sultan Suleiman made his bers of the Senate gathered in S. Mark’s with the way homeward toward Adrianople, in the area of “greatest concourse”’ of citizens to render thanks which he intended to spend the winter of 1537for the joyous news of the sultan’s failure at Corfu. 1538, persistent reports reached Venice that during A rhetorical letter of appreciation was sent to the — the next campaigning season he planned to return colonial government which had resisted him so — with 300,000 horse and an armada of 500 sail! His heroically.'*° The emboldened Senate instructed preparations were supposed to be completed by the captain-general Pesaro to try to recover Bu- January. Barbarossa was remaining at sea with 120 trinto and Parga if the Turks still held them.'?’ of the best galleys. The sultan clearly planned no Pope Paul was as much relieved by the news from

Corfu as was the Signoria. He invited the Venetian ~

'*8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 91°, letter to the Venetian

ee ambassador in Rome, dated 19 October, 1537: One could easily understand ‘‘che ’] Turco non aspettera |’ anno che viene di

'22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 72", 78°-79", 86, 92", 104". essere assalito in casa sua, ma uscira a bon hora con forze On 17 November, 1537, the Senate voted not to replace Con- —_ formidabile. . . .”” On the current concern about the Turk, tarini as ambassador in Rome (ibid., fol. 102”). He held the post — cf. Giuseppe Canestrini, ed., Legaziont di Averardo Serristori, amuntil 11 March, 1539, when the Doge Pietro Lando issued the —_basciatore di Cosimo I, a Carlo Quinto e in Corte di Roma (1537-

formal commission to Giovanni (Zuan) Basadona to succeed 1568), Florence, 1853, p. 29, from a dispatch dated at Monzon

him (bid., Reg. 60, fols. 23” ff., by mod. enumeration). on 22 October, 1537, and cf, ibid., p. 38. The numerous omis-

'23 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 78", 84”. sions of passages from the texts of Serristori’s dispatches to

oe Cf., ibid., fol. 75%. Cosimo I of Florence in this edition make the reader uneasy, os Tbid., Reg. 58, fol. 79%. leading him always to wonder what he iS missing.

Ibid., Reg. 58, fol. 80. '*9 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 84°—86", docs. dated 6 October,

127 Thd., fols. 81", 89. and cf. fols. 87 ff., 98 ff.

428 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT movement into Syria, and had fortified his frontiers —ishment for the offenders, but the sultan had chosen against the possibility of an attack by the sophi. The not to wait for the true explanation of events, and ambassador Contarini was to give the pope this in- had moved into open war with the Republic. He formation, which was true (/2 avist sopraditti, li quali had himself demanded the explanation which he sono veridici), like other information the Senate had did not wait to hear. The Turks had seized four sent to the Holy See. As head of the Christian league galleys in an unprovoked attack upon the Venetian against the Turks, the pope must try “with every fleet in Apulia. The Republic’s losses had far exefficacy” to bring about peace between the emperor ceeded the sultan’s. For thirty-eight years Venice

and the king of France.'°° had preserved inviolate her peace with the Porte Owing to the shortness of time and the stringency although she had often been urged to break it. To of circumstance, the Senate asked their ambassador __ the loss of the four galleys in Apulia must be added

Contarini to press their request for authorization — the terrible destruction wrought by the Turks on to sell ten percent of certain ecclesiastical properties Corfu, whence they had also carried off ‘‘an infinite

to help finance their preparations against the number of souls.” Turks.'*! The Venetians, however, infinitely pre- Naturally Venice had appealed for aid from the ferred peace with the Turk to war, which was other Christian princes. Venetian officers in Dalequally destructive of their trade and their treasury. | matia and elsewhere had taken steps to protect the

On 26 October, on 13 November, and again on 27 lands of the Republic from ‘‘the attacks and November (1537) the Senate considered possible depredations which have been taking place, and texts of a letter of remonstrance to be sent to their _ which are still taking place every day.’’ Canale was, bailie at the Porte, Giacomo da Canale, for presen- nevertheless, to thank Ayas Pasha for his exprestation in one form or another to the sultan or the _ sions of friendship, and also ‘‘because his Magnifpashas. Since Ayas Pasha had informed Canale in _ icence has told you that the Serenissimo Signor is

amiable fashion that the sultan had been angered inclined to confirm the peace which has always by the acts of seeming aggression, of which some _ been desired by us, and especially with his [OtVenetian hotheads had been guilty, the Senate was toman] Majesty.’ Since Venetian merchants and ready to protest that such disorders were unavoid- their wares as well as the Republic’s Alexandrian able, and always occurred whenever alien fleets galleys and other ships were being detained by the came too close together (stcome suole seguire quando Porte, the Senate directed Canale to work for their armate si ritrovano insieme alli quali e impossibile ri- release, which should be a simple matter, ‘“‘because

mediare). The Senate had ordered appropriate pun- we are certain that the Serenissimo Signor would not wish that those who have gone into his country, having placed their trust in him [sotto la fede '9° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 103, a letter of the doge and sua], should suiver loss. we Senate wanted Senate to Contarini in Rome, dated 24 November, 1537: “*. . . prompt particulars (particu ar et subito av150) Ma perché vedemo esser scorso piu tempo alla conclusion della from Canale, from whom they had received no liga di quello ricerca il commun bisogno, ne par summamente dispatches dated later than 7 September, so that necessario che piu non si diferisca, havendo inteso per lettere they might know how to answer Ayas Pasha. It

da Salonichi de 20 .ottobre per altri avisi, li pointed quali si conformano ; . . . Senate, oe panned was etimmediately out in the

con li avisi preditti, ch’ el Signor Turco era partito de lia 16 how;;’

del ditto et andato alla cazza, voleva invernar in Andrinopoli, ©V€T; that to authorize Canale at this stage to diset alcuni avisi dicono che l’inverneria piu in qua di Andrinopoli_ — cuss terms of peace with the Porte would endanger tra Salonichi et Scopia et che ha delibera di venir personalmente the current negotiations relating to the league of

in qua con 300 m. cavalli et mandar dalla banda da mar vele Christian powers and so for the third time the

numero 500, delle qual oltra la sua armata erano da novo fatte decisi “h d h d 70 nel mar mazor et se ne faceano altre cento con tutta la CcIsIon was eae to postpone the propose diligentia possibile per compimento delle cinquecento, et che _ letter to Canale.

il tutto da terra et da mar sera ad ordine per tutto zener proximo. The Senate did not in fact write to Canale until

Item che Barbarossa € restato fuori con galie 120 delle piu] January, 1538, explaining their delay by the

preste et megiio ad ordine. : , doubt which in their minds since:they Sono etiam avisi che in la Soria nonpersisted si era fatto movimento , alcuno da guerra, anzi ch’ el Signor Turco havea provisto a could not reconcile the report of Ayas Pasha’s al-

quelle bande et frontiere di tal presidii che erano non solum sufficienti a difendersi dal Soff, ma anche ad offenderlo, onde

potemo esser certi ch’ el ditto Signor Turco sera molto presto 132 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 95°-96", 100°-101", 106"— ad ordine da mar et da terra et quasi si po reputar ch’ el sia 107". Numerous documents of December, 1537, illustrate the in actu... ..”’ On the same day the Senate wrote in the same __ Venetian desire to go on with plans for an offensive against the terms to their ambassador at the imperial court (ibid., fol. 104"). Turks, if the contest between Charles V and Francis I could

'31 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fol. 104". only be concluded.

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 429 most effusive protestations of Turkish friendship — of the alliance provided that the anti-Turkish ex-

for Venice with that of Khaireddin Barbarossa’s pedition should take place in the current year widespread destruction in the Venetian-held is- 1538, and that the Christian fleet should have 200 lands of the Archipelago. Also the Republic’s con- galleys. The land forces should have 50,000 foot, suls, merchants, ships, and merchandise were still including 20,000 Landsknechte, as well as 4,500 being detained by the Porte. Canale might, how- homini d’ arme and the necessary artillery and muever, tell Ayas Pasha on behalf of the Senate “‘that nitions. The pope was to arm 36 galleys, the emwe likewise entertain good intentions toward the _ peror 82, and Venice also 82, making the required Serenissimo Gran Signor,” and briefly rehearsing _ total of 200. Details of financing had been worked the complaints already stated in the letters never out in Rome. The Senate accepted them all, alsent to the Porte, the Senate authorized the bailie though with occasional dissenting votes. An honto discuss with the pasha a renewal of the former _ orable place in the league was reserved for Francis peace which Venice claimed never to have violated 1, should he wish to join the sacred enterprise.

during thirty-eight continuous years.'°° Preparations for offensive action should be ready

While the Senate was thus allegedly ready to in March. Francesco Maria della Rovere, the duke renew friendly relations with the Porte, the Re- of Urbino, was to head the land forces, and Anpublic’s ambassador in Rome, Marc’ Antonio Con- drea Doria, prince of Melfi, theoretically at least tarini, was still at work trying to effect ‘‘la conclu- to exercise the high command at sea, although the sion et stipulation della liga defensiva et offensiva Venetian Marco Grimani, patriarch of Aquileia contra Turchi,” at which time final arrangements and captain-general of the papal galleys, and Vinwere being made for Pope Paul III to pay one cenzo Capello, now the Republic’s captain-general

sixth of the costs of the whole undertaking, of the sea, had to give their advice and consent Charles V three sixths (or one half), and Venice (or one of them at least) to the execution of the the remaining two sixths (or one third). But Con- Genoese Doria’s orders.'*” Paul III’s appointment tarini was also to press the Curia Romana for au- of Grimani as commander of the papal squadron thorization to sell ten percent of the holdings of | was an obvious concession to Venice and a further the larger benefices, for without this concession guarantee of the Republic’s interests in the coming the Republic could not bear such a burden. “‘And - struggle. even though peace has not taken place between At the same time (on 1 February) the Senate the emperor and the most Christian king,” the defined those interests, which consisted ante omnia

ambassador was told, in the immediate restoration of ‘‘all cities, castles,

even as you effect the conclusion of the league, you will sands and other places, which had formerly beimplore his Holiness to continue in his good offices for onged to Venice, and might NOW be acquired by the achievement of peace, as we shall do ourselves. the alliance. The Senate especially wanted “Valona . . . His Holiness will understand the readiness with and Castelnuovo, which is at the mouth of Cattaro, which we have entered the league, as becomes good and with full jurisdiction over the said places.” The pope

true Christians... .1°4 and the emperor were also to receive their erstwhile

The Senate, however, held up the letter to Con- possessions when they were recovered from the tarini until a separate vote had been taken on each urks. Coron had of course been an outpost of the article of the confederation which he was nego- Charles V h

. P Republic for three centuries, and the fact that

& pop pero

tiating with the pope and the emperor. The terms ae ad a recently possessed the place,

was not to prejudice its recovery by Venice. Charles

—__ was to receive, however, the old empire of Con133 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 127°-128", and cf, fols. 123"- Stantinople and whatever else was due him as king 124", 125", 126", and Reg. 59, fol. 36, on Turkish depredation Of Naples and Sicily, without prejudice to conceiv-

in the Archipelago. able Venetian claims here or there. The Hospitallers Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 128°-129", doc. dated 31 January, 1538. From Asti on 28 July, 1537, Alfonso de Avalos,

the marchese del Vasto, had given Paul III the worn-out assurance that if the European princes would lay aside their hos- '8° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 130'-131%, doc. dated 1 Febtilities for one another and unite against the Turks, the victory —_ ruary, 1538. Vincenzo Capello’s commission to replace Girolamo

of Christendom would surely follow, “et mi rendo piu che certo Pesaro as capitaneus generalis maris is dated 20 March (2bid.,

che la Maesta cesarea mostrera alla Santita vostra et a tutto il Reg. 59, fols. 33° ff.). He had held the appointment before mondo quanto piu e inclinata a difender le cose universali che (see, above, p. 358). On the memorials in honor of Capello still

attender alle private . . .”’ (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di preserved in the Venetian church of S. Maria Formosa, see

ation). 1982, pp. 379, 381.

principt, vol. XIV, fols. 207°-209", by mod. stamped enumer- —_ Giulio Lorenzetti, Venezia e al suo estuario, Trieste, 1963, repr.

430 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT were to get back the island of Rhodes. To com- a land army, the latter being led by Suleiman himpensate the papacy for the heavy and continuous _ self, were assembled at Valona, across the Adriexpense it was going to have to assume in the cru- atic from Brindisi. There was consternation in the sade, a state was to be created from the expected Curia Romana, the natural consequence of four conquests, uno stato conveniente per la Sede Apostolica, months of anxious waiting and the most pessimistic

above and beyond what the pope would otherwise expectations, for in Rome one had known only too acquire (which in fact would not have been much). well that the Turks were preparing a grand ofThe Senate instructed Contarini to advise the pope fensive by sea. The Venetians had been dinning and the imperial ambassador in Rome that these the fact into everyone’s ears. On 15 February territorial arrangements and aspirations should be (1537) Paul III had reminded Francis of the frekept in the strictest secrecy. It was enough to an- quent papal attempts to reconcile the houses of nounce a crusade, a league against the Turks, do- Valois and Hapsburg in a peace which might make

vendosi dir simpliciter liga contra Turchi.'°° possible the holding of a general council, the exThere was no point in informing Francis I that _ tinction of heresy, reform of the Church, the rehis archenemy might conceivably become the em- pulse of the Turks, and thus at long last the seperor of Constantinople. But one inevitably won- curity and tranquillity of Europe, but the coming ders how seriously the hardheaded statesmen of spring would surely see the Turks’ launching fullthe lagoon, the Minios and Mocenigos, Contarini scale attacks upon ‘‘poor Italy.””'°* and Grimani, who were then in the Senate, really Dozens of documents, printed and unprinted, took these grandiose arrangements—more seriously perhaps than the modern historian who §=——__— knows how easily the league’s ambitions were to — [-2, no. 24, pp. 115-16, letter of Ricalcati to Morone, dated

be dissipitated by the Turks at Prevesa. at Rome, 16 February, 1537, and Ehses, in the Romische Quartalschrift, XII (1898), 310. The background of events and issues

; . . A may be explored in some detail in J. Lestocquoy, ed., Corre-

The Franco- Turkish alliance which La Foret spondance des nonces en France: Carpr et Ferrerio, 1535-1540, et had been working so hard to effect exerted little Légations de Carpi et de Farnese, Rome, 1961 (Acta nuntiaturae influence upon the respective strategies of the high __ gallicae, 1). The Turks stand out in the correspondence of the contracting powers. Having persistently sought 4 papal nuncios in France during these years (see Lestocquoy, large-scale Turkish attack upon Italv to svnchro- op. cit., pp. XX-XXH, and docs. nos. 2-5, 7, 12, 15, 18-19, 23, TEES . “UP ay, y 31, 37, etc., 50 ff., 77, 79, 93, 158, 183, 191-92, 194, 198nize with a French invasion of Liguria and Lom- 99, 903, 908, 211, 224-25, 234-35, 237, 241, 244, 246, 248, bardy, Francis I moved his forces into Picardy and —. 250-53, 255, 262, 265-67, 269, 305, 308, 346, 368, 370, Artois, although at this very time (the spring and — 373, 390-91, 397, 402, 407-8, 410, 420, 433, 443, 449, 451—early summer of 1537)!97 the Turkish fleet and 55, 475, 489, 494, 512, 514, 517, 522, 540, 558-59, 569, and

various casual references to the Turks have been passed over). 1388 On 15 February, 1537, Paul III wrote Francis I (Arm. XLI, tom. 5, no. 201, fol. 208): ‘““Quamvis hoc saepius cum '5® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 132°-133". The ‘signing’ = Maiestate tua egimus, ut cum serenissimo Caesare pacem inire (sigillatione) of the articles of the league took place in Rome on velles, a qua concilii generalis celebratio, heresum extinctio,

8 February, 1538 (ibid., fols. 134°, 140°). ecclesiae reformatio, Turcarum repulsio, demumque universalis

137 Cf. the letter of Cesare de’ Nobili, dated at Paris on 29 Christianorum salus et tranquillitas hoc tempore dependent. May, 1537, to the papal protonotary and secretary Ambrogio | “Tamen admonente nos veris adventu in quo nemo dubitat TurRicalcati, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XII, carum tantos apparatus in miseram Italiam erupturos, idem fols. 168°-169', and note also fols. 174, 175”, and 181 ff., the officium per nos totiens frustra tentatum repetere vobiscum last reference being to letters of Gian Matteo Giberti, the bishop statuimus. . . .”” Cf, wbid., nos. 202-6. With the omission of of Verona, written from various places in France during the — some phrases the above passage from the pope’s letter of 15 spring of 1537. Cf. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, February is given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, no. Reg. 58, fols. 53%, 55". The imperialists had been expecting a — 2, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 409-10. Papal documents of this major French offensive for some time (cf. Weiss, Papiers d’ état period furnish abundant evidence of the pope’s fear of an attack du Cardinal de Granvelle, 11, 447, 462-64, 473-74, 477-78, upon Italy (Arm. XLI, tom. 6, no. 52, fol. 66, a brief to Gero479, etc.). Charles V had sought to forestall it by an (unsuc- nimo Grosso, papal commissioner in Ancona, dated 26 April, cessful) invasion of Provence, while the pope as usual tried to 1537; no. 294, fol. 302, to Bishop Simon de Zereni-Erdevd of make peace (Weiss, I], 469-70, 480-82, 484-88, 490, etc.). Zagreb dated 19 May, 1537): “. . . Accessit etiam novus metus When Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, bishop of Faenza and papal a Turca, qui classem numerosissimam contra Italiam habet innuncio to France in 1535-1537, was made a cardinal and left structam, nosque cum populis nostris et ipsa Italia in maximo

France for Italy in April of the latter year, Cesare de’ Nobili periculo versamur, et in comparandis presidiis nostras vires succeeded him in the nunciature to the French court. De’ Nobili omnes absumimus”’ (from the brief of 19 May, which also apreturned to Rome in the summer of 1537 without making any __ pears with a slightly different text in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad

progress in his effort to secure French participation in the gen- ann. 1537, vol. XXXII [1878], p. 438b). On the Italian fear eral council the pope was trying to convoke (Ehses, Conc. Trident., of the Turks in 1537, cf’ Capasso, La Politica di Papa Paolo LI, IV, 130, and Jedin, Konz. von Trent, 1, 268). Cf, Nuntiaturberichte, I, 275-315, and cf. Paolo HI, 1 (1924), 405 ff.

PAUL IN, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 43] still bear witness to the anxiety which reigned in or other confines of his empire.’*' Replying the Rome. On 16 June, 1537, for example, Paul III same day (on 20 August) to “his dearest friends,’’ wrote the Emperor Charles that what he had al- the cardinals, Charles wrote a shorter letter, reways feared, was now coming to pass: the hostility minding them that ‘‘no one of you is ignorant of between the emperor and the king of France was __ whose counsel, favor, and hope the Turk depends bringing Christendom to the brink of ruin. The upon in this struggle.’”’!**

Turk was almost at the threshold of Italy. Mostly the Turk depended upon himself in the We do not doubt that your Majesty has heard the daily struggle, and the reports ae preparations na d reports being brought to us here [in Rome] and to your not been much exaggerated. Khaireddin Barbapeople in Naples, for they are closer at hand, that the T08sa’s forces had landed at Castro in Apulia, south Turkish fleet-—which you know is very large—is stand- Of Otranto, in late July of 1537. The news was ing at anchor off the coast of Apulia, drawn up and known in Rome by 2 August, but about two weeks ready for action. May it not be that by the time your _ later it was learned that the Turks had departed— Majesty reads this letter we are getting the news that it with many prisoners, to be sure, but at least they

has set sail and landed in Italy! were gone. The attack on Apulia may have been a

The pope, anxious and indignant, appealed for diversion, or an exploratory thrust to see whether peace between the Christian contestants.'2°Onthe French forces were prepared to launch an attack same day the College of Cardinals also wrote through Piedmont upon the imperial forces in the Charles a like statement of their grave apprehen- °° valley. Sultan Suleiman was, as we have seen, sion, pleading for peace and for protection.!*° already at war with the hapless Venetians. ‘Toward Two months later (on 20 August) Charles replied the end of August (1537) Suleiman had begun the in a long, stilted epistle, protesting that he was not fruitless siege of the fortress of Cortu. The French the cause of the war with France, as his Holiness fleet under its admiral, Bertrand d Ornesan, baron should be well aware. He was the injured party; the of S. Blancard, had appeared off Cephalonia and war had been forced upon him. Three times the Zante (on 7 September), going on to Corfu, but the king of France had violated his obligations sworn admiral was quite unable to persuade Suleiman to to under treaties. It was not Charles’s fault that the @55!8! 4 hundred galleys to plunder the gous of Turk got bolder and bolder. He had opposed him Apulia, Sicily, and the March of Ancona.’™ In midin Hungary, in Italy, and at Tunis, ‘‘alone and more

than our strength could bear, for the fullest ad- . vantage of the Christian commonwealth. ra vo hire a Seon Charles noted that the pope himself had much to 145 Charriére, Negociations, 1, 340-53, journal of S. Blancard’s answer for in the unco-operative and irrational re- expedition into the Levant, written by Jean de Vega, who acstrictions which he had placed upon the royal col- companied him, and cf, :bid., 1, 357; Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, lection in Spain of the special imposts for the cru- —_ Gesch. d. osman. Reaches, WI (1828, repr. 1963), 187-88, 697sade, despite the repeated and common concession 98, trans. J. J. Hellert, Mist. de V empire ottoman, V (1836), 270-

of the da which 1 had de f 72, 525, Suleiman s journal; Longo, Guerra tra Veneziani e Turchi cruz a carer popes Na Ma € or dall’ anno 1537 al 1540, in Gennadeion MS. 80, p. 22, who the protection of the western coastlands against In- relates that S. Blancard asked Suleiman ‘“‘che volesse Jasciar fidel attacks. When Charles gathered forces to push —_100 galere a danneggiar la Puglia, la Cecilia, le marine del

back the Turk, he was: himself usually attacked veluti Den di Napoll,etWno que aoe yar Cf.trom however, oe : olitique orientate, . -—3O, reads theoe. La In a lergo by alleged Christians on his German borders the Bibl. Querini-Stampalia, Cl. IV, Cod. 1x, fol. 12° ‘‘a dan-

negiare la Puglia, la Sicilia, le marine del Regno di Napoh, et quello [sec] della Spagna,’ which would be rather a different

matter. Cf. in general Marco Guazzo, Cronica (1553), pp.

139 Weiss, Pafners da’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, TH, 515- 403-5.

16; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, no. 49, vol. XXXII La Forét had accompanied the sultan to Valona, but became (1878), p. 431a. The following month (July, 1537) the Turkish seriously ill in September, 1537 (Charriere, I, 354), and died fleet did land in force in the Terra d’ Otranto. Morone, the — about the middle of the month. After La Forét’s death, Antonio

papal nuncio to the court of Ferdinand, feared at this time Rincon was again appointed French ambassador to the Porte “l unione di Franza con il Turco et con Lutherani,” the Lu- (in January, 1538), on which note Bourrilly, in the Revue histherans allegedly having received 80,000 ducats from the French torique, CXIII (1913), 285 ff. Suleiman’s siege of Corfu and S.

to finance a large-scale intervention in Italy (Nuntatur- Blancard’s presence in eastern waters left their impress on berichte, 1-2, no. 49, p. 189, letter to Ricalcati dated 12 July, = Turkish sources (cf Ludwig Forrer, Die osmanische Chronik des 1537). In September the Venetian Senate was also busily en- Rustem Pascha, pp. 95-96). Note Capasso, La Politica di Papa gaged in the effort to bring Charles V and Francis I together — Paolo III, 1, 309-11, and Paolo HI, 1 (1924), 431-32, on the

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 70°-71", 72, 73°, 74°). Turkish landing at Castro. For conditions in Rome and the

140 Weiss, I], 517-18. terror inspired by Barbarossa’s landing, see also Pastor, Gesch.

432 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT September Suleiman had left Corfu to return to court in Austria and Bohemia, he was cautioned Istanbul, and the following month the French to be neither too liberal nor too close in the exthemselves entered Italy to retake Piedmont, which _ penditure of money at the inns in which he would had been largely overrun by imperial troops the — stay. He was to contract no debts, spurn no cities, preceding July (1537). At no point along the various _ private homes, or gifts offered to him publicly, battle fronts were the French and Turkish activities show disdain for no foods, wines, clothes, or cus-

connected by common plans of attack. In remem- toms strange to him. He was to wear the habit brance of the Christians’ victorious resistance at worn by bishops at the Curia Romana, avoid luxCorfu, Paul III had a medal struck showing a dol- _ury and display in food and dress, and eschew in-

phin overcoming a crocodile. temperance in all things; he was to betray neither

When a dolphin takes on a crocodile, however, fear nor diffidence in his face or converse with he needs assistance. Papal diplomats tried to bring men; he was to temper the gravity of his bearing the Venetians into an anti-Turkish alliance with with good nature; he was to employ prudently and Paul IfI. In those days diplomacy was a tiresome modestly the faculties and indults granted him by process of writing dozens and scores of letters to the pope; he was to practice charity, attend divine help prepare for every move. Nuncios in the field _ service daily, be present at the celebration of feasts had to be kept fully informed of current proceed- and solemn days, observe fasts, avoid contention, ings. They had to ask the proper questions before and so on, omnia tamen haec sincere et simpliciter.'** they could learn the answers in which the Curia The principle which underlay these rules of conwas interested. In the correspondence of nuncios duct (composed by Aleander), like those upon like Vergerio and Morone, French envoys like which most of the Cortegiano and the Galateo were

Rincon and Pellicier, imperial statesmen like based, was courtesy, a regard for the feelings of Granvelle and Cobos, the reader may live again _ others, and as such was quite independent of curtheir weeks of waiting, days of anxiety, and final rent fashions and contemporary diplomatic etihours of anguish in defeat or of jubilation in vic- quette. tory. If deception was practiced with finesse, it was Morone had been well chosen to represent the not in fact admired. Good manners were culti- Holy See at the Hapsburg court, and we may well vated as a fine art; both Castiglione and della Casa assume that he had not required Aleander’s essay knew the exacting career of a papal nuncio. on a nuncio’s comportment. The easy approach he Although it was apparently an adage of the _ had established to the throne made it possible to Curia in dispatching a nuncio “‘to send a wise man present the pope’s points of view informally to Ferand tell him nothing” (mitte sapientem et nihil ec dinand and to discuss their political or other imdicas), those inexperienced in diplomacy might re- plications. In late August, 1537, Ferdinand exceive, whatever their wisdom, the most elaborate _ pressed approval of Paul III’s efforts to bring the instructions concerning almost every detail of de- | Venetians and Charles V together in a pact against portment. The German nunciatures were espe- the Turks, and said that he hoped his Holiness would cially delicate assignments, for hostile Lutherans _ persevere in this important endeavor. Morone reawaited with excessive pleasure every possible plied that he would, as always, convey the royal misstep on a nuncio’s part. When in late October, message to Rome, but took the opportunity to note 1536, Giovanni Morone, safe and staid bishop of _ that the matter really lay in Charles’s own hand— Modena, was going as papal envoy to Ferdinand’s_ he should offer the Venetians some proper inducement.

rs Being encouraged by his Majesty to speak to him frankly

d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 188-91, whose account contains nu- about this matter, I explained that since the empire was merous archival references. Five years later Pope Paul III himself composed of great princes it was naturally feared by the

recalled the great fear caused by the Turkish attacks upon republics, especially when they were neighbors: I bevarlous places along the Apulian coast, in the bull of 22 May, lieved that if the emperor would give the state of Milan 1542, convoking the council at Trent (Ehses, Conc. Trident , IV, no. 184, p. 227, lines 25-30).

Morone, papal nuncio to the court of Ferdinand (then in Prague), was kept well informed concerning the Turkish threat '*4 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 3, pp. 61-65, prepared by Jeto southern Italy and so to Rome (Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, nos. rome Aleander about 24 October, 1536, also given in Raynaldus,

49-50, 52-53, pp. 190, 192, 195-96, 198-99, letters to Ri- Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, nos. 8—10, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. calcati, dated 12 and 16 July, 8 and 20 August, 1537, and cf. 413-14. Two months later, on 22 December (1536), Aleander no. 58). Also see Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1537, nos. 48 — was made a cardinal, reservatus in pectore; his nomination was ff., vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 430 ff., esp. nos. 51-53, pp. 432- — published on 13 March, 1538 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-

34, and no. 60, p. 437. Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, 1 [1923], 25).

PAUL Il], LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 433 to some private prince, would leave the affairs of Flor- beginning of November a commission of four carence in the old state of a republic [Paul III hated Cosimo —_dinals was appointed to deal with the Turkish war. de’ Medici], would make a firm alliance while the war Already, on 9 October, a Turkish army had defeated

with the Turks lasted, and would give the Venetians the Austrians under Johann Katzianer near Esseg some part of the reward of victory, if it please God to (Hung. Eszek, now Osijek, in northeastern Croatia grant it, the Venetians would be drawn to this desired on the Drava), another un dertaking quite unrelated and necessary union. His Majesty, graciously hearing all he F bh ‘on in Pied 147 Ng these reflections, thanked me. Then he sent off today to the French campaign in Piedmont. OrOne a post to Venice. I know not whether it be for this purpose, that 1s, to put the imperial agents in mind of these

considerations. !*° Cesaream Maiestatem, et illustrissimos dominos Venetos contra tyrannum Turcarum communem hostem qui violato lure gen-

However that may have been, the Venetians soon tium Corcyram insulam Venetorum obsidebat postquam ab Italia

. . . nequaquam a se petita pedem referre cogeretur itaque pro

agreed to an alliance with Paul III against the huiusmodi foedere supplicaciones decrete sunt.”’

Turks. Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 191-92, with

The Venetians had reached their decision, in fact, _refs., and Charriere, Negociations, I, 339-40, who gives part of just before the news arrived of their success at Corfu. “he report of Charles de Hemart de Denonville, cardinal bishop

. of Macon, French ambassador in Rome, to Anne de Mont-

They were very much m carnest, and promptly morency, dated 28 September (1537) concerning the ‘‘messe made known their intention of hiring German mer- papale pour remercier Dieu de la ligue faicte entre le pape, cenaries. Since ten popes had already failed to secure _ |!’ empereur et les Vénitiens,’’ as well as the arrival of the news

- 1: : : eiman’s abandonment of the siege of Corfu. The Venetian

Venetian action against the Turks, Paul III was (carried by a Venetian agate from vols te Otranto) of SuJ ubilant. The alliance was celebrated in Rom e with ambassador in Rome had also received letters from the governor

due solemnity in mid-September (1537). At the of the Corfiote fortress dated 16 September ‘“‘qui confirment la retraicte du Turcq.”’ Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 65, pp.

226-27; no. 71, pp. 239-40, et alibi; Capasso, La Politica di '4° Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 54, p. 201, letter to Ricalcati, Papa Paolo Ill, 1, 318-27, who emphasizes the Venetian redated at Prague on 25 August, 1537. Morone’s conversation —_ luctance to enter any pact directed against the Porte. with Ferdinand had taken place the preceding day. Cf, ibid., 147 According to Morone, who should have known the facts, no. 57, p. 209; no. 58, p. 211; no. 60, p. 215; no. 61, pp. 219- — Ferdinand’s army in “‘Schiavonia”’ consisted of 5,000 men-at20; no. 76, pp. 249-50; et alibi. On 13 October (1537) Morone — arms, 7,000 light horse, and 12,000 good infantry (Nuntiaturreported that Ferdinand seemed to be ready to negotiate a —_ berachte, I-2, no. 56, p. 204, letter to Ricalcati, dated at Vienna

“perpetual” anti-Turkish pact with Venice for his hereditary on 14 September, 1537). Ferdinand had hurried from Prague domains of the Tyrol, Carniola, Styria, Carinthia, Gorizia, and to Vienna to attend to the needs of his army, ‘‘perche I’ exercito

Austria (ibid., no. 62, p. 223). suo € provisto solum de denari et altre cose necessarie per la Paul III sent Fabio Mignanelli, on whom see below, note _mita del mese d’ ottobre”’ (ibid.): for two days Ferdinand had 197, to Venice “‘a far liga tra la Beatitudine soa, la Cesarea urged Morone with the greatest insistence to send off a plea Maesta et la Signoria nostra contra infideli a commune defension to the pope for aid. Cf, ibd., no. 57, pp. 208-9; no. 59, p. delle marine et stati che cadauno ha in Italia. . . ,’ towhich 213; no. 60, pp. 214-15; no. 61, pp. 218-19, dated at Vienna, the doge and Senate replied that they had all along sent the 12 October. Ferdinand’s army, being short of food, had enHoly See true reports of the Turkish naval preparations, which camped seven Italian miles from Esseg (Osijek), while the Turks at one point Paul had suggested the Venetians might possibly | under siege in Esseg had been reduced to eating their horses. be exaggerating. But his Holiness quite understood, as did the On 16 October Morone reported to Ricalcati the complete Signoria, the importance of every step they might now take, defeat of Ferdinand’s army and the flight of Katzianer and the ‘“essendo verissimo che per la grandissima potentia del Signor _ principal commanders. The disaster had occurred on the ninth, Turco, il quale ha quelle forza et obedientia che ad ognuno € — and Morone regarded it as worse than that of Mohacs, because noto, siamo necessitati diligentemente considerar et ben advertir the 24,000 men in the army were ‘‘del fiore de tutte le provincie con qual modo dovemo intrar in una guerra cos! pericolosa, la di questa Maesta”’ [Ferdinand], and the loss of artillery and quale senza alcun dubio saria alla Signoria nostra continua et arms to the Turks was almost as serious (ibid., no. 63, pp. 223-

perpetua . . . ; questo € quanto ne occorre dir al presente 24). Morone continued to supply the Curia with such infor-

. . .’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, fols. 61’-62', doc. dated 28 Au- = mation as reached Vienna. On 19 October he wrote that an gust, 1537). The Turkish attack upon Corfu had naturally — eyewitness had now appeared at Ferdinand’s court, stating that helped the Venetians to make up their minds (ibid., fols. 68” after the flight of Katzianer and the other captains with a part

ff., 71° fF., 74). of the cavalry, the remainder of the army had united with the

'4° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fol. 107, resolve to save themselves together or to die, and had effected and Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 66%: “‘Rome die Veneris a safe retreat to a fortress town called Walpo (Valpovo, fourteen septima Septembris apud Sanctum Marcum fuit consistorium miles northwest of Osijek), said to have been well supplied with secretum et in eo hec acta: Littere illustrissimi principis Andree food (ibrd., no. 64, pp. 224-25). On the twenty-second they

Aurie [Andrea Doria] lecte sunt ad oratorem imperatoris de were ‘“‘much perplexed” in Vienna, and beginning to doubt discessu exercitus Turcarum ex Italia quam ingenti classe in- _ this sanguine report (no. 65, p. 226). On 15 November Morone

vaserat. reported that almost all the cavalry had followed Katzianer in

‘Rome die Mercurii XIX Septembris apud Sanctum Petrum __ flight, but for the rest the losses of men and artillery were very fuit consistorium secretum et in eo hec acta: Sanctissimus do- heavy (no. 70, pp. 238-39). Cf C. Capasso, La Politica di Papa minus noster retulit de foedere inito inter Sanctitatem suam, Paolo III, 1, 339-40, and G. E. Rothenberg, The Austrian Military

434 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT thought this a worse catastrophe than Mohacs. He Turkish league was also involved, although he would had been doing his best to bind Charles V and the _ presumably not be required to acknowledge it for Venetians to the Holy See in a league against the some time.'°° To Zapolya the alternatives of HapsTurks. Now it was clear that Charles’s entrance into burg cross or Ottoman crescent seemed equally

the papal-Venetian alliance could be taken for grim. His contest with Ferdinand had caused his granted, although formal ratification of the articles — estrangement from the papacy, which could hardly of agreement was delayed until 8 February, 1538, afford to be overly offensive to the Hapsburgs, who when the Holy League was at last finally negotiated, _ possessed the power and prestige of the empire.

and declared its intention of offensive as well as Zapolya, like every Christian ruler, was afraid of defensive action against the Turks.'** Of course the Turks, but what could he do? He was caught Francis I needed assurance that the league was in in the middle, between Christendom and Islam, no way directed against him, and the Venetian am- ‘“‘inter sacrum et saxum,”’ as the saying went. He bassador at the French court gave it immediately, was poor, and so was Ferdinand. If Zapolya was to without waiting for instructions from home which _ throw off the Turkish yoke, however, he must have

would have taken too long.'*” help from the West; Ferdinand must help to defend Morone had also been working hard to bring Buda or Zapolya could not abide by the terms of Ferdinand and John Zapolya to some kind of accord, | Grosswardein. Morone appealed to the young Car-

as his letters to Ricalcati month after month bear dinal Alessandro Farnese, who had now replaced witness. Finally on 24 February (1538) a one year’s _ Ricalcatias the papal secretary of state.’°! Ferdinand peace was reached in the so-called treaty of Gross- acknowledged himself to be powerless to “‘dispose wardein (Nagyvarad, now Oradea). This treaty was _ his subjects to give him aid, who he says are no less partly the work of Johann von Weeze, archbishop- exhausted than obstinate, not to say stupid in not elect of Lund, who gave Morone a blow by blow _ foreseeing their own total ruin.”” The eleventh hour description of his trials when he reached Prague at had come. Ferdinand had pledged or alienated, he the beginning of April. Brother George Martinuzzi claimed, most of his patrimony and dominions. He (Utiesenovic), the bishop-elect of Grosswardein, had represented Zapolya’s interests, and had done very well. We shall see more of Martinuzzi, who for the °° Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 84, pp. 269-70, with notes 1 next dozen or more years will stand out as the lead- and 2, and ¢. nos. 85, 97. Both Ferdinand and Zapolya were ; ; Thy nati 17 to bear the royal title of Hungary (bid., no. 97, p. 299). See ing figure in Hungary (until his assassination on in general Arpad Karolyi, ed., Frater Gyérgy Levelezése (Codex December, 1551). By the terms of the treaty of epistolaris Fratris Georgu Utyesenovics [Martinuzz dicti], episcopi Grosswardein, Ferdinand recognized Zapolya as Magno-Varadiensis, S.R.E. cardinalis, etc., 1535-1551), Budapest, king of the greater part of Hungary, but the whole 1881, nos. 1-11, V-VI, pp. 4-6, 8-9. Ina letter of 15 January kinsdom was to revert to Ferdinand or his heirs (1538) to Brother George Martinuzzi, Ferdinand had referred

Ing On ve to Zapolya as rex Hungariae (ibid., no. V, p. 8). Johann von

after Zapolya’s death, whether the latter had any — Weeze, archbishop of Lund, had long been engaged in diplochildren or not. Zapolya’s adherence to the anti- matic negotiations with Zapolya on behalf of Charles V (see his reports to Charles in Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., II, nos. 400, 441, 443, 445, pp. 167 ff.). Venice naturally saw great

— advantage accruing to the Christian cause in the peace between Border in Croatia, pp. 23-24, who for some unaccountable reason _ Ferdinand and Zapolya (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 29"). Cf. also has not used the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland anywhere in Og. [M.] UtieSenovic, Lebensgeschichte des Cardinals Georg Utie-

his book. Senovic genannt Martinusius, Vienna, 1881, pp. 45-47, and see, '48 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1538, nos. 3-4, vol. XXXII tbid., append., docs. 1-11, pp. 2-15, for the text of the treaty (1878), pp. 442-44; Friedensburg, in Nuntiaturberichie, 1-2, p. | of Grosswardein, ‘‘datum Waradini in festo beati Mathiae 254, note 1, recording the consistorial acts for 8 February, | Apostoli anno domini 1538, regnorum vero nostrorum duo1538; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. VI, Reg. 39, decimo.. . .” fols. 175° ff.; Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 58, On 25 March (1538) Morone wrote Cardinal Farnese from fols. 134°, 140", and Reg. 59, fol. 24", et alibi; Predelli, Regesti Prague that the Turks had recently sacked the Hungarian town

dei Commemoriali, V1 (1903), bk. XxX, nos. 24-25, pp. 231- of Szeged, which belonged to Zapolya, and had carried off 32, and cf. no. 34, p. 234; Capasso, La Politica di Papa Paolo 10,000 prisoners (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Carte Farnesiane, tom. III, 1, 330-39, and Paolo III, 1 (1924), 433, 449-51, 454 ff. I, pt. 2, fol. 661, by mod. stamped enumeration, published by 149 Cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 25", letter of the doge and _ Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 82, pp. 262-66, esp. Senate to the Venetian ambassador at the French court, dated __ p. 264, doc. misdated 23 March). 1 March, 1538: ‘‘. . . Vi laudamo che habiate affirma al illus- '?! Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 88, p. 279, letter dated at Prague trissimo Gran Contestabile [Anne de Montmorency] che la liga — on 27 April, 1538. Ricalcati had been removed from office for fatta a Roma non sia contra sua Christianissima Maesta, come __ simoniacal practices on 28 December, 1537, and was imprisoned

veramente non é, ma solamente defensiva et offensiva contra in the Castel S. Angelo (ibid., p. 248, note 2, and cf. above, Turchi, la qual nui habiamo fatta per beneficio alla Christianita. note 82). On Zapolya’s plight, note, ibid., no. 90, p. 285; no.

et per conservatione del] stato nostro... .” 98, p. 304.

PAUL HI, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 435 knew of no further ways of raising money “‘for the fantry for five months. His residence in Prague service of all Christendom and especially of his he- having served its purpose, Ferdinand was now reditary provinces which are in between the Turk planning (in mid-May, 1538) to go into Saxony, and the Lutherans.’ He therefore begged the pope whither Duke George had invited him and whence to allow by special letters of indulgence the alien- he expected some aid. Thereafter Ferdinand was ation of the movable goods of the monasteries to to attend provincial diets in Lusatia, Silesia, and the extent of a half, a third, or a fourth of all their Moravia—all parts of the kingdom of Bohemia— holdings for use in an expedition against the where he was also to seek grants of supply against Turks.'°* The news was constantly reaching Fer- the Turks. Another diet was being held in Redinand’s court of vast Ottoman preparations for an _gensburg, where Matthias Lang, the cardinal archexpedition against Hungary. It was thought desir- bishop of Salzburg (d. 1540), the two dukes of able to bring the king of Poland into the confed- Bavaria, and other prince bishops of the district

eration against the Turk.'”° were to make their appearance. Morone under-

Ferdinand was looking everywhere for help. As stood they would give Ferdinand 3,000 infantry he contemplated the Turkish march into Hungary and 1,000 horse, ‘‘and so on every side his Majesty and possibly Austria, he was often distraught. An- keeps collecting an army,” but no one could tell ticipating refusal of his request for the extensive how big it would be.'°’ At Gorlitz in Lusatia Fer-

secularization of monastic wealth, he directed dinand had a very satisfactory meeting with the Morone to rescind his petition to the pope, and young Joachim II, margrave of Brandenburg to ask instead for a subsidy of two tenths to be (1535-1571), who promised him 200 men-at-arms levied_upon all ecclesiastical revenues, secular and and 500 infantry with much artillery and ample regular, throughout the entire Roman Empire.'’* munitions for the customary five months’ camMorone considered this request more moderate _paigning season. Joachim even offered to take the than the previous one. Since Ferdinand had re- field himself if it should seem necessary. He also quested, as executors of the two tithes, the cardinal undertook to see to it that the other Catholic elecof Trent, Morone himself, and Bishop Gregory tors should do the same.!°° Langer of Wiener Neustadt, the nuncio dryly in- The diet at Breslau in Silesia was discouraging, formed Cardinal Farnese “‘that these moneys however,

.; y; the

should be disbursed for the benefit of this enter- because the Catholics say they are afraid of the Lutherans, prise [against the Turk], not for private uses, as if they strip their provinces to give aid to his Majesty; th [ understand was done in the time of Pope Clem- | utherans say they are afraid not only of the Catholics ent of blessed memory, when goods of the Church _ put also of their imperial and royal Majesties [Charles V were alienated in these parts.’’!°? In the meantime — and Ferdinand], if they should do the same. Ferdinand was cheered by the news that the Vene-

tians had contracted for 10,000 Landsknechte Both parties thus used the same excuse to avoid from Dukes Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria, and making their contributions. By this time Breslau were sending them into the region of Friuli.'°° was all Lutheran, as Morone tells us, and Catholics Even the Bohemian magnates had broken down were afraid to bear witness to their faith. When before the emergency, and were at last prepared Lutheran fears were discussed, Ferdinand replied, to furnish the king with 3,000 horse or 9,000 in- as Morone duly reported to Rome, ‘‘that his imperial Majesty and he have been so benign toward '°? Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 86, pp. 274-75, and note 1, ~— ———”

Morone to Farnese from Prague, 12 April, 1538. ' Ibid., 1-2, no. 91, p. 286. Ferdinand left Prague on 16 '°° Ibid., 1-2, no. 89, p. 283, Morone to Farnese from Prague, — May (1538), and spent the eighteenth and nineteenth in Dresden

28 April, 1538. with Duke George of Saxony, who renewed his promise of aid. '°4 Ibid., no. 90, p. 284, and note 2, Morone to Farnese from — Spending 21-24 May at Bautzen in Lusatia, Ferdinand next Prague, 2 May, 1538. went to Gorlitz (on 25-26 May), and by Bunzlau, now the

'°5 Ibid., 1-2, p. 285. He also notes that “‘li avisi della venuta Polish _Bolestawiec, on the twenty-seventh to Breslau, now del Turco verso Hongeria vano continuando,” and if the Turk = Wroctaw, in Silesia (30 May—17 June). From Breslau the court should take Buda, ‘‘non solo Vienna, ma tutte le altre provincie — went by way of Neisse to Olmiitz, now Olomouc (23-30 June), di questo serenissimo re [Ferdinand] sarebbero in grandissimo —_and reached Linz on 7 July. Morone traveled with Ferdinand pericolo.”’ Cf., ibid., no. 94, p. 293. But Paul HI was most re- throughout the entire period. The king’s itinerary could almost

p. 310). Alessandro Farnese.

luctant to grant Ferdinand the German tithes (ibid., no. 100, be constructed from the datelines in Morone’s dispatches to 156 Ibid. 1-2, no. 91, p. 286, Morone to Farnese from Prague, 8 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 94, p. 291, Morone to Farnese

10 May, 1538, and cf. also pp. 447-50. from Gorlitz, 26 May, 1538.

436 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Lutherans that they have no cause to fear!” While the royal court was still at Breslau, Stephen Then the problem of the council arose for dis- Broderic called on Morone (on 8 June, 1538), telling cussion, an unfailing subject, and the usual appeals him in the strictest confidence that the peace befor satisfaction and assurance were to be sent to tween Ferdinand and Zapolya had finally been rati-

Charles V.'°° fied (la pace esser conclusa). He asked Morone to In the meantime dealings with John Zapolya inform the pope, and wanted the latter to send a seemed to be going smoothly. The extraordinary nuncio into Hungary under the pretext of per-

Jerome Laski, who had survived the perilous mis- _ suading Zapolya to make peace with Ferdinand. He adventure of having his name linked with that of | might then congratulate him upon the conclusion

Lodovico Gritti, had appeared in Prague in April of the peace. The nuncio should bring with him (1538), having actually entered Ferdinand’s ser- _ letters of credence bearing the royal title and making vice. His wide travels, knowledge of many lan- clear King John’s good relations with the Apostolic guages, and unusual family and political connec- See. Broderic asserted that Pope Clement VII had

tions made a considerable impression on Morone, unjustly condemned Zapolya to please the two to whom he gave a memorandum on how an anti-__ Hapsburg brothers, and that Paul III should now Turkish expedition should be organized.'°? Then make the gracious gesture of granting Zapolya abLaski accompanied Archbishop Johann von Weeze _ solution and restoring him to the bosom of the on another mission to Zapolya, whose own envoy Church. Morone, always cautious, answered ‘“‘that Stephen Broderic had himself returned to Ferdi- _ it was not my responsibility to judge Pope Clement’s nand’s court ‘‘per la conclusione della pace.’’'®' act,’ but he thought the initiative should come from On 3 June (1538) Laski arrived back in Breslau Zapolya, who might send an envoy to Rome to exto report that Zapolya was willing for Ferdinand’s _ press pleasure to the pope that peace had been made troops to garrison Buda against the Turks. Mo- and to recognize the Holy See, ‘‘as past kings of rone believed that a union of the two Christian Hungary have always done.’’ Morone was certain kings of Hungary, who could ally with themselves — Zapolya’s gesture would be well received. Broderic the king of Poland and the voivode of Moldavia, said that, considering the extreme secrecy of the might be the beginning of a really effective alliance peace, it would be dangerous to do so. Morone had against the Turk, which would be of great utility no more to say. The peace was so secret that he to the Christian commonwealth.'®* Actually Za- had been able to send details of it to Rome, as he polya had offered Ferdinand a larger scope for his now reminded Farnese, ‘‘many days ago.” The next forces than the latter had requested. A few days day (on 9 June) Broderic paid Morone another visit. later Johann von Weeze gave his own report, and Now he wanted the nuncio to request papal connow it appeared that Ferdinand would be hard _ firmation of certain Hungarian episcopal elections: pressed to meet the commitments he had made. _ his own to the see of Vacium (Hung. Vac, German As Morone understood the facts, Ferdinand’s en- Waitzen); that of Francesco de’ Frangipani (Franvoys had offered 5,000 infantry for the defense kopan), already the archbishop of Kalocsa, to the of Buda and the same number of troops for the _ bishopric of Eger (Erlau, Latin Agria); that of John defense of certain other places in Hungary, at the — Statilius to the see of Alba Iulia in Transylvania; same time as Ferdinand had to arm an armada he and finally that of Brother George Utiesenovic, bethad prepared on the Danube, for which he re- ter known by his mother’s name Martinuzzi, to the quired 10,000 men. Morone did not see where _ bishopric of Grosswardein (Hung. Nagyvarad, now the money was coming from, but the king was the Rumanian Oradea). Brother George was called

hopeful of raising enough from the provincial ‘“‘the Treasurer.’’ He was an astute and colorful

diets.!°? character. A red hat lay in his future, and a violent death. We have already made his acquaintance, and

—____—_—_—— we shall return to him in later chapters.

159 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 95, pp. 293-95, Morone to Stephen Broderic said that the pope had already Farnese from iresiaw, «3 uns 1938. 37». 277. Morone to promised to confirm these elections “‘not only willarnes. from Prague, 16 April, 1538, and note Jerome Alean- ingly but also gratis. Ferdinand also requested der’s appraisal of Laski, in a letter to Cardinal Alessandro the same confirmations. Any word of such action Farnese, dated at Vienna on 19 August, 1539 (ibid., pt. I, vol. on the pope’s part would immediately suggest the

4, no. 240, p. 171, and ¢f,, ibid., pp. 380-82). end of Zapolya’s estrangement from Rome, which

- Ibid., 1-2, no. 95,1-2, p. no. 296.96,presumably could only mean Nuntiaturbenchte, p. 297, Morone to Farnese . . his reconciliation in from Breslau, 3 June, 1538. some way with Ferdinand. Morone wrote Farnese, 163 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 97, p. 299, Morone to Farnese not without a grumble, that “it seems strange to from Breslau, 7 June, 1538. me they want the confirmation of these bishoprics,

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 437 and yet they say that the peace is most secret!’’ speculation at Ferdinand’s court. Jerome Laski But, no matter, in Rome they would know what thought that Sultan Suleiman would attack neither to do. Most of Hungary was contaminated with Hungary nor Italy in force when he learned of the the new Protestant sects.'°* According to the an- Holy League formed against him and of the peace notation on Morone’s letter, it was received in being made between Charles V and Francis I. Rome on 25 July,’®° but Paul III had already writ- While he was striking in one place, the League ten to Zapolya three weeks before this, calling him might attack him in another; besides, the sultan king of Hungary and congratulating him on the always had the sophi to reckon with, and he could peace which he had made with Ferdinand.’ place no dependence on John Zapolya. Like much There was probably a good opinion of Stephen _ political and military rationalization, Laski’s views Broderic at the Curia, although it seems clear from were intelligent and wrong. Always the Hapsburgs

Morone’s correspondence that he did not look faced the Lutheran obstacle in their anti-Turkish upon him with much enthusiasm. John Zapolya’s plans. Scores of letters sent by Vergerio and Mo-

failure to embrace Lutheranism must also have rone to Rome during these years link the Luimpressed the Curia. Such a move would doubtless therans and the Turks together in some way: have earned the approval of the sultan, who was ‘“Today his Majesty [Ferdinand] has asked me with inclined to look benignly upon the Lutherans as __ every insistence,’’ wrote Morone to Farnese on 10 his allies, however unwilling they may have been. June (1538), “‘to request of his Holiness the depuZapolya’s Protestantism would not have bothered tation of commissioners to treat of the peace with

Francis I, and even though it would have dis- the Lutherans, so that the imperial diet may meet tressed the two dukes of Bavaria, it would prob- and put the war against the Turk upon a firm ably have secured him a good deal of support in footing, with tranquillity at home and with the Germany, where he had in fact many well-wishers. union of all the empire.’’'®® This was an old reBut Zapolya remained a staunch Catholic despite _ frain, but it was going to be heard for some years the pro-Hapsburg policy pursued by the Holy See to come.

in Hungary. For this, doubtless, much was owing to Broderic, Frangipani, Statilius, and George The Venetian Senate was insistent upon receiving

Martinuzzi. Paul III might well be willing to con- from the Holy See “la concession di alienare le X firm them in their new offices ‘not only willingly Percento,” authorization to sell one tenth of the

but also gratis.’’!67 property of ecclesiastical benefices which yielded a In the meantime, the rumors and reports of the hundred ducats a year and more. Marc’ Antonio Turkish ‘‘apparatus” continued, and so did the Contarim, the Republic’s ambassador to the Curia Romana, reported that whereas Pope Paul III wanted to help them meet the expenses of the cru-

esNuntaturberichie, . . sade, 1-2, heno.wanted to do so in some other way. On | 98, pp. 302-4, Morone to March (1538) the Senate wrote Contarini that the

Farnese Breslau, 10 alienation June, 1538. . : . oe property 185 Thid., from 1-2, p. 302. ten-percent of ecclesiastical

'8© Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 10, no. 584, fol. ‘would have given us no less a sum than 600,000 304: “Cum esset nuper allatum ad nos de concordia et pace ducats.’’ If the pope did not wish to give way on que inter te et serenissimum regem Romanorum, etc., Dei the ‘‘alienation”’ (as obviously providing a perilous munere secuta est, et egimus eidem Deo maximas gratias quod precedent), Contarini was to ask that his Holiness istud regnum discordiis afflictum beneficio vestre conciliationis _ I, vay: . recreasset. . . .”’ Cf also, tbid., no. 585, to Cardinal Jerome be willing to concede to us a subsidy from the Aleander, legatus de latere for Hungary and ad partes Germa- reverend clergy of our state of 200,000 ducats a niae, and no. 634, again to Zapolya on 8 August, 1538. See in year for the next five years... 7169 On the twelfth general Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., I, 333, and II, 267, and note the Senate expressed astonishment that the pope the instructions to a papal nuncio going to Hungary and Poland should be so well-disposed and so full of fj d in September or October, 1539 (Weiss, II, 537-40). These . Pp an sO ult of Hine words instructions are undated, but the nuncio was expected to be in and just not get around to granting the subsidy, pone by Christmas, reference is made the deathcardinal of = nq weof have writtenand to you ernard Clesiusand(Bernhard vontoCles), Trent ; :[Contarini] these past days

chancellor of Bohemia (d. 28 July, 1539). that you should ask his Holiness to have the state [com-

167 Payl II] did confirm the elections to the various Hun. ™@U®t#a] of Ragusa make a fitting contribution to the garian sees, as noted in the second letter which Morone wrote _ league, and also that his Holiness be willing generally

from Wiener Neustadt, as he was just beginning his second

Austro-German nuntiature (Franz Dittrich, ed., Nuntiaturberichte Giovanni Morones vom deutschen Kénigshofe [1539-1540], '°8 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 98, pp. 305, 306, and cf. no. Paderborn, 1892, doc. no. 2, p. 3, dated 13 July, 1539, which 99, p. 308. letter also bore the news to Rome of a raid by allegedly 10,000 '®? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 22’, 23°, by mod. enumera-

Turkish horse into Austrian ‘‘Sclavonia’’). tion.

