The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, Vol. 3 9780871691613

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
Preface (page vii)
1 PIUS III, JULIUS II, AND THE ROMAGNA; VENICE, THE SOLDAN OF EGYPT, AND THE TURKS (1503-1507) (page 1)
2 THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICAN CONCILIARISTS (1507-1511) (page 51)
3 THE COUNCIL OF PISA-MILAN AND THE BATTLE OF RAVENNA, THE FIFTH LATERAN COUNCIL AND SELIM THE GRIM (1511-1513) (page 102)
4 LEO X, THE LATERAN COUNCIL, AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT (1513-1517) (page 142)
5 LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE AGAINST SELIM THE GRIM (1517-1521) (page 172)
6 HADRIAN VI, THE FALL OF RHODES, AND RENEWAL OF THE WAR IN ITALY (page 198)
7 PAVIA AND THE LEAGUE OF COGNAC, MOHACS AND THE TURKS IN HUNGARY, BOURBON'S MARCH ON ROME (1525-1527) (page 229)
8 THE SACK OF ROME AND THE SIEGE OF NAPLES (1527-1528) (page 269)
9 BEFORE AND AFTER THE TURKISH SIEGE OF VIENNA (1528-1529) (page 312)
10 CLEMENT VII, FRANCIS I, AND HAPSBURG OPPOSITION TO THE TURKS (1530-1534) (page 346)
11 PAUL III, THE LUTHERANS, VENICE AND THE TURKS (1534-1540) (page 394)
12 PAUL III, THE HAPSBURGS, AND FRANCIS I, THE TURKS AND THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1540-1549) (page 450)
13 THE ELECTION OF JULIUS III, THE COUNCIL OF TRENT, THE TURKS AND THE WAR OF PARMA (1549-1552) (page 505)

Citation preview

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571)

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful Knowledge Volume 161

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571) Volume III

The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III KENNETH M. SETTON

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Independence Square - Philadelphia 1984

Copyright © 1984 by The American Philosophical Society for its Memoirs series, Volume 161

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 75-25476 International Standard Book Number 0-87169-161-2 US ISSN 0065-9738

Volumes III and IV together cover the Sixteenth Century through the period of Lepanto. Pages and Chapters are numbered continuously throughout both volumes. The Index is given at the end of Volume IV.

PREFACE As stated in the first preface, this work was sup-__ in which both the Lutherans and the Turks became posed to come out in three volumes. It has grown deeply involved. to four. Like other living things books tend to be- The seemingly endless contest between the Valois come reproductive. We think we write them, but and the Hapsburgs was not confined to the battlesometimes they seem to write themselves. Also, field. The imperialist-Hapsburg and pro-French while we like to think we do things by ourselves, cardinals took up the cudgels in the conclave, each mostly we do not. Without the assistance I have party trying to elect as pope a candidate from its received I should never have been able to finish own ranks or, if need be, a pope with links to neither this work. Over the years Mrs. Jean T. Carver has _ side. For this reason I have given extensive accounts prepared the typescripts, and read both the galleys of the conclaves which brought Julius III and Pius and the page proofs. Dr. Susan M. Babbitt has IV to S. Peter’s throne, the two longest and most checked both typescript and proofs, and she has __ revealing papal electoral struggles of the century.

made the index to these last two volumes (tantae The Turks were not much interested in conmolis erat!). 1am most grateful to them both. The claves. As far as they were concerned, one pope dedication of these volumes to my wife is much was like another, but they looked upon church more than a thankful gesture. She has entered the councils with no small suspicion. Advocates of rearchives with me, copied documents, criticized the _ ligious unity and peace among the Christian princes typescript, and read the proofs. Besides all this she | were bound to preach the crusade. In fact the conhas transcribed the text of Pietro Valderio’s Guerra _ ciliar secretary Angelo Massarelli saw ‘‘the represdi Cipro, which work has (I think) not hitherto been — sion of the Turk, the enemy of Christ’s name”’ as

used for the critical years 1570-1571. one of the chief reasons for the Council of Trent. Again I must acknowledge my years-long debt The dogmatic decisions promulgated at Trent have to the archivists and librarians at the Vatican and endured as Catholicism to this day. I have dealt at in Venice, at Mantua and Malta, Modena and Milan, some length with all three periods of the council, Siena and Florence. I recall with pleasure my long — especially with the third (1561-1563), not only for sojourn at the Gennadeion in Athens, and with equal _ its various Turkish adumbrations, but of and for pleasure I acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. _ itself. This one can now do with some measure of Harry Woolf, director of the Institute for Advanced objectivity since the publication of the successive Study; Dr. Herman H. Goldstine, executive officer volumes of the Concilium Tridentinum (1901 ff.), one and editor of the American Philosophical Society; of the major works of modern German scholarship. Miss Carole N. LeFaivre, assistant editor of the So- Throughout all four of these volumes, from the ciety; and Dr. Harry W. Hazard, my fellow editor Fourth Crusade to Lepanto, Venice is linked closely

of the History of the Crusades. with the papacy. In the sixteenth century, both the

Curia Romana and the Venetian Signoria suffered As in the earlier volumes the chapter headings blows from which no return to their former state

are descriptive, designed to indicate the content was possible. The Holy See could not recover its and chronological coverage of each chapter. There earlier dominance in Europe after the Protestant are too many important issues discussed, too many attacks, nor could the Venetians rebuild their emevents described, in the following pages to make it pire after the Veneto-Turkish treaties of 1540 and advisable to single any of them out for comment. 1573. One of the best ways to learn what went on We must, however, lay some stress on the fact that behind the scenes in Rome and Venice lies in a in the sixteenth century the Holy See had to face study of the records (largely unpublished) of the not only the Protestant revolt but also the Turkish papal Consistory and of the Venetian Senate and peril, and that the two problems were (as we shall the Council of Ten. The reports of the Venetian see) always closely related. The popes had also to _ bailies and ambassadors and the dispatches (avvist) deal with the hostile rivalry of France and Spain, of the Fugger agents and others during this period vil

help keep us posted on what was being said and_ which had grown to such proportions that it would done among the pashas in Istanbul. The text of have required a small volume of its own. That has, these volumes is largely a restatement of contem- perhaps unfortunately, proved impracticable. But porary sources, a reflection of the historical image now it is time to call a halt, for a preface tends to

they reveal. become an apologia pro libro suo. With reluctance, The fourth and fifth chapters of Volume III have _ then, I take leave of my many friends of the sixteenth

been revised and reprinted from an article on ‘‘Leo century, and now I have to go my way. X and the Turkish Peril,’ in the Proceedings of the

American Philosophical Society, CXIII (1969). To the K. M. S. regret I have already expressed in the preface to the second volume for the lack of maps, I must The Institute for Advanced Study herewith add a word of apology for the decision Princeton, N.J. (made some years ago) to abandon the bibliography 17 June, 1984

Vili

CONTENTS Volume III

The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III 1. Pius III, Julius 11, and the Romagna; Venice, the Soldan of Egypt, and

the Turks (1503-1507) 2.0... ce eens ]

2. The League of Cambrai, the Turks, and the Gallican Conciliarists (1507-

3. The Council of Pisa-Milan and the Battle of Ravenna, the Fifth Lateran

Council and Selim the Grim (1511-1513) ..................... 102 4. Leo X, the Lateran Council, and the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1513-

5. Leo X and Plans for a Crusade against Selim the Grim (1517-1521) 172 6. Hadrian VI, the Fall of Rhodes, and Renewal of the War in Italy .. 198 7. Pavia and the League of Cognac, Mohacs and the Turks in Hungary,

Bourbon’s March on Rome (1525-1527) ..................0.. 229

8. The Sack of Rome and the Siege of Naples (1527-1528) ......... 269 9. Before and After the Turkish Siege of Vienna (1528-1529) ...... 312 10. Clement VII, Francis I, and Hapsburg Opposition to the Turks

(1530-1534) 2... ene ee ee eens 346

11. Paul III, the Lutherans, Venice and the Turks (1534-1540) ...... 394 12. Paul III, the Hapsburgs, and Francis I, the Turks and the Council of

Trent (1540-1549) 2... nets 450

13. The Election of Julius III, the Council of Trent, the Turks and the

War of Parma (1549-1552) .. 0... ee 505 Volume IV

The Sixteenth Century from Julius III to Pius V 14. The Murder of Martinuzzi, the Turks on Land and at Sea, the War

of Siena (1551-1555) oo. eens 565 1X

15. The Reign of Paul IV to the Outbreak of the War with Spain ..... 616 16. Paul IV, the War with Spain, and Jean de la Vigne at the Porte ... 659 17. The Election of Pius IV and the Fall of the Carafeschi, Cyprus and the

Turkish Success at Jerba (1559-1560) «1.0.0... ee eee 721

18. The Third Period and Closure of the Council of Trent (1561-1563) 769

19. France, Venice, and the Porte—the Turkish Siege of Malta ...... 829 20. Pius V, Spain, and Venice; the Turks in Chios and the Adriatic; the

Revolt of the Netherlands .......... 0... 0.02, 882

21. Venice, Cyprus, and the Porte in the Early Years of Selim II

(1566-1570) 2... ee ee eee 923

22. The Failure of the Expedition of 1570 and Pius V’s Attempts to Form

the Anti-Turkish League .. 0.0.0... eee 974

23. The Holy League, the Continuing War with the Turks, and the Fall

of Famagusta (1571) 2... ee eee eee eee = 1004

Century . 0... eee 1045

24. The Road to Lepanto, the Battle, and a Glance at the Following

Index 2.0... cette tee eee eee eee = 1105

X

1. PIUS II, JULIUS II, AND THE ROMAGNA; VENICE, THE SOLDAN OF EGYPT, AND THE TURKS (1503-1507) THE PAPACY of Alexander VI marked the _ the sixteenth century Venice was by far the strongest beginning of a new century in the long, _ state in the peninsula. Her lands, trade, wealth extumultuous history of Italy. It was not merely a_ cited the envy and cupidity of the three chief powers matter of chronology, the division of time into cen-_ in Europe, and yet one began to question her ecoturies; it was the dark dawn of a new era, a matter nomic future. As the Portuguese rounded the Cape of harsh political, economic, and intellectual change. of Good Hope, diverting the spice trade from Egypt It was to be an age of religious revolt and dissen- and Syria to Lisbon, the Venetians lost their near sion—of Lutheranism, Calvinism, and radical Prot- monopoly of pepper. Hard times were coming. The estantism—an age in which the established Church diarists Girolamo Priuli and Marino Sanudo were was to sustain losses never to be recovered. The already complaining. As for the New World, who classical values of fifteenth-century humanism lost in the time of Priuli and Sanudo could imagine its much of their hold upon intellectuals as the printing ultimate importance to Europe?

presses frequently turned to vernacular literature. The brilliance of the Italian past, the seeming No period in history has been static, but old Edmund opulence of the cities, the alluring beauty of the Spenser’s sixteenth century suffered more than most — landscape drew the kings of France and Spain over

from ‘‘the ever-whirling wheele of Change, the the mountains and across the sea in this early mod-

which all mortall things doth sway.”’ ern period, just as the German emperors had come Split up into rival and usually hostile states, the down over the Alps scores of times during the midItalian peninsula was vulnerable to attack and, in-_ dle ages. Against the manpower and resources of deed, to conquest from the outside. The first decade the increasingly unified national states of France of the sixteenth century found the Frenchensconced and the Spanish kingdoms, Venice and the Holy

in northern Italy, the Spanish in the south. The See were at an irremediable disadvantage. The century began with French efforts to lord it over Neapolitan kingdom fell to Spain. Milan and Ferthe peninsula. It was to end with Spain all-powerful, rara, Mantua and Florence could play only subor-

the papacy and Venice subdued. dinate roles, surviving as satellites of the Valois or

The peace of Lodi had initiated an extraordinary the Hapsburgs, and eventually of the latter. forty years of what approached tranquillity in Italy Administration grew more efficient at the French (1454-1494)'; churches and palaces were built, cit- and Spanish courts (and in the Venetian secretaries remodeled and restored, works of art produced, ates) as more sons of bourgeois families, often riches accumulated. But the historian and statesman _ products of the universities, entered the service of Francesco Guicciardini would soon watch every- the state. Leaving governorships and the battlefield thing go from better to worse, after Charles VIII to the nobly born, the kings turned more and more

entered Italy on 9 September, 1494, to the new bureaucrats, who were abler with the

. Seseco .). ..inpen and1better budget. Such functionaries conducendo Italia semi at di the innumerabili calamita, oy . di orribilissimi accidenti, e variazione di quasi tutte le proved indispensable as new taxes were devised, cose: perche dalla passata sua non solo ebbono principio revenues increased, territories were added, and

mutazioni di stati, sovversioni di regni, desolazioni di paesi, royal needs exceeded available assets. The nobility, eccidii di citta, crudelissime uccisioni, ma eziandio nuovi however, was the foundation upon which kingship abiti, nuovi costumi, nuovi e sanguinosi modi di guer- was based, and the crown was likely to allow the reggiare, infermita insino a quel di non conosciute.. . .* local nobility to exploit the townsfolk as well as the

The French and Spanish and Germans would vie Mer he key ; ; ; cially the French and Spanish. At thewobeginning of than T ykingdoms. 5 PP Prosp powers were more In Europe with one another to reap Italian harvest, espe- e kings always appeared in debt, butto unul late in pe the ~27,. d Ambassador, do you know how this affair has come about? greeting, but ali done with ntting solemnity; ra- ¢ you have come here as ambassador of the Signoria and gani has described it in detail, step by step, all the as an ambassador of truth, I will see and hear you willingly gateways and doors through which they passed in at all times. If you have come here to defend thieves and the Citadel until they reached the soldan’s pres- my enemies, stay no longer in my country! For God’s ence. The Venetians had been instructed in Mam- | sake go and take away your merchants!

luk court etiquette. Pagani knew it would be a

serious offense for one to spit or blow his nose in Faced with a hurricane, says Marc’ Antonio, the

the soldan’s presence. ambassador began to lower his sails:

Before going to the Citadel, Trevisan had sent My lord, I have no way of knowing how this consul has the soldan a most impressive array of gifts from behaved, but I can assure you of the loyalty and steadthe Signoria—eight robes of cloth of gold, four- fastness of the Signoria’s attitude toward you. If you teen of velvet, twenty-six of satin, two of damask, _ find it to be otherwise, take my life into your own hands. as well as many others woven of silk-and-gold, and Do with me as you like. It could be that owing to igof scarlet and purple fabrics, plus sables, ermines, P0rance this consul mignt have committed’ some error and masses of squirrel furs, not to speak of fifty @84ISt your loresmup. 1 cannot conceive Ol Hs Having

h f Pj a. Th | tati done so with evil intent, because that would have been

c CESS rom svc late e actua pe eeclf ‘Ath contrary to the Signoria’s wishes. My lord, put this conthe gifts was made later by Pagani Imsel and the cul in my hands. I will take him to Venice. The illustrious Veronese dragoman. Examining them one by one, Signoria will make the most thorough investigation of

the graying, stout soldan expressed his pleasure this matter. If he is found to have made this mistake

and satisfaction in the things the Signoria had sent from malice, such justice will be done that all the world him, but declared withal that he was even more _ will understand the Signoria’s affection for you. If you

charmed by Trevisan’s grave dignity.'°° agree, we shall put him in chains. ; eM second 5 warence came on tne 4d two The soldan wanted Trevisan’s assurance that

hee ° M ay ) ed says a hc ree the Signoria would cut off Zen’s head or leave him

hore? are eave) "he b h as t hot Tre to die in prison or at least exile him from all towns

ours” (tre grosse hore); t 1 an hoon ho, he and territories belonging to the Republic. Trevi-

vulic as pelea ss Re ere Chars 4 hie san replied that an ambassador could not commit

“q ore h * bes ane be h. : he “ 'S his government to any sentence without the acA the V ac Been ale q 7 S: sopars “king cused being heard. He asked for a chance to talk f the tee and tron S o hich, Ree wer, t Ai to Zen, to find out what he had done that might Or hh ve bee eedhag w Ss U ui a 1a q have been detrimental to the Mamluks. To this Ther fears to rest ithe nny ene ean ding the soldan replied, “Take him to your lodgings.”"!™ t MI se Are rest Mane itn ould tak vhoo | 'NS It is small wonder that Pagani should add that to Marc Antonio, “wien It would take C00 tong when they regained their quarters, they were alto write.”” The Signoria had all that affection for ; ; 170 . most dead with fatigue.

the soldan that sons have for their father. The

; ; ; The thatdiscuss theSignoria ambassador Tresoldan finally saidsoldan that heagreed realized was ;; ; visan should the Pietro Zen’s case with_. certain not at fault. Suddenly, however,officers he turned to Pie; of the Mamluk court, which was done, and tro Zen, the consul of Damascus, who wasAntonio, present, “‘l’ : , are ; net: at such a meeting, says Marc’ and cried out, ““This dog was about to betray my ~ 03orator ;;

with the Signoria! ; . state. On account of him I almost came to a break

parlo mirabilmente.”’ Eventually it was decided

, ane that the ambassador should appear before the sol; dan sight at a public audience. He was come with the The mere of Zen aroused thetosoldan to :;

consuls of Damascus and Alexandria; the Venetian a fury of anger. Trevisan tried to defend the con- ; merchants in Cairo were also to be present. The

soldan would state his charges (querele) against

—___ Zen, the consul of Damascus, after which the am'°8 Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 181-89. Since the bassador, with his own hand, would put a chain Venetian merchants in Cairo believed that the gifts sent by the argund Zen’s neck, and lead him off for removal

Signoria fell short of the occasion, they added to them enor-

mously. The rich offerings were then paraded through the —————— streets to the Citadel, ‘‘che era un triumpho a veder’”’ (Marc’ 89 Marc’ Antonio’s letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarii, Antonio’s letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarz, XV, 195-97, XV, 197-99.

on Trevisan’s first audience with the soldan). '7° Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 190-94.

32 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to Venice, so that the Signoria could administer _ of his [royal] lordship.’ After stopping at Cyprus

justice in his case. The two Cypriotes who had and Rhodes, the ambassador Trevisan reached been captured with the letters of the sophi were Candia on the morning of 4 September, and Marc’ also brought to the audience in chains. The soldan, Antonio had immediately taken pen in hand. It moved to anger, spoke in a high voice: Tommaso _ had beena hard voyage, with contrary winds, ‘“‘che Contarini, the consul of Alexandria, was a man of é€ stato cossa terribele.’’ Their galley required ex-

substance, but Zen was a traitorous rogue. tensive repairs. Expressing dissatisfaction on several counts, the Marc’ Antonio describes the difficult negotiasoldan said he was directing his “‘khoja’”’ (coza) to _ tions with the soldan’s officials. The Venetians had

take up various matters with the ambassador. Vene- offered to pay 2,000 ducats a year, to cover the tian payments of the Cypriote tribute were unsat- next three mude or mercantile loading periods, in isfactory. The soldan declared he was being cheated. return for the guarantee (per el cotimo) that no His requirements for trade—the old Mamluk prac- Venetian merchants would be constrained to buy tices—were not being observed, nor were (he said) _ pepper “‘neither by the khoja nor by anyone else,”’

the articles which Taghri Berd: had negotiated in if they thought the price excessive. This also 1507 with the Signoria. As for Taghri Berdi, he meant no enforced barter. The Mamluk officials was also a soundrel (ribaldo), and the soldan was wanted 10,000 ducats for such freedom of trade. going to revise the treaty to which Taghri Berd: The Venetians refused, and the ‘“‘disputation”’ had subscribed. The Venetians must abide by Egyp- went on for six weeks. At length the khoja agreed tian customs or leave the soldan’s domains. Trevisan to 4,000 ducats a year for three mude, but the asserted he had come to enhance the friendship — soldan still thought it should be ten thousand. which had bound Venice to the Mamluks ‘“‘da cen- Since he so approved of the ambassador, however, tenara de anni in qua.”’ And the audience ended _ the soldan would divide that sum in half, ‘“‘ducati

with more good words. 5,000 per 3 mude proxime a I’ anno.”’ By the time Pietro Zen was led away in chains, “‘and has been _ the next three mude had passed, the soldan hoped

lodged in the house of the ambassador from that to have achieved such a victory over the Porday to this” (i.e., in July, 1512). The ambassador’s tuguese in the Indian Ocean that pepper could house was a big one. It would hold, says Marc’ An- return to its old price (of 80 ducats per sporta). tonio, two hundred persons. A hundred ‘‘Franks,”’ Domenico Trevisan and his merchant advisors mostly Venetian merchants, were being lodged with agreed, and so steps were taken to draw up a new the ambassador, as well as some poor Greeks who _ treaty in the “‘capitoli di Alexandria.” The Venehad been captured by the Mamluks at sea. Zen’s _ tians and the Mamluk officials traded demands and

life had been saved. concessions, with Trevisan insisting “that our mer-

When on 30 June (1512) Trevisan received let- chants should be able to sell to whom they please ters from the Signoria, dated 20 April, with news and buy from whom they please.”” On the whole, of the battle of Ravenna and the retreat of the says Marc’ Antonio, the articles of the new treaty French, he sought an audience with the soldan, were so recast that the requirements became what who expressed pleasure in the success of Venice _ they had been in the days of Ka’itbey, the Mamluk and her allies. Once again Trevisan gave fulsome soldan of Egypt and Syria from 1468 to 1496. assurance of Venetian loyalty toward and love of Much haggling had apparently been done over the soldan, moving the latter to declare, ‘““Tu € “‘trifles of small importance” (buzzare. . . di pocho ambasador di verita e homo sapientissimo, tu€ un momento), but at least it was done, ‘‘and if they

de quei che governa el tuo stado.. . 2771” observe what they have promised, one will be able

In his second letter (from Candia on 4 Septem- to do business with a good heart.” ber, 1512) Marc’ Antonio Trevisan informed his The soldan now allowed the friars of Jerusalem brother of their father’s departure from Cairo on to return to their convents, the Venetian pilgrim 2 August. He also sent the welcome news that the galleys could resume their voyages to the Holy Venetian consuls, Zen and Contarini, and all the Land, and the Holy Sepulcher would be reopened Venetian merchants and subjects had been freed, in due course. The friars hastened to return to ‘‘and our nation is back again in the good graces Jerusalem, ‘‘a beautiful concession, which had been denied to the French ambassador.”’ Marc’ '71 Marc’ Antonio's letter of July, 1512, in Sanudo, Diarii, Antonio regarded the soldan as arrogant and avar XV, 199-202, and cf; Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. 195 Vicious, choleric and ignorant. In dealing with him

97. one needed a good deal of prudence, a quality

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 33 which the ambassador Trevisan possessed, and Such was the background to the commercial which enabled him to win the approval of the sol- treaty which Domenico Trevisan negotiated with

dan as apparently few envoys had ever done. the Egyptian court in July, 1512, the last formal When Trevisan went to the Citadel for the last agreement to be made between the Signoria and private audience of farewell, the soldan spoke to the Mamluks,'”® for (and we shall return to him him with cordiality, ‘‘and with gestures showed _ ina later chapter) al Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghurt had signs of affection, as one does without knowledge only four more years to live and rule. The Turkish of the language.” In fact he extended his hand to conquest of Syria and Egypt lay ahead. Surely ZacTrevisan—as sovereigns never did—and in a_ caria Pagani’s account of the Venetian embassy of burst of emotion the ambassador threw himself at 1512and,aboveall, Marc’ Antonio Trevisan’s two

the soldan’s feet and kissed his robe. letters describing his father’s diplomatic success Seizing upon the emotion of the moment, Tre- with Kansuh al-Ghuri provide us with one of the visan brought up the question of Pietro Zen. The fullest and closest views of the Mamluk court to lordly Kansuh al-Ghuri then said that he had been — be found in any contemporary source.

told Trevisan had gone as ambassador to many lords, and had always returned home content with —_Julius II’s decade of rule was to be full of tension his mission. ‘‘I want you to leave me,” he declared, and turmoil. Cesare Borgia would soon be disposed ‘‘more satisfied at heart than you have ever been of, but the Venetian occupation of Faenza, Rimini, with any other lord. I make you a present of the and other places in the Romagna bespoke a sea of consul of Damascus for your slave. Do what you troubles. As usual the embassies of obedience were

want to determine his fate, which now depends slow in coming. At length on 3 October, 1504, upon you alone!” Trevisan kissed the ground be- envoys of the new grand master of Rhodes, Aiméry fore the soldan, al modo de’ Mon, to thank him for d’ Amboise, arrived in Rome to render obedience his generosity, because the soldan now pardoned to Julius II,'74 which was done on the fourteenth, Zen, allowing him to return to the court to kiss when the papal secretary Sigismondo de’ Conti of

the ground at his royal feet. Foligno, historian, notary, and poet, read the letters

The ceremony of forgiveness was performed on _ presented by the envoys to the pope.'’” The master 26 July (1512). The whole Mamluk court was pres- had been unable to come to Rome himself for the ent; everyone was richly dressed. In fact the am- ceremony, it was said, because he had been obliged bassador Trevisan, the consuls Zen and Contarini, to go directly from Avignon to Rhodes to make

the secretary Andrea de Franceschi and Marc’ provision for the many perils threatening both the Antonio himself—all five of them—were dressed island and the Order, which had just been assailed in robes that the soldan had given them in an un-_ by the Turks with the loss of many Knights. The usual display of friendship. That an ambassador pope was exhorted to embark on that “‘gloriosa e should receive such a gift was to be expected; he necessaria impresa contro infideli,’’ but while acwould wear the robe at his last public audience

with the soldan, “‘el zorno del vestir di!’ orator.” |, — _

; 244, 248, pp. 120-21.

But for the ambassador and four members of his Predelli, Regest det Commemoriali, VI (1903), bk. x1X, nos. suite to receive the valedictory robes seemed to '74 Burchard, Doarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 365, and ed. Celani, the Mamluks, says Marc’ Antonio, “‘tropo honor,’’ II, 460. Pierre d’ Aubusson died on 3 July, 1503, and a week almost too great an honor. When Zen made his _ later (on the tenth) a panel of sixteen Knights serving as elecobeisance before him, Kansuh al-Ghuiri said that fionarn, and representing some 387 Hospitallers then on the he was pardoning him “Der amor dil’ ambasador.”’ island of Rhodes, chose Aimery d Amboise, brother of the — cardinal Georges, as master of the Hospital to succeed him. He also granted Zen permission to return to Da- The rather complicated procedures are described in the Armascus to set in order his papers “relating to the chives of the Order at Malta (AOM), Reg. 80 [Liber Conciliorum, consulate.’’ And when the Venetian embassy left 1993-1509], fols. 17" ff. [fols. 30” ff. by modern enumeration]. Cairo on 2 August for Damietta, Zen went with D’ Amboise died on 8 November, 1512, and on the twenty. . oe second Guy de Blanchefort was elected to the magistery of them, promptly taking ship for Famagusta “to go Rhodes (AOM, Reg. 82 [Lib. Conc., 1512-1516], fols. 28° ff.

on to Damascus.”"!”? [fols. 38° ff. by mod. enumeration]).

'75 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, 366-67, and ed.

TT Celani, II, 460-61, with note 2 on the career of Sigismondo 172 Marc’ Antonio’s letter of 4 September, 1512,1n Sanudo, — de’ Conti. Incidentally, Giustinian regarded Sigismondo as a Diaru, XV, 202-7. Trevisan’s audience with the soldan on 26 friend of Venice (Pasquale Villari, ed., Dispace: di Antonio GiuJuly was his seventh and last (Schefer, Le Voyage d’ Outremer, pp. stinian, ambasciatore veneto in Roma dal 1502 al 1505, 11 [1876],

205-6). 369, letter dated 1 January, 1504).

34 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT knowledging the Knights’ obedience, Julius had little place of an envoy, he is only a secretary.” In Gius-

to say about the crusade.'”® tinian’s opinion they did not make a good showing, The records of the Venetian Senate and Antonio coming as they did with a bedraggled fifty horse Giustinian’s correspondence during the fall and anda mere eleven carriages. They would stand in early winter of 1504 contain many factsand rumors — strong contrast to the Venetian embassy which was concerning papal relations with Spain, France, and expected soon, and for which suitable lodgings were Germany as well as the kings’ own negotiations with — being prepared in the houses of the Orsini on Monte

one another. Famine prevailed in Rome and indeed _Giordano.'*!

in all Italy. By early November bread was sold in The French ceremony of obedience took place only four or five places in Rome; the hardships which at a public consistory on 21 April, at which the nature and a callous government imposed upon the Spanish ambassador to the Holy See protested poor horrified the Venetian envoy, [crudelitates] quas_ against the French envoys’ letters of credence which horresco scribere.'’” Occasional notices of the Turks contained a reference to Louis XII as king of Naples. appear in Giustinian’s letters,'’° including the plan. ~The French envoys maintained that Louis was inof one Fra Francesco da Ravenna, a Dominican, to deed king of Naples, for Ferdinand’s current ‘‘pos-

poison Sultan Bayazid II.'”° As early as 25 Novem- session seu detenzion” of the kingdom in no way ber (1504) Giustinian could report to his govern- invalidated Louis’s rights thereto. Giustinian was ment plans for an invasion of Venetian territory happy to report to the Signoria this diplomatic clash, tripartitis exercitibus by Maximilian, Louis XIJ, and in which the pope remained neutral—‘“‘el Papa stette

Julius IT with Florentine aid. The allies believed it quieto e non disse parola ne per I’ un ne per likely that the Republic might turn to Istanbul for |’ altro’’—although he avoided calling Louis king help, and in the event of a Turkish army’s being of Naples.'*? sent to Italy or elsewhere to help the Venetians, all In speaking of the French embassy of obedience, three Christian armies should be prepared to oppose — Sanudo notes that “‘domino Michiel Rizo, neapothe Turks. The allies proposed to divide Venetian _ litano, fé la oration latina, la qual poi fo impresa,”’!**

territories in this way: the pope would get the Ro- and Rizzio’s Latin oration was indeed printed. It magna; the king of France, the duchy of Milanand — was of course most deferential. Kings and princes,

certain towns in addition; the king of the Romans, he said, no less than others must venerate those the Veneto and Friuli, lands traditionally belonging — elevated to the supreme pontificate. The kings of to the Empire; the duke of Ferrara and the marquis France had always done so, deservedly earning the of Mantua would receive back certain places which _ title ‘‘most Christian.’’ Louis XII, king of France,

Venice had taken from them. The Florentines Jerusalem, and Sicily as well as duke of Milan, would finally get Pisa.'*” Already the foundations _ yielded to no one in his reverence for the Holy See, had been laid upon which the League of Cambrai ‘‘presertim in hac felici assumptione tua, Pater bea-

was to be built. tissime.’” When the Neapolitan Rizzio referred to Ina letter of 15 April, 1505, Giustinian apprised — the French king as ‘‘Sicilie rex,”’ eo ipso he included

the Venetian government of the arrival in Rome Naples. Addressing Julius directly, as he did of the French embassy of obedience. There were throughout his oration, Rizzio declared: three envoyss he Says, a bishop, a knight, and You have been raised to the supreme pontificate after aonlydoctor, is the Michele Rizzio, Nea-years ; under , who . serving as alord cardinal for more than athirty politan, who will make the address—besides these four pontiffs, after undertaking with endless effort the there is another, and although they give him the — burdens of many legations, and you have been so en-

grossed in ecclesiastical affairs that nothing should have

—______ escaped you which will make for a true defender of the 176 Villari, Dispacei, HI, 260. Church, a perfect priest of the sacred rites, and a sagacious

7 Villari, Dispacei, I, 284. By mid-January, 1505, people pastor. By the vote and approval of the fathers you emerge were dying of hunger in the streets of Rome (id., II, 372). not only as the successor of Peter, prince [of the Apostles], Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, VI, 91, 125, 134, 165. The famine extended but also of your own wise uncle Sixtus IV... . to Istanbul (2b:d., VI, 164).

8 Cf. Villari, Dispacci, WI, 271, 312, 347, 453. a

179 Thid., Il, 292, 306-7, 315, 332-34. The Venetian Council 8! Villari, Dispacci, UI, 485-86; Burchard, Diarium, ed. of Ten rejected Fra Francesco’s plan, “‘quale e de sorte aliena “Thuasne, III, 385, and ed. Celani, II, 477-78. On Michele

dalla natura del stado nostro” (III, 315, note). Rizzio (Riccio), see Celani, II, 477, note 5, and cf. Volume I], '89 Villari, Despacei, I], 311-12, and cf. pp. 313, 321 ff., 483-84 note. The “‘secretary’> whom Giustinian dismisses was 336-37 ff. On 22 September, 1504, Louis XII and Maximilian — the famous Greek scholar Guillaume Bude. had drawn together in the “accord of Blois,” on which cf. Seneca, 182 Willari, Dispaca, IN, 494-96.

Venezia e Papa Giulio HI, pp. 60-66. 183 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 156.

JULIUS Il, VENICE, AND EGYPT 35 Every step of the way, through his long career, sented himself as among those who disapproved of in everyone’s judgment Julius was destined to as- the Franco-German alliance, stating that Maximilian sume the highest responsibility. He had been elected ‘‘had been deceived” (cognosceva el suo principe esser by the unanimous consent of the many fathers, nu/lo inganato). He even informed the Senate that he was dissentiente, ‘‘a thing which happens to very few.”’ prepared to work against the alliance. The VeneThe cardinals had thought, as had Rizzio himself, tians pointed out to him that a place could be made that S. Peter’s bark—storm-tossed for years and for the pope in a “‘confederation”’ consisting of the almost sunk—could be entrusted to no one more Holy Roman Empire, the Spanish kingdoms, and safely than to Julius. Louis XII had been above all Venice. The way would also be open for Louis XII anxious that Julius should learn from Georges to join the confederation. Thus would the Christian d’ Amboise, the cardinal of Rouen, what joy and commonwealth again find peace, and the “‘Christian hope had come to him with the news of the election. expedition” [against the Turks], which his imperial ‘Tu enim sacerdos et summus, tu pontifex et max- Majesty had wanted to embark upon almost from imus, tu princeps episcoporum.”’ Kings and princes — the cradle, might at last find fulfilment. The Senate

were bowing before him. He had power over all, took care to give Rinaldi no written text of their the high and the low. He wielded both swords. It ‘‘deliberation’’ with him; he listened agreeably to was no small task for Rizzio to give adequate all they had to say. When the Signoria reported expression to his feelings and those of others. But their discussions with him to the Venetian ambaswhat could possibly give the most Christian king, sador at Maximilian’s court, they directed the latter his nobles, and his people more pleasure than the — to preserve a discreet silence and merely to assert fact that their loving friend of so many years should the Republic’s anxiety to place itself entirely at

attain to the highest place in Christendom? Maximilian’s disposal. The Venetian ambassador King Louis wanted nothing more than union with was to learn what he could of Rinaldi’s report to the Holy See and the increase of the true faith “with | Maximilian, and to say nothing himself. A Spanish

you as leader, you as pastor.” Ah, yes, one could envoy would soon be on his way to Germany, but congratulate the French on having a pope whose the Venetian was also to confine his conversations wisdom and clemency, magnanimity and piety they with him to courteous platitudes.'*° The diplomacy knew so well and admired so much. With courteous | of the day was a duel; the diplomats sharpened their gestures to his fellow envoys, Rizzio offered Julius wits on one another’s duplicity. It was not merely the full support of Louis XII, ‘‘et huic Sanctissime — that the heads of states and their envoys lied readily

Sedi quicquid imperio terra marique habet, offert.”” to one another, as they did, but that the scene Rizzio covered a wide field, even urging Julius al- changed so rapidly, even from month to month, ways to keep the crusade in mind, ‘‘and let no day _ that one had to be constantly on the alert. Today's pass by on which you do not give some thought to ally was tomorrow’s enemy. Self-interest was the an attack upon the enemy of the Christian name!’’'** _ origin of all policy.

In the meantime a “league and concord”’ had been negotiated between Louis XII and Maximilian, Pope Julius II] presented such a contrast to his king of the Romans, who looked forward to the nepotistic predecessors that Giustinian found it difimperial coronation in Rome. This so-called league _ ficult to understand him. On one occasion Pietro was as disquieting to the Venetians as to Ferdinand _ Isvalies, the cardinal of Reggio, informed Giustinian

of Aragon.'*’ When the imperial envoy Luca de’ _ that in discussing Venetian retention of papal terRinaldi was in Venice in December, 1504, the Sen- _ ritories in the Romagna the pope stated ‘‘che questo ate urged upon him Maximilian’s adherence to a __ stado della Chiesa non é suo patrimonio, e che pero Veneto-Spanish entente as being in the German interest, for “‘the larger part of the servitors of his § —————_— imperial Majesty are ill content with this accord * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 67"-68" [82"—83"], docs. dated which he has made with France.” Rinaldi repre- 10-12 December, 1504. The death of Isabella of Castile on 26 November was known in Venice by 16 December (ibid., fol.

| 68”), and Lorenzo Suarez, the Spanish ambassador in Venice, '®4 Ad Pontificem Maximum Iulium Secundum in obedientia ill’ assured the Senate that ‘“‘now more than ever’ Ferdinand of prestita pro Christianissimo Rege Francorum, Hierusalem et Sicilie, Aragon would be able to effect the aggrandizement of “‘his Duce Mediolani, Ludovico huius nominis XI per Michaelem Rittum, — state and his friends”’ (2bid., fol. 70", doc. dated 21 December). Neapolitanum, wurisconsultum ex maximo consilvo ipsius regis et in Since Isabella’s daughter Joanna inherited Castile and Leon, supremo Senatu Parisiensi senatorem, unum ex oratoribus euusdem much depended on how well Joanna’s husband Philip, archduke

regis, COpy in my possession. of Austria and son of Maximilian, got along with her father '8° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 53° [68"], 57 [72], 60° ff.[75" | Ferdinand, for Philip might persuade Maximilian to withdraw

ff.], and cf. Priuli, Dearu, II, 356. from the alliance with France (2bid., fols. 72” ff. [87° ff.]).

36 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT non lo vol dissipar, ne dar ad altri... .”’°’ To went on, he was always seeking additional sources Julius the papacy was a sacred trust; he would never — of income to build up his reserves for war and for have it said that he had consented to the alienation his own security. He sold benefices as well as offices of Christ’s property. Commendable as this attitude in the Curia Romana to help replenish the exhausted

was, it served to confine the pope’s attention to treasury and repay the debts he had inherited from Italy, which was also a wise policy. Therefore, when Alexander VI, whose support of Cesare Borgia’s in mid-March, 1505, Polish envoys appealed to Ju- Romagnole enterprise had impoverished the Holy lius for aid against the Turks, who were constantly See. On 14 May, 1505, the papal treasurer was even making raids into Poland, it was generally believed called upon to pay an aromataria named Lucrezia, that they would receive no more than the spiritual _ wife of one Francesco da Montepulciano, 176 florins graces of the jubilee, “because it is useless to try to ‘‘for diverse aromatics and medicines administered

get money from the papal purse.’’!®* to Pope Alexander of happy memory.’’'”? On 23 April (1505) Giustinian received a letter Julius had more serious financial troubles to conof recall to Venice.'*? He was replaced by Girolamo tend with than Lucrezia’s bill. He had inherited Donato (Dona) and Paolo Pisani,'®° and he was glad _ from his predecessors, and especially from the Bor-

to see the end of his tense audiences with the some- gla pope, a debased coinage which had added to

times choleric pope. inflation in the papal patrimony. It had also made Julius II’s personality was marked by some of the more difficult the borrowing of money from bankers simplicities of a Ligurian peasant, but he also loved who had no use for a coinage whose metallic content grandeur (as all the world was learning), and of _ fell short of its nominal value. Julius established a course his patronage of painters, sculptors, and ar- new mint, therefore, near the church of S. Celso, chitects was to become famous. He gave alms gen-_ on the corner of Banchi Vecchi in Rome. The site erously to the poor, and imported grain to feed the — of Julius’s mint is now occupied by Paul V Borghese’s Romans in time of scarcity, although there appears Banco di S. Spirito. Julius’s predecessors had often to have been little he could do to relieve the grim used various mints outside the city, where surveil-

shortages of the winter of 1504-1505.'"' As time lance had been sparse. In the spring and summer of 1504 the silver groat called the “‘giulio”’ was

188 . : ; . : . . .

minted. Ten such “‘giulii’”’ were made equal in value 87 Villari, Dispacci, I, 361-62, dispatch dated 7 January, to one gold ducat of the Camera, restoring a con-

1505. fidence in the papal coinage for everyday transac-

Villani, Dispacc, IH, 453. The Polish envoys were given tions such as no one had felt since the reign of Paul the golden rose for their king (2bid., III, 461, and Burchard, II Barbo. Monev. however. was hard to come bv:

Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II], 337-38, and ed. Celani, H, 475). ° . y> ? ; ; Ye

The Polish speech of obedience to the pope, delivered by Bishop the new regulations were not easily put into effect; Erasmus Vitellius of Plock, on Monday, 10 March, 1505, may —_ and So it is not surprising that the indulgence was

be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols. frequently employed asa means of raising funds. 169°-171", by mod. stamped enumeration. For the concession If the years were to reveal Julius II as a warrior,

of the jubilee, see, idid., fols. 171°-173", and cf. fol. 205. If the . idh | hat h Poles ‘“‘got no money from the papal purse,”’ they did improve contemporaries wou ave aiso to agree that he

the occasion of their residence in Rome by securing from the maintained law and order in the streets of Rome, pope and Curia briefs of confirmation of privileges, various as had not been done since the better days of his new concessions, a ten years’ grant of Peter’s Pence to aid in — yncle Sixtus IV. He gave the Swiss guard almost rebuilding the castra regni Polonie infidelibus propinqua (ibid., fols. 169°, 175%), indulgences, provisions, etc., and on 4 November, ———_—______—_-

1507, Julius II transmitted to Poland and Hungary a bull of | chossa veramente incredibille . . . ,”’ and on the famine of plenary indulgence ‘“‘pro fabrica Basilice Sancti Petri Rome’”’ 1504-1505, note, ibid., pp. 363, 364-65, 366, 368-69. Con(ibid., fols. 200” ff.). This register contains much material on _ ditions had become better by July, 1505 (II, 383), and much

Poland. better by March and April, 1506 (II, 404, 406, 414).

'89 Villari, Daspace, III, 499-500; cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, '9? Arch. di Stato di Roma, Introitus et Exitus, Reg. 535,

fols. 90 ff. [105 ff.], and Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 145. Giustinian’s — fol. 182, cited by Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 224, note, and Gesch.

last dispatch is dated 26 April. d. Papste, WW1-2 (repr. 1956), 693, and note 8.

19° Villari, Dispacct, III, append., no. Vu, pp. 542-43; Sanudo, '8 Cf, Edmondo Solmi, ‘“‘Leonardo da Vinci e papa Giulio Diarui, V1, 160-61; Burchard, Diarrum, ed. Thuasne, III, 386- _II,”’ Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (ann. XX XVIII, 1911),

87, and ed. Celani, II], 479-81. Giustinian left Rome on 12 395 ff., and note August Schmarsow, ed., Francisci Albertini May, and “‘remanserunt d. Paulus Pisanus et d. Jeronimus Do- — opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis Romae, Heilbronn, 1886, p. natus in curia pro negociis communibus Venetorum”’ (Burchard, 48: “‘Non longe ab ecclesia S. Celsi tua Sanctitas [ Julius IJ]

ed. Thuasne, III, 388, and ed. Celani, II, 483). officinam pecuniae cudendae construxit. . . . Fiunt enim ar'9! Cf. Priuli, Diarti, I, 353, entry dated August, 1504: ‘La — gentei nummi, ‘Iulii’ appellati, cum Apostolorum ac Ruereae grande charestia de formenti ahora hera per tutta Ittallia uni- [della Rovere] familiae insignibus, cudunturque medii [ulti, ac versalmente, a Roma, a Firenze, a Napoli, a Milano, a Bologna, _—diversarum pecuniarum genera imprimuntur, quae nunquam Mantoa, Ferarra, per tutta la Romagna et per tuta la Lombardia, | huiusmodi Romae nec in terris Ecclesiae visa sunt... .”