438 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to forbid every Christian to go into Turkish territory churches and palaces which made their city the with merchandise and other goods and every kind of — embellishment of Europe in the sixteenth century.

vessel... . Thus in March, 1538, when Vincenzo Capello re-

Naturally the merchants of Venice did not want €!ved his commission as captain-general of the profits of the Levantine trade going to rivals and S€4, the Senate immediately turned over to him interlopers while they were fighting the Turks the sum of 95,589 ducats for the wages of com-

“per beneficio alla Christianita.” manders, crewmen, and the manifold needs of his While Paul III was perfectly happy to prohibit fleet." This was only the beginning. The Daltrade and travel in the lands of the infidel, the aan mainland required defense;'™ more gal-

Curia Romana was much less enthusiastic about _!€Ys were abuilding in the Arsenal; the spring had the secularization of church property to spare the begun; and the Holy League had not yet started resources of the rich citizenry of Venice. Balking _'t8 hoped-for offensive against the Porte. not only at the ‘‘alienar le X per cento,” but also Eventually the pope gave way under the Veneat the requested subsidy of 1,000,000 ducats over aM pressure for ecclesiastical funds, but with rea period of five years, the Curia proposed a loan, luctance and even (Contarini reported) with some

as Contarini reported to the Senate in letters of TeSenument, to which the Senate replied on 22 10 and 13 March. 1538. to which he received gq “Pt! (1538) that as his Holiness’s most obedient rather sharp reply of rejection on the sixteenth. 5°" they wished to remove his every concern, Venice had entered the league, Contarini was told, so that he may know that we do not want the with the expectation of some such assistance. The ™O0ney save with his good will. . . .”” Contarini pope’s ‘“‘irresolution’’ was threatening Europe as WS to point out to the pope, however, well as Venice with possible disaster.'”! From the sums the Senate was demanding of that if last year when we were at peace with the Turk the papacy, one might be tempted into the erro- he granted us 90,000 ducats of gold [in tithes], this year

neous conclusion that the Senate wanted the When we are in so great a war with so powerful an

Church to pay the Republic’s share of the coming enemy, and have up to this point spent in the course of we ,; ; one yearthe [daTurks. uno anno qua] more than expedition against Frominthe Venetian ; a million and dpoint ; ld doubtless h b q 3 half in gold and must still spend a much greater sum

stan point it wou ou tless have been a §00 than that, we are certain that his Holiness will concede

idea (had it been practicable), but the unassailable us the 200,000 ducats di camera, of which with the prefact remains that war with the Turk was almost _ sentation of a 10 per cent gift [to his Holiness] there incredibly expensive. The Venetians spent on — will thus remain 180,000... .1%4 crews and galleys for warfare incomparably more,

over the years, than they ever spent on the

'7® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 35", by mod. enumeration. '73 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 48’-49", docs. dated 16

'7° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 27°-28". April, 1538, and cf. a letter of the same date to the Venetian

171 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 32": “‘. . . pero vidicemo che _ secretary in England, who was informed that Venice was benon dobbiate piu far alcuna parola de imprestedo, ma diman- __ ginning to feel the effects of the huge Turkish preparations, darli quello vi havemo commesso, che sono ducati 200 m. al- — ‘‘perché nella provincia nostra de Dalmatia le genti turchesche lanno per anni cinque. . . .’” On 28 March, 1538, it was pro- _ fano infiniti danni, et gia sono posti all’ assedio di alcuni di posed in the Senate to collect 150,000 ducats from the clergy, — quelli castelli de importantia” (ibid., fol. 50", and cf. fols. 50°, assigning 40,000 to the needs of Dalmatia, 40,000 to the Ar- 51”).

senal, and the remainder to the Venetian fleet, artillery, and 174 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 51%: “. . . dicendoli et sup-

ships’ supplies [bzscotti| (abid., fol. 38). plicandoli che se I’ anno preterito che eremo in pace con il Although the Venetians were thus preparing to press on with Turco la [Santita sua] ne concesse ducati doro 90 m. il presente the war, there were as always advocates of trying to reach some anno che siamo in tanta guerra cum Cusi potente inimico et che sort of accord with the Turks. War might be all very well under fin qui havemo speso da uno anno in qua piu de un milion et

favorable circumstances, ‘‘ma della potenza de’ Turchi quante | mezo di oro et che ne convenimo spender molto maggior cose si potrebbono dire,” as Marco Foscari reminded the Senate, | summa siamo certi che la Beatitudine sua ne concedera li ducati

probably about this time, in a speech pleading for peace, “im- 200 m. di camera de i qual se da X per cento di don, siché perio grandissimo, esserciti numerosissimi, copia d’ oro, ab- — venirano ad restar 180 m.. . .”’ In a consistory held at Alesbondanza di tutte le cose necessarie alla guerra, et cid che — sandria on Monday, 6 May, 1538, Paul III granted the Venem’ incresce poter dire con verita, tale ubidienza et disciplina mili- _ tians six tithes, which were supposed to produce 180,000 ducats tare, quale piu tosto si desidera che si osservi presso Christiani’’ — in 1538-1539, but the Curia wanted 30,000 of it “‘pro Sanc(“Oratione di Marco Foscari,"’ in Simeon Ljubic, ed., Commis- _titatis sue et Sedis Apostolice urgentibus necessitatibus”’ (Arch. stones et relationes venetae, I] [Zagreb, 1877], 131-36, in the Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 80", an original

VIII). 1546).

Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, record of the consistory from August, 1535, through October,

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 439 The need for the money was most urgent. Little return to the island of Stampalia.'’° In the Morea or nothing could be expected from Venetian pos- Venetian officers put the defenses of the fortress sessions in the Levant. Corfu was in ruins, the towns of Nauplia and Monemvasia in as good orArchipelago desolate. Dalmatia was in danger,and_ der as their resources allowed.'”” the cost of its defense would be colossal. Of the Despite the aspirations of conquest which the

82 galleys which Venice had pledged to the articles formulating the Holy League seemed to League, 79 were already at sea, and the other imply, the Venetians remained fearful of a Turk-

three soon would be, ish attack by sea. As the Senate wrote Marc’ Anand it is impossible for us to provide what is needed tonio Contarini on 6 April (1538), without great assistance from the clergy of our state, by the reports which we send you with the present letters and impossible for us alone to resist so great a power to be communicated to his Holiness, you will understand and lay out such sums, in which context we wish rev- the Turk’s formidable preparations [apparati], to come erently to point out that the 33 galleys, equipped, which — with a land army of great striking force for the invasion we are giving to his Holiness, are costing us some _ of Italy by way of Friuli, which reports we are quite

150,000 ducats.'”° certain his Holiness will consider with the greatest

Although some of these statements of Venetian eames expenditure may well be exaggerated, the Senate Should the enemy enter the peninsula by way of could hardly expect Contarini to make statements Friuli, da porta de Italia, the pope could judge for to the pope which they both knew to be palpably _ himself the terrible consequences, le ruine, li incendu

untrue. et le captivita delle povere anime de’ Christiani. The

As Capello was preparing for his departure, the articles of the League provided for the recruitment Senate hoped his fleet might put to right some of of 50,000 foot, including 20,000 Landsknechte, and the chaos which Khaireddin Barbarossa’s raids had _ now that the peril was greater and closer than ever, caused in the Aegean islands, when the Turks his Holiness—a chi s’ appartiene tenir maggior cura were returning home in the fall of 1537 after their della salute universale de’ Christiani—should immeunsuccessful siege of Corfu. More than a century diately order 30,000 infantry into the field, includ-

after their ancestor Francesco Querini had ac- ing 10,000 Landsknechte under a strong captain quired the island of Astypalaea or “‘Stampalia’’ of ample experience. This army should be sent into (in 1413), the Querini still held the island lordship, — Friuli at the beginning of May, which allowed only which had apparently suffered not only from a_ four weeks. The Senate addressed similar letters of Turkish raid, but also from the internal dissension

which the Turkish presence often fostered in the =~ Christian communities of the Levant. Another 176 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 36, from Capello’s commission Francesco Querini, who was obviously not made as captain-general of the sea, dated 20 March, 1538: “TI sono of the same stuff as his self-reliant forebear, lodged note le ruine che sono sta fatte nelle isole del Arcipelago dall a complaint before the Senate against an obstrep- conto dela sua isola de Stampalia [Astypalaea] si risente molto erous subject named Marco Gilardo who, not con- de uno Marco Gilardo, il quale come ne ha exposto non content with disobeying Querini’s castellans, had tried _ tento della pocca obedientia che |’ ha prestato alli castellani, to kill one and had driven another, Querini’s last havendone voluto amazar uno, et lo ultimo che se ritrovava in _ . ditta isola ha dismesso, et li ha sachiza la sua robba cum animo remaining ap pointee, from the island. Gilardo had de volersi lui far signor, pagando carazo al Signor Turco, la then plundered Querini’s property, and was trying gual cosa ne é de molta displicentia.. . .” to make himself the lord of Stampalia by paying In November, 1540, the Turks improperly claimed Stampalia the “‘carazo”’ (kharaj) to the Turk, all of which had as part of the peace then recently made between Venice and little to recommend itself to the Senate. When _ the Porte (bid., Reg. 61, fols. 73°74"), and a year later the Capello was able. therefore. to send a galley safely Venetian in Istanbul was instructed “che dovesse _—— , procurar la restitutione deambassador |’ isola di Stampalia del nobel nostro into the Archipelago, he was to remove the afore- Francesco Querini, et fino a quest’ hora non si é fatto cosa said Marco and his followers from their ill-gotten alcuna, pero havendo noi questa restitutione a core et per bepossessions and positions, and to punish them for neficio peblico et per il particular del preditto nobel nostro, ti their misdeeds “‘as shall seem to you in accord with Venetian bailie] commetteme whe seonde le instrattion! date Justice and as an example to others.’ With the 4g preditto orator [Luigi Badoer] debbi cum ogni studio et restoration of a castellan of Francesco Querini’s _ desterita possibile procurar essa restitutione . . .” (ibid., fols. choice, the Senate hoped that law and order might 133°-134', doc. dated 12 November, 1541, which refers also

. . armata turchescha, et il nobil nostro Francesco Querini per

to the Turkish presence in and depredation of other islands as a result of the then recent war).

'75 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 51%, and cf. fol. 59”. '77 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 69, docs. dated 17 May, 1538.

440 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT exhortation to the Venetian envoys at the imperial clearly thought it possible, however, and he was court. Both Pope Paul and Charles V were urged quite as aghast as the Venetians at the prospect of to provide forthwith their share of the necessary the Turkish presence in northern Italy, where in

funds.'7® papal fashion he was anxious to establish his son On the same day the Senate wrote the Venetian Pier Luigi as a temporal dynast in Parma and Piaambassador at Ferdinand’s court, praising his Maj- _cenza. He promptly agreed with the Venetian Senesty for la deliberation soa de andar m persona alla ate as to the necessity of raising the 30,000 infantry impresa, and urging upon him peace with John Za- in a hurry, and when he promised to pay his share polya. Ferdinand had asked for permission to raise of the cost without delay, the Signoria dispatched a number of light horse in Venetian territory, and a secretary into Germany to raise the 10,000 Landshis brother Charles had addressed the same request knechte with the aid of the dukes of Bavaria.!®! to the Signoria, which raised no objection, but noted — Eventually the Venetians contracted to hire 5,000 ‘that when we have need of light horse, we order Landsknechte for the defense of Friuli, but soon their recruitment outside our own dominion.”’ Ap- dismissed them (in late June), when the Turkish parently the pickings were not so good in the Veneto _ land forces failed to appear in Friuli for that descent

and in Venetian Dalmatia. Also the Republic had into Italy, the fear of which had helped fill the not encouraged among her citizens and subjects the | Venetian diplomatic correspondence with gloom for practice of arms on land (always a possible danger _weeks.'*?

to the state), but had placed her emphasis on naval .

warfare, a protection to her overseas possessions, The council was always the stumbling block in where the distant exploits of her nobles were less Germany, where the Lutherans demanded the reof a hazard to the state. Be this as it may, however, form of the (German) Church through a national before the present letter (of 6 April, 1538) had diet. In the meantime the Turk was marshaling his been sent, the ambassador’s own letter of 23 March forces, and the Holy League must take some positive arrived in the ducal palace with the news of the one action. Before the League could undertake any ofyear’s truce between Ferdinand and Zapolya, which _ fensive of the magnitude planned, it was absolutely gladdened the senatorial hearts, ‘and we wish that essential to arrange a peace or at least a truce beyou express our high approval of this to his Majesty, tween Charles V and Francis I. The latter could telling him that through the aforesaid truce we hope _ See that, if and when the resources of the League a good peace may come about with benefit to all | were not being used against the Turk, they might

Christendom.’’!79 well be arrayed against him. Pope Paul III left Rome

Day after day, document after document, the On 23 March, 1538,'°° and journeyed northward Senate worried and warned the pope and the em- tO confer with the two sovereigns at Nice in Savoy. peror “che ’l Signor Turco é per venir cum la per- By now tt was clear that no one was coming to his sona sua in Italia per la volta del Friuli ad offension council at Vicenza, except the cardinal legates and di quella.” If the Turkish sultan was going to attack certain officials of the Curia, and so at Piacenza on Italy in person, Charles V should himself come into 29 April, on his way north, the pope prorogued Friuli to defend the peninsula, and thus “make the council for the third time.'8* The Venetian Senknown to all the world the intrepid and imperial spirit of his Majesty.”'®° It was an age of rhetoricians. A classical education found its use and its vag SET Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 47°, 48°. reward in every chancery in Europe. Diplomatic. enechtn 99, tols. ae »yet 82,reached 84", 85-87. Theand Lands; ndo in AS8. camino, had not Friuli, the

preparations and he pers thy pod fy easter i ah Seg Vata Aa Miele Reh 108 eloquence was one of the adornments of court life. Senate was most anxious that they should not do so (fols. 82’,

Everyone could discount its exaggeration, but there 85"). was little exaggeration in the extent of Turkish — Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol.

; ff., 114’-115", 117, 119°-120", 126, esp. fols. 130°-131", and

the Venetians was certain that when the sultan ¢ Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fols. 67"-68", 79; Ehses, Conc. struck by land, it would be through Friuli. Paul III = Trident., IV, nos. 116-18, pp. 161-63. Many letters of Morone

to Rome relate to the need of peace between Charles and Francis as the prelude to the League’s anti-Turkish activity (Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, nos. 80-85, 88-89, 91-94, 97, et alibi). Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1538, nos. 8-10, vol. XXXII '78 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 40°—-41", 48", by mod. enu- (1878), pp. 445-46; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, V (repr. 1956),

meration. 81-82; Jedin, Konz. von Trient, 1, 273-74.

'79 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 41°-42". There was a further prorogation of the council in a consistory

189 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 46’. of 28 June, 1538 (Conc. Trident., IV, no. 125, pp. 167-68;

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 44] ate followed the papal progress and proceedings At Nice in May and June (1538) the pope ar-

with understandable interest.'*° ranged a series of conferences, with much skill and After the establishment of the papal suite at Nice, patience, between Charles and Francis, conferring we find Paul III dealing with various details relating _ first with one and then with the other, for the two to the crusade. Although he was now looking for- _ refused to deal directly with each other, although

ward hopefully to an offensive against the Turk, they were finally induced to meet and did so amhe was still obliged to meet debts incurred for the icably at Aigues-Mortes in July (1538). After overdefense of Italy during the great fear of Turkish coming innumerable difficulties, the pope finally attacks in the summer of 1537. He tried to meet succeeded in getting them both to sign a ten years’ his obligations justly in this respect. In the duchy _ peace,’*” but it did not much help the Venetian of Florence, for example, Cosimo de’ Medici had cause in Greece and the islands. Although Francis found it necessary to fortify the harbors and shores agreed to join in a war against the Porte and to of the duchy against possible Turkish assault, being give the emperor a monthly subvention to help thus forced into a large expenditure which had con- support the projected anti-Turkish offensive, he tributed as much to the security of the clergy as of the laity. Having already agreed that Cosimo should

have some recompense from ecclesiastical sources, _ on 31 May, 1538, the pope instructed Gianbattista _ filio Io. Baptiste Ricasolo, canonico Florentino, per alias nostras Ricasoli, a canon of Florence and papal collector in '™ forma brevis litteras commissimus et mandavimus quatenus

distr; Cos; d duas decimas quasSin a personis ecclesiasticis dicti dominii the district, to turnh over to osimo the procee recompensam . . . tibi consignaret. Nobilitatiexigeret, itaque tue

of the two crusading tithes which had been imposed pecunias ex dictis decimis, ut prefertur, exigendas in recomupon the dominion of Florence and most other parts pensam huiusmodi recipiendi auctoritate apostolica licentiam of Italy. In Venice financial concessions were made _ ¢t facultatem concedimus per presentes non obstantibus pre-

toan burd dcler hich would be no hap- missis ac constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis ceterisque 0 an over ur ened clergy, Wich wo . Pp contrariis quibuscumque, etc.’” The pope’s brief to Ricasoli, of

pier to receive them, Says the papal brief, than Paul the same date, may be found, ibid., no. 412, fol. 92: “‘Superiori

was to make them.'®° anno ad resistendum furori impiissimi Turcharum tyranni in dominio Florentino et diversis aliis Italie provinciis subsidium duarum decimarum super fructibus, redditibus et proventibus beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum imposuimus.. . .”’

Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V, 83-84; Jedin, I, 274-75), and it was Although it is well known that Cosimo de’ Medici and the postponed indefinitely in a consistory of 21 May, 1539, as was _— Farnesi were enemies, Pastor seems to have been misled into announced to the princes by briefs dated 10 June (Conc. Trident, believing that from 1537 to 1540 Cosimo, who had recently

IV, nos. 137-38, pp. 178-79; Pastor, V, 93-94; and cf. Jedin, become the duke of Florence, “. . . von einer Erhebung des I, 278-79): the council was now suspended ad beneplacitum of | Turkenzehnten in Toskana wollte er nichts wissen” (Gesch. d. the Apostolic See, on which note Walter Friedensburg, Kaiser — Papste, V [repr. 1956], 222-23, 225-26, 230-31, 238, note 8). Karl V. und Papst Paul II. (1534-1549), Leipzig, 1932, p. 41. The Vatican documents suggest that not only would he counteCf. Ehses, in the Romische Quartalschrift, X11, 321-23. Ehses, nance the tithe, but he accepted reimbursement therefrom for Pastor, C. Capasso, and Jedin all assert Paul III's sincere desire his own expenses. to see the general council convoked, especially up to 1539, The assessments for defense against the Turks had been very while Friedensburg (cf., op. cit., pp. 18-20), L. Cardauns, and high in Venice, for on 12 December, 1537, Paul III had agreed A. Korte doubt it very much, believing that the Curia feared __ to the imposition of a tenth and a half to be added to the triple too much the precedents of Constance and Basel, and that Paul _ tithe (three tenths) previously authorized for collection in Venpressed for a council only when he knew it had small chance ice because of the Turkish war (Arm. XLI, tom. 8, no. 109). of assembling. On the congress of Nice, see Capasso, La Politica On the concessions now made to the Venetian clergy, see the di Papa Paolo Ill, 1, 372 ff., 392 ff., and Paolo IIT, I (1924), 487 consistorial report for 6 May, 1538, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

ff., 493 ff. Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fols. 131°-132*, and Acta Vicecan'89 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols.53 —_cellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 80", and Paul’s brief to the papal nuncio

ff., 57, 71° ff., 74° ff., 77°, 83° ff., and see esp. the reports of | in Venice, in Arm. XLI, tom. 10, no. 339, fol. 12, datum in the Venetian envoys in Gustav Turba, ed., Venetianische Depeschen _—_ctuttate Aquensi VIT Mau 1538, anno quarto; other concessions

vom Karserhofe (Dispacci di Germania), 3 vols., Vienna, 1889-95, were made to the Venetian Signoria, ibid., no. 388, fols. 65I, nos. 9-33, pp. 30-153, docs. dated from 11 May to 18 June, 67, datum in domo Sancti Francisci extra muros Nicienses, etc., die

1538. 26 Man 1538. The pope was obliged to reside in the Franciscan '8© Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 10 [Pauli II] Breurum convent outside the walls of Nice, because Duke Charles of

Minutae], no. 413, fol. 93, datum in domo Sancte Crucis extra Savoy and the inhabitants of Nice refused to admit the papal muros Nicienses, ulttma Man 1538, anno quarto: ‘‘Dilecto filio court into the citadel. nobili viro Cosmo de Medicis, duci reipublice Florentine: Hodie '87 The ten years’ peace between Charles and Francis put cum accepissemus te maximas impensas in muniendis portubus — Antonio Rincon, who had returned to the Porte as the French

et altis locis maritimis dominii Florentini preservandis ab in- | ambassador after La Forét’s death, in an unexpected and tercursibus et impetu impiissimi Turcharum tyranni facere opor- rible lurch. Left for months without money or news, Rincon tuisse, et volentes te, qui in hoc non minus clericorum quam —= managed to maintain (to an extraordinary extent) the credilaicorum dicti dominii securitati consulueras, a personis eccle- bility of the French in Istanbul (Bourrilly, in the Revue historique,

siasticis dicti dominii aliquam recompensam reportare, dilecto CXIII [1913], 286-304).

442 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT actually contrived (owing to Antonio Rincon’s Jerome Laski had been wrong. Sultan Suleiman presence at the Ottoman court) to continue his was not being deterred from a great westward entente with Sultan Suleiman,'** whose forces expedition either by the formation of the Holy since April had been scoring one success after an-_ League or by the apparent defection of his French other in Venetian-held Dalmatia.'*? The pope re- ally. By mid-July (1538) Ferdinand, then at Linz, turned to Rome in July, entering the city by the had been informed that a huge Turkish army was Porta del Popolo on Wednesday, the twenty- moving toward Hungary. Estimates of its strength fourth, amid the enthusiastic plaudits of the pop- were fantastic, ranging from 30,000 to 80,000 ulace, because he was thought finally to have _ horse. Its purpose was believed to be the conquest achieved peace between Charles and Francis, antea of Croatia and Slavonia ‘“‘and to set foot in that

inter se inimicissimi. ‘°° country between the Drava and the Sava, reducing all people to obedience [to the Porte] and forti-

TT fying some places.’’ The way seemed open into

Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., Il, no. 458, pp. Hungary, Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Friuli, and 285-87, Charles to his sister Mary of Hungary, letter dated 18 even Italy. Ferdinand sought funds everywhere, July, 1538; Charriére, Négociations, I, 359-71, 386-87; Vande- asking Morone again for the two German tithes

nesse, ed. Gachard, II, 140-44; Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 101, hj > . h .

p. 313, and of, nos. 104, 106, 110; Paolo Giovio, Historiae sui aNd beseeching his Holiness through the nun temporis, Basel: Perna, 1578, bk. XXXVI, pp. 359 ff.; Ursu, La not to fail him in this hour of desperate need. Politique orientale (1908), pp. 105-6, 108, 180-88; Brandi, Reports (avvisi) were pouring in from Hungary; Kaiser Karl V., 1, 333-35, 355 ff., and IH, 267-—70; and C. Ca- Morone sent copies on to Rome. Five Austrian passo, Paolo III, I (1924), 503 ff., on the ten years’ peace. had f Bel de (d d 15 The French fleet under the Baron de S. Blancard had spent scouts had sent reports trom belgrade ( ate the winter of 1537-1538 in Turkish waters, receiving provi- and 18 July) that the Turks were expected there sions in Istanbul from 28 February to 11 April, 1538 (Char- within a few days. They had built a bridge over riere, I, 374-80, from the journal of S. Blancard’s expedition), the Danube at Smederevo (Smetro). Zapolya was getting back to France in June (ibid., I, 383). A French fleet in the gravest danger. and there was hourly ex-

had wintered in the Levant almost a decade before this (Sanudo, . 8 BT . J

Diarii, LI, 621). pectation of an envoy from him to ask Ferdinand For the conventions binding Paul III, Charles V, and the for help. Ferdinand told Morone that he did not Doge Andrea Gritti in the so-called Holy League, see Arch. want to fail him. It was rumored that the Turkish Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. VI, tom. 39, fols. 175-84. They expedition was to avenge the death of Lodovico

served as a model in some respects for the more famous treaty Gritti.!22

of 1570 (cf., wbid., fols. 202", 204"), which led to the Christian UT ICU.

victory at Lepanto. Cf. also Arm. XLI, tom. 8, nos. 178-86, On 2 August (1538) Morone wrote Farnese that fols. 201-6, briefs dated 21-22 December, 1537, to Cardinal the news had now reached Linz that Suleiman had Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, Charles V, Francis I, and numerous — himself left Istanbul, sending ahead orders to the others, and especially Arm. XLI, tom. 10, no. 583, fol. 303, advance army to take Buda before he should arAleander, then legatus de latere to Hungary: ‘‘. . . postpositis T!V€- ‘There was more scurrying around at Ferditerrestrium et maritimorum itinerum incommodis charissimos Nand’s court as efforts were made to send a garin Christo filios nostros, Carolum Romanorum imperatorem — rison to Buda, as had been agreed with Zapolya. semper Augustum et Franciscum Francorum regem Christia- The king was waiting for the arrival of 2.000 Span-

letter dated at Lucca on 4 July, 1538, to Cardinal Jerome , . di

nissimum, Niciae conveniremus pacemque eis suaderemus. .a..‘ : tiene in thi iards, who had mutinied in the Milanese

. . .”’ Although there were some reservations in this peace,duchy, as . :

the pope indicates (. . . in totum concludere non potuimus), it and were being sent to the eastern front. Again seemed to mean the end of war between Charles and Francis the German tithes were requested, although they for ten years. Cf. also Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1538, nos. could hardly be collected in time to be of use in 11-17, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 446-48, and Arch. Segr. Va- this emergency.!* Some days later Jerome Laski ticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fols. 131°, 134, 141” ff., and f th f d esp. fol. 144: “‘Sanctissimus dominus noster rediit ex Nicea returned to Linz wit etters OF credence as an urbe et ingressus est Romam per Portam Populi die Mercurit @NVOY of Zapolya, and with more news of SuleiXXII Tulii cum magno plausu S.P.Q.R., qui pacem inter Ca- man’s advance. He appeared to be headed for rolum V Imperatorem et Franciscum Gallorum Regem antea Transylvania and Wallachia. His army was said to

inter se inimicissimos conciliasset et arma deponi curasset./ tai besides the jani ies. 100.000 horse! Rome in Arce Sancti Angeli die Lune XXIX Juli 1538 fuit contain, Desidles € janissaries, , ose:

consistorium et in eo hec acta: Lecte fuerunt littere nuntiorum apostolicorum apud imperatorem et regem Gallorum in quibus

significabatur ipsos reges opera sanctissimi domini nostri iam '9! Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 101, pp. 313-14, Morone to pacatos collocutos simul fuisse et amanter amplexos in portu Farnese from Linz, 13 July, 1538, and on the Turkish approach

ad Aquas Marianas in Provincia... .”’ to Hungary, cf. Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, no. 129, p. 172, doc. "89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 48° ff., 51°, 54° ff., 56%, 58°, dated 14 July.

60° ff., 81. 192 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 106, pp. 322-23, Morone to '99 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. Farnese from Linz, 30 July, 1538.

86", and see the preceding note. 193 Thid., 1-2, no. 107, pp. 324-25.

PAUL II], LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 443 Laski brought Zapolya’s appeal for aid, and re- July (1538) legatus de latere to Germany and (if quested Morone’s assistance in securing it from John Zapolya was prepared to receive him) also to Ferdinand. Although of course unauthorized to Hungary. Zapolya was afraid to do so, and after represent anyone but the pope, Morone sought an a stay at Linz, Aleander remained in Vienna.'*’ audience of the king, suggesting that the 5,000 As for Morone, to whom we shall return, he had infantry intended for Buda should be sent instead wanted for some time to go back to Italy. ‘The see into Transylvania. For the present Ferdinand of Modena needed him, and so did his family. The agreed to do this, but said that a report he had __ last words of his last dispatch bore upon the Turk, received (of 3 August) had stated that many boats about whom he sent some more avvisi.'"° Cardinal full of supplies were being sent up the river toward

Buda. If the Turk approached Buda, he would 107 _ . .

have to leave the garrison there, for he could not Jerome Aleander’s dispatches up to mid-April, 1539, have . been published by Walter Friedensburg, ed., Legation Aleanders protect sO many places. Duda was the rst lin€ OF = (1538-1539), inthe Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. 1(1533-

tect laces. Bud he first line of r 4 eutachlan

defense, the antemurale, of all his provinces. Oth- 1559), vol. 3, Gotha, 1893, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1968, erwise he would accede to Zapolya’s request and and up to mid-November, 1539, with a miscellany of other send the infantry into Transylvania. Morone was e180) ual hi 4, ane whoo 1968. nl the Ginala of Meander impressed with Ferdinand’s candor and sincerity. 1538 see, ibid., vol. 3, pp. 28 ff. Fabio Mignanelli, who was Next Laski turned to Morone to request aid of the also to become a cardinal (in 1551), was named to succeed pope. It was the Turk’s preoccupation with the Morone as nuncio. Mignanelli was later to join Aleander at Hungarians that had kept him out of Italy. Like rerdinan’ court (ibid., vol. 3, no. 22, pp. 138-45; of. nos. 32, his gallant predecessors, King John Zapolya was 39, pp. 173, 181, and no. 42, p. 187). On Mignanelli’s early Bcht; hi f th _ career (he was born in 1496), see ibid., pp. 41 ff., and note the Now ghting this enemy O U e Christian name. anthology published by Benedetto Nicolini, Lettere di negozi del Zapolya appealed to his Holiness and the Holy pieno Cinquecento, Bologna, 1965, passim.

; . . ; . ; , until his public elevation to the cardinalate in March,

League for aid to the extent of 10,000 infantr Aleander arrived in Linz before 4 September, 1538; he

and 1,000 men-at-arms. He would see to it ‘sthag wrote Cardinal Alessandro Farnese from there on the seventh

the Turk should never be able to get into Ital (bid., vol. 3, no. 25, pp. 147-51). He did not reach Vienna

; 194 §& Y until 19 October (no. 52, pp. 210-11). His dispatches, like those

with a land army. It was a stirring: argument. of Morone, are much concerned with the Turkish danger, espeAbout a week later a rumor reached Linz that the — cially with Suleiman’s Moldavian campaign and its conseGrand Turk was dead, and that his army was with- quences “oh manifest pericoli nelli quali stanno le cose di

drawine from T ia. . : Christiani (no. 37, p. 179).

bel; 8 roe ransylvania Ferdinand did not '98 Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 112, p. 337, Morone to Farnese

CHeVe It. from Linz, 7 September, 1538. Giovanni Morone, son of the Linz was alive with rumors. On 20 August Mo-_ Milanese statesman Girolamo, was born in 1509. His first nun-

rone informed Farnese that Ferdinand had re-_ ciature to Ferdinand’s court lasted from November, 1536, to ceived a letter dated on the ninth from Brother Septemper, 1228; the present ster ne its conclusion. ve

George Martinuzzi (UtieSenovic), ‘“‘administrator hea he ey ee . ee , e played a prominent role in the diets. Made cardinal in Paul

of all the kingdom of Hungary,” to the effect that _ 111’s seventh promotion of 2 June, 1542, Morone was appointed

the Turk had himself arrived in Transylvania and _ legate to Bologna in April, 1544, and served until mid-July, intended to winter there. Martinuzzi asked Fer- 1548. after which he was named legate to Ferdinand (in Jandinand for aid. Morone sent Farnese a copy of the =") 1555),IV andCarafa, attended the diet of Augsburg. . —_ Under the impossible Paul Morone was arrested letter, but It was no longer attached to the original and confined in the Castel S. Angelo in the spring of 1557 on of Morone’s report when Friedensburg published charges of heresy (and on the assumption that he was an imit.!°° The last letter of Morone’s first nunciature perialist, his friend Ferdinand now being the emperor). A pious to Ferdinand is dated 7 September (1538). He cathe le Dut no theologian Morone was suspected of having would soon return, however,;for of the high- cnrertaine the Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith and of some having mitigated the efficacy of good works. His imprisonment est and hardest tasks of his career would be per- _ lasted until after Paul IV’s death in August, 1559, his complete

formed among the Germans. Meanwhile, for exoneration being declared by Pius IV on 13 March, 1560 several weeks he had been awaiting the arrival of (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V1 [repr. 1957], 528-41, and see below,

Aleander, Chapter 17, p. 741). Jerome o had been appointed who on 4 InhMarch, 1563, Morone was appointed, along with the

Venetian Cardinal Bernardo Navagero, a legatus de latere to

104 . . the Council of Trent, where his diplomatic dexterity helped Nuntiaturberichte, I-2, no. 108, pp. 327-29, Morone to _ to bring the council to what Pius IV regarded as a most satFarnese from Linz, 10 August, 1538. Ferdinand did send 5,000 _ isfactory conclusion. Upon his death (on 1 December, 1580),

infantry to Zapolya (ibid., no. 110, p. 334). Morone was buried in S. Maria sopra Minerva, “‘tota urbe colIbid., 1-2, no. 109, p. 330, Morone to Farnese from Linz, _ lacrimante.’’ For details of his ecclesiastical cursus honorum, see

16 August, 1538. | Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Merarchia catholica, 50 August, sent ene va no. Tro, 331, Vicecancellarii sent from Emson __ III and (1923)the 27-28, with extracts in the notes from the Acta , and cf.p.no. Acta Camerarii.

444 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Aleander and the new nuncio, Fabio Mignanelli, nand’s apparently sincere desire to assist Zapolya were soon continuing the flow of bad news to the and to stay the progress of the Turks, there was

Curia Romana. little he could do. The Turks occupied Suceava, Sultan Suleiman had indeed been on the march _ the capital of Moldavia, on 16 September, 1538,

westward, leading an expedition against the re- an important event in Ottoman history, and the bellious Peter Rares, voivode of Moldavia, who _ high point of Suleiman’s eighth expedition against

was obliged to flee before the Turks. On 16 Au- the enemies of the Porte.?°° Fabio Mignanelli, gust, 1538, George Martinuzzi wrote King Fer- Morone’s successor as nuncio, wrote Cardinal dinand from Grosswardein of the sultan’s advance Farnese from Vienna (on 22 November) that the upon Moldavia with an army said to number MHungarians regarded the sultan’s Moldavian suc240,000 men, but ‘‘the Turk fears the Emperor cess as a greater triumph than his seizure of Buda Charles and the Venetians by sea, and for this rea- when Louis II was killed at Mohacs.?°! Having son has left at Constantinople one pasha with received virtually no help from Ferdinand (and 2,000 janissaries and 20,000 cavalry.” Moldavia, seeing none in prospect), Zapolya was quickly however, was only the sultan’s first objective. By frightened into renewing his accord with the winter he would be making his way into the very ‘Turks, to whom (according to current reports) he heart of Hungary, Martinuzzi warned, and thence was undertaking to pay, as a special tribute, the he might even try to lay waste the frontiers of colossal sum of 300,000 ducats.*°? Germany. Martinuzzi besought Ferdinand to come to John Zapolya’s aid, which might also encourage =——__— the natives of Transylvania and Serbia to align complicated by the fact that, according to Zapolya’s pact with themselves against the Turks.!%° Despite Ferdi- the Hapsburgs, his sons (if he had any) could not inherit his part of the kingdom of Hungary. If Zapolya returned, however,

to his entente with the Turks, the problem of the Hungarian inheritance would disappear, and so would his need of the '99 There is a contemporary copy of this letter in the Library “‘subsidio di Germania contra Turchi’”’ (Nuntiaturberichte, 1-3,

of the University of Pennsylvania, datum Varadim 16 mensis nos. 103, 119, 126, pp. 326, 372-73, 400, and cf no. 145). Augusti anno Domini 1538. It is published in Arpad Karolyi, Zapolya invited Ferdinand to send an envoy to his wedding, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georgu, Budapest, 1881, no. XI, pp. 15~ —_ and the latter did so, but the envoy returned promptly (on 22

17.On 13 August (1538) Martinuzzi had already warned Paulus February, 1539) when he discovered that Zapolya had also de Varda (Kisvarda), archbishop of Gran (Esztergom), legatus | asked Suleiman to honor his marriage with a Turkish envoy: natus and primate of Hungary, of the Turkish advance (ibid, ‘‘non € parso condecente a questa Maesta [Ferdinand], essendo no. X, p. 14). On Martinuzzi’s part in the unending conflicts —_ principe Christiano, che ’] suo orator se trovasse insieme cum and peace conferences between Ferdinand and Zapolya, cf: the quello dil Turco a detto atto” (:bid., no. 153, p. 467, and cf. Nuntiaturberichte, 1-2, no. 74, p. 244, Morone to Ricalcati, letter no. 155, pp. 471-72). On Zapolya’s predicament vis-a-vis the dated 16 December, 1537. Martinuzzi was “homo di gran au- Turks and Ferdinand’s suspicion, see the Nuntiaturberichte, Itorita presso re Giovanni [Zapolya]” (Friedensburg, Nuntiatur- 4, nos. 224, 227, 239, 249, pp. 116-17, 131-32, 166-68, 189, berichte aus Deutschland, 1-3, no. 105, p. 331). On Paulus de — et alabn.

Varda’s view of the Hungarian episcopate, see, ibid., I-4, pp. °° See J. Ursu, Petru Rares, Bucharest, 1927, and esp. M. 239-43, 294-96. (He hated Statilius.) For grim pictures of both Guboglu, “L’ Inscription turque de Bender relative a I’ expéZapolya and Martinuzzi, note, ibid., 1-4, pp. 384, 385-86. In dition de Soliman le Magnifique en Moldavie (1538/945),”’ in the Italian as well as the Latin sources of this period ““Varadino”’ — Studia et acta orientalia, 1 (Bucharest, 1958), 175-87, with nu-

may denote Warasdin (Varazdin, in northwestern Yugoslavia) merous refs. to the Turkish sources. (Bender or Bendery is the as well as Grosswardein (Nagyvarad, now Oradea, as noted Moldavian customs fortress of Tighina.) Cf in general Ehses,

above). Conc. Trident., 1V, 172, and esp. the rich and important cor-

On 22 August (1538) Ferdinand replied to Martinuzzi’s let- _ respondence of Martinuzzi, in A. Karolyi, Codex epistolaris Frater of the sixteenth, expressing his deep concern and sending _ tris Georgii (1881), nos. XIV—XXI, pp. 22-31. Paul I] informed the assurance that he had already ordered the dispatch of 5,000 —_a secret consistory held in S. Peter’s on 25 October (1538) that footsoldiers as well as cannon for the defense of Buda. If Buda — Suleiman had already by that date left Moldavia to return to

was not attacked, he would aid Zapolya in Transylvania, but Istanbul (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fol. Ferdinand said his scouts had warned him to expect the Turkish — 157", and Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 92”).

attack in Slavonia and Croatia (Karolyi, no. XII, p. 18, letter *°l Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-3, no. 73, p. 265. dated at Steyr in Austria). On all sides the sources attest the *02 As Aleander wrote Cardinal Farnese, Ferdinand had had Christian peril and fear during the summer of 1538, but the __ little luck in raising ‘‘il subsidio contra Turchi’’ in Germany, Hungarian barons were still quarreling among themselves and __ where the princes feared their neighbors as much as they did with their Austrian neighbors. King Sigismund I of Poland the Turks (Nuntiaturberichte, I-3, no. 26, p. 152, and cf. nos. 35, made peace with Zapolya, as the Curia Romana learned from _43, pp. 176-77, 189, et alibi). Lutheranism had taken over (ibid.,

letters read in a secret consistory in Castel S. Angelo on 7 no. 28, p. 161). The Gran Turco had entered Moldavia, and October, 1538 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. _ had carried all before him (zbid., nos. 29, 35, 37, 41, 46, esp.

8, fol. 154°). 51-54, 56, 59, 64, 66, 73-74, et alibi). On Zapolya’s new accord When a few months later arrangements were made for Za- _ with the Turks, see, ibid., pp. 234-35 (texts in the notes), and

polya’s marriage to a daughter of Sigismund, the situation was _—_—on the proposed payment of 300,000 ducats, ibid., ios. 53-54,

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 445 It was a banner year for the Turks, for Khai- The fleets were to see action within about two reddin Barbarossa was no less successful in the months, but the political and psychological uncerwestern arena. Charles V had returned to Spain _ tainties which beset the principals of the League but, by previous arrangements made with the pope made co-operation very difficult. and the Venetians at Nice and Genoa, Ferrante Even Charles V entertained little real enthusiasm Gonzaga, the viceroy of Sicily (from 1535), had _ for the ‘‘cruzada’’ although he brooded over it a been made the commander of the Holy League’s good deal. The terms of the treaty of February, projected naval expedition against the Turks.*°* 1538, upon which the League was based, had acThe Vatican registers contain copies of various _ tually provided that he was to become emperor of letters sent by Paul III to Ferrante Gonzaga. One, Constantinople upon the defeat of the Porte. Always of 18 July (1538), urges him to add the imperial distrustful of Francis, however, Charles pondered fleet as soon as possible to the papal and Venetian _ the desirability of peace with the Turks. Overtures fleets. The Turks were said to be threatening were made to Khaireddin Barbarossa, and the imCrete. Gonzaga was to assemble all the ships and _ perial fleet gave quite inadequate support to the galleys he could in the kingdom of Naples and Venetians, of whom Charles also harbored some Sicily. Haste was essential, but if the League’s ar-_ measure of suspicion. Barbarossa ranged almost at mada could achieve no significant success right will through Ionian waters, sacked Cerigo and Aeaway, ‘which we long for greatly,”’ at least it would be ready for prompt action the following year.?"4 Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1538, no. 22, vol. XXXII (1878), p. 451. Cf

76, pp. 212, 214, 272-73. Zapolya was rumored, however, to Arm. XLI, tom. 12, no. 200, fol. 276, dated 6 March, 1539; be collecting the money with no intention of turning it over to numerous briefs for 1538-1539 relate to supplying victuals for the Turks, which was apparently untrue (no. 171, pp. 500-1). _ the papal-imperial-Venetian armada. Pope Paul III spent a good

He had expelled the Jews from his part of Hungary, because deal on his own fleet, for according to the terms of his agree(it was said) they served as spies for the Turks (nos. 97, 103, | ment with Venice and the emperor he was bound to provide

pp. 318, 326). thirty-six galleys to a projected armada of some two hundred 203 Cf. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. (Pastor, Gesch. d. Padpste, V [repr. 1956], 195-96).

77° ff., 79", 82", 90'-92", 94". Ferrante Gonzaga, on whom see Giovanni Ricci of Montepulciano, who later acquired the below, note 206, was the son of Francesco Gonzaga (d. 1519) red hat (in 1551), served as the pope’s treasurer for naval and Isabella d’ Este (d. 1539). He was the brother of Federico, affairs, and after the custom of the times kept his own records

then duke of Mantua (d. 1540). in his possession. An expert in banking and finance, Giovanni

794 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 10, no. 598, fol. Ricci had made his own way in life. In May, 1957, the late 319, dated at Viterbo on 18 July, 1538: “‘Dilecto filio nobili | Marchese Giulio Ricci Paracciani showed me two or three regviro Ferdinando de Gonzaga, viceregi Siciliae: Cum carissimus _isters of Giovanni Ricci (relating to the preparation of Paul in Christo filius noster Carolus imperator, et Andrea Auria _ III's fleet in 1538), then kept in the Palazzo Ricci in Monteduce et triremibus eius ad expeditionem contra Turcas destina- _ pulciano, whither the Ricci Archives had been moved since tis, ob suum in Hispanias reditum indigeret, ne res interea Pastor used them. Unfortunately my purpose in Montepulciano Christiana detrimentum pateretur, Niciae primum deinde Ge- _ at that time was not a scholarly one, and I had no opportunity nuae inter nos et Maiestatem eius dominiumque Venetorum __ to study these registers, which (as I recall) identified the names convenit ut totius expeditionis onus nobilitatis tuae humeris — of ships, commanders, and the like, together with accounts of imponeretur. Atque uti insula opportunissima et quasi in rem — moneys disbursed, etc. Fr. Alberto Guglielmotti, Storia della praesentem promptissimus eras, collecta undique navium et = marina pontificna, IV (Rome, 1887) [= La Guerra dei pirati, vol. triremium classe, quotquot in regno Neapolitano aut Siciliaaut —_I], pp. 31 ff., has used the material in the Archivio Ricci, which

alibi Caesareae ditionis forent, classi nostrae et Venetorum te in his day and that of Pastor was kept in Rome. The Ricci sine mora adiungeres, quod nostris et Maiestatis suae litteris | material at Montepulciano has been used by Hubert Jedin in

tibi illico significatum est. his Geschichte d. Konzils von Trient and in his sketch of Giovanni

‘Post autem illius discessum in Hispanias et nostram versus _ Ricci’s life, ‘Kardinal Giovanni Ricci (1497-1574),” in the Miurbem regressionem, recentibus nuntiis nobis allatum est, Tur- — scellanea Pio Paschini, I [= Lateranum, new ser., XV, Rome,

cas opportunitate temporis usos, Cretae imminere. Quo magis 1949], 269-358, with three documents, where (on pp. 280nobis et pro amore quo nos semper eximio prosecutus es atque _ 86) there is a brief discussion of Ricci and the papal fleet. pro rei necessitate, quae moram non admittit, visum est denuo Venetian documents of the spring of 1538 reflect the anxiety ardentiori studio instare ut collecta quanta maxime potes na-__ felt on the lagoon as the news kept coming of Turkish naval vium triremiumque multitudine, classi nostrae et Venetorum strength and the unpreparedness of the Holy League to meet te coniungere properes, quo tantum periculia cervicibus nostris _it, ‘‘. . . possendosi creder per li advisi ultimamente habuti da depellatur. Et si quid illustrioris facinoris interea perfici non Constantinopoli che Barbarossa cum le sue galie sii fuori, et il poterit, quod summe cuperemus, saltem res integra in sequen- _restante del’ armata uscira. . . , contra la qual non vi essendo tem annum servetur, quo Deo favente expeditio, ut speramus, _ le armate della liga unite potemo expettar grandissimo danno, omnibus numeris suis constabit. Tuae prudentiae et fortitudinis essendo impossibile a noi soli poter resister a tanta potentia”’ in praesentia erit ut ad paratum gloriae locum omni conatu (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 30"). Barbarossa was said to have nitaris et opinioni ac spei de te conceptae non desis.” A slightly _ put to sea about 14 May with 300 sail ‘“‘tra galie, fuste, et galeote different text of this document was published by Raynaldus, — ben ad ordine”’ (ibid., fols. 78%, 79°, 82", 83”).

446 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT gina, attacked Crete, Skyros, Patmos, and Naxos,” of good weather and various opportunities for a and defeated the allied fleet of the League off the united attack had been lost. shore of Prevesa (Preveza), near Actium, at the en- As a matter of record, it may be noted that on trance to ““Ambracia’s gulf. . . , where once was 11 August (1538) Grimani had risked the papal

lost a world... .” forces in an attack upon the Turkish fortress at

The Venetian commander was the aged but Prevesa, but was repulsed and obliged to withdraw sprightly Vincenzo Capello; the papal commander, to Corfu.”°’ On 27 September the allied fleets Marco Grimani, also a Venetian, the patriarch of again attacked Prevesa, apparently planning to Aquileia. Capello and Grimani had wanted to take _ push Barbarossa’s fleet of about 160 sail back into the offensive against the Turks, but Ferrante Gon- the Gulf of Ambracia where, blocking the exit, zaga, who had already shown an unseemly tardiness they might deal with it at will. But the wind was in joining them, had insisted upon waiting for the contrary, and the Genoese Doria did not get on arrival of Andrea Doria’s galleys, which reached well with the Venetian Capello, whose galleys Dothe allied headquarters at Corfu only on 7-8 Sep- _ ria claimed were ‘‘mal pourveues pour combatre.”’ tember (1538),°"° by which time more thana month The old pirate Barbarossa, enjoying the advantage of a unified command, forced his opponents into a retreat, which soon became a terrified flight. It °° Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 90", 91°, 92, 94"-95", on was. a serious setback for the Christian cause. Ven-

Venetian apprehension over Crete. . turing northward to the bay of Cattaro (Kotor)— 206 Paolo Paruta, Historia Vinetiana, bk. 1X, in Degl’ istorii the B he di Catt v74 *K , .

delle cose Veneziane, 1V (Venice, 1718), p. 56. Marco Grimani © DoCCHE AI Uattaro, TOMLOV TOU ATTAPO, Just

had been appointed commander of the papal fleet in a consis- south of Ragusa—the Christians occupied Casteltory of 7 January, 1538 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscella-7 nuovo on 27 October. Doria then departed for nea, Reg. 8, fols. 119'-120"): “[Sanctissimus dominus noster]_ Brindisi and thence for Sicily, and Grimani for prefecit classi parande per Sanctitatem suam et Sedem Apos- Ancona. Barbarossa had no trouble recovering tolicam contra Turchas dominum Marcum Grimanum, patriar- C | h ; cham Aquilegiensem, cum honoribus et oneribus consuetis.”’ asteinuovo the following summer. Charles V Doria had left Naples on 21 August, and Messina on 1 Sep- dreamed for a while of a direct attack upon Istantember. He arrived at Gallipoli, on the Salentine peninsula, bul by sea; after his conquest of Tunis, he always with the imperial fleet on 5 September, sailing the next day for thought of the sea. He was soon beset with prob-

Corfu to join the papal and Venetian fleets (Arch. di Stato di lems in Spain. h d the F h kine’ Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fols. 105", 106°, 107). On Fer- . pain, owever, ane Doe rene Ing s

rante Gonzaga’s delay, in waiting for Doria’s galleys, note Car- €nmity became manifest again. dinal Alessandro Farnese’s letter of 4 August, 1538, to the

papal nuncio Filiberto Ferrerio in France, given in J. Lestocquoy, ed., Correspondance des nonces en France: Carpi et Ferrerio, A number of Ferrante’s letters are preserved in the Biblioteca

1535-1540. . . , Rome, 1961, doc. no. 368, p. 391, and on — Estense, Modena, Autografoteca [Cesare] Campori. An early the naval battle of Prevesa see, ibid., nos. 390, 397, pp. 405, letter, zbed., dated 29 August, 1533, to his secretary Giovanni

413. Mahona reveals Ferrante’s admiration for and confidence in Ferrante Gonzaga (1507-1557), whom Charles V had made — Andrea Doria: ‘‘Magnifico messer Giovanni, mio carissimo: Hieri viceroy of Sicily after the Tunisian campaign (in 1535), became _ sera arrivo la vostra di XX VII con la inserta copia della lettera

the first of the Gonzaga line of counts and dukes of Guastalla | venuta del Signor Andrea Doria in aviso del felice successo (from 1539), on whom see J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, eds., — dell’ andata sua, della quale ho preso veramente appiacer non Allgemeine Enzyklopadve d. Wissenschaften u. Kunste, vol. 74 (1862, — picolo, et ne commendo la diligentia usata per voi in mandarmi

repr. 1974), pp. 163-67 and ff. He was probably the most — simile nuova, da essere tenuta cara da tutta Christianita.. . .”’ trusted of all Charles’s Italian commanders. On Ferrante’s career The first draft (mmuta), rbid., of a letter of Ferrante to Don during these years, see the detailed study of Gaetano Capasso Lope de Soria, dated 10 April, 1539, shows that Ferrante was [the father of Carlo, historian of Paul III’s reign], “Il! Governo — (and had been) short of funds to pay sometimes mutinous troops.

di Don Ferrante Gonzaga in Sicilia dal 1535 al 1543,” Archivio Other letters in the Campori collection show a shortage of storico siciiano, new ser., XXX (1905), 405-70, and XXXI__ funds to have been a frequent experience, and had doubtless (1906), 1-112, 337-461, with eighteen documents from the | impeded Ferrante’s preparations before Prevesa (cf. G. Capasso, Archives of Parma. Letters and other documents of Ferrante — in the Arch. storico siciliano, XX XI, 4 ff., 29 ff., 48-51), where (from November and December, 1535, and from March and _ Doria’s performance was hardly “‘to be cherished by the whole April, 1537) have been published by Emilio Costa, Registr: di of Christendom.” lettere di Ferrante Gonzaga, vicere di Sicilia, | (Parma, 1889), where 207 On 7 September (1538) the Senate wrote Contarini that frequent mention is made of Andrea Doria and the Turkish — the Venetians were certain ‘‘che sua Santita hara inteso il suc-

danger (ibid., pp. XIV, 38-40, 48-50, 58, 67-70, 74-82, 86 —cesso della impresa che ha tolto il reverendissimo Patriarcha ff.). Like all the imperialists, Ferrante saw Charles V’s chief legato contra la Prevesa, da sua reverendissima Signoria non problem at this time as a possible Franco-Turkish entente, “. . . | € manchato, se la cosa non € successa secundo il desiderio comcom’ é da stimar che forse accadera che da |’ un canto il Turco. mune non si po piu. . .”” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 102%).

et da I’ altro il Re di Francia siano per invadere gli stati suol 98 The naval engagement at Prevesa and the events leading [i.e., of Charles V], ciascuno dalla sua banda . . .” (ebid., up to it have always excited much interest: see Antonio Longo,

p. 78). Istoria della guerra tra Veneziani e Turchi dall’ anno 1537 al 1540

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 447 Giovanni Ricci of Montepulciano, faithful servitor to which on the sixteenth Alessandro had sent back of the Farnesi, had informed Cardinal Alessandro, word of the pope’s sorrow.*°” Indeed, the pope gave the pope’s grandson and secretary of state, of the evidence throughout this period of ardent attachdefeat at Prevesa in a letter dated 4 October, 1538, ment to the crusade, and even informed the Vene-

tian ambassador that he intended to go with the

. Christian expedition himself.27?° On 15 October

berichte, 1-3, nos. 40, 48, pp. 184-85, 201-2; Paolo Giovio,

(Gennadeion, MS. no. 80, and various other MSS.); Nuntiatur- (1 538) he wrote the Emperor Charles at some Historiae sui temporis, Basel: Perna, 1578, bk. XXXVII, pp. 355, length, taking care to express great pleasure in the 365, 370-76; P. Paruta, Hist. Vinetiana, bk. 1X, in Degl’ istoricc peace which had been arranged between the emdelle cose Veneziane, 1V, 52-70, very prejudiced against the Gen- peror’s brother Ferdinand and John Zapolya. He oese Andrea Doria, who undoubtedly lost some of his great urged Charles to embark on the crusade against reputation at Prevesa; Vandenesse, ed. Gachard, II, 145-48; he Turk wh h . hould The ¢ Giacomo Bosio, Dell’ istoria della sacra Religione et ilustrissima the Lurk when the spring shou a come. € times militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano, HI (Rome, 1602), 177- were as favorable as they were likely to become. A 82; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1538, no. 26, vol. XXXII direct assault upon the Turk was absolutely nec-

(1878), art Sie aStoria ten marinaPastor, Pontificia, IV essary to halt;his progress, and no moment (nulRome,Pp , 31-62, tull account; Gesch. d. Papste,

\ (repr. 1986) 907_8, with refs.: Brandi, Kaiser Karl v j, fwmque temporis punctum) should be allowed to pass 357-59, and II, 285; C. Capasso, Paolo III, I (1924), 548-72, that was not employed in preparation for that “‘most and idem, ‘“‘Barbarossa e Carlo V,” in the Ruvista storica italiana, holy expedition.’”*"' But there was to be no such XLIX (1932), 169-209, 304-48, esp. pp. 182 ff., 203 ff., 304

ff., and doc. no. II, pp. 336 ff. Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, —_-—— London, 1908, p. 509, seems to place the battle of Prevesa in Writing in a similar vein to Doria, the Senate attributed the

1539. fiasco at Prevesa to the failure of the wind, for Doria had dem-

On Barbarossa’s seizure of Castelnuovo, note Arch. Segr. — onstrated ‘‘la prudentia et |’ optimo guberno. . . , perd che Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8 (from the Archivum Con- _ havendo habuto li cieli contrarii per il bonazar del vento alle sistoriale), fol. 195, and Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 111%: nave, le qual non potero exequir |’ ordine suo di combater con ‘Rome die lune XVHI Augusti 1539 apud Sanctum Marcum |i inimici, la Excellentia vostra invitandoli tutto il giorno alla fuit consistorium et in eo hec acta: Lecte fuerunt littere per — bataglia volendola far cum le forze integre per non metter in reverendissimum dominum Cardinalem Cesarinum quibus sig- _ pericolo tutta la religion christiana, non havendo voluto venir nificabatur Barbarosam Castrum Novum cepisse ac omnes _ li inimici pit inanti, massimamente che videro il galion della Christianos pene interfecisse.”’ In the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, — Excellentia vostra et il galion et barza nostra, che erano avanti

Sen. Secreta, Reg. 60, fols. 53, 54”, 55", 57°-58", 60°-61", 62 la massa delle nave, haver gagliardamente combatuto et fattoli

ff., and esp. fols. 64-69, one can trace Barbarossa’s progress molti danni et la Excellentia vostra expectarli alla bataglia toward Castelnuovo and the mounting anxiety of the Venetian =. . . ,” but the Turks allegedly refused to approach the allied Senate. The fall of Castelnuovo was known in Venice by 23 — fleet, which was immobilized by the lack of a favorable wind, August, 1539 (ibd., fols. 74°, 75", 75”). A rumor of its loss had ~— and with the advent of storm clouds ‘“‘la Excellentia vostra ha

reached Venice by the seventeenth; the Turks took the fortress voluto prudentissimamente expettar meglior occasione . . .” in a driving rain on 7 August at the “third hour of the day” _(ibid., fol. 114, letter dated 14 October). On the same day the (ibid., fol. 79", and cf. Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-4, no. | Senate wrote the Venetian envoy at the imperial court, to ward

237, pp. 161-62). off a possible charge that the failure to engage the Turks at

There is no entry in the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 59, between _ Prevesa could in any way be the fault of either Capello or the 19 September and 10 October, 1538. Before the setback at Republic’s fleet (zbid., fol. 114”). After Prevesa Charles V conPrevesa, Charles V talked of leading an expedition against the tinued to state his intention personally to lead an expedition Turks himself the following year, and Doria was reported to against the Turks (ibid., fol. 116°). have “in animo de far la impresa di Lepanto o di Negroponte On 16 January (1539) Doria arrived in Rome, from Naples overo del Colfo dell’ Arta et nutrir questa invernata |’ exercito on his way to Genoa. He appeared before Paul III on the folsopra il paese inimico”’ (ibid., Reg. 59, fols. 109", 110" and ff., lowing day, along with Marco Grimani and the imperial and docs. dated 10 October). Of course the Senate expressed great Venetian ambassadors, “‘. . . et [Doria] discorse con molta calconfidence in Doria (zbid., fol. 112). The certain news of the — dezza et prontezza d’ animo le provisioni che si dovevan fare Christian failure at Prevesa was slow in reaching Venice. On __ per la impresa offensiva di Levante’ (Nuntiaturberichte, 1-3, no.

the evening of 10 or 11 October the Senate received from 117, p. 367, Cardinal Farnese to Aleander from Rome, 19 Capello letters written from 23 to 30 September, ‘“‘continente January, 1539). More than talk was necessary, however, and la deliberatione dello illustrissimo Signor Principe [Doria] de __ little or nothing was going to be done. voler combater |’ armata inimica con tutte le forze cosi delle 209 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 208, note 2; Cagalie [of which the imperial fleet, commanded by Doria, had __ passo, Paolo II, 1 (1924), 574; and see in general Pio Paschini, 52] come delle nave [and of these Doria had also brought 52, “‘La Flotta papale alla Prevesa (1538),”’ Rivista di storia della on which see, zbid., fol. 107°], lo andar al ditto effetto, et li Chiesa in Italia, V (1951), 53-74. successi seguiti li giorni de 26 et 27 del ditto mese [settembre] *1° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 59, fol. 116". There were the usual cum I’ ottima intention et disposition vostra, et de tutta’ armada _ endless discussions of arming more galleys, hiring more infannostra dispositissima a dimostrar il vigor suo, adeo che se li try, and spending more money (cf, ibid., fols. 125” ff., 138° ff.,

cieli ne fusseno stati propiti concedendo alle nave de poter 145 ff., by mod. enumeration). exequir |’ ordine del Signor Principe potevemo expettar certa “1! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLI, tom. 11, no. 898, fols. victoria. . .”’ (tbid., fol. 113", letter to Capello dated 14 October, 266-67, ‘“‘datum Rome XV Octobris, 1538, anno quarto.”’ The

1538). text has been published by Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1538,

448 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT expedition; the League was virtually dissolved. The the sultan’s enmity, and had to find some way to diplomatic correspondence concerned with the _ stop the war. Finally, in the galling peace of 2 OcLevant now shrinks somewhat in volume. The am- _ tober, 1540, the Republic promised to pay the conbassadors still received instructions regularly from siderable indemnity of 300,000 ducats, and was their princes, and went through the usual routines, obliged to cede both Nauplia and Monemvasia to acting as though they believed the League still had the Porte.*!’ Not for a century and a half, when a future. At the same time Venice was giving way under ==—————_— the heavy pressures of war with the Porte. In the return to Istanbul to convey to the Porte the Republic’s ratisummer of 1539 the doge sent Tommaso Contarini fication thereof, per far . . . intender che accettamo la prefata as an envoy to Sultan Suleiman, indicating the Re- suspensione Ia arme| (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 60, fols. 31'-42", 43" ublic’s readiness to make peace. Since Contarini ff., 60'-61"). ‘The truce came to an end on 20 June, and was

Pp P : extended for another three months, to end on 20 September had come without full authority to arrange the terms —(ibid., fols. 70°-71', 77°, 78"). Pietro Zen had at first been ap-

of such a peace, however, the sultan peremptorily pointed ambassador to accompany Gritti when the latter went dismissed him with the proud observation that by back to the Turkish capital (his commission is dated 24 April, the grace of Allah the ruler of the Ottoman empire 1539, ibid. fols. 43-45), but Zen fell gravely ill after he had , . : , set out; on 14 June the Senate elected Tommaso Contarini to feared no one s enmity and required no one’s replace him, directing him to leave for the Bosporus within friendship.*!* But Venice had come much to fear four days (ibid., fols. 56’—57", 58”). Lorenzo Gritti died of the plague in Istanbul (fol. 119%).