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 37 its modern form, reorganized the municipal gov- middle.'®” The Hospitallers aided and abetted the ernment, extended agriculture in the Campagna, Rhodian pirates, even preying on Venetian shipprotected commerce as best he could, and tried to ping themselves “‘soto pretexto de andar contra maintain a good administration in the long-harassed | ‘Turchi.’’*°° In fact the Venetians sometimes had

States of the Church. The reasons why Pope Julius almost as much trouble with the Hospitallers as II fastened his almost undivided attention upon Italy with the Turks. After the death of John Corvinus, have been made sufficiently clear. The Curia carried duke of Croatia and King Matthias’s son, his on ecclesiastical and other business with various widow suffered a serious defeat at the hands of a princes, cities, and individuals according to the usual faction headed by certain members of the Franroutines. Julius was interested in the crusade, as_ gipani family of Segna (Senj), who called the Turks were all popes; he felt, however, that he was in no __ to their assistance. Nothing loath to profit from position to advance the Christian cause in the East. internecine strife among Christians, the Turks This was also the usual papal frame of mind. Of all were said to have carried off 8,000 captives, ‘‘so the Italian states Venice kept the steadiest eye on that there is great disturbance in those regions eastern affairs. But while the envoys of the Republic [confini], and it goes ill for Christianity, because and the Porte went back and forth between Venice the Turks hold certain castles, and will be able to and Istanbul, and peace continued between the two come at their pleasure to raid in Friuli... .”’*°' powers, central Europe was constantly threatened Hungary was ina painful state;*°* conditions could

by Turkish conquest or depredation. only get worse. Hungary was, however, the road A letter from Buda (dated 26 July, 1504), which into Europe, including Friuli, and Venice had for arrived in Venice about 20 August, detaileda rumor years been contributing to King Ladislas’s defense that an army of 60,000 Turks was moving against of his kingdom against the Turks.*"° Moldavia to occupy the ‘‘kingdom”’ which had been When Venetian galleys captured the fusta of a topsy-turvy (tutto sotto sopra) since the death of the ‘Turkish corsair known as Caramussa, a Moreote strong-minded voivode Stephen. Succession strug- pasha demanded its return, ‘‘dicendo non € corgles were open invitations to the Turks, at whose saro.”” Thus it went from month to month.*** Dealreputed advance the Wallachians were also trem- ing with the Turk was like walking barefoot on a bling. At the same time dissension in Bohemia ex- rocky road. It could be done; it had to be done; posed the land to peril.'*t We may postpone a closer but caution was always required. Many petty incilook at conditions in central Europe until we con- dents could easily be quoted from Sanudo’s crowded sider the more interesting and important period of pages to illustrate the difficulties which Venetian

the next generation. In the meantime the Turks commanders and merchants experienced in their were getting along so well with the Venetians that daily contacts with Turkish subjects both on land the sultan apparently withdrew his fleet from Valona_ and at sea. In the spring and summer of 1505 the in June, 1504, notifying the Signoria that he did captain of the Gulf, then serving under Girolamo

so “per la bona amicitia et pace havemo fra de Contarini, provveditore of the fleet, was to patrol

nui... 729° the Archipelago with five galleys. The Senate was The Venetians had, nevertheless, ample reason concerned for the safety of Nauplia, and kept a to wish that life in the Levant were easier. On 29 weather eye on the fuste maintained by the Turks September, 1504, the Senate voted to appoint to in Negroponte.*°” But the Venetians derived some a castellany on the island of Crete ‘“‘a nephew of the Greek bishop of Modon, who was killed by the —=—W¥—W—— Turks with the cross in his hand.’’!2° The Bosnian '99 Ibid., V1, 137, 151, 162, 163, 180, 248, and Sen. Secreta,

border was never safe,!°7 while the Turks fur- eg. 40 fol. 95 [110]. . ; - 198 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 151°-152" nished cause for complaint also in Dalmatia. dated 11 May, 1506.

[166°-167"], doc.

Relations were always strained between Rhodes 201 Sanudo, Diarit, VI, 194, and cf, col. 217.

and Istanbul. The Venetians got caught in the *? Priuli, Diarii, I, 383-84.

203 Predelli, Regesti det Commemoniali, V1 (1903), bk. XVUI,

TT nos. 177, 179-80, 183, 205, esp. 216, 220, pp. 46 ff., and bk. 194 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 49-51. The Hungarians were always XIX, nos. 17, 20, 90, 102, 109, 119, 133, 136-137, 142-43, in some danger (zb:d., VI, 74, 81, 232). 150-51, 157, 167-71, 178, 181, 184, pp. 67 ff., docs. dated

'°° Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 58-59; cf. cols. 71, 82, 83, 107, on from May, 1501, to February, 1510 (Ven. style 1509). the Turkish fleet; and so the fears of Priuli, II, 344-45, 347, 204 Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 238, and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols.

were groundless. 93” ff. [108% ff.]. 196 Sanudo, Diari, VI, 68. °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 93°, 95°—96", 97°-98" [108° '97 Thid., V1, 82, 120. ff.], 118-119 [133°-134]. Venetian subjects in the Archipelago, 198 Thid., VI, 90. however, could be as lawless as the Turks (zbid., fols. 151 [166],

38 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT encouragement at this time from the flourishing imilian I. While the pope was well aware of the fortunes of Isma‘il I, the “‘sophi” of Persia, who danger of inviting the further preoccupation of after an initial setback had quickly become the ‘“‘si- _ the powers with the affairs of Italy, he saw no other

gnor quasi di tutto el paese signorizava Uson Cas- way of countering Venetian arrogance and amsam,’ and was both the political and religious enemy _ bition. Since the Curia Romana was unable to enof the Ottoman sultan.*°° The Venetian consul in _ list the sympathy of Ferdinand the Catholic, and

Damascus, Bortolo Contarini, forwardeda letteron Louis XII and Maximilian could not be held toa 24 August, 1505 (it arrived in Venice on or just common policy in Italy or elsewhere, Julius could before 15 December), from the sophi himself, who _ not bring effective pressure to bear upon Venice. informed the Signoria that he planned to march Certainly he complained enough about the Reagainst the Ottoman sultan, ‘‘et vol esser amico di_ public but at the same time, somewhat inconsisquesta Signoria.’’ According to the consul, the Per- tently, he urged the princes to combine their sian ruler could muster 120,000 horsemen, of whom _ efforts and resources in the crusade, the sanctissima

20,000 to a man would give their lives for him.2°7 expeditio in Thurcas.*°° It is hard to believe that For years, however, the Shite Persians and the anyone took such routine advocacy of the crusade Sunni Ottoman Turks exchanged suspicious em-_ very seriously, but the constancy with which such bassies and more than once prepared for war, but references appear in the sources may lead one to no great contest was to be fought between them as_ suspect that it would be easy to underestimate long as the ailing Bayazid II lived and ruled in Is- their popular appeal. tanbul.*°* The Persians clearly provided no answer Julius II’s failure to distinguish himself as a cruto the Turkish problem, although (as we have just sader was more the lack of opportunity than of seen) Isma‘il’s letters to the Signoria did get the desire. On 30 January (1504) he granted FerdiVenetians into trouble with the Mamluks within a nand and Isabella the imposition of a tithe upon

few years. the Spanish clergy to help them prosecute the war

From early in the year 1504 Julius II had re- against the Moslems of North Africa.*'® There was alized that the only way he had of expelling the no need for Henry VII of England to urge Julius Venetians from Faenza, Rimini, and the other to work for peace in Europe in order that a “‘valida places they had occupied in the Romagna, was by expeditio” might be sent against the Turks.?"! forming an offensive alliance with one or more of What the pope could do, he did. Although the the great powers. Papal nuncios were doing their Curia lacked arms and money, it possessed an best to gain the assistance of Louis XI] and Max-_ inexhaustible treasury of words. An encyclical of 12 July (1505) encouraged the Portuguese to press

—_—_— the holy war in Africa, 168°-169* [183*—184"]). On the other hand Turkish fuste sailing ; ,

out of Modon seized Venetian ships, “‘depredando anime et and also by the plenitude of power, given to us from on quelle menando in captivita come si el se fusse in aperta guerra!” high, we do grant and bestow the full remission of all (ibid., fol. 173 [188], and cf fol. 178 [193]). When Niccoldé their sins and the indulgence such as our predecessors, Sommaripa, lord of Andros, died in 1506, the Senate imme- the Roman pontiffs, commonly gave to those setting out diately provided for the succession by his uncle Francesco, lest for service in the Holy Land, and such as they granted the island lack a government and presumably attract the Turks jn a jubilee year, and we decree that the souls of all

(vbid., fol. 1. [200")). 9 those who shall have gone on this sacred expedition [to 347. pane o ant WI 68 6y aI as 5 36 o. 513 4380 Africa] shall dwell in the company of the holy angels in

207 Sanudo, VI, 269. The consul Bortolo Contarini assures the kingdom of heaven, and in everlasting felicity. us that it was not his nature to write anything that did not have °° ° a ‘‘fondamento aparente”’ (ibid., VI, 68). Although he encoun- —§ ————————

tered the usual difficulties in Damascus, Contarini had proved 209 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1504, nos. 5-6, vol. XX successful in his negotiations with Mamluk officials concerning (1694), p. 9, ‘“‘dat. Romae apud S. Petrum, anno etc. MDIII,

“la questione del pepe e delle spezierie’”’ (Predelli, Regest: dee 8 Kal. Mart... ,” ie., 22 February, 1504. On 1 March Commemoniali, VI [1903], bk x1x, nos. 46-47, 57, pp. 73, 75, Julius II wrote Ferdinand and Isabella at length concerning docs. dated February and April, 1504). Contarini returned to — the necessity of the crusade (ibid., ad ann. 1504, nos. 14-15, Venice on 6 July, 1506 (Sanudo, VI, 371). A decade later (in vol. XX, pp. 11-12), and on 26 July he wrote the Hungarians 1517) he was sent with Alvise Mocenigo on a special embassy _ to the same effect (2bid., no. 32, XX, 15).

to Sultan Selim I after the latter’s conquest of Egypt (cf below, 21° Raynaldus, ad ann. 1504, no. 38, vol. XX, pp. 17-18. Chapter 4, note 98). On the uneasy commercial relations be- 21! Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, no. 3, vol. XX, p. 20. tween the Sunni Ottoman Turks and the Shiite Persians, see 212 Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, no. 5, vol. XX, p. 21. A year Jean-Louis Bacque-Grammont, ‘‘Etudes turco-safavides: Notes _ later, in a letter to the king of Tunis dated 22 June, 1506, the sur le blocus du commerce iranien par Selim I"',”” Turcica, VI Venetian Senate expressed a willingness to resume trade with (1975), 68-88, and on Bortolo Contarini, note, ibid., p. 83. his subjects provided certain difficulties relating to customs, 208 Cf S. N. Fisher, The Foreign Relations of Turkey, 1481- weighing, sales, and the like could be settled (Sen. Secreta, Reg.

1512, Urbana: Univ. of Hlinois Press, 1948, pp. 90-102. 40, fols. 160°—-162° [175*-177"}).

JULIUS IJ, VENICE, AND EGYPT 39 Anxious for many reasons to establish peace be- funds collected by Raymond Peraudi, cardinal of tween France and Spain, Julius wrote Cardinal Gurk, during his recent mission to the northern Georges d’ Amboise on 4 December (1505), pro- kingdoms.’ On 1 April (1506) Julius II wrote longing his legatio de latere in France in order that Aimeéry d’ Amboise acknowledging receipt of two he might help settle the differences existing be- letters with the news that Sultan Bayazid II was tween his sovereign and King Ferdinand, after preparing in the arsenals at Istanbul and Gallipoli which he should impel both Louis XII and the a great fleet for a siege of the Hospitaller fortress French nobility to take the cross against the Turks, of Rhodes. The pope encouraged d’ Amboise with “after the fashion of their ancestors.”’ Louis XII the assurance that he was no whit inferior to his was then enjoying a period of religiosity induced predecessor Pierre d’ Aubusson, who had repulsed by an almost miraculous recovery from serious ill- the forces of Mehmed II, nor was Rhodes any less ness. The pope began his exhortation to d’ Am- fortified than it had been in d’ Aubusson’s time. boise with a recital of the miseries the Turks had Julius would aid the Hospitallers as Sixtus IV had imposed upon Christians and with the recollection done, “our predecessor and our uncle;”’ he had of the Turkish conquest a few years before of also directed absent Knights to go to Rhodes and

Lepanto, Modon, and Coron.*!” to pay their dues to the common treasury. Tithes

Despite his concern for the Turkish problem, were imposed on ecclesiastics to secure money for Julius I] remained almost wholly absorbed in his the defense of Rhodes, and the Christian princes determination to regain the Romagna. Once rid of | were directed not to divert them to other purposes the exasperating importunities of Giustinian, he than the crusade.*!” granted the new Venetian envoys fewer audiences. There can be little doubt that the crusade was In March, 1505, to be sure, the Venetians had sur- the subject of frequent discussion at the papal rendered their hold on the Romagnole towns of court, but Julius I] remained too much engrossed S. Arcangelo, Montefiore, Verucchio, Savignano, in Italian affairs to venture into the East. He enTossignano, and Porto Cesenatico. Although the deavored by matrimonial alliances and other means pro-Venetian duke of Urbino, Guidobaldo da Mon- to win over the Orsini and Colonnesi (in 1505—tefeltro, relative of the pope (by marriage)and com- 1506), and then undertook the expulsion of Gianmander of his forces, assured the Doge Leonardo paolo Baglioni from Perugia and Giovanni BenLoredan that his Holiness would not now press for _tivoglio from Bologna. Despite the opposition of further concessions, the papal secretary Sigismondo Venice and the initial disapproval of Louis XII, de’ Conti observed that Guidobaldo “‘had little ex- the pope set out on a military expedition in late plored the mind of Julius, who was wholly deter- August (1506), entering Perugia on 13 September mined to recover Rimini and Faenza.’’?!*On5 May amid thronging crowds and the ringing of bells. (1505), a week before Giustinian’s departure from In Perugia, Fra Egidio Canisio of Viterbo preached Rome, the pope had received the new Venetian a sermon, according to the Venetian envoy, “‘beembassy and accepted the Republic’s formal fore the pope and the cardinals, trying to persuade expression of obedience. Girolamo Donato, the se- the pope to march against the infidels, and it was nior member of the Venetian mission, gave una a beautiful sermon.’’?’® The pope talked of wrestoratione latina ornatissima, to which Julius returned ing Constantinople and Jerusalem from the hands

rather a short reply.*!” of the Moslems. Bologna, however, was his imWhatever the personal cares or political ambi- mediate objective. When he secured help from tions of a pope, no one in the Curia Romana could Louis XII, and French troops were advancing ignore the Turk. Thus on 15 June (1505) King

John of Denmark was reminded of the eastern 21© Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., adann. 1505, no. 24, vol. XX (1694),

question, and cautioned to preserve the crusading. 17.

217 Raynaldus, ad ann. 1506, nos. 6-7, vol. XX, p. 36. King

OO Manuel of Portugal was especially active at this time in promoting *!° Raynaldus, ad ann. 1505, nos. 9-12, vol. XX, pp. propaganda for the crusade (ibid., nos. 11-15, XX, pp. 37-38, 22-23. and cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 272, note, and Gesch. d. Papste,

*I4 Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 339-40, Priuli, Diari, H, 369- _TII-2 [repr. 1956], 732-33, note); the pope was also busy col70; Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio I, pp. 73-77; Sen. Secreta, — lecting tithes from the clergy and triennial ‘‘twentieths”’ from Reg. 40, fols. 84 ff. [89 ff.]. The Venetians were apprehensive the Jews pro expeditione contra perfidissimos Thurcos pro defensione of the possible consequences of the Franco-imperial accord of — Christiane religionis (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. Estense,

Blois (22 September, 1504). Estero: Roma, Busta 1296/11, no. 35, dated 12 February, 215 Burchard, Diarum, ed. Thuasne, III, 387, anded. Celani, 1505).

II, 481: Sanudo, Drarti, VI, 164, 165-66, 171-75; Priuli, I, 218 Sanudo, Diarn, VI, 427, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, 371, 374, 375; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 257-58, and Gesch. d. — fols. 159" [174"], 170°-171" [185°-186'], 177° [192°], 187-88

Papste, 1-2 (repr. 1956), 721-22. [202-3], on Venetian fears for Bologna.

40 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT upon the city, Giovanni Bentivoglio fled. The cence.**’ Julius’s rather hasty withdrawal from Bopope entered Bologna on 10 November, and was _logna had been caused not by fear of the city’s conducted in triumph the following day to the alleged aria malsana, but by his evident desire to basilica of S. Petronio to offer thanksgiving for his avoid any direct confrontation with Louis XII,

victory.*"” who was then in northern Italy. It was a Venetian Julius was soon having trouble with Louis XII, _ maxim that every movement of arms in the pen-

however, on account of the Genoese, whom the insula was dangerous. Great wars could spring king may have believed the pope was encouraging from small beginnings, as each participant sought

to resist the royal authority.?*° After confirming allies to help him, “chiamando chi questo, chi the privileges which Nicholas V had granted the quello in suo favore.”’ * The political atmosphere Bolognesi, the pope departed for Rome on 22 in Italy was charged with tensions. February (1507). He reached the Ponte Milvio over the Tiber five weeks later (on 27 March), his As long as their own internal disunion placed return to Rome being celebrated on Palm Sunday heavy restraints upon efforts of the French and (28 March) with unusual warmth and magnifi- Spanish to extend their influence or to acquire territories beyond their own borders, the Italian states

TT had been able to maintain a political equilibrium 219 Giovanni Bentivoglio had left Bologna by 2 November in the peninsula. Venice and the papacy, Milan, (1506) when the Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana Florence, the Neapolitan kingdom, and even lesser informed the Senate of Julius II’s expected occupation of Bo- had ‘ntained their ind d Af logna, in which the Senate professed to feel ‘“‘grande piacer et states ha maintaine C cir Independence. ter satisfactione” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 194" [209"], dated 5 the success of Louis XI’s policy of centralization in November). See Paride Grassi, Diarrum: Le Due Spedizioni mlitari France and Ferdinand the Catholic’s expulsion of

di ore to eediFrati, polosPatria pee ee ff. by the Moors Granada,vol. the expansionist ambitions tazione Storia per(R.leonProvince di from Romagna, 1);

Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 347-62; Sanudo, Diarir, VI, 421. 01 both the French and the Spanish could be pursued 29, 493, 426-27, 431, 434-35, 438-39, 443-44, 447, 45]. with men and money which the Italians could never

52, 453, 455, 458, 459-64, 468, 474 ff., 479-80, 490, 491- match. There were those who dreamt of Italian 93; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1506, nos. 19-32, vol. XX, unity; that dream was to wait almost four centuries pp. 98-43; A. Desjardins (and G. Canestrini), Negociations di- for fulfilment. The Italian states were too small to

plomatiques de la France, Il, 164, 165-66, 172-73, 182 ff., 191 . h . l of By th f Bloi f ff., 195; Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius II. u. die Griindung des resist the national giants. By Ul € treaty 0 ols (0 Kirchenstaates, pp. 126-32; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 259-85, and 9 February, 1499) the Venetian government had

Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 722-42. tried to strengthen its hand by making an alliance The pope had succeeded in his enterprise against Perugia with France, but the League of Cambrai and the and Bologna despite an unfavorable development in European disaster of Agnadello (in 1509) were to show that affairs. Although the accord which Louis XII had made at Blois in September, 1504, with Maximilian, who was usually hostile even the strongest state 1n Italy could not forestall to Venice, played into the pope’s hand, Louis had also con- the interference of any of the giants by negotiating cluded a treaty with Ferdinand the Catholic (on 12 October, friendship with them.7?7°

1505), which might conceivably renew the wavering French The netians wer :

alliance with Venice (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 128 [143], Venetians were underestimating the power 137° [152”], et alibi). The Republic was opposed to the reassertion of papal control over Perugia and Bologna (cf. Seneca, —§ —~———————

Venezia e Papa Giulio H, pp. 79-80). By the treaty of 12 October 221 Sanudo, Diarii, V1, 545, 548, 551, and VII, 25, 33, 38, Louis seemed finally to have ceded to Ferdinand the disputed 43, 63-67; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 364, who misdates the

portions of the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand, in his turn, pope’s return to Rome; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, pressed by the Spanish ambitions of his son-in-law, Archduke — nos. 1-3, vol. XX (1694), pp. 48-49; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, Philip of Hapsburg, had felt obliged to come to terms with 285-89, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. 1956), 742-45, with Louis: Ferdinand married Louis’s cousin Germaine de Foix. Cf, refs. On 23 February, 1507, Sanudo notes the burial in SS. Baron de Terrateig, Politica en Italia del Rey Catolico, 1 (1963), Giovanni e Paolo of Gentile Bellini, ‘‘optimo pytor, qual alias

38-43. fo mandato al padre di questo signor turco. . . ; é restato il 22° Desjardins, I], 189, 195, 197-98, 204 ff., 216, 220, 223. fratello, Zuan Belim [Giovanni Bellini], ch’ é piu excelente pitor

When the Florentine envoy to the French court observed in de Italia” (VI, 552). Sanudo also observes that Mantegna had mid-February, 1507, that it was unlikely the pope was getting recently died in Mantua. mixed up in the affairs of Genoa, Louis XII agreed with him, 222 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 159° [174"], doc. dated 12 but added concerning the pope, “. . .eglié natod’ un villano, | June, 1506, to the Venetian ambassador in France, cited also e bisogna farlo andare col bastone”’ (ibid., 11, 220). A month _ by Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio II, p. 84. later, on 17 March, Cardinal d’ Amboise thought the pope was 225 Cf. Federico Chabod, ‘‘Venezia nella politica italiana ed probably sympathetic to the Genoese, but no ‘‘occulto favore’’ europea del Cinquecento,” in La Civiltd veneziana del Rinascihe could do them would help them very much (ib:d., p. 227). | mento, Venice and Florence, 1958, pp. 35-39, with pertinent

Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 54. reflections from Machiavelli and the diarist Priuli.

JULIUS I, VENICE, AND EGYPT 4] of the papacy and attaching too much importance September, 1506), Maximilian actually claimed

to their alliance with France. They felt that if the government of Castile on behalf of his little Louis XII proved an inadequate ally (and there grandson Charles [V] although the latter’s mother, was abundant evidence of his unreliability), they Joanna “‘la Loca,’ was very much alive, even if could turn to Ferdinand the Catholic. Since the mentally incompetent. Ferdinand naturally reSerenissima was probably the least popular state garded himself as the proper guardian of his in Europe, an aggressive territorial policy in Italy daughter’s kingdom, and under these circumhad been unwise; it had furnished too many states _ stances felt it highly expedient to reach a full unwith pretexts as well as reasons for opposition to derstanding with Louis XII, who held no brief for the Republic. The great powers, owing to real or the Hapsburgs, and who wanted quickly to supfancied grievances, might not be averse to bring- press the recent Genoese revolt against French ing about the humiliation of Venice. They might authority.?*° even set aside their own enmities long enough to The army which Louis XII had assembled to form a union which should have as its purpose the moderate the Genoese desire for independence (the diminution, even the destruction, of the Repub- revolt was suppressed in April, 1507) seemed exlic.*** The Venetians were rich, and Pope Julius cessively large for the purpose, giving rise in GerII was almost prepared to affirm that those who many as well as in Italy to the suspicion that some despoiled them would be rendering a service to ulterior motive might be involved. These fears ap-

the Church. peared unjustified, however, when on 28 June FerThe pope’s efforts were unremitting to force dinand the Catholic, accompanied by the Gran Cathe Venetians to restore to the Church the lands pitan Gonsalvo, arrived at Savona, where Louis

they had seized in the Romagna, but where would _ greeted him with effusive cordiality. The extent of he find the help needed to accomplish his purpose? — the trust and amity which were henceforth supposed Serious difficulties had arisen between him and _ to exist between the two monarchs was shown by Ferdinand the Catholic with respect to papal su- — the fact that Ferdinand had placed himself entirely zerainty over Naples and royal appointments to _ in the power of the French king, who yielded prebishoprics in Castile. Although like all popes Julius | cedence in all ceremonies to his beloved brother of

preached peace in Europe, he was little reassured Aragon, contrary to the custom which provided when Ferdinand and Louis XII met and appeared _ that every sovereign should take precedence in his to lay aside their differences at Savona at the end own dominions. In the discussions at Savona Fer-

of June, 1507. Behind that remarkable meeting dinand cast himself in the role of peacemaker belay the ambition of the Hapsburgs and the com- tween France and Germany, which was no easy task plication of contemporary politics in Europe. Max- since Maximilian was even then rattling the sword

imilian’s son Philip the Handsome, archduke of against Louis at the diet of Constance. But Louis Austria and Burgundy, who had married Joanna, — was all smiles at Savona, and Ferdinand proposed daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, tried to assert that they both make friendly overtures to Maxihis own and Joanna’s rights to Castile and Leon milian. If he accepted them, the way was open to after Isabella’s death (on 26 November, 1504),**? include the pope in a quadripartite alliance against seeking to deny Ferdinand the title gobernador de Venice. If Maximilian declined to accept them, Castilla, which Isabella had granted her husband — France and Spain would remain united, but in any in her will. After Philip’s own unexpected and event the greatest secrecy must attend both this untimely death at twenty-eight years of age (on 25 conference and subsequent deliberations.22” On 9 August (1507), however, a Spanish envoy solemnly

—_——— assured the Venetian Senate that the crusade against vy, Seneca, Venezia e Papa Giulio II, pp. 52-64 and ff. the Turks was the sole purpose of their Majesties’ December, the Senate electedbeneficio Vincenzosera 6 ; dela ; ~On , »16 Mes meeting 1504, at Savona: “‘. . . Maior Querini to wait upon Joanna and Philip when the news reached Venice of the death of Isabella, ‘“‘per quam ex testamento re-

linquitur heres serenissima eius filia, nunc archiducissa Bur- © gundie,”’ for Venice wished “‘facere omnem demonstrationem *2° Cf. José M. Doussinague, ‘‘Fernando V el Catolico en las

erga illam et illustrissimum archiducem, nunc serenissimos reges vistas de Savona de 1507,”’ Boletin de la Academia de la Historia, Castelle’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 68° [83°], and note fol. 71 © CVIII (Madrid, 1936), 99-101 and ff. Philip’s death was known

[86]). Lorenzo Suarez, the Spanish ambassador in Venice, as- in Venice by 10 October (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 188°sured the Senate in January that a “true concord and union” — 189" [203*—204')}).

would be effected between Ferdinand of Aragon and the new *27 Doussinague, “‘Fernando V . . . en las vistas de Savona

king and queen of Castile (ibid., fol. 72° [87°]). ... , pp. 105-14, 125 ff., 133 ff.

42 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Christianita, et meglio se potrano metterse [le to perform the ceremony on imperial soil.?°° CarMaiesta sue] in la impresa contra li infideli, inimici — vajal was in his turn to try to induce Maximilian de la fede.”” The envoy could show the Senate a to extend the hand of friendship to Louis XII and, letter from Ferdinand, dated at Valencia on 20 July, of course, to do whatever he could to promote the emphasizing the French and Spanish resolution to crusade. In Rome and elsewhere in late August

move against the Turks.?** (1507) there was a rumor of Sultan Bayazid’s

Ferdinand believed that Louis should deal very death, which suggested that now was indeed the gingerly with Pope Julius, since it was commonly opportune time “‘al pigliare le arme contra il Turthought that Julius feared the papal ambitions of cho, del quale hora facilmente se potria sperare Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise. Everything de- victoria, triumpho et gloria.’’?*!

pended, however, upon Maximilian’s seeing the The Venetians had been well aware that their light and agreeing to six months’ cessation from _ state faced serious dangers since the signing of the all military action. His failure to do so would mean _ treaty of Mejorada (on 31 March, 1504), the treaties that France and Spain should themselves make an _ of Blois (on 22 September, 1504, and 12 October,

alliance with Venice to prevent a conceivable im- 1505), and the Acts of Haguenau (on 6-7 April, perial alliance with the Republic! Obviously a 1505), which had established peace and close dipFranco-Spanish union with Venice would evoke lomatic ties among France, the Spains, and Gerthe indignation of the pope and cast him into the many.**? But long years of observation of the enarms of Maximilian. But the international con- mities which the great powers entertained for one spiracy being hatched in Ferdinand’s fertile mind another had convinced most Venetian statesmen took account of the possibility of a new papal elec- _ that it would be almost impossible to form an amaltion (conceivably involving Julius’s deposition’), at gamation which could bind together France, Gerwhich both Ferdinand and Louis would support many, Spain, and the Holy See for concerted action the election of Cardinal d’ Amboise. Here secrecy against the Republic. After all, Maximilian was as and caution were of the greatest importance. Fer- impulsive as Julius II, and Louis XII as grasping as

dinand was to make a point of informing d’ Am- Ferdinand the Catholic. Although Maximilian and boise that one of the things he most desired in the — the doge exchanged the most courteous assurances world was to see a good pope presiding over the — of undying amity, the Hapsburgs’ hostility to Venice Church, and that he hoped such a pope would — was well known. Official friendship served a useful reform the Church, in which case (Ferdinand said) purpose, however, and in late October, 1506, the he had two requests to make: first, that he andthe Venetian Senate decided to send an envoy extraornew pope should always be united in true friend-_ dinary to the imperial court. A delay of three months ship, and second, that every effort should be made _ followed, but on 29 January (1507), in keeping with

to launch a crusade against the Turks.**° the intent of the Signoria, the scholarly Vincenzo Maximilian could not be induced, however, without reservation to Jom the Franco-Spanish 259 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 290-95, and Gesch. d. Papste, IIentente. He dreamed of seizing Milan from Louis 9 (repr. 1956), 746-51; Brosch, Papst Julius IT, p. 145. XII, and so the French propagandists did what *5! Cf. in general Alessandro Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega harm they could to the Hapsburg cause both in di Cambray concordati a Milano ed a Mantova,” Arch. stor. Germany and in the Netherlands. Maximilian’s /ombardo, 4th ser., XVI (ann. XXXVIH, 191 1), 246-47, 250, . he j “4 vn Italy al 273-74, and esp. pp. 280-83, letter of Cardinal Sigismondo plans to receive the lmperiat Crown? In taly also Gonzaga to his brother the Marchese Francesco of Mantua, caused the pope no little apprehension. In early dated at Rome on 30 August, 1507. August (1507) Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal went *82 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, 1V-1 (Amsterto Germany to suggest that two cardinals be sent 4am and The Hague, 1726), no. xxvi, pp. 51-53, treaty between Ferdinand and Isabella and Louis XII, signed at the

—__—__—_—————- abbey of S. Maria de la Mejorada on 31 March, 1504; no. “28 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 36 [48]. XXVHI, pp. 55-56, treaty of peace among Maximilian I, King

*2° Doussinague, “Fernando V. . . ,” pp. 115-17, 144-45: Philip of Castile, and Louis XII, dated at Blois on 22 September, ‘* . . y que diga su alteza [Ferdinand] al cardenal [d’ Amboise] 1504, and cf. nos. XXIX, XXXVIII; no. XXX, pp. 58-59, treaty que esta es una de las cosas que mas en este mundo dessea por _ of alliance between Louis XII and Maximilian, dated at Blois ver un buen papa en la yglesia, y porque espera que la yglesia on 22 September, 1504, directed against the Venetians, allegedly sera por él reformada, y que para en aquel caso le pide dos _ for their invasion of the Romagna, beat: Petri ac Romanae Ecclesiae cosas, la una que estén siempre muy unidos y en verdadera — patrimonium; no. XL, pp. 72-74, treaty of alliance between Louis

amistad, y la otra que le prometa de dalle todo favor para la XIJ and Ferdinand dated at Blois on 12 October (ratified by empresa contra los infieles’’ (from the Archives Nationales, Ferdinand at Segovia on 16 October, 1505), whereby Ferdinand Paris, K. 1639, MS. no. 35). Nothing is said in this document —_was to marry the French princess Germaine de Foix; and nos. about deposing Julius II. The crusade was discussed a good deal XXXII-XXXIII, pp. 60-61, the Acts of Haguenau, dated 6-7 at Savona (Doussinague, op. cit., pp. 129-30). Ferdinand de- April, 1505, whereby Maximilian invested Louis XII with the

parted on 2 July (2bid., p. 140). duchy of Milan!

JULIUS Hl, VENICE, AND EGYPT 43 Querini was chosen as envoy to the Emperor Max- pope in the defence of allegedly threatened Bologna. imilian. Querini set out on his mission before his Julius had asked for no such aid. Obviously Arianiti commission (dated 25 February) was ready; in view was working hand in glove with Maximilian, who

of the forthcoming diet of Constance some haste told Querini that he would not take three steps on seemed desirable. His dispatches to the Signoria Julius’s behalf, but that it was another matter to run from the beginning of March to November _ protect the Holy See, “‘et non lassar occupar Italia (1507), almost to the preliminary formulation in da Franzesi.’’**° January, 1508, of the articles which were to lead Arianiti said he had always wanted to see Italy to the anti-Venetian League of Cambrai the fol- “‘free of the barbarians—the older I get, the more

lowing December.**” I see Italy in greater peril of complete destruction.

Maximilian was interested in an alliance of Venice . . .”’?°’ Both Maximilian and Arianiti dinned the

with the empire against France, but Vincenzo same refrain into Querini’s ears—una alleanza veQuerini was instructed to deal in the vague gen- neto-imperiale—while the harassed envoy insisted eralities of a Christian union which would make _ that the relations of Venice with the empire were possible “‘una santa expeditione contra infedeli’ so cordial that an alliance was quite superfluous. under the supreme command of Maximilian him- The Signoria also found excellent reasons for deself.2°* Querini was hard put to clothe his cliches _ clining the emperor’s request to send troops through

in the guise of sincerity, for there were periods Venetian territory to protect Bologna against the when he had almost daily audiences with Maximil- French, which made Maximilian angry, and aroused ian. There was also a special envoy of the pope _ the hostility of the German princes then assembled accredited to Maximilian at this time, Constantine at the diet of Constance.**® Arianiti,*>’> who was ill-disposed toward the French, Maximilian was impulsive and unpredictable. The for they had removed him from the regency of imperial and Swiss forces, united on the borderlands Montferrat. Constantine could easily fall in with of Venetian territory, Querini saw as ‘“‘una grande Maximilian’s anti-French designs, and warn the pope _ et pericolosa potentia.’’ Feelings were still further that Louis XII’s north Italian army would be used — ruffled at Maximilian’s court by the news that the to acquire Bologna as well as to recover Genoa, and _ Venetians were actually negotiating with Louis XI] that Louis intended to contrive by whatever means possible a vacancy on the papal throne in order to =—————— secure the election of d’ Amboise as pope or even ** Brunetti, “Alla Vigilia di Cambrai,” pp. 12-18. Julius to have recourse to an Avignonese papacy. But if Was anxious to aid Genoa at this time, as Avianit observed

. Lodge (:bid., p. 21). On Maximilian’s desire to receive the imperial

an entente was thus likely between Maximilian and crown in Rome, as reported by Querini, cf. Sanudo, Darn, VII,

Julius II, since the latter had become the avowed _ 84, 86, 95, and for Querini’s hostile description of Arianiti, and outspoken enemy of Venice, the Signoria was see Brunetti. op. cit., p. 96. The Senate had informed the Veneall the more inclined to continue the Republic’s tan ambassador in France on 4 January, 1507 (Ven. style 1506), alliance with France. Maximilian. however. re- Per lettere novamente recepute . . . , ne € sta data noticia . , a che la Beatitudine sua havea mandato in Alemagna ala Cesarea quested permission for the free passage of an im- Maesta el Signor Constantini Areniti. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. perial troop through Venetian territory to aid the 40, fol. 203” [218*]). Arianiti came of a well-known Albanian family. His career is sketched in Winfried Stelzer, ‘‘Konstantin

TO Arianiti als Diplomat zwischen Konig Maximilian I. und Papst *33 For these articles, see A. Luzio, ‘I Preliminari della lega Julius I]. in den Jahren 1503-1508,” in the Romische Quartaldi Cambray,” pp. 287-93. As noted above, Querini had been — schrift, LXIII (1968), 29-48, who deals with his relations with sent on a previous embassy to Philip and his wife Joanna, Castelle | Querini in 1507 (ibd., pp. 42 ff.), and see Franz Babinger, Das reges ulustrissimi, when they were in Flanders. He was instructed — Ende der Artaniten, Munich, 1960, esp. pp. 30 ff.

to go “by way of Germany,” and assure Maximilian of the °87 Brunetti, op ct., p. 23. Arianiti’s views are interesting: Venetians’ ‘‘perseverans observantia et reverentia . . . erga the Swiss were mercenary, the French arrogant, the Germans Maiestatem suam”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 81°-82° [96°~ —_ bestial. There were numerous unavailing efforts, on the part 97°], commission dated 25 February, 1505 [Ven. style 1504]). of Arianiti and others, to effect a reconciliation between Venice

Querini had been chosen for the mission on 16 December, and Julius II (did, pp. 34-35). Some of these efforts were 1504 (cf., above, note 225). The Senate granted him the “‘li- insincere. Cf in general Roberto Cessi, ed., Dispacer degh ambacense”’ to return home on 12 June, 1506, after fourteen months’ = sezatort venezianialla corte di Roma presso Giulio H, Venice, 1932,

service abroad (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fol. 159° [174*]). On _ pref., pp. XXII ff., with dispatches of Domenico Pisani, Venetian Maximilian, the Italian states (especially Florence and Venice), | envoy in Rome. According to Pisani, certain efforts were being

and the diet of Constance, see N. Rubinstein, ‘‘Firenze e il made at the papal court in January, 1507 (Ven. style 1506), problema della politica imperiale in Italia al tempo di Massi- — to implicate the Venetians in talk of the crusade in order to miliano I,’ Arch. stor. ttalhiano, CXVI (1958), esp. pp. 20 ff., set them at odds with the Turks (zbr:d., pp. XXIX—XXX and ff.,

147 ff. and note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 205'-206° [220°—221')). *°4 Querini’s dispatches are analyzed by Mario Brunetti, ‘Alla *°8 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 29-32. For lists of the princes and

Vigilia di Cambrai,”’ Archiwro veneto-tridentino, X (1926), 1-108. — bishops at the diet of Constance (from April to July, 1507), see

55 Cf. Volume IJ, pp. 481, 513, esp. note 32. Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 140-43.

44 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a renewal of their alliance with France. Arianiti was Toward the end of June the Venetian Senate at work, day and night it seemed, trying to arrange courteously rejected the emperor’s proposal for an an accord between Julius II and the Signoria as the alliance against France, informing his envoys that basis for an imperial-papal and Venetian league the Signoria wanted to remain on friendly terms against France. The reconciliation of the pope and _ with all Christian states in order to further the suthe Republic would entail the Venetian surrender preme objective of the crusade. As for the request

of Rimini and Faenza to the Holy See, in return that imperial troops be allowed to pass through for which Arianiti spoke vaguely of concessions in Venetian territory and be supplied with provisions, Lombardy, to be acquired at the expense of the _ the reply of the Senate was that such a concession French. The emperor’s desire to embark on “‘l’im- could only bring the conflict of the French and the presa d’ Italia” was impracticable without the active imperialists into the lands of the Republic. Under engagement of Venice in the campaign. The Re- such conditions it would not be possible for Venetian public’s neutrality would not protect the rear of the forces not also to enter the field against one or the

imperial army from French attack.?°” other of the contending armies. This would be the On 2 June (1507) Maximilian summoned Que- end of the neutrality which the Signoria wanted to

rini, who by this time hesitated to request an au- preserve in the face of what appeared to be the dience, to tell him that he was sending two envoys _ likelihood of large-scale and destructive warfare.

to Venice to get a final, definitive answer to his How much more acceptable it would be to God if proposal of an alliance. Maximilian insisted he was Christian swords might be employed on the field not planning an Italian expedition “‘to destroy and _ of battle against the enemies of the faith who had ruin Italy . . . but to save the country and free it shed so much Christian blood!?** from servitude to France.”’ If he was German by In the meantime Henry VII of England had writnationality, he said, in thought and feeling he was _ ten Julius II (on 20 May, 1507), urging him to unItalian.**° Querini was becoming increasingly anx- dertake a crusade against the Turks.?*° The Veneious. The German princes at the diet of Constance tian ambassador in Rome secured a copy of the were showing an astonishing willingness to support royal letter and sent it to the Signoria, which the emperor’s expedition with men and money. The _ brought it to the attention of Maximilian’s envoys. death of Philip the Handsome had made the Haps- The idea of a crusade was not a Venetian device burgs seem less formidable. In talking with Georg nor an attempt at diversion. Other powers in EuSchenk von Limburg, the young prince—bishop of rope, even one as remote from danger as England, Bamberg, Querini emphasized (as he reported on recognized the necessity of undertaking a war 9 June) the desirability of a Christian league against against the “‘spurcissimi truculentissimique Christi the Turk. Although Venice had made peace with nominis hostes.’”” Henry urged the pope to appeal the Turk four or five years before, and had every _ to all the Christian princes to co-operate in a joint intention of keeping the peace, Querini kept re- expedition, to which he promised to contribute both turning to the Turkish peril. Georg Schenk was no arms and money. Since King Manuel of Portugal fool—he became well known as a patron of artand had already made a similar proposal, it was clear letters—and was quite aware of how unwilling the to the Venetians that such extraordinary interest Signoria would be to have it known that Venice in the crusade could only be the consequence of would even consider joining a league against the divine inspiration.*** Although the Venetians thus Turk. Schenk answered Querini that it was best first to deal with enemies close to home. There was *42 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 46-47. Querini’s reports to the Sino greater infidel than the king of France, as shown gnoria were highly secret, and apparently Sanudo was sometimes

by his numerous treacheries to the king of the Ro- not allowed access to them (Diarn, VII, 25, 44, 59, esp. cols.

mans and to the empire, When Louis 1 had re eae na ceive i jst deserts: hen and hen nly Wout [36 en erg tf [6a

following August (bid., fols. 32” ff. [44° fF.]). 243 Sanudo, Diaru, VII, 107, 115. The text of the letter was

—_——— entered in the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 29 [41].

39 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 22-25, 36, 38-39. *44 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 27 [39]; Brunetti, op. cit., pp.

249 Brunetti, op. cit., p. 37. 47-48, 56-57, 98, and cf. the letter of Polydore Vergil to

*4" Brunetti, op. cit., p. 40. On 21 June the imperial minister —_ Silvestro Gigli, bishop of Worcester, in Jas. Gairdner, ed., Letters

Paul von Liechtenstein told Querini much the same thing (ibid... and Papers. . . of Richard III and Henry VII, 11 (London, 1863), p. 44). Possessing property along the borders of Venetian ter- no. XXX, pp. 169-70, dated 7 April, 1507, concerning the king ritory, Liechtenstein had tried to be helpful to Querini (zbid., of Portugal. The pope answered Henry VII's recent (nuper)

pp. 34-35). letter on 9 July, 1507, dwelling on the difficulties involved in

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 45 made all the capital they could from discussion of pied, and so could not deal directly with the sulthe crusade, they feared little so much as being tan’s “‘slave”’ and kadi—were to set about getting openly associated with anti-Turkish propaganda. No the return of the captives and the restoration of Venetian official would dare risk an overt act against the properties seized in the raids upon Sebenico the Porte. Venice still had too much at stake inthe and Zara. The gifts of money, cloth, and clothes

Levant.?*° must be made to the slave and kadi secretly, soli

Also, as far as the Signoria could tell, Sultan cum solis, so as not to arouse the suspicions of the Bayazid II wished to preserve peace with Venice. local sanjakbey or anyone else on the scene. PreEarly in the year 1507 certain Turkish sanjakbeys, sentation of the gifts, however, should await asgroups of Martelossi, and other subjects of the surance of the recovery both of the captives and sultan had invaded the area of Venetian-held Se- of their properties. benico (Sibenik) and Zara (Zadar) on the Dalma- Moro and Bondimier (or their emissaries) might tian coast. The marauders had carried off some find it advisable to exaggerate the extent of the of the local residents, their animals, and other losses suffered by Venice’s subjects. They must properties. The Signoria had sent a protest to the _ certainly insist that those guilty of the raids should Porte, and the Venetian bailie in Istanbul sent be punished. If the slave and kadi were to say they back word (his letter was dated 11 April) that the had no authority to order such punishment, but sultan was distressed to learn of the incursions. He would work toward that end at the Porte, they had ordered a “‘slave’’ and a kadi (judge) to leave should be informed secretly that when the guilty for Sebenico within six days to conduct an inves- persons and parties had been duly punished, the tigation into the whole affair, see to the liberation Signoria would see to the slave and kadi’s being of all captives, the return of stolen property, and rewarded through the bailie in Istanbul in such the punishment of the offenders. As the doge and fashion “‘that they will understand how much we Senate wrote Marino Moro, the Venetian “‘count”” have appreciated their good efforts, and that they of Sebenico, and Bernardo Bondimier, ‘‘our cap-__ will have reason to be content with our expression tain of Zara,’’ on 28 May this was good news for _ of gratitude.’’**° Venice and for all the Republic’s subjects on the One could expect periodic difficulties with the Dalmatian coast. Moro and Bondimier were in- ‘Turks, but on the whole Bayazid II and the pashas

structed to meet with the Turkish deputy and remained friendly to Venice after the peace of judge, “‘li predicti schiavo et cadi,” to see that the 1502-1503. The Venetians were always more sultan’s orders were really carried out. The Turk- than a little concerned about the city of Famaish officials would of course expect some consid-_ gusta, ‘“‘da laqual depende la tutella et conservaeration themselves. ‘The Senate was therefore hav- tion del regno nostro de Cypro.”’ Much time and ing three appropriate garments, one length of money had been spent on the walls and fortificascarlet cloth and two of violet, as well as a sealed tions of Famagusta. But that was not enough; the bag containing three hundred ducats sent to Moro city must be provided with proper garrisons. Con-

and Bondimier to use at their discretion. sequently on 20 September (1507) the Senate In their letter of 28 May to Moro and Bondi- considered requiring all Cypriote feudatories, inmier the doge and Senate sent more precise di- cluding the heirs of those who had owed military rections as to the way Moro and his colleague— __ service to the erstwhile kings, to present themor their emissaries if they were otherwise occu- selves within four months to the captain of Famagusta, who was then responsible for the defense

—___ of the Republic’s “kingdom of Cyprus.”” The soseeking to organize a crusade (iid., no. XXX1, pp. 170-74). called feudatories (pheudati) were in fact to be reWe shall return presently to the English and Portuguese pro-

posals for a crusade. King Manuel’s letter to Julius IT was dated 24 May (1507); it was not delivered in Rome until November; —§ ————————

the papal answer is dated 10 December, 1507 (Raynaldus, Ann. 48 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 18°-19 [30°—31], doc. dated eccl., ad ann. 1507, no. 11, vol. XX [1694], p. 51). On Dom 9g May, 1507, the vote to send the above instructions to Moro Manuel’s dedication to the medieval “classic crusade,” see the and Bondimier being de parte 166, de non 0, non syncer: 0. As excellent article by Charles-Martial de Witte, “Un Projet por- not infrequently in this register there is no cross (+) indicating tugais de reconquete de la Terre-Sainte (1505-1507),” inthe passage of the motion, which was certainly carried out in this Congresso internacional de historia dos descobrimentos, Actas, vol. case. It will be shown later that the motion was put into effect

V, pt. 1 (Lisbon, 1961), pp. 419-49, who notes that “la de- in other instances in which the prevailing vote is not attended couverte de la route maritime de |’ Inde n’y entre pour rien” __ by the cross.