Other Turkish letters (see above, note 6) by officials of the Porte to the doge stress Suleiman’s anger at the Venetians for

no. 24, vol. XXXII (1878), pp. 451-52. In November there causing the war, injuring Ottoman subjects, damaging their was talk of the fleet of the Holy League’s being used for an property, and forming an alliance with Spain, whose friends attack upon Durazzo (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, — were notoriously destined to perdition. On the failure of Con-

Reg. 59, fols. 119” ff.). tarini’s mission to Istanbul, despite the assistance of Antonio

The letters of Aleander and Mignanelli from Vienna to Car- Rincon, the envoy of Francis I to the sultan, see also the Sen. dinal Farnese in Rome are full of the ‘“‘Levantine undertaking Secreta, Reg. 60, fols. 86'-87", 89° ff., 110° ff. The Turks against the Turk”’ (1’ impresa contra il Turco per mar et per terra) insisted upon, among other things, ‘‘refation di danni fin che throughout the early months of 1539, as even a casual perusal _I’ armata sua ando sotto Corphu, et che li habiamo a dar Napoli

of the Nuntiaturberichte, pt. I, vol. 3, will make clear, but (as di Romania et Malvasia,’’ but the Senate had not authorized Aleander wrote on 24 January) the crusade was a lot harder — Contarini to make any such concessions, ‘‘perché veramente to organize in their time than in the good old days of Urban __iudicavemo che la pace nostra si havesse a concluder cum hi II and Godfrey of Bouillon! (:bid., no. 123, pp. 389-90). At capitoli consueti”’ (fol. 89°), i.e., to return to the status quo ante the same time Suleiman was said to be preparing a huge Tatar- of 1502-1537, which Suleiman was obviously not going to Turkish expedition to occupy Hungary and to annihilate all — grant. Cf in general C. Capasso, Paolo HI, H (1923), 39-50. the Hungarians, for it was alleged ‘“‘che ‘| Turco habbii detto “19 An official, and apparently an original, Turkish text of che tutti sono traditori” (:brd., no. 135, p. 417). Suleiman was the treaty of 2 October, 1540 (of which a preliminary draft thought to be planning the subjugation of all central Europe had been prepared on 28 July) is still extant in the Arch. di (p. 418), on which see also the Nuntiaturberichte, 1-4, pp. Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, with a contemporary Italian

274-75. translation, inc. “El sigillo divo et excelso imperial. . . ,”’ and

212 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, Turkish — expl. “‘. . . de Constantinopoli et cosi sia noto et allo excelso text dated at Istanbul in I dec. Jumada I, A.H. 946, with con- _ sigillo che non apar al mondo se ha da creder et prestarli intemporary Italian translation, “‘scritti nel principio della luna —_dubitata fede.” I assume the copy of the treaty now in Venice de Zemadielevvel del anno 946, che fu alli 15 di settembre vel __is the very one alluded to by the Senate in a letter of 20 Nocirca 1539” [actually from the fourteenth to the twenty-third]: vember, 1540, to Aloisio (Alvise) Badoer, the Venetian am‘|. . per gratia di esso Iddio né della iminicitia [sic] de alcuno _ bassador to Istanbul, who had negotiated the treaty (Sen. Seho paura, ne della amicitia de alcuno ho bisogno.”’ A mission creta, Reg. 61, fol. 69", by mod. enumeration): “Per il ritorno of Lorenzo Gritti, a natural son of the Doge Andrea, had been de Zenesin [nostro dragoman] gionto qui alli XII recevessemo a little more successful the preceding winter; he had reported _le vostre [lettre] de 8 fin 13 del mese passato con li capitoli in Venice to the Signori Capi on 8 April, 1539 (bd., Turkish — autentici in lingua turca et cum la copia de quelli in lingua text of a letter of Suleiman dated in III dec. Shauwal, A.H. nostra della pace con il nome de Dio conclusa et per voi stipulata 945, with contemporary Italian translation, “‘scripta ne la fine per ordine nostro a di 2 ottubrio con quel serenissimo Gran de la luna de Sevval dell’ anno 945, che fu a li 13 de marzo — Signor... . .”’ A marginal note, loc. ct., records that the ‘“‘capitula vel circa 1539” [actually 12—21 March]). Despite Venetian ef- _ pacis sunt registrata in Comm., XXII adc. 34,” and a summary forts to preserve secrecy, Lorenzo Gritti’s purpose in going to __ of the articles of peace may be found in the Regest: de: ComIstanbul had been well understood both in Rome and in Vienna memoriali, ed. R. Predelli, VI (Venice, 1903), bk. XXII, nos.

(Nuntraturberichte, 1-3, nos. 172, 178, 180, pp. 503, 527, 535, 43-44, pp. 236-38. and, ibid., 1-4, nos. 190, 194-95, 219, 228, 234, 236, 252, 259, In April, 1541, the Signoria formally ratified the treaty, pp. 24-26, 34-36, 94-95, 135, 150-51, 158, 195, 210, et alibi; which had provided not only for the Venetian surrender of cf. also P. G. Ricci, Cartegga di Francesco Guicnardim, XVH [Rome, ‘. . . [el] castello nominato Napoli. . . et insieme el castello

1972], nos. 279, 281, pp. 345, 347). nominato Monovasia insieme le artellerie et campane. . . ,”’

Gritti had secured a three months’ “‘suspension of arms”’ but also for that of various Aegean islands, including Andros, which the Senate was happy to accept, and ordered him to as well as for the continued payment of the annual tribute of

PAUL III, LUTHERANS, AND TURKS 449 another pope, Innocent XI, presided over another _ forces, did Venice again possess an important forHoly League formed against the Turks (in 1684), tress in continental Greece or the Morea.?!* The and Francesco Morosini was captain-general of her peace of 1540 concluded a dozen generations of Venetian dominion in the Morea where the loyal

——______— sons of S. Mark had truly, in Othello’s words, “‘done

500 ducats for Zante and of 8,000 for Cyprus (Documenti the state some service.” turchi, text cited, fols. 1", 5”). After the expenses of the war,

not the least hardship was the payment of 300,000 gold ducats: OO ‘. . . alla Sublime mia Porta qual e reffugio del mondo li XVI (London, 1898), no. 289, p. 122, a letter of Francis I to farano consegnare et ancora alla banda dello imperial thesoro | Chas. de Marillac, his ambassador in England, dated 24 No-

mio trecento millia ducati d’ oro de stampa franca. . .” (fol. vember, 1540. 1"). Years ago Wilhelm Lehmann, Der Friedensvertrag zwischen Despite the late date of both the preliminary draft and the Venedig und der Turker vom 2. Oktober 1540, Stuttgart, 1936 treaty itself, Badoer had virtually made peace with the Porte (Bonner Orientalistische Studien, Heft 16), published the — by the beginning of May, 1540, as shown by letters which the Turkish text, with a German translation, of this treaty from a Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador in Rome on 28-29 May (now well-known) copy in the municipal library at Carpentras (ibid., Reg. 61, fol. 34°, by mod. enumeration): *‘Havendo riin southern France; Lehmann erroneously believed the Car- _ceputo lettere dal ambassator nostro in Constantinopoli de 21 pentras text to be the “‘original,’’ which Alessio Bombaci, “‘An- aprile fin 4 del mese presente, habbiamo voluto significarvi la

cora sul Trattato turco-veneto del 2 ottobre 1540,” in the — continentia di quelle. . . . [Badoer arrived in Constantinople Rivista degli studi ortentali, XX, fascc. 3-4 (1943), 373-81, has on 13 March, but Sultan Suleiman was absent on a hunt, and

shown not to be the case. did not return to the capital until 16 April: the sultan received

On 20-21 November (1540), however, Kasim Pasha, san- Badoer on 25 April, and then turned him over to the pashas

jakbey of the Morea, had already acknowledged receipt of the for negotiations.] Nella tractation della pace, come ێ preditto,

fortress of Nauplia from the Venetian provveditor generale i magnifici Bassa hanno fatto al ambassator nostro dimande Alessandro Contarini, who had also surrendered Monemvasia molto grande et dure, et tandem per ultima conclusion si rion the twenty-third to Kasim’s lieutenant, the subashi Yunus — solsseno che havessamo a darli Napoli de Romania et Malvasia (Documenti turchi, Busta 20, in the ‘“‘Regesti Bombaci;”’ Predelli, © cum ducati 300 m., altramente chel dovesse partir subito, proRegesti de. Commemortali, VI [1903], bk. Xxtl, nos. 46-47, 50, — testandoli la guerra, unde |’ ambassator nostro mosso dalla pp. 238-39; Luigi Bonelli, “Il Trattato turco-veneto del 1540,” —_ preditta necessita nostra, ha consentito darli le ditte doe terre in the Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari [1806-1889], 2. vacue et la preditta summa de danari in tempi cum refirmation vols., Palermo, 1910, II, 332-63, esp. pp. 353-54, with the — delli nostri capitoli vechi, per il che il Signor Turco ha mandato Turkish text, facsimile of one page thereof, translation, and commandamenti nel stato suo che siano levate le offese’’ (from

notes). the letter of 29 May, almost the same as that of the twenty-

Letters from the sultan to the doge in the Arch. di Stato di eighth, when the Senate received Badoer’s own letters from Venezia, Documenti turchi, show that during the mission of — Istanbul). (The war ended, then, in May, 1540, not in July or Badoer as ambassador to Istanbul, the Republic made a prompt August, and the Senate placed ‘‘la conclusion della pace nel payment of 100,000 ducats of the so-called indemnity (on which principio de mazo”’ (ihid., fol. 47’). Final ratification, however, cf. also Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fols. 38-39, 47). The Senate did indeed take place on 2 October, 1540, as noted above (cf, proposed to pay the remaining 200,000 ducats at the rate of — ibid., fols. 63°, 64°, 64”, 69", etc.), and despite the peace or 50,000 ducats a year for four years (ibid., fols. 39”, 47", 50"). —_ truce of the beginning of May some minor hostile encounters Sultan Suleiman, like his father Selim before him, required did occur between Venetians and Turks at sea (fols. 70 ff.). a strict accounting of the annual tributes for Cyprus and Zante, The Turco-Venetian peace was known at Rome from 7 June, as many Turkish documents still attest. See in general the abun- 1540, when Paul III informed the consistory (Arch. Segr. Vadant texts from January, 1540, in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 60, fols. ticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fol. 128"). 118” ff., by mod. enumeration, and Reg. 61, fols. 21, 22°-24, 214 Cf. Wm. Miller, ‘‘The Venetian Revival in Greece, 1684~ esp. 31°-41" and ff.; note also Letters and Papers of Henry VHT, 1718,” English Historical Review, XXXV (1920), 343-66.

12. PAUL III, THE HAPSBURGS, AND FRANCIS I, THE TURKS AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1540-1549) ()NE CAN EASILY imagine what effect the news ‘‘que désormais les affaires de France et d’ Espagne of peace between Charles V and FrancisI had ne seront qu’ une mesme chose,”’ and that there in Istanbul, where rumors added much to the un- seemed to be agreement among the potentates of

certainty which the French failure to communicate Europe upon a common league and enterprise with the Porte did nothing to dispel. Antonio Rin- against the Turks.* Francis then hoped for the con, again the French envoy to the sultan, was in peaceful acquisition of Milan, the cession of which a quandary. On 7 February, 1539, he wrote sadly Charles had certainly decided, as Ursu puts it, to from Adrianople that a Sicilian prisoner had just postpone to the Greek calends.° informed the Turkish government that throughout When in October, 1540, Charles bestowed Milan the whole kingdom of Naples, Apulia, Calabria,and on his son Philip, it finally became quite clear to Sicily people were celebrating with the usual bon- _ Francis that he would never acquire the great duchy fires ( feux de joye) the general peace which had been — except by conquest, and so he returned to the Otmade between Francis and Charles, and that with | toman alliance with a vengeance. Suleiman, always the full connivance of the emperor, the pope, and anxious about his relations with Persia, was happy the other Christian princes Francis was going to be _ to renew his friendship with Francis in view of the

crowned emperor of Constantinople as a prelude _ likelihood of the latter’s again going to war with to the reconquest of Europe from the Turk. How- Charles. Rincon, always hostile to the emperor, was ever untrue and improbable such reports might be, _ in his element. With great dexterity he helped the Rincon observed, the Turks (owing to the continued French silence) were “‘not so well informed to the §=—-——— contrary but that there should always remain m * Charriére, Négociations, I, 425-26. Nevertheless, Guillaume their hearts some basis for doubt and SUSPICION. Pellicier, the French envoy in Venice, was quite satisfied with Indeed, French policy must have seemed fatuous the amity and accord obtaining between Suleiman and Francis enough to the Turks to include Francis’s revival of ! by August, 1540 (Alex. Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance po-

the old Courtenay claim to the imperial title. litique de Guillaume Pellicier, p. 64). Cf. Jean de Vandenesse,

FFancis . d Sule; ‘ned ‘jlusi Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint de 1514 a 1551, eds. L.-P. an ulerman entertained no ilusions — ‘Gachard and G. J. Chas. Piot, Collection des voyages des souverains

about each other. Relations between them blew des Pays-Bas, 4 vols., Brussels, 1874-82, II (1874), 157-59. hot or cold, depending on whether the self-interest | Cardinals Alessandro Farnese and Marcello Cervini found in of the one seemed on occasion to correspond with the early months of 1539, on their legation to Francis I and that of the other. Of the two, Suleiman certainly Charles V, that it was easy to exaggerate the prospects for peace and French assistance against the Turks and the Lutherans appears to have been the more honorable ally. (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V [repr. 1956], 258-70, with refs.). There were times when Francis’s unstable diplo- * Charriére, Négociations, 1, 432, 434, 438, 448, 458; Tausmacy tended to get Rincon into trouble in Istan- _ serat-Radel, op. cit., pp. 25-27, 36, 40, 70, 77, 86, 125, 131, bul. especially when Francis received Charles in 228-29, 303, 369, 632; and cf. J. Ursu, La Politeque onentale

P dj 1 F brotherly affect; 7 Par; de Francovs I, Paris, 1908, p. 115.

a solemn display oF brotherly alection in Paris on Although Charriére used the best MS. of Guillaume Pellicier’s

] January, 1540. The spectacle astonished Eu- Venetian dispatches, he has omitted many important

rope, and added to the Turks’ misgivings. Rincon __ letters, arbitrarily deleted passages, and most confusingly com-

wrote Montmorency from Pera on 20 February bined letters of different dates. Pellicier was the bishop of that certain anti-French voi r oclaimi Montpellier (called the see of Maguelone before March, 1536,

C anui-rrencn voices were procialming on which see Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hier-

archia catholica, WI [1923, repr. 1960], 232). These years in Venice (1539-1542) saw Pellicier at the height of his career. ! Charriére, Négociations, 1, 390-91, a letter to Anne de He died in January, 1568, at about seventy-seven years of age, Montmorency; and ¢f. Rincén’s letter to the king himself, dated —_ after terrible trials as the bishop of Montpellier-Maguelone. at Adrianople on 27 March, 1539 (abid., I, 395-98). Also note Although a distinguished humanist, and the friend and corthe letter of 18 October, 1539, to Montmorency from Guil- respondent of many of the chief French humanists of his time laume Pellicier, French ambassador in Venice (on whom see _ (including Rabelais), Pellicier was certainly himself to blame

below) in Alexandre Tausserat-Radel, ed., Correspondance po- for much of his trouble (cf. Tausserat-Radel, introd., pp. litique de Guillaume Pellicier, Paris, 1899, pp. 627-29, and in| XXXVIII-LVII, and Jean Zeller, La Diplomatie francaise vers le general cf. V.-L. Bourrilly, “Antonio Rincon et la politique ori- milieu du XVI stecle d’ apres la correspondance de Guillaume Peller, entale de Francois I® (1522-1541), Revue historique, CXIII eveque de Montpellier, ambassadeur de Francois I” a Venise, Paris,

(1913), 288 ff. 1881, repr. Geneva, 1969). 450

PAUL III] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 45] Venetians, on instructions from Francis, to arrange into the Italian chanceries, whence the foreign ama peace with the Porte (finally ratified on 2 October, _ bassadors dutifully made reports to their home gov-

1540) in the hope that they might be drawn into ernments. On 28 November (1540) Pellicier wrote the alliance against the emperor or at least remain that the Venetians were preparing to send 150,000 neutral when the war in the West was resumed over ducats to Istanbul (in part payment of their in-

Milan.* demnity), and he subsequently learned that Nauplia

For Suleiman the forced preoccupation of wassurrendered tothe Turks (on 20-21 November, Charles with the struggle for Milancame ata most 1540) and Monemvasia two days later (on 23 opportune time. The Turco-Venetian peace of _November).® 1540, as is well known, gave the finishing touches to the sad picture of the Republic’s military and }=—————— naval failures in Dalmatia, Greece, and the islands © On the Turkish acquisition of Nauplia and Monemvasia,

of the Archipelago. It was now that the Venetians _ see above, Chapter 11, note 213, and cf. Tausserat-Radel, pp. gave up the Moreote fortress towns of Nauplia 178, 201, and, ibid., p. 209, a letter of 11 January, 1541, from

dM hich had stoutly resisted all Pellicier to Francis I concerning a report of Charles V’s somber

an ; onemvasia, WIhic ads y reflections on the peace, ‘‘which has cost the Venetians so dear

Turkish efforts at capture by both land and sea. as to have given up two such territories.’” On 31 March (1541) The Venetians were further obliged to pay the Pellicier wrote his king in detail of the Venetian payment of Porte (as we have seen) a war indemnity of some 100,000 crowns (escuz) to the sultan and the distribution of 300.000 ducats. in return for which they were @/most 40,000 in gifts to the grand vizir, certain pashas, and

, . dj ; nS Y d others (ibid., pp. 261-62), apparently undertaking to give the

granted certain trading concessions In syria an sultan another 50,000 before the end of the year. The Senate

Asia Minor. had in fact authorized the Venetian ambassador Badoer to

; . 39° . fol. 54°).

In dictating terms to the Venetians, however, make gifts to the pashas in excess of 30,000 ducats, dispensar Suleiman seemed not to have forgotten the interests 7” dono all: magnific: Bassa secretamente (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61,

of his French ally. On 7 On November, 1540, fol. 39", and fol. to 54") .... ; . oe 1 December, 1540,the a commission was¢. issued Giovanni

French ambassador to Venice, Guillaume Pellicier, Negro, a secretary of the Senate, to convey “‘li ducati 145,960 wrote Francis I that he had it on very good authority — venetiani d’ oro che mandamo all’ ambassator nostro [Badoer]

that Suleiman was willing to forget the Republic’s in Constantinopoli in XII cassette ben conditionate.”” Negro indemnity of 300,000 écus, and would be content sto goina Venetian galley to Spalato (Split), thence to Clissa

th th , fN r dM :; (Klis), whence the money was to be taken to Istanbul by agents

wit t € possession O yaup la an onemvasia, of the sanjakbey of Bosnia for delivery to Badoer (ibid., Reg.

provided the Venetians withdrew from their alliance 61, fols. 76’-77", and cf. fols. 130° ff.). with Charles V and undertook to give him no as- Venice was having a hard time financially, and the Senate sistance of any kind. Alternatively, Suleiman would requested of Paul III the grant of another two tithes, to be be content (it was said) with the 300,000 écus with- Pald In August and October, 1541. On 22 July, 1541, the out insisting upon the surrender of Nauplia and ‘“Havendo il stato nostro fatto grandissime et eccessive spese Monemvasia if the Venetians would joi Francis I da alcuni anni in qua et massimamente in la guerra preterita and give him ‘‘ayde et secours contre tous’”’ (notably cosi nell’ armada come in tenir pressidiate le terre et loci nostri Charles), a proposition which Pellicier’s informant da mar et in fortificatione de quelli le qual de giorno in giorno

oe . Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana,

bel; dth V ; . LOR s1 proseguiscono, apresso la spesa ordinaria che facemo, siamo CHeVe © enetians were going to accept.” Every 3 constretti aggravare questa et tutte le altre citta nostre etiam

breeze from the Mediterranean blew a fresh rumor sopra le forze di cadauno havendosi aggionto a tanta nostra spesa la penuria, anci manchamento de biave che € stato I’ anno 1539 et la carestia dell’ anno 1540 in li quali doi anni in doni

che havemo dati alli conduttori di biave et in comprede de * French diplomatic correspondence concerned with Le- frumenti fatte a pretii excessivi et venduti a pretii minori per vantine affairs in 1539-1540 is full of Rincén’s efforts to help — pascer questo numeroso populo, habbiamo peiso una gran the Venetians make peace with the Porte (Charriére, Négocia- | summa de danari et dovendo noi continuar in spesa molto tions, 1, 397-420, 430-53). As Guillaume Pellicier wrote Fran- grande cosi in tenir continuamente fuori bon numero di galee cis lon 12 November, 1540, the Turks made it clear to Luigi come in tenir pressidiate le terre et loci nostri da mare et in (Alvise) Badoer, the Republic’s envoy to the Porte, that “il fortificatione di quelle et delle terre di Dalmatia che ne hanno estoyt besoing du moings que cez seigneurs [the Venetians] _sommo bisogno et che sono quelle che assicurano il resto della fussent neutres et ne s’ empeschassent d’ entre vous deulx [i.e., | Christianitade, oltra la spesa ordinaria che facemo la qual tutta Francis and Charles] (Charriére, I, 453, and Tausserat-Radel, cede a beneficio commune, aggionta la provision che habbiamo p. 144, following the latter’s text). Cf Ursu, La Politique orientale _ fatta per il viver de tante fameglie et anime quante sono partite (1908), pp. 120-23, and Karl Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 2 vols., | da Napoli et Malvasia alli quali non potemo mancare per modo

Munich, 1941-42, I, 376~77. The Venetians were well aware alcuno.. .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fols. 105°-106", and cf. of Rincén’s efforts on their behalf in Istanbul (Sen. Secreta, — fols. 113”, 123”, 127°-128", 134°-135", etc., on the tithes). On

Reg. 61, fols. 78° ff., et alibi). 4 October (1541) the Senate authorized Charles V’s ambassador ° Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, p. 139. Pelli- in Venice to charter a ship (nave) to transport to Spain ‘‘frumenti

cier knew the terms of peace by 12 November (1540). . . . tratti de paesi della Cesarea Maiesta” (ibid., fol. 125°).

452 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Afraid of the French and the Turks acting in Lutheranism. Conferences were planned to conunion against him, Charles V wanted to avoid civil sider what was to be done about the Turks and war in Germany. He urged his brother Ferdinand how the religious issue might be resolved.’ to reach some kind of accord with the League of The papacy was always unalterably opposed to Schmalkalden. Peace was in fact preserved in Ger- such conferences, for Christian doctrine was not many through the troubled years 1537-1539, al- a matter for compromise or revision. Indeed, by though the emperor’s officious envoy, the Vice- this time the Wittenberg theologians were no Chancellor Matthias Held, had stupidly threat- more willing to compromise than were the Cathened the indignant members of the League. Ac- olics. It was generally emphasized that the doctually the Protestant union was not very firmly — trines of the Church were valid for all mankind, knit. Some of its members were individually con- and not to be modified or redefined for the satcerned about various problems relating to their _ isfaction of the Germans without the participation own privileges, property rights, and expectations of Catholic theologians of all nations, the results of inheritance. A number of German towns were — of whose deliberations must inevitably correspond muttering and spluttering about the shameful al- to the received truths of the faith in order to seliance the French king had made with the Turks. cure acceptance. When in April, 1540, Cardinals The Landgrave Philip of Hesse declared that the Alessandro Farnese and Marcello Cervini were in Schmalkaldic princes had only self-defense as their Ghent with Charles V and his brother Ferdinand, purpose, and he assured the widowed Queen Mary pressing for an oecumenical council (to meet in of Hungary, who was now her imperial brother’s _ Italy) rather than the imperial diet which Charles regent in the Netherlands, that all the members was then summoning to meet at Speyer, Charles of the League were quite willing to help the em- answered their remonstrance with a bald stateperor against the Turks. The Protestants pressed ment of two most important facts: the Lutheran their advantage, however, bartering their financial princes would not attend any council outside Gerassistance against the Turks for religious freedom. many, and the council could not bind the estates Negotiations went on tediously month after of the empire to subsidies for the Turkish war.® month, but they finally culminated in the memo- Thousands of Germans, Catholic as well as Lurable “Agreement of Frankfurt” (the Frankfurter theran, were caught for years in the grand illusion Anstand) of 19 April, 1539, which represented a __ that religious unity could be restored to the Fagreater concession to Lutheranism than the Haps- _ therland by ecclesiastical reform and by theological burgs had made seven years before in the religious

peace of Nuremberg. No attempt was to be made ____ at the forcible dissuasion of those who had ac- 7 Cf. in general Karl Brandi, Kavser Karl V., 2 vols., Munich, cepted the Augsburg Confession, and there was — j 941-49, 1, 345-53, 359-61, trans. C. V. Wedgwood (1939, to be a six months’ cessation in the trials scheduled repr. 1965), pp. 400-10, 418-20. For attempts to reconcile to come before the Reichskammergericht. The em-__ the Catholics and Protestants during the period 1539-1541,

; . . , —88, — . Further concessions were made, as noted

peror also held out the prospect of a fifteen % eran Soe ang. ane for the sources note, ibed., II, 276—

months’ extension of the new peace if the Schmal- below, at the Regensburger Reichstag in 1541 to those who kaldic princes would refrain from further expro- professed the Augsburg Confession. The French ambassador priation of ecclesiastical property and from _ Pellicier’s reports from Venice contain a fair amount of inforfurther attempts to effect the wider spread of mation relating to German affairs from 1540 to 1542. On the

Frankfurter Anstand of 19 April, 1539, note Stephan Ehses, in the Romische Quartalschrift, XT (1898), 320-21, and cf. Cone.

TO Trident., IV, 183 ff.; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), Judging from the records of the papal consistory, one can 90-92, 278. well assume that there was less discussion—and less hope—of 8 Cf. Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, no. 144, pp. 144-45. The a crusade after the naval battle of Prevesa (cf, Arch. Segr. Va- _ place of meeting was later changed from Speyer, where there ticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 5, fols. 86" ff., and, ibid., Reg. | was plague, to Hagenau (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V [repr. 1956],

6, reporting meetings of the consistory until July, 1549). Pro- 275 ff.). Cf Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1540, nos. 14 ff., vol. visions were of course made to titular churches in partibus in- XXXII (1878), pp. 495 ff. The pope and the officials of the

fidelium, including that of Athens (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Curia now despaired of peace ever being made among the Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, U1 [1923], 122), but Christian princes, but they claimed to have done everything the appointees did not venture eastward to claim their sees. At within their power to achieve political and religious sanity in consistories held in Rome in December, 1541, and in June, Europe, where the dissension in Germany (et Germania dissidio 1544, two tithes were conceded to the Venetians “‘pro armandis religionis ardente) constantly invited Turkish attack, as was set triremibus contra Turcarum apparatum”’ (Acta Vicecancellarii, forth in a consistory of 1 December, 1540 (Arch. Segr. Vati-

Reg. 5, fols. 164", 213°, and cf. fol. 281”). cano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 8, fol. 248).

PAUL HI AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 453 compromise. They believed that conferences, diets, the Catholic theologians Eck, Gropper, and Pflug or an oecumenical council might reveal the road = quickly reached an apparent (and astonishing)

to reunion, to some sort of religious eclecticism agreement with the Protestants Melanchthon, which would finally satisfy and sanctify those who _ Bucer, and Pistorius on the knotty problem of juswere beset with doubt and indecision. It was not _ tification, but the two parties immediately went their

to be so. Martin Luther and the Elector Johann separate ways when it came to the eucharist and Friedrich of (Ernestine) Saxony knew that the final — transubstantiation. Contarini, who had gone too far break had come, even if Charles V, Duke George — on justification, was adamant on the Catholic euof (Albertine) Saxony, the Elector Joachim II of | charist. The theologians did not have to face the Brandenburg, and Philip Melanchthon as well as question of papal supremacy very seriously. They Martin Bucer had not yet discovered the fact. didnot get that far. Melanchthon, being accountable

Charles V went on seeking the means to achieve to Luther and the Elector Johann Friedrich, was the religious peace which he needed in Germany _ on the whole uncompromising. The agreement on to continue his ceaseless contest with Francis Iand justification was soon rejected as too ambiguous both

to carry on the recurrent war with the Turks. in Rome and in Wittenberg. The colloquy had Concessions in doctrine or alterations in the lit- failed. To the Protestant princes the reunion of the urgy were awkward to contemplate, for they Churches might well mean the consolidation of imwould lead to beliefs and practices in Germany _ perial power, and prove a large impediment to their different from those in Italy, France, and Spain. own territorial ambitions. Although Catholics and The reluctance and indeed the refusal of the Curia Protestants usually saw eye-to-eye on the necessity Romana to compromise helped to make certain for a common defense against the ‘Turks, they were

the survival of different beliefs and practices often loath to make adequate grants for the purpose among the Germans, while Protestantism gradu- at the Reichstage, for they feared in the long run ally spread from its German homeland to the outer — they would have to use their resources against each reaches of Europe. Insofar as Catholic doctrine is — other.

immutable, however, there was no room for com- Although there had been cries for reform within promise. The Lutherans were withdrawing from — the Church since the days of the Avignonese papacy,

the Church, not the Church from them. and more recently and more insistently during the The hopes of reunion which had accompanied — century Just past (from Basel to Augsburg), in cuCharles V and Cardinal Gasparo Contarini to the — rious fashion the demands of the reformers made Regensburger Reichstag, the ‘“‘diet of Ratisbon,” reform difficult. Abuses had to be identified and

in the spring of 1541 were shattered by the ir- acknowledged before they could be remedied. Acreconcilability of the new Lutheranism andthe old knowledgment of abuses, however, played into the Catholicism. The Lutherans’ ‘‘return’’ to the an- hands of the Protestants, who demanded the ‘‘recient Church revealed, in their view, various time- form”’ of doctrine as well as of discipline. Everyone honored tenets of Catholicism to be irrelevant and wanted to see everyone else reformed. It has always pernicious accretions to the essential dogmas of been easier to advocate reform than to effect it. the Christian faith. The Catholics were not pre- German princelings who saw no need to rectify anypared to follow the Lutherans in their Sprung tiber _ thing either in their own lives or in the governance das Mittelalter and abandon more than a millen- of their subjects became eager proponents of ecnium of religious thought and experience. Con-_ clesiastical reform ‘‘in head and members.”’ The ciliatory though he was, Contarini was also a Cath- Curia Romana would have been pleased to help olic. To him, as to the Curia Romana, when all bring about the reform of the Church in membris, the cards were down, Lutheranism was heretical if the means could be found to do so, whereas the

and therefore unacceptable. Catholic though he lower clergy not unreasonably thought that one was, Charles V was also the ruler of an empire _ should start at the top and work down. The trouble now being threatened by another Turkish inva- was, once one began the business of reform, where sion of Hungary. We shall come back shortly to would it all end? The Curia had reasons for caution the Reichstag of Regensburg, where the partici- beyond self-interest. pants had been more concerned with reunion than Lutherans and Anabaptists, Zwinglians and Cal-

with reform. vinists were not only a trial to the Curia and to At the “colloquy of Regensburg,” however, with Catholics, they were a trial to one another. As far a good deal of prodding from Contarini as well as as Catholics were concerned, the Protestants’ disfrom the imperial chancellor Nicholas de Granvelle, agreements among themselves were merely evi-

454 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT dence of the heretical inaccuracy and inadequacy _ the hierarchy of nature itself, man was more exalted of their doctrines. Their internecine strife was an asa Christian than as a citizen, and a proper function obvious source of satisfaction to the Curia, but the — of the Church was to show the way of righteousness pope was under assault on political as well as on to every nation and to every State. As for ecclesias-

religious grounds. tical property, much money was necessary for the The canon lawyers had been afhrming for cen- administration of the Church, quite apart from turies that the pope was the supreme monarch in feeding, clothing, and educating the clergy, the Christian commonwealth—not himself a building churches and hospitals, repairing roofs,

member of the Church, but set over all members dispensing charity, and preserving the whole eccleof the Church. Christ had given Peter the power _ siastical structure of Christendom against unwarof the keys “‘to bind and loose,” a jurisdiction ranted attack and unjust usurpation. which reached from earth into heaven. Now, how- Many an effort had been made in past centuries ever, the princely and popular demand for acoun- to kick the pope upstairs into heaven, where apcil denied eo ipso the pope’s plenitude of power by ostolic poverty might be sought with pride and indicating that ultimate authority resided not in borne with dignity. The defenders of the papacy the pope but in the Church, which could assemble _ had been elaborating their apologetic since the times

its wisdom in a council whose canons and decrees of Henry IV and Arnold of Brescia. But through would take precedence over papal pronounce- the years the idea of the people’s legislative authority ments. German princes and other rulers, who were _ or (if one will) the doctrine of popular sovereignty increasingly asserting their own absolutism on had also grown, buttressed by the philosophy of theocratic bases, were anxious to bind the pope = Marsiglio of Padua and the jurisprudence of Bartolo by the constitutional control of a council. If the — of Sassoferrato. Marsiglio had attacked the papacy, pope was the vicar of Christ, the prince was also — of course, and had sought to abridge the power of the anointed of God. The Curia Romana was un- the pope, as had Dante and John of Paris. In this derstandably hostile to criticism from Germany, purpose at least the anti-papalists had had staunch whence so much of it had come, the homeland of _ allies in the Fraticelliand Peter John Olivi, Ockham, the Salians, the Hohenstaufen, and Ludwig the Wyclif, and Hus, especially in Hus. The disaffected

Bavarian. liked to distinguish between the spiritual or true The Curia has always had a long memory. Even Church and the carnal, papal institution. There was today some of its members are hardly reconciled a tradition of more than two centuries’ vituperation to the Italian Risorgimento. From Roman imperial behind Luther’s constant assailment of the pope as times the State has often emerged in juxtaposition the Anti-Christ.

to the Church. Under the influence of Aristotelian The opponents of the papacy played into the views of nature, S. Thomas himself had seen the hands of the princes. The care of souls had been State, the major social consequence of the natural committed to priesthood and pope, but men’s bodlaw, as something variable and also quite distinct ies to the prince and king. Let the priesthood and from the Church, which Christ had founded as an _ pope confine their activities to teaching, preachunchanging reflection of the divine law. The State ing, and administering the sacraments, and let the dealt with its citizens and their property; the Church _ princes exercise the coercive powers necessary to

dealt with Christians and their souls. It was soon rule the corpora that God had assigned to their argued that the will of God might be perceived in _ responsibility. If the Church was merely a spiritual nature as well as pronounced in revelation. The _ institution, priesthood and pope had no need of— purpose of the State was to make possible the good and no right to—the various taxes and assessments life for its citizens, and that of the Church to help — (servitia), annates, Peter’s pence, crusading tithes, provide Christians with the means of redemption. feudal and judicial revenues, fines and confiscaThe Church had had nothing to do with setting up tions, fees, and the like, which had nothing to do the State. Popes had nothing to do with the gov- with the cura animarum, and which secular princes ernance of the State. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was north of the Alps were quite prepared to take over concerned with the Christian’s soul, not with the and employ to discipline the corpora of men, who citizen’s property. But there were good Aristotelians must live the good life on this earth to enjoy the

in the Curia, too, and they could reply that the boon of heaven. citizen of no State could have a higher purpose Rome was now paying the price of its reputation toward which to direct his life than as a good Chris- for venality. Wyclif had denied that a sinful priest

tian to participate in God’s grace and find through could validly administer the sacraments, while the sacraments and the Church the arduous road — there were those who like Berthold of Rorbach to salvation. As the higher governed the lower in denied that the sacraments were necessary any-

PAUL ITI] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 455 way. Hus had denied that anyone could be the where he is said to have held Zapolya’s infant heir vicar of Christ or the successor of Peter who was at the baptismal font. Martinuzzi was believed to not like them in his way of life, and the Protestant _ be in constant touch with the Porte. Suleiman was

Reformers were denying that the pope was the apparently considering the annexation of Hunvicar of Christ or the successor of anyone but his gary to the Ottoman empire. French influence at predecessor. The vogue of Bible-reading was up-_ the Porte, however, and the sultan’s willingness setting generations of theological pronounce- to leave a semi-independent buffer between his ments. As the Reformers saw it, the Protestant domain and the Hapsburg lands led for a while to faith was challenging the Catholic fiat; the Prot- his recognition of the infant John Sigismund as estant conscience, the Catholic command. As the king of Hungary, subject to the Turkish tribute sixteenth century wore on, little tolerance would of 50,000 crowns which Zapolya had paid. Indeed be found on either side. It was all very tragic, pre- Suleiman was said to agree, in the event of John paring the way for the so-called wars of religion, Sigismund’s death, to the succession of the French but even with the wisdom of hindsight there is no _ king’s third son Charles, duke of Orleans, whose pointing to a means by which such conflicts might marriage with Zapolya’s young widow Isabella of have been avoided. Religion often served as the Poland was then being considered.'° This would

mask for other motives. German antipathy to the have put a French pawn in Suleiman’s hands, Italians, French antipathy to the Hapsburgs, and which Francis seems to have been loath to give his the Reformers’ antipathy to the papacy divided good friend and brother in Istanbul. In the meanChristendom into hostile camps, and exposed east-

ern and southern Europe to Turkish attacks. ;; 10 Charriére, Negociations, 1, 446, 453, 459, 460-61, and ef.

. . p. 536; Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, pp. 111-

Protestantism had spread into Hungary, where 9, 146, esp. 181-82, 184, 191, 567. Pope Paul III believed the magnates had paid a large price through the that Martinuzzi was rejecting Ferdinand’s claims to Hungary, years for their unruliness and love of factional strife. and was dealing with the Turks (papal brief to Martinuzzi, But certainly they were only partly responsible for ted at Rome on 3 October, 1540, in Arpad Karolyi, ed.,

. . . Frater Gyorgy Levelezese: Codex eprstolaris Georgn was Utyesenovics their misfortunes. One cause of theirFratris troubles _ ae | ; ; [Martinuzz dict], episcopi Magno-Varadiensis, S.R.E. cardinalts, obvious; they were the near neighbors of the Turks. gi , 1535-1551, Budapest, 1881, no. XXVIII, pp. 38-39). ConProbably no state in Europe had politica] institutions — ditions in Hungary were calamitous (ibid., no. XXVII, p. 37). strong enough to have functioned effectively under Note also Reusner, Epistolae turcicae, vol. IH (1599), bk. IX, Pp.

the incessant Turkish attacks. Now conditions in 3-4, letter of Isabella describing her plight in the late summer

H had b ‘ally bad. Toh “nol of 1540, and ibid., p. 13, the letter of Suleiman to the barons

ungary Nad become especially Da . John Zapolya and inhabitants of Transylvania: “‘Ego vero regnum Hungariae had died after a severe illness (on 20-21 July, 1540), regis Ioannis filio tradidi.. . .”’ Martinuzzi’s see Grosswardein leaving an infant son. Three factions were promptly is the Hungarian Nagyvarad, as we have noted more than once; formed. the first supporting Ferdinand of Haps- it is the present-day Oradea in northwestern Rumania (in Tran-

burg’s | erennial claim to the throne. the second sylvania, near the Hungarian border). Francis I’s eldest son

8 p : c O C; ce and namesake had died on 10 August, 1536, at which time

seeking to preserve the kingdom for Zapolya’s son, Henry [II] became the dauphin and his younger brother Charles

and the third anxious to conclude these wars of (1522-1545) the duke of Orléans. succession by recognizing the direct suzerainty of Born in 1482 in the castle of Kamicac in Croatia, Brother

the Turk.? George UtieSenovic, who used the Latin name Martinusius, Th€ HW ; | f h was the son of Gregory Utisenic and Anna Martinuzzi. His Pungarian roya treasury, : not the royal mother’s family was of Venetian origin. Brother George used

power, was taken over after Zapolya s death by her name, apparently because it went more easily into Latin the Paulician monk-minister ‘‘Brother George” than did his patronymic. The chief counselor of John Zapolya Martinuzzi, who remained for a while in his bish- after the peace of Grosswardein in 1538 (see, above, p. 434), opric of Grosswardein with 12,000 horse, and was Martinuzzi became the virtual ruler of Hungary from the time ; ; : of Zapolya’s death. Despite the protective tone which Martinuzzi alleged to have sent the Hungarian tribute, with employs in his references to Isabella, there was no love lost accumulated arrears, of 300,000 crowns to the _ between them. Vain and luxury-loving, Isabella placed her own Sublime Porte. Then he set off with 1,000 men cen over the are nee of me are’ pressed state, Although

to join the©widowed Oueen wasJohn tossed to and fro in effortwith to protect the interests J©Q sabella in Buda,I sabella of her son Sigismund, sheher shared Martinuzzi a fear

and distrust of the Turk, a distrust which led Martinuzzi secretly to pledge his allegiance, fidelitas et fidelis servitus, to Ferdinand

Cf. Charriére, Négociations, 1, 442-43, 466-67; Tausserat- on 29 December, 1541. See in general Og. [M.] UtieSenovic, Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, pp. 71-72, 76-77, 91, 99— —_ Lebensgeschichte des Cardinals Georg Utesenovi¢ genannt Martinuswus,

100, 103-5, 122-23, 128-29, 150, 159-60, 168-70, 178, etc., Vienna, 1881, pp. 49-59, and, ibid., append., doc. no. Iv, p. and 222-23, 263-64, 314, etc., 645, 647-48; Arch. di Stato 15, and note Koloman Juhasz, ‘“‘Kardinal Georg Utjesenovich di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fols. 78’—79", by mod. enu- (+1551) und das Bistum Tschanad,” Historisches Jahrbuch,

meration. LXXX (1961), 252-64.

456 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT time, as Suleiman was making great preparations Council of Ten. More than 400 letters are extant for an attack on Ferdinand,'' he sent Rincon to from the period of his Venetian embassy. They France in late November after granting himatwo- reveal how very well informed he was, although or three-hour audience, “a thing which he had _ like all ambassadors he reported to his principals never done to any man in the world,” to try to a good many unfounded rumors. But he played persuade Francis to return to a state of war with a dangerous game. Venetian patricians were pro-

Charles.'” hibited by law from all social intercourse with en-

Rincon reached Venice in mid-January (1541), —voys of the foreign powers, who found the city to and tried in vain to get the statesmen of the Se- _ be one of the best centers in Europe for acquiring renissima to enter the lists on the side of France information. Pellicier, as events were to show, and Turkey.’ It was well known that the impe- abused his diplomatic position, was too generous rialists would have liked to intercept him on his in the distribution of bribes and gratuities, and

return journey to the French court.'* The Vene- apparently maintained a mistress despite his tians wanted no trouble, however, and the Senate — episcopal office. In late August, 1542, he was fifurnished him with a guard of fifty men-at-arms nally obliged to leave Venice amid almost rioting at the expense of the state to accompany him as_ crowds and the excited indignation of a governhe traversed Venetian territory. The French am- ment long-accustomed to the infraction of its laws bassador in Venice, Pellicier, informed his king by the overbearing envoys of France and Spain.'° that the senatorial decision in favor of a guard for Nevertheless, Francis I was incensed by the disRincon was passed by 133 votes out of a total of — missal of Pellicier. On 30 October, 1542, the Sen138. Of the remaining five votes only two were ate warned the Venetian bailie in Istanbul that contrary to the proposal, “‘car les trois aultres sont Francis had doubtless written his agents at the demeuré€es non sinceres, c’ est-a-dire de nulle opin- Porte “‘che faccino officio alieno dalla verita per ion,” all of which Pellicier reports as being most la falsa informatione habuta dal suo ambassator

astonishing to the imperialists." [Pellicier].’’ The bailie was to inform the pashas

An enterprising ambassador, Pellicier knew his _ of the French ambassador’s intolerable conduct in

Venice. He was a born intriguer, and had cor- Venice and emphasize the Republic’s continued rupted the secretaries of both the Senate and the good will toward the king of France. Under the circumstances the Senate had had no alternative

TO to demanding Pellicier’s recall. Francis would

1! Charriere, Negociations, 1, 462; Tausserat-Radel, p. 202, come to understand the situation, ‘‘because truth a letter of Pellicier to Francis dated at Venice on 3 January, has within itself such force that in time it makes 1541. The preparations included 500 river boats called nassades, itself clear and manifest.”’ 17 In fact when members

capable of conveying 15,000 men up the Danube, as well as a f Pellicier’s h hold had b dished fleet of from 150 to 200 galleys for service in the Mediterranean 0 enicler s Nouseno a ; Fanals e arms against Charles. Also cf. Tausserat-Radel, pp. 204, 209, 235, against officers of the Republic, the public outcry 239, 249-51, 265, 274. If Martinuzzi was dealing with the against him had become so great that the Senate Turk, he was trying no less earnestly to get along with Ferdinand had _ to place a guard around his house for two (Karolyi, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georgn [1881], nos. XXXI-XL, d d

me — ays and two nights. So at least the Senate wrote

pp. 41-56). Martinuzzi was aandrather patriot, seeking he Vwhere . aeoff course to preserve his own extensive properties to keepslippery the throne the eneuian bailie in Istanbul,

for Isabella and John Sigismund. Only a slippery fellow could Captain Polin (whom we shall meet shortly) was keep out of the clutches of Ferdinand on the West and of telling a different story about Venetian police and

Suleiman on the East. soldiery being planted around the house of an am'2 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 462; to Tausserat-Radel, p. 207.on bassador of his Maiestv.!8 Rincon left Istanbul to return the French court 28 NoIS Most MOSChristian Stan Majesty. vember, 1540 (Tausserat-Radel, pp. 200, 202, 207). 'S Charriére, Négociations, 1, 464; Tausserat-Radel, p. 215, § ————___—

a letter of Pellicier to Francis, dated at Venice on 18 January, 1541: ‘.. . . le XIIII de ce moys est arrivé [le seigneur Rincon] '® Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, introd., pp. en ceste ville... .”’ (As usual, Charriére’s abbreviated presen- =X XXIV-VI, and pp. 615-25, 714-15; Arch. di Stato di Venezia, tation has resulted in the reduction and alteration of the text Sen. Secreta, Reg. 62, fols. 80"-81", 82°, 89°-90, 91°-92", 92°

in extreme fashion.) ff., 99, 113” ff., 125° ff., by mod. enumeration.