(pp. 423, 444 ff.). On the predatory Martelossi, see below, Volume IV, Chapter *4° Cf. Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 70-71. 14, p. 608a.

46 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT quired to live in the sparsely populated city, ‘“‘che Possession of the island of Cyprus brought the . . . vadino a far la residentia soa in Famagosta.” Venetians great pride and some revenue. Although, The four months in question would be counted as soldan of Egypt, Kansuh al-Ghuri claimed the from the time the Senate’s decree was first brought _ old tribute from the days of the Lusignan, the Egyp-

to the attention of the Cypriotes. If any feudatory tians were no longer in a position to exert their failed to obey the decree, the government in the — suzerainty over the island. They could not protect capital city of Nicosia must immediately recruit as _ their own shores from the corsairs. The Venetians many men-at-arms as there were feudatories who _ paid the Cypriote tribute of 8,000 ducats a year as failed to accede to the residential requirement. If the sine gua non of the Mamluk spice trade. Against it was necessary to purchase horses and arms, the whom did the Venetians keep renewing the walls government must do so, regardless of current prices. and fortifications of Nicosia and Famagusta? The The recruits would be sent to Famagusta; the rectors Turks, only the Turks. Had the Senate put into

in Nicosia must see to it that they were paid effect the motion it defeated on 20 September, promptly. Delinquent feudatories apparently ran 1507, it would have been very unsettling to the the risk of having their manorial estates (casali ter-_ local nobility, the pheudati and provisionati, the only reni) expropriated to pay the costs of the mercenaries _ native warriors (such as they were) to be found on who would take their place. Many years before, the _ the island. They all lived in Nicosia, a shabby ‘‘city”’

sum of 4,000 ducats had been set aside to provide in 1507, but preferable to the barren walls and for the needs of impoverished nobles and burghers. _ bastions of Famagusta. There was discontent on Recipients of allotments from the fund were called Cyprus, and there were some, especially among the provisionati. According to the legislation now sub- oppressed peasantry, who would have welcomed the mitted to the Senate (on 20 September, 1507), all Turks.

such recipients who were residents of Nicosia, in- A crusade of the great powers—the French, cluding those whose claims to subsidy went back to Germans, and Spanish—would have helped make

the time of the kings (1.e., before 1489), must also. the Venetian hold on Cyprus more secure. It take up residence in Famagusta “‘with their horses would also have removed the military manpower and arms.”’ Failure to obey would mean the end of of France, Germany, and Spain from the Italian their pensions or “‘provisions.’’ The proposed leg- peninsula. Obviously there was some logic in Vinislation, however, did not apply to the holdings of cenzo Querini’s oft-repeated proposal to the Emchurches, hospitals, “‘the poor of Christ,” and the peror Maximilian for a Christian league against

three or four constables who served in Nicosia. the Turks. The government of Nicosia, according to the In the year 1507, however, the crusade was not motion now put before the Senate, must send the even a remote possibility, although the Venetians captain of Famagusta a record of all pheudati and found the anti-Turkish exhortations of Henry VII provisionati with a precise statement of their obli- and King Manuel of Portugal useful for diplomatic gations. Further improvements were suggested in purposes. Maximilian and his councilors regarded the local government and the judicial administra- Querini’s reverting again and again to the necestion of Famagusta. All cotton and other merchan- _ sity of the Christian princes’ directing their arms dise must be loaded (or unloaded) in Famagusta against the Turks rather than against one another and at no other port on the island, which would — as nothing more than a shallow maneuver to evade give people ‘‘more cause to live in the aforesaid the offer of an imperial alliance. They also saw city.”’ Exceptions were made for freighters at Li- Louis XII behind the propaganda for a crusade, massol, Paphos, and a few other places; salt could for the French, having just re-established them-

of course be loaded at Salines on Larnaka Bay. selves in rebellious Genoa, wanted to divert the Some of these proposals had been brought before attention of the princes toward the Levant while the Senate in years past, and had been rejected. they pursued their own interests in Italy. The present motion, if passed by the Senate, As time passed, Querini’s position at the imperial would have required approval by the Grand Coun- court became very difficult. Julius II in truth did cil, the ‘““Mazor Conseglio.”’ It received only 27

votes in the Senate; the motion to ‘“‘table’’ the Cypriote proposals (quod presens materia pro NUNC Mas Latrie, Histoire de I’ tle de Chypre, 3 vols., Paris, 1852-61, differatur) was carried with 155 affirmative votes.**’ repr. Famagusta: Les Editions I’ Oiseau, 1970, III, 487-92, and, zbid., vol. IV (extracts from the Bibl. de l’ Ecole des chartes,

—_ XXXIHI-XXXV [1873-74] and the Docs. mnédits, Mélanges his247 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 42-43" [54—55"], doc. dated — toriques, TV [1882]), Famagusta, 1970, pp. 532-33, 557-58, 20 September, 1507. Some of the proposals thus put before — and ¢f. Sir George Hill, A History of Cyprus, 4 vols., 1940-52, the Senate were as old as 1489-1491, on which note Louis de III, 808-13.

JULIUS II, VENICE, AND EGYPT 47 not want an imperial alliance with Venice. Arianiti the Germans.*°’ He was back in Venice on 24 Nowas soon intriguing for Querini’s removal from the vember, and made his report to the Senate on the court. The Venetian envoy had long been isolated twenty-sixth, one of the earliest and most brilliant from almost everyone in Maximilian’s entourage. — relazioni ever made to that august body on the bafThe German ecclesiastical princes, who dreamed _ fling problems which the German empire posed for of rich bishoprics and red hats, were happy to show Venice and for Italy. Considering the character of their devotion to the Holy See by turning their Maximilian and the hostility of the German princes,

backs on Querini. After another Venetian refusal Querini (who would have liked some honorable of alliance with Maximilian and another rejection concession to the imperial requests) believed it quite of his request for free passage of imperial troops as likely that the Germans would attack Venice as through Venetian territory, the usefulness of Que- France. He realized, if he did not lament, the rerini’s embassy was almost completely ended. Al- strictions of the French alliance, and he would have though banished from the court, Querini, now at _ liked to see Venice regain some larger measure of Augsburg, could acquire bits of information which | freedom in determining her foreign policy. Now it suggested that Maximilian’s ambition to play the was apparently too late for a change. In declining role of Frederick Barbarossa was going to be limited to give Maximilian a forthright statement of Veneby financial difficulties, the recalcitrance of the — tian neutrality in a war with France, the Senate had

princes.**® . . . Swiss, and the cooling ardor of the German made a perilous decision.*”*

Before long Maximilian was insisting upon Vene- _ As we have noted in connection with Querini’s tian neutrality. His minister Paul von Liechtenstein, dispatches to Venice, the English and Portuguese marshal of Tyrol, said that a conflict between Venice kings were professing a great concern for the cruand the empire would cause the ruin of at least two sade. On 27 May, 1506, the Grand Master Aimery hundred Venetian business firms. Maximilian’s Ital- 4’ Amboise and the Convent of Rhodes had asked

ian expedition was constantly stated to have two Henry VII to become protector and patron of peaceful purposes—to receive the imperial crown their Order.” Imperiled as the Knights were by in Rome and to re-establish his jurisdiction over the Turks, they had some reason to look to Enimperial lands in Italy.**? But annulling the usur- gland for help. Henry seemed to have a genuine pations of imperial lands and restoring the regalian interest in the crusade, although he had enterrights sounded too much like Barbarossa for the tained no small suspicion of Alexander VI’s momerchants on the Rialto to put much faith in Max- _ tives in seeking funds to prosecute the war against

imilian’s declarations of pacific intent. the Turks. We have Cardinal Adriano Castellesi On 8 October (1507) Querini reported to his da Corneto’s word for it that the English king’s government that an alliance was apparently being Tesponse to the needs of Christendom in this reformed between the empire and the papacy. The Spect had been the most generous in Europe. In main points at issue had presumably been solved 4 lengthy letter written from Rome on 4 January, since the indefatigable Constantine Arianiti was be- 1504, Cardinal Adriano had informed Henry VII: lieved to be going to Rome to get the pope’s ap- —————— proval of a final text of the agreement. Querini 51 Note Querini’s reply to Liechtenstein, as reported by him assumed that antagonism to Venice was drawing to the Senate and by the Senate to the Venetian ambassador the new allies together.” When the Venetians de- 60") “letter dved 31 October, 1507, The ‘Senne authorized clined to send Maximilian a full and formal state- Querini’s return to Venice on 20 November, by which time ment of their neutrality in the event of a Franco- _ he had reached Serravalle all’ Adige (ibid., fol. 51° [63”)). German war, Liechtenstein called on Querini (on *** Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 105-8; Sanudo, Diarn, VII, 188, 27 October) to inform him that the presence of a 191-93, a summary of Querini’s report to the Senate; the full . ; ; . text is given in Eugenio Alberi, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori Venetian ambassador in Germany was incompatible veneti, ser. I, vol. VI (1862), pp. 5-58; and cf F. Antonibon, with the imperial dignity. Querini was to go back = Le Relazoni a stampa di ambasciatori veneti, Padua, 1939, p. 63.

to Venice. He might return to Germany with a According to Querini, such were the resources of the Germans statement of Venetian neutrality, but not otherwise. that the imperial army could depend on a strength of 40,000 Querini had no intention of running errands for Lh, of whom fifthdescription would be (Albert, op at. p). Theone envoy’s andcavalry assessment of Maximilian is famous (ibid., pp. 26-27). All the German princes were opposed

OO to Venice (pp. 43-44); Maximilian was hostile to Louis XII *48 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 64 ff. and Ferdinand the Catholic, but favorably disposed to the pope 249 Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 79-84, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. “‘at this time”’ (p. 51).

41, fols. 25 [37], 34 [46], 46 ff. [58 ff.], 62° [74°], 64 ff. 253 Jas. Gairdner, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Richard II

[76 ff.]. and Henry VII, Il (London, 1861, repr. 1965), no. XLVI, pp. 5° Brunetti, op. cit., pp. 92, 96. 287-88.

48 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT I told his Holiness [ Julius II] of the moneys imposed cardinal represents them. On the other hand, we for the tithe upon the Cistercian Order in England by may suspect that Henry had occasion to enjoy, your Majesty’s permission and collected by my own whether as ironical or equivocal, more than one

hands tor is predecessor Alexander wi “ne not of Adriano’s reported observations to the pope.

sent on the score of the two cruciatae conceded by yOur The diplomats of the Curia Romana as well as of Majesty in his kingdom in the timetheofsecular Innocent [VIII] ; . . chanceries cultivated irony as they ensubsidy which your Majesty has granted for the ad- joyed subtlety. Without knowledge of the private

and Alexander [VI], nor did I pass over that most recent, | ; }

vancement of the faith against the Turks. jokes and loaded remarks which they exchanged His Holiness said that other kings had done the same among themselves and with their principals, we thing. I replied, with his Holiness’s leave, that he did can never be certain that the most solemn phrasenot understand the matter quite correctly. [showed that ology is not distorting the truth. Adriano Castellesi other kings and princes had allowed the cruciatae and was quite as capable of dishonesty as of irony. A subsidies in their own kingdoms and territories, butthey few years later, in September, 1507, Sanudo rehad wanted them and collected them entirely for them- corded in his diaries that selves, not for the Apostolic See. They had promised to perform many wonderful deeds against the Turks, and _ the lord Cardinal Adriano da Corneto had fled from had not given the Apostolic See the least particle [of the Rome for fear of the pope. . . , because he had written funds collected]. I stated and accounted for who they _ to the king of England evil of the pope, and spoken evil were, for if there is anyone who knows about this, |can to the pope of the king of England, and the king of

say without boasting, it is I. England had sent the cardinal’s own letters to the First of all, there was the king of the Romans, who pope... .?”°

received the cardinal legate of Gurk [Raymond Peraudi|

and got the cruciata, tithes, and a subsidy in his dominions, However much caution certain sources may but the pontiff did not get even a cent [obolus]. Next was evoke, the crusading ideal still exercised a strong

the ns o France, ne ikewise got Th nna and thes attraction, even after three centuries of abuse. A

In his lands, Collected them for himselt, and the pont letter of Louis XII to Charles Somerset, Lord Herdid share in a single dime in [denarius|. king of ; ;the ; fact ernot bert, English envoy France,The mentions

Spain did the same thing, as did the kings of Portugal, hat Kine M lof P | d“d

Hungary, and Poland, the duke of Savoy, the Venetians, that King Manuel! of Fortugal wante © menner Florentines, and almost all the others, even the smaller ©! faire de sa part la guerre aux infidelles roots

powers. qui tiennent et occupent la Terre Saincte.”’ If Louis I said and insisted, and it is true, that your Majesty would go on the crusade, Manuel would accompany was alone among all the Christian princes in that he not him with at least 15,000 fighting men (combatans), only allowed the said cruciatae and subsidies for the Ap- ‘‘furnished and supported for three or four years.” ostolic See, but even before they were collected, had Pom Manuelalso asked Louis to appeal to the other committed and covered to the apostolic sd foe Master Christian princes, chiefly the kings of England, of Pon, 20,000 gold ducats [scuti] to be paid from your the Romans, Castile, and Scotland. Louis professed

own funds to Seetohere in Rome, be- ,.. | «1; i; ; ; the his Apostolic willingness embark on anand expedition against sides that [your Majesty] had written and offered (as the he Turks. “ , d res.” if

royal letters, still in my possession, attest) for the war the lurks, ennemys, Mescreans et adversalres, | against the Turks in defense of the faith not only to only the other princes would do so too, as Louis supply all possible aid and support, but even to go on professed to believe they would. He had a special

the Crusade in person... .** desire to know Henry VII’s intention in this regard

Writing history from diplomatic sources con- since he would prefer to accompany Henry than tains many pitfalls for the unwary, and the tone any other king or prince in the world. If the other of Cardinal Adriano’s letter must give one pause sovereigns of Europe would not respond to the crufor reflection. Adriano may have told the pope sading appeal, Louis would go with Henry and everything he says he did, but that does not mean Manuel alone. Their resources should be sufficient he writes the whole truth. Having long repre- to achieve victory ‘‘avecques layde et bonne assissented English interests in Rome, Adriano prob-

ably knew Henry VII and his intentions well. It —H

is hard for us to say that the facts were not as the *55 Sanudo, Duarii, VII, 145, 147, 161, 170. On the Cardinal Adriano, see Pio Paschini, ‘‘Adriano Castellesi, cardinale di S.

——_—__—_—__—_—_ Grisogono,”’ in Tre Illustri Prelat: del Rinascimento, Rome, 1957,

254 Gairdner, Letters and Papers. . . of Richard II] and Henry _ pp. 43-130, esp. pp. 62-67. Witty and talented, Castellesi was VI, II (London, 1863, repr. 1965), no. XXUI, pp. 116-17, letter a poet, scholar, and Ciceronian latinist, but combining timidity dated at Rome on 4 January, 1504. The news of the Spanish with a penchant for intrigue, he got into serious trouble with

p. 124). of the cardinalate.

victory on the Garigliano had just arrived in Rome (ibd., Julius II and, later on, with Leo X, who finally deprived him

JULIUS Hf, VENICE, AND EGYPT 49 tance que Dieu leurs donneroit.”*°® Since Henry printing press to publicize either civil or eccleVII returned an encouraging answer, Louis next siastical law.*°! sent the reassurance that he looked forward to the Henry VII had not formally recognized the pavoiage de Jérusalem to be shared with the kings of pal ban on the Turkish alum trade. The ArchEngland and Portugal, provided affairs of state made duchess Margaret of Austria-Savoy also declined the great enterprise possible when the time came.”°’ todo so in the Netherlands, where she was regent,

On 5 April, 1506, Queen Joanna of Castile wrote questioning whether the pope could employ ecthe king of Portugal of her own devotion to the — clesiastical censures to gain or retain temporal adsanto negocio, which his initiative had set in motion. vantages. On 12 December, 1506, Cardinal RafShe expressed the wish to dedicate her person and _faele Riario wrote the papal nuncio in England, estate to the crusade if such were to be the will of | Pietro Griffo (Grifus), that the Curia Romana had God.*°* Joanna presumably meant her expressed observed for some time how Henry VII allowed dedication to the crusade, but nuestro Senor had de- the import into England of alum from the lands termined otherwise than to employ her person and _ of the infidels, contrary to promises (says Riario) estate against the Turks. For whatever his word was which he had made to the pope. Griffo was being

worth, on 5 April, 1506, Manuel’s father-in-law recalled to the Curia, but before his departure Ferdinand the Catholic also pledged “‘la persona y from England he was to lodge formal protests el estado”’ to the recovery of the Holy Land.*°? against this infringement of papal law, and to post Despite Cardinal Adriano’s view that Henry VII the bulls and other censures on church doors or had shown himself such a good friend of the Curia other suitable places in such cities and towns as Romana, Cardinal Raffaele Riario, apostolic trea- seemed appropriate. The Curia would follow up surer, entertained (as we shall see) rather a dif- his action as circumstances might require.*”? ferent opinion of the English king. On 17 May, 1506, Pope Julius IT had promulgated a bull for- *°! Jules Finot, ‘‘Le Commerce de I’ alun dans les Pays-Bas bidding the importation of alum from Turkish ter- ela bulle encyclique du pape Jules IT en 1506,” Bulletin historique ritories into the Netherlands, England, and other et philologique du Comité des Travaux historiques et scientifiques,

European countries, in order to protect the papal 1902 [publ. Paris, 1903], pp. 418-30. Actually Julius IT’s bull monopoly of the alum trade, the profits of which _ failed in its purpose of keeping up the artificially high price of

dto be d d h d alum in the Netherlands by maintaining the papal monopoly,

were Suppose to € evote to the crusa © ever and licensing only such concessionaires as Agostino Chigi to since the first discovery (in 1461) of the mines at - sella product vitally necessary to the Flemish cloth trade (2bid.,

Tolfa.?©° In 1505-1506, however, a certain Gi- pp. 430-31), on which see Jean Delumeau, L’ Alun de Rome, rolamo Frescobaldi and his associates, at the be- 48 OF steele Paris and Chambery, 1962, esp. pp. 36-37, hest of King Philip the Handsome, imported a 97 HT. and ¢. in general Ottorino Montenovesi, “Agostino

; . Chigi, banchiere e appaltatore dell’ allume di Tolfa,” in the

large quantity of alum from Asia Minor into En- Archiwo della R. Deputazione [Societa] romana di storia patria, LX

gland with the intention of transshipping it into (ns., III, 1937), 107-47, with docs., esp. pp. 135 ff.; Vittorio Flanders. When some of the alum was thus brought Franchini, ‘‘Note sull’ attivita finanziaria di Agostino Chigi nel into the Netherlands, the price declined markedly, Cinquecento,”’ in the Stud? in onore di Gino Luzzatto, 11 (Milan,

th fal A Pr Chiei and hi Y> 1950), 156-75; and Felix Gilbert, The Pope, has Banker, and

causing the powertul Agostino Chigi and his part- — yynice, Cambridge, Mass., 1980. ners, who held the papal concession on Italian 262 Gairdner, Letters and Papers, Il, no. XXIX, pp. 167-68, alum, to complain to the Holy See, and hence the letter dated at Bologna on 12 December, 1506. Pietro Griffo pope’s renewal of the old prohibition against was sent back to England as papal collector in December, 1508.

Christians’ engaging in the Turkish alum trade He was a humanist of some note, and author of a work De The€ bull of 17 M 1506 blished j | officio collectoris in regno Angliae, ‘‘the office which had brought bull o vnay ( ) was pu Hsne Ina large so many of hiscountrymen to England” (J. D. Mackie, The Earlier number of copies, one of the earliest uses of the — Tudors, Oxford, 1952, p. 238). Griffo found it very difficult to deal with the young Henry VIII, who was unwilling to pay li

TT danari di la cruciata e decime, which Griffo was trying to secure 256 Gairdner, Letters and Papers, II, no. XXII, pp. 127-31, for use contra infideles (Sanudo, Diarn, X, 761). An acquaintance letter of uncertain date, which I think belongs in the spring of | of Erasmus and Colet, Griffo died as bishop of Forli in 1516.