'* Cf. Letters and Papers, Foreagn and Domestic, of the Reign of '7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 62, fols. 89°-90. Henry VHI, XVI (London, 1898), no. 555, p. 263, French dis- '§ Iind., Reg. 62, fols. 99", 109%, 113°—115” (in great detail), patch dated 22 February, 1541, to Chas. de Marillac, Francis — 116° ff. When the excitement had cooled, the Senate informed

I’s ambassador to England. Jean de Monluc, who came to Venice as the French envoy at

'° Charriere, Négociations, 1, 465, letter dated at Venice on — the beginning of December, 1542, ‘‘Non volemo gia dir che 2 February, 1541; cf. Tausserat-Radel, pp. 219, 220-21, 226, | questo reverendo ambassator habbi habuto mala intention, ma

227 (giving the senatorial vote a little differently). ben cativo conseglio et poca esperientia di quello che princi-

PAUL HII AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 457 In the meantime Rincon had left Venice on 2 the river, the names of the river-boat pilots they February (1541). Attended by a large escort for his had employed, and so on. Rincon and Fregoso protection, he went by way of Switzerland into were later assumed to have been murdered by France, where on 5 March he found the court at order of the emperor, but their deaths were conBlois.’ Communications between the king of France cealed for more than two months. The affair and the sultan were kept secret, but since the latter caused a tremendous stir from Istanbul to Lonhad decided to attack Ferdinand in Hungary and don.*' Pope Paul III was said to be completely Austria, and the king to attack Charles in Roussillon

and Navarre, amity was bound to exist between them. Rinc6én was much honored at the French 21 Charriere, Negociations, I, 501-7, letters of Pellicier to court, and given the seigneurie of Belleville.2° He francis |. dated at Venice on 7, 9, 12, 26, 29 July (1541), and

soon left ethcourt ' 8M h cf., wbid., 1, 559-60, and see especially Tausserat-Radel, Cor(on 8 May), however, to return yespondance de Pellicer, pp. 345-59, 361-70, 374-75, 441, 490, by way of Venice to Istanbul. He spent more than — with other pertinent letters. There were apparently twentya month at Lyon, taking care of his own long-ne- three Spaniards in the force that captured Rincon and Fregoso glected affairs. Thereafter, to save time, he decided "4 pp. 306-07). As early as II January (1541) Pellicier had with some misgivings to go through northern Italy warned the Constable Anne de Montmorency that the impeher than b eth “ ; ; rialists ‘“‘usent icy de fort grandes menaces”’ against Rincon, rather than by one of the Swiss passes into Venetian and had armed ships to try to capture him as he returned from

territory. Istanbul (2bid., p. 211). Having left Turin, Rinc6n was proceeding east- Note also Jean de Vandenesse, Journal des voyages de Charles-

ward along the Po with the pro-French Genoese Quint, as L.-P. Gachard and & J. Chas. Piot, Collection des Cesare Fregoso, when about five miles from Pavia voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, 4 vols., Brussels, 1874-82, they were both seized on 3 July (1541) by three — ed. Gachard, II]; Léon Dorez, ed., Itinéraire de Jérome Maurand boatloads of armed men sent by Alfonso de Avalos, [see below, note 25], p. 189; Chas. Weiss, Papiers d’ etat du

i II (1874), 193, 212-13 [hereafter usually abbr. as Vandenesse,

the marchese del Vasto, imperial governor of Cardinal de Granvelle, 1 (1841), 607-8, 638; Karl Lanz, CorMilan. According to another account, they were respondenz des Kaisers Karl V., I (repr. 1966), nos. 474, 478, ~ 79, pp. 315 ff.; Letters and Papers of Henry VII, XVI (1898), captured by “des gens du marquis du Guast, qui nos. 984, 1042, 1049, 1064, 1089, 1111, 1186-87, et alin; estolent en une barquette estant a la rive du Pau, Paolo Giovio, Historiae sur temporis, in his Opera quotquot extant

couverte de fueilles et rameaulx’’—del Vasto’s oma, Basel: Perna, 1578, pp. 476-77; Gonzalo Jimenez de thugs were in one boat, tied alongshore, El Anajoune Lhe, against Grovio), ce. Rafael . orres Quintero,which withToa6preliminary study byPaolo Manuel Ballesteros they had covered with leaves and branches to con- Gaibrois, Bogota, 1952, pp. XCVI-xcIx, 478-79; Martin du

ceal themselves as Rincon and Fregoso came down Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1X, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Nouvelle the Po. There were rumors that the two captives Collection des mémoires, 1st series, V (Paris, 1838), 471-74; Pere

were taken first to Pavia, and thence to the castle G. Daniel, Mistotre de France, II (Paris, 1713), cols. 374-75; of Milan. Del Vasto made a great profession of V.-L. Bourrilly, Guillaume du Bellay, seigneur de Langey (149 1‘snorance and in f th hol Fai 1543), Paris, 1904, pp. 329-37; Ursu, La Politeque orientale 4 C al INNOCENCE Ol t e whole affair (to (1908), pp. 132-34, 176, with further references; lorga, Gesch.

the vast indignation of Pellicier, the French am- 4. osman. Reiches, I (1910), 88-89. bassador in Venice), claiming that the Emperor The Marchese Alfonso del Vasto was the cousin and heir of Charles would not want to interfere with the pas- , crainando anes d’ Avalos [Fernando Francisco de Ava-

sage 0 f foreign ambassadors. The French soon os], marchese di Pescara (who died mn 1525 at the age of thirtylnimed k hy two), husband of the famous Vittoria Colonna, who won Miclaimed to Know t e names of the Spaniards who chelangelo’s heart. As Bourrilly, loc. cit., indicates, there can had been engaged in the attack, the garrison to be little doubt that del Vasto was responsible for the murder which they belonged, where they had put up their of Rincon and Fregoso, although he sent Charles V an elaborate horses for the three days they had kep t watch on (and untrue) denial, for which see Pascual de Gayangos, Calendar

of. . . State Papers,. . . Spain, V1-1 (London, 1890), nos. 16971, pp. 335-39. Del Vasto is well known to art historians for

. | . the two portraits which Titian painted of him; cf’ Erwin Panofsky, palmente deve esser proprio delli ambassatori, conservando li = Problems in Titian, New York, 1969, pp. 74-77, with figs. 82—

principi in amore et benevolentia. . .” (fol. 115). Representing 83, who exaggerates del Vasto’s importance in “the Turkish Pellicier as an amateur must have irritated him more than the — war of 1532.”

other charges which the Senate leveled against him. ; In a letter dated 4 October, 1542, at Balbastro (i.e., Barbastro,

! Charriere, Negociations, 1, 467, 474, 485, 487, for Rincon’s just north of Monzon, in Aragon), the papal legate recently arrival on 5 March (1541); Tausserat-Radel, p. 267 and note sent to Charles V, Miguel de Silva, called the cardinal of Viseu, 3; Ursu, La Politique orientale, pp. 128-30. The English am- informed Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, the papal vice-chanbassador to France, William Howard, was impressed with Francis cellor, that he had been told ‘‘che il Rincone non fusse stato I’s reception of Rincon, as shown by his dispatch of 18 March amazzato”’ (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, XII, fol. to Henry VIII (Letters and Papers of Henry VHI, XV1 [1898], 44). For the occasion of de Silva’s going to Spain, see, below, no. 633, p. 298, and cf. nos. 575, 587, 590, 606, 635, and 650). pp. 463-64, and in this context note the interesting entry in Cf. Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Peller, p. 326. Vandenesse’s Journal des voyages de Charles-Quint, ed. Gachard,

458 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT scandalized.** By the beginning of October the moving easily and urbanely from place to place in mystery surrounding the abduction of Rincon and Istanbul, by studying the accounts of his last emFregoso had been cleared up by the discovery of bassy (they range from 3 January, 1540, to 5 their bodies near the place where they had been’ March, 1541). These accounts reveal much of the seized.** The clear fact of the murder of hisagents kind of life an ambassador lived in the Turkish did nothing to help reconcile the king of France capital in the mid-sixteenth century. An ambasto the emperor, whom he held responsible for the sador’s activities were not inexpensive, but the

outrage. costs were trifling in comparison with the gains an In an age that required personal charm of its astute diplomat might make for his state or sov-

diplomats the adroit Rincon, whom Suleiman had _ ereign. Rinc6n dispensed gifts with a calculated found more attractive than any other western en- largesse, but undoubtedly accompanied them with voy then being received by the Porte, had stood very courteous gestures—robes of silk, satin, velout among his fellows. One can almost follow him, vet, damask, and cloth of gold to the pashas, as well as gratuities to a host of lesser officials and servitors of the Porte. He was most careful to reII, 242: “Le 3° jour d’ octobre [1542] ledict legat . . . vint member those to whom he looked for help, on prendre congieé de Sa Majeste [Charles V] et se partist, prenant Moslem holidays, at weddings, and on similar ocson chemin a Balbastro,’’ whence he wrote Farnese immediately. casions. He gave a banquet to celebrate the VeneIt was to Miguel de Silva that Baldassare Castiglione dedicated tian peace with the Porte (for which he had been Il Cortegiano when the work was finally published (in 1528) a largely responsible), and carefully recorded in his *? Writing to Vincenzo Maggio, French agent in Istanbul, accounts the costs of his intercession tor t c Pen on 24 July (1541), Pellicier notes that “il Papa fa dimonstracion’ §10us at Jerusalem, for captured French sailors, d’ esserne molto scandalisato”’ (Tausserat-Radel, p. 364, and for the redemption of Christian slaves at Tunis,

year before Castiglione’s death. h F his | . f h I

cf. p. 368). or for the recovery of merchandise sequestrated 9 As Pellicier informed Rincon’s successor as ambassador by Turkish officers in some distant city

to the Porte, in a letter dated 6 October, 1541 (Tausserat- Rincé ‘d for havi Italian d : Radel, p. 441): ““Lesdictz pouvres seigneurs ont esté trouvez incon pal ‘Or aving Ita lan ; ocuments transmorts aupres le lieu ou ilz furent prins.”’ Pellicier professed to lated into Turkish, rewarded his interpreters, and believe that they had been killed some time after their capture made gifts to the kadi (cady juge) of Pera for the and their bodies returned probably to the place where they special protection which he and his household had had first been set upon by del Vasto's men (but see, wd, pp. received. The sultan’s first physician received a impression upon the Venetians (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fols. gold chain worth fifty CrOWNS (escus). As Rincon 99°-100", 103”, 110°, 114°-115'). It was also a great impediment | WaS preparing to return to France in mid-Novemto papal efforts to bring about peace between Charles V and ber, 1540, he was anxious to retain the favor of Francis I (cf. the ‘‘Proposte fatte da Monsignor [Niccolo] Ar- the powerful Lutfi Pasha, the sultan’s father-in-law dinghello al re di Francia,” in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, d d vizir. for the F h ‘ast th Arm. II, Reg. 20, fols. 221 ff., esp. fols. 223", 225-227", 233- #N@ grand vizir, tor the Prencnh cause against the 234", with occasional mangling of the names of the “Signor COmiIng of Jerome Laski to Istanbul. Some time Cesare e Rincone’’), in which connection the Curia Romana — before this, Laski had abandoned the ungrateful reminded Francis, ‘‘La Maesta vostra ha fatto guerra con Zapolya’s service for that of Ferdinand of HapsI’ imperadore da venti anni in qua, quasi del continuo, nel quale burg. An old hand at the diplomatic game, Laski tempoaugumento oltre alle . la setta lutherana preso bl oo, quello che depredationi ciascuno vede.. . .. I]. Turco in questo resem ed ha Rincon in many Ways, the latter had tempo medesmo ha preso Rodi e¢ lo tiene, ha preso!’ Ungheria not been happy to learn of his arrival in Istanbul doe volte e la tiene, le quali due perdite non si puo dire che o0n 31 October. Lutfi Pasha was the recipient of non sieno gravissime per la Christianita. . .” (abid., fols. 226°- many gifts from Rincén among thema very handNiccolo Ardinghelli (1503-1547) was the son of Pietro, the some and richly decorated globe, ung mappamondy well-known secretary of Leo X. His mission to Francis I took faict en Sphera, which had been specially made in place in November and December, 1541. His summary of con- | Venice. A book went with the globe to explain its versations with Francis is well known, and has been copied into operation, and both together had cost ninety

573-74). The whole Rincon affair naturally made its due . or

997"). ;

a number of MSS. (cf. Card. Pietro Sforza Pallavicino [1607. - sy Joe crowns, according to Rincon’s accounts,

butd were 1667], Storia del concilio di Trento, 1 [ed. Naples, 1757], 325bh

27); nevertheless, “‘il semble donner des faits une version plus 54! to be worth one hundred and fifty. As he

ideale que reelle”’ (J. Lestocquoy, Correspondance des nonces en prepared to leave the Turkish court, Rincon made France Capodiferro, Dandino et Guidicctone, Rome, 1963, pp. LXU- a wide variety of gifts to those, of both high and LXII, 99-104). Niccolo Ardinghelli became a cardinal in De- — Jow estate. with whom he wished to leave a pleas-

cember, 1544, and died on 23 August, 1547, in Rome, where t 1 , tj f hi th Fj he was buried in S. Maria sopra Minerva. Cf. P. Richard, in an Teco ec lon OF Nis presence among Cin. Plthe Dictionnaire d’ histoire et de geographie ecclésiastiques, II (Paris, nally, it cost him 144 crowns to hire a dozen horses

1924), cols. 1609-11. for the journey from Istanbul to Ragusa, and 180

PAUL II] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 459 crowns for four armed vessels to carry him from When the Turks took Buda, all the financial

Ragusa to Venice.** accounts and registers of the Hungarian treasury Rincon’s successor as French envoy to the Porte were destroyed. At least so Brother George Marwas a resolute and resourceful soldier of fortune, tinuzzi persistently claimed to King Ferdinand, Antoine des Escalins, usually known as Captain who excused and exempted him from accounting Paulin or Polin, who became in after years the Baron for his administration of the office of treasurer.”°

de la Garde, and to whom the court chronicler The fall of Buda was an important event for other Brantome has paid glowing tribute. Polin hastened more significant reasons. It caused an outcry of to Venice, where he arrived on 27 July (1541), and alarm throughout Germany. The Protestant redeparted on 18 August, having had no more success _ action was particularly strong, being stimulated by

than Rincon in trying to lure the Venetians into fear for the Lutherans in Silesia. The Tiirkenfrage the Franco-Turkish alliance. Going by way of Se- had long been one of the chief items on all agenda benico (Sibenik), he pushed on into Hungary as __ of the Reichstage. For years, however, the Lutherquickly as he could. The Turks had already invaded ans had used the Turkish menace as a weapon

the country. Suleiman made his formal entry into against the Hapsburgs, wringing from them the capital city of Buda (Ofen-Pest) on 2 September, concessions, very reluctantly made, as the price of

1541. At the Friday prayer he converted the ca- Protestant aid against the sultan’s invasions of thedral of S. Maria into a mosque. Fifteen years Hungary and Austria. Just as anticipation of Suafter the battle of Mohacs, it appeared that Buda _leiman’s second campaign against Austria in 1532 had become a Turkish city.*” To Polin’s activities had obliged Charles V to grant formal recognition

we shall return. to the religious and political existence of Lutheranism in the peace of Nuremberg, so again in 1535, when Charles was planning the Tunisian expedition, he had found it advisable to confirm *4 Charriere, Négociations, 1, 474-86, Rincon’s accounts covering chiefly the period from 3 January, 1539 (O.S.), 1e., 1540,

to 5 March, 1540 (O.S.), 1.e., 1541. The French year began .

with Easter. Laski, we may note, had a hard time in Istanbul dando, come va in Levante, di favorir le cose nostre apresso (Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, W1{1828, quella excelsa Porta. . .” (and of, ibid., Reg. 61, fol. 117°).

repr. 1963], 222-26, 229-30, trans. J. J. Hellert, Hist. de The Turkish problem had been uppermost in the Emperor { empire ottoman, V (1836], 321-27, 331-32, who surprisingly | Charles’s mind at the diet of Regensburg in the spring and enough thinks that Laski’s reference to Rincon [II1, 225, trans. | summer of 1541 (cf. Vandenesse, ed. Gachard, II, 169 ff.). V, 325] is to Cesare Cantelmo, another servitor of the French Suleiman had set out from Istanbul for Hungary on 20 June king in Istanbul). Lutfi Pasha fell from power in May, 1541 (1541) with the apparent intention of driving Ferdinand not (Charriere, I, 496-97, 499-500). Cf Tausserat-Radel, p. 106. only from Hungary but even from “‘all his other lands,’’ ac25 Ludovic Lalanne, ed., Oeuvres completes de Pierre de Bour- cording to a letter dated 23 June which Vincenzo Maggio, delle, segneur de Brantome, IV (Paris, 1868), 140-49 (Societe French chargé d’ affaires in Istanbul, sent to Pellicier in Venice de |’ histoire de France), on Polin’s career; Martin du Bellay, | (Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, p. 362). Suleiman Memoires, bk. 1X, in Michaud and Poujoulat, Ist ser., V, 474-— _ notified the Venetian government in a long dispatch dated 22 75; Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance de Pellicier, pp. 377, 379- September, 1541, that he intended immediately to return to

81, 386, 388, 397-98, 435, 445-46, 451-52, 463, 465, 467; Istanbul after having defeated the Hapsburg forces. He had Letters and Papers of Henry VII, XVI (1898), no. 1186; Raynaldus, — taken many thousands of prisoners, he said, and made his

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1541, nos. 46-47, vol. XXXII (1878), p. triumphal entry into Buda after achieving such victories as 559; von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, II, 227 ~~ Allah had granted to no one before him (Arch. di Stato di

ff., trans. Hellert, V, 328 ff.; Leon Dorez, ed., Itinérarre de Venezia, Documenti turchi, firman of the sultan to the doge Jerome Maurand d’ Antibes a Constantinople (1544), Paris, 1901, dated at Osijek [Hung. Eszék] in I dec. Jumada II, A.H. 948, introd., pp. XVIII-XIX (Recueil de voyages et de documents __ i.e., 22 September to 1 October, 1541, with Italian translation).

pour servir a |’ histoire de la géographie, XVII); Ursu, La By a brief dated at Rome on 13 March, 1542, Paul III conPolitique orientale, pp. 134-36; and cf. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, — ceded the facultas super alienatione censuum to Uberto de Gam-

Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fol. 114°, by mod. enumeration, a letter bara, cardinal legate in Parma and Piacenza. The brief begins

of 5 August, 1541, to the Venetian ambassador in France: with a statement of the Turkish threat to Rome, immanissimo ““‘Intendessemo li giorni preteriti con nostra displicentia la = Turcharum tirano Italiam occupare satagente, and recalls the cacaptura del Signor Cesare Fregoso et magnifico Rincon, et — nonical legality of alienating ecclesiastical property for the reultimamente € gionto in questa citta il gentilhomo della casa demption of Christian slaves from captivity (Arch. di Stato di di soa Maesta [Francis I] il capitaneo Polen, il qual venuto a — Modena, Canc. ducale, Carteggio di principi esteri, Roma, Busta

noi con il reverendo de Monpolier [Pellicier], ambassator di 1299/14, nos. 108, 109). soa Maesta: ne ha presentato lettere di quella di credenza nella *” A. Karolyi, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georg (1881), no. XLVI, persona soa, dapoi lequal ne ha esposto con copiosa et prudente p- 61, doc. dated at Vienna on 1 October, 1542, and cf. no. forma di parole il despiacer che soa Christianissima Maesta ha XXXIV, p. 44, article 8. On 19 October, 1541, a fulsome letter

sentito della captura dei sopraditti, et esponendone il grande congratulating Suleiman on his victory was prepared in the affecto et amor che soa Christianissima Maesta porta alla Re- name of the Venetian Senate, but was presumably not sent publica nostra, ne ha prima affirmato haver ordine da lei an- (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 61, fol. 129%).

460 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT his brother Ferdinand’s compact of Kadan (1534) vasions helped to protect Lutheranism, on this ocwith the Lutheran princes, which accepted the casion as on others, is well known, but provides a restoration of Duke Ulrich to Wurttemberg, even most interesting and important theme, as we shall though he had become a Lutheran in the years note again in our last volume. The unremitting consince his expulsion from the duchy (in 1519). Fer- test between Hapsburg and Valois also played into dinand had agreed to the peace of Kadanin return the hands of both Lutherans and Turks, for the for the promise of the Lutheran princes for aid military as well as the religious defense of Germany against the Turks in Hungary and for their rec- required peace between Charles V and Francis I. ognition of him as king of the Romans. Without Officials of the Curia Romana were sadly aware of Ferdinand’s fear of the Turks in Hungary and _ the facts, which were more than obvious, but which Charles’s projected naval campaign against the Paul III still emphasized in the legatine instructions Moslems in Tunis, the Lutherans would not have given to Contarini under the date of 28 January, secured the compact of Kadan, which had intro- 1541,*° for with the establishment of peace the duced Protestantism among the south German Hapsburgs and the Valois monarch could expel the

states. Turks from Europe and recover the regna tot et Now Suleiman’s third invasion of Hungary inthe terrae which had fallen under the detested banner summer of 1541 forced Charles, with whatever in- of the crescent.?? sincerity and reservations, to yield to the evangelical In the long run religious dissension in Germany princes in the secret declaration of Regensburg (on was obviously destructive of imperial unity, and 29 July), which finally removed the territorial and therefore detrimental to Hapsburg interests. But legal restrictions from Lutheranism, and theoreti- one may consider the triangle of forces operating cally opened up the Imperial Chamber (Reichskam- in Germany—Lutherans, Catholics, and Hapsmergericht), the supreme court of the empire, even burgs—from another and more immediate viewto the appointment of German Protestants. During _ point. If Ferdinand was caught between opposing the long weeks of discussion and controversy at Re- sides in the German religious struggle, he often gensburg all the learning and tact, sincerity and showed some skill and derived a certain profit in graciousness of the papal legate, Cardinal Gasparo _ playing off each against the other. Most German Contarini, had not sufficed to reconcile Rome and laymen, Catholic as well as Protestant, and evanWittenberg. The stumbling blocks were disagree- gelical preachers too found it easy to restrain their ments on transubstantiation and the eucharist, cel- desire for an offensive against the Turks beyond ibacy, veneration of saints, monasticism, purgatory, the boundaries of the empire. The Catholics on and the doctrine of papal supremacy. The Protes- more than one occasion, however, voted Ferditants insisted upon a council in Germany, and would — nand a larger grant of supplies, in order to reduce refuse to accept papal presidency over it. The Cath- his dependence upon the “‘heretics,” than they olics would hold the council in Italy (Vicenza had would ever have done without the inducement of become then the preferred site), and Contarini ex- their enmity towards Lutheranism. The Lutheran pected the pope himself to attend. Proceedings at estates and princes, like every easily identifiable the council, like all dogmatic definitions, must be minority, were quite susceptible to the force of subject to the divinely-instituted authority of the public opinion. They did not dare allow the CathHoly See.2? The manner in which Suleiman’s in- olics to meet the Turkish peril by themselves, and

*7 Cf. in general Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 296- —_ probléme de la transsubstantiation au Colloque de Ratisbonne:

332, and Jedin, Konzl von Trent, 1 (1949, repr. 1951), 305- Documents et arguments du 5 au 10 mai 1541,” in Oecumenica 15, 350, and on the extensive bibliography relating to the Re- — (Gutersloh, 1968), pp. 70-116, with Wolfgang Musculus’s mingensburger Reichstag of 1541, see Jedin’s note, op. cit., pp. _ utes of the meetings of 7 and 8 May, 1541. 568-69. Contarini’s instructions as he prepared to set out for 28 Ihd., Miscell., Arm. II, Reg. 20, fol. 193%: “Et quoniam Germany as legatus de latere may be found in Arch. Segr. Va- __vix unquam sperari potest ut vera et stabilis Germanicae nationis

ticano, Miscellanea, Arm. II, Reg. 20, fols. 191'-201', by mod. — concordia fiat et defensio contra Turcarum tyrannum prepastamped enumeration. Kadan (Czech Kadan, German Kaaden) _ retur, non conciliata prius inter Caesaream et Christianissimam

is a small town in northwestern Bohemia. Maiestatem, . . . nomine nostro cohortaberis ac etiam rogabis

As noted above, p. 453, Catholics and Lutherans had reached. . . [ut] pacem et concordiam cum Christianissimo rege ineat apparent agreement on the quintessential doctrine of justifi- | [Caesarea Maiestas], sicut et nos per litteras et nuncios nostros cation (cf. Peter Matheson, Cardinal Contarim at Regensburg, | predictum Christianissimum [regem] ad tam sanctum opus pro Oxford, 1972, pp. 107 ff.), although both Rome and Wittenberg parte sua perficilendum hortari nunquam hactenus cessavimus. refused to accept the agreement. On the stumbling block of =. . .” transubstantiation, see Pierre Fraenkel, ‘‘Les Protestants et le 29 Cf, thid., Reg. 20, fols. 193°-194".

PAUL II] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 461 so they voted Ferdinand grants of supplies which, Istanbul by way of Venice, where efforts were again

again, he would probably not have received but made to secure the support of the Council of Ten for the hostility between Catholic and Protestant. against the emperor, who had now returned to Hostility often manifests itself in rivalry. In this Spain. Franco-Turkish plans called for the sultan instance Ferdinand was the beneficiary as well as to invade Ferdinand’s lands with an army of no

the victim of that rivalry. fewer than 60,000 men and to send a fleet against As one Nicholas Le Bron warned the Emperor Charles of some 150 galleys with artillery aboard, Charles V in a poem published at Antwerp in _ thirty fustes, and two transports. Francis promised 1541, the imperial forces had best prepare for to attack Flanders, harry the coasts of Spain with war. If the Christians did not attack the Turks, a maritime force, and supply a fleet of forty galleys they would be attacked themselves. Mankind just and twenty other ships (with infantry aboard) to

did not know how to keep peace:*” assist the Turks in Levantine waters.** Indeed, Arma parent fabri, splendescat ferreus ensis: _— S1 non bella moves in Turcas, bella movebunt. °? Bibliotheque Nationale, Collection Moreau, vol.

Tale hominum genus est, quod marte quiescere DCCLXXVIII, fols. 151°-152, cited by Dorez, Itenéraire de

nescit.. . . Jérome Maurand, introd., pp. XX-XXI, and Ursu, La Politique

, orientale, pp. 138-39. (On the collection of French historical

It was generally agreed in Germany thata proper materials called the ‘Collection Moreau”’ after J.-N. Moreau defense, at least, was necessary against the Turks. [1717-1804], who was chiefly instrumental in gathering it, see The Elector Joachim II of Brandenburg was espe- Henri Omont, Inventarre des manuscrits de la Collectton Moreau, cially emphatic in his statements of such a need, but Paris, 1891.) Cf. Charriere, Negociations, I, 532, and ‘Tausserat-

f lv £ Christi . E Radel, Correspondance de Pellicer, p. 537, a letter of Pellicier

unfortunately or ristians in eastern : UTOPe, to Francis I, dated at Venice on 12 February, 1542. Polin

Hungary became in the autumn of 1541 in large arrived unexpectedly in Venice on 19 February, and reached part a Turkish province with Buda as its capital. the French court on 8 March, bringing valuable presents from Queen Isabella and her little son John Sigismund the Porte and the fullest assurances of Turkish amity (Tausseratwere sent to Lipova (Hungarian Lippa), on the left Radel, Pp: 550-52, 555, 568-69, and note the Letters and papers M R; heNear bord of Henry [1900], nos. 55,Henry 63, from 84, 95, 125,Paget, an bank 0 ft ethe Mures Aver thefT border of 1 ran-VI, esp.XVII no. 166, a dispatch to 9, King William sylvania, with the doubtful assurance that some day, _ English ambassador to France, dated 11-13 March, 1542, to when the boy was of age, he might rule the kingdom the effect that the Turk ‘was coming with 400 sail and 200,000

as his father’s successor. The Turkish occupation ™¢" ?- . .

had made the Austrian frontier c Polin had returned to Venice on his way back to Istanbul 0f .Buda onuier easy O by the first week of April, 1542 (Tausserat-Radel, pp. 579-80,

ACCESS. In the meantime Charles V had come down __ 582), when he appeared before a lengthy session of the Council

into Italy, conferred at length with Pope Paul III — of Ten (éid., pp. 584-91, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 62, fols. at Lucca, and then launched the ill-fated Algerian 3!" ff). On 11 April (1542) the dragoman Yunus Beg presented expedition (in October and November, 1541) in the Venetian government with a firman from Sultan Suleiman hich h . - Be- Germany, but upon Italy, Rome, and the world. Threatginning at 10:00 A.M. on Saturday, by order of ening with fire and sword, they have been embarking Cardinal Madruzzo, the Tridentine clergy marched upon mad audacities and striving to bring calamity down in procession from the cathedral church of §. Vi- Upon us. Made arrogant by their victories, borne aloft gilio to S. Maria Maggiore, carrying “all the relics Py their triumphs, enriched by despoiling Christians, hich are in Trent.” After a solemn mass the they have been flourishing not as a consequence of their | All the shops were strength but of our debasement. They have been not

whic y

returned to the cathedra Pp so much our enemies as the scourge of God. We have

closed, the day being given over, supposedly, {0 been assailed by their arms, but overcome by our own prayer and fasting. At 1:30 P.M. a “congregatio” — sins. They have been acting with their usual savagery, was held in the Palazzo Giroldi-Prato, where the we acquiescing in our usual iniquity. Would that we legates had taken up residence, conveniently close alone might have suffered, however, and not the sacred to S. Vigilio. The papal brief was now read to all and marvelous name of Christ Jesus, beloved of the anthe prelates, by which Paul had decreed the open- gels, feared by demons, worshipped by mortals. . . 377 ing of the council. Arrangements were made for

the morrow, and it was announced that Cornelio §=——W

Musso, the Franciscan bishop of Bitonto (in Apu- '76 Massarelli, append. to Diarrum primum, in Merkle, Conc.

lia), would give the sermon. Trident., I, 400-4; Severoli, De Conalio tridentino, rbid., pp- 1-

Sunday. the thirteenth, was to prove a day of 5, whose list of twenty bishops in attendance at the opening of Y> ; ° Pp y the council lacks the name of Galeazzo Florimonte, who arrived momentous importance. At 9:30 A.M. the legates in Trent on [the afternoon or evening of] 12 December (Masand other prelates gathered in the little church of © sarelli, op. cit., p. 401). Florimonte’s name appears, however, S. Trinita, near the cathedral, ‘‘in presentia plurium in the complete list given in Ehses, Cone. Trident., 1V, no. 365, Christifidelium.” They donned long copes and white PP: 529-32, which also provides us with the names of the doctors

; . . ; and masters of sacred theology and the jurists who were present

miters. At the appointed time Fr. Domenico, the on 12—13 December. On the procedures followed at the aperitio cathedral chaplain, began to intone the hymn Veni, — seu sessvo prima of the council, note also Ehses, zbid., IV, no. creator spiritus. He was on his knees in the middle 363, pp: 515-20, and cf. the legates’ letter of 14 December to of the church, as were all those around him. Slowly Cardinal Alessandro Farnese in Buschbell, ibid., X, no. 227, the procession filed out of S. Trinita, on Its way to 177 Oratio Cornelii Mussi, in Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1V, no. 364, the cathedral. The opening ceremonies were at- pp. 524-25. On the career of Musso, see Hubert Jedin, ‘Der tended by the four cardinals del Monte, Cervini, — Franziskaner Cornelio Musso, Bischof von Bitonto: Sein LePole, and Madruzzo, four archbishops, twenty-one pensgang und sean Spee Mirksamients Romiscié Quar-

: sa ; pp. 275-78, and nos. 222, 225-26.

. - os tatschrift, ’ —/9, with ten letters; Gustavo Cantinl,

bishops, five generals of religious Orders, some Cannelio Musso 2 Frati Minori Conventuali (1511-1574), forty-two theologians, and nine doctors of canon predicatore, scrittore et teologo al Concilio di Trento,” M:and civil law. Sebastiano Pighino, auditor of the scellanea Francescana, XLI (1941), 145-74, 424-63; and Giovanni Odoardi, ‘Fra Cornelio Musso, O.F.M. (1511-1574), padre, oratore e teologo al Concilio di Trento,” zé:d., XLVIII

——____—_. (1948), 223-42, 450-78, and XLIX (1949), 36-71. Musso’s '74 Cf Jedin, Konzl von Trent, 1, 437 ff., and Council of Trent, | oratory has not appealed to all his readers (Odoardi, ibid.,

I, 549 ff. XLVI, 236-41), but 13 December, 1545, always remained 175 The brief is dated 4 December, 1545 (Fhses, Conc. Trident., “in Musso’s eyes the great day of his life’ (Jedin, Rom. Quar-

IV, no. 338, p. 442, and cf nos. 340-43). talschr., XLI, 213).

PAUL II] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 493 When Musso had concluded his sermon, voices ‘‘ma € bellissimo principe et disposto.”” The friendwere raised again in the intonation of Veni, creator ship between Suleiman and Francis I was based spiritus. Further prayers and responses followed, and upon sheer self-interest, and not upon any desire

del Monte called upon Tommaso Campeggio, to help each other. Suleiman’s wife [Khasseki bishop of Feltre, to read to the assembly the two Khurram, known as Roxelana] ruled him to such bulls (Laetare Hierusalem and Universalis gregis do- an extent that she was believed to have bewitched minici). After this a Spanish doctor presented Don him “‘by means of a Jewess, a favorite of hers.” Diego de Mendoza’s regrets that, owing to illness, | After his wife Suleiman’s son-in-law Rustem Pasha he was unable ‘‘senza gran pericolo della sua vita” was the major factor in the Ottoman state (fa ogni to make the trip from Venice to Trent to attend cosa).

the ceremonies. According to Niccolo Sicco, in dealing with amDel Monte then turned to the prelates. Speak- _ bassadors the Turks had constant recourse to bluster ing in Latin, he asked whether it pleased them that — and bravura, dwelling on the sultan’s overwhelming

the council should hereby be declared ‘‘open and _ power, and after every few words offering battle, begun,”’ to which they all replied Placet. He asked so to speak, to whoever might accept the challenge. whether the first [or rather the second] session _ Sicco stated that in the recent negotiations for peace

should be held on 7 January (1546), the day after the Turks had wanted to include the pope, the Epiphany, ‘‘and likewise in joyful fashion they all Venetians, the Ragusei, the king of France, and replied Placet.’’ Del Monte gave his blessing to the _ pretty much the rest of Christendom. When asked

council thus ‘‘open and begun.” In a tremor of why they were including the pope, who was the excitement Madruzzo embraced the legates one head of a religion opposed to their own, they replied by one, and the prelates embraced one another _ that although he was of course in error, God had with tears in their eyes, as they joined in singing nonetheless made him the head of the Christian Te Deum laudamus. ‘“‘And removing their vest- religion. The Turks were therefore obliged, “‘as ments,” says Massarelli, ‘‘they returned to their ministers of the sword of God,” to defend him and dwellings in a happy mood—now may it please not to let him be offended, ‘‘a point which it seems

our Lord God to bring the business to a_ to me,” said Sicco, ““we should well take stock of,

good end.”’!”® both the one who has said this and the one who has heard it.’’ Sicco had doubtless pondered the Throughout the three periods of Tridentine statement before he said it, and so presumably did conciliar history (1545-1563) Suleiman the Mag- Cervini after he had heard tt. nificent, of whom the Venetian ambassadors and Sicco also informed Cervini “‘that the news of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq have left us intimate the death of milord of Orléans had taken a year pictures, occupied the Ottoman throne. Suleiman off the truce, because it had previously been alwas the last of the great warrior sultans, but even most concluded for two years,” which is not quite during his reign Europeans had occasional respites in accord with what Veltwyck had written Charles from bad news. Dr. Niccolo Sicco of Brescia, Ma- V from Adrianople (on 10 November, 1545). druzzo’s secretary, whom Ferdinand I had sent as Sicco’s last Turkish tidbits were ‘‘that Mustafa, the the Austrian envoy to Istanbul, had arrived back ‘Turk’s first-born, is beloved of all the soldiery,” in Trent on 12 January, 1546, to report to the and ‘‘that Belgrade is not a well-walled stronghold, prince-bishop on his observations in Istanbul. Three and that the countryside is so depopulated and days later the legate Cervini talked with “il Secco,” _ deserted that it is a terrible pity to behold it.”"” who affirmed, surprisingly perhaps, ‘‘che la persona Time would reveal the opening of the Council del Turco é€ benigna et savia piu che niuno altro of Trent—the nineteenth conciliwm oecumenicum—

del suo consiglio.” as the major event of Paul III’s reign. The work On the same day (15 January) Cervini wrote of the participants was done, and indeed no end Alessandro Farnese that he “had got out of il Secco the following facts of substance”’ (et n’ ho =—H-—_

cavate l’ infrascritte cose di sustantia), namely that '79 Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, no. 256B, p. 315, letter of Suleiman was not at all as he had been depicted, Cervini to Alessandro Farnese, dated at Trent on 15 January,

1546 (the original text may be found in the Arch. Segr. Va-

ticano, Carte Farnesiane, tom. I, pt. 1, fol. 30", by mod. stamped

—_ enumeration), and cf. Conc. Trident., X, append., no. 5, p. 855. '78 Massarelli, append. to Diarium primum, in Merkle, Conc. | For the relevant passage in Veltwyck’s letter of 10 November, Trident., 1, 404; cf. Severoli, De Concilto tridentino commentarius, 1545, to Charles V (referred to above, note 125), see Lanz, II,

ibid., p. 5; Ehses, ibid., IV, no. 363, pp. 517-20. no. 547, pp. 473, 475.

494 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of work was done, in the so-called “‘general con- Council of Nicaea (in 325), anathematized those gregations.”’ During this first period of the council who held doctrines diverging from their own or(from the first session on 13 December, 1545, to thodoxy. The Second Vatican Council abstained the eighth and last session on 11 March, 1547), from the express condemnation of theological views aside from a number of “‘particular congrega- at variance with those of the Church. tions’ and ‘‘congregations of theologians,’ about The papal legates and a majority of the fathers 130 or so general congregations met to discuss, at Trent had decided to deal with dogma and redebate, and decide the major theological issues form concurrently, although Charles V had wanted and jurisdictional disputes facing Catholic Chris- conciliar debates and decrees on dogma postponed tendom as a consequence of the Lutheran revolt until he felt more confident of the likelihood of from the contemporary Church to return (or try — success in his projected war against the League of

to return) to that of antiquity. Schmalkalden. Anti-Protestant doctrinal decisions

The general congregations, which often lasted might help to cement the Schmalkaldic alliance, for hours, were held at the legates’ residence, the and might prove offensive to possible Protestant Palazzo Giroldi-Prato, which was destroyed by fire allies, especially Maurice of ducal Saxony and the in 1845. Its site is now occupied by the post office, Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg-Kulmbach, the “palazzo delle poste,’ which was built in 1933— who had not joined the Lutheran league. Charles 1934, and incorporates some elements of the earlier did not get his way, however, and doctrines were structure. General congregations were held on 18, reworked into dogmas and published with Paul 22, and 29 December (1545), on 4, 13, 18, 22, 26, III’s approval.

and 29 January (1546), on 3, 8, 12, 15, and 26 There was also some apprehension that the February, etc., and so it went month after month, Turks might not observe the truce.'*? Indeed, an arduous business often marked by acerbic and Giovanni Lucio Stafhleo, the bishop of Sebenico even hostile encounters. The Palazzo Giroldi-Prato (Sibenik), wrote Paul III from Trent on 15 July, was a mere 220 short paces (along the Via Calepina) 1546, that from the small southeast entrance to the cathedral [the Gran Turco] could easily make himself the master of S. Vigilio, which gave the legates immediate ACCESS of Germany, and all the more easily by divine judgment

to the chancel. All the ‘‘sessions’”” of the council and as a consequence of the Lutherans’ heresies and were held in the dark majesty of S. Vigilio. discords, just as he made himself the master of Greece Unlike the procedure which was followed in ear- as a consequence of the Greeks’ Arian faith and discord, lier councils, work as such was not done at the ‘‘ses- and because they called him in, as he has now been sions’”’—at Trent the sessions were formal, liturgical ¢alled in by the Lutherans, who have their envoys

gatherings—in which the conciliar canons and de- with him...

crees were published. The eight sessions of the first (Tridentine) period of the council were held on 13 December, 1545 (the first, as we have just seen), 7 '80 Cf Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, nos. 425, 442, pp. 516,

January (1546), 4 February, 8 April, 17 June, 13 53).

January (1 547), 3 March, and 11 March, when the '5! Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, no. 471, pp. 562-63. There legates (as we shall also see) were to “translate” the —_ 800n followed the usual reports that Suleiman was making prep-

; . ; , oming year, “‘et in logo di Barbarossa [who had died on

council to Bologna on the grounds that Trent was he com greater than he had ever made,” on land and sea for caught in a Serious epidemic of typhus fever. Three 4 July, 1546] havea eletto Capizi Bassi, primo suo portiere, centuries later, after the model of Trent, the nu- — huomo di 40 anni, di natione schiavona et favorito della sulmerous participants in the First Vatican Council— tana”’ (abid., pp. 650-51, note 4). Despite these apparent fears the twentieth concilium oecumenicum—met for dis- of a large-scale Turkish expedition Sultan Suleiman had found , ; _. , it necessary to protest against the incursions of Venetian subcussion and cast their provisional votes im CONSTe- jects into Bosnia. On or after 30 June, 1546, he wrote the doge gationes generales, and thereafter assembled in more of Venice, ‘“‘Gionta la mia excelsa et felice lettera, te sia noto formal sessions to cast final votes on decrees which — come venuto dal signor del sanzachato de Clissa, che é nel con-

(when accepted by 4 majority of those voting) Pius fin della Bossina, et da alcuni cadi et desdari lettere alla mia 1X promulgated into law. As at Trent, the First Felice Porta hang nottlicato che li homeni delle cita de Venetia Vatican Council witnessed some stormy sessions. Felice Casa, et sacheggiato robbe et denari et fatto habitar hi There are perhaps more areas of contrast than of — sudditi nelli loci loro, facendo molti mali et mensfatti, . . . similarity between the Tridentinum and the Second __ ingerendosi contra li capitoli della pace. . . . Scritte nel prinVatican Council (of 1962-1965). Tempora mutantur — “'P!° della luna de Zemadiel dell’ anno 953, che fu alli do de tO ovaye . lugio vel circa 1546” (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Document nos et mutamur mm illis. In their canons of condem- turchi). As for the date, I dec. Jumada I, A.H. 953, covers the nation the conciliar fathers at Trent, following a ten days between 30 June and 9 July, 1546, within which period

; . . . gressi li confini loro hano usurpato molte terre della mia

tradition that went back to the first oecumenical _ this letter must be placed.

PAUL II] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 495 There was no dearth of rumors. On 16 October tion of the poor bishops, the costs of couriers, (1546), for example, the cardinal legates in Trent messengers, the horses and the horsemen, towrote Guido Ascanio Sforza, the cardinal camer- gether with the many other unusual expenses lengo in Rome, that they had learned from ‘‘a_ which his Holiness must needs meet, he can hardly reliable source”’ (per assai buona via) that the pro- make it with fifty or sixty thousand scudi a French Florentine refugee Pietro Strozzi had year!’’'® made his way to the Lutherans’ camp “‘to negotiate Having paid the fiddler, to some small extent or sign an agreement between them and the Paul III could call the tune. He had convoked the Turk.” They had sent him on his way to Istanbul. council, and his legates presided over it by virtue He was said in fact to have passed through Brescia _ of a papal bull of nomination. ‘The legates insisted

very recently, and one of the lords Martinenghi upon their sole right to determine the agenda in had provided him with a mounted escort to Ven- the general congregations as well as in the formal ice. Yes, the legates thought the Venetians might sessions. Since voting was by heads and not by well be interested in it all. A man had allegedly nations—and no proxies or procurators were albeen seized at Innsbruck with a letter (or letters) lowed to vote—the more numerous and, on the from the Lutherans to the Signoria of Venice. whole, co-operative members of the Italian episStrozzi’s dealings with the Lutherans were said to copate usually protected papal interests by probe fully set forth in the letter, ‘‘and a good deal viding a majority in all decisive votes. The Holy more.” The Venetians were invited to enter the See helped to pay the Tridentine expenses of the League of Schmalkalden. They were promised the — vescovi indigenti, but the subsidies were small and

county of Tyrol (in which Trent was located!)as sometimes late in coming. It 1s unlikely that they their portion of whatever might be acquired inthe _ had any significant influence on the voting. From campaign which the Lutherans would be launch- a dozen toa score of poor prelates could not have ing in due time. The Venetians were also to be remained in Trent without the twenty-five scudi confirmed in their present possession of whatever a month, which was the usual financial allotment. imperial territory they held, presumably in Friuli. Subsidies or no subsidies, the legates’ path was As for the Lutherans, they were going to be _ bestrewn with dangers and difficulties. Rethinking content with Germany, “restored to her ancient and defining doctrines on which the theologians liberty” (ridotta nella sua liberta). It was said that had never agreed was no easy matter, and somethey were offering the Turk “‘the rest of Hungary times seemed an insurmountable task in the together with Austria!” The Lutherans had sent charged atmosphere at Trent. Papal domination this dispatch off to Venice by two different per- of the council during the first period of its exissons, who intended to get to Venice by two dif- tence has been, and still is, often exaggerated. Del ferent routes. One had been caught at Innsbruck, Monte’s skill as a tactician and Cervini’s sincerity as we have just said, but the Lutherans were hop- as a reformer were both impressive, but throughing that the other had reached his destination out the year 1546 several members of the council safely, that he had been heard by the Signoria in seemed to become more independent with every complete secrecy, and that he had been sent back _ passing week. with the Venetians’ reply—“ot which as yet we do Amid disagreement and confusion the partici-

not know the tenor.’’’® pants in the general congregations turned to the Some ten weeks before the council finally

passed the decree on justification which, above all '8° Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, no. 374C, p. 714, letter of dogmatic pronouncements, Charles wanted to see _ del Monte and Cervini, dated 31 October, 1546, to Guido postponed, the legates del Monte and Cervini told Ascanio Sforza, cardinalis camerartus. Sforza, the cardinal of S. the imperialist Cardinal Madruzzo and the impe- Fiora, was the son of Paul III's daughter Costanza Farnese. rial envoy Mendoza that Paul III could not help 60,000 scudi is exaggerated, etwas ubertrieben. Ina careful study subsidize the emperor’s war against the Lutherans devoted to this problem Jedin, ‘“‘Die Kosten des Konzils von

. Jedin, Konzl von Trent, 11, 402, believes that the figure 50-

and Carry the costs of the council at the same time. Trient unter Paul III.,”’ Kirche des Glaubens, Kirche der Geschichte:

“And should they perhaps believe that the ex- Ausgewahlte Aufsatze und Vortrage, 2 vols., Freiburg, Basel, and eqs . Y Vienna, 1966, II, 187-201, esp. p. 201, has estimated the costs pense of the council is nothing, the legates wrote of the council during the first period of its assembly at 30the cardinal camerlengo in Rome, “we made it 40,000 scudi a year. Edvige Aleandri Barletta, La Depositeria clear to them that, what with the provision made del Concilio di Trento, 1: H Registro di Antonio Manelli (1545for the legates and for many officials, the subven- 1549), Rome, 1970, introd., p. 18, note 2, has raised the figure

slightly, to 35-45,000 a year. Antonio Manelli was the depo-

sitarius or manager of the aerartum Concalu. On his career note

CO Barletta, ibid., introd., pp. 80-82, who has published the register '®? Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, no. 559, p. 689. of his accounts for the years 1545-1549, with helpful notes.

496 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT controverted tenets of the faith as well as to the at least, preserve the doctrinal and institutional touchy problems of ecclesiastical discipline and integrity of the Church despite the so-called Enauthority. They debated tradition as a source of lightenment. revelation (did it have a validity equal or at least In like manner Charles V believed that unity similar to that of Scripture?) and the permissibility of imperial authority was needed to preserve the of vernacular translations of the Bible (which the empire. The League of Schmalkalden, reflecting Italo-German Cardinal Madruzzo defended, and _ the territorial ambitions of the Lutheran princes, the Spanish Cardinal Pedro Pacheco deplored). had challenged that authority, and threatened to The conciliar fathers considered the obligation of break up the Holy Roman Empire. bishops to reside in their dioceses—even to preach As the Schmalkaldic war began, the division to their neglected flocks—and the problem of the between the pro-imperial and the pro-papal exemption of the mendicant Orders from epis- members of the council became starkly manifest. copal control and jurisdiction. Their knowledge Madruzzo might disagree with Pacheco about might fail them, but not their courage and lo- translations of the Bible, but they were both imquacity, as they went on to the nature and meaning __ perialists, and soon at open odds with del Monte

of original sin and to the supreme question which and Cervini, the presidents, who (contrary to came up during this first period of the council, the | Charles V’s well-known wishes) were seeking means question of justification by faith alone, fide sola, or _ of “‘translating”’ or transferring the council southotherwise. The conciliar fathers, in opposition to ward, to some appropriate Italian city. Charles had Lutheranism, put their emphasis on the otherwise, | made known his desire, in no uncertain terms, that

but it took months of patient, unremitting labor the council should remain at Trent, and that it to draft the famous, final decree on justification. should postpone dogmatic decisions. In the opinThey were determined to make sure that Cathol- ion of del Monte and Cervini this constituted an

icism was what Lutheranism was not. unwarranted intrusion into the affairs of the council, which indeed it was. As a concession to the The right to vote at Trent was confined to the emperor, however, Paul III chose to have the bishops and the generals of the mendicant Orders, council continue at Trent.

and (as we have just indicated) the bishops’ proc- Charles was interested in removing the Luurators and those of the cathedral and collegiate _theran threat to imperial power. The two legates

chapters were not permitted to vote, nor were were interested in removing the Lutheran taint those of the universities. The presence of the theo- from Catholic theology. They were willing to let logians at Trent was of paramount importance, Lutheran Germany go its way, Deo agente, to dibut unless they were bishops or generals of Orders _ saster, but Charles could not let Lutheran Ger(as some of them were) they could not vote. There many go its way and preserve his authority in the were no German bishops present during the first empire. period of the council,'°* nor any bishops from The seven months’ interval between the fifth and Hungary or Poland. The number of prelates in _ sixth sessions of the council (from 17 June, 1546, attendance varied from one congregation or ses- to the following 13 January) was partly caused by sion to another. As the discussions proceeded, the the ill feeling which had grown up between the rift between the imperialists and the curialists be- imperialists and the curialists. Debate in a general came increasingly clear. As the doctrinal canons congregation on 28 July (1546) over whether the and decrees of the third and last period of the conciliar fathers would be prepared to vote (at the council (1562-1563) and Pius IV’s confirmatory _ session planned for the following day) on the draft bull Benedictus Deus (of 26 January, 1564) would — ofa decree on justification terminated in distressing

bear witness through the coming years, the disagreement. The difficulties were more political maintenance of papal authority did, aftera fashion — than theological. No session was held, as had been scheduled, on 29 July, but at a general congregation '84 Actually there was a German bishop, in one sense, present on the following day the 5 ometimes trascible del at Trent through most of the year 1545. The Swabian Michael Monte, in the absence of his calmer colleague CerHelding, titular bishop of Sidon (1537-1550) and later bishop _-vini, Clashed in a searing altercation with Pacheco of Merseburg (1550-1561), arrived in Trent on 18 May (1545) and Madruzzo./!®° The Curia Romana favored the as the procurator of Albrecht of Brandenburg, cardinal-archbishop of Mainz. Helding left Trent on 8 January, 1546, being =—§ —————

recalled to Germany to attend the fiasco-colloguy of Regens- '®° Del Monte’s clash with Pacheco and especially with Maburg (Massarelli, Diarium primum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, | druzzo is described in detail by Severoli, De Concilto tridentino

189-90 and note 2, 194, 200, 204, 211, 258, 327 and note 2, commentarius, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 98-100, entry for 30 341, 342-45, 359, 369, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Padpste, V[repr. July, 1546, and cf Jedin, Konzil von Trent, Il, 186-88, and

1956], 543-44). Council of Trent, 11, 223-25.

PAUL Ill AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 497 employment of force against the Lutherans, but had strongly disapproved of the decree on justifeared the increase of power which an imperial vic- fication which, remarkable synthesis as it was,

tory would bring the Hapsburgs. seemed to him to avoid the language of Scripture

The tug-of-war between the imperialists and the _ no less than the stereotypes of Scholasticism. Alcurlalists, as well as the rival views of the Thomists though Thomism and Scotism remained strong and the Scotists, lay behind the long deferment of influences at Trent, after more than a century’s a final vote on the decree relating to justification. vogue humanism had left its imprint upon the A half-dozen voting members of the council, how- mentality of the theologian as well as upon that ever, actually gave expression to views which closely of the diplomat. In his quiet, withdrawn fashion resembled the Lutheran doctrine of justification by Pole, who seems to have been theologically at odds faith alone. The long delay in voting gave the fra- with himself, had been displeased by the legates’ mers of the decree time to think and rethink every _ efforts to expedite the settlement of even doctrinal detail of its meaning and to write and rewrite every questions, to get on with the job and to get over detail of its phraseology. And when the hour of with the council. Finally, however, although he decision arrived, on 13 January, 1547, at the sixth had some appropriate observations to make consession, the imperialist politicians~mostly Spanish cerning good works, Pole like his friend Gasparo subjects of Charles V, but good bishops withal-gave Contarini came at least close to embracing the way to a sense of urgency and the solemnity of the | Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone.'®’

occasion. The decree on justification was passed At the sixth session (on 13 January, 1547) a maunanimously, as del Monte said ina loud, clear voice, jority of the voting members of the council passed ‘‘sanctum hoc decretum de iustificatione approba- the decree imposing obligatory residence in their tum est universaliter ab omnibus uno consensu.’”’ dioceses upon bishops, some of whom had not seen It was the most important single decree passed dur- _ their cathedral churches for years, especially in Italy ing any one of the three periods of the Council of and France. Although at the time some doubt was

Trent.'°° entertained, especially by del Monte, on the validity By this time there were only two legates at of this vote, on 25 February the council declared

Trent. Three months before (in October) Regin- _ it to be unimpeachable.’** In early March the theo-

ald Pole, who had withdrawn from Trent to his logians and voting members went on, with little friend Alvise Priuli’s villa at Treville (on 28 June), debate and no distress, to an affirmation of the dihad been removed from the Tridentine legation vine origin of the seven sacraments. The legates at his own request, owing to illness. Despite his believed the council was sailing to a smooth conapparent respect for del Monte and Cervini, Pole '87 Cf. Pole’s well-known letter to Cardinal Giovanni Morone,

—_ dated at Treville on 28 August, 1546, in Buschbell, Conc. Tri'®° For the acts of the sixth session of the council, including —__dent., X (1916), no. 528, pp. 631-33, and the Poli cardinalis de the decree on justification, see Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, no. 318, — iustificatione annotatio, in Vincenz Schweitzer, ibid., XII (1930),

pp. 790-802; note also Severoli, De Concilio tridentino commen- no. 103, pp. 671-74, and no. 104, pp. 674-76, in which contartus, in Merkle, ibid., 1, 121-22; Massarelli, Diarium secundum, nection note Dermot Fenlon, Heresy and Obedience mn Tridentine also in Merkle, I, 458, and Diarium tertium, ibid., pp. 601-3; — Italy: Cardinal Pole and the Counter Reformation, Cambridge, 1972,

cf. P. Richard, in Hefele-Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, YX-1 (1930, pp. 102-15, 161-208. The charges of heresy, praesertim in repr. 1973), bk. Lill, chap. 1v; G. Odoardi, “Fra Cornelio Musso —articulo tustificationis (Massarelli, Diarum quintum, in Merkle, ... 5 Miscellanea Francescana, XLIX (1949), 36-45; and see = Conc. Trident., 11 [1911], 47), were frequently repeated by Pole’s esp. Jedin, Konzil von Trent, I, chaps. 5, 7-8. The decrees on __ rivals for the papacy, especially by Gian Pietro Carafa, and by

justification and residence were debated and worked out to- _ the French for political reasons, since Pole was looked upon as gether. The former is, perhaps, most conveniently accessible an imperialist and a Hapsburg candidate for S. Peter’s throne, in Heinrich Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum, Freiburg im _ on which see especially Paolo Simoncelli, IJ Caso Reginald Pole: Breisgau and Barcelona, 1952, pp. 284-99, who does notinclude —Eresia e santita nelle polemiche religiose del Cinquecento, Rome, in his handbook that on residence. Angel Martin Gonzalez, ‘El — 1977 (Edizioni di storia e letteratura). On the leading ecclesiastics cardenal Don Pedro Pacheco, obispo de Jaen, en la confeccion —_ of the 1540’s and their personal, political, and religious probdel decreto ‘De iustificatione’ del Concilio de Trento (sesion _ lems, see Gottfried Buschbell, Reformation und Inquistion in Italien VIP),” Revista espanola de teologia, XXX (1970), 213-44, contains = um die Mitte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Paderborn, 1910. For theo-

nothing new. logical tracts, admonitions, recommendations, etc., presented

A well-written manuscript in the Pierpont Morgan Library _ or relating to the first seven sessions of the council, see Vincenz in New York (A. 225A, formerly 242) contains the decrees(and Schweitzer, ed., Conc. Trident., XII-1 (1930), 447-763.

canons) of the first seven sessions of the Council of Trent, the ‘8° Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, nos. 299-300, 317, 318, pp. seventh session being held on Thursday, 3 March, 1547. Per- 753-58, 786-89, 802-9, and cf. nos. 308-9, 311, 313-14, pp. haps the chief interest of the MS. lies in the fact that it isin the 767 ff.; Severoli, De Concilio tridentino commentarius, in Merkle, hand of the conciliar secretary Angelo Massarelli. Stefan Kutt- ibid., I, 121-22 ff., 134-35; Massarelli, Diarium secundum, also

ner has prepared a facsimile edition and transcription of the in Merkle, I, 458, 464, and Diarium tertium, ibid., pp. 601-3, text (Decreta septem priorum sessionum Concilit Tridentini sub Paulo 618-19; Jedin, Konzil von Trient, I1, 286-94, 307-12, and Coun-

III Pontifice Maximo, Washington, D.C., 1945). cul of Trent, 11, 336-45, 360-66.

498 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT clusion despite Charles V’s disapproval of the pub- and some of the Italian as well as the Spanish prelates lication of the decree on justification, to which the _ could be forthright and even obstreperous in their

Lutherans had taken immediate exception. expressions of opinion—such as Braccio Martelli, The council began to ride on troubled waters, bishop of Fiesole; Marco Vigerio della Rovere, however, when at Ulm on 2 February (1547) the _ bishop of Sinigaglia (Senigallia); Diego de Alaba y nuncio Girolamo Verallo presented Charles V with Esquivel, bishop of Astorga; Francisco de Navarra, a papal brief (dated 22 January) signalizing the ter- _ bishop of Badajoz;'*' and Juan Berval Diaz de Lugo, mination of the papal-imperial military alliance bishop of Calahorra. Marcello Cervini was also ex-

which had been formed in June, 1546. The pope hausted. He had aged in his two years at Trent, was withdrawing his troops from the imperialarmy, but he was supposed to remain. For months the for which Charles sarcastically thanked Verallo, be- council had really rested upon his shoulders. Alcause the papal troops were no good anyway. They — though the religious strife in Germany had given had caused him nothing but “loss and shame,” _ birth to the council, no German bishop (as we have burning villages and robbing everything in sight. noted) had come to Trent, and yet some of the Believing (quite rightly) that Paul was veering to- more important dogmatic decisions affecting Luward France, Charles told Verallo that his Holiness _theranism had now been taken, especially the decree clearly had the mal francese, very likely a reflection on justification.

of the banter at meetings of the imperial council. The legates’ trials at Trent were almost over, Verallo reported his grim audience with the angry however, for at the general congregation of 9 emperor ina long, sad letter to Alessandro Farnese, March (1547) del Monte, still president of the written on the same day.'*” In any event the pope council, had warned the assembly of the prevahad promised to furnish troops at first for four and lence of a disease of allegedly epidemic proporlater for six months. The time had run out, and so _ tions which, three days before (on the sixth), had had the pope’s confidence in the emperor, who (it carried off Enrico Loffredo, the bishop of Capacwas feared) would become too powerful as a con- cio (in southern Italy). Girolamo Fracastoro, the sequence of victory and would, sooner or later, well-paid physician of the council, and Balduino probably make some sort of religious compromise [Baldovino] de’ Balduini, del Monte’s personal

with the Lutherans. physician, identified the danger as typhus, the dis-

By the beginning of March (1547) Gianmaria del ease which had (as we have seen) destroyed LauMonte had learned, to his great satisfaction, that trec’s army at Naples almost twenty years before. the pope had finally acceded to his repeated requests Del Monte informed the conciliar fathers that to be relieved of the Tridentine legation. He was, since the last (the seventh) session, held on 3 however, to remain in Trent until the arrival of his March, about a dozen prelates had left Trent, alsuccessor,'”” although as it turned out, he was to though he had declined to give them leave to dehave no immediate successor. Failing health, dislike | part. Some had not even taken the time to ask for of Trent, animus toward Madruzzo, unease with — a licentia discedendi. They were frightened by what Pacheco, and the tiring routine of presiding over had happened to Loffredo and to others, ‘“‘who the general congregations had been more than are dying daily in this city from the morbus lentienough for del Monte. Despite an occasional com- cularius sive ponticularis [‘spotted fever’], which plaint from Girolamo Seripando, the scholarly gen- disease we call mal di petecchie in Italian.”’

eral of the Augustinians, the levels of intelligence Fracastoro and Balduino had told del Monte and learning were extremely high at the council, that this was the stuff that plagues were made of, and that it would hit the nobles and the less robust '89 Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 1-9 (1899, more heavily than it would peasants and farmrepr. 1968), no. 132, pp. 442-51, dated 2-3 February, 1547. hands. Fracastoro said that he had been hired by After a good deal of unctuous flattery, to which Charles V had the council to take care of the sick, not to contend long been accustomed, the papal brief of 22 January, 1547, witha plague of spotted fever. He asked for percomes toa clear and blunt conclusion: Nos autem lam confecto mission to leave the city. Del Monte had directed paene bello rebusque tuls optime, ut cernimus, constitutis, eam manum militum quam auxilio tibi miseramus ad paucos iam redactam revocare ex Germania instituimus eo animo ut cum) ——————

alia sese occasio obtulerit, et simile aliquod bellum adversus '°" On 14 December, 1545, the day after the opening of the Christianae religionis hostes susceperis, tibi, ut hactenus feci- — council, Francisco de Navarra had been transferred from the mus, numquam pro nostris et Apostolicae Sedis viribus simus see of Ciudad Rodrigo to the more important see of Badajoz defuturi” (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1547, no.98,onwhich — at the request of Charles V, ad presentationem Cesaris (Arch.

note Jedin, Konzil von Trient, Il, 342-45). Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia: Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 32, '9° Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, no. 656, pp. 830-31. fol. 206’, by mod. stamped enumeration).

PAUL III AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 499 the two physicians to prepare a statement, which At the general congregation of 10 March was now duly read to the general congregation.'** (1547), which began about 10:00 A.M., del Monte repeated what he had said on the day before ‘‘de 192 Fhses, Conc. Trident., V, no. 401, pp. 1012-17, acta of ponticularum morbo, qui Tridenti viget, et de the general congregation of 9 March, 1547; see also Massarelli, consilio et sententia medicorum . . . necnon de Diarium tertium, in Merkle, zbhid., 1, 624, entry for 9 March, and — discessu praelatorum.” The legates could not alespecially Severoli, De Concilio tridentino commentarus, ibid., pp. low the council to be dissolved, but some prelates

137-39. The passage in Severohi and the statement of Fracastoro were | eaving in fear of the plague which threatand Balduino (given below) are as important in the history of , medicine as in that of the council: At the general congregation ened them all. The voting members of the council

of 9 March, Gianmaria del Monte stated (as reported by Se- must decide what was to be done, del Monte told veroli), “Ut scitis, patres, post sessionem ultimo celebratam [on them, and under his skillful management they did 3 March] discesserunt ex hoc loco ad duodecim prelati, quorum gg A majority voted, as he advised, for the transpars petiit a nobis licentiam, sed ea non obtenta, quinimo de- lati Eth | Bol Pach d th negata, discesserunt, alii vero nobis minime salutatis abierunt. ation of the councl to bo Ogna. acneco an t € Hesterno die venerunt plures alii prelati ad nos, qui hic adsunt, Spaniards objected, and the bishop of Badajoz significantes nobis se omnino abfuturos esse ut sue vite con- (Pacensis) declared that Paul III had summoned sulerent, quoniam aiebant se valde comotos esse morte fratris the council to Trent. It should remain there. The nostri episcopi Caputaquensis [the bishop of Capaccio] et Conciliar fathers had accomplished ‘‘very little”’ aliorum, qui quotidie in hac civitate moriuntur morbo lenti- a . ; culario sive ponticulari, quem morbum vulgo appellamus mal (paucissima), he said, for they still had to settle

di petecchie. questions relating to five of the seven sacraments, “Quos cum nulla ratione ad nobiscum permanendum ad- the eucharist, major and minor orders, marriage, ducere potuissemus, impetravimus ab eis ut saltem tam diu dif- penance, extreme unction, and the sacrifice of the esset. Post prelatorum discessum cupientes scire naturamet vim ‘T14SS, as well as the primacy of the Apostolic See huius morbi advocavimus medicos, videlicet Fracastorium, and the authority of the Church and the councils medicum huius sacri Concilii, et Balduinum familiarem no- ‘‘contra Protestantes.’’ Badajoz listed several more strum. Quos cum de vi et natura morbi huius percuntassemus, jtems of unfinished business—fasts, feasts, the ven-

ferrent eorum discessum, donec ad synodum hac de re relatum . ,

dixerunt nobis morbum huiusmodi pestilentiosum esse etcelibacy, solere

; , . prenuntium, : . erationhuncque of saints, monastic vows, esse pestis morbum aiebant magis peri- clerical :

culosum esse nobilibus et delicatis [which would include the indulgences, the doctrine of purgatory, and othbishops] quam agrestibus hominibus. Adiecit Fracastorius se ers—but, no matter, the majority had decided to accessisse huc a synodo conductus ut febres medicaret, non leqve Trent.!92 autem ut pestem et lenticulares morbos curaret, quapropter The prelates’ decision to transfer the council As might be expected, Pacheco claimed that the reports of ~~ { Ogna was con MMe y an even larger mamortality in Trent had been grossly exaggerated, “‘. . . nec JOrity on the following day (11 March) at the inventi sunt in tota hac civitate plus quam triginta et quinque eighth session, held (like all the sessions) in the infirmi, quorum quatuor vel quinque ad sumum hoc punticu- majestic cathedral of Trent. Thirty-nine members larum morbo laborant’’ (Severoli, op. cit., p. 140). Pacheco also Gf the council voted for the move to Bologna, fourcastoro’s sententia when requested to do so. Pacheco may have teen were opposed to it, and five cast conditional been correct in asserting that there were only four or five cases OT doubtful ballots.'°* This was the last formal of typhus in Trent. That was enough, however, to cause Fra- assembly of the first period of the Gouncil of

sibi discedendi licentiam dari postulabat.. . .” to Bol 5 db |

said that the Tridentine physicians had declined to sign Fra- . wo

castoro’s dismay.

The deposition of Fracastoro and Balduino concerning the ~— outbreak of typhus at Trent, which was incorporated in the aliae pestilentes febres; plures etiam perdunt, ut longa expeacts of the general congregation of 9 March, may be found in __ rientia et hic videmus et alias vidimus in multis locis, sicuti anno

Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, no. 401, pp. 1014-15: They state 1528,” 1.e., in Lautrec’s army at the siege of Naples. Cf Jedin, ‘quod infectio haec reducenda est ad genus earum febrium Konzil von Trent, II, 354 ff., and Council of Trent, II, 416 ff. quae pestilentes vocari solent. . . . Pestilentem enim febrim ‘°° The acta of the general congregation of 10 March, 1547, vocant quae et contagiosa est et plures perdit.. . . Signa vero are given in Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, no. 402, pp. 1018-24. pestilentium febrium . . . sunt quod illae introrsum quidem _ Badajoz’s protest appears, ibid., pp. 1021-23, and ¢f. Severoli, perturbant, extra vero quietae apparent, lenes item videntur De Concilto tridentino commentarius, in Merkle, ibid., I, 139-41, et placidae, maxime a principiis; sed tamen virtutem labefactant, and Massarelli, Diarium tertium, ibid., pp. 624-25. aeger totus fractus sibi videtur, delirium mox aut furor ut plu- '°* The acta of the eighth session in Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, rimum consequitur, oculi caligant, pulsus parvi sunt et rari,sed no. 403, pp. 1025-36, include the depositions of nine persons inaequales, urinae conturbatae aut quale est vinum granatorum _ on the seriousness of the plague in Trent, super morbo ponticuaut similes sanis, aegroto nihilominus tendente ad mortem; ex- _ larum (pp. 1028-31). See also the important letters of the Span-

crementa corrupta, liquida, foetentia tum apparent, aut ab- ish participants in the council, written from Trent on 9-11 scessus et bubones circa emunctoria, aut parotides circa aures March, 1547, to Charles V and his son Philip [II], in G. Buschaut maculae in dorso et in brachiis, quales lenticulae sunt aut bell, Conc. Trident., XI (1937), nos. 90-95, pp. 110-18, and the puncturae pulicum. Quae si recte consideremus, videmus febres letter of del Monte and Cervini to Cardinal Farnese on 11 has, quas lenticulas vocant, praedicta omnia prae se ferre. Nam March, in Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-9, append., no. 32, et contagiosae sunt, licet non ita subito et de facili, sicutiquaedam pp. 651-55.

500 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Trent. During the next few days the departure of and meetings of theologians for months theresome of the prelates from the banks of the Adige after.'?® resembled a flight. The fourteen imperialist (or The tenth was the last Bolognese session because at least anti-curialist) prelates were mostly Span- on 14 September (1547) del Monte proposed at a iards, with three or four Italians holding sees in general congregation that the next session ‘‘should the Neapolitan kingdom and in Sicily, 1.e., in ter- be prorogued for many reasons.”’ Only two French ritories belonging to Charles V. Under the lead- prelates had come to Bologna; a dozen more were ership of Cardinal Pacheco they remained in alleged to be on the way. Prelates who had just Trent.'*’ Since they did not function as a rival appeared at the council needed more time to be

council, however, there was no schism. instructed and informed ‘‘de materiis in decretis In thus effecting the transfer of the august as- publicandis.’’ Del Monte referred also to the tumult sembly to Bologna, del Monte and Cervini had caused by the murder of the pope’s son Pierluigi acted on the basis of the authority granted them Farnese four days before at Piacenza and to the by the bull Regimini unwersalis ecclesiae (of 22 Feb- occupation of the latter city [by Ferrante Gonzaga,

ruary, 1545), which had never been rescinded. imperial governor of Milan, who was chiefly reThey had already been foiled by Paul III in pre- sponsible for the crime]. In fact del Monte suggested vious attempts to move the council into the papal that war would be necessary to recover Piacenza states or at least into Italy. This time, apparently, and to hold on to Parma, which were now regarded they were not taking a chance that the Curia Ro- as papal cities once again, “*. . . et bellum quod mana might think the appearance of “‘spotted fe- _parari necesse est ob tuitionem civitatum Ecclesiae.”’

ver,” the petecchie, an insufficient reason to risk He therefore thought, as did Cervini, that the sesprovoking the emperor to anger or the imperialist — sion scheduled for the following day should be postprelates to schism. The sudden decision to transfer _poned. All the voting members in the general conthe council to Bologna, in which Jedin sees Cer- gregation agreed, nemine excepto, whereupon del vini’s fine Italian hand (for del Monte thought that Monte proposed that no date be set for the next he would soon be out of it all),'°° came at a critical session. Some fifty prelates agreed. Alvaro de la

time, for Charles V’s star was very much in the Quadra, bishop of Venosa in the south of Italy,

ascendant. thought that a definite date should be set, but his The legates had announced the next (the ninth) was the only voice to that effect.'” session of the council, the first at Bologna, for 21 By this time almost everyone was weary, most of April (1547), on which date in fact some forty all del Monte, who had never been replaced as presprelates, including del Monte and Cervini, assem- ident of the council. In fact del Monte himself now bled in the church of S. Petronio.'®’ They voted replaced Giovanni Morone in the Bolognese legaa decree of prorogation until the Thursday after tion, assuming the added burden in an elaborate Pentecost (2 June, 1547), when the tenth session ceremony in the cathedral of S. Pietro on 17 July was held, the last at Bologna, although the sacra- (1548).*°° Thereafter he was legatus Bononiae et Con-

ments were discussed in general congregations ci/ii, but the Council of Trent-Bologna had petered out. There were no more congregations and finally, '° To the list of thirteen prelates, [qui] in ipsa Tridentina on 17 September (1549) , del Monte received a letter civitate remanserunt, given in Ehses, Conc. Trident., V, no. 405, from the * cardinal-nephew Alessandro Farnese, p. 1037, the name of Braccio Martelli, bishop of Fiesole, should dated the thirteenth. Farnese wrote in the pope's

be added, as indicated, ibid., note 3. | name, as Massarelli informs us, ‘‘that Cardinal del

II, 437-43. Charles V also held the pro-French Cervini re- a

Jedin, Konzil von Trient, II, 371-76, and Council of Trent, Nf onte himself should give leave to all the prelates sponsible for the movement of the council to Bologna, as did here at the council in Bologna to return to their the imperialist Laurentius Pratanus [Prée], Actorum. . . tridentinae synodi epilogus, in S. Merkle, ed., Concilium Tridentinum, I

(1911), 386, 388, on which see Jedin, Konzil, I1, 436-37, and =2——————

Council, 11, 513-14. '9® Massarelli, Diarium quartum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 197 Massarelli, Diarium quartum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, 658 ff., entries for 2 June and thereafter. The acta of the Coun642-45, entry for 21 April, 1547, and cf. Severoli, De Coneilio cil of Bologna, compiled by Massarelli, and the sententiae of the tridentino commentarius, ihid., pp. 145—46, who says there were _ theologians have been published by Seb. Merkle and Theobald

thirty-five prelates present. On 22 May (1547) Gianbattista Freudenberger, eds., Conc. Trident., VI, pt. 1 (Freiburg im Campeggio, bishop of Majorca and son of the late Cardinal Breisgau, 1950), and Freudenberger, ibid., pts. 2~3 (1972-74). Lorenzo, celebrated a mass of the Holy Spirit in the church of | The Turks do not figure in these deliberations. S. Petronio “‘pro victoria quam Carolus V Caesar Augustus '99 Massarelli, ibid., in Merkle, I, 695-96, and cf. Angel Gonhabuit contra ducem Saxoniae adeo ut ipsum captivum ceperit zalez Palencia and Eugenio Mele, Vida y obras de Don Diego et elus exercitum prope flumen Albim [the Elbe] profligaverit’”” Hurtado de Mendoza, II (1942), 93 fff.

(Massarelli, op. cit., in Conc. Trident., 1, 654). 200 Massarelli, ibid., in Merkle, I, 781, entry for 17 July, 1548.

PAUL HI] AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 501 homes, since the pope does not intend at this time suspitione che si havesse a trattare et deliberar di cosa tale in

to continue the council... . .2°! una nostra citta, et che havessame aspentato questa oceasione More than weariness lay behind the indefinite della partita et lontananza di que ignor [on Suleiman s hersian . f th ‘. Charles V had b campaign, cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 26° (46°)|, nella qua suspension or the council. ; rae a €€N — occasione devemo noi pit che alcun’ altro advertir di non far

made furious by the translation to Bologna, for cosa la qual possa darli causa de resentimento o materia di which he blamed Paul III. The passing months __dubitar dell’ animo nostro verso di lui. . .”’ (2bid., Reg. 66, fol. neither softened his temper nor lessened his ran- !9 [39]). When the time came, the Signoria would take pleasure 16 Januar twoupon imperialist successes” and congratulate cor.On. ry) Pp S1548. him hisattorsafe” Suleiman’s return to‘“‘fortunate Istanbul. On 12in Persia, October, 1548, neys, fiscal spagnolt, had delivered a vehement Pro- the Senate considered the proposed text of a letter to be sent test before a general congregation. Cardinal del _ to the bailie in Istanbul (#bid., fol. 45° [65"): Monte had met the blast against the conciliar pres- =: Hapbiamo riceputo le vostre flettere] de 2 Septembre ence at Bologna with a firmness and a dignity COnmnente I ruorne di que Maced ce Signor, deh Gren all hich did not end him to Charles.2°2 Th d giudicio che si faceva, potra la Maesta soa esser de li circa alli which aid not endear nim to ATES. 1c age 15 del mese venturo [i.e., 15 November, but Suleiman got back pontiff, however, thought that discretion might be — to Istanbul more than a year later than the bailie’s assumption,

more useful than valor in dealing with the irate based upon the current ‘giudicio’ or rumors], unde habbiamo emperor. If Charles objected so violently to Bo- voluto farvi le presente, commettendovi con il Senato che |ogna, . chtItbmgblt be ferpossible th 1 gionta soa imperial Celsitudine dobbiate subito ritrovarvi con to transter the councl il magnifico Rusten, allegrandovi del incolume ritorno de soa to Vicenza in the neutral territory of the Venetian — Maesti con parole espressive il continuato bon animo nostro Republic. Charles would, of course, object that the — verso di lei. . . , et che da noi inteso il felice gionger de soa council was not being held in an imperial city, but Celsitudine alla soa imperial sede [i.e., Istanbul], li mandaremo

at least he could not say that the freedom of the U"° nostro honorato ambassator Dy and the letter thereb ecause fj after contains a complaint “le pessime de Saba councl7a be} eing abrid r" ged of its location Rays et etiam deof Drogut Rays controoperatione li navilii et subditi nostri in a papal city. Venice was, to be sure, neutral. . . .” (ibid., fol. 45% [65"]). Although twice submitted to the Furthermore, the Republic intended to remain _ Senate fora vote, the text of the letter was rejected (nihil captum, neutral, but perhaps no more on account of the 4"4 of fols. 48 [68], 52° [72%]). Nevertheless, it remains chro-

imperialists thanSuleiman of the Turks nologically Pp © PUPKS. spent the winteruseful. of 1548-1549 in Aleppo (cf. Sen. As the doge and Senate made clear to their am- _ Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 52° [72°], just cited). On 7 February, bassador in Rome by a letter of 2 June, 1548, the 1549 (Ven. style 1548), the doge and Senate wrote the bailie

papal request— ‘circa il concieder la citta di Vicenza (ibid., fol. 69° [89%]), “*. . . Siamo stati in continua espettatione

per proseguir il concilio in caso che esso concilio si di vostre lettere, et finalmente havemo recevuto quelle de 20

le dj d lla citta’’—had fin 23 di Decembre, le qual per li avisi che contengono del

reso vese € dimandar quella citta —_ ad caused gionger incolume di quel serenissimo Signor in Alepo ne sono

the Signoria some embarrassment. Venice could not _ state grate, si come ne e molto piacuto intender che habbiate now allow the erstwhile Tridentine council to meet secondo il solito fatto feste et demostratione di allegrezza per

. . _ avisate esser sta destinato per portarne la sopraditta nova de

in Vicenza, since Sultan Suleiman was in distant — !! Morne di sua panne del che vi faucamo. tl aus che del Re tie SUSPICIONS would be aroused that the gionger in Alepo et delli prosperi successi di sua Maesta non

Epubdlic was taking advantage of his absence, for € anchor comparso de qui—non mancaremo come el sia gionto the sultan believed that one of the chief reasons for — di farlo honorar et accarezzar.. . .”’ Three weeks later, on 1

the existence of the council was “that of uniting March (1549), the doge and Senate sent Suleiman a fulsome the Christian princes to his loss,” alli danni suoi. He = S*PESSSOD oF their pleasure, “havendo . . . iteso con summa

would assume that Venice had b ‘tine for hj satisfattion dell’ animo nostro l’ incolume et vittorioso ritorno

enice nad been walling Or MS di vostra Maesta nella citta de Aleppo” (fol. 73" [93"]). Suleiman

removal from the European scene to aid and abet _ had written the Signoria from Aleppo on 24 November (1548).

the princes in some anti-Turkish enterprise.*”” Finally, on 22 January, 1550 (Ven. style 1549), the doge

and Senate wrote the bailie (¢b:d., fol. 131% [151")), ‘Dalle lettere

vostre de 16 et 17 Decembrio, questa matina ricepute, habbiamo

201 Spey inteso gratamente che quel serenissimo Signor si espettava tra Massarelli, ibid., in Merkle, I, 864, entry for 17 Septem- — pochi zorni de ritorno, essendo gia gionto lo aga grande de ber, 1549. . . . lanizzari. a 7 The bailie was keeping the Signoria correctly

W. Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-10 (1907, repr. —_ informed. Suleiman returned to Istanbul on 21 December, 1549.

1968), nos. 18-19, pp. 451-55, letters of del Monte and Gio- On I] February, 1550 (Ven. style 1549), the Senate agreed no Ca were Saracen arehprsnoP of Aceves and Matera, that “‘havendosi inteso i] gionger del serenissimo Signor Turco Caria Farnese, dated a elo on 1 January, SIS Contannopl ¢ cost convenicn al tina pce che ha

; q ; vy 4, vemo con quella Excelsa Porta non differir piu la elettione di

sch. d. ; . ; —40; ; e incolume ritorno suo in testi 10 del b 1 ae

Geach. d. Pitpste Vine ons 64 I 46: and note | a er uno ambassator nostro per andarsi allegrar con soa Maesta del kaiserliche Protest gegen die Translation des Konzils von Trient (ibid. fol. 135° 155"), and see also fol 137° [157"], 4 letver of nach Bologna,” in Kirche des Glaubens, Kirche der Geschichte, Il the doge and Senate to the bailie, dated 15 February, 1550):

(1966), 202-12. . ‘‘Intendessemo a 24 del mese passato per le lettere vostre de oa Paul III could understand, the Senate wrote, “che nation 22 de Decembrio del gionger incolume in quella citta di quel si suspettosa come € quella de Turchi entrasse in gelosia et _ serenissimo Signore con |’ Excelsa Porta... .”

502 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Three days after the formal reopening of the coming, but was not), communion sub utraque specie council at Bologna, in the ninth session, Charles and marriage of the clergy. V had defeated Johann Friedrich, the elector of As usual, the Venetian Senate kept the Turks inSaxony, in the decisive battle of Mihlberg (on 24 — formed.*°° The Interim—and Charles’s Spanish solApril, 1547), alongside the river Elbe. Now there | diery—evoked widespread resentment. It is hard to was no likelihood of Charles’s forcing the Luther- see how one could any longer entertain hope of a ans to send their divines to the moribund council _ conciliar solution to the religious problem. in the pope’s own city of Bologna,*"* besides which The Turks had presented no problem to either the conciliar fathers had already placed the Ger- the Hapsburgs or the Holy See throughout the years

man Protestants beyond the pale of redemption 1547-1550. Sultan Suleiman had returned to warby publishing (contrary to Charles’s frequently- fare with the Persians. On 14 January, 1547, Luexpressed wishes) their anti-Lutheran dogmatic ciano degli Ottoni, the abbot of Pomposa, had writdecrees. Instead, at the diet or Reichstag of Augs- ten Duke Ercole II of Ferrara from Trent that the burg Charles managed to get accepted, and pub- council had just been informed ‘‘che ’] Sophi ha lished an “interim” statement of faith (on 15 May, dato una gran rotta al Turco.’”’”°’ It was good news, 1548),°°° to which we have already alluded. The _ even if it was not true. According to the Ottoman Augsburg Interim summarized the form of reli- historians, Suleiman was not in Persia at this time. gion which was to obtain in Germany untilanother The assembly at Trent, however, in close touch general council could find some settlement of the — with Venice, was not entirely uninformed, and one religious issues. Catholic in doctrine, the vaguely- would think that Ottoni should have known whether worded Interim granted the Lutherans, with papal Suleiman was then in Persia or not. Some twenty permission (which Charles assumed must be forth- months later (on 5 October, 1548) Massarelli wrote Cardinal Cervini from Bologna

—_—-—____ concerning the news which we have had today from Venice *°* Charles had been outraged by the translation of the coun- __ to the effect that the Turk is returning to Constantinople

cil to Bologna, as Verallo had written Cardinal Farnese from from his expedition against the Sophi, having accom-

the imperial camp at Plauen ten days before Milberg: plished nothing, for which thanks be to God! ‘*. . . Sua Maesta non crede che la translatione [del concilio

di Trento a Bologna] sia stata fatta senza ordine et participa- Del Monte wrote in a similar vein to Alessandro tone di Sua Sanita ai gaicende che non rede pin aparole Farnese in Rome.2°° Suleiman was indeed in Persia 1 Sua Sainigee ma nullified abl ements ene vede os one move at to inTrent, the fall of 1548. Owingquesti to the fact; that Bologna had the assembly ‘“‘perché . ; he . did principi ch’ hanno promesso di stare a quel che determinara 4 Certain amount of Z18Zassing while there, It was il concilio di Trento, hanno iusta causa di repugnare adesso”’ easy for Massarelli’s Venetian source (1.e., the nun(Friedensburg, Nuntwaturberichte, 1-9, no. 153, pp. 536-42, cio Giovanni della Casa’s Venetian source) to as-

ne O,nnae back dand background bibl hy relat sume he was heading home when he was acthealehistorical andthat bibliography relating

to the Augsburg Interim, see the letters of Julius Pflug, with tually planning to spend the winter at Aleppo. the introduction and notes of J. V. Pollet, Julius Pflug, Corre- Suleiman had set out on his second (or third) spondance, III (Leyden, 1977), 49-239, and note esp. nos. 374- expedition against Persia in the spring of 1548, 75, pp. 78°96: letters of Martin Bucer to Pflug and of Pilug following the renewal of peace with the Hapsto the theologian Johann Gropper of Cologne, dated 13 April burgs After some months of negotiation Gerard Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 765, 767-68, 772-73, entries for 12 Veltwyck had finally arranged with the Tur Sa and 21 May and 10 and 16 June, 1548, and Pastor, Gesch. d. mew peace or rather a five years’ truce, which in-

and after 15 May, 1548. Cf’ Massarelli, Diartum quartum, in . h k

Papste, V (repr. 1956), 649 ff.

Some weeks earlier the Venetian Senate had written their = ==

bailie in Istanbul that many Lutherans were said to have returned *°© On 2 June, 1548, as soon as they understood the meaning to the pristina religione catholica, and were attending church, | of the Augsburg Interim, the Venetian Senate wrote the bailie especially the count palatine and the margrave of Brandenburg. __ in Istanbul, asking him to transmit the news to Rustem Pasha, Martin Bucer had arrived in Augsburg, and Melanchthon was “‘che Il’ imperator haveva fatto publicar nella dieta alcuni capitoli expected (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 12” [32°], doc. dated 27 circa la reformatione della religione sopra quello che deve esser

April, 1548). osservato dalla Germania fino che si facci il concilio, accomOn 11 July (1548) the Senate informed the bailie concerning | modandose alle diversita delle opinione di quella natione, li the conclusion of the diet of Augsburg ‘‘che per lettere di quali capitoli erano sta accettati dalla ditta dieta, con promissione

Augusta fin 3 del instante intendemo che é sta licentiata la dil volerli osservar, [et] che soa Maesta havea fatto proponer dieta, la qual gia molti mesi é€ stata insieme redutta in quella nella dieta predetta che ’| se facci uno deposito de tre millioni citta. . . , et che [among other provisions] hanno provisto al d’ oro da esser spesi per defensione del imperio da quelli che re de Romani di poter fortificar li sui loci verso l’ Ongaria, et lo volesseno molestar . . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 23° che é sta fatto uno deposito de danari per pagar fanti 20 m. —_[43"}). et cavalli 4 m. contra quelli che volessero molestar lo imperio, 207 Buschbell, Conc. Trident., X, append., no. 20, p. 878. et con questa resolutione li principi della dieta partivano per 208 Massarelli, Diarium quartum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I,

ritornar alli sui stati. . .”’ (zbid., Reg. 66, fol. 30° (50°). 801, entry for 5 October, 1548.

PAUL IIT AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 503 cluded the Emperor Charles, Ferdinand, Paul III, _ five years, although the existing truce still had a Henry II of France, and the Republic of Venice. good while to go (. . . trattation di nove tregue per Ferdinand was to pay the Porte 30,000 ducats a altri cinque anni, se ben ne pare difficil cosa che hora se year. Von Hammer-Purgstall dates the initial sign- tratti ditte tregue, mancando longo tempo a compir le ing of the truce on 19 June, 1547.*°° According altre). The bailie soon confirmed the fact, however,

to the Ottoman chroniclers (and to von Hammer), for with his dispatches of 29-30 April he had enafter the long, eastward march by way of Konya __ closed copies of letters which Prince Andrea Doria and Sivas in the spring and early summer of 1548, had sent Mehmed Pasha, and which King Ferdinand Suleiman had occupied Tabriz, which offered no — had sent Giovanni Maria Malvezzi, his agent at the

resistance, and then retraced his steps to Van, Porte. There could be little doubt of the intention which was taken in late August (1548), after an of Charles V and Ferdinand to extend their truce eight days’ bombardment, with the assistance of with the Turks. On 6 and 13 June one heard traitors within the battered walls. The Ottoman expressions of satisfaction in the Senate with the forces and Persian malcontents enjoyed some suc- _ bailie’s diligence, and it was assumed that if a new cess against the shah, Tahmasp I (1524-1576), but truce were really in the offing, Venice as well as

as the autumn came on, Suleiman moved south- France would be included. Doubtless the bailie west into Syria, reaching Aleppo (Halab) before should seek Rustem Pasha’s assistance to help make 24 (not 26) November, where he remained until sure of the desired effect.*'' Although troops were the following June. On 3 July (1549) he is said to always marching back and forth in Italy, France, have crossed the Euphrates on along marchtothe Flanders, and Germany, at least the European pownorth, arriving on 10 September at Erzurum, _ ers were not at war with one another. For whatever whence he dispatched Ahmed Pasha, the second _ it was worth, and for however long it would last, vizir, on a successful six weeks’ venture into Geor- there was even peace with the Turks. The popes gia, where he is alleged to have seized twenty for- had preached peace, at least within Christendom,

tress towns. In early November the Ottomanarmy — and now Paul III had found it. There had still been began its withdrawal westward, and (as we have _ no effective union, however, of the Christian princes noted) Suleiman arrived back in Istanbul on 21 — against the Turks, who seemed ever to be victorious.

December, 1549. Upon his return he sent King The general peace was more than welcome to Ferdinand, the Venetians, and Sigismund Augus- both Paul and the Hapsburgs, for they had troutus of Poland the usual inflated account of his bles enough at home. By this time no reconciliaachievements, including the seizure of thirty-one tion was possible between Catholics and Protestowns, the destruction of fourteen others, and the tants, but after Charles’s victory at Mihlberg, the fortification of another twenty-eight places which pope seemed to fear the consequences of imperial

had been inadequately defended.?'° success more than he loathed the aberrance of Ratification of the treaty of 1547 had takensome heresy. Already before Muhlberg, Paul had detime, but it still had about three years to run. The | serted Charles, withdrawing the papal troops from Venetian Senate was surprised to learn, therefore, Germany, and Charles had accused the aged ponfrom a report of their ambassador in France (as _ tiff of luring him into the Schmalkaldic War only they wrote the bailie in Istanbul on 16 May, 1549) to betray him by a base desertion. On 18 January, that the Hapsburgs were already seeking the ne- 1548, Charles wrote his son Philip in Spain of the gotiation of a new truce with the Porte for another pope’s failure to live up to his commitments during the war and of the feeble will (poca voluntad) that 209 Tos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, II his Holiness had shown and did still show for the

(1828, repr. 1963), 275-77, 717, trans. J. J. Hellert, Hist. de public affairs of Christendom, especially for the l’ emprre ottoman, V (1836), 395-98, 554-55, with the usual badly needed council: ‘But despite all that has ante Hons an the ane mall. IIL. 284-87. 718-91. trans. Hel passed, I pray you, having more regard for the lert, VI (1836), 10-15, 46165, and of R. B. Merriman, Suleman position and dignity of this Pope than for his

er-Pur Il, -87, -2], - ws fo, . ;

the Magnificent, Cambridge, 1944, p. 241; R. M. Savory, “Safavid works, to accord him for as long as he may live Persia,” in The Cambridge History of Islam, 1 (1970), 404-5; Halil the respect that is due him.”’*!* Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire, London, 1973, p. 38. In the Venetian Documenti turchi is a letter from Suleiman =—= ———-———

to the doge of Venice, ‘‘scripta nel fine de la luna del honorato 211 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 89 [109], letter dated 16 May, Seval de l’ anno 955, che fu a di 24 novembre 1548 in circa,” 1549, and see, ibid., fols. 91 [111], 94 ff. [114 ff.]. in which he describes his Persian campaign in some detail, and 212 Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, Wl, 279. states specifically, ‘‘Siamo pervenuti a la cita de Alepo in XIIII_— Charles was bound to the Farnesi, unfortunately for him, by giornate [dala cita de Amida] a di 23 del benedetto Seval, che the marriage of his natural daughter Margaret to the pope’s

fu 22 novembre 1548,” Turkish text with the contemporary grandson Ottavio, and he recommended Margaret and her

Italian translation. children to Philip’s kindly consideration.

504 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT With Francis dead, and Charles and Ferdinand death and the activities of the cardinals immediately thereafter, at peace with the Gran Turco, the Curia Romana *€ Massarelli, Diartum quartum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, could contemplate dominance ofibid., imperialII over 872-73, entries for 7-10 November, and esp. Diarium quintum, . intheMerkle, (1911), 3-26. Massarelli’s diaries are inpapal authority. Charles soon found the pope at valuable and incredibly interesting. Note, too, Arch. Segr. Vaquite open odds with him; the dispute over Parma _ ticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 9, fol. 120%: ‘‘Die dominica X? and Piacenza only pointed up the pope’s hostility. Novembris 1549 in aurora obnt Paulus Papa Tit febre continua Paul would have nothing to do with the Augsburg et catharro correptus;” ‘*. . . die Martis XIX eiusdem fuerunt Interim, which soon proved to be as unacceptable Romulum Amaseum”’ (ibid., fol. 121°); ‘“‘die XXVIII eiusdem to Lutherans as to Catholics, and there was a strong — fuerunt celebrate ultime exequie que duraverunt per novem reaction in Germany to Charles’s other efforts to. dies non computata die dominica”’ (fol. 121", and cf the Acta

; . co[e|pte celebrari eius essequie habita oratione funebri per D.

; ; ; ion).

centralize the imperial government. The way was fon Reg. 7, fol. 34”, by mod. stamped enumerabeing prepared for Maurice of Saxony, the son-in- On 13 November the Venetian Senate wrote their bailie in law of Philip of Hesse, and a cabal of Lutheran — {stanbul that they had just learned of the pope’s death “‘on the princes, who were to strike when the time came, _ tenth before daybreak.’ The bailie was to convey the news to and nullify all the advantages Charles had gained Rustem Pasha “‘as usual,” with further interesting information at Miihlberg If during the period of Charles’s su- about a threatened dispute over Parma. Although eight Farnesi ; were to rule the duchy of Parma for almost two centuries (until premacy (1547-155 I) he had been able to depend 1731), it looked as though Ottavio, the son of Pierluigi (who upon papal co-operation, he might have hada better had been murdered at Piacenza on 10 December, 1547), might

chance of resolving at least some aspects of the po- _ be losing out after the pope’s death. _ . litical and religious contest in Germany. By now, AS the Senate wrote the bailie, “Questi di prossimi avanti la

hOwever, ‘t had itbha| th he G morte di soa Sanctita il Duca Ottavio, suo nepote, genero del ecome clear at the rerTman imperator, secretamente et senza scienza della Beatitudine soa schism was never going to be settled by either a gj parti da Roma, et andato in Parma tento di entrar nella rocca diet or a council. The Catholics would always be in _ et farsene patrone, il che non li essendo riuscito per esserne a majority at such assemblies, and the Protestants @veduto il signor Camillo Orsini, qual € al governo di quella would not accept foregone to their dis- cel; seneausci della terra, et fermatost castello assai forte . . elconclusions territorio, comincio tuor alcuni luoghiinetunfortificarli et advantage or undoing. The Curia Romana would tuttavia continua a far gente per ottener quella citta’’ (Sen. not approve such concessions as Charles was willing Secreta, Reg. 66, fols. 118’—119" [138°—139"]). Orsini said that to make to the Protestants. At his death on 10 No- _ he was holding Parma for the new pope (abid., fols. 120°-121° vember, 1549, Paul III was allying himself with the [140°-141"]). The Turks were always fascinated by news con913 , . cerning the Holy See. A week after writing the bailie in Istanbul French. Actually he was a nepoust, as interested the Senate sent condolences to the Sacred College and Cardinal in the success of the Farnese family as in the end Farnese (ibid., fols. 121’-122" [141%-142'], dated 20 Novem-

of the German schism. But there is something to _ ber, 1549). | be said for his fear of Charles’s activities. The po- ‘The imperialists under Ferrante Gonzaga, then governor of ‘tical subor subordinat; the;Holv S to h Milan, had had occupied Piacenza after both the death hitical ination fF or the oly see the emperor led Paul III to reclaim Parmaof andPierluigi, Piacenza which for the was doubtless too high a price to pay for a doctrinal Holy See. Paul seemed willing thus to deprive the Farnesi of conformity which, being imposed from above, was _ the succession to Parma if he could by this means also force

not likely long to endure. !4 Gonzaga to give up the papal fief of Piacenza. The decision did

not lie with Gonzaga, however, but with Charles V, who (despite

the imperialists’ murder of Pierluigi) had no intention of re-

———_———— turning Piacenza to the Holy See, as the Venetian Senate wrote

213 Although the Venetian ambassador in Rome notified his _ the bailie in Istanbul on 16 July, 1549: government by letter as late as 12 October, 1549, that both the ‘Per lettere da Brusselles fin 29 del mese passato siamo avisati pope and Cardinal Farnese had denied any knowledge of ne- che ’l imperator haveva espedito et rimandato al pontefice il

gotiations then in progress to arrange an alliance between signor Julio Orsino, si diceva con risolutione de non restituir France and the Holy See, the Senate wrote back to their am- _Piasenza alla Chiesa, dicendo soa Cesarea Maesta le raggion bassador on the nineteenth that they had received word from _ del Imperio esser maggior di quelle della Chiesa, et che offerisce the imperial court, and the news was confirmed by the Venetian _ dar al Duca Ottavio genero di soa Maesta et nepote del pontefice ambassador in France, that a ‘“‘defensive league’? was indeed —_un[o] stato de ducati 40 in 50 m. di entrata all’ anno in ricombeing arranged between the pope and Henry II (Sen. Secreta, | pensa di Piasenza et insieme di Parma, relaxandola il papa al

Reg. 66, fol. 115 [135]). On 26 April, 1547, Dr. Niccol6 da Imperio, et questo fin che sera fatto giudicio diffinitivo quale Ponte had replaced Gian (Zuan) Antonio Venier as the Re- _ raggion siano maior in ditte citta overo della Chiesa overo del public’s ambassador to the Holy See (ibid., Reg. 65, fols. 108°- _ Imperio”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 103° [123"}).

109” [129*-130"}). When the device of claiming Piacenza for the Holy See did

214 From Brussels on 20 November, 1549, Charles wrote the not succeed, and Paul III turned to France, he decided to beSacred College that he had received the sad news of Paul III’s | stow Parma upon his youngest grandson Orazio, who was to death: if God had not seen fit to call him to that happier life | marry Henry II’s natural daughter Diane de France. Ottavio to be found in death, he would have wished that Paul might Farnese was having none of it (cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V

have been spared longer to serve the Church, but now the _ [repr. 1956], 673-76, and append., nos. 83-84, p. 863), and College must elect a pastor worthy of the earliest traditions of | despite some early vicissitudes of fortune Ottavio reigned as the Roman Church (Lanz, II, no. 617, pp. 639-40). On Paul’s duke of Parma until his death in 1586.

13. THE ELECTION OF JULIUS HI, THE COUNCIL OF TRENT, THE TURKS AND THE WAR OF PARMA (1549-1552) ‘HE RENAISSANCE PAPACY ended with Paul On the following day, a Monday (11 November, III, whose passing marks the beginning of a 1549), the second congregation of cardinals post new and less colorful era in the endless annals of obitum pontificis was held ‘‘in the apostolic palace, the Holy See. The congregation of cardinals which _ in the hall where the secret consistories are usually finally chose his successor, however, remains one held.” The four “‘governors’’ whom the cardinals of the most interesting—and least secret-—conclaves had chosen on the tenth took an oath of allegiance of the late medieval and early modern period. It to the Sacred College, and officers were appointed was also a long conclave—vacavit tum Sedes menses for the infantry which had been recruited for the

duos dies XXIX—the papal throne was vacant for defense of the city. Paul III’s grandson Orazio eighty-nine days. The conclave itself was to last sev- Farnese, duke of Castro, as praefectus urbis should enty-two days; sixty-one scrutinies or polls would have been in command of the military forces that

prove necessary to elect a pope. would protect the city during the coming conclave.

During the early afternoon of 10 November The imperial envoy Don Diego de Mendoza com(1549), several hours after Paul’s death, the twenty- plained, however, as Massarelli tells us,

nine cardinals n me ote hecr mh CONS ar che that the custody of the city was going to be left to the tne Vatican ralace. € ns erman S PINs, anc the said most illustrious Duke Orazio, since he is the |propapal seal were broken. Cardinals Giovanni Do- spective] son-in-law of the most Christian king [Henry menico de Cupis, Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, and Niccolo {J} and tied to the latter by many bonds, and hence the Ridolfi were empowered by the Sacred College to city itself would be under the dominance of the French ‘take the responsibility of looking out for the city, king—so [Don Diego] asked the College to take preenlisting soldiers for its defense, receiving money cautions against this.

from the Castel S. Angelo for the expenses which Mendoza also stated that he intended himself to

will. ;have to be providing also the conclave h .;Farnese .. ; ; custody, ave asmet, many soldiers infor Rome as else Orazio and its and doing everything which ; ; had,and sopeace that |.there should not be fewer pro-impewill be —— found necessary for the security ., rialist forces on hand than there were pro-French. ofThree the city itself and the states of the Church. ‘a; i.The ; The matter was clearly “‘of some moment.”’ other cardinals were chosen to attend to ; ; ; ; cardinals inobsequies. congregationTwo therefore decided, the deceased pontiffs prelates ;two _ after :im; ; « oa ; various exchanges of opinion, to appoint were appointed “‘governors of the city’’—Gian- oy: oa: ae

. ; . perialist officers, Alessandro Vitelli and michele Saraceni, archbishop of Acerenza andGiuliano ..;;9 Matera. bei ; thority within the “L Cesarini, to serve with Orazio as lieutenants.

ae © . © a Shilo R erell ve he t ‘ A i At his death Paul III had left fifty-four cardinals Piceng oa he . nf Rome Te 's ee ° te ' in the Sacred College, of whom twenty-five were © Test of Kome. “wo other prelates out of the city. Onofrio Panvinio, the historian of

; ; the papacy a contemporary of Angelo vatori of the city ;and rendered formal to ;Mas, . sarelli, has aadded to his obedience copy of the latter’s (fifth) were made gubernatores extra Urbem. The Conser-

the Sacred College, offering re- :in, Rome ; 7 nae diary thetheir namesservices of both theand cardinals and

III had granted the city the day before he died, P

questing confirmation of the “grace” which Paul jp oce absent on 10 November? As time passed exempting the inhabitants from the recently-im-

posed grain or mill tax. The congregation of 10 * Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., November closed about 4:00 P.M. when de Cupis, _ I, 9. dean of the Sacred College informed the Con- ° Massarelli, Diaritum quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

tori that the Coll h d ra d thei 7, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), 4. Panvinio’s serval a € Uo oe ad confrme Clr €xX- recension of the Diarium quintum may be found in a Munich

emption from the tax. MS. (Cod. lat. 152). Panvinio was born on 24 February, 1530; died on 7 April, 1568; on his career, see Merkle, II, pp. — CXXIII ff., and on his works, heDavide Aurelio Perini, Onofrio ' Angelo Massarelli, Diarrum quintum [de conclavi post obitum —Panvinio e le sue opere, Rome, 1899, with twenty-two hitherto

Pauli III, a 6 Novembris 1549 usque ad 8 Februarii 1550], in unpublished letters and a miscellany of other texts. Sebastian Merkle, ed., Concilium Tridentinum, II (Freiburg im Panvinio’s massive work in ten books, De varia Romani Pon-

Breisgau, 1911), 4—9. teficis creatione libri X, is contained in six volumes in the Munich 505

506 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and soldiers moved through the streets, the city pope’s last wishes, pointing out that this was only was filled with fears and rumors. There were also just, since the College had already agreed to Otserious disturbances. On 19 November the nine _ tavio’s enfeoffment with Parma and indeed with days’ obsequies began with a gathering of all the Piacenza as well. cardinals in the Sistine Chapel. Cardinal de Cupis Alessandro told the cardinals that he was sure celebrated the mass pro defunctis, and the learned they would not go against the decision they had Romolo Amaseo preached the sermon, extolling taken. They had confirmed other deathbed inten-

Paul III’s long life and long pontificate. tions of his late Holiness, such as the remission of The walls and columns of S. Peter’s were the two grain-and-mill gabellae, which had prodraped with the late pope’s armorial bearings. A vided the papal government with an annual revblack linen banner bore the inscription PAULO enue of some 50,000 ducats. The remission of the III PONT. MAX. A huge catafalque, a ‘‘doloris two taxes was a “mera gratia.”” The Farnese recastrum’”’ supported by twelve wooden columns, quest was a matter of “‘pura iustitia, sce the most had been set up in the nave of the church. It was _ illustrious lord Ottavio was the true and rightful aglow with lighted candles, in the midst of which duke of Parma.” Although Gian Pietro Carafa and the bier had been placed, covered with cloth of one or two other cardinals objected, all the rest gold. Four men, dressed in ‘“‘lugubrious garb,” gave their placet to the Farnese request, and austood by with large fans to keep the flies away. thorized Ottavio’s occupation of Parma.* They made a pleasant gentle breeze, tanquam prae- In the meantime the absent cardinals had been senti pontifici, ‘“‘and if there were no flies there, coming to Rome. On the afternoon of 11 November neither was the pope’s body, butevensoanancient Antoine de Meudon, cardinal bishop of Orleans,

custom was observed.” returned to the city from a vacation in Farnese

On the first day of the funeral rites two hundred _ territory. The Florentine Niccolo de’ Gaddi arrived masses were said in S. Peter’s for the old pontiffs on the fourteenth, Ennio Filonardi on the sixteenth, soul, and another hundred on each of the follow- and Cristoforo Madruzzo on the nineteenth. Two ing eight days. Every celebrant got “one giulio, days later, on 21 November, the Florentine Gio-

which is the eleventh part of a ducat.”” On that vanni Salviati, the uncle of the queen of France first day the canons of S. Peter’s received a (Catherine de’ Medici), and Ercole Gonzaga, the hundred ducats, and the local clerics made some-__ regent of Mantua and brother of the imperialist thing on the tapers and candles which were left Ferrante, entered Rome to join their confreres in over from the catafalque and other lighted areas the coming conclave. On the twenty-second the in the church. All the costs of the obsequies were French cardinal Robert de Lenoncourt, bishop of

borne by the Apostolic Camera. Chalons-sur-Marne, and the Florentine Innocenzo

The first day’s rites attended to, the cardinals Cibo, the son of Leo X’s sister Magdalena, made convened in their seventh congregation. A letter their appearance. Gianmaria del Monte, president was read from Giovanni della Casa, the nuncio in _ of the Council of Trent and legate of Bologna, came Venice, expressing the grief of the Signoria at the loss of so great a shepherd of the wayward flock. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese told the Sacred Col- * Massarelli, Diarteum guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, lege that Paul III just before his death, as he lay 12-13, on a widespread popular disturbance (during the night gravely ill, had sent a brief to Camillo Orsini, the — of 13 November) owing to a false rumor that Spanish soldiers governor of Parma, to the effect ‘‘that in the event were approaching the Ponte Milvio, and, ibid., pp. 14-16, for of his Holiness’s death Orsini] should restore the the events of 19 November and Cardinal Alessandro Farnese S city to the most illustrious Duke Ottavio Farnese. On the next two days, 20 and 21 November, Carafa was joined . . .’ Orsini had received the brief, but wanted _ by de Cupis in objecting to the restoration of Parma to Ottavio, the assurance of the Sacred College that it was but the majority of the cardinals adhered to their original deindeed Paul III’s intention to give Parma back to “810M (ebid., pp. 17, 19). Romolo Amaseo, who preached the . ; . sermon on 19 November, was one of the best-known scholars Ottavio. The latter’s brother, Cardinal Alessan- of the sixteenth century (see Rino Avesani, in the Dizionario dro, now asked the Sacred College to confirm the biografico degli italiani, 11 [1960], 660-66). Selections from the

. . . . appeal to the Sacred College on his brother Ottavio’s behalf.

dispatches of the Florentine ambassador in Rome to Cosimo I

—_—_———_——_ from 10 November, 1549, to 2 January, 1550, may be found MS. referred to (Codd. lat. 147-52); the sixth volume contains — in Giuseppe Canestrini, ed., Legazioni di Averardo Serniston.. . . ,

the tenth book, which covers the elections of Julius III, Mar- Florence, 1853, pp. 207-29. On the problems besetting the

CXXXIV. 38.

cellus II, Paul IV, and Pius IV, and is always identified as Cod. — conclave of 1549-1550, note also Giuseppe de Leva, “La Elelat. Monacensis 152, on which see Merkle, II, pp. CXxxI-_—_zione di Papa Giulio III,” Rivista storica italiana, 1 (1884), 22-

JULIUS Ill, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 507 back to Rome on 23 November, after an absence _ to side with the imperialists, who had tried to begin of almost five years. Cardinal Giulio della Rovere, _ the funeral rites as soon as possible in order to get the brother of Duke Guidobaldo of Urbino, arrived them over with and, they hoped, to elect a pro-

at the same time. On the twenty-fourth Otto von imperialist pope before the arrival of the French Truchsess, cardinal bishop of Augsburg, and Gi- cardinals. With the aid, however, of Cardinal rolamo Doria, the cardinal of Genoa, made their Ippolito d’ Este of Ferrara, the French ambassador

entry into the city.” Claude d’ Urfé had managed to delay the novena

In the fourteenth congregation post obitum pon- of mourning by a week or more, as he wrote his tificis, held on 27 November, these twelve mem- government (on 16 November).’ bers of the Sacred College joined the twenty-nine, At 9:00 A.M on 29 November (1549) all the who had been in Rome at the time of Paul III’s__ cardinals present in Rome gathered in the basilica death, in the assignment by lot of the cells they of S. Peter’s, where Giovanni Salviati, cardinal were to occupy during the conclave. The sick car- bishop of Porto, ‘‘the second in rank in the Sacred dinals, however, were not exposed to the caprice College,’’ celebrated the solemn mass of the Holy of drawing lots, but were given cells which had Spirit. Thereafter Giovanni Beroaldo, the Sicilian been built ‘“‘in the hall where secret consistories bishop of Telese (a suffragan see of Benevento), are usually held, which is farther away and warmer, had the honor of preaching the sermon. He exthe area least beset by wind and noise, and which _ horted the cardinals to lay aside both their hatreds also has the advantage of a fire,” 1.e., the Sala del and their affections. Keeping in mind only the Concistoro Segreto (or dello Spogliatoio). Massa- well-being of Christendom and the honor of God

relli has described the arrangements: on high, they should elect as pope such a one as

. . the universal Church the Holy. See The cells themselves constructed in theand apostolic. ; required , , in thosewere turbulent, calamitous times. After Be-

palace at the Vatican in the six larger halls, namely, the ldo’ h dinals filed b ‘‘Aula Prima,” which is called the Hall of Kings [now the roaldo s sermon, the cardinals hled out, two by

Sala Regia], the chapel of Sixtus [the Cappella Sistina], 'W9, according to the processional order of their the first and second halls where public consistories are rank. With the cross preceding them, they entered usually held [the two parts of the Sala Ducale], as well as the conclave at noon (hora 19) to the strains of the the first and second halls where the secret consistories Veni, creator spiritus.® They had embarked upon have usually been held [the Sale dei Paramenti and dello. one of the most contentious conclaves—only the Spogliatoio]. The cells are twenty palms long, fifteen palms election of Pius IV Medici was to take longer and wide and fifteen high, made of wooden boards fitted to- prove more difficult—of the entire sixteenth cen-

; ; Ly tury.

gether, with planks put on the floor. The sides and overhead covering are decked out in a green cloth, which is popularly called “‘saia,”’ if they are old cardinals, but if }—-——__—

they were created by the late pontiff, in a cloth of violet ’ Guillaume Ribier, Lettres et mémonres d’ estat des roys, princes,

color.® ambassadeurs, et autres ministres sous les regnes de Francois Premier, ; Henry I, et Francois II, 2 vols., Paris, 1666, II, 253-54, d’ Urfe’s

The ninth and last day of Paul III’s obsequies _ letter of 16 November, 1549: “. . . Les Imperiaux pourchassent fell on 28 November. The cardinals were to enter __ fort les obséques du feu Pape, les serviteurs du Roy et moy les the conclave the next day, but nine French car- prelongeons tant que nous pouvons, entre lesquels |’ authorite dinals had not vet reached Rome. The papal elec- “ présence de Monsieur le Cardinal de Ferrare a beaucoup

; id b y 5 ° h P Pp “ali servy, et sert grandement en ce lieu, principalement en cet

tion wou € a contest between the imperia IStS — affaire. Lundy prochain se devoient commencer les obséques and the French. The two Farnese cardinals, the [the obsequies began a day later, on Tuesday, 19 November]; brothers Alessandro and Ranuccio, their cousin _ le bruit est que I’ on differera jusques a Ieudy ensuivant, qui Guido Ascanio Sforza, and their supporters tended sta le 21. de ce mois [which d’ Urfe would have much preferred], pour entrer en Conclave le penultiesme ou le dernier

———_____ iour. Ie vous envoye le nom de ceux que |’ on estime estre

° Massarelli, Diartum quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I], | neutres, et de ceux qui ont le plus de voix pour parvenir au 10, 13, 14, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23. Massarelli, ibid., p. 21, by a slip Papat: Salviaty, Rodolphy, Angleterre [Reginald Pole] sont les of the pen calls Robert de Lenoncourt Francois (Franciscus), | Principaux—au moins sur lesquels il est baille plus d’ argent a which may have been one of the several names he doubtless _!a banque: |’ on doute fort que Parme ne se rende entre les

had. mains du Duc Octavio.”’

© Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., HU, Incidentally, the altar and wainscoting from the chapel of 25, and cf. Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Die Conclavepldne: the Chateau la Bastie d’ Urfé near Lyon, done in the workshop Beatrage zu threr Entwicklungsgeschichte, Citta del Vaticano, 1933, of Fra Damiano da Bergamo in the convent of S. Domenico in

pp. 16-20, 29-30, 35 (Studi e documenti per la storia del Bologna, and commissioned by Claude d’ Urfé, may be found Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, fasc. V). On the long history of | at the Metropolitan Museum in New York City. the Vatican Palace, note Deoclecio Redig de Campos, J Palazz ® Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

Vatwani, Bologna, 1967. 26. English writers usually refer to the mass of the Holy Ghost.

508 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The conclave began with an assembly of the At about 9:00 P.M. on 29 November three carcardinals in the Cappella Paolina, which Paul III dinals, the first of each rank (ordo)—the bishop de had built on the south end of the Sala Regia. After Cupis, the priest Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, and the prayers in the Paolina the cardinals repaired to deacon Niccolo Ridolfi—together with Guido Astheir cells. Since the conclave was not to be closed, _canio Sforza, the cardinal camerlengo, made their however, until 10:00 or even 11:00 P.M. (of 29. way through the Sistine Chapel and the five other November), cardinals who had apartments in the _ halls of the conclave, ‘“omnesque exceptis conVatican palace were allowed to return to their clavistis ipsum conclave exire iussi fuerunt.”’ All quarters for meals and to remain there all day if persons were now ordered to remove themselves they wished. Those who had houses nearby could from the halls, leaving the cardinals alone with also go home, as Cardinal Giovanni Morone did, their attendants, the conclavistae. Angelo Massa-

for he lived close to the Piazza S. Pietro. relli was among those who remained; he was MarThe first congregation of the conclave was held _ cello Cervini’s secretary and conclavista; his entire at 2:00 P.M. (on 29 November). Don Diego de __ fifth diary is devoted to the conclave. Not all unMendoza, the imperial ambassador to the Curia, authorized persons left, however, for some connow addressed the Sacred College, saying that he cealed themselves, remaining hidden here and had received a letter from the Emperor Charles there. The interlopers and meddlers left before V, written during Paul III’s illness but before his daybreak ‘‘through the small door left [open] in death. Charles hoped that, if Paul did in fact die, the portal of the conclave”’ (per portulam ostio conthe cardinals would elect as his successor a pontiff clavis relictam). For weeks on end, however, the ‘who could guide the Church of God in proper _ security of the conclave was violated—the ambasfashion, and that [whoever was chosen] would con- sadors of both Charles V and Henry II being untinue the Council [of Trent] in the German prov- conscionable meddlers—until, later on, the Porince in which it had begun.”’ The emperor stated _ tuguese cardinal Miguel de Silva complained to de that it was his intention to protect the Farnese Cupis that the conclave was more open than closed family; he also declared his affection for the Co- (non conclusum sed patens conclave).

lonnesi and for Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. On 30 November, the second day of the conMendoza asked the cardinals to have due con-_ clave, Rodolfo Pio, Madruzzo, Ercole Gonzaga, cern for the emperor’s wishes. Their reply was and the Spanish cardinals approached de Cupis as that Spiritus Sancti auxilio they would try to give dean of the Sacred College with the complaint that Paul III a worthy and laudable successor who artful delays had impeded the opening of the concould meet the needs of the Church, but as far as_ clave in order to give [nine] French cardinals time the council was concerned, there was nothing they to get to Rome. They wanted to get to the voting, could say. Its resumption at Trent (or elsewhere) ad scrutinia et electionem pontificis, lest the Church would rest with the decision of the new pope. should be deprived of a pastor any longer than

Thereafter the guardians of the conclave—the necessary. They referred to earlier conclaves ambassadors, curial prelates, and barons, as well which had set about their business with expedias the Conservatori of the city—took an oath of tious success, but they were told (and, among othallegiance to Gian Domenico de Cupis, the dean ers, de Cupis was pro-French)

of the Sacred College.” that in a matter of such great moment we must proceed with all due deliberation, following the example of our 9 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, forebears, who have not only preserved the Holy Ap26-29, where the layout of the cells is given on a plan which ostolic See but have added to its luster, especially when makes it possible to locate the habitation of each cardinal during a matter arose upon which the well-being not of a single

the conclave. Although there were fifty-four cardinals, only province or city but of the whole world depended. fifty-two cells had been constructed. It was almost inconceivable

that all could attend the conclave, and three cardinals did not come to Rome—Claude de Givry, bishop of Langres; Jacques §=——-—-————

d’ Anebault, bishop of Lisieux; and Henry of Portugal, prince J. B. Saegmiiller, Die Papstwahlen und die Staaten von 1447 bis

archbishop of Evora. 1555, Tubingen, 1890, pp. 181-94; a fuller and better account Four cardinals withdrew from the conclave because of illness, in Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIII, 1-44, and Gesch. d. Papste, VI (repr.

and durante conclav two of them died—Ennio Filonardi and 1957), 3-35; and cf Hubert Jedin, Geschichte des Konzls von Niccolo Ridolfi. Forty-seven cardinals were present at the final Trient, II] (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1970), 219-22. On Don Dieelection (Massarelli, ibid., I], 144-45, gives their names). Of — go’s activities at the conclave of 1549-1550, see Angel Gonzalez the fifty-two cells, forty-eight were numbered (see the plan, Palencia and Eugenio Mele, Vida y obras de Don Diego Hurtado ibid., 11, 28). The four cells in the Sala del Concistoro Segreto, de Mendoza, 3 vols., Madrid, 1941-43, II, 127 ff. Note also which were reserved for cardinals too sick to take part in the — Erika Spivakovsky, Son of the Alhambra: Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,

proceedings, were not given numbers, because they were not 1504-1575, Austin and London, 1970, pp. 225-45, who neassigned by lot. There is a brief account of the conclave in — glected to use Massarelli’s important Diarzum quintum.