1506. Cf. Denys Hay, ‘‘Pietro Griffo, an Italian in England: 1506257 Thnd., I, no. XXIV, pp. 138-39. 1512,” in Italian Studies, UW (1938-39), 118-28. Griffo’s tomb

258 Thid., Il, no. XXVIIL, pp. 150-52. Joanna envisaged a joint may be found in the church of S. Agostino in Rome, in the

expedition by Portugal, England, and Castile. chapel to the left of the high altar, opposite the tomb of S. *°° Chas.-Martial de Witte, ‘‘Un Projet portugais de recon- _ Monica, whose (alleged) body was brought from Ostia to Rome quete de la Terre-Sainte,”’ pp. 425-27. Julius I] also professed on Palm Sunday of 1430.

to be an ardent crusader at heart (zb:d., pp. 428 ff.). Griffo left England for good in 1512, having been appointed “6° On the alum mines at Tolfa, see Volume II, pp. 239-40, bishop of Forli on 31 October (G. van Gulik, C. Eubel, and L.

271, 275, et alibi. Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, III [1923], 198). His

50 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite the concern of the apostolic treasurer, to agree upon one leader, there might be three the rupture of the papal alum monopoly was not _ leaders, ‘if so many can be found.”’ At least two of going to cause any breach in Julius II’s relations the more powerful kings should go in person with with England. The Curia Romana had too many _ their forces. Henry said that he would go even if problems in Italy. On 9 July (1507) Julius had an- no other prince were willing to do so. It would be swered in friendly tones Henry VII’s letter urging highly desirable, however, for two others to join him to establish peace among the Christian princes him, for just as at the birth of Christ three kings and help organize an expedition against the Turks. had come from the East to adore the Savior, so now He praised Henry’s noble intent, but assured him it would be most fitting for a “trinity of kings’ that no such exhortations had been needed. Henry = (trinitas regum) coming from the West to destroy had advocated summoning representatives of the | the power of the Moslems and regain the Holy Sepowers to Rome to plan the crusade, determine — pulcher. In the meantime Henry begged the pope the leadership, select the times and places for as- to keep urging the crusade upon the princes. He sembling troops, and so on, but Julius reminded would do likewise.*"*

him of the sad failure of the congress which In- Distance from the Turkish peril may have lent nocent VIII had held in Rome in the summer of | enchantment to the crusade. In the spring of 1507

1490 for precisely these purposes.*°” James IV of Scotland had received from Julius II On 8 September (1507) Henry VII replied to a “‘diademe wrocht with flouris of gold” and a the pope that if most of the princes would make | sword with hilt and scabbard of gold set with gems, the firm resolution to proceed against the Turk, both consecrated on the night of the Nativity. The no difficulties could be sufficient to deter them from pope had also declared the king of Scots Christhe fulfilment of their purpose. If it was too hard _ tranae fidei protector, which helped to make the king (already zealous in religious matters) fervently devoted to the Holy See. James had long planned a

— pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and now the idea quickly return to Rome was attended by an unpleasant adventure. grew into the more glorious design of going on Finding himself for whatever reason on the Adriatic coast, he ; .

was captured by “‘certain pirates,’’ who claimed to be acting a crusade with the other princes of Europe, espefor Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara. They seized all Griffo’s possessions cially Louis XII of France.*”? Time increased as well as the money he had collected in England for the Ap- James IV’s ambition to play the role of crusader ostolic See. He was taken to Alfonso’s brother, Cardinal Ippolito, in the eastern theater, but now the winds of conwho soon set him free at the request of Cardinal Giovanni de’ flict were blowing over the Italian scene. divertin

Medici. The authorities in Ferrara, however, during Alfonso’s 5 ‘ ? : -)

absence, kept 1,212 ducats which Griffo was taking to Rome. both the pope and the princes from the Turkish The following year (on II June, 1513) Cardinal de’ Medici, Question. now Pope Leo X, wrote Alfonso that Ippolito had promised Griffo full restitution for his losses. With Ippolito’s concurrence —_ =—————————

Griffo had appointed agents to receive the funds although, as *°4 Gairdner, II, no. XXXII, pp. 174-79; note the pope’s of the date of Leo’s brief, nothing had been recovered, as _ letter to Henry VII in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, no. Alfonso was well aware (ut tu plene nosti). The money collected 21, vol. XX, p. 54, dated 23 December; and cf. Chas.-Martial

in England belonged to the Apostolic Camera, and Leo de- de Witte, ‘‘Un Projet portugais de reconquéte de la Terremanded its return forthwith (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Can- Sainte,” pp. 433-34. celleria Estense, Estero, Busta 12, no. 12). After his perilous 205 RK. Hannay, R. L. Mackie, and Anne Spilman, The experience with Julius Il, Alfonso wanted no unnecessary dif- — Letters of James the Fourth, 1505-1513, Edinburgh, 1953, pp. ficulties with the Holy See. On 9 September, 1514, Leo issued = XXXVII-XXXVIII, and letters nos. 65, 96-99, 142~44 (Scottish a brief of quittance for the sum involved, upon payment by — History Society). On 21 December, 1506, an envoy of the king the Estensi of 1,000 gold ducats de camera (ibid., Busta 12, no. — of Scotland appeared before the Collegio in Venice, and ex-

38, formerly no. D56). plained ‘“‘come el suo re voleva andar in Jerusalem, pregava la

pp. 412 ff. VI, 513).

263 Gairdner, II, no. XXXI, pp. 170-74, and see Volume II, Signoria li desse o galie o maistri di farle. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diavii,

2. THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICAN CONCILIARISTS (1507-1511) CT CHE DOMINANT questions in 1507 and the — intemporal matters you are the caput fideliwm—concerning

ensuing years related to Venice, not to Is- the expedition which we must undertake against the pertanbul. As the Serenissima’s envoy in Germany, fidious Turks, for which expedition our God and Savior Vincenzo Querini, labored on the Republic’s be- has now provided us with the greatest opportunity. Sultan half, others were expending every effort to frus- B2Y42!d 1s being beset, as the grand master of Rhodes has

or P 8 ry © informed us, by the Persian king in a great war, and is

trate his attempts to placate Maximilian. As o ften, in such fear that he has left unguarded all approaches to the petty politics of Italy were important in the _ his shores in order to bring all his forces to bear upon affairs of the great powers. The Marchese Fran- the Persian king, and so he would yield an easy victory cesco Gonzaga of Mantua, for example, was a vas- to the Christian faithful... .°

sal of the emperor, but held a military command

of the king of France, whom he had helped to The pope’s letter contained less fact than fansuppress the Genoese revolt. Francesco was also tasy, but fortunately for the Venetians, they had indebted to Julius Il, who had given his brother _ little trouble with the Porte in the years preceding Sigismondo Gonzaga a cardinal’s hat, and con- the invasion of the Veneto by the allies of Camsented to the marriage of Eleonora Gonzaga to bral. The Turks were, to be sure, allegedly guilty the papal nephew Francesco Maria della Rovere. of frequent violations of the Republic’s Dalmatian One of the most important lesser negotiators of frontiers, and they were said to be lax in the pur-

the coming League of Cambrai was one Niccolo suit and punishment of corsairs. Indeed, when Frisio (Fries?), a German friend of the Gonzagas, Andrea Foscolo was appointed bailie to Istanbul who went from court to court for an entire year (on 16 December, 1507), he was instructed to take (1507-1508), seeking to make peace between Ger- the first opportunity to inform Sultan Bayazid many and France for the well-being of Mantua. “‘che ’l sanzacho et subassi de Negroponte sono The Marchese Francesco nurtured many griev- Causa de grandissimi mali,” for they were not only ances against Venice. Frisio did his part to con- giving refuge to the corsairs, but were actually centrate all enmities upon the Republic.’ It iseasy sharing in their plunder. Foscolo might hope for to underestimate or entirely to forget the effects a good reception at the Porte, for he was bringing of Frisio’s work, especially when much more sig- with him gold ducats to pay the tribute for Zante nificant and conspicuous figures were trying to as well as several cases of cloth of gold, silk, and accomplish the same ends. Among these was Ju- wool to distribute among the pashas. He had other

hus IT. problems to deal with, especially the release of

A brief addressed to Cardinal Bernardino Car- certain prisoners still held by the Turks, but the vajal on 22 December, 1507, directed him to urge whole tenor of his commission makes clear that Maximilian to make peace with the king of France _ the Senate was more relaxed about Turkish affairs as well as to participate in a crusade against the than it had been for some years." Turks.* Seven weeks later (on 12 February, 1508) Venice was in fact getting along so well with the the pope wrote Maximilian again of his strong Porte that in the early summer of 1508 Foscolo

desire for a Franco-German peace, allowed Turkish munitions to be loaded on Vene-

. . tian vessels for shipment to Valona on the Adriatic

to which we do not cease also to exhort the French king. The Senate was astonished and distressed

. . . When peace has been made, with greater surety and coast. © ve ’

greater honor will you be able to come to Rome [Maxi- —

milian wanted to be crowned in Rome, but the Venetians Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, append., no. 76, pp. 647-48, and feared his entry into Italy] and deliberate with us—for és. @ Papste, III-2 (repr. 1956), append., no. 121, pp. 1131-

32, and cf. the pope’s entreaty to Louis XII to make peace with Maximilian in Raynaldus, ad ann. 1508, no. 1, vol. XX, p. 57.

ee On Maximilian’s intentions to go to Rome, see Charles Kohler,

' Cf. A. Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega di Cambray,”’ Arch — Les Suasses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, Geneva, stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (1911), 249-79 and ff., with doc- 1896, pp. 68 ff. (Memoires et documents publiés par la Société

uments. d’ histoire et d’ archeologie de Genéve, 2nd ser., vol. IV).

2 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1507, nos. 8-9, vol. XX * Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols.

(1694), p. 50. As noted in the preceding chapter, inearly August, — 55°—57" [67°-69"]. One must, however, always be on the alert

1507, Carvajal had gone as papal legate to the imperial court. against the Turks (zbzd., fols. 18” ff. [30° ff.], 31 [43)).

51

52 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT as Foscolo was informed in a letter dated 21 Au- The members of the Senate now rewarded the gust, ‘‘and by the Lord God we fear that it will be | redoubtable Bartolommeo d’ Alviano for his past bruited about among the Christians that we are _ services by giving him the title “‘governor general” aiding the Turks who make war on Christendom, _ of the armed forces of the Republic, and increased and that we use our ships to convey their arma- his battalion by the hundred men-at-arms who had ments!” Alvise Priuli, sapiens terrae firmae, stated made up the company of the late Filippo Albanese,

in the Senate that “from the very founding of this “who died in these last days.’ The stipend for city until the present our fathers have, with the d’ Alviano’s former command plus Albanese’s greatest expenditure of gold and shedding of company was set at 25,000 ducats a year. They blood, earned the name of defenders of the Chris- also made d’ Alviano a present of a thousand tian religion, and so we have been regarded to this _ ducats.”

hour.’ They must use every effort and caution, In Germany Cardinal Carvajal’s mission had he said, to keep their reputation and to increase become easier because, angry with the Venetians, it. The transport of Turkish munitions and artil- Maximilian looked forward to an alliance with the lery to Valona would become known to every pope. Furthermore, in February, 1508, Maximilprince in Christendom. Priuli had further emo- ian made secret inquiries at the French court as tional observations which he wanted incorporated to the possibility of a Franco-German alliance in a letter of rebuke to Foscolo. The Senate pre- against Venice.'° Now emperor-elect, Maximilian ferred to send the bailie a curt reprimand and the ventured into war with the Venetians, who rewarning never again to commit such a gross in- ceived French assistance. Since mid-January, 1508, discretion.” In the spring of the following year, the Signoria had been making preparations against however, when the war of the League of Cambrai Maximilian’s known intentions to attack Verona, was beginning, the Senate was doubtless glad of Vicenza, and Bassano.'! After some initial sucevery friendly gesture the bailie had made toward cesses, Maximilian’s forces were swept from the

the Porte.® fields of battle. The Venetians occupied Gorizia, Julius II’s hopes for an effective alliance against Trieste, and Fiume. They were entering Carniola

Venice as well as for a crusade depended entirely when on 6 June (1508) he accepted the three upon bringing Louis XII and Maximilian to- years’ truce of Arco, whereby the Republic regether. The latter was proclaimed emperor-elect tained most of the territories her forces had seized in the cathedral of Trent (in early February, in the conflict.'* Maximilian’s humiliation was 1508), saving the papal right of coronation, and

Julius promptly recognized Maximilian’s formal

assumption of the title since it postponed the Ger- ° Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 78’-79' [90’-91"], doc. dated 4 March,

man expedition to Rome.’ Maximilian’s custom- 1508.

ary animus against Venice had been intensified by '® Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius I. und die Griindung des Kirthe Signoria’s rejection of his proposal for an al- rensiaates, Gotha, 1878, pp. 154 ff., 338, notes 34-35; Heinrich liance. The statesmen of the Serenissima had made gestellt, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1884-91, II, 334-35; Pastor, Gesch. clear their preference for their pact with Louis ¢. Papste, I1]-2 (repr. 1956), 751; Federico Seneca, Veneua e

. a, ann, Kaiser Maximilian I., auf urkundlicher Grundlage dar-

XII (concluded in 1499); they would have liked Papa Giulio Il, Padua, 1962, pp. 99-101. to make the Franco-Venetian league a triple alli- Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 60" ff. [72° ff.], 66" [78"], and . note, ibid., fols. 72°-73" [84°-85"], doc. dated 23 February, ance by the entry of Spain. Actually the Senate 1508 (Ven. style 1507), secretario nostro Mediolani: ‘‘Nicolae: believed that a union of France, Aragon, and Ven- _ Vederai per li occlusi exempli de lettere i advisi havemo da ice had already been achieved, ‘‘essendo li animi__ diversi canti de le cosse germanice, per i quali chiaramente se

de tuti tre conformi in uno voler.’’ If the pope comprehende che la cesarea Maesta intende invader el stato wished to enter the league, he would be welcome.® nostro anche da la banda de Friul, che é indicio evidente che abia maior fundamento de zente dala Alemagna de quello se credeva. . . ,’’ and cf. fols. 64” [76], 73 ff. [85 ff.].

——_——_——. '2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 67 ff. [79 ff.], 91" [103°], 93"

° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 118’-119% [130°-131"]. [105*], 93°-94" [105°-106"], 96 ff. [108 ff.], 103°-105" [115*° Cf, ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 146 [158], 156” [168°]. 117°]; Samuele Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), 7 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II-2 (repr. 1956), 752-53, and 184 ff., new ed. V (1974), 133 ff.; Ulmann, Kaiser Maximilian

append., nos. 121-22, pp. 1131-33. I, 11 (1891), 354-56; Luzio, “I Preliminari,” pp. 264-65; Pastor, 8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 77° [89°], oratort nostro in Curia, — Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2, 753; P. Pieri, IT Rinascimento e la crisi

doc. dated 3 March, 1508, with letters of the doge and Senate ___militare italiana, Turin, 1952, pp. 448-55; Seneca, Venezia e to the Venetian ambassadors in Aragon and France, and note, Papa Giulio II, pp. 101-2. The three years’ truce was made in

ibid., fols. 87’-89" [99°-101"], an outline for a French-Ara- the monastery of S. Maria delle Grazie near Arco (north of gonese-Venetian “‘entente, confederation, and league,’’ dated _ Lago di Garda), on which note R. Predelli, Regesti dei Comme-

6 April, 1508, “‘not for an attack upon anyone, but solely for mornali, VI (Venice, 1903), bk. x1x, nos. 159-60, pp. 98-99.

our own defense.” The Signoria had been represented by Zaccaria Contarini, whose

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 53 complete. Venetian pride reached new heights. As numbered 5,000. Lascaris put the elite corps of the Machiavelli observed, however, S. Mark could not _janissaries at only 7,000 to 10,000, quando sono al always be sure ofa favorable breeze blowing astern piu gran numero. The “‘slaves’’ rode fast horses, and

the ship of state. wore breastplates and helmets. Some of their stalDuring the period of Maximilian’s contest with lions were barbed (¢mbardatz). Like the stradioti they Venice the French ambassador to the Serenissima carried wooden shields as well as a lance and sword;

was the Greek humanist John (Janus) Lascaris some of them also carried bows and quivers of ar(14452-1535) who, like Bessarion before him, had rows. The Turkish forces were not well paid. The long been eager to direct western bellicosity infantry received about three ducats a month, and against the Turks. The crusade was being dis-_ were paid four times a year. The sipahis or cavalry cussed in European chanceries at this time, and were put into the field only with difficulty. The Lascaris prepared a program which he hoped great Ottoman generals were dead. Except for the might unite the Christian states in an expedition — vessels of corsairs, Turkish ships were rotten. Skilled

to rescue his fatherland from subjugation to the artisans were in short supply, and the artillery was Turk. He was certainly not without knowledge of _ no match for western cannon." the difficulties and problems involved, but inter- The Ottoman empire covered a wide territory. esting as we may find his Informatione ad impresa Guard duty in the fortresses was unpopular, for contro a Turchi (1508), it is a conventional docu- fear of revolts. One of the major Turkish revenues

ment, offering contemporaries (and historians) was the hearth tax, which fell on more than few new ideas with which to work. In earlier years, 300,000 Christian families. Those who paid this especially in 1491, Lascaris had used two book- tax could usually keep their horses and carry the buying missions for Lorenzo de’ Medici in order _ scimitar like Turks. Many Christians were exempt to inform himself of Turkish morale and resources from the tax because they stood watch for their as well as of the Ottoman military situation. Las- district, especially in the coast guard. At need they caris had probably advised Charles VIII concern- would all rise up to fight for Christianity. The ing Turkish affairs during and after the French villagers, especially those in mountainous areas, expedition when Charles was claiming that hiscon- hated the Turks. In many such areas the Turks quest of Naples was the necessary prelude to the _ feared to go, collecting the kharaj or poll tax only crusade. After Charles’s death (in April, 1498) when it was paid voluntarily. Both naval and field Lascaris was employed by Louis XII, whom he forces would be necessary for the crusade; while served for several years as a special envoy to Ven- they should be in adequate strength, quality was ice (until January, 1509), in which connection his more important than vast numbers. The Vene-

name appears frequently in Sanudo’s Diarii.'” tians would aid the enterprise when they saw it Beginning with a brief historical sketch of the was really going forward. The fleet should make Turks as a branch of the Huns, ‘“‘as the Swiss are Sicily its initial base; at least six months’ supplies of the Germans, or the Burgundians of the French,” could be got from the kingdom of Naples. A great Lascaris emphasized the internal dissensionsamong prince was needed as leader, and the fleet might the Turks. Sultan Bayazid was unwarlike, indecisive, sail directly for Istanbul. Lascaris professed to beand lacking in strength of either mind or body. His _ lieve that such an expedition would set off Chrischief advisers were opposed to wars with the West. tian revolts against the Turks. If the approaches In the absence of any fixed law of succession to the _ to Istanbul were closed, it would be impossible to throne, Bayazid’s five sons were likely to quarrel get provisions into the city. Bayazid would be among themselves at his death. He was said to be forced to flee to Asia Minor. All this would be

about sixty-eight years of age. The son with the accomplished by the fleet, well led and well sharpest sword would become sultan. Western ob- equipped, and the crusaders aboard would not servers had exaggerated the military effectiveness have to disembark until the arrival of the land of the Turks. The Porte had 3,000 horsemen known — forces. The latter would be an impressive sight, as “‘slaves” (schiavi); counting their families, they French, Germans, Bohemians, and Hungarians, entering Turkey by the eastward routes and Danreports to the Senate from 19 May to 8 June, 1508, may be ube valley. The Italians, Spanish, and English found in Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, It. VI, 1131 (8962), in would go by sea. A severe discipline must prevent which context see also It. VII, 1180 (9569). "On Janus Lascaris, see Emile Legrand, Bibliographie hel. §=——-——— lénique, I (Paris, 1885, repr. Brussels, 1963), pp. CXXXI-CLXH; '* Informatione ad impresa contro a Turchi data per Jane Lascari Borje Knos, Un Ambassadeur de l’ hellenisme, Janus Lascaris, et nel MDVIIT, in N. lorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a l’ histoire la tradition greco-byzantine dans l’ humanisme francais, Uppsala, des crowsades, V1 (Bucharest, 1916), no. LXxXv, pp. 45-46, and

1945, pp. 33 ff., 71-76, 89 ff., 106 ff., 120-25. cf. B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. 122 ff.

54 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the pillage of Christian lands. Law and order were divert European ambitions from the Italian scene,

easier to maintain when the various national to the great advantage of the peninsula. The pope groups went by sea. Florence and the other Italian would have to do his part. The king of Hungary states would supply money. ‘The pope could use would respond readily to the call to arms, “‘perche some of the funds collected throughout Christen- se fa per luy:’”” King Ladislas was old and ill, it is dom to arm a great fleet. The Venetians would true, his son Louis [II] a child; the country was supply ships. They should also undertake an in- poor, but the Hungarians would do what they could, dependent action to rewin the Morea. The Hos- and “‘tuto andera bene.”’!’ The co-operation of Ferpitallers, although few in number, would be useful dinand the Catholic was necessary, and could be

owing to their bravery and experience.'” expected, as that of the Emperor Maximilian also.