JULIUS Ill, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 509 First they must read and swear to adhere to the The first vote or ‘‘scrutiny”’ was held on 3 Determs of Julius II’s bull against the simoniacal elec- cember, the fifth day of the conclave. The voting tion of a pope. They must decide how they were was done in the Cappella Paolina (not the Sistina, going to vote (on 3 December they chose to cast where nineteen cells had been built). A golden chal‘‘closed”’ ballots, ut vota secreto darentur). They must ice had been placed upon the altar, and covered, prepare an election capitulation which would bind _ to receive the ballots (schedulae suffragiorum). Before

the pontiff they were going in due course to set coming into the chapel every cardinal had equipped upon S. Peter’s throne. The imperialists objected himself with a “‘schedula”’ on which he had written to the time an orderly procedure would entail. They the name or names of the person or persons of his were much in the majority, but if the French car- choice. He might vote for one, two, three, or even dinals, who were known to be in itinere, should arrive four or more persons. They would all be members in time, the contending parties would be nearly of the Sacred College. His ballot or voting paper balanced. The pro-French cardinals de Cupis, Gio- _wasa palm in length and two fingers wide. His name vanni Salviati, Francesco Pisani, Tiberio Crispi,and appeared at the beginning of his ballot, as Ego M. others insisted upon a proper attention to important cardinalis S. Crucis, which portion of the ballot was details, but contentio orta fuit, for Juan Alvarez de folded and sealed, “‘so that it should not be apparent Toledo, Francisco de Mendoza, Bartolome de la_ whose ballot it was.’’ The remainder of the ballot Cueva, Marcello Crescenzi, and the imperialists en- carried the name or names of the voter’s choice, as tertained a contrary view. Nightfall broke up the Eligo in summum pontificem reverendissimum dominum

argument. cardinalem talem vel tales. This part of the ballot was Despite the excitement and historic importance — folded but not sealed, so that the names of the can-

of the conclave, most of the cardinals would soon didates could be counted. The three cardinal debe wishing they were elsewhere. About 9:00 A.M. putati, de Cupis, Carpi, and Cibo (whom Massarelli the master of ceremonies would ring a bell in the now identifies as the primus diaconus) inspected the Sala Regia, and announce that the cardinals’ ser- chalice, from which the cover was removed only to vitors had brought their food on box-like trays, admit the ballots. which were passed through a little window in the De Cupis, as dean of the Sacred College and conclave portal. Every tray was inspected to see bishop of Ostia and Velletri, voted first. Salviati, as that no messages entered or left the conclave, al- bishop of Porto, cast the second ballot. The cardinals though the meddlers found ways to penetrate the voted secundum ordinem, the bishops first, the priests cardinals’ isolation. On 1 December, the third day _ next, the deacons last. When all the votes were in, of the conclave, the cardinals gathered in the Cap-__ the ballots were piled upon a table placed before pella Paolina, and swore to abide by Julius II’s bull _ the steps of the altar. De Cupis picked up the ballots contra simoniacos and Gregory X’s constitution Ubi one by one, read them to himself, and handed them

periculum, which had established the rigorous re- to Carpi, who read them and gave them to Cibo gime of the conclave (in 1274). Six cardinals were one by one. As he received each ballot, Cibo read elected to prepare the election capitulation which — clara et alta voce the name or names inscribed on it. (one hoped) would bind the next pope to certain The cardinals were seated “‘on little stools” (in parvis courses of action. The conclavists also met that scabellis), attentively taking notes. Reginald Pole re-

day to learn of their extensive privileges and im- ceived twenty-one votes, Juan Alvarez de Toledo munities, and as it was getting dark (about 6:00 thirteen, de Cupis and Francesco Sfondrato each P.M.) Don Diego de Mendoza appeared at the por- twelve, and Gian Pietro Carafa ten. And despite tal of the conclave. He presented a letter from the preponderance of pro-imperialist cardinals in Charles V to the Sacred College, saying only that the conclave, Marcello Cervini, to whom Charles the contents of the letter would make clear his V objected, received nine votes.’ imperial master’s upright and pious intentions to support the Christian faith and to do right by the '! Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

Holy See. 36-38. In a letter to Diego de Mendoza, dated at Brussels on

20 November, 1549, Charles V (having heard that Paul III TO was “gravely ill’’) had made clear that Juan Alvarez de Toledo '© Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Conc. Trident., 1, 30-34, was his first choice for election as pope. Juan Alvarez was the 36, with selections (in Merkle’s notes) from the account of _ brother of Pedro de Toledo, Charles’s viceroy in Naples. If

Alessandro Farnese’s conclavist Sebastiano Gualterio and from Juan Alvarez could not command votes enough, Charles wanted

that of Lodovico Bondoni de’ Branchi, called Firmanus, on Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, Pole, Giovanni Morone, or Sfondrato. whom ¢f., ibid., introd., II, pp. xxx ff., cv ff. Branchi was Understandably enough, Charles wanted no Frenchman on the the master of ceremonies. Charles V’s letter was read to the _ papal throne; he was also opposed to five Italians—Salviati, cardinals on 2 December, the fourth day of the conclave (ibid., | Cervini, Niccolo Ridolfi, Girolamo Capodiferro, and Girolamo

Il, 35). Verallo (for the text of Charles’s letter of 20 November, 1549,

510 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The second scrutiny came on Wednesday, 4 _ tzficis—until the French cardinals reached Rome. December, the sixth day of the conclave. Pedro D’ Urfé did not have the slightest idea where they Pacheco had arrived in Rome early in the morn- were. Massarelli informs us that d’ Urfé claimed ing. He entered the conclave at 7:00 A.M., and _ they had already reached Civitavecchia (et iam Centook the oath to abide by Julius II’s bull contra tumcellas applicuerunt). D’ Urfé wrote Henry II simoniacos and Gregory X’s constitution Ubi peri- that he had told the Sacred College the French culum. His presence raised the number of cardinals cardinals had sailed from Marseille and had to forty-two, and strengthened the imperialists by reached Corsica. In any event he did state that the one more vote. Reginald Pole’s election had been French cardinals were too numerous, too imporwidely predicted, but the Flemish scholar Andreas _ tant, to treat with contemptuous disregard. Henry Masius doubted whether he would make it. Pole II would be grateful for just and proper considwas learned and upright, but the rigors of virtue eration. Should the cardinals in conclave act othdid not necessarily gain a candidate victory in the — erwise, however, the French would not acknowl-

conclave.'” edge the validity of their act. He presented the When the scrutiny was held, Pole received twenty-__ cardinal deputies with a letter from the king for-

four votes, Juan Alvarez fourteen, Carpi eleven, mally authorizing his protest. Gian Pietro Carafa ten, and de Cupis eight. For When the imperialists learned of d’ Urfe’s spirfuture reference we may note that in the first scru- ited remonstrance, they feared that the postponetiny Gianmaria del Monte, the first president of the | ment he demanded would imperil Pole’s election. Council of Trent, was given five votes, and in this They decided not to wait for the next day’s scru(the second) scrutiny he received six. Despite An- tiny. They would act at once, and leave no device

dreas Masius’s view of the situation, it looked as untried to achieve their purpose. Pole had just though Pole might well be elected pope on the fol- received twenty-four votes in the last scrutiny; he

lowing day.'” required twenty-eight, a two-thirds majority of the

The pro-French faction in the conclave was _ forty-two cardinals in the conclave. At the sixth alarmed. At the first hour of the night (6:00 P.M. hour of the night (11:00 P.M.) they made ready in early December) the French ambassador Claude _ to acclaim him pope by “‘adoration,” and informed

d’ Urfe appeared at the door of the conclave. He him that they were going straightway to his cell demanded a hearing of the Sacred College. The (in the Sala Regia) to hail him as pope by the act three cardinal ‘“‘deputies” met him at the fenestrino of adoration. They assumed or at least hoped that through which food was passed, ‘‘and they heard — others would join them in this sudden inspiration.

him out’? (atque e: copiam fandi dederunt). In his The Gallican cardinals were aghast, and tried king’s name d’ Urfe asked the assembled cardinals by various means of dissuasion to forestall such a to hold up further scrutinies—‘‘to sit on the elec- headlong gesture. They said they would not accept tion of the pope,” supersedere . . . in electione pon- _ Pole’s election in this way; they would make a formal protest de electionis nullitate, and there would see Gottfried Buschbell, ed., Concilium Tridentinum, X1 [1937], be schism. They claimed, according to Massarelli, no. 400, pp. 525-26, and note, iid. p. 527, note 1). Cf Wilhelm — that there were eleven French cardinals en route Maurenbrecher, Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten (1545— to Rome. There was consternation in the conclave,

1555), Dusseldorf, 1865, pp. 219-20, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, . VI (repr. 1957), p. 9. and for two hours the cardinals were to be seen All twelve popes from Calixtus III to Paul II (from 1455 milling about outside their cells in the halls, but to 1534) had been elected in the no longer existent Chapel of — the Gallican cardinals and those who objected to S. Niccolo da Bari. The conclave of 1549-1550 was the first the adoratio prevailed. One by one the cardinals in which the scrutinies were held in the Cappella Paolina (cf. retired to their cells. Pole was not acclaimed by 12 As Masius wrote his friend, the abbot Gerwick von Wein- adoration, et nos papam habere non potuimus. ” Apgarten, from Rome on 3 December, 1549, ‘‘Fama beat Anglum parently Pole had not approved of the precipi-

Volume II of the present work, pp. 271 with note, 391). [Pole]; ego qua ratione ille fiat non video, nisi quia et doctus et probus habetur. Sed non solet harum virtutum magna haber! 9 —-—————-

ratio! Ego plus spei de Sfondrato habeo . . .”’ (Max Lossen, '4 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, ed., Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden [1538-1573], 42-43. At this time there were only three French cardinals in

Leipzig, 1886, no. 45, p. 53). the conclave (Georges d’ Armagnac, Antoine de Meudon, and

'3 On the struggle in the conclave, see Diego de Mendoza’s_—_ Robert Lenoncourt). Ina letter to Henry II, written from Rome

letter of 3-5 December, 1549, to Charles V in August von on 4-6 December (1549), d’ Urfé tells of his encounter at the Druffel, Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des sechzehnten Jahrhun- _ door of the conclave somewhat differently. He says that he dealt derts mit besonderer Riicksicht auf Bayerns Fiirstenhaus: Beitrdge zur _ with the master of ceremonies (Firmanus), and that he had told

Reichsgeschichte (1546-1555), 4 vols., Munich, 1873-96, I, no. _ the latter the French cardinals had sailed from Marseille and

352, pp. 306-12, with the addenda in Druffel’s notes. had reached Corsica. He admitted, however, that he had had

JULIUS II, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 511 tance of his supporters. According to the Venetian Tempers were rising. The followers of Pole now ambassador Matteo Dandolo, milord cardinal of | gathered in the Cappella Paolina; his opponents met England was alleged to have said that, if it was the among the cells in the Sistina. Was there going to will of God, he wanted to enter upon his papacy _ be a scrutiny that day?'’

not ‘‘by the window, but by the door.’’’” In the city they watched and waited. The gamThe third scrutiny came on Thursday, 5 Decem-_ blers who moved in and out of the banks and ber (1549), the seventh day of the conclave. It re- mercantile houses in Rome were giving Pole eight mains a dies mirabilis in the history of papal elections. or nine chances out of ten to win the tiara in the During the excitement of the night before, Cardinals next scrutiny. They seemed to know what was Gianmaria del Monte, Federico de’ Cesi, and Nic- being said and done on the upper floor of the colo de’ Gaddi had promised the imperialists that Vatican Palace for, as Matteo Dandolo wrote the they would yield their votes by “‘accession” to effect Venetian Signoria later in the day (5 December), Pole’s election. On the whole they had been more “itis. . . more than clear that the merchants are or less attached to the French party, but their acces- very well informed about the state of the poll, and sion ‘‘to Pole’s declaration”’ (ad Poli renunciationem) that the cardinals’ attendants in conclave [2 connow seemed to assure the English reformer’s elec- _clavisti] go partners with them in the wagers, which tion. Giovanni Salviati got wind of the agreement, thus causes many tens of thousands of crowns to however, and sought to undo it as best he could. change hands.”’'® It requires a naive reader to beHe went to Ippolito d’ Este, the leader of the French _ lieve everything he reads in the diplomatic corfaction, who in turn sought out del Monte, Cesi, respondence of the sixteenth (or any) century, but and Gaddi, each one separately. D’ Este implored Dandolo’s report to his government probably repthem at least to promise not to give their votes to resents the gossip then current in Rome. Pole until the latter had received twenty-six other As the partisans of Pole were sequestered in the votes—sic enim et Caesarianis, quibus promiserunt, fi- Cappella Paolina (and the opposition in the Sistina), dem servarent, nec a Gallis deficerent—for in this way _ the ailing Cardinal Marcello Cervini walked down they could keep faith with the imperialists and not — the Sala Regia toward the Paolina. He usually arforsake the French! This each one of them agreed rived late. Owing to his illness, he had been assigned

to do.'® a cell in the distant Sala del Concistoro Segreto. As At 9:00 A.M. on the morning of the fifth, when Cervini approached the chapel door, Cardinals Rothe celebration of mass should have begun the day, dolfo Pio of Carpi, Giovanni Morone, Cristoforo the master of ceremonies Firmanus was told not to Madruzzo, Ercole Gonzaga, and Alessandro ring the bell to alert the cardinals as to the hour. Farnese, quz precipue Poli partes fovebant, came toward He was simply to wait until they assembled. They him, and indicated that they wished to talk with had been arguing pro and con Pole for some time. him. They described the morning’s tension to him, stating ‘that although two-thirds [of the cardinals]

—_—_—— had already consented to go forward with Pole’s

no word of their progress since they were in Moulins! Nev- election, the French and certain others on their side ertheless, his account is on the whole in agreement with that were thwarting [the conclave] in the king’s name.”’ of Massarelli (Ribier, Lettres et mémories d’ estat, Il [1 666], 254- They asked Cervini to intercede with the Gallican 55). Cf, Matteo Dandolo’s letter to the Venetian Signoria from . ve Rome on 5 December (Rawdon Brown, Cal. State Papers cardinals for the well-being of the Christian com-

. . . , Venice, V [London, 1873], no. 596, p. 281). monwealth and the unity of the Church. Cervini © Matteo Dandolo, Relazione di Roma, in Eugenio Albéri, replied that his most ardent desire had always been Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, ser. i, vol. III (Flor- to see peace prevail and an end to schism and disence, 1846), 346: ‘“‘Ma esso Reverendissimo d’ Inghilterra non . Lae . . vi si volle mai lasciar condurre, dicendo che non voleva entrare °CTS!00 within the Church. He made clear his desire per fenestram sed per ostium, se pure piacesse a Dio dicosi volere.”. tO remain neutral in the current contest, neque unt Matteo Dandolo’s commission, dated 4 April, 1549, to go = magis quam alteri adherere, but he would go to the to Rome as the Venetian ambassador to the Holy See, may be ~~ Gallican cardinals provided one of his interlocutors

found in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, would accompanv hi M d fols. 77°—78" [97'-98"]. He replaced Niccol6 da Ponte, who pany him as a witness. orone agree

now returned to the lagoon. to do so, and off they went to the Sistine Chapel 16 Cf. Sebastiano Gualterio and Cardinal Bernardino Maffei, less than a stone’s throw away. ‘

both of whom were present during the conclave, in Merkle,

Cone. Trident., 11, 42-43, notes, from Cod. lat. Monacensis 152,

fols. 203°-204", 256". Both Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, V1 (repr. §. 1957), 13, and Paolo Simoncelli, // Caso Reginald Pole, Rome, 17 Massarelli, Diarium guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I,

1977, p. 64, have in this context confused Giovanni Morone 43-44.

with Gianmaria del Monte. '® Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 596, p. 281.

512 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The first person they encountered was Gian Neither the Gallican nor the imperialist cardiDomenico de Cupis, the dean of the Sacred Col- nals wished to be considered secessionists, howlege, to whom Cervini immediately made his ap- ever, and just after noontime (on 5 December) peal pluribus verbis for peace and unity. If the Gal- both groups entered the Paolina together. The lican party continued in their obduracy, schism _ bell was rung. Mass was heard. Ifa scrutiny should could be the result. Had they not compromised _ be held, the imperialists were counting on Pole’s their consciences enough by their quarrelsome election because of the promised accessions of del objection to Pole? Surely they could see that the Monte, Cesi, and Gaddi. D’ Este, Salviati, and the Holy Spirit had selected Pole. They should not be Gallican partisans were banking on the fact that trying to resist the divine will! De Cupis replied Pole might well not collect the twenty-six out of that he too wanted to avoid dissension, “‘but that forty-two votes necessary to win the three accespapal elections, as he could well attest, never or sions. The conclavists brought the cardinals their rarely took place without contention.”’ A cardinal _ little stools—the Paolina is a small chapel—and since 1517, de Cupis recalled the conclaves which _ pens and paper for their tabulations. And now the had elected Hadrian VI and Clement VII. (Cer- conclavists were ordered to leave the chapel. vini, who had been made a cardinal in December, De Cupis began by reminding the assembled fa1539, had not yet participated in a papal election.) thers of the French ambassador d’ Urfe’s presenAccusing the imperialists of utterly unfair tactics, tation to him and the other two cardinal deputies de Cupis alluded to his own fear of schism, for of the French king’s mandatum ad protestandum in (as everyone knew) Henry II’s ambassador had _ Sacro Collegio, his warning not to proceed with the threatened the withdrawal of the French obedi- election until the arrival of the French cardinals in ence from Rome, de nullitate electionis et de obedien- Rome. De Cupis recommended that the “‘sacred tia subtraenda a regno Galliae, if the conclave did senate’’ have a proper regard for Henry II, and not await the arrival of the French cardinals. wait for the French cardinals, ‘“‘lest we encounter Cervini brushed de Cupis’s objections aside. It _ still greater stumbling blocks, and the peace of the was beneath the dignity of the Sacred College to Church be rent.’’ He tried to answer those who he take such protestations seriously. It was alsoadan- knew would bring up Gregory X’s Ubi periculum. It gerous precedent. If they were not careful, there did not apply to the current situation, he said, “‘bewould be protestationes de nullitate every time the cause our case is new and not included [in the decardinals met in conclave to elect a pope. Cervini cree] and not covered by it, since it only says there who, if anything, inclined to the French side that one should wait ten days for absent cardinals, agreed that the French should receive every con- but what was to be done in a case where the absent sideration. Theirs was a noble and powerful na- cardinals were on their way and, being held up by tion, whose kings had rendered great service to some untoward event, could not reach the place the Holy See as well as to Christendom at large. where the election was to be held?” The relevant The conclave had already been held up too long, article in the decree said nothing about this. however, and the cardinals should certainly pro- De Cupis’s view that Ubi periculum was inappliceed now with the election in accordance with cable to the situation in which they found themGregory X’s decree Ubi periculum, which provided _ selves brought forth the immediate agreement of for no more than a ten days’ wait for absent car- the Gallican cardinals and the inevitable objections dinals.'? De Cupis remained unmoved. Cervini of the imperialists. Cervini, whom his secretary and Morone returned to the Paolina to report to and conclavist Massarelli casts always in a righthe cardinals who had sent them to sound out the _teous role, repeated what he had already told de

opposition. Cupis. He wanted nothing more than unity and peace in the Church, for which he would willingly —______ give his life, but yielding to protestations would '’ Gregory X’s election decree was passed at the Council of create a precedent which could easily throw subLyon in 1274. Although it was annulled two years later, it sequent elections into hopeless disorder. He would The relevant text of the decree, much debated in the conclave §o on with the election. They should only wait for of 1549, reads: ‘‘Hoc sacro concilio approbante statuimus ut, the French cardinals if every single member of the

regained the force of law (see above, Volume I, pp. 117-18). . : .

si eundem Pontificem in civitate in qua cum sua Curia residebat_ conclave agreed. He won over to his point of view,

diem claudere contingat extremum, cardinales, qui fuerint in says Massarelli, almost everyone except the Galcivitate ipsa praesentes, absentes exspectare decem diebus tan- lican cardinals.

tummodo teneantur,”’ etc. (Sext: decretalium lib. I, tit. VI, cap. , ; ;

3 in E. L. Richter and Emil Friedberg, eds., Corpus Iuris Canoniet, D'Este, qui regis et regnt Gallae protector est,

2 vols., Leipzig, 1879, repr. Graz, 1955, Il, 946-47). launched into a long discourse in praise of the

JULIUS Ul, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 513 French kings and all they had done for the Cardinal Pole’s adversaries brought against him, this was Church. They must wait two more days before the most conspicuous—that he was suspect in the faith taking the next scrutiny. Sfondrato challenged de and had fallen into certain heresies of recent doctrinism, Cupis’s interpretation of Ubi periculum, which he especially with regard to the article on justification, and

; os ; that hequite did not fully accept in all respects and details that claimed applied to their situation. a Pau . most and sacred decree aptly on justification published at the Council They should have waited ten days and only ten of Trent. And although Pole, having been accused by days [after the pope’s death], and if any cardinal ome persons, had tried to clear himself of the charge, should arrive before the election, he should of _ he has not thus far expressed his faith in the proper words course be admitted to the conclave. Clearly, then, (as they say) in order wholly to do away with all suspicion Sfondrato said, Gregory X had taken into account and to prevail upon the minds of many [again] to think the obvious fact “‘quod. . . aliqui cardinales pos- well of him as far as the faith is concerned.”” sent esse in itinere, quos tamen expectari non prae-

cipit.”” They had waited not ten days but twenty- Those who took part in the conclave looked upon six! There must be no further delay. A majority Pole’s failure of election as a near miracle, perhaps of the cardinals agreed with him “‘quod hoc mane ___ of divine ordination. Most of the cardinals, including ad scrutinium veniretur.’’ They would vote ‘“‘that those of Gallican inclination, were so certain of his morning.” It was already afternoon, but they now _ elevation that they had ordered the dismantling of

proceeded to the scrutiny. their cells and the safe storage of their property The next hour has been remembered for cen- before the scrutiny began ‘“‘because of the storm of turies. Pole received twenty-three votes, Carafa six- people that would overwhelm them when the pope teen, de Cupis fourteen, Juan Alvarez six, Cibo five. was elected” (ob tumultum supervenientis populi creato

Del Monte, we may note, like eight other cardinals pontifice). As in the conclave, even so in the city. received one vote. Nineteen of the forty-two car- “The populace had come in a flood to the Vatican dinals polled eighty-four votes. A number of them Palace to see the new pope. The Piazza S. Pietro wrote three names on their schedulae, but some six- _ was full of soldiers recruited to guard the city and teen cast a single vote, and that for Pole. When the — the conclave. With pennons flying and a display of scrutiny was over, and the votes had been counted, arms they were waiting to join in the celebration

Carpi arose, saying “Ego volo accedere.. . .”’ He that would follow the election. Pole’s friends, reidentified the distinguishing mark (signum) on his tainers, and a host of others had gathered in his ballot, which was found. He had not voted for Pole, apartment at the Vatican to congratulate him. They but now he did so, ‘“‘Ego accedo ad reverendissimum had prepared a “‘pontifical dinner” for him, laid dominum meum Cardinalem Polum.” Farnese also Out new vestments, and added the crossed keys and acceded. Pole had twenty-five votes. And now what _ tiara to his armorial bearings as a cardinal.

would happen? According to the contemporary annalists Mas-

sarelli, as pope,

‘After this a grave silence ensued,” says Mas- sarelli and Panvinio, the Italians did not want Pole

and one cardinal looked at another. Certain of them with both because he was a foreigner [externus]—for expean engaging nod invited others who could [i.e., who had rience had taught them what impairment the Church not already voted for Pole] also to accede, for only one _ had suffered from foreign pontiffs, and because he was vote was lacking since, even though the votes had now

been made known, and there were but twenty-five, Car- 50 . dinal del Monte had promised that if the votes rose to Massarelh, Diartum quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, ; ; 45-47. Both Cardinal Bernardino Maffei (d. 1553), who was twenty-six, accede tothe bring the number to twenty;: ‘ ; presentheatwould the conclave, and conclavist Sebastiano Gualterio seven, since in that case Pole himself might have acceded report the fact that Gian Pietro Carafa accused Pole of heresy

in his own favor to reach the number of twenty-eight, during the conclave (ibid., II, p. 43, note 2, and pp. 47~48, which was necessary. But since no one rose after the note 2, both texts being taken from the Cod. lat. Monacensis twenty-five votes, and some time had passed, the most 152), in which connection note also Mendoza’s letter of 3—5 reverend lord dean [de Cupis| asked whether anyone else | December, 1549, to the emperor in Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I wished to accede. When no one replied, he said, “‘Finitum (1873), no. 352, pp. 306, 308.

est scrutinium.”’ All rose to their feet, and when the ballotsuise C water led the conclave Pole Ch. arn aries “ leveled thethsame charge at ae Pole (zbid. ‘icbe burned, they withdrew [from the chapel]. To the from Gualterio). De Cupis is also said to have had doubts about

isbelief and :astonishment of all(see andSimoncelli, the frustration of Pole’s orthodPole ; [1977], ole’s orthodoxy J! Caso Reginald

Our every expectation, even today we have not [succeeded pp. 60-71). Although Massarelli was well aware of del Monte’s

in electing] a pontiff. promise of accession in the event of Pole’s receiving 26 votes,

Here, however, I have thought that I should not pass he seems not to have known of the similar commitment which over in silence the fact that, among the charges which _ Cesi and Gaddi had made to the imperialists.

514 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT young (about forty-five years old)—for it did seem too de Toledo got sixteen, de Cupis seven, and Carafa risky to entrust the highest office in Christendom to the __ five. Probably no one was surprised when the aged

hands of a young man. Ennio Filonardi, cardinal bishop of Albano, polled Many of the Italian cardinals had, however, con- fifteen votes. He had become ill, indeed seriously, sistently voted for Pole, and at age forty-five one 29d a week later (on 14 December) he had to leave is hardly a youngster. It was said that Pole had had the conclave “ob eius morbum valde Ingravescenlittle experience of public affairs. Also there were, '€™: addita onerosa aetate annorum 83.” Since it allegedly, those who feared that Pole, who had 8S thought to be unseemly that a cardinal should been exiled by Henry VIII, might be tempted to leave the conclave, and move at large In society reassert his influence in England by having re- before the election of the pope, It was decided that

course to war.2! Filonardi should remain in the Castel S. Angelo Then, of course, there was the question of his with his conclavists until the new pope had been orthodoxy. As far as the decree of justification was Chosen. He was to see only his ““medici et familiares

concerned, however, we must remember that the necessari.”’ Of the five attendants he had brought matchless Cervini had stated the Gallican cardinals ito the conclave with him, two accompanied him (including Carafa) had sinned against their con- into the Castello, and three remained in the consciences (quod satis eorum conscientiis fecerint) by clave. After 7 and 9 December his vote declined, their attempts to delay the scrutinies and frustrate for his death was clearly in the immediate offing, Pole’s election. Del Monte had promised his acces- and would not rescue the cardinals from the Impasse

sion if Pole received twenty-six votes. But de] !° which they seemed to be falling. Monte and Cervini knew him well. He had shared On 6 December, before the scrutiny was taken, the presidency of the Council of Trent with them. Claude d’ Urfe had again appeared at the portal Nevertheless, a number of the Italian cardinals Of the conclave, asking to be heard by the Sacred probably did not want an English pope, especially College. The three cardinal “deputies” met him a reformer, for after all there had been radical the doorway window. He told them that four changes enough in Europe without adding to them of the French cardinals would soon reach Rome.

an upheaval in the Curia Romana. D’ Urfe had just received a letter from the com-

As we have seen in the preceding chapter, mander of the galleys on which they had come. Charles V’s objections to the decree on justifica- Once more he requested the cardinals to await tion had been political, Pole’s theological, but at their confreres before proceeding with the elecany rate they had both opposed the publication of "0- If the French cardinals arrived betore a pope the most important decree of the first period of W4S chosen, an impasse did indeed lie ahead. On the Tridentinum. Charles wanted to take as much the following morning, the seventh, Pole once wind out of the Lutheran sails as he could by a _™ore seemed likely of success, for his adherents thorough-going reform of the Church. Pole, who had been busy the preceding afternoon and halt was sympathetic to the Lutheran view of justifi- the night. They were boasting that some of Pole’s cation, was known also to want a thorough reform OPponents had now come over to their side. . of the Church. Italian popes quite naturally iden- The Gallican cardinals, fearing that this might tified themselves with the Italian scene. As Charles ¢€ so, declared openly that they could agree on any looked toward the Holy See from Germany, Spain, °ther member of the imperialist party in the conor the Netherlands, the fact that Pole was not an clave. Some of them promised to vote for Juan Al-

Italian would seem to have been a further reason Varez de Toledo, for almost anyone but Pole. It for recommending his election to the papacy. was merely a ruse. Their intention was not to elect The imperialists were discouraged, even shocked, Juan Alvarez, but merely to divide the imperialist by Pole’s loss of the tiara by a single vote. They vote and draw supporters away from Pole (sed ul did not regard themselves as beaten, however, when alios a card. Polo dwverterent). Charles V preferred they returned to the Paolina at 10:00 A.M. (mane Juan Alvarez, cardinal of Burgos, even to Pole. Dehora 17) on the following day, 6 December (1549), spite the pleasant smiles and courtly gestures, howfor the fourth scrutiny. Pole was still the strongest ever, the Italian cardinals were hardly MOTE wor

candidate, as everyone had expected he would be. thusiastic about the prospect of a Spanish than 0 He received twenty-two votes, while Juan Alvarez an English pope. The Gallican cardinals dangled the tiara before various Italians. Guido Ascanio

47. esp. pp. 48, 58, 66.

21 Massarelli, Diarium guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 22 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

JULIUS UI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 515 Sforza and Bernardino Maffei, at least according Pole had one less adversary; when du Bellay, to the latter, ‘“‘hardly repressing a smile, gave an Guise, Chatillon, and Vendome arrived, he had answer which was in keeping with their prudence four more. For some time after the withdrawal of and dignity.’”’ Giannangelo de’ Medici and Girolamo _ Filonardi, the cardinal of Veroli (Verulanus), on 14

Verallo took the French party seriously. Maffei December, Pole had twenty-two fautores and thought their antics those of men become “‘caecati twenty-two adversaru, as Massarelli’s account makes et amentes”’ (although a decade later Medici wasin_ clear, because as Filonardi left, the French car-

fact to become Pope Pius IV).*° dinal Francois de Tournon also arrived on the When the balloting came on 7 December, in the — scene.** Pole was certainly the dominant figure in

fifth scrutiny, Pole received twenty-two votes. Cer- the conclave, but every time the imperialists vini, who had written the names of del Monte and — pushed him forward as their candidate there was Filonardi on his schedula, acceded to Pole, not be- bound to be an unbreakable deadlock.?° cause he thought the latter any longer had a chance, Day after day, vote after vote, week after week according to Massarelli, but to make God’s elimi- the cardinals in conclave tried in vain to elect a nation of Pole still clearer by another failure in the pope. On 14 December they had made a special scrutiny. Then Pedro Pacheco also acceded to Pole, _ effort to reach some sort of compromise, aliqua conraising the vote to twenty-four. Verallo acceded to cordia in pontifice creando. Farnese conferred with Juan Alvarez, bringing the Spaniard’s vote to fifteen. Guise, Madruzzo with Vendome, Gonzaga with And that was the end of the scrutiny. Pole still lacked | Tournon, seeking a way out of the bind. The French three votes for election, ‘“‘et cum tres deficerent had proposed nine cardinals, three of whom were . . . , papam etiam hodie habere non potuimus.”’ Frenchmen—Jean de Guise de Lorraine, who was So it went. On 9 December, in the sixth scrutiny, to enter the conclave on 31 December; Francois de Pole still had his twenty-two votes; Juan Alvarez, Tournon; and Jean du Bellay. Three of their can‘‘Burgensis,’’ got twelve votes with three accessions, didates were Italian advocates of French interests— making a total of fifteen. Still no pope. In subsequent Giovanni Salviati, whom Charles V opposed; Niccolo scrutinies Pole received twenty-two voteson 10and_ Ridolfi, to whom Charles also objected; and de 11 December, and twenty-three votes in every one Cupis, the dean of the Sacred College. The next

of the next ten scrutinies (from 12 through 22 De- three were regarded as neutral, at least by the cember, no vote having been taken on the twenty- French, and these also were Italians—Gian Pietro first). Now there seemed no way out of the impasse, Carafa, del Monte, and Cervini. Carafa was hardly for d’ Urfé had appeared at the door of the conclave neutral; maybe Cervini was; but Charles V was again on 10 December with the news that the four against them both. He also had no use for del Monte French cardinals who were en route had reached after the translation of the council to Bologna. The

Livorno. imperialists and the “‘Farnesiani,”’ 1.e., Alessandro, On Thursday, 12 December, at about 6:00 A.M.

(hora circitter 13) the four French cardinals entered ==—————— the city—Jean du Bellay, cardinal bishop of Paris; “4 Massarelli gives the names of the cardinals in the two conCharles de Guise, cardinal of Lorraine: Odet de tending parties—on the whole they lined up for and against Chatillon (de Coligny), one of Clement VII’s last of the conclave, 12 December, when the four French cardinals cardinals; and Charles de Bourbon, the cardinal arrived in Rome (Diarium quintum in Merkle, Conc. Tridentinum, of Vendome. After a brief rest at d’ Urfé’s resi- II. 55). In the early evening of the twelfth, Cardinal Francois dence they entered the conclave at about 8:00 de Tournon also entered the conclave, maintaining the number AM.. “and they were received with the greatest of Pole s adversaries at twenty-two even after Filonardi was honor by all the most reverend cardinals, and were the arrival of the French, see Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I, nos. accompanied to their cells.’’ Massarelli gives usthe 358 ff., pp. 319 ff. As noted in the next volume, on 31 March, names of the twenty-two cardinals who had usually 1563, Odet de Chatillon was declared a heretic, in haeresim voted for Pole, whose eighteen or nineteen op- ugonoiorun prolapsus, and deprived of all his benefices, the piscopate, and his cardinal’s hat (Magnum bullarium romanum, ponents, however, had been too numerous for his ;y_9 {Rome, 1745, repr. Graz, 1965], no. LXXVU, pp. 152-

AL: : Pole—in his description of events during the fourteenth day

, ; eliminated (2bid., I], 57). On the contest in the conclave after

supporters to achieve their purpose. When the 54).

pro-French Filonardi withdrew to the Castello, 2° On events in the conclave from 6 December, when the fourth scrutiny was held, until the twenty-second, when the

Oo eighteenth scrutiny was held, see Massarelli, Diarium quintum, 23 Maffei, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 49, note 2, from Cod. in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Il, 48-70. Massarelli describes a lat. Monacensis 152, fols. 256’-257', and cf. Diego de Men- touching reconciliation between Cervini and Madruzzo on 9 doza’s letter of 8 December, 1549, to Charles V in Druffel, | December, after the break between them caused by the trans-

Briefe u. Akten, 1, no. 355, pp. 313-17. lation of the council from Trent to Bologna (ibid., II, 53).

516 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Ranuccio, Guido Ascanio Sforza, and their follow- since he was himself in the same boat, he said that he ers, stuck by Pole (solum Polum velle firmiter respon- had never sought the papacy, and had never asked anyderunt), which quite exasperated the Gallican car- one to vote for him, and that he did not know whether

gae

dinals. Was there no other worthy member of the there might be some who were giving him their votes Sacred College? Did the salvation of Christendom because of friendship or good will, but that if there were depend on Pole alone (e¢ ab eo solo totius reipublicae any such, he asked them to stop. If, however, they were

a oO not moved merely by kindly affection, but were giving

Chrisnanae salus penderet)? him their votes to satisfy their own consciences, he said

The city and the conclave were well protected that he could not and ought not to try to abridge the by the vigilance of Gianmichele Saracen, governor dictates of conscience, but he left them free [to vote as of the ““Leonine city,” as well as by the troops which _ they chose]. Nevertheless, he declared that if he were he and Philos Roverella commanded.?’ By the end _ sure that someone else’s election was being held up by of the third week of the conclave (on 19 December, the competition of the votes given to him—and that 1549), however, the prelates and barons who had thereby the election ofa pontiff was being delayed—he official custody of the Sacred College while in session woue not only give up his votes but relinquish the carasked for a hearing. The cardinal deputies metthem 1. 16 the advantage of Christend at the doorway window, and were told of the “‘ca-

. . . inalate and life as well, if he could feel that it would

7 geo ristendom.

lamities”’ which were taking place both in Rome Pole had just received twenty-three votes, three and in the states of the Church. The soldiery, set more than Carafa. It looked as though they were to guard the city, had begun to live “‘nimis licen- becoming the chief contenders.*° tiose.”” The citizenry feared for their lives. The ex- The next day was a Monday, 23 December. penses of maintaining custody of the city and the — Carafa still received twenty votes in the day’s scruconclave were becoming intolerable. The people tiny, only one less than Pole. Since Innocenzo Cibo were gathering daily—no, hourly—in the public yow changed the order in which he had been read-

squares, shouting for the election of a pope. The ing the votes, some of the cardinals complained, prelates and barons could no longer bear the burden insisting that by some fraud or chicanery their of their responsibility, they said, and beseeched the — yotes were not being counted (dicentes fraudem incardinals to elect a pope.“" Actually conditions in — fercessisse, et eorum vota non fuisse publicata). There

Rome were singularly peaceful. had been no skullduggery, but it took some time

to quiet their suspicions. On 24 December, the The cardinals felt the mounting strain of living twenty-sixth day of the conclave, the twentieth in cramped quarters with their rivals, opponents, scrutiny was held. Carafa again got twenty votes; and enemies. The air was becoming stale with the Pole’s rose to twenty-three. malodor of burned incense and spent candles. As Niccolo de’ Gaddi approached the altar to Tempers had become frayed. Otto von Truchsess cast his vote, he knocked over his stool (scannum); and de Cupis engaged in a hefty argument on 20 apparently the drawer beneath the seat broke, and December. Truchsess accused de Cupis of “‘wanting — the contents were scattered on the chapel floor— a pope who would serve the body and not the soul,” his inkwell, pens, and sand. The clumsiness which and defiantly asserted that ‘‘we’ll make Pole pope _ had caused the accident was exceeded only by the whether you like it or not!’’*” Two days later, on awkwardness with which he tried to pick the things the twenty-second, Carafa multis gravibus pusque ver- up. The reverend lord cardinals burst into an unbis asked his fellow cardinals in the conclave not to seemly laughter, especially Ercole Gonzaga, who give him any further votes “‘lest still more time be was easily moved to merriment. There was no scruspent fruitlessly, but to think of someone else and tiny on Christmas ob diem nativitatis Domini.*! quickly elect a good pope to relieve the troubled Church.” Carafa had just received twenty votes. As for Pole, moved by Carafa’s example, 3° Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 70-71. Owing to illness, Cervini left the conclave on 22 De-

TT cember, ‘‘and he was allowed to go wherever he wanted.”’ He 26 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, took refuge in Alessandro Farnese’s palace, the Cancelleria 58-59, and cf, ibid., pp. 61-62, entry for 16 December. (ibid., I, 71). On Carafa’s ‘‘very fine discourse”’ in the conclave, 27 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, note Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 603, p. 286,

9, 10, 17, 18-19, 21. letter of Matteo Dandolo to the Venetian Signoria, dated 23 28 Tbhid., 11, 67, and cf. Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, | December, and note, ibid., no. 604.

V, no. 606, pp. 287-88. 31 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

68-69. January, 1550.

29 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 71-73, and cf, ibid., p. 82, a somewhat similar mishap on 2

JULIUS WT, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 517 According to the style of the Nativity the year both.** Despite the fact that secrecy was supposed began on 25 December, annus salutis 1550. It was to be preserved in the halls of the conclave, the a jubilee year. Pilgrims had been coming to Rome. cardinals might as well have voted in the Piazza On Christmas eve the pope should have attended _ S. Pietro. the opening of the Porta Santa at S. Peter’s, knock- The ambassadors communicated with the car-

ing on the portal three times with his silver dinals at the wicket in the portal of the conclave. hammer. But there was no pope, and the portal The conclavists prepared ‘‘news letters,’’ which remained closed, non sine maximo totius populi Chris- they had no difficulty sending abroad. The Vene-

tian scandalo. On 26 and 27 December Carafa still tian ambassador Dandolo included a number in

got twenty votes and Pole twenty-three. About his dispatches to the Signoria. One conclavist 7:00 P.M. on Saturday, the twenty-eighth, Cardi- wrote (on 10 January), nals Philippe de la Chambre and Georges d’ Am- The obstinacy [durezza} increases.. . . There is as yet no

boise entered the conclave. Now there were visible end, unless the [two] sovereigns agree to charge forty-seven cardinals seeking to elect a pope. A their agents here to come to a decision, of which it seems two-thirds majority amounted to thirty-one votes. that there is some hope and intention. The emperor has On the twenty-ninth Carafa received twenty or written that after the Epiphany he will send an envoy to twenty-two votes, Pole still twenty-three.** the most Christian king about this matter. . . . Nothing The contending parties were equally matched in __ is thought of but the means whereby one party may thwart

the conclave. The Gallican cardinals supported the other, and it is said that in this conclave there have Carafa, because he was adequately anti-imperialist; been more ‘pioneers’ [guastatori, sappers] than Sultan they were not enthusiastic about his election, but Solyman had at the siege of Rhodes. . . . The two chief

heir b did factions | masse] the last few days have held conas af hreformer, he was theirduring best candidate toexcluded oppose sae . -_ gregations in which they reciprocally each others to Pole. In the next half-dozen scrutinies (from 30 candidates, so that they neither attend to any treaty of

December to 5 January, 1550) Carafa was given concord, nor do they think of it... . On the 10th of twenty-one or twenty-two votes, Pole always twenty- January, in the stink and stench of the conclave {nella three. Charles V and Henry II never ceased their _ puzza et fettore del conclave]. . . , 1550.°°

interference, writing to their ambassadors Mendoza and d’ Urfe. Everyone in the halls of the conclave Dandolo had written the Venetian Signoria on knew that Charles wanted, first, Juan Alvarez de 26 D ecember (1549) that all the cardinals, and Toledo (Burgensis) and, after him, Pole or Rodolfo especially de Cupis and Pacheco, wanted the dePio of Carpi, but not Salviati, del Monte, Cervini, livery of all food to the conclave stopped, In acor Ridolfi. Henry II’s candidates were de Cupis, cordance with Gregory X’s decree Ubi p ericulum,

Salviati, Ridolfi, or Jean de Guise.2? e that they might subsist n Dread and water until

From 7 to 17 January, 1550, there were eleven “€y Mad elected a pope.” Gondiutions in the conscrutinies, with ‘Carafe receiving twenty-one or clave were bordering upon chaos by mid-January twenty-two votes and Pole at first twenty-three (1550), and the odor of non-sanctity had become

(until 10 January) and thereafter twenty-one. On almost intolerable. the tenth Carafa’s vote had fallen from twenty-two When the aged Louis de Bourbon entered the to twenty-one, and Pole’s from twenty-three to conclave on the morning of 14 January,”" he was twenty-one, for (as Massarelli explains) Miguel de accompanied by seven conclavists, according to Silva stopped voting for Pole, since it now seemed Dandolo, who wrote his government on the fifteenth clear that he could not be elected. Cibo had been that by this time there must be a good 400 persons in voting for them both! and now he gave up on conclave, the servants being so familiar with the cardinals that very often they do not even doff their bonnets

—____—_— to them. . . . Forty-eight days have now elapsed since °? Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

73-81. Jean de Guise, also a cardinal of Lorraine, entered the —§ —7—7—— conclave on 31 December (1549), but de la Chambre had to 34 Massarelli, Diaraum guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

leave on | January, since he was suffering from bladder or 86-97, esp. p. 89, on de Silva and Cibo. kidney stones (morbo calculi), and the hard regime of the con- *° Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 620, p. 295

clave was too much for him (ibid., II, 81). (for Brown’s ‘‘Visco,”’ read Viseu, i.e., de Silva, who was car33 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, | dinal bishop of Viseu in north central Portugal), and see, ibid.,

esp. p. 85, and cf. Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. nos. 604-14, 618-19, 621-23, 626. 616, p. 292, an interesting letter, suggesting some suspicion of 36 Brown, Cal. State Papers... , Venice, V, no. 606, pp. Alessandro Farnese at the imperial court (for Paul II] had been 287-88. veering strongly toward France at the time of his death), and *7 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident.,

note, ibid., nos. 617, 627. II, 93.

518 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the conclave was closed, and it now numbers 48 car- Charles V had put the latter on his blacklist, dinals, who may indeed be said to be at large rather whereupon Gonzaga had opposed him. Pacheco, than locked re for ner dispatches and come by the who had come to the conclave after a long stay at

Oremary Tals as vey, Were ae On ae tee MH Trent, expressed the fear that if the conclave did Rome, and not confined in conclave; and the servants, not elect th |) mich ld whether sick or sound, depart and return at their plea- ct a pope, the council mig t we _ GO SO.

sure... 38 Finally it was agreed to choose a committee to reform the conclave. Six cardinals were elected, No scrutiny was held on Sunday, 26 January, singuli ex qualibet natione—the Italian Carafa, the but de Cupis addressed the cardinals in a general Frenchman Louis de Bourbon, the Spaniard Pacongregation, lamenting the current “state of af- checo, the German Truchsess, the Portuguese de fairs in the conclave which made it impossible to Silva, and the Englishman Pole. To these were elect a pontiff.”’ The cardinals were merely casting addedde Cupis, Carpi, Ridolfi, and Guido Ascanio

their votes for and against candidates according Sforza.°9 to the dictates of the ‘secular princes.’ They must put an end to the manifold abuses ‘which have All the Italian princes had their agents in Rome, crept into this conclave,” and stop the flow of let- gathering news of the conclave. Some of them had ters into and out of their midst. The number of theirs in the conclave. In the Estense archives at so-called conclavists had grown to outrageous pro- Modena may be found a record of the votes taken portions. Most of them had no right to be there, in the first forty-one scrutinies. It was obviously such as the brothers of certain cardinals, the agents kept from day to day by a conclavist. The fortyand secretaries of princes, ‘‘and certain others who first scrutiny was held on Friday, 17 January have nothing to do in the conclave, but merely (1550), on which day in fact Cardinal Cristoforo remain free to divulge what is being done.” All Madruzzo’s conclavist Antonio Maria di Savoia di such persons must be removed, and only those (Collegno, who was keeping Duke Ercole II well retained in the halls of the conclave who were informed, sent him the voting returns to date.*°

needed to serve the cardinals. . The conclave, however, was still to go on for

Among un interlopers Massarelli names the another twenty-two days. There were to be scrusecretaries 0 Duke Cosimo I of Florence, the im- tinjes on all days except 26 January and 2 Febperial ambassador Diego de Mendoza, the French ruary, and so twenty scrutinies still lay ahead. In ambassador Claude d’ Urfe, and the viceroy Pedro each of these twenty scrutinies Carafa received de Toledo of Naples. Even one Claude de Fosses twenty-one or twenty-two votes (except on 7 Febwas there, ' secretary of Henry II, as a conclavist ruary when he got twenty-three); in every single of Cardinal Georges d’ Armagnac, ‘‘and certain one Pole was given twenty-one (i.e., from 18 Janothers who have been admitted into the conclave uary through 7 February).*! Until some sort of for no MOre essential reason than to satisfy their compromise broke the deadlock, there was not curiosity!” De Cupis deplored the “illicit and going to be any pope. abominable practice’”’ being followed by the car- No compromise, however, seemed in the imdinals of both parties of writing out their votes the — mediate offing. As Dandolo wrote his government

night before a scrutiny in order to show them to (on 99 January), Farnese had just informed Cartheir confréres. He also protested against their agreements to give neither vote nor accessus to any member of the Opposing party unless they first °° Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

explained their intention to their own partisans. 107-9.

Salviati and Carafa spoke in commendation of 40 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria ducale: Ambasciatori, de Cupis’s philippic. Others followed suit. Gon- 2gentie corrispondenti all estero, Roma, Busta 48, nos. 277/ def. . laimi that he had 8-9, and cf. Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Zaga was te Ensive, Claiming a € Nad never II, 96—97. Giulio Sertorio, archbishop of S. Severina (in southvoted at princely command. Everyone knew, how- eastern Italy, inland from Crotone), also covered the conclave ever, that he had been in favor of Salviati until for Ercole (loc. cit., Busta 48, nos. 279/1 ff.). That Antonius Maria de Sabaudia Colegnus was a conclavist of Madruzzo, we

oe know from the lists given by Massarelli, in Merkle, II, 123, col.

38 Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 627, p. 298. 2, and 127, col. 4. He is identified as a layman from the diocese Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Il, 97, of Turin. Ercole II d’ Este, duke of Ferrara, was the first cousin gives the names of the forty-eight cardinals on 17 January, by — of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, a strong imperialist like his friend which time there were twenty-two imperialists, twenty-three |§ Madruzzo. Gallicans, and three ‘‘qui vero neutralitatem profitentur,”’ L.e., 4! For the period from 18 January through 7 February—the de Silva, Cibo, and Gaddi. We have already observed (above, __ fifty-first through the seventy-first day of the conclave (and the

note 30) Cervini’s departure from the conclave on 22 Decem- _forty-second through the sixtieth scrutiny)—see Massarelh,

ber because of illness. Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 98-139.

JULIUS HI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 519 dinal Charles de Guise that the imperialists and At the first hour of the night [about 6:30 P.M.] the their allies, the ‘‘Farnesiani,” had an assured bishop of Narni, namely Pietro Donato Cesi, first told twenty-two votes, and that they were never going foc i the wicket [in the door] of ne conclave, whe the to accept Salviati, Ridolfi, Carafa, de Cupis, or Cod was Heing passe In, that the most reverend Uar-

. oy : Guise’s dinal de’ Ridolfi quite unexpectedly, Jean de Guise. reply was thathad the died Gallican 1. ¢onowine dav h d for h on arty would always oppose a Spaniard or a Ger- (pC (O)OMINB Cay Ne Was supposed’ to Tenunn TO tne Cone Pp " h y ee F Pe dinal Id clave. Also it was held for certain that he was going to man. Furthermore, the pro-rrench cardinals wou be pope, because he had 35 votes, while 32 were all he always vote against Pole, Sfondrato, Morone, and needed. And when I announced this to the most revCarpi. It is small wonder that there were gamblers _ erend cardinals, they were all terrified.** in the city who were willing to wager that the con-

clave would end without the election of a pope. The character of the conclave was soon to Conditions in the Sistina, the Sala Regia, and the change, but not because the cardinals had become other halls of the conclave had become appalling. concerned by Nursia’s grim warning, Ridolfi’s sud-

The stench is so great,’’ wrote Dandolo, den death, or their own lackluster performance. that Norsia [Francesco Giulio de Nursia], the first physician The first improvement in the BOINSS-ON, however,

in Rome, having entered [the] conclave, threatened them did come on the day of Ridolfi’s death (31 Januwith plague on this account, and also with the “falling ary), for it was then that the cardinals’ reform comsickness,” on account of the charcoal fires which they mittee presented to their confréres thirteen Caburn in the cells, and their maladies already commence _ pitula edita super reformatione conclavis. Henceforth with giddiness. Cardinal Ridolfi likewise, instead of going no cardinal, even if ill, was to have more than out of conclave as pope, took his departure last Monday three conclavists, nor was he to try to enlarge or [20 January] as an invalid, and being seized with vomit change the cell assigned to him by lot. Except for it was suspected he had been poisoned, so that the cardinals, gregations of all the cardinals their most rev-

mutinied against the prelates, and would allowwith ; : more . erend lordships wereno notlonger to foregather their food to be placed by them at the wicket, but that h F their fell ally in th i

it should be presented by their [the cardinals’] own carvers. than two or their fellows, especially m the cells.

The prelates, resenting this, cleared themselves of the he cardinals were not to dine together nor to charge, so that they continue performing their usual send one another choice dishes; they were not to

office... .* leave their cells post horam noctis quintam usque ad . auroram, which thatRidolfi time of( year) meant from Dandolo was quite right about(at * poor about 10:30 P.M. until; daybreak. There were to

While preparing to go with two other cardinals to be only six physicians in the conclave: three for

collect the ballot or schedula of Girolamo Doria, the lolanse 4 one each for the Germans

who had become ill, Ridolfi was seized with diz- F h dS ‘sh. “and likewise f h ziness in the Sistina. This was on 19 January. He are ane Pree > ee eb bere.” was obviously in pain ‘“‘cum maximo dolore sto- nations and in tie same way Js! ne

maci.” On the following dav Ridolfi withd There were to be no more “clandestine conven-

. O Owls ay 1a0 wit Trew ticles.” from the conclave ‘‘ob invalescentem eius mor- N h laveh bum, pectoris scilicet dolorem.’’ About 4:00 P.M © one was To enter or leave the conclave nere-

onclave, wl , ,

on 23 January Cibo also left the conclave ch after except for reasons allowed or required by

. . ; . canon law and approved by the cardinal deputies.

tertian fever; Cibo survived the conclave (he died To bri PP d all a per

on 14 April, 1550). It was otherwise with Ridolfi. 0) U8 £0 an ene all the private conversations

; ; with those outside the conclave a revolving tray

of ceremonies, —__—— On 31 January, according to Firmanus, the master

*° Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

a4299, 101, 105, and Firmanus, ibid., II, 113, note 1. Despite the Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V,no. 630, pp. 300— _— statement of the latter that Ridolfi “habebat vota 35,” in the 1, who thinks that the physician in question was Benedetto de __ twelve scrutinies from 19 January, when Ridolfi became ill, to Nursia, who had been “in the service of Sixtus IV” (d. 1484). | 31 January, when he died, he never received more than three Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I], p. votes, and in two scrutinies (those of 24 and 27 January) he was 126, col. 1, and p. 128, col. 4, provides us with the names of _ given no votes at all.

the physicians at the conclave, one of them being Iulius de On the widespread assumption that Ridolfi had been poiNursia, whom the master of ceremonies Firmanus calls Fran- soned, note Massarelli, II, 137, lines 10 ff.; Druffel, Briefe u. ciscus (2bid., I], p. 99, note 3, and p. 101, note 2). Pietro Paolo = Akten, I, no. 383, p. 349; Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, Il Gualterio “de Brevibus,”’ one of Cardinal Bernardino Maffei’s (1666), 263, a letter of 2 February, 1549 [i-e., 1550, since the conclavists, also refers to ‘‘Franciscus de Nursia, quihabitocon- _ French year began with Easter], from Claude d’ Urfé to Henry silio cum nonnullis aliis medicis qui erant in conclavi, consulit __ II: ‘‘Cependant ie vous diray que depuis le trespas du Cardinal

quod idem cardinalis [i.e., Ridolfi] egrederetur conclavi Ridolphi, on I’ a fait ouvrir, et trouvé manifestement qu’ il . . .' (thid., p. 99, note 3). Cf G. de Leva, Storia documentata — estoit empoisonné, vous y avez perdu, Sire, un bon et fidelle

di Carlo V, V (1894), 82 ff., 89. serviteur.”’

520 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT or disc (rota) was to be set up between two win-_ with his death, which now put Giovanni Salviati in dows, more monastico, so that the food and baskets the limelight. He had been regarded as a strong might be passed in and out, but when the food candidate from the beginning, although he had rehad come in and the empty containers had gone ceived very few votes from the first scrutiny (on 3 out, “the inner window is to be locked with two December, 1549). The nephew of Leo X, Salviati keys, one of which is to be kept by the most rev- was the uncle of Catherine de’ Medici, queen of erend lord dean [de Cupis], the other by the most France. reverend lord camerlengo [Sforza].’’ The outer Massarelli, Gualterio, and Cardinal Maffei, eyewindow was also to be secured by two locks, for witnesses of the events of 2 February, all fasten which the guardian prelates were to be responsi- upon the near desertion of the imperialist party by ble. As for food, Clement VI’s bull Licet in consti- Ranuccio and Sforza. Alessandro was the eldest of tutione (of 1351) was to be observed, although it the four Farnese brothers. He was born in 1520. took the edge off the harsh regime which Gregory Next came Ottavio, Orazio, and Ranuccio, the last X had required in the decree Ubi periculum. There _ being only nineteen years old at this time. Ottavio

were, however, to be no more dwersa splendida had married the willful Margaret, the natural magnificaque fercula . . . ipsiusque Luculli mensae. daughter of Charles V, although the latter was unThe Lucullan feasts were over and done with.** __ willing to concede his right to Parma, and had conThe first break in the stalemate of voting came doned Ferrante Gonzaga’s seizure of Piacenza. Oraon 2 February (1550) when two of the Farnesiani— _zio aspired to the hand of Henry II’s natural daughAlessandro’s brother Ranuccio and his cousin Guido — ter Diane, whom he was in fact to marry two years Ascanio Sforza—seemed ready to abandon Ales- _ later.

sandro and the imperialists. Although there was no If Ottavio should lose Parma, Alessandro was scrutiny on the second, the feast of the Purification prepared to see him take the duchy of Castro, of the Virgin, electioneering went on all day ina _ which then belonged to Orazio. The two elder tug-of-war. The imperialists tried to hold on to _ brothers stuck together, and Ranuccio was bound Ranuccio and Sforza, and the Gallicans tried to win to Orazio, whom he wanted to see married to the them over to their side. As Massarelli puts it, “‘pug- French king’s daughter. Although Alessandro had natum est tota die aequo Marte ab utroque latere.’’ appeared confident that Ranuccio would not go In one scrutiny after another the Gallican candidate over to the Gallican party, he was not so certain Carafa and the so-called imperialist Pole had each when he learned of Ranuccio’s parleys (on 2 Febbeen chalking up twenty-one votes. Apparently ev- ruary) with Guise and Louis de Bourbon. It was

eryone in the conclave had become convinced that later reported that Orazio and [Bernardo] the neither one was going to leave the Paolina as pope. brother of Salviati had conferred with Ranuccio French plans to push Ridolfi forward had ended on the same day “through a certain window,”’

ee which suggests that the ‘“‘reformatio”’ of the con*4 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, clave was still incomplete.*”

113-22, where the names of the cardinals’ conclavistae, both The hardships of the conclave and the ‘‘clamor’’ before and after the reform, are given along with the names of an indignant Christendom were having their of the officiales conclavis Qabid., II, 122-28). Among Gianmaria ffect upon the cardinals. Since Salviati was del Monte’s conclavists was the physician Balduino de’ Balduini, errec Pp ; € : . a whom we met when typhus fever broke up the Councilof Trent Strong candidate, a swing of Gallican votes from

(see above, p. 498, with note 192). Carafa might have elected him. An opponent of Massarelli had served Cervini as conclavist, and (to judge the Farnesi, Salviati had had the support of Ferfrom his “fifth diary’) would seem to have remained in the pante Gonzaga and his brother Cardinal Ercole, conclave even after Cervini’s withdrawal and the reform (II, 127), which was apparently not the case. Merkle, ibid., pp. who had assumed that as pope he would return XXXIX-XLHI and 137, note 1, has shown that from 5 February, 1550, when the “superfluous conclavists’? were expelled from

the conclave (2bid., p. 137, lines 3-5), Massarelli’s fifth diary is 45 Gualterio, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 132, note 1, from eked out in its last few pages (covering the period of 6-8 Feb- — Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fol. 225%: “‘Renuntiatum enim postea ruary) from the account of Pietro Paolo Gualterio ‘‘de Brevi- —_ fuit Horatium ac Salviati fratrem per fenestram quandam simul bus,”” who served Cardinal Bernardino Maffei as conclavist both ea die [2 February] loquutos esse cum eo,” i.e., with Ranuccio.

before and after the reform (ibid., p. 124, col. 2, and p. 128, | On Farnese’s willingness to assist Ottavio to take the duchy of

col. 2). Castro from their pro-French brother Orazio, and Ranuccio’s

Among the conclavists of Truchsess was Niccolo Sicco (see support of the latter, see Massarelli, zb7d., H, 130, entry for | above, pp. 490, 493), his friend Madruzzo’s secretary. Pole’s February, 1550, and cf, :bid., note 1, Gualterio’s report to the Venetian friend Alvise Priuli was one of his conclavists. Cf in same effect (from Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fol. 224”), as well

306. 303-4.

general Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 638, p. as Brown, Cal. State Papers... , Venice, V, no. 636, pp.

JULIUS HI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 521 Parma as well as Piacenza to Charles V. His con- would not start any more trouble for the imperinections with France, however, were strong, and alists.*” he had opposed Cosimo I’s elevation as duke of The political maneuvering in the conclave, the Florence. Charles V distrusted Salviati, and was courteous gesture of voting for a friend, and the alleged to have preferred the devil as pope, which — refraining from a vote for one’s actual candidate complicated Ercole’s position in the conclave. We until the strategic moment often make the results have already referred to Charles’s exclusion of of the scrutinies less obvious than they may at first Salviati in his well-known letter of 20 November appear. For about the first three weeks Salviati (1549) to Diego de Mendoza.*® But Mendoza _had received few votes. On 22 December he had sometimes pursued policies of his own, and the polled eleven votes, and on 12 January fourteen. Gonzagas were determinedly hostile to the Far- Suddenly on 24 and 25 January he had sixteen nesi. Mendoza tried to lessen Charles’s hostility to votes, and on the latter date Marino Cavalli, the Salviati, and the Gonzagas saw (to Alessandro Venetian ambassador to the imperial court (then Farnese’s distress) some advantage in Salviati’s at Brussels), wrote the Doge Francesco Dona and

election. the Senate:

, Ranuccio s cousin Sforza had readily joined him By letters from Rome, dated the 15th, his Majesty [Charles ina willingness to support Salviati, for (as Massarelhi V| was informed that Cardinal Salviati makes such progress

notes) Sforza’s brother had married a niece of Sal- daily that it is considered quite certain he will shortly be viati. If the latter were elected pope, Sforza and his elected Pope. So being unable to prevent this, it would brother could look to a rich future. When Ercole be well for his Majesty to desire his servants to support Gonzaga and Giulio della Rovere indicated that they _ him, that he may have some reason to acknowledge himself

also were prepared to accede to Salviati, Alessandro obliged to the Emperor. It seems that Salviati promises Farnese saw the imperialist cardinals’ alliance crum- _0t to fail doing whatever his Majesty may deem expedient bling in the conclave. Gonzaga was an old friend for the conservation and increase of our holy Christian of Salviati’s, and della Rovere was allegedly follow- rath and’ moreos ct ne on ers, in very bland language, ing the wishes of his brother Guidobaldo, duke of always Lo De the Dest 0 riends to him. This int elligence . . gave great displeasure, and | am assured that his Majesty Urbino. Alessandro hoped that his brother Ottavio complained extremely of his ministers and, amongst the might receive the duchy of Parma asa grant from est, of [Madruzzo] the cardinal of Trent, who seems in Charles V (ironically enough, Ottavio was to acquire conclave to have taken upon himself to obtain from BrusParma with Henry II’s support), and foresaw disaster _ sels the Emperor’s consent in Salviati’s favor; whereupon for both his brother’s interests and his own if Salviati his Majesty wrote him a letter of reproof [una lettera reascended the papal throne. During Paul III’slifetime 4u/fatoria|, desiring him for the future to attend to the Salviati had suffered injury in many ways, says Mas- €Xecution of his imperial Majesty’s commands, and never sarelli, and Alessandro feared his vengeance. In- 284! take upon himself to proceed or promise farther.

deed, Alessandro struggled throughout that mem- . ;

orable 2 February to recall Ranuccio, Sforza, and 34 1 the creven Vebruare wen crowed (irom

Gonzaga to their loyalty to the imperialists. qomety to ebruary) Salviati Charlee. a

The Gallican party also worked strenuously to PO" ® seventeen to nineteen votes. Charles V's capture the three defectors, ‘‘a quibus omnis adi- See lic to his election was too es however,

piscendi pontificatus spes Salviati pendebat.” At @7°°4 viati never received the votes of Ranuccio, length, however, Alessandro and the imperialists Sforza, and Gonzaga so that the flood of accessions extracted from the troublesome three the promise which their abandonment of the imperialist fac-

‘ut saltem per duos dies a conferendis votis in on might well have brought him never took Salviatum abstinerent, nihilque hoc medio tem- place. pore innovarent.”’ They would not give their votes

to Salviati for two days, andin the meantime they ~ 47 Massarelli, Diarrum guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

129-33, and, ibid., the selections from Sebastiano Gualterio, Lodovico Bondoni de’ Branchi (‘‘Firmanus’’), Pietro Paolo Gualterio ‘“‘de Brevibus,’’ and Cardinal Maffei in Merkle’s notes.

*© G. Buschbell, ed., Coneilium Tridentnum, XI (1937), no. *° Brown, Cal. State Papers... , Venice, V, no. 632, pp. 400, p. 525, and cf, above, note 11: “tY assi excluyendo los 301-2, letter dated at Brussels on 25 January, 1550, and cf. Franceses y los que podrian ser perniciosos y se sabe su intencion _ no. 640.

y actiones, como serian el card. Salviatis, Sancta Cruz *° Cf, Gerhard Miiller, “‘Die Kandidatur Giovanni Salviatis [Cervini], Ridolfi, Capo di Fero y Veraldo, contra los quales im Konklave 1549/50,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienhaveys de hazer todo lo ultimo de potencia para que no sean —ischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XLII-XLIII (1963), 435-52,

elegidos.. . .” with two letters from Pietro Bertano, bishop of Fano, to his

522 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Salviati had joined Carafa and Pole in defeat. Charles rejected the suggestion acri quodam iussu, Conditions in the conclave had become unsani- and Gonzaga relayed his answer to d’ Este in the tary, even revolting, a threat to the cardinals’ emperor’s own harsh terms without seeking for health. Every morning they celebrated mass, but the euphemisms which the cardinals usually emthe spiritual atmosphere was cheerless. Alessandro _ ployed in dealing with one another. D’ Este took

Farnese had been jolted by the upheaval in the offense, and as he was turning over the affront in ranks of the imperialists. Pietro Paolo Gualterio, his mind, del Monte came to see him to remonMaffei’s conclavist, informs us that on 5 Decem- strate against the insults which d’ Este’s friend ber—after two (or three) more fruitless scruti- Guise had been leveling at him. A number of pernies—Charles de Guise told some of his confréres sons had reported Guise’s unpleasant remarks to that he was now ready for a quick election (velle del Monte, to whom d’ Este now took a sudden se omnino cito papam creare). If he could not get fancy. The fact that del Monte and Gonzaga were Salviati elected, he wanted Cervini (to whom enemies helped d’ Este to perceive the inestimable Charles objected), but he would accept Sfondrato merits of his new-found friend. He decided, Says or Pole, the two latter being imperialist candi- Maffei, to bend all his efforts toward making del

dates.”° Monte pope.

In the political sparring in the conclave one was The cardinal of Ferrara had apparently just made often careful to say what he did not mean. Appar- del Monte’s peace with Guise when the latter ran

ently Guise did not want Gianmaria del Monte, into Guido Ascanio Sforza in the malodorous whom both he and Ippolito d’ Este declared openly _ halls of the conclave. Guise railed against the obto be “‘so superficial, so immoral, and so much un- _ stinacy of his colleagues in the Sacred College and worthy of the papacy that they would not give him _ their interminable scrutinies. Sforza replied that the their votes for anything!’’?! That Guise had been solution to their current problem lay with Guise. slandering del Monte is certainly true, for Maffe1 The French had destroyed Pole’s chance of election.

confirms the fact.?* Now they must give up their own candidate Salviati.

Ippolito d’ Este, the pro-French cardinal of Fer- They might support some other member of their rara, had also had his eye on the papal throne. His own party “who, although he may not be the person cousin Ercole Gonzaga had proposed his candi- whom they especially wanted, would at least be a

dacy to the Emperor Charles, who did not want man of reputation.”” The French had made their as pope any member of an Italian princely house. weight felt. A weariness and loathing for the conclave had overcome them all. If the Gallican party should continue to impede an election, there might elder brother Gurone, both dated at Brussels on 10 February, be a sudden withdrawal from their ranks, and they 1550 (from the Archivio Salviati in Pisa). In June, 1548, Pietro would lose out.

had been sent as papal nuncio to the imperial court. His dis- Guise agreed to give up Salviati. He then propatches have been published by Walter Friedensburg in a thick posed Marcello Cervini. Sforza declared that volume in the Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, I-11 (Berlin, Farnese and the imperialists could not accept him, Owing to Charles V’s unrelenting objections, Pietro Bertano whereupon Guise, passing over Marcello, Mensaw no hope for Salviati’s election in the current conclave, tioned del Monte in a rather roundabout fashion, which had ended two days before he wrote his letters. Pietro and finally suggested him, and to this Sforza gladly

1910, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1968). ; e .

wanted to see the aged Juan Alvarez de Toledo, essendo hormat and immediately agreed.” Sforza then asked Guise di settant’ anni, become pope. By helping to elect Juan Alvarez, to make up with Alessandro Farnese (ut. . . cum

however, and thereafter by playing up to Charles, Salviati could — .

probably be elected in the next conclave. The Bertano family Farnesio in gratiam redire vellet), for the two had was beholden to Salviati. Pietro was made a cardinal on 20 been set against each other since 19 January, when

II, 135, note 2. . . : . . :

November, 1551. Guise had accused Farnese of not keeping faith

50 p_| P. Gualterio ‘‘de Brevibus,’’ in Merkle, Conc. Trident., with him.®? They would need Farnese’s influence °! G. Ribier, Lettres et mémorres d’ estat, 11 (1666), 268, a letter to help achieve their objective. Guise was quite of Robert de la Marck to Anne de Montmorency, constable of willing to heal the breach.”*

France, dated at Rome on 28 May, 1550: **. . . qu’ ils le trou- It was after lunch on 7 February that Farnese, voient si leger, si vitieux, et tant indigne du Papat que pour walking along one of the halls of the conclave,

rien ils ne luy donneroient leurs voix.’’ De la Marck had just talked with Alessandro Farnese, who had told him a good deal about the conclave. 52 Bernardino Maffei, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 59, note 53 Massarelli, Diarnum guintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 1: Guise had publicly asserted **. . . Montanum vitam sacer- 100, entry for 19 January, 1550.

dotio indignam omnique impuritate refertam degere.”’ 54 Maffei, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, 135-36, note 2.

JULIUS Hl, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 523 came upon Ranuccio, Sforza, and Guise. The perience. He begged them unanimi voluntate to demeeting was doubtless not by chance. Farnese gave _ clare themselves for del Monte, whom (he claimed)

the three a friendly greeting, and they all fell into the greater part of the conclave approved of and conversation. Ranuccio and Sforza soon went their thought the best candidate. Further discord would way. Guise and Farnese became lost in earnest imperil the Apostolic See. The imperialist partisans discussion, says the latter’s conclavist Sebastiano did not take kindly to his appeal. Madruzzo’s cell

Gualterio, was in the Sala Regia, and the sound of remon. _ strance carried to the far corners of the conclave.””

, pay Juan

and although they seemed to have left their colloquy in Having achieved nothing with the emperor’s ecdisagreement, I myself saw their right hands joined on clesiastical servitors. Farnese decided to

their departure. Farnese summoned me afterwards, and Al Il. “and although he had alread ;

told me immediately to inform Cardinal del Monte that‘ varez a cali, and although ne na already Prom he and Guise would bring him on that very day the ised that he would support del Monte, "says Maffei, assurance of a greater joy than he had ever had. “nevertheless he declined to pay him homage [adoStraightway I carried out my orders, and asked del rare| that evening on the pretext that next morning Monte to await them both in his cell [in the Sala Ducale]. he hoped to gain the six others for the act of homage.’’ Otto von Truchsess was sent to the six 1mDel Monte, however, asked them not to pay him perialists whom Juan Alvarez claimed he wanted to

the proposed visit, since their coming to see him enlist on del Monte’s behalf, but they would not would cause the whole conclave to become sus- budge from their opposition to the latter’s being picious. Rumors would spread. He even asked that recognized as pope by an act of general adoratio. they should sit apart from him in the Cappella he imperialists had been caught off guard. After Paolina, where the cardinals spent the greater part another round of electioneering, Farnese returned

of the day. “And this was done.” to Juan Alvarez’s cell, where Pacheco and Cibo now At the hour of vespers Farnese secretly called — hetook themselves to warn both Juan Alvarez and Marcello Crescenzi into his cell, and (presumably Farnese that Charles V had already put del Monte with the latter’s assistance) prepared a list of the on the imperial blacklist, Montanum a Caesare veluti cardinals whom he believed likely to follow his lead. sibt suspectum exclusum esse. “‘But Farnese, reviewing

He sought out Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, who was ll, the tenor of all the emperor’s letters which had and suggested that if he wished to do his old friend _ been sent since the beginning of the conclave, easily del Monte a favor, he should summon Juan Alvarez, showed that it was not true.” Actually Charles V and ask him to consent to del Monte’s election. jad “excluded” del Monte (and de Cupis), but Diego While Carpi was soliciting Juan Alvarez’s vote, qe Mendoza, who sometimes played his own game, Farnese returned to the Paolina. Here he remained = hyad not explicitly confirmed the fact, apparently

with a number of other cardinals until about 6:00 thinking it unnecessary to add to the emperor’s P.M., ad primam usque noctis horam, after which he — enemies in the Sacred College.>°

left for Bernardino Maffei’s cell, whither he had his chief followers summoned one by one. They

included Crescenzi, Giannangelo de’ Medici (later as . — Pius IV), Sforza, Maffei, Durante de’ Duranti, Ja- ” Sebastiano Gualterto, In Merkle, Cone. Trident., II, 139. . . 40, note 2, and cf. Massarelli, Diarrum quintum, ibid., entry for

copo Savelli, Andrea Corner, Miguel de Silva, Otto 7 February, who gives a somewhat different account, and puts von Truchsess, and Giulio della Rovere. In the — Guise’s friendly meeting and agreement with Farnese her sero,

meantime Guise was trying to win over two or three during the evening of 6 February. members of the Gallican party to vote for del Monte. °° Maffei, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, 140a, note; Massarelli,

Soon after 6:00 the (not conclave was alive withaccompanied arin quintum, ibid. IJ, 141, who says Francisco de Men; . P.M. , oza Cibo) had Pacheco to that Juan Alvarez’s

rumor—hutus rei fama totum comilium pervagavit. cel] to warn him that del Monte was ‘“‘exclusus ab imperatore.”’

Presently Morone, Gonzaga, Bartolome de la According to Massarelli, who left the conclave on 5 February Cueva, Pacheco, Madruzzo, and Cibo, who were al] but filled in his diary from the account written by Maffei’s opposed to del Monte, gathered in Madruzzo’s cell. concavist retro rao’ Gualterio ‘“‘de Brevibus,” the Farnesiani

They were deep in discussion ap- var he inevitabil Med ld Erco'e Gonzaga to make ; o when him Farnese the inevitability of del Monte’s elevation and urge clear him

peared among them. He said that he was caught in to join the growing majority. Gonzaga apparently agreed to do the same necessity as they were, and that for the _ so, but then went off to Madruzzo’s cell, where he found Papublic good and for other reasons he had, along checo and Cueva, “‘simulque negotium perpendebant.”” Therewith Guise, consented to del Monte. He praised del Massarelli and Pietro Paolo) to Pole kor $0 we fo informen by

, ; ound with Otto

Monte at length, his knowledge of the law, the yon Truchsess. Maffei set about persuading them to climb blamelessness of his life, and his administrative ex- aboard with del Monte, which they said they would do when

524 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Miguel de Silva now joined the growing ranks the chorus of ‘adoration’? about to acclaim del of del Monte’s adherents. While Farnese was en- Monte pope. Morone and Cibo followed du Bellay gaged with Juan Alvarez, Pacheco, and Cibo—as into the Paolina, but not so Pacheco and Cueva, we are told by Cardinal Maffei—Charles de Guise Gonzaga and Madruzzo. They still remained loyal emerged from the cell of Jean de Lorraine. Twenty to a lost cause. For obvious reasons del Monte had cardinals followed him as he made his way “into not gone into the chapel, and Carpi, who had subthe chapel built by Paul III,’ warning Farnese that | scribed to del Monte’s elevation, was too sick to they should lose no time. Massarelli also states that do so. Guise had produced twenty-one votes for del Monte, Forty-one cardinals had thus gathered in the to which were to be added those of Silvaand Niccolo Pauline Chapel. The conclavists were told to leave. de’ Gaddi. Guise and his followers only needed an- ‘The door was locked. Almost immediately all those other eight votes to make del Monte pope. There _ present acclaimed del Monte pope, says Massarelli, were forty-seven cardinals now in the conclave so alta voce unanimiter, whereupon Farnese and Guise that thirty-one votes were required for a two-thirds’ left the chapel, and itunctis invicem manibus ran to majority. The Farnesiani had assembled in Maffei’s del Monte’s cell. They found him, says Maffei, seated cell, and now they all streamed out after Guise and — on a chest. Excited and joyful, they told him he had his twenty partisans. Farnese came along too, just been chosen pope. They kissed his knee in homage ahead of his own crew, proceeding arm-in-arm with — (genu exosculato adorant), the first to make obeisance

Juan Alvarez and Francisco de Mendoza, whom he _ to the new pontiff. They led him into the Paolina. had convinced that del Monte’s election was the The cardinals came forward to greet them, trying only way out of the impasse which had seemingly — to embrace all three. The names of the cardinals

scandalized Europe. present had already been written down as part of

Guise had noticed that the pro-French de Cupis _ the legal record. Now they advanced in a medley had not appeared. He sent Jean du Bellay and Ti- from all sides to salute his new Holiness, some berio Crispi to fetch him. Poor de Cupis, dean of | shouting, some speaking softly. No one could hear the Sacred College, had nurtured the hope of as- what del Monte said. The dean, de Cupis, admoncending the throne himself, ‘‘and he had persuaded _ ished them to have done with the tumult and con-

himself that he would be the one,’ says Maffei, fusion and in proper order to proceed to the “‘ad‘‘who was going to be elected supreme pontiff that — oration.” day.”’ He could hardly be induced to follow du Bel- De Cupis’s exhortation achieved some measure lay and Crispi. Next du Bellay went to Madruzzo’s _ of quiet in the chapel. A papal throne was brought cell to implore the six unyielding imperialists—Pa- in and placed before the altar. Del Monte sat upon checo, Cueva, Gonzaga, Morone, Cibo, and Ma- _ it. The cardinals took their usual places, sitting upon druzzo himself—to add their votes and voices to the little stools the conclavists had brought in. The master of ceremonies then read in a loud voice the names of all the cardinals present, ‘“‘who by their they were sure that he had a winning vote. At this point word ~—s ynanimous vote,” says Massarelli,

came to the Farnesiani that Guise and the French were pre- ; ; pared “‘ad adorandum cardinalem de Monte” if Cardinal Ales- Were NOW electing the most reverend lord Cardinal del sandro was also ready. He was. The two groups then began to | Monte as supreme pontiff, and in avowal thereof all [the organize themselves for the decisive assembly in the Cappella cardinals], beginning with the most reverend dean, went Paolina (Massarelli, Diartum quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., up to him as he sat on the pontifical throne, and after

II, 141-42). doing the accustomed reverence they kissed him. He

At this point de Brevibus adds: “In the meantime, coming _ received them all in a fatherly and loving fashion, not Pict of noes. cr vruensess (Augustanus] called to me: a without shedding tears. Not everyone had yet made his the election, and 1 have acceded to Pole. I have said thet he obeisance when the fourth hour of the night struck. is my choice for pope, that I would vote for him, and make It was 10:00 p.M. When the cerimonia adorationis my obeisance to him as pope. [I have said,] Let him see what was finally at an end, del Monte declared that he should be done, and that I would do what he did. The most had accepted election. He also requested the prep-

reverend [Cardinal Farnese] has had bad advisers. May God . ec . ty . grant that it turn out well for him! I have wanted to tell you aration of a public instrument in attestation

this so that you may be my witness.’ Then he asked me to call thereof, stating that if another scrutiny should be him if I saw Pole leave with the others [for the Paolina]. 1 held ‘‘with reference to the same election,” it could agreed to do so, and as I was leaving, Pole summoned me. He jin no way derogate from the action just taken in told me to call him when I saw as many cardinals [on their Way the conclave. Del Monte came of a family of lawyers; to the Paolina] as would suffice [to elect del Monte]’’ (Pietro —- . :

Paolo Gualterio de Brevibus, ibid., II, 141, note 2, and see p. 4 Jurist himself, he had been taught to think ahead.

141, note 2). After the proceedings the cardinals accompanied

JULIUS Il], TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 525 him to his cell. When they had got there, de Cupis mounted the throne, and received the “‘obedience”’ asked him what name he would choose. He replied of each member of the Sacred College. At 9:00 that he wished to be called Julius II] in memory of — A.M. (hora 15) Cardinal Innocenzo Cibo announced Julius II, who had first raised the del Monte family _ the election of Julius III to the populace. ‘The pope to eminence by making his uncle Antonio acardinal _ was then carried into S. Peter’s, where large num-

(in 1511). bers of people were allowed to press forward to kiss Shortly afterwards Madruzzo, Gonzaga, Pacheco, his foot. Thereafter he was borne, “tired and

and Cueva, who had declined ‘‘to accede with the — shaken,”’ into the Vatican Palace. A great crowd others to the adoratio,” also came to his celland did went with him, shouting “‘Viva il papa!’’?® homage. They offered an explanation for their de-

lay, which del Monte accepted graciously, saying Julius III’s election had been unexpected. Althat he understood they had had to respect certain though he had received ten votes on 12 December obligations. He would, however, always regardthem (1549), and nine on the following day, his overall as among his dearest brothers and sons, ““eosque average had been about five votes in each scrutiny,

benevolo hilarique vultu dimisit.”’ sometimes rising to seven or eight and frequently

Del Monte then tried to have his dinner, as did __ falling to two or three. Since Charles V and Henry the cardinals, but it was useless. Various nobles, II had strongly supported candidates of their own prelates, and members of the new pope’s house- choice, they were both bitterly disappointed in the hold burst into the conclave. They broke holes in final outcome of the conclave. The Roman popthe walls, knocked down doors, and shattered win- _ ulace, however, was delighted at long last to have dows. News of the election could not be kept se- a pope, and so was Cosimo I of Florence, who had cret. No one listened to orders, not even when wanted to see del Monte elected all along. Julius they came from the pope. Little sleep was had that began his reign with various gestures of generosnight, as the pope, the cardinals, and the conclav- ity, including the abolition of the mill-and-grain ists all took stock of the future, “‘rebus suis con- tax in Rome. sulentes.’’>”

The next day was a Saturday, 8 February (1550). It was the seventy-second day of the conclave. In 58 Massarelli, Diarium quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, the early morning at 6:00 A.M. (hora 12) the car- 143-44: "°°. . -magno comitante populo Ipsique pontifici vitam dinals began to call on del Monte, who was infor- would expect, in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii mally dressed but in pontifical garb. They had re- (from the Archivum Consistoriale), Reg. 7, fol. 35", by mod. quests to make or other matters to settle, after which stamped enumeration, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 9, fol. 121”. they went on to the Paolina. When del Monte left ©O"8 February Cardinal Charles de Guise wrote a long account hjISee . : d vlund d. Th of the conclave [to the Constable Anne de Montmorency?], Cen, It was torn to pleces and plun ere : € which is given in Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I, no. 386, pp. 350papal sacristan [Giovanni Jacopo Barba, bishop of 58, where the intriguing statement appears, ““Et quant a se

. . acclamante. . . .’’ Del Monte’s election is recorded, as one

Teramo| said mass in the Paolina, where del Monte ___ pape, il me jura plusieurs fois avant son élection, le jour mesme

now in habitu cardinalis sat in his usual place, after qu! fust esleu le lendemain, ce qu’ il m’ a ordinairement depuis Salviati “qui est episcopus Portuensis. et pontifex conferme, qu’ il observeroit certains articles que J’ ay mis icy

‘ . : i, ° dedans en chiffres, que je supplie le roy veoir. . . .’’ These

erat Praenestinensis.’’ A scrutiny was taken. All the “articles” appear to be lost. ballots bore only del Monte’s name except for his On 4 February, 1550 (Ven. style 1549), the doge and Senate own, on which he had written the name of Juan expressed their distress at Cardinal Ridolfi’s death on 31 January, Alvarez de Toledo. the cardinal bishop of Burgos. and on 11] February they wrote to congratulate Julius III upon NOw delaeMont , lad j | his accession (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fols. 132” [152°], 134° onte was Clad in papal vestments, [154"]). Briefs of various dates in February (1550) to Charles

V, Philip [II], and Ferdinand, the Doge Francesco Dona and the Venetian Senate, Charles of Savoy, Granvelle, Ferrante Gonzaga, Henry II, and others, announcing “‘assumptio ad 57 Maffei, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 140, note, and Mas- summum pontificatum nostra,’ may be found in the Arch. sarelli, Diartum quintum, ibid., 11, 142-43. The following day, Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 2, esp. fols. 4-28. 8 February, Giulio Sertorio, archbishop of S. Severina, wrote Various letters addressed to the Sacred College, especially Duke Ercole II d’ Este of Ferrara: ‘“Questa mia brevemente __ by officials of the ‘‘stato ecclesiastico,’’ during the conclave of sara per basciare la mano a vostra Excellentia et per dirlich’ heri 1549-1550 may be found in the Vatican Lettere di principi, di sera alle 4 hore di notte e mezzo [about 10:30 P.M.] fo creato vol. XVI. They relate to the affairs of the papal states. Among papa il reverendissimo di Monte come all’ improviso. . . . | them was an autograph letter, signed, by Michelangelo (from Questa mattina li reverendissimi cardinali |’ hano adorato nella — the year 1550), which was removed from this volume (at fols. cappella del conclave . . .”’ (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Can- 484, 489, by mod. stamped enumeration [fol. 268 by original

celleria ducale: Ambasciatori, agenti, etc., Busta 48, no. enumeration]), according to a note dated 18 October, 1928,

279 /6). of the late prefect of the Archives, Angelo Mercati.

526 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In accordance with the capitulation of 19 No- Massarelli dwells on Julius III’s incredibilis erga vember (1549),°” he ordered the restoration of omnes liberalitas, and indeed his liberality was apParma to Ottavio Farnese on 9 February (1550), parently excessive. Upon his election Julius gave which Massarelli calls the “‘prima dies pontificatus up the bishopric of Pavia, which he placed at the sui.’’ Camillo Orsini had insisted upon holding disposal of Ercole Gonzaga, at whose request GiParma, as we have seen, until the election ofa new _ rolamo Rossi was reappointed to the see. Rossi had

pope, whose orders he would presumably obey. been removed in 1540-1541, owing to his inOrsini now claimed that he had expended 20,000 volvement in a homicide and other crimes, but he ducats or “‘scudi” in custodia ipsius civitatis, for was a friend of Ferrante Gonzaga, the imperial which he demanded reimbursement. Since Otta- (and imperious) governor of Milan. After his nomvio did not have the money, Julius ordered the ination to the see of Pavia (in 1544) Julius—as sum to be paid for him, and Orsini gave up the Cardinal del Monte and president of the Council

city without more ado.”° of Trent—had been cited to appear before two

lay judges, who were senators in Milan. In Mas-

—_—_— sarelli’s opinion the citation had been an absolute °° Cf, Massarelli, Diarrum quintum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., outrage (res inaudita et memoratu digna).

II, 16, and see above, p. 506. Ferrante claimed that because of the crimes of °° Massarelli, Diarium sextum [de pontificatu Iulii III Pontificis del Monte’s predecessor—his own good friend— Maximi. . .], in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 152, 154, 162. On the fiefs of the bishopric of Pavia had devolved

10 February, 1550, Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo’s conclavist the i al fi The fiefs ; tj

Antonio Maria di Savoia di Collegno wrote Duke Ercole II upon Imperial Msc. © ets tn question were d’ Este of Ferrara, ‘‘La creatione tanto e tanto desiderata da seized when del Monte refused to obey the citamolti et molti, vostra Eccellentia ne debbe essere stata ragualiata. tion, “‘so that all may see what order is kept in that . . .Hieri il papa reconfirmo il signor Duca Ottavio confaloniere — state of Milan under our emperor,” Massarelli had della Chiesa et il fece capitano generale con XII {m.] scudi di written (on 15 March, 1548),

provisione ordinaria. . . . [He had also designated Girolamo Sauli, archbishop of Bari,] qual hogi partira per far remettere — and, what is worse, it was done in such fashion that, the Parma al sudetto signor duca. . .” (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cardinal being deprived of the fiefs, they are being restored

Cancelleria ducale: Ambasciatori, agenti, etc., Busta . , the to the lord Girolamo himself48, . . . sonos. that neither 277/14 and 279/9). Cf Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I, no. 429, p. Church he fi h dinal . hej 414, and G. de Leva, Storia documentata di Carlo V, V (1894), snurch nor the nsc nor ¢ e cardinal [receives the income],

113-14. but that murderer will squander the goods of the On 11 February the Venetian Senate addressed a stilted Church!®!

Latin letter of congratulation to the new pontiff (cf, above, f ,

note 58), and wrote Matteo Dandolo, the Republic’s ambas- Ercole Gonzaga Was Of course Ferrante S sador in Rome, of their pleasure in Cardinal del Monte’s elec- brother, and he had opposed del Monte’s election tion, ‘‘onde habbiamo subito fatto far segni di allegrezza in for fear lest as pope del Monte should take venquesta nostra citta, et havemo ordinato che li stesso si faccia in geance for the injuries and abuse he had suffered

tutte le altre terre et luoghi del dominio nostro.”’ At the same f the Rossi affair. As M 1];

time the Senate provided for an embassy of obedience of “‘four asa consequence 0 € OSSI a air. AS Nlassaren of our leading nobles” to go to Rome; they were to have more describes the grants which Julius III was now makthan twenty-five horses and a proper display of grooms and ing (on 9 February, 1550), one can only think of servants (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fols. Juvenal’s line facit indignatio versum when Massa-

134-35 [154—55]). In informing the Venetian bailie in Istanbul iF 5 . to ' the ; relli comes to Rossi’s pardon andvostro restoration of Julius III’s election, Senate added, “‘. . . ad aviso f... soa Beatitudine é italiano, toscano di natione, et di eta di anni the sad see of P ava. Furthermore, despite the incirca 62” (ibid., fol. 137" [157"]). Julius made the usual cour- juries which Julius had received at Ferrante Gonteous rejoinders to the usual diplomatic effusions which accom- Zaga’s hands, he forgave him, and actually prepanied papal elections (ibid., Reg. 67, fols. 1-2" [21-22"}). sented him with 4,000 ducats from the “spoils” On 17 March the Senate also wrote the bailie in Istanbul of Ottavio Farnese’s restoration to Parma, ‘“‘. . . che creato il

summo pontefice sua Sanctita de more fo coronata con grande =~ honore et applauso de tutta Roma, la quale havendo mandato __ not accepted by the imperialists (cf. Massarelli, op. cit., in Merkle,

ordine a Parma per la consignatione di quella terra al Duca _ II, 191, entries for mid-September, 1550, and de Leva, Stora Ottavio, figholo del quondam duca di Piasenza, esso Duca Ot- — documentata di Carlo V, V [1894], 122-30 and ff.). tavio € intrato et ha habuto il possesso di Parma”’ (Sen. Secreta, 5! Massarelli, Diarium quartum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I

Reg. 67, fol. 9° [29°}). (1901), 752, and on the succession in the see of Pavia, note

Among the doubtful tales circulating about Julius III’s reckless | Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica,

unconcern for money was one to the effect that when he was _ III (1923, repr. 1960), 269. On 17 November, 1550, Julius told Camillo Orsini wanted not 20,000 scudi but 25,000, he | welcomed Girolamo Rossi to Rome, ‘‘et hodie primum deosaid to give him 30,000! (Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I, no. 422, — sculatus est pedes Sanctitatis suae in arce S. Angeli, receptus pp. 403-4, note 2, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI [repr. 1957], — hilari vultu et animo”’ (Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle,

41-42). The papal cession of Parma to Ottavio Farnese was Conc. Trident., 11 [1911], 201).

JULIUS HI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 527 or the estate of Benedetto Accolti (d. 21 Septem- Charles V and Henry II. The latter regarded the ber, 1549), the cardinal of Ravenna, another un- Lutherans—and the Turks—as welcome allies

savory friend of the Gonzagas.”* against the Hapsburgs. It was always papal policy

Madruzzo, who was one of the four recalcitrant to be anti-Lutheran and anti-Turkish. Julius had imperialists that held out against Julius III’s elec- begun his public career as archbishop of Siponto tion, had been trying for more than two years to by preaching against the Turks at the fifth session collect 10,000 ducats from the Holy See for the of the Lateran Council (on 16 February, 1513, expense he claimed he had been put to during the when he was twenty-five years of age). ‘The Hapsperiod the council was lodged in his episcopal city burgs and the Valois, however, clashed on every of Trent. Neither Paul III nor, after his death, the front. The emperor’s refusal to recognize Ottavio Sacred College had seen fit to meet the claim. As Farnese as duke of Parma (and his refusal to return Massarelli observes, Madruzzo might well have Piacenza, which the imperialists had occupied afexpected even less consideration from Julius but, ter the murder of Ottavio’s father Pierluigi) was

no, the new pope settled for double the sum re- driving Ottavio into the arms of the French. quested. He ordered that the lord cardinal of Henry II became quite willing to see Ottavio in Trent be paid 20,000 ducats for the ‘‘incommoda_ Parma; in fact he would help him to get there and

et damna”’ he said he had suffered.®” to stay there. Henry did not want to see the council On 16 February (1550) Julius designated Pedro in Trent, but Charles was determined it should de Toledo, brother and conclavist of Cardinal Juan resume its sessions there. Julius wanted to reconAlvarez, as his envoy to the Emperor Charles V._ cile not only the Hapsburgs and the Valois—the Don Pedro was to tell the emperor that Julius had tranquillity of his reign required it—but also the sought no cardinal’s vote and had engaged in no Gonzagas and the Farnesi.°° Pleasure-loving and intrigue “‘per venire al pontificato.’”’ Peace was re- indecisive, fearful and inconsistent, Julius proved

quired to deal with the two great afflictions of unequal to the responsibilities which, faute de Christendom, the Lutherans and the Turks. Don mieux, the conclave had thrust upon him. Pedro was to convey the pope’s appeal to Charles Julius was crowned about 2:00 P.M. on 22 Febto reach ‘a true and perfect union and friendship ruary “‘solemniter cum maxima pompa” on the and understanding . . . with the most Christian steps of S. Peter’s in the presence of forty-two carking [Henry II] and the other Christian kings and_ dinals and the various ambassadors to the Holy princes.’’ Don Pedro’s instructions also contain the See. Massarelli believed that never had such a suggestion that Julius was willing to resume the pro- crowd been seen in Rome as people flocked torogued council.°* Four days later Julius named gether to witness the coronation. Thereafter Julius Alessandro Rosetto, an abbot and apparently acon- gave a dinner for the cardinals and ambassadors clavist of Charles de Bourbon, to go on a similar in the Sala di Costantino in the Vatican Palace.

mission to Henry II. On the morning of the twenty-fourth he began

Time would take the measure of Julius’s reign, the jubilee year 1550 by gathering with the carbut everything would depend on his relations with dinals and a host of prelates in the Sistine Chapel, where they donned the prescribed vestments, and

— then descended to the portico of S. Peter’s, each

°2 On the disreputable career of Benedetto Accolti, note holding a lighted wax taper. Prayers were read Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V (repr. 1956), 219-20, and E. Massa, and sung before the walled-up Porta Santa, the in the DizionarioDiarium biografico degh italiani, 1 (1960), 101-2. side entrance Massarelli, sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., WU, . . on the right. The pope struck the

151-53, and note, ibid., p. 234, lines 26-32. portal with a [silver] hammer. Then everyone

et potenza de Infidel... . .

°4 Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, I, no. 389, pp. 364-67: . . .tanto went to work “‘so that in scarcely the twinkling of per la ostinasione et mataden heretici quanto per lainsolenza an eye the wall was demolished, the door was bs Massarelli, Diarrum sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, opened, the pope went through first with bared

155; Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 1, no. 390, pp. 368-69. Druffel head, and all the cardinals and prelates foldates Pedro de Toledo’s instructions and those of Rosetto on lowed.”®" Thereafter the world could enter. 18 and 20 February. Cf Anton Pieper, Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien in Deutschland, Frankreich und Spanien, Munster 1.

W., 1897, pp. 3-6, 139-40, with emendations of Druffel’s texts. °° Cf. the postscript to Julius’s instructions to Pedro de Toledo Both Druffel and Pieper call Rosetto a conclavist of Cardinal — in Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 1, no. 389, p. 367. de Guise. Merkle, II, 155, note 5, says that he may have been 87 Massarelli, Diarzum sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., U, a conclavist of Georges d’ Amboise, cardinal of Rouen. However, 156-57; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii (from the Massarelli, II, 125, col. 2, assigns him to Charles de Bourbon, Arch. Consistoriale), Reg. 7, fol. 35", and Acta Miscellanea,

cardinal of Vendome. Reg. 9, fol. 121°: “* . . . Die Sabati XXII eiusdem [mensis

528 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Julius III was tall in stature, witha flowing beard _ greatest honor’’ in the Aula Secunda [Sala Ducale],

and the look of a peasant, small-mouthed and big- which must have needed a good deal of cleaning nosed, coarse in manner and often in speech, after the conclave. And the first cardinal he created short-tempered but good-natured, inconstant, was Innocenzo del Monte, his nepos adoptivus, whose light-hearted, and given to the enjoyment of life. __ ill-advised nomination was made on 30 May (1550)

More of a glutton than a gourmet, he enjoyed ata secret consistory held in the Sala di Costantino. rustic et crasswores cibi, especially big onions which On 4 March Julius had received a letter dated were shipped to him from Gaeta. He enjoyed mu- 22 February from the papal nuncio at Henry II’s sic and theatrical performances, and was fond of court. The nuncio had written that the king, the hunting, when his gout allowed, as well as of gam- queen, and all the nobles at court had greeted the bling, with which the gout did not interfere. Ac- news of his election with ‘“‘unbelievable joy,”’ which cording to Onofrio Panvinio, Johann Sleidan, and Julius must indeed have found unbelievable. A Matteo Dandolo, Julius’s morals were suspect. similar letter dated 25 February from Pietro BerDandolo informs us that while Julius was legate in _ tano, bishop of Fano and nuncio at the imperial Parma, he kept an ape, which on one occasion he court, which was then in Brussels, brought word saw entangled with a street urchin [un piccolo fur- of Charles V’s pleasure in the election, which was fantello|, who managed bravely to free himself and no less of an exaggeration.

even return for another encounter with the ape. Every day Julius found something new to do. Julius took a great liking to the boy, and brought On 12 March he went to the Castel S. Angelo, him into his household as if he were a son or a_ where he dined and spent the night, doubtless ennephew. What is more, Julius had his brother Bal- _joying himself as he examined the treasure of jew-

duino [Baldovino] adopt the boy, to whom they els, precious stones, and gold and silver vessels. gave the name Innocenzo del Monte. Innocenzo’s_ _ Disappointment, however, lay in the fact there was

career was to be the major scandal of his bene- no money to be found in the Castello. Paul III had

factor’s reign.” left 260,000 ducats, which had all been spent durThe first signs of Julius III’s devotion to histam- ing the interregnum except for 12,000 ducats,

ily, after his election, appeared on 26 February when ‘“‘quae iam consumpta sunt.”’ Julius and the Curia

his brother Balduino came to live as his guest at had already gone through that modest balance.®® the Vatican Palace, being given an apartment in His reign had begun. Money was a problem. It the Torre Borgia. The first secret consistory of his would always be a problem. reign was held on 28 February when he expressed Massarelli’s sixth diary covers the first year and his intention of reforming the Church and of trying a half of Julius’s reign day by day, giving us an to bring about peace in Europe. The first audience _ insight into affairs and events at the Curia and in he granted a visitor of royal status came a few days Rome not unlike that provided by Johann Burlater when he received Margaret, Charles V’s nat- chard’s ceremonial diary of a half century earlier. ural daughter and Ottavio Farnese’s wife, ‘‘withthe The dukes of Urbino and Ferrara came to Rome in person to render public obedience to the new Februarii] quo celebratur festus catedre Sancti Petri [i.e., the Pope; while Charles V sent a Spanish noble, Don ‘festa della cattedra di S. Pietro in Antiochia’| Sanctitas Sua Luis de Avila, and Henry II instructed his amcelebravit missam in Sancto Petro et accepit coronam ab... bassador Claude d’ Urfe, ad deosculandos pedes reverendissimo Innocentio [Cibo] cardinali. Die lune XXIIII

eiusdem quo celebrabatur festus Sancti Matthie ApostoliSanc- | titas Sua aperuit Portam Iubilei.”’ On the negotium Iubilae: and

the late opening of the Porta Santa, cf. the Vatican Lettere di °° Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, principi, vol. XVI, fol. 452", by mod. stamped enumeration. 157-61, 174-75. Balduino del Monte was lodged in the Borgia On the ceremony attending the opening of the Porta Santa Apartments (:bd., II, 183, entry for 23 July, 1550). On Julius from the time of Alexander VI, see Herbert Thurston, The _ III’s grants of governorships (gubernia) to his brother and nephRoman Jubilee, London, 1925, pp. 43 ff., who gives (opp. p. 54) — ews, note, ibid., p. 184, entry for 28 July.

a picture of the silver-gilt jubilee hammer, attributed to Ben- The dissolute Innocenzo del Monte was to find life difficult venuto Cellini, which Julius III used on 24 February, 1550. under Paul IV and Pius IV, and five years after his “‘uncle”’ This book is an abridgment of Thurston’s The Holy Year of Ju- Julius’s death Innocenzo was imprisoned by Pius IV (in 1560).

bilee, London, 1900. Thereafter he fled from Rome to Florence and Venice, ac°§ Panvinio, Sleidan, and Dandolo, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., _ cording to a report circulating in Rome (on 14 August, 1565): II, 147-48, and note 4; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), ‘‘Per Roma é fama che il Cardinal de Monte poi che di qua

38-40, 47-55; and see esp. Matteo Dandolo’s report to the fuggi a Firenze, non tenendosi troppo sicuro 1a, di nuovo é Venetian Senate on 20 June, 1551, after his return from Rome, fuggito et venuto a Ventetia [sic] (Avist delli avenimenti del in Eugenio Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, mondo perl’ anno 1565, in Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat.

ser. II, vol. III (1846), pp. 354-56. 1041, fol. 72°, by mod. stamped enumeration).

JULIUS II, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 529 Sanctitatis suae. Julius had set aside 24 March to Lutherans should be received and heard if they take possession of the Lateran, ‘‘the first church should come to the Council, and what they must and the head of all the churches in the whole accept as to the decrees touching upon religious world,” the popes’ cathedral church in Rome. The dogmas thus far published at Trent.’’’* It was well procession was halted, however, by a driving rain, known that the Lutherans would want to start from and the possesso had to be postponed toa later date. scratch—and that they had rejected the decree on The pope took refuge in the Dominican con- _justification—while the Curia Romana insisted upon vent of S. Maria sopra Minerva, where he spent _ the sacrosanct retention of all the dogmatic decrees the night, ‘‘which he did the more willingly since which had been passed at Trent. the next morning a solemn pontifical mass was to be celebrated there, at which his Holiness wished As far as Europe was concerned, the Turks had to be present.” The following day (25 March) was _ been quiet for some years. The Hapsburg-Ottoman the feast of the Annunciation of the Virgin. After peace of 1545 had been renewed in 1547, but the the mass, in accordance with a custom decades old, Venetians continued to collect the clerical tithes 150 poor girls were given in marriage. Each re- which (as we have seen) Paul III] had granted them.

ceived as a dowry “150 old florins, which are There can be no doubt that the expenses of the worth forty gold scudi.’’ The pope himself gave Serenissima were high. Caution was the watchword each of the virgines pauperes a white silk purse con- of the Republic. The corsairs were an everlasting

taining the money.’ menace. Also, despite the peace, Venetian galleys

Julius did not find time for the possesso until 24 were on constant guard against the Turks in the June (1550), the feast of S. John the Baptist. Since Adriatic and Ionian Seas and in the waters around S. John’s day was (and still is) a day of celebration Crete and Cyprus. At a meeting of the Senate on in Florence, the Florentines in Rome wanted to 4 July, 1549, the proposal was made to impose a give the populace “‘aliqua spectacula”’ in honor of general levy of 100,000 ducats on the mainland their patron saint. Apparently the chief spectacle, territories of the Republic, half of which was to be in Massarelli’s mind at least, was not the bull fights paid the following month and the other half in Dein the (then) Piazza Ponte S. Angelo, but a cember. Those who paid within the specified periods daredevil Turk’s ascent by a rope to the marble would receive a ten-percent reduction of their as-

angel atop the Castello.”! sessment.’> The Senate had come to rely upon the

Julius seems to have enjoyed the daily round of _ periodic collection of tithes, and would not willingly

ceremonies in the Sistine and Pauline Chapels, in give them up. S. Peter’s and the other churches in Rome, and In 1550 Alvise Lippomano, the Venetian bishop especially the dinners at the Vatican and elsewhere, of Verona (and the ‘“‘third president” of the Counas for example at Margaret of Austria’s “Villa Ma- cil of Trent in 1551), lodged a complaint at the dama”’ on the north slope of Monte Mario. But his Curia concerning the tithes health Was not good, and he suffered from gout, which the Venetians are demanding without consulting arthritis, and “catarrh.” The imperial ambassador the pope, for Paul III had given the Venetians the right Diego de Mendoza had begun pressing for the re- to collect a tithe. . . in the event of the Turk’s ranging sumption of the council at Trent, and most of the _ the Adriatic Sea. Now, however, although the Turk is cardinals believed that the pope should accede to not a menace at sea, the Venetians are still demanding the emperor’s wishes. When Sebastiano Pighino, — the tithe. And this seems a burdensome and shameful now the archbishop of Siponto (Manfredonia), left thing to Julius iif, although he does not appear at presRome on 2 July (1550) to go as apostolic nuncio to €nt to be making a serious issue of it, lest the public the imperial court, his instructions were “‘among PE8Ce be disturbed.

other things that he should promise his imperial During Suleiman’s absence in Persia, although Majesty the continuance of the Council in the city _ the Hapsburg-Ottoman peace had been kept, the of Trent under certain conditions, namely that it should be done with the goodwill of the king of

—— 166-81. France and with the clarification of how the German

72 Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

™ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 101” [121°]: “. . . che ’I sia

70 Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, | imposto uno sussidio de ducati cento mille alla terra ferma.”’

162-65. 74 Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I,

II, 179. 27 August.

7! Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 183, entry for 19 July, 1550, and cf, ibid., II, 188, entry for

530 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Hungarians had been having trouble with the cemetery to the east of the mosque lies Suleiman’s Turks, especially in Transylvania. King Ferdinand _ tiirbe and that of his wife Roxelana. It was a peace-

was still in close touch with Brother George ful year—1550—as far as the Turks were con(Gyorgy) Martinuzzi, the late King John Zapolya’s cerned.’®

first minister throughout the last years of his reign Julius III possessed a pope’s natural curiosity (1534-1540). Martinuzzi was trying to assert his concerning the Gran Turco. Shortly after his rule in Zapolya’s old principality of Transylvania accession he asked Matteo Dandolo, the Venetian and to remove Zapolya’s troublesome widow ambassador, about Suleiman’s sons. Apparently Queen Isabella from the political scene. Marti- Dandolo was unable to provide the pope with the nuzzi’s policy is not crystal-clear, but he obviously information he sought, but on 8 March (1550) the tried to maintain the independence of Hungary, Senate sent their ambassador the following facts which was hopelessly caught between Austria and _ to pass on to his Holiness:

rte. ination was inevitable, which he , oy.

the Forte. Ti Gominatior a mit. rare, wie re. Et quanto alla dimanda che la [Beatitudine del pontefice]

fer, 4 Ch OMY ee ca to he | ; a p 5 viha fatto circa li figlioli del Signor Turco, vi dicemo che

erre ristian “Austria to the islamic Forte. Ve- Mustafa é il primo, il qual tien nella Amasia. I] secondo spite her own fear and distrust of the Turks, Is- @ Sultan Selim, che é in Andrinopoli, del qual fa mention abella (who had come to hate Martinuzzi) had il summario che vi mandamo [of which the text is not appealed to the Porte early in the year 1550, and _ given], et é figliolo della presente soltana ditta la Rossa in the spring Suleiman sent the cha’ ush Mahmud [Roxelana], della qual non € nato Mustafa. I] terzo, Soltan into Transylvania to deliver a firman to the Hun- _ Baiesit, qual tien a Cogna in la Caramania, et il quarto garians, Szekels [Magyars], and Saxons of the prin- Sultan Giangir, il qual sta con il padre, nati etiam questi cipalitv. warning them to remove Martinuzzi from doi della ditta soltana presente, i] che vi dicemo accio ne position se 8 d him in chains to the Porte. and °°" la occasione lo possiate dir a soa Sanctita per intelli-

; oO entia soa.”

henceforth to recognize no other authority than 8 that of Isabella and her intriguing minister Peter The Venetians tried to keep abreast of what was

Petrovic. going on in Istanbul. Quite apart from the Levantine Suleiman also ordered the pashas of Buda and

Belgrade as well as the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia fo give isabella such armed assistance as “© Cf, von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I] she might request. Volatile and vindictive, Isabella (1828, repr. 1963), 287-90, trans. J. J. Hellert, Hist. de l’ empire

seemed not to understand that she was putting a ottoman, VI (1836), 16-19, 88 ff., and see especially Og. Utienoose around her own neck as well as around Mar- Senovic, Lebensgeschichte des Cardinals Georg Utiesenovi, genannt

tinuzzi’s. She had previously been in favor of reach- Martinusius, Vienna, 1 B81, Pp. eno Sultan Sule;

ing an understanding Ferdinand, which had ye eee ee > ouan surcuman wrote ; . the Dogewith Francesco Dona in acknowledgment of the joy (somma

become Martinuzzi s policy so long as the Hapsburgs letitia) which Caterino Zeno, the Republic’s envoy to the Porte,

would provide them with men and money against _ had officially expressed over the Ottoman victories in Persia the Turks. She also seemed to have forgotten that andthe sultan’s safe return from the campaign. Of larger interest when in 1541 Martinuzzi had himself appealed to _ te Suleiman, presumably, was the fact that Zeno had brought Suleiman for aid against Ferdinand, the Zapolyas (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, currently in Busta had lost Buda and a good deal of Hungary. Mar- 2). Suleiman’s letter is dated HI dec. Ramadan, A.H. 957, tinuzz1i had not forgotten. He was ready to see Is- “‘data in Constantinopoli alli ultimi della luna di Ramazan 956, abella and John Sigismund give up the crown of S. cio é nell’ anno 1549.”’ The letter was ‘‘tradotta per me Matthio

. . . . , the 8,000 ducats’ annual “‘pension’’ for the island of Cyprus

, 75, atta li ,cloe...1 so

Stephen in accord with the peace of Grosswardein varucmn n_the back . ie appears the annotation (Nagyvarad) of 24 February, 1538."° Isabella had As we have seen, however, Suleiman did not return to Istanbul no intention of doing so, however, and the crisis — until 21 December, 1549, and so the letter translated by Matteo

continued. Marucini could not have been dated in III dec. Ramadan, A.H. In Istanbul, Suleiman recovered from the hard- 9° (=21~30, IX, 956 = 13-22 October, 1549, by which time

f the dition.expe In 1550 he was Suleiman notthat yet returned the Bosporus). other ShiIps ofPersi the erslan : . documents, ibid.,had show CaterinotoZeno was in theThree Turkish laying the foundations of his great mosque, the capital in September, 1550, having delivered to the Porte the Siileymaniye Camii, and going over the plans with Cypriote ‘‘pension,”’ i.e., ‘‘scritta a di 21 della luna de Remasan the Ottoman architect Sinan. The finest building 957, che vien a esser millesimo Christiano nel mese de settembre

on bul. it to be finished in 1557. In the 1550. In Constantinopoli. Tradotto per Michiel Membre inin istanbul, it was to be hnis ! : terprete.’’ Contrary to the text, the twenty-first of the month of Ramadan, A.H. 957, does not fall in the month of September,

1550, but comes on 3 October.