Much money would be needed for men, sup- James IV of Scotland would do better to show ‘‘the plies, and equipment. Artillery was especially ex- zeal which he has for the faith and the great spirit pensive. The clergy as well as the princes would and marvelous desire to serve God” by participating have to raise money. Propaganda should mislead _ in the projected crusade rather than by undertaking the Turks as much as possible as to the Christians’ the pilgrimage he was planning to Jerusalem. The objectives, but they could never have been misled, Grand Turk was no warrior, merely a weak and as Lascaris appears to think, by stating that the flabby ruler. There was a Turkish prophecy to the fleet was going to rewin the Holy Land from the — effect that under the seventh sultan of the house soldan of Egypt, and that the land army was being of Osman (but Bayazid was the eighth) there would recruited for a campaign into Wallachia! As for be ‘‘gran calamita et persecutione de gente bianthe reconquest of the Holy Land, which some peo- _ cha.”’ The time was more than opportune for the ple might think a nobler venture than attacking crusade. It was divinely appointed.'® the Turks, Lascaris rightly noted that the expedition against Istanbul must first be successful. In November, 1508, the enemies of Venice met The old crusaders had hada much easier approach jin Cambrai. The Emperor Maximilian’s advisor to the Holy Land, “‘because they went by seaand Matthias Lang and Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise by land when the empire of Constantinople was discussed the formation of a league against the in Christian hands, and they were welcomed and Turks. The emperor’s daughter Margaret of Ausaided by the emperors and the people along _ tria-Savoy participated in the discussions, as did en-

the way.”’!® voys of Aragon and England. Europe had long sufFor various obvious reasons, which Lascaris fered, it was said, from the intestina odia, discordiae,

enumerates, it was necessary to occupy Istanbul et bella of the Christian princes while Turkish before one could hope to control the Holy Land. _ strength increased with every passing day. On 10 As soon as the Christian subjects of the Turks saw December the so-called League of Cambrai was the crusading fleet approaching Istanbul, they formed, which provided for peace between Maxiwould revolt and kill their masters. Lascaris re- milian and Louis XII and for imperial recognition called the uprising of the Moreote Greeks against of the duchy of Milan as a French fief. The high the Turks (in 1463-1464). He was sure the same thing would happen again as soon as a Christian =————— fleet of two to three hundred ships appeared on a In 1508 King Ladislas of Hungary lived “‘in fear of imthe horizon, for the Christians had seen their sons = '™ ent war with the Turk;’’ the voivode of Transylvania was

. ; at the Turk’s beck and call; the fideles Valachi were being forced

taken from them and made Into Turks (in the to leave their homes; and Sigismund of Poland was distracted

devsirme), ‘““mimici de la fede propria e de hi PrOpru by war with the Moscovites (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1508,

padri.”’ Even Christian renegades baptized their _ no. 13, vol. XX [1694], p. 58, letter of Julius II to Ladislas,

: ; ; 20, pp. 61-62).

children in secret. dated at Rome on 27 September, 1508, and cf, ibid., nos. 19pra tscarss ‘Memty Vile f England would sapport * Lascatis, in Iorga, VI, 51-55. In a bull of 17 March, 1508,

; _ . Julius II declared that he had given his devoted attention non

the crusade. Whatever their past insincerity, the inodo saepius, sed assidue to the crusade, lamenting not only the Venetians would do so also, having suffered the Turkish occupation of the Holy Land, but even more that of severe diminution of their fortunes in the Levant. Greece and the Balkans, and proclaiming as usual the necessity

Lascaris understood well that the crusade would Raynaldue nm cect ad tr ane en ay aol, XX, ~

—_______— 58-59, ‘‘datum Romae anno incarnationis dominicae [25

'® Lascaris, Informatione, in lorga, VI, 46-49. March, stile fiorentino], anno MDVII [i.e., 1508], XVI Kal.

16 | ascaris, in lorga, VI, 49-50. Aprilis, pont. nostri anno V’’).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 55 contracting parties declared the crusade to be one tractabuntur amicabiliter inter partes per arbitros con-

of the chief purposes of their union.'” corditer eligendos). The way was left open to the king The draft of a treaty of alliance was prepared, of England to enter the league if he wished, but joining the emperor and the pope together with (much more to the point) the pope, the emperor, the kings of France and Aragon against the Vene- and the king of France were to write conjointly to tians, whose usurpations of territory were not only — the king of Hungary “‘to persuade and induce him an obstacle to the crusade, but had also been effected to join this league and confederation,” so that he in contempt of religion and justice. Asadvocate and might recover from Venice his erstwhile possessions protector of the Holy See, Maximilian wished to in Dalmatia and Croatia, where the lion banner of right the wrongs the Venetians had done the pope _ S. Mark now flew from the battlements of a number and to restore the lands they had illegally occupied of important fortresses. In the same way the duke in the Romagna. Furthermore, the Venetians had of Savoy might assert his claim to the kingdom of done various injuries to, and seized certain posses- Cyprus. The duke of Ferrara and the marquis of

sions of, the Holy Roman Empire, the house of Mantua might also join the league and get back Austria, the duke of Milan, the king of Naples, and lands which the Venetians had taken from them. “many other princes.”’ The allies would suppress Louis XII was to begin the invasion of Venetian the Venetians’ dominandi libido and quell their cu- territory on 1 April (1509), and allies like the king pidity. They proposed to recover fromthe Venetians of Hungary should try to synchronize their attacks Ravenna, Faenza, Rimini, Imola, Cesena, and the with his. Owing to the fact that Maximilian had other Romagnole towns for the pope. The emperor _ recently agreed to the three years’ peace of Arco would acquire Rovereto, Verona, Padua, Vicenza, with the Republic, he required (he said) a papal Treviso, Cividale del Friuli [Forum Juli], the pa- injunction to attack the Venetians as advocatus et triarchate of Aquileia, ‘‘and all the other towns and protector Ecclesiae, but he assured the French that villages taken by the Venetians in the last war.’’ he would begin offensive operations forty days after The king of France was to get Brescia, Crema, Ber- the dies invasionis fiendae. The pope would apply gamo, Cremona, the region of Ghiaradadda, and __ ecclesiastical censures to the Venetians and lay the all the Milanese dependencies. The king of Aragon, interdict upon their city. If the Turk should respond the fourth partner in the league, was to have Trani, toa Venetian appeal for aid, the pope, the emperor, Brindisi, Otranto, Gallipoli, and the other coastal the king of France, ‘‘and the others named above, towns of Apulia.”° Venice would lose all her terra who have entered this league,’’ were to meet his ferma in the south as well as in the north. Because attack by the immediate concentration of all their Ferdinand the Catholic was regarded as confoederatus strength upon him. Prospective members of the et amicus by Maximilian and Louis XII, the differ- Confederation and League of Cambrai were to have ences outstanding between the houses of Hapsburg two months to ratify the terms of this treaty of 10 and Aragon with respect to the government of Cas- December, binding themselves by oath and pledging tile would be subjected to peaceful arbitration(. . . their goods to the complete fulfilment of its provisions under ecclesiastical censures.*!

'9 J. Dumont, Corps uniersel driplomatique, 1V-1 (1726), no. © LI, pp. 109 ff., dated 10 December, 1508: A concord of Christian *' Dumont, IV, pt. 1, no. LH, pp. 114-16, and cf. Raynaldus, arms was declared necessary “‘ad exterminandam communium — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, nos. 1-5, vol. XX, pp. 64-65; Sigis-

hostium truculentiam et barbariem. . . ,” and ‘‘actum est quod mondo de’ Conti, II, 383 ff.; and cf in general [A.J.G.] Le sit inter ipsas partes una specialis confoederatio contra Turcos — Glay, Correspondance del’ empereur Maximilien I” et de Marguerite et alios infideles ac hostes Christianae religionis” (ibzd., pp. 109, = d’Autriche, I (Paris, 1839), 130 ff., and G. Occioni-Bonaffons, 111). Maximilian was held to invest Louis XII and the latter’s — ‘‘Intorno alle cagioni della lega di Cambrai,” Arch. stor. italiano,

heirs with Milan (p. 113), as we have already noted. The treaty 3rd ser., IV, pt. 1 (1866), 124 ff. On the League of Cambrai of Cambrai was ratified by Louis XII at Bourges on 13 March, and its immediate consequences, see Antonio Bonardi, ‘‘Note 1509, and confirmed by the Parlement de Paris on the twenty- _ sulla diplomazia veneziana nel primo periodo della lega di Camsecond. Lefévre d’ Etaples actually believed that a crusade was __ bray,”’ Att: e memorie della R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti

in the offing (Augustin Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a in Padova, n.s., XVII (Padua, 1901), 15-29; idem, ‘‘Venezia e Paris [1916], Paris, 1953, pp. 519-20): On 10 April, 1509, la lega di Cambrai,’’ Nuovo Archivio veneto, n.s., VII, pt. 2 (1904),

Louis XII assured the Swiss diet of Lucerne that one of the 209-44, with an appendix of selections from the unpublished ultimate objectives of the League of Cambrai was in fact “‘une _ parts of Girolamo Priuli’s Diariz; for the initial proposals of bonne et fructueuse expedition contre les Infidelles’’ (Charles | Paul von Liechtenstein, which led to the treaty of Cambrai, Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, doc. _ see A. Luzio, “I Preliminari della lega di Cambray,” in Arch.

no. XI, pp. 588-89). stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVI (Milan, 1911), 287-93. An almost

*° Cf. Sigismondo de Conti, II, 385. contemporary summary of the articles of the League of Cambrai

56 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pope Julius II had not been represented at Cam- the pope tried to make it clear that he was the brai. Cardinal d’ Amboise’s jealousy of the pope dominus episcopatorum.*° Early in the year 1507 he and the latter’s distrust of the French were equally had sent the Augustinian friar Egidio da Viterbo well known. On 28 December, 1508, however, Ju- to the Venetians,*’ proposing that they should give lius II sent a congratulatory brief to d’ Amboise (it up Faenza and that he should acquiesce in their was drafted by Sigismondo de’ Conti) in answer to _ retention of the other Romagnole cities, which they letters which the cardinal had dispatched from _ declined to do,”° and later had cause to regret. The Cambrai on the tenth, announcing the peace just Venetians interfered in the affairs of Bologna, which made between Maximilian and Louis XII, “which _ the Bentivoglio were trying to regain. Julius II was letters have been more pleasing than we could say: most unhappy over the establishment of the French we hope that this peace will bring some great bless- in Milan, and certainly had no desire to witness ing to the Christian commonwealth, and will be the another German descent into northern Italy. But basis for an easier and stronger expedition against since he could secure from the Venetians neither

the [Turks,] enemies of the orthodox Christian the restitution of papal lands nor the recognition faith.”’** Julius does not mention Venice, not even of papal rights, he had no choice but to join the as an impediment to the crusade. He had long urged League of Cambrai, the portentous importance of peace upon the emperor and the king of France, which the Venetians appeared quite unable to unas we have seen, and on 23 March, 1509, he ex- derstand. Not without reason did Julius tell the pressed his allegiance to the League of Cambrai in Venetian envoys in Rome in mid-February, 1509: the bull Petierunt a nobis.*° It is quite clear that he ‘You do well to recruit a large army, because you’re did so with reluctance, but (as d’ Amboise had fore- going to need it!’’?” seen) in view of the difficulty of dealing with the On 25 January, 1509, Janus Lascaris, who served

Venetians he had no alternative.** the French as ambassador in Venice, made his way

The disputed lands in the Romagna had not been _ through heavy rain to the ducal palace to attend a the sole cause of dissension between the Republic meeting of the Collegio. The doge spoke to him of and the Holy See in the less than half-dozen years the French partnership in the League of Cambrai, since the election of Julius Il. The Venetians had recalling the numerous services which the Seremore than once rejected the appellate jurisdiction nissima had rendered Louis XII.°° On Sunday of the papacy in important cases involving Venetian morning, the twenty-eighth, Lascaris appeared again ecclesiastics. They had also overruled Julius’s nom- in the Collegio to state that the preceding night he ination of his nephew Galeotto della Rovere to the _ had received letters from the king terminating his see of Cremona and, later on, that of Sisto Gara embassy to Venice. He was certain of the king’s della Rovere to the see of Vicenza.”° In July, 1508, honorable intentions, he said, and come what might, he would try to aid the Republic. The doge ex-

ee pressed astonishment at the French abandonment may be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21,

fols. 216’-218", where it is described as Confederationes et lige ~ . . . in eodem facto expeditionis generalis contra Turchum. tion to bishoprics, being ready to make almost any concession 22 Giuseppe Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, 1 (Florence, © Julius H to secure his withdrawal from the alliance of Cam-

1836), no. XXII, pp. 54-55. brai (ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 191° [204"], 192 [205]). *° Dumont, IV, pt. 1, p. 116b. © Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 581, and col. 643, report of Septem-

24 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, VIII, 1, ed. C. Botta, II] ber, 1508, of the pope’s stating ‘“‘che semo dominus benefi(1837), 10-11; Luzio, “I Preliminari,” p. 272; Pastor, Hist. ciorum,”’ and ¢f. also col. 678. Popes, VI, 300, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 755. °7 Sanudo, Diarii, V1, 528. 25 Sanudo, Diarii, VI, 177, 180, 184, 186, 188, 194, 327, *8 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 303, and Gesch. d. Pdapste, 111-2,

335, 338, 347, 359, and VII, 126, 155, etc., 634-36, 639, 757. 643-44, 678, 694, and 760. In June, 1505, after the death of 29 Sanudo, Diarii, VII, 760, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who had held the see of Cremona, _ fols. 140°~141" [152-153], 143°-145" [155"-157"], et alibi. the Venetian Senate had declared that it was “‘manifestissimo Domenico Pisani, who with his colleague Giovanni Badoer a tuto el mondo che la Signoria nostra sempre ha havuto questa headed the Venetian embassy in Rome at this time, was illgratia et prerogativa dala Sede Apostolica et summi pontifici, tempered and arrogant, and not likely ever to assuage the ché li episcopi dele principal cita nostre sono sta dal Senato —_ pope’s own turbulent spirit. nostro nominati et racommandati ala Sanctita pontificia et poi 3° Sanudo, Diarii, VII, 722, and see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, da quella electi: questo in niuna parte deroga ala auctorita dela _—_ fols. 137°—138" [149°-150"], et altbi. The documents preserved

Sanctita sua’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 104’-105' [119’- im this register contain an abundance of interesting detail con120° by modern enumeration], 150° [165"], and see fols.211’- cerning the Venetian view of the League of Cambrai as well 212 [226°-227]). After the Venetian defeat at Agnadello, how- as the Senate’s rather late (but frantic) military maneuvers for ever, the Senate capitulated completely on the question of elec- defense of the state.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 57 of Venice. Lascaris left the city on the morning of _ tra refutantes.”’ Those elected must be ready for

the thirtieth, most reluctantly according to Sa- service by the hour of terce (ad horam tertiarum) nudo,”! “per ritornar in Franza” by way of Padua, — on the following day. The choice fell upon Andrea Mantua, and Milan.*” As he jogged along the road _ Gritti and Giorgio Corner.”° to Milan, Lascaris must have felt acute anxiety for Belated recognition that the League of Cambrai

his friends in Venice. was a reality prompted the Venetians on 4 April

The situation was serious, but how serious? The (1509) to offer Julius II Faenza and Rimini.*° But Doge Leonardo Loredan and the Senate wrote now it was too late for Julius to withdraw from the Andrea Foscolo, the bailie in Istanbul, on 27 Feb- alliance which he had sought so long and already ruary (1509) that Maximilian appeared still to be viewed with apprehension. On 27 April he proadhering to the three years’ truce they had made nounced the ban of greater excommunication with him. Now, however, a ‘“‘certo accordo” had against the Venetians unless they restored all the been negotiated between Maximilian and the king Romagnole cities to the Holy See “‘within twentyof France; the latter was known to be engaged in _ four days of affixing the present [bull] to the doors

‘‘movimenti de arme et adunation de exercito,”’ of the basilica of [S. Peter,] the prince of the against which Venice was seeking to take all nec- Apostles.’”’ The bull was known as the Monitorium essary precautions. Foscolo should inform the pa- contra Venetos; it was printed by Jacopo Mazocchi shas of how matters stood in Italy, and assure them in Rome, and was also distributed in Italian and that Venice would send all news worthy of Sultan German translations.*’ Bayazid’s attention.*? Under the circumstances

the Signoria must deal carefully with the Porte.

When envoys from Cattaro (Kotor) came to Ven- * Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 150° [162"], the vote being de parte 173 ice to ask for five hundred ‘‘measures’”’ (moza) of [without the cross indicating passage of a motion, but the motion Corfiote salt. which they could not purchase be- was carried, and the election was held], de non 7, non sincerr 0:

f th 7 y d mi a hich th ‘“Electi Ser Andreas Gritti et Ser Georgius Cornelius eques.”’

cause OF the poverty and misery to whic t € 36 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 157 [169], and cf fols. 153°-

Turks had reduced them, the Senate voted to di- 154" (165"-166"], 165" [177'], 178° [191°], 179° [192°]. rect the colonial government of Corfu to send *? Parts of the bull of 27 April, 1509, are given in Raynaldus, three hundred moza to Cattaro, where the rector 4”. eccl., ad ann. 1509, nos. 6-9, vol. XX (1694), pp. 65-67; would distribute it fairly “both among gentlemen the entire text Is recorded in Sanudo, Diaru, VIII, 187-205; _ - Italian translation, in Andrea Bernardi, Cronache Forlivesi dal and among citizens and commoners” who would, = 1476 al 1517, ed. G. Mazzatinti, 2 vols., Bologna, 1895-97, however, be required to pay the freight and all HU, 242 ff, cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, II-2 (repr. 1956), similar charges to get the salt to their city.°* 763-64, note. The text of the Monitorium seems to have been This was not the time to take up the plight of Prepared at least ten days before its promulgation; a Venetian he inhabi eC ‘th th has. I dispatch of 17 April from Rome stated that Julius already had U em a itants of Cattaro with the pashas. It was «the excommunication in his pocket”’ (Sanudo, VIII, 134, and

imperative to attend to matters closer to home. ¢f col. 139).

On 14 March (1509) the Senate voted to elect two Dispatches from Rome of 3-4 May (1509) informed the provveditori generali ‘‘ad partes Lombardie.”’ apnetan Signoria that ne Pope was having 600 copies of the onitortum printed immediately “‘to send to Venice and throug They could be removed from any post or office all the world” (Sanudo, VIII, 182). Martinus Lantzperg printed to assume their new duties. Each was to receive the Bebstliche verwarnung wider die Venediger. . . , Leipzig, 1509.

120 ducats a month for expenses as well as for A text of Die papstlich Bull, Prozess, Bann, und Anathema. . salary, and each was to maintain twelve horses. wder das gross Comun der Venediger also appeared in Munich in Anyone who was elected and refused the charge 1509 (Pastor, loc. cit.). Various anti-Turkish items were published

ld be fined five hundred d dsubiected in 1509 (cf. Carl Gollner, Turcica: Die europaischen Turkendrucke wou e nine ve nun re 1ucats, an SU JEC c des XVI. Jahrhunderts, 1 [Bucharest and Berlin, 1961], nos. 35 to whatever other penalties might be applied CONn- — ff., pp. 36 ff.). A letter of Lodovico da Fabriano to Marchese

Francesco Gonzaga, dated 24 April (1509), states that “the bull

TT of censure against the Venetians has been published this morning °! Sanudo, Diarti, VII, 725, and cf. col. 753. in consistory . . .”’ (Pastor, III-2, append., no. 128, p. 1134).

*? Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 727, 736; Legrand, Bibliographie helle- According to dispatches of the Venetian envoys to the Holy nique, I, pp. CXLVIII-IX. Lascaris decided to wait for the arrival See, Domenico Pisani and Giovanni Badoer, as preserved in of Louis XII and Cardinal d’ Amboise in Milan (Sanudo, VII, Sanudo, VIII, 169, it was in a consistory on 26 April that the

748, 752, 759). Cf B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. pope had “‘prononciar la bolla di la excomunicha contra la

120-21. Signoria nostra, . . . bolla molto crudelissima. . . ,”’ and on 33 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 146 [158], doc. dated 27 Feb- Julius II’s manifest hostility to Venice, note Sen. Secreta, Reg.

ruary, 1509 (Ven. style 1508). 41, fols. 163 [175], 170-171" [182°-183'].

*4 Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 146-147" [158°—159*], doc. also dated There is a copy of the Monitorium contra Venetos in the Rare

27 February, 1509 (Ven. style 1508). Book Collection of the University of Pennsylvania Library. The

58 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians, having had prior knowledge of Louis XII began large-scale operations against what might be expected, quickly prepared such de-___ Venice in early April, fulfilling his obligations under fense as they could against the ecclesiastical censures. _ the treaty of Cambrai almost to the day. The most

They strongly protested that the pope, as one of alarming dispatches were soon pouring into Venthe parties to the impending territorial contest, had _ ice.°” He was immediately aided by papal forces,*°

no right to use his spiritual authority to advance his worldly interests. They recalled their unstinting 30 . . Sanudo, Diaru, VIII, 83,

86, 89-90, 93 ff., 98, 105-6,

defense of Christendom and the Holy See against 107 ff. 117-18 and ff.. 128 ff, 139 ff. etc. the Turks, and emphasized their spontaneous offer *° In a long letter, dated 6 May, 1509, which the doge and

to give Julius both Faenza and Rimini, which the _ Senate sent to Giovanni Pietro, secretario nostro in Germania, we Republic had acquired legitimately (they said) and ete (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 173 [185]), See azio hi SUuCCESsi

not as Cities subject to the pope, but from other ve quisapi te siano et occorrendo possi dove sia , isogno, che ’]not summo pontefice nondechiarirli contento de haver

persons, who had long possessed them. Julius had _ hostiliter invaso le terre nostre de Romagna [1.e., Rimini and allied himself with Louis XII of France, whom they Faenza] et preso manu armata et violenter certi castelli ac etiam now described as apertissimus et notissumus hostis Do- fatto depredation in diversi luogi per volerne desabrazar da minii Veneti, and who with papal aid was already quella Maesta cum mezo obliquo et indirecto ha promulgato ccinvading ., lv.” Ita Fory-th doth sons. then, ©nsisterio un monitorio cum comminationibus et censuris or tnese and other reasons, the ’ contra el stato nostro, et manda de li cum diligentia el Signor in a document drawn up on | May (1509) the Si- Constantin Areniti per far ogni mal officio possibile secundo gnoria appealed from the unjust censures of the — el suo consueto, et porta cum si, per quanto se dice, lettere de pope to the sounder judgment of some future gen- cambio de ducati L m. et la copia de essi monitorii et censure, eral council. In the same way a generation before de laqual intentione havendone per avanti havuto qualche no(in 1483) the Venetians had reacted to the bulls of 72 molti zorni aldir ullo pacto i oratori nostri de li residenti, excommunication launched against them by Julius’s habiamo interposta la appellatione davanti tre reverendissimi uncle Sixtus [V.°° This time, however, the Republic prelati, quali intese le amplissime rason sono dal canto nostro.