”® See above, Chapter 11, p. 434. 7” Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 6’—7" [26°-27°].

JULIUS II, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 531 trade, which depended largely upon Turkish suf- siglio. The motion was not put into effect, but the ferance, Venice was still paying the Porte the 500 serious consideration it received shows that the ducats’ “‘pension’”’ for Zante and the 8,000 for Cy- Senate had no intention of allowing undue eccleprus as well as being mulcted of frequent gifts of — siastical influence in the determination of affairs velvet, damask, scarlet cloth, clocks, money, and _ of state.®! other things.’® When Julius III was moved by cu- While there were many members of the Senate

riosity or anxiety to know what the Turks were prepared to keep the relatives of cardinals and doing or saying, he would usually ask Dandolo. curialists from sitting in the Collegio, there were When the latter had nothing to tell him, asin Sep- few who did not hearken to every request from tember, 1550, he wrote the Signoria for the news the Porte. On 6 September (1550) the Senate from the Porte, only to be told that they had re- wrote the Venetian ambassador and bailie in Isceived no word of affairs in Istanbul for some time. _ tanbul that they were sending 300 panes of glass As soon as they had learned anything worthy of his (li pezzi 300 vert de cristalo) which Rustem Pasha Holiness’s attention, however, they would not fail had requested of the bailie “‘to put in the windows

to send it on to Rome.”” of the palace which is being built for that most

Like the Hapsburgs, Julius III kept a wary eye serene lord [the sultan].’’ The panes had been on the Lutherans and the Turks. The Hapsburgs loaded aboard the Alberta, whose skipper was Zuan had not been enthusiastic about del Monte’s elec- Laurana. They were packed in three large cases tion, nor had the Venetians, although both had _ sealed with the stamp of S. Marco. They had been had no practicable alternative to the outwardly cut to the measurements the bailie Alvise Renier

gracious reception of the news of his elevation. had sent, and were being consigned to him for Matteo Dandolo reported from Rome that Julius delivery to the Porte, where he should explain had said the Venetians were obviously not worried ‘‘that we send them as a gift to his imperial Majabout heretics and Lutherans, la poca cura che si esty, and we want to believe. . . that they will be tiene in questa citta contra li heretici et Lutherani, since _ pleasing to his Majesty, because we are informed

they were loath to admit the jurisdiction of the that they are of beautiful quality... .”°° Inquisition into Venetian territory. The Senate As the Alberta pulled out of port, prayers were protested, however, against the pope’s statement doubtless said for her safety. The seas were alive in a prolonged session on 12 April (1550), and ~~ with danger. There were corsairs everywhere, Usagain in a letter to Dandolo three days later, even _koks, Greeks, Turks, and Portuguese. It was the

obedience to the pope.*° el . as they were preparing to send an embassy of

Over the years the Holy See had more trouble _, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 50°51" [70"-71"]: “Sono sta with Venice than with any other state in the pen- ce een - eee 1 nostri ac plu fiate diverse provisione circa insula. When relations with the Holy See had a ricercato, et perche al presente si conosce esser bisogno de bearing upon the interests of the Venetian state, doversene far anco de maggiori per beneficio delle cose nostre members of the Senate with close clerical ties were 9°" se die mancar de provederli con ogni celerita, et pero: commonly excluded from the vote. On 10 July, Baers Parte che per auttonita de eee conseghio sia preso 1550, an effort was made, without success, to re- di alcun cardinale o di vescovo che non facci la residentia al move them from the Collegio entirely. Fathers, suo vescovato non possi piu esser del collegio nostro, et la pre-

’ " } e cose dei papalisti secondo che le occorentie di tempi hano

. padre, fratello, figliolo o zenero

brothers, sons, and sons-in-law of cardinals and of — sente parte non se intendi presa se la non sera etiam posta et bishops who did not reside in their dioceses were PTe*4 nel nostro mazor conseglio.’’ The Senate returned to the

not henceforth to sit in the Collegio. The measure", day (11 July) when the effort wasvirtute made . to drop the the following motion, which also failed: “‘nihil captum would require the approval of the Maggior Con- legis in materia deliberativa, sed ponetur in subsequenti consilio

rogatorum.” Indecisive votes on 18 July led to the conclusion ‘‘che essa materia sia pro nunc sospesa et differita.”’ *? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 67" [87"]. The Turkish envoy, ’® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 83" [103], 103 [123%], 129” | who had been in Venice in late July and early August, 1550, [149°], 163” [183"], 165°-166" [185%-186'], 173" [193"], 197" had asked for a red gown (una veste di scarlato) for Mehmed [217°], and Reg. 68, fols. 11% [31°], 60°-61" [80°-81"], 65"[85"], | Pasha, the beylerbey of Greece, and this was also being sent 70° [90%], 79” [99°], 100% [120"], 101° [121%], 117° [137"], 121” aboard the Alberta under the bolla di San Marco. The Signoria

[141°], etc., the last reference also making allusion toa Turkish had not wanted to give the scarlet material to the Turkish

gift to Venice. envoy, thinking that a bad practice; hence the bailie would soon 79 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 70°[90°], letter to Dandolo receive the cloth, ‘‘which we are told is very fine and beautiful;”’

dated 3 October, 1550. and he was to hold it until the beylerbey should send someone

°° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 17"-18" [37'-38"], 20" [40°], for it (ibid.). Other gifts of clothing were also sent on board the 29 [42]. Alberta (ibid., fol. 73" [93"}).

532 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT age of Portuguese enterprise. The hardy seamen Although it must have taken some time to rebuild of Lisbon had not only infuriated Sultan Suleiman _ his power at sea, by the time of Barbarossa’s death by rounding the Cape of Good Hope to seek the (on 4 July, 1546) Dragut was operating effectively riches of the spice islands and avoid the Turkish over wide areas of the Mediterranean. Once again transit taxes in Egypt and Syria;*° they were also _ the Venetians were the especial object of his unkind exasperating the Venetians, who looked upon them attentions. On ’7 November, 1548, the Senate wrote as homini di poca religione as a consequence of their Sultan Suleiman in appreciation of his having oractivities in the Adriatic. The Portuguese bought dered the sanjakbey of Rhodes ‘‘che ’] debba castigar slaves at Segna (Senj), Fiume (Ryeka), and in other Drogut et li altri corsari per li danni che hanno places under Austrian domination, sailed down the _ fatto alli subditi nostri con restitutione di tutto quello Adriatic, then through the straits of Otranto and che hanno depredato ad essi subditi nostri.’’®° Three Messina, and sold their catch in Naples, which was months later (on 7 February, 1549) the Senate di-

also a Hapsburg domain. They took Turkish sub- rected the Venetian ambassador to the Curia Rojects also, and as the Venetian Senate wrote the mana to ask Paul III for the concession of the “‘cuscaptain of the Gulf, “. . . we are assured that at tomary two tithes”’ (previously granted by Hadrian this point there are more than 500 of our own VI) for the year just beginning (on 1 March):°’ The subjects from Dalmatia being held in Naples as Republic must maintain a goodly number of galleys slaves, for whose liberation we have instructed our — and other vessels “‘per tenir li mari sicuri da corsar1 viceconsul to take the steps which have seemed nec- _ et del mal operar de Dragut Rays, corsaro famoso,”’ essary to us.”’ Hereafter the captain of the Gulf (the — who was reliably reported to be preparing numerous Adriatic) was to search all suspicious vessels, set free — galleys and fuste on the Barbary coast (in Barbaria)

any Venetian subjects found aboard, and detainany for the obvious purpose of plunder. Venice faced Portuguese whom he might come upon engaged in heavy expenses and grave responsibilities, “‘since this despicable ‘‘mercantia di carne humana et spe- our state is the bulwark of Christendom, and we

cialmente de Christiani.’’** do everything with a generous and ready regard

When it came to piracy and the slave trade, for the well-being of all.””*° however, the Uskoks of Segna and the Portuguese Although the Venetian Senate might thank Suhad to yield the palm to ““Dragut” (Turghud Ali leiman for ordering the sanjakbey of Rhodes “‘to Pasha), who after Khaireddin Barbarossa was to chastise Dragut and the other corsairs for the become the most formidable of the Barbary pi- losses they have inflicted upon our subjects,”’ there rates. Born in Asia Minor, Dragut had taken to was little hope of restitution being made of “all

the sea at an early age, and acquired a sinister that they have plundered from our subjects.” reputation by preying on Venetian shipping inthe There could be no doubt that the Porte was enAegean. Present at Prevesa (in 1538), Dragut had couraging the corsairs’ enterprise in the western been captured in mid-June, 1540, by Andrea Do- Mediterranean, where it made commerce hazardria’s nephew Giannetino in the bay of Girolataon ous and communication expensive between Barthe west coast of Corsica. Giannetino had brought celona and Naples. Many Christians, however, Dragut in chains to Genoa, where the fearsome thought that piracy should be a two-way street, pirate was reduced to a galley slave. At the begin- the Hospitallers among them, and indeed it had ning of the year 1541 he was ransomed, at the long been a two-way street. For obvious reasons behest of Barbarossa and with Andrea Doria’s approval, for the paltry sum of 3,500 ducats.*” Time ———— would soon show that it Wds a bad mistake, but 86 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 49° [69°], and cf, ibid., fols. 7° very likely Doria was trying to provide fora future [27°], 94” [44°], 26" [46], 31°-32" [52°-52"], 35 [55], 48 [68], mishap, hoping for a contraccambio in the event he 58° ff. [78" ff.], et alibi, on the piracies of Dragut Reis and

or one of his sea-going nephews should fall into his ilk. . , Turkish hands. On 22 June (1549) the Senate wrote ‘“‘just among ourselves of the annoying difficulties the state faced every year in securing

the concession of the clerical tithes and in collecting them thereafter (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 98 [118]). On Venice and the clerical tithes, see above, Chapter 12, p. 474, et alibi.

°° Cf above, Chapter 10, p. 348. 88 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fol. 65 [85]: ‘‘. . . essendo il stato

®4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 65 [March, 1546-1548], fols. 51°-52" — nostro antimural alla Christianita, et il tutto si fa da noi con [72°-73"], and see Reg. 68 [March, 1552-1554], fols. 108" —_ Jargo et pronto animo ad universal commodo.” Cf, ibid., fols.

[128°], 112° [132"]. 66°-67" [86°—87"], 69°—-70" [89°-90"], on Dragut’s extensive

85 Alberto Guglielmotti, La Guerra dei pirati e la marina pon- preparations, which were being made on the island of ‘‘Zerbi,”’ tificia dal 1500 al 1560, 2 vols., in the Storia della marina pon- __i.e., Jerba (fols. 73° [93°], 74° [947], 78°—79" [98°-99"], 101°

tificia, vols. III-IV, Rome, 1886-87, IV, 87-94. [121°], 103°-104" [123°-124"], et alabi).

JULIUS Ul, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 533 the mercantile Republic of Venice had always op-__ which on occasion it might be difficult to reconcile,

posed piracy. Thus the Venetian ambassador in’ given Dragut’s well-known tendency toward Rome, Matteo Dandolo, had dissuaded Paul III’s_ aggression. grandson Carlo Sforza, the prior of Lombardy, from setting out with three galleys and two frigates As a full-fledged Ottoman admiral Dragut had ‘‘a corsizar in Levante,” since the Turks would become doubly dangerous, for now he was plying claim that the Christian corsairs were operating — the sea as an unspoken ally of Henry II of France. with Venetian connivance inasmuch as they would He had just established himself in the stronghold doubtless seek anchorage in eastern ports belong- of Mahdia (al-Mahdiyah), built at the head of a

ing to the Republic.®” mile-long promontory called Cape Africa, on the

Carlo Sforza was the brother of Guido Ascanio — eastern coast of Tunisia. Mahdia was well fortified, Sforza, cardinal of S. Fiora; they were sons of Paul and _ within easy striking distance of Sicily. With III’s daughter Costanza Farnese. Carlo was a ven- each new exploit of Dragut, Charles V’s appreturesome fellow, and not above looting a Venetian _ hension had grown, and in June, 1550, an imperial ship if it seemed worthwhile.”° Piracy was reaching fleet embarked upon the siege of Mahdia, which colossal proportions. The Venetian Senate insisted lasted through a long, hot summer. Dragut’s fame (and with good reason) that the corsairs were wel- was such as to fasten the eyes of Europe upon the comed and furnished with provisions in Modon, _ expedition.

Coron, and other Turkish ports, and instructed As Julius III moved from palace to palace to the harassed bailie in Istanbul once more to pro- _ escape the heat in Rome, Giulio de’ Grandi, bishop test to Rustem Pasha and the Turkish authorities of S. Maria d’ Anglona and Tursi (1548-1560) in to deny the freebooters access to such havens of _ the south of Italy, sent Duke Ercole II d’ Este of

safety and sources of supply.?! Ferrara the news (avvisi) from Africa, where the

The Venetians kept a close watch on Dragut,”* Spaniards and Italians were engaged at La Goletta for he had caused them heavy losses. In late July, onthe Bay of Tunis, during July and early August,

1550, however, they learned from their bailie in in a buildup of forces which gave promise of a Istanbul (by letters dated 19 June) that Sultan Su- successful assault upon Mahdia. Giulio de’ Grandi, leiman had just taken Dragut into his service, “et formerly of Ferrara, was now the “‘president” of lo havea creato sanzacco di luoghi aquistati da lui_the Camera Apostolica, the main treasury of the in Africa.’’ Rustem Pasha had probably taken plea- _ Holy See. Among the avvist contained in letters sure in informing the bailie that Dragut had now _ from Africa dated 22 July (1550), which had come become the sultan’s ‘‘man and minister.’’ Assoon to Rome from Naples with letters of 3 August, as the news reached the lagoon, the Senate wrote and which Grandi sent Ercole on 16 August, was the provveditore of the Venetian fleet to avoid an interesting item to the effect ‘‘that some small any act of hostility against Dragut unless the latter vessels had arrived in Naples, having gone to Afshould attack the Republic’s subjects or damage rica to buy booty from the soldiers, and they re-

Venetian property. The provveditore was in- port the undertaking [I’ impresa] to be extremely structed both to keep his eye on Dragut and to _ difficult.’ keep out of his way,”’ two rather different charges the imperial Heet under Andrea Doria’s command, and informed

the bailie in Istanbul that they had directed the provveditore * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 66, fols. 76 [96], 79” [99°], 81° [101°]. of the fleet not to proceed against Dragut, despite the great On 12 April, 1549, the doge and Senate wrote the Venetian losses he had caused Venetian shipping, ‘‘talmente che se Drogut bailie in Istanbul, ‘“‘Havendone scritto li giorni preteritil’ orator —_ non offendera le cose nostre, lui non sera offeso da noi” (2bid.,

nostro residente a Roma che ’I prior de Lombardia, fratello fols. 54°-55" [74’-75"], letter to the bailie dated 31 July, and del Cardinal Santa Fior, nepote del Papa, armava galee tre per —_¢f. fols. 58” ff. [78” ff.], 117% [137°]). The Turkish envoy left

andar con quelle in corso, ne scrisse etiam che ‘| haveva fatto Venice on 12 August (fol. 64% [84°]). On Dragut, note also ogni officio per remover esso prior dal effetto preditto. . .”” Charriére, Négociations, 1, 116-17, 123, 131, 141-42, 146,

(ebid., fol. 79% [99"}). 147-48, et alibi. The Venetian bailie Alvise Renier had just °° Thid., Reg. 66, fols. 106 [126], 108'-109° [128'-129"], settled a Dalmatian border dispute with the Turks, who ap-

115” [135%]. parently restored forty-eight small villages in the district of 9! Ibid., Reg. 66, fols. 79°—80" [99°-100"]. Zara (Zadar), on which see Simeon Ljubic, ed., Commissiones et

9? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 2-3" [22°~23"], 9° [29"], 15" — relationes venetae, I] (Zagreb, 1877), no. XXxXv, pp. 186-87

[357], 24” [44”], 30 [50]. (Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, °° Ibid., Reg. 67, fol. 52 [72], letter to the provveditore dated VIII). Renier was next appointed duke of Candia. 21 July, 1550. On 26 July a Turkish envoy (uno chiaus) arrived °* Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria ducale: Ambasciain Venice to explain Dragut’s new status. The Senate agreed _ tori, agenti e corrispondenti all’ estero, Roma, Busta 48, nos.

not to attack Dragut, denied having any understanding with 283-II/18-19, 21, 25-26. By letters of 2 August (1550) from

534 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT It was no exaggeration to say the siege of Mah-__ that the news had come that very morning of ‘“‘la dia was extremely difficult. On 12 August (1550) presa d’ Africa.’’ The imperialists had taken Mah-

the Venetian Senate wrote the bailie in Istanbul dia. Grandi had wanted to make certain of the that they had had little news of the “siege of Af- news, but he could not leave his house, owing to rica.’ Old Andrea Doria was persisting in the im- “‘un poco di catarro.”’ He had therefore sent one perialist effort to take the troublesome stronghold, _ of his staff to Fernando Montesa, the secretary of and had sent galleys to Naples to get more men Charles V’s ambassador Don Diego de Mendoza, and munitions. The inhabitants and the occupants who was then absent from Rome. Grandi had of the fortress were prepared to put up a deter- asked Montesa for such facts as were known. The mined defense. An unknown informant who had latter had replied that Pedro de Toledo, the viceleft Messina on 12 July had reported that on the roy of Naples, had written that a frigate had just eighth Dragut Reis was hovering over the east put into port, having come from ‘Africa’? (Mahcoast of Sicily with a fleet of thirteen sail.°” He had dia), where it had been stationed ‘‘a posta armata,””

been applying the torch to various places along apparently as a lookout, and the crew had witthe Spanish and Italian coasts. On 29 August the _ nessed an imperialist assault on 8 September. Af-

Senate wrote again to their bailie at the Porte. ter a fierce combat they had seen the Christian Dragut had sailed from Sicily to the African coast, standard raised atop the walls of Mahdia. Men where his forces had attacked the imperialists in| were going over the walls. Those aboard the a grossa scaramazza, but had actually accomplished _ frigate believed they had seen enough. They took

very little. Doria went on with the siege. The im- to their sails and oars to be the first to bring the perialists were getting supplies from Genoa,”® a news to the viceroy. That was all Montesa knew. fact which the bailie would not fail to stress when When more information was available, Grandi he shared the contents of the Senate’s letter with wrote, he would send it on immediately to his Ex-

Rustem Pasha. cellency at Ferrara.?’

Duke Ercole of Ferrara was kept well informed Grandi had been alert. A full two days later (on of events at Mahdia by the vigilant Giulio de’ 22 September) Angelo Massarelli, now a papal secGrandi, who wrote him on 20 September (1550) retary, recorded in his (sixth) diary:

——_— This morning it was reported by a courier, sent in all Venice, which avvisi Grandi also sent on to the duke of Ferrara _ haste by the most illustrious lord viceroy of Naples, that

on the sixteenth, “‘se intende che uno ambasciator turco era with God’s help on the eighth day of the present month andato a Vineggia et si pensava che non ad altro effetto se non = of September the emperor’s most fortunate army has per ragguagliare quella Signoria della condotta di Dragut alli stormed and captured Africa, a city in the province of servitii del Signore Turco con titolo di sangiaco di Barbaria Africa, not far from the islands [sic] of Jerba. The army - s+ 3 che se intesero I’ altro di” (bid., Busta 48, no. 283-II/ ya. spent all the past summer on this expedition since

25). In the left margin appears a note that “questo aviso non Dragut Reis. the pirat hf dj trv. had si crede da molti,” but it was quite true. 8 ‘ pirate Mac feEaree WOU COUnITY, Na

In March, 1550, a Turkish envoy had come to Venice to previously occupied that city. A public demonstration bring the Signoria Suleiman’s announcement of his Persian of joy is therefore being held throughout the city [of victories (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. Rome] this evening in both the Castel S. Angelo and 9-10" [29-30°}). In early October, 1550, Suleiman wrote the — the Apostolic Palace as well as in various other parts of Doge Francesco Donato (Dona) in acknowledgment of the joy this city.

which Caterino Zeno, the Republic’s special envoy to Istanbul, The pope, feeling restored by this good news, got up

had omerally exPressed a the Outoman vb. Dew Persia out of bed a little today. Gout and the arthritis in his turchi, text of the “Turkish firman dated init dec. Ramadan, hand have his Holiness pretty well worn out.”

A.H. 957, i.e., 3-12 October, 1550). As we have also noted Soon there was no dearth of news. On 2 Ocabove, another Turkish envoy had appeared in Venice in late tober Grandi wrote the duke of Ferrara that the July, 1550, to inform the Signoria of Dragut’s new position in —, eon . ; the Turkish regime (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 54” [74"]). It imperialists’ victory at Mahdia had been a much is of course the latter to whom Grandi refers in his letter of | more sanguinary affair than had at first been re-

16 Sen. August to Ercole d’ Este. ported. They had lost about a thousand soldiers, Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 61° [81°], letter of the Senate

to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 12 August, 1550: “Della obsedione di Affrica altro non havemo inteso salvo che ’! Principe

Doria continua |’ obsidione et ha mandato anchora alcune galee 97 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale: Ambasciatori,

a Napoli a tuor gente et monitione, et quelli de dentro se _ etc., Busta 48, no. 283-II/36. intende che sono pronti alla defesa. De Drogut Rays per uno 9° Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, che parte da Messina a 12 luio intendemo che alli 8 esso Drogut' ~—-:192, entry for 22 September, 1550: ‘‘. . . Dragut Rays, pyrata

era sopra Messina con 13 velie.. . .”’ nostris regionibus formidabilis.. . .”’ Cf Charriére, Négociations,

© Ibid., Reg. 67, fol. 65” [85]. II, 123, 124-26.

JULIUS II, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 535 and had left some 1,500 infantry as a garrison in Also he wanted the Spanish cardinal Juan Alvarez the town and fortress. Doria’s armada had been de Toledo to celebrate a mass in S. Peter’s at which under sail on the watch for the return of Dragut, the ailing pope as well as the cardinals would be who had got away with four well-armed galleys, present.’°! Massarelli says that the pope had felt an having sunk the rest of his fleet when it was clear ‘“‘incredibilis laetitia’”” when he had learned of the that Mahdia was lost. By this time, however, the Christian victory. He gave many signs of his joy on commanders of the armada had apparently aban- many occasions. Rome became one large festival, doned all hope of meeting up with Dragut, and with the usual bonfires of celebration. Julius had were on their way to imperial ports. Doria’s galleys given his thanks to God privately, as Massarelli asalong with those of Cosimo I, the duke of Flor- sures us, and on 5 October Juan Alvarez celebrated ence, and those of Carlo Sforza, the prior of Lom- a solemn mass of gratitude in S. Peter’s, which was

bardy, had presumably reached Naples by this attended by the pope, the cardinals and prelates, time. All the other galleys would be kept in Sicilian the ambassadors, and all the religious, who had

ports for the coming winter.”° streamed processionaliter into the great church, On 3 October (1550) the Venetian Senate fi- ‘‘redditaeque sunt Deo gratiae pro dicta felici vicnally wrote their envoy and bailie on the Bosporus toria.. . .”!°? that on 10 September the imperialist forces under Dragut was down but not out, and all through Prince Andrea Doria had taken the fortress town the winter of 1550-1551 Christian merchants, of “Africa” by storm, with heavy losses on both — with the exception of the French, were exposed sides. According to the news from Rome, Doria to the menace of his corsairs as well as to that of had left Africa with twenty galleys, apparently to the weather if they ventured out to sea. Giulio

track down Dragut: de’ Grandi wrote the duke of Ferrara (on 10 JanThe taking of Africa has already been known for some U@TY; 1551) of the widespread belief that Dragut days by way of Naples with the arrival there of a frigate. had been “molesting” Mahdia with the aid of a Those on board have told about it, but not placing full ‘neighboring king’’ who, having helped Doria to confidence in them, we have not wanted to inform you — take the town, had expected Charles V to give it of it until now that it has been verified by persons coming to him. After all, Charles had turned Tunis over from Africa to Rome and Naples. We instruct you to pass — to Muley Hassan in 1535. At any rate the king was

on this news, as usual, [to the Porte].'°° said to have ‘“‘rebellato perché haveva qualche in-

At the consistory in the Vatican Palace on 3 Oc- = ENUOne de havere esso Affrica da sua Maesta.” tober Julius III dilated on the imperialists’ capture | Mahdia was also short of foodstuffs, although one of Mahdia, and ordered that prayers of thanksgiving Understood that Pedro de Toledo, the viceroy of should be said in the churches throughout Rome. Naples, had been trying to provide for the garrison and, presumably, for the townsfolk.'°° A few months later Grandi informed the duke °° Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale: Ambasciatori fon 28 April) that letters had been received from

etc. Bust, 48, no. 283-II1/1. , > Juan de Vega, the viceroy of Sicily, who said that

'0° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 70 [90]. On 19 November, D ragut had been set upon by Andrea Doria near 1550, the Senate had more detailed information to send the Jerba ma place from which there was no escape new bailie Bernardo Navagero, who had replaced Alvise Renier except by sea. There had been some hope of starvin Istanbul: *" . . . Dapoi la presa di Affrica, la quale havrete ing him out and of seizing his fleet, but it was soon

terra un figliolo del vicere de Sicilia cum qualche numero di y

intesa dalle nostre [lettere] de 3 octobrio, € rimasto in quella learned that Dragu t had not been reduced by hungente per la sua custodia, attendendo a fortificarla. I] Principe Doria, il qual parti d’ Affrica con 20 galee per andararitrovar = =———P Henr Il was hin colt akin could not undertake his mission to Charles V. His

7” 8 Jory. | Prenry 8 health had long been uncertain, as at the recent

great preparations” to meet whatever force conclave. Julius, therefore, assigned Carpi’s task to Charles could put into the field.'%* » ASSIE P h ie ms tpromannc 7 ‘poane petween France and 198 Romier, “La Crise gallicane,” pp. 44-46, 47-48. The t © TRONY OEE, Aah al BTANGCOIS “ ournor Na letter which Romier (pp. 44—46) summarizes, and dates 4 Sep-

retired to Venice, where he remained in contact tember, was published by Druffel, Briefe u. Aktien, 1 (1873), no. 736, pp. 726-32, who dates it 3 September. One can keep track of Tournon in Michel Frangois, Correspondance du Cardinal Francois de Tournon (1521-1562), Paris, 1946, nos. 409-30, pp.

"89 Lanz, Correspondenz d. Kaisers Karl V., Ill, no. 742, pp. 262 ff.

78-83. '94 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 33, fol. 104, 199 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 177° [197°], the Venetian Senate —_ by mod. stamped enumeration; Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Mastus,

to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 18 November, 1551: “In liloci no. 77, p. 85; Romier, ‘‘La Crise gallicane,”’ pp. 47-51, who del Piemonte le gente del imperator et del re Christianissimo — erroneously dates the consistory on 8 September. sono alli allogiamenti per causa del inverno. Le gente del pon- '9S Druffel, Briefe u. Aktien, I, no. 768, pp. 757-60.

tefice continuano la ossidion della Mirandola.. . .” '9° Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 1, no. 776, pp. 770-72, and ef. '9! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fols. 198’—199" [218°-219"]. The no. 777, a letter of Anne de Montmorency to the pope, also first proposal was defeated de parte 72, de non 103, non sinceri dated 5 October, 1551. The pope had written to Montmorency

19; the second passed 147-5-2. as well as to Henry II on 12 September (ibid., I, nos. 744-45, '92 Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 1° [21°], 2° [22"]. pp. 736-37).

JULIUS UI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 559 the chamberlain Pietro Camaiani, who was in- we have already seen, and the one which we are structed to tell Charles V that nothing could destroy told is being prepared at Constantinople.’’!?’

the papal-imperial alliance, neither hope of gain There can be little doubt that Julius had prepared nor fear of loss (che non intendiamo di separarct in Camaiani’s instructions. He was rattled; the text 1s eterno per qualswvoglia speranza di guadagno ne per rambling. While he wanted Camaiani to persuade qualsivoglia paura di perdita). But the costs of the Charles V that an accord with Henry II might be current war were intolerable; Julius had pawned _ necessary because of the utterly unmanageable costs the papal jewels and even the rings he usually wore — of the war and the failure to take Parma, he wanted every day. He was spending more than 50,000 scudi also to make clear to Charles the extent of his hosa month to maintain his forces at the siege of Mi- _ tility to Henry. Also he feared schism, a French randola, supply some infantry to assist the impe- national council, and even some move to depose rialists at Parma, protect Bologna, the Romagna, — him. To assure his hold on the Sacred College and

and Ancona, reinforce garrisons throughout the to reassure the emperor, Julius suddenly created states of the Church, increase the guard in Rome, fourteen cardinals (on 20 November, 1551), inand protect the coasts (from the Turks). The crops cluding his nephew Cristoforo del Monte, Giovanni had been bad for two years. It was hard to feed the _ Ricci, Pietro Bertano, Fabio Mignanelli, Giovanni

troops. Poggio, Girolamo Dandino, and Sebastiano P1The war was impeding procedures at the Council ghino—some of them well known and all of them of Trent, the satisfactory termination of which Julius — favorably inclined toward the emperor.'”®

was eager to see in order to halt the activities of On the same day Etienne Boucher, abbot of S. the king of France and “‘to proceed against him Ferme, wrote Anne de Montmorency from Rome judicially.” Henry had cut off the flow of French that Julius did not want peace with the king of funds to Rome and prohibited papal appointments France, but he did see the power of the Turk on to French benefices. Princes must justify their ac- all sides, a terrible danger to Christendom. He contions before God. Julius claimed to be justified in _ fessed that his actions might be leading to the ruin his handling of the affair of Parma, but now he was _ of the Holy See. Boucher, however, could discern sending a legate to France to show the world that no evidence of change. Julius was aghast at the as pope he was an advocate of peace. If the legate’s — thought of a French national council and an invesmission failed, if Henry refused even to receive him, tigation into “‘sa mauvaise vie, et s’ il est ou non it would be clear who was at fault, and Julius could pape, et qu’ on ne proceéde contre luy faisant ung proceed against the king “‘con la scrittura et in tutti aultre pape.’’ Boucher believed that if Henry stood

li modi,” 1.e., by excommunication. firm and forbade the flow of money to Rome for

, . prudence , three months, thephysicians Romans would to We shall employ that which usebeinreduced ; ; ; ; 199

taking care of lunatics |frenetic:] to take away their madness, utter despair, and deal with Julius accordingly. although in the end we shall be forced to have recourse Apparently Boucher was No more anxlous for the to extreme remedies, because we see that we cannot justify peaceful reconciliation of pope and king than he ourselves before God or the world by putting up with a claimed was the case with Julius. Others, however, king who, calling himself ‘“‘most Christian,’ has kept up most notably Cardinal de Tournon, were trying to an entente with the Turks to the desolation of poor Chris- restore amity and diplomatic relations. Claude de tians, who have been killed, swallowed up, and reduced |g Guiche, bishop of Mirepoix, wrote Montmorency

to the cruelest servitude. . . . two days after the date of Boucher’s letter, painting

There had been a question of adding to the Sa- 4 different picture. The pope was being incessantly cred College. The imperialists had been pressing pressed by the imperialists. Tournon’s continued Julius to name eight cardinals, four to be reserved absence from the Curia was a pity. The pope needed in petto until conditions were more favorable and four to be named immediately—Pietro Tagliavia Te Canad archbishop of Otranto, Pictto Bertane, ql” Drlfel rife Alten, II (Munich, 1882), no. 785, pp.

? oo? ; : > 239-46, doc. dated 10 October, 1551; A. Pieper, Die papstlichen

bishop of Fano; and Giovanni Poggio, bishop of — Legaten u. Nuntien (1897), pp. 27 ff., and append., nos. 9-10,

Tropea in southern Italy. Julius thought it better pp. 146-54. to wait until the war was over, a war which the 198 Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia world abhorred more than it had any other for a? Deuffel, Briefe u. Akten I, no. 816, pp. 811-14, dated 20 centuries ‘because of the union of the king with November, 1551, with a much-abridged text of the same letter the Turk and because of the great armada which _ in Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 1, 356-57.

560 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT him as a counterweight to Diego de Mendoza and On the following Monday, 28 December, Henry

the imperial agents in Rome.*°° sent Etienne Boucher and the bishop of Mirepoix In response to M. de Mirepoix’s advice Henry a statement of defense against the ‘‘slanderous lie”’ II sent instructions to Cardinal de Tournon on which Charles V had been spreading in Italy as well Wednesday, 23 December (1551), directing him to as in Germany ‘‘concernant la venue du Turc en return to Rome and work for the renewal of peace la Chrestienté.’”” They must see to the wide distriand friendship with the Holy See. His efforts in bution of the king’s text, having it printed if that Rome would match those of Verallo at the French would help. It was the emperor, and no one else, court. Having secured the necessary safe-conduct who was responsible for the Turks’ recent naval from the pope, Tournon was to make for the Tiber expedition and the Hospitallers’ loss of Tripoli. The as quickly as “‘his person could stand.” On the way imperial seizure of Mahdia, ‘I’ entreprise d’ Afhe must seek the sage and prudent advice of Ercole _ rique,’’ was the reason for the Turkish attacks, for II of Ferrara and the latter’s brother, Cardinal which the sultan must obviously have prepared durIppolito. He must also pass by Parma to consult ing the preceding winter (1550-1551), i.e., before with Ottavio Farnese. Henry had not the slightest the “question de Parme,” before Henry had taken intention of abandoning Ottavio. He would seek to Ottavio Farnese under French protection. Quite draw the pope to the French side, to get him to unexpectedly, however, the sieur d’ Aramon had give up his alliance with the emperor, “sans toutefois _ left Istanbul in January (1551), and arrived in Marrien conclure quant au fait de Parme.” Julius III’s _ seille toward the end of March. Henry had no other efforts to regain Parma would be blocked at every ambassador in the Levant, and as for d’ Aramon’s point. Tournon was to secure an easement of the _ return, he was still in Marseille as late as 22 June, restrictions which Julius had placed on Cardinal _ by which time the Turkish expedition was in full Alessandro Farnese’s movements. At the Curia and — swing.

in the papal presence, albeit with protestations of Furthermore, it had been quite clearly revealed love and devotion, Tournon was going merely to at the conference of the imperial officers with the restate the French position: Henry had never Turkish captain off Messina that Charles V’s ocwanted to make war on the pope, “‘mais seulement cupation of Mahdia was what had brought the sulde conserver |’ estat de Parme au dit Duc [Ottavio] tan’s armada into western waters. The Turkish

sous |’ obeissance de |’ Eglise.”’ captain had offered the imperialists peace and When the pope gave way, Tournon might help _ friendship in return for Mahdia. It was Charles’s

him to save face: intention, however, to close the channel between And if his Holiness persists in wanting especially to have hee ang Savy: nae cou ane make mimselt the said state of Parma reunited to the domain of the ‘€ Monarch ot a ristendom. 1S rother rer-

Church, the said cardinal can tell him that the king will dinand was also provoking the sultan’s wrath with very willingly agree to it, provided that the restitution his machinations to acquire Transylvania by his dethereof can be made with due regard to his honor and ___ceitful dealings with Brother George Martinuzzi.

the satisfaction of the said duke. As a consequence of Mahdia and Transylvania, ‘“‘it ; ; can well be said that it is the emperor and his brother

The duchy of Parma must neither be dismem- P ,

who have made the Turk take; up bered nor granted to anyone else, even though 7arms ; against ; oe, Christendom,” and certainly not the innocent and

the emperor was determined to seizewell-meaning it in oneking way ; ; 209 of France.

or another. Indeed, only Parma , In not mid-January (1552)but we the find whole Cardinal de of Italy must be.kept out still of the imperial wy:pains .; ; Tournon in Venice, whereclutches, he was taking and Henry stood ready with galleys and with owmission ; a to the Senate, toand explainthe his forthcoming troops to defend both Italy Holy See. He ; . whose su port wanted would also see that Cardinal del Monte andhethe p ,to enlist at the Curia ’< brother Balduino received the financial re. Oma@na- ‘In the meantime Verallo had been mae . A tital th rs befitting the roval friend received by Henry II at Fontainebleau, and had

chic TAT ODORS 5 y presented bulls to the parlement in Paris snip.SAwhere, however, he washisallowed neither to confer dignities nor to appoint to canonries in cathedral 20° Romier, ‘‘La Crise gallicane,’’ p. 52. 2°! Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 360-63, and cf. Kupke, 202 Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 358-60.

Nuntiaturberichte, I-12 (1901, repr. 1968), no. 53, p. 143, a 7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 67, fol. 194 [214], letter of the doge letter of 11 January, 1552, from Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte —_and Senate to Niccolo da Ponte, the Venetian ambassador in

in Rome to Pietro Camaiani in Innsbruck. Rome, dated 15 January, 1552.

JULIUS WI, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 561 or collegiate churches. His mission had had no If peace was possible between the pope and chance of success, for in papal fashion Julius had Henry II, the latter had no intention of sparing begun by demanding too much, insisting uponthe the emperor. Before the middle of March (1552) return of Parma, for which he would still grant Henry’s alliance with Maurice of Saxony was Ottavio Farnese the duchy of Camerino, and re- known to all Europe. There was war in Gerquiring also the surrender of Mirandola. AsHenry many,”°’ and satisfaction in Istanbul. The Turkish made clear to Verallo, he had no intention of al- venture into the Ionian Sea and Sicilian waters had lowing either place to fall into the emperor’s worried the Venetians. hands.*"* Verallo began his homeward journey in On 24 March, 1552, the Senate wrote the Reearly February. In mid-March the Senate wrote _public’s ambassador at the Curia what had become the bailie Bernardo Navagero in Istanbul that the almost a routine letter, instructing him to ask the pope’s negotiations with France appeared to be pope for the usual concession of the double tithe getting nowhere, intervenendo la citta di Parma, and to be levied upon “‘all the reverend clergy of our the king had given the legate Verallo permission _ state,’’ and emphasizing “‘il che tutto facemo a

to leave the court and return to Rome.?”° beneficio universale della Christianita, essendoli Tournon had his own troubles at the Curia. il stato nostro antimural.’ This time, however,

Henry II’s refusal to allow the French bishops to _ they explained that during the previous winter the

attend the Council of Trent had played into the Republic had been put to great expense

hands of the Lutherans, who were declaring that. oo , ber of inf: all . the council could hardly be oecumenical without 17 Mantaining a large number oF infantry Wall our awes

: ; by the sea and 28 galleys in our armada, and that we have the presence of representatives of all nations. elected , haoe h the f Parma and Mirandola continued, costly The 77 7elready eee? einen Bee eeeelee

SIEGES 0 ; . , Y tion of another provveditore for the armada, and decided

and ineffective. Tournon was received by the pope to arm a fair number of galleys in this city. Also we have several times, with important meetings on 15 and had the hulls [corpi] of 40 galleys prepared, and appointed 20 February (1552). In the latter audience he said their commanders, so that they may be ready for any that he was speaking as a cardinal, not as the king’s —emergency.*°* man, exhorting the pope to look to the well-bein

B te POP . See 5 Some weeks later (on 13 May) the Senate could of the Apostolic and its safekeeping from : ; the papal ; write the ambassador, thanking him for Turkish attacks. Hewhich urged they him to withdraw from ;his ; . ;letters . . ; brief had received with of the warfare. Warming up to the subject, Tournon -)- the seventh. Julius III had once more readily;con-

boasted of the military of the tithe,*’” French and, 1 909 , cededprowess the double but later on the Senate indeed, when Henry's ally Maurice of Saxony discovered that certain prelates had again been broke with Charles V, the French would soon seize P 8

Metz, Toul, and Verdun. Julius is said to have ———— replied to Tournon’s advice and warnings with the II, no. 1079, pp. 210-11, a letter to Ferdinand, dated at Brussels

statement that he would willingly accept whatever on 9 March, 1552, and ¢f. nos. 1120, 1121, pp. 246, 249, et

it pleased God to bring him, but that fear which — alitn).

he had never known (he said) would not lead him 07 On 16 March, 1552, the Venetian Senate wrote Bernardo to do anything unworthy of himself or of his Navagero in Istanbul that Henry II was determined to raise a

friendsh; em yr 206Maesta, large army to attack Charles intelligentia V, ‘“‘havendo soailChristianissima nenaship‘th withe € emperor. come si divulgava, con Duca Mauritio di Saxonia, con il Marchese Alberto di Brandinberg, et con altri principi di Germania, li quali se diceva che haverano grosso essercito per far unitamente con il re Christianissimo la guerra a soa Cesarea Maesta. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fol. 5% [25")).

205 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fol. 5” [25’], and cf Reg. 67, fol. On the military moves of Maurice of Saxony and Albrecht of

177° [1977]. Brandenburg against Charles, see, ibid., fols. 10° [30*], 16" [36°], 2° Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, I-12, nos. 59, 65, 66, 71, 72, 21" [41°], 28" [48°], 31” [51°], although Maurice was later said pp. 159-60, 173-74 and ff., 195-96, 197-98, and cf Romier, __ to have reached an accord with the Hapsburgs (fols. 55° [75"], “La Crise gallicane,” p. 53. As early as 14 February (1552) 66” [86"]), which was hardly the case. Cf’ Kupke, NuntiaturbeDiego Lasso, Ferdinand’s ambassador in Rome, wrote that _ richte, I-12, nos. 79 ff., pp. 211 ff., passim. Maurice, Albrecht,

‘‘Tornon a estado ya tres vezes con el papa. . .” (Druffel, | and Duke Christopher of Wurttemberg kept up a pretense of Briefe u. Akten, If [1880], no. 984, pp. 122-23). Tournon’s _ loyalty to Charles V to the last hour (cf., ibzd., I-12, no. 82, p.

progress was slow at first. On 26 February (1552) Antoine 225, doc. dated 9 March, 1552). On Henry II and the cabal Perrenot de Granvelle wrote Queen Mary, governess of the | of the German princes against Charles, see Kar] Erich Born, Netherlands, that “la négociation de paix du cardinalde Tornon = “‘Moritz von Sachsen und die Furstenverschworung gegen Karl . . . est comme resortie en fumée . . .”” (ibid., I, no. 1022, —‘V..,”’ Historische Zeitschrift, CXCI (1960), 18-66.

pp. 166-67). Mary had seen immediately, as the war began, 208 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fol. 4 [24]. that the French objective was Metz, Toul, and Verdun (ibid., 209 Ibid., Reg. 68, fol. 23 [43].

562 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT exempted therefrom, and the usual letters of pro- ing one upon the other, and all were directed test went to Rome that the rich were trying to shift against Charles V. Julius III could no longer afford the common burden to the weakened shoulders _ the siege of Mirandola. His nephew Giovanbattista

of the poor.*"° del Monte refused any further service under GianFrom Rome Giulio de’ Grandi wrote the duke giacomo de’ Medici, marquis of Marignano, Ferof Ferrara on 2 April (1552) the Turkish news from rante Gonzaga’s commander in the field.?!? Ragusa. The sultan did not intend, it was said, to Ina letter of 22 February (1552) from Innsbruck go in person into Hungary, but he was sending a _ the nuncio Pietro Camaiani had already told Julius, large army into the country. The Turks were having quite frankly, that economic constraint had so retrouble on their eastern frontier, however, for Tah- duced Charles V and his ministers to niggardliness masp I (1524-1576), the sophi or shah of Persia, and the pursuit of self-interest that it would be well, had recently overrun a good deal of territory (un _ if possible, ‘‘to hold on to the thread of friendship gran paese), and the sultan’s eldest son Mustafa was___ with the emperor without binding oneself to him dissatisfied with the current run of affairs at the in war.” It would also be well to effect a reconcilPorte. More popular than his father or any of his _ iation with Henry II at least to the extent that the brothers, Mustafa was the idol of the janissaries. states of the Church should suffer no injury, and He was the son of an unknown lady of the harem. that Henry should not withdraw the obedience of Heir presumptive to the throne of Osman, Mustafa France from the Holy See.*’* Two days later, howwas well aware of the intrigues which the “‘sultana’”’?, ever, Camaiani wrote that in his opinion Charles Roxelana and her son-in-law Rustem Pasha were would gladly agree to a papal-imperial peace with carrying on against him in the interests of Roxelana’s ‘France, provided it was consistent with his honor, own sons. According to the avviso from Ragusa, but that he would not willingly accept a “‘reconciliMustafa had informed his father Suleiman that if atione particulare’’ between the pope and the king Selim, ‘‘the other son, first born of the second wife,” of France. Although Charles wanted the pope as were not sent off to his province, he would make _ his ally, he no longer wanted to aid him financially, an accord with the troublesome sophi. In the fol- preferring that they should continue as they had lowing year Mustafa would be put to death, and been doing, and assuming that time was on their Suleiman would embark upon another campaign _ side. The imperialists thought that they were doing

against Persia. more than enough already.*"*

Grandi, however, could add news of larger in- Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte wrote Camaiani terest to the duke of Ferrara, the Venetians, and from Rome (on 8 March) that if the pope’s re-

the pope himself: sources were as abundant as his courage, Christendom would be blessed. The pope’s resources The word has come from Adrianople from a brother were indeed lacking, but in truth his courage was of one of the members of the Ragusan government, a also limited. He spoke bravely, but was worried man in the service of one of the Turk’s chief pashas, by the new Franco-Lutheran league. The French

who says that on the sixth of this month [6 April] the b | Gdent. The j ‘alist d

armada, 120 galleys strong, would set sail from Con- were Suoyantly conhdent. Mine imperial 5 SEEME

stantinople.2!! in a daze: li amici et servitori di sua Maesta cesarea

stanno attoniti et come smarritt. The pope had lost We shall come back to the movement of the Turk- confidence in Duke Ercole of Ferrara, whose lands ish troops into Hungary, Suleiman’s venture into and subjects had been suffering losses in the war. Persia, and the return of the Turkish armada into He was also highly suspicious of the Venetians,

Italian waters. In the meantime Julius III had who were watching (without regret, one might

more immediate concerns. add) the fluctuation of imperial fortunes in GerThe affair of Parma and Henry II’s contest with the pope, the French alliance with Maurice of Saxony and the entente with the Turks all had a bear- §©—_____— 212 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-12, nos. 71, 81, pp. 195-96, 219-20, and cf. nos. 77, 80; Chiesi, ‘“‘Papa Giulio IIT e la guerra

di Parma... ,” Atti e memorie. . . per le provincie modenese, 210 Thid., Reg. 68, fols. 58°59" [78°-79"], and 64 [84], letters ser. IV, vol. IV (1893), p. 229. of 3 and 22 September, 1552, to the Venetian ambassador in 713 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, I-12, no. 73, p. 199, a letter of

Rome. Camaiani, sent directly to the pope. 211 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, 214 Tbid., 1-12, no. 76, pp. 204—5, a letter of Camaiani, dated

etc., Roma, Busta 50, no. 283-VIII/25. 24 February (1552), to Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte.

JULIUS II, TRENT, PARMA, AND THE TURKS 563 many and the apparent success of the “impious of sending into western waters an armada of 150 and diabolical league.’’ Anyhow the Venetians galleys.*!? In mid-April came the news that the were almost paralyzed by fear of the Turks. They pope’s nephew Giovanbattista del Monte had been needed the grain they imported from the Levant, _ killed at Mirandola.**° and were hoping to add to their landed possessions Whatever the dissatisfaction at Innsbruck, there if the French were victorious. The papal states was scant surprise in Rome when on 29-30 April were in a turmoil, as troops came and went. One = (1552) Julius III reached an accord with Cardinal feared the French armada as much as that of the Francois de Tournon for a two years’ suspension Turks. Whole groups were fleeing from Rome. of arms. Julius sent off immediately to Camaiani The city was indefensible. Was another sack, an- _ the articles of agreement (dated 25 April), whereby

other Bourbon, in the offing??'” in his own name and that of the emperor he promOccasionally there were encouraging rumors. _ ised to raise the sieges of Parma and Mirandola. Thus on 9 March Camaiani wrote Cardinal del All the censures, sentences, and penalties imposed Monte from Innsbruck that it was being said the upon Ottavio and Orazio Farnese were suspended imperial chamberlain Joachim de Rye had been for the two years, as were those which had been sent to the Porte to arrange a truce between the _ leveled at Pietro Strozzi, Paolo Orsini, and other sultan, who was “‘laid up with a bad leg,” and the adherents of the French. Castro was restored to king of the Romans. Since the sultan was believed Orazio. Cardinals Alessandro and Ranuccio were to have other woes to contend with, maybe peace _ given back their offices, benefices, and goods in was possible. If so, the emperor could avail himself the states of the Church. Henry II would be once of his brother Ferdinand’s large army “‘peraccom- more the ‘“‘good and obedient son of his Holiness modar le cose di Germania.” Camaiani had ob- and of the Apostolic See,’’ and he would remove viously put no faith in the rumor, which was just — the prohibitions upon the flow of ecclesiastical rev-

as well.*!° enues to Rome. At the termination of the two The papal treasury was empty. Julius wanted the years’ suspension Ottavio would be free to make emperor to take over the siege of Mirandola. He _ his own accord with the pope. no longer had the funds to carry on.?'’ Something Charles V would have fifteen days to ratify the would have to give; someone would have to give agreement between the pope and Tournon and in. On the morning of 9 March cardinals and others _ thus be included in the suspension. If he declined sympathetic to the emperor, “with tears in their to do so, the pope would still abide by his comeyes,” had urged the pope at a consistory not to let mitment, and would not aid the emperor with France get too close to the precipice and become men, money, or supplies.?*! Charles, however, lost to the Church. England and Germany were chose to be included in the papal ‘“‘capitulatione already lost.?'® Letter after letter in the sad cor- della suspensione,” and his statement to that effect respondence between Rome and Innsbruck relates to the pope’s lack of money and the emperor’s, the peril of the Franco-Lutheran league, the revolt of

Maurice of Saxony, the aggressiveness of the 219 hid 19 4 he Turkish da of

French, the apprehension at Trent, the unpre- galleys, see no. 9 top 269-70, the “Turkish armada of 150 paredness of Charles V, and the sultan’s intention 220 Thid 1-12, no. 106, pp. 304-5; Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, II, no. 1301, p. 397. *21 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, I-12, no. 113, pp. 324-28, letter

of Julius III to Camaiani, dated at Rome on 30 April and 1 May, 1552. For the agreement which Julius had reached with *!° Ibid., 1-12, no. 81, esp. pp. 221-22: ‘‘La paura dell’ armate Tournon, see ibid., 1-12, append., no. 5, pp. 365-68. Charles cosi Turchesca come Francese € estrema, et gia incominciano _ V received the news, calm and tired, resentful and complaining le brigate a mettersi in fuga. Roma é scottata dal sacco di Bor- _(ibid., I-12, no. 116, pp. 334 ff., Camaiani to Julius III, from

bone, et € aperta et indefensibile.. . .” Innsbruck on 7-8 May).

Papal secretaries drafted the letters which went out in the On 24 and 25 April, 1552, Ippolito d’ Este, cardinal protector name of Innocenzo del Monte who, although nominally cardinal — of French interests at the Curia Romana, sent Julius and Insecretary of state, was actually a playboy with no interest in or nocenzo del Monte congratulations and expressions of great

capacity for business. satisfaction as a result of the papal accord with Henry II, which

216 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-12, no. 82, p. 226. was shortly to receive official confirmation (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, 717 Tbid., 1-12, nos. 82-83, pp. 227-29, and cf. Druffel, Briefe Lettere di principi, vol. XX, fols. 454-55, by mod. stamped u. Akten, II, no. 1174, p. 296, a letter of Diego Lasso to Fer- enumeration). On Charles V’s acceptance of the suspension of

dinand, dated at Rome on 26 March, 1552. arms, note, ibid., fol. 463, a letter of Ippolito to Julius, dated 718 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-12, no. 83, p. 230. at Ferrara on 5 June, 1552.

564 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT reached Rome on the evening of 15 May. Tour- defeating the emperor as well as the pope. Hence-

non accepted it ‘‘as done in time.’’?”? forth Julius made a career of peace.**? Charles was When on 7 May Camaiani had first informed not to be so fortunate. Charles of the agreement between the pope and Tournon, Charles had (among many other obser- = —______ vations) chided Camaiani on the performance of 225 The papal-French suspension of arms was renewed on his duties as nuncio at Innsbruck. Camaiani had 9 April, 1554. Although after the suspension of arms of 29remonstrated against the injustice of the emperor’s 30 April, 1552, Julius III neglected neither the ecclesiastical complaints. But now, on 18 May, the letter which or secular interests of the Holy See, he did turn increasingly went to Camaiani in Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte’s °° the enjoyment of life, in which he was joined by his buoyant

. ; . ; brother Balduino. The latter was as delighted by life on the

name reflected, in the lightness of its tone, the POPES — del Monte estates at Monte S. Savino (southwest of Arezzo) as

immense relief at Charles’s acceptance of the two he was amid the splendor of Rome, and more so perhaps, for years’ suspension of arms: ‘‘His Holiness says that he loved the hunt and the area. Seventeen original letters of your lordship should bear with equanimity the Balduino may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere dressing- down la re passa ta| ,his Majesty given di principi, XXI, fols. 8-37, dated from 20 Cardinal September, 1552, to has 7 October, 1553,vol. twelve to his adopted son, you, and console yourself with the example of Soc- —_ [nnocenzo, and five to the pope himself. rates. While he was a prisoner, his wife was with These letters inform us of the productivity of the del Monte him complaining that he was suffering without being lands, the local yield of Malmsey wine, and the construction at fault and guilty. ‘Well, then,’ he asked her, ‘would 8°'"8 0" at the Palazzo del Monte at Monte S. Savino; the . concern for the pope’s health, especially on account of his gout you prefer that I should be at fault and guilty as | (podagra), which always seemed to get worse toward evening;

suffer?’ ’’??° the hunt, the catch, and the entertainment of such visiting digJulius Ill could afford the levity better than the __ nitaries as cardinals and ambassadors; the negotiations involving

ailing Charles V, who was having a hard time. On Cardinal Ippolito d’ Este and the duke of Florence to find a 96 Mav Ippolito d’ Este, the cardinal protector of solution to the Sienese problem; and finally Balduino’s search y Pp a p for preferment for his friends and retainers. Thus, although French interests at the Curia Romana (and brother the conciliar secretary Angelo Massarelli had had his eye on of the duke of Ferrara), was recalled to Rome.?7* the priorate of S. Paolo at Sanseverino, Balduino wanted to On the following day, as we have already seen, secure it for his steward or “carver’’ (mio scalco, 1.e., an écuyer Charles reached Villach in Carinthia. fleein g be- tranchant), Messer Lorenzo Lauro—Massarelli was so well qual-

. - ; ified that almost daily occasions would arise to do better by him

fore Maurice of Saxony, who had Just seized than the mere priorate of S. Paolo (ibid., fols. 23", 25”, the Innsbruck. Henry II had won in the war of Parma, postscript of a letter of Balduino to Innocenzo del Monte, dated 21 September, 1553):

‘Ho visto quanto vostra signoria reverendissima risponde 222 Kupke, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-12, nos. 122-23, pp. 354-55, circa il priorato di Sanseverino: sarebbe honesto che Messer letters of Cardinal del Monte to Camaiani, dated at Rome on _—_‘Agnolo Massarelli non pensasse di havere ogni cosa lui, perché

16 and 18 May, 1552, and cf. Chiesi, ‘Papa Giulio II] e la alla vacanza d’ uno altero priorato di quel luogo di 200 ducati

guerra di Parma. . . ,” p. 230. ricerco il mio scalco che per amor’ suo non se ne travagliasse, 225 Thid., 1-12, no. 123, p. 356. promettendoli un’ altra volta di gratificar’ lui dove fusse oc224 Romier, ‘“‘La Crise gallicane,” p. 54. On the Ferrarese corso. Oltra di questo sendo Messer Agnolo persona qualificata,

cardinal’s career, see Heinrich Lutz, ‘Kardinal Ippolito IJ non mancaranno delle occasioni da fargli ogni di meglio, et son d’ Este (1509-1572): Biographische Skizze eines weltlichen certo che sua Santita gli dara un di un vescovado, cosa che non Kirchenfiirsten,” in Reformata reformanda: Festgabe fiir Hubert pud succedere al mio scalco[!].Pero vostra signoria faccia quello

Jedin, 2 vols., Munster, Westf., 1965, I, 508-30. che puo per amor mio—nel resto fiat voluntas Domini.”