; . ticia, ne essendo tuto accesso a sua Sanctita, quale non ha voluto

was in far graver danger. “Non solum hano admessa, verum etiam concesse le lettere

testimonial, come per la inserta copia vederai qual mandamo

———_—__— per toa instructione. Ulterius el re de Franza avanti la publication text was reviewed by Sigismondo de’ Conti, and according to _ et intimation de la guerra mando lo exercito suo in Geradadda,

the colophon (omitted in Sanudo, VIII, 204-5), it was “‘im- et nulla causa precedente prese alcuni castelli, facendo molte pressum Rome per prefatum Jacobum Mazochium Romane __ crudelta et non sparagnando la vita fino ali puti in le fasse, cosa

Academie Bibliopolam: De mandato prelibati Sanct. D. N. do- aliena dal nome Christiano che ’| tiene et dal regio decoro. mini Iulii divina providentia Pape II anno sexto.”’ Guicciardini, Dapoi tolte alcune robe in quelli existente li ha arbandonati. Storia d’ Italia, VAM, 2, ed. G. Rosini and C. Botta, III (Paris, Questo é el successo de quanto fin hora € occorso, unde habiamo 1837), 29, says that “‘il pontefice incontinente pubblico sotto — mandato lo exercito nostro, qual € numerosissimo, come tenimo

nome di monitorio una bolla orribile,” and gives a summary _ lo sapi, et si attrova hora su le rive de Adda, sperando nel of the bull. Mazocchi’s production of the Monitorum was an clementissimo Signor nostro et nela iusticia che ne prestera event in the history of printing. Since the Monitorium appeared __ votivo et optimo exito, et la cesarea Maesta coniuncta cum nuy

on 27 April, 1509, F. J. Norton, Italian Printers, 1501-1520, acquistera un perpetuo nome ben conveniente a la sapientia et London, 1958, pp. 100-1, is obviously wrong in believing that bonta sua. De parte + 103.” Mazocchi’s publication of Gianmaria Cataneo’s Latin translation The excitement which lay behind this text can still be felt. of Isocrates’ oratio panegyrica (on 25 May, 1509) is the printer’s In an earlier draft of this letter, which the Senate had not

‘earliest recorded work.”’ accepted on 5 May, the text was to have read (ibd., fol. 172" Julius II’s Monitorium contra Venetos may be found ina fine [184"]), ““Ultimo loco te significamo il summo pontefice esser

contemporary copy in the old ‘Liber rubeus” in the Arch. devenuto a tuti li termini hostili contra de nuy, usando le arme Segr. Vaticano, A.A. Arm. I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 127°-138" by | temporale nela Romagna et preparando le spirituale ad instantia

modern stamped enumeration. delre de Franza. . . , et acio tu cognosci quanto indebitamente 58 See Giuseppe Dalla Santa, ‘Le Appellazioni della Repub- sua Sanctita fa questo contra de nuy, te dinotamo che essendosi

blica di Venezia dalle scomuniche di Sisto IV e Giulio II,” quella dimonstrata turbata cum nuy per Arimino et Faenza, Nuovo Archivio veneto, XVII, pt. 2 (Venice, 1899), 216-42, and nuy |i habiamo facte grande oblatione in questa materia: dumesp. idem, ‘“‘Il] Vero Testo dell’ appellazione di Venezia dalla modo la Sanctita sua cessasse da questi movimenti bellici, siamo scomunica di Giulio II,” ibid., XIX, pt. 1 (1900), 349-61, with sta etiam contenti de remetterne al iudicio de arbitri non suspecti the Latin text of the Appellatio ab interdicto pontificio, which was _ per dicte due terre . . . , nela qual opinione anchor persecirculated in Rome in early May (Guicciardini, VIII, 2, ed. cit., | veramo constantemente, et tamen la Sanctita sua mai se ha

III [1837], 30). Cf in general Sanudo, Diarn, VU, 134, 139, voluto placar né redur ala bona via cum nuy et la Maesta sua, 161-62, 169, 182, 187 ff. The Venetian appeal was sent to il che apertamente comproba quella esser totaliter redregata Thomas Bakocz, cardinal-archbishop of Gran (Strigonia) and ale voglie del re de Franza. Sua Sanctita manda de presenti ala Latin patriarch of Constantinople, who was one of the princes _ cesarea Maesta il Signor Constantin Areniti, et dicese piu man-

of the Church with the (now obsolete) prescriptive right to join darli lettere de cambio de ducati L m. et anche la bolla dele in a summons to a general council. Although very friendly to censure, li termini de laqual non habiamo veduti, ma tamen Venice (Sanudo, VIII, 161-62), Bakocz declined to accept the habiamo solenne et iuridicamente interposita la appellation appeal (ibid., VIII, 311, and cf W. Fraknoi, Ungarn und die Liga nostra per modo che tal bola non po de iure operar contra de

von Cambrai, 1509-1511, Budapest, 1883, p. 8). nuy.. . 2”

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 59 but presently the reassuring news reached Venice took Brescia and Bergamo, Cremona and Crema that Ferdinand the Catholic intended to preserve in short order. As early as 22 May the Florentine his friendship with the Republic.*! The Florentines envoys to the French court, Alessandro Nasi and apparently took much pleasure in describing the Francesco Pandolfini, wrote their government Venetians’ plight to the Turkish government in Is- that with heralds alone Louis could take every tanbul.*? Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferraraand Francesco town as far as Padua.*” Gonzaga of Mantua joined the league, to counter Louis XII, who was present at Agnadello, ordered whose forces the Venetians raised an army of some

50,000 men. The reports of Venetian envoys, —————— agents, and officials fill hundreds of columns in Sa- 41, fol. 175° dus [188"], dated 15 May, 1509): ‘‘Sicome é piaciuto

nudo’s Diarii, and supply many details of recruit- ala divina providentia in questa hora XXIIII habiamo havuta

vy: ae . 1: nova che essendosi heri atacati li exerciti del re de Franza et ment, military organization, andnella diplomatic activity, h,., ; ostro in Geradada [Agnadello Ghiaradadda]| e€ seguito

which preceded the great encounter between the che ’] nostro ha recevuto sinistro, perdute le artellarie et dissipate French and the Republic’s forces. The first moves molte fantarie, benché intendemo le zente d’ arme esser tute brought rejoicing to Venice, for the town of Tre- salve ma sparse in diversi luogi [which on the whole was true,

viglio was. recovered from the French.etThe doge ut Venice seemed almost defenseless]. .. .; ; ; Questa iactura adversita, quantunque de primo appari

and Senate immediately dispatched congratulations nostra, pur cadauno che ha iudicio die cognoscer et veder che to the provwveditor1 generali Andrea Gritti and — Jacommunita cum tuta Italia et insieme cum la Sede Apostolica, Giorgio Corner (on 10 May), with high praise for come tante volte habiamo dicto, le reverendissime veramente “la virtu, valorosita, et operatione de quelli illustri 5!gnorie vostre ne participano per piu capi et del publico de capitanei,” i.e., the condottieri who had taken (and Italia et del particular de la patria vostra, alaqual semo certi le tou. . non mancherano cum la auctorita et opera sua, ne e€ parso sacked) ‘Treviglio. The French SarrisOnN Was Cap- — immediate drezar queste ale reverendissime Signorie vostre, et tured. Gritti and Corner were instructed to send quelle pregamo et strenzemo quanto piu potemo che |i piaqui to Venice the eight or ten most important pris- conferirse ala Sanctita del pontefice nomine nostro et premesse

oners.?2 quelle reverente parole che li apparerano al proposito recom. or . mandarli el stato nostro et insieme el ben de la povera Italia, In Venice the rejoicing Was short-lived. ‘The delaqual sua Sanctita é special padre et protector, supplicandola

army of the Republic met the French at Agna- — devotissimamente ad deponer ogni indignation contra de nui, dello, east of Milan (and just west of Vailate), on i quali siamo pur sempre stati sui observantissimi fioli et cultori

a broad, treeless plain in the valley of the Adda = 1" 08m! tempo. . |

River. The battle took place on 14 Maysiamo (1509). ' Et per quanto pertien a certo monitorio , ; aver publicato, paratissimi obedirlo et noncheseintendemo partir ley da The Venetian forces were scattered like autumn quanto cognosceremo esser grato ala Beatitudine sua, laqual leaves ina strong wind. The impetuous Bartolom- _ etiam se degni tuor paternamente lo assumpto de adaptar et meo d’ Alviano, who shared the military command componer le cosse, sicome lei ben sapera, et cum la sua suprema

with Niccolé Orsini, the count of Pitigliano. was auctorita et sapientia potra far meglio de tuti li altri, il che 2 . cedera a commun beneficio de tuti. De parte 128 [without the wounded and captured by the French. Louis XI cross indicating the Senate’s acceptance of a text or a motion,

TT ceri 0.”’

but the letter was sent immediately], de non 15, non syn-

*! Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 97, 132, 162-63, 208, and ef. col. A letter of the following day (ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 177 [190],

954. capitaneo nostro generali maris, dated 16 May, 1509) sounded a

*2 Ihid., VIII, 145. bit more hopeful: ‘‘. . . Tute le nostre zente d’ arme sono

*° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 174” [186"], doc. dated 10 May, _ remaste salve. I stratioti tuti de Levante simelmente, et il forzo 1509, and cf Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V deli cavalli lezieri. Lo illustre capitanio nostro general [Niccolo

(Venice, 1856), 206 ff., and new ed., V (Venice, 1974), Orsini] et li proveditori nostri generali [Gritti and Corner] at-

148 ff. tendeno in Bressana de readunar et farla massa de tute le zente

** As soon as the news of the Venetians’ disastrous defeat d’ arme nostre in alcuno de quelli lochi forti per poter in ogni reached the lagoon, the doge and Senate sent a series of letters | Caso revalidate le nostre forze prevalersi contra li inimici. Non

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 175” ff. [187” ff.]) to the rectors | mancamo dal canto nostro far provisione de nove fantarie et of Brescia, Sebastiano Giustinian and Marco Dandolo; Niccolo cum tuti li spiriti nostri ingrossar lo exercito per lo effecto Orsini, the count of Pitigliano, captain-general of the Venetian — predicto.. . .”’ Since a report had come from Zara, however, land forces; the provveditori generali Gritti and Corner, who _ that the pasha of Bosnia might attempt an “‘invasione de quelli had been with the army; the Venetian cardinals Domenico Gri- _ lochi nostri de Dalmatia,” the captain-general of the sea must mani and Marco Corner; the rectors of Ravenna; Angelo Tre- _ protect Venetian possessions on the Dalmatian coast ‘‘cum ogni visan, the captain-general of the sea, who was obviously remote __ diligentia.”’

from it all; the Venetian ambassadors in Spain and England, ** See in general Abel Desjardins (and Giuseppe Canestrini), as well as others—all the letters dwelling in one context or Négocrations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, II (1861),

another on the French victory and what it might mean for esp. pp. 327-82: “‘E potra essere [la Maesta Cristianissima]

Italy. pigliera la volta di Peschiera, e se quella volessi procedere piu

Of these letters the one which went to Rome, to Cardinals — avanti, con li araldi soli si insignorirebbe insino di Padova’”’ Grimani and Corner, seems the best to give here (ibid., Reg. — (abid., p. 340).

60 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that the French success be commemorated by the Louis XII. If the French could be driven from easterection of a chapel to S. Maria della Vittoria on ern Lombardy, the Venetians could easily recover the battle site, the place being called la Costa. By _ the cities from Maximilian, whose forces had crumthe early eighteenth century the chapel had become _ bled before the army of the Republic in 1508. Mathe property of the Premoli family. Agnadello was _ chiavelli would soon describe, in a famous passage a defeat of such magnitude that recovery seemed _ in the Discorsi (III, 31), the way in which great men impossible.*° At least, it seemed impossible to some and powerful republics do or do not preserve dignity Venetians. Reports came from all sides that the ene- in prosperity and courage in adversity. Virtues and

mies of the Republic were assembling maritime vices, he believed, are to be found in republics as forces ‘‘ad offension del stado nostro.”’ The Senate, well as in individuals:

refor on 18 May to increase to fifty the , ; ; ;

the be, ©, voted ; 8 r yt d for el t Rome and Venice furnish us an example of this. No ill

number or Venetian Be cys Pe q OF action at fortune ever made the former abject, nor did success ever

SC. Twenty-one galleys were already Ml SCFVICe. make her insolent. This was clearly shown after the defeat Twenty-nine more must be armed, 1.€., manned, which the Romans experienced at Cannae, and after their for a full six months, namely fifteen in Venice itself, victory over Antiochus... . The conduct of the Venetians four at Candia, one at Zante, two at Corfu, one at — was exactly the opposite of this; for in good fortune (which Naxos in the Archipelago, and six in Dalmatia at _ they imagined entirely the result ofa skill and valor which

Zara, Cattaro, Curzola, and elsewhere. Galley they did not possess) they carried their insolence to that commanders (sopracomiti) must be chosen, and the degree that they called the king of France a son of S.

alert maintained ev erywhere.?” Mark. . . . Afterwards, when their good fortune aban-

;Signoria ; a donedreleased them, and they suffered a partial defeat [at AgnaThe the nobles and citizens of V Vj Pad d Treviso £ the; dello] at the hands of the king of France, they not only crona, Icenza, adua, an TEVISO Tom heir lost the greater part of their state by a rebellion, but,

oaths of allegiance to Venice, ostensibly to allow under the influence of their cowardly and abject spirit, Maximilian to put into effect the old imperialist they actually made large concessions of territory to the claims to suzerainty. Being militarily incapable of pope and the king of Spain, and were so utterly demordoing so, however, Maximilian could only take per- alized that they sent ambassadors to the emperor, and manent possession of these cities with French as- made themselves tributary to him; and by way of moving sistance, which would complicate his relations with the pope to compassion, they addressed him the most humiliating letters of submission. And to this wretchedness

— . were they reduced within the short space of four days, * Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 386-90, and on the chapel of and after a but partial defeat. . . . And thus it will ever .. Maria della vation ne P- aoe mae course of events happen to those who are governed in the same way that

eading to Agnadello may be followed in G. Canestrini (and A. the Venetians were; for insolence in prosperity and abDesjardins), Negociations diplomatiques, (Paris, 1861), 298 ff., .;.; . ; ’ Jectness in adversityIIare the result of habit and—. education.

and the prelude to the battle itself, ibd., pp. 319 ff., 323 ff; Le ;

and see Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, esp. cols. 241-58, 268 ff. . . . And what we Say of individuals applies equally to Despite internal dissension Treviso, just north of Venice and the many who constitute a republic, and who will form a strategic position of great importance, remained loyal to the | themselves according to the manners and institutions that Republic, on which see Mario Brunetti, ‘““Treviso fedele a Ve- _ prevail there.*®

nezia nei giorni di Cambrai,” Archivio veneto, 5th ser., XXIII ; ; . (1938-39), 56-82. Antonio Santalena (d. 1911), Veneti e Im- Machiavelli was an advocate of recruiting soldiers periali: Treviso al tempo della Lega di Cambray [Venice, 1896], from the natives of a state; the Venetian government ed. Giovanni Netto, Rome, 1977, explores in octal ue relations was a great employer of mercenaries. The Venetians

ot the Trivigiani t le enetians an aximillan 1, especially had gathered their forces too quickly; from 1509 with to 1511, with a general outline of events to 1517. a the hirelings The region of Friuli, and especially the city of Udine, suffered had done badly; and the result was “‘le cosse nostre heavily in the years after Agnadello, being caught up in the andar mal, tutti li condutieri e zente d’ arme e pauwar and in a social revolt of the proletariat against the nobili fide... . .’49 But actually policy prevailed in Venice, (in 1511), but by and large the Friulani also remained faithful to the Republic, preferring the Venetians to the Hapsburgs,

on which see Vincenzo Marchesi, “II Friuli al tempo della lega. ~~ di Cambrai,” Nuovo Archivio veneto, n.s., VI, pt. 1 (Venice, 1903), 48 Machiavelli’s Discorsi, 111, 31 [I have used the translation

501-37. The importance of the battle of Agnadello is empha- by C. E. Detmold], is quoted in the present connection by M. sized by the papal historian Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, Brosch, Papst Julius H. und die Grundung des Kirchenstaates, Gotha,

nos. 10 ff., vol. XX (1694), pp. 67 ff. 1878, pp. 172-74, and by Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 314-15, and *7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 181° [194"], doc. dated 18 May, Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 766-67. Of the considerable

1509. Although there is no cross (+) before the affirmative literature on Machiavelli’s view of Venice—whose greatness vote of 175 members of the Senate, we are assured by the he lamented as “‘the ruination of the Church and of Italy’ — index to this register, 2b7d., fol. 1’, of the passage of the motion: I would call attention only to the recent book of Innocenzo

ses sex.”’ 49 Sanudo, Diari, VIII, 261.

‘“‘Captum quod armet usque ad numerum L galearum per men- _—_ Cervelli, Machiavelli e la crisi dello stato veneziano, Naples, 1974.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 61 not panic. One need not accept the censure of a objected to appealing to the Turks for any sort of Florentine on a rival state. The Venetians had been assistance, ‘‘dicendo é mal a chiamar Turchi.” In more severely damaged at Agnadello than Machia- any event it is interesting, even surprising, that the velli represents. The French swept all before them Senate should have believed there were three to as far as Verona. Some people even spoke of sending four thousand Christians in the employ of the santhe doge there ‘“‘per dar animo a’ nostriea le zente.”” jakbey of Bosnia. Five hundred gentlemen would go with his Serenity On the same day (18 May) the doge and Senate at their own expense. Although it was the time of wrote the Venetian secretary in Hungary, Vincenzo

the Sensa, the ducal marriage with the sea, there Guidotto, telling him that Louis XII’s military was weeping rather than rejoicing. Few came tothe preparations were for the invasion of all Italy as ceremonies. The doge was speechless, “‘et stava_ well as for that of the Veneto. He had launched his chome morto e tristo.’’ He did not offer to go to attack from Milan upon Venetian possessions in the Verona. His sons said he would do whatever the Cremonese and Ghiaradadda with no declaration state wished, acknowledging that he was “more dead of war. The Venetians had recovered Treviglio than alive.”” The Venetians had fallen on evil days, while Louis’s army had lingered at Cassano d’ Adda. says Sanudo: “we see our ruin and no one is Then had come the battle at Agnadello on 14 May. ready.’’’° There was danger of a food shortage. It was said that Bartolommeo d’ Alviano had been The old senator, Troilo Malipiero, urged his fellows wounded and captured—and so he had—but few to hold on to Ravenna, ‘“‘which is the grain port for had perished, and the French had only captured

this land.””?! some artillery. This was at any rate what the secOn 18 May serious consideration was given to retary Guidotto was to tell Ladislas II and Thomas an offer of Girolamo Zorzi, son of the late Andrea Bakocz, the cardinal-archbishop of Gran (Eszterof S. Marcuola, to enlist the aid of the Turks. Gi- gom), adding that Venice would make every effort rolamo, ‘‘qual € amico dil sanzacho di Bossina,”’ says _ to resist the French ‘“‘per la conservatione del stado

Sanudo, was prepared to go to Bosnia to hire a_nostro.”’ force of five or six thousand Turks from the san- King Ladislas and Cardinal Bakocz must underjakbey. The offer was accepted by a narrow vote stand, however, “the grand designs and cu(non di largo), but the procurator Antonio Tron __ pidity of the aforesaid king of France, not only to delayed action on the proposal, “‘saying that it is subdue all Italy and make [Georges d’ Amboise] an evil thing to call in the Turks.” He urged the cardinal of Rouen the pope, but to make himself Senate to wait and learn something more of the monarch of all the world.’ The princes of Europe intentions of the pope and the emperor.”* Actually, had better take care; maybe Louis’s designs were as the record of the Senate’s proceedings for that not so far-fetched. Guidotto was to try to hire in day shows, Girolamo Zorzi offered to go to Bosnia Hungary as many as one thousand horse at the rate to hire from his friend the sanjakbey Firuz Beg of four ducats for each mounted man under “‘some three to four thousand horse. The Senate was (be- valiant and experienced captain,”’ to whom the Si-

fore Tron’s intervention) ready to have Zorzi do gnoria would pay 400 ducats a year. When the so, and to pay up to four ducats a month per man, Hungarian cavalry actually took the field of battle, “including horse-feed”’ (computati 1 orzi), which was — they would receive an additional half-pay. The Si-

the wage the Signoria was then paying the light gnoria was prepared to send money to Hungary imhorse. The Senate had insisted, however, that these

mercenaries (if they were employed) must be Chris- . ; a

tians.°? It would seem. then. that Antonio Tron dicto numero de cavalli o quel piu el potra che siano Christiani

’ ? cum el stipendio fina ducati 4 al mese secondo hano 1 altri nostri

TO 22, non synceri 0.”

cavalli lezier1 computati i orzi. De parte 142 [no cross], de non

5° Ibid., VIII, 266; and on the French at Verona, cols. 393, There is no cross (+) preceding the affirmative vote of 142

400, 405, 407. members of the Senate, and according to the index of this

°! Ibid., VIII, 267. register, ‘“‘captum quod vir nobilis Ser Hieronymus Georgio 52 Tbid., VIII, 284. quondam Ser Andree vadat ad sangiachum Bossine, causa ut 53 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 182°[195"], doc. dated 18 May, in deliberatione, et illico fuit suspensa illa deliberatio prout

1509: *‘Se ha offerto el nobel homo Hieronymo Zorzi, quondam _apparet.”” The vote “quod deliberatio facta de mittendo nobilem Ser Andrea, de andar dal sangiacho de Bossina et haver da sua _virum Hieronymum Georgio ad sangiachum Bossine pro nunc Magnificentia da 3 in 4 m. cavalli, Christiani perho, et facendo — suspendatur ut melius consultari possit”’ is given, zbid., fol. 182° per el stato nostro da ogni canto veder de alutarse et occorrer [195'], de parte 99, de non 73, non synceri 1, with no cross before

al imminentissimo periculo, in el qual se attrova el stato nostro, _ the 99 but, as is clearly stated, the motion was indeed ‘‘susI’ andera parte che ’! dicto nobel homo Hieronimo Zorzi sii _ pended,”’ i.e., not put into effect, and so to this extent Sanudo’s mandato al dicto sangiacho cum commission de condur el pre- — entry under 18 May is correct.

62 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mediately. It was a matter of the highest importance, The captain-general of the Venetian land and haste, the greatest haste, was necessary.” forces—Niccolo Orsini, count of Pitigliano—was Antonio Tron did not have to wait very long to _ proving as cautious as Bartolommeo d’ Alviano had learn something more of the pope’s intentions. Julius — been reckless. By 22 May Orsini had lost Brescia,

Il’s bellicosity made them abundantly clear. The withdrawing to Peschiera di Garda and thence to peasants around Bergamo were up in arms; com-_ Verona. The Veronesi, however, as the provvedimunications were breaking down. The frightened — tore Giorgio Corner informed the Signoria, did not statesmen of the Serenissima, driven by necessity, wish to admit the Republic’s troops, ‘‘dimonstrandecided to surrender the Romagnole cities to the dose in grande dispositione verso la Signoria nostra, apostolic legate Francesco Alidosi, the cardinal of ma non voler consentir che lo exercito entri nela Pavia. After securing the pope’s permission, Alidosi _terra.’’ Devoted as the Veronesi were to Venice, took over Rimini, Cervia (Zervia), Ravenna, and they wanted no troops within their walls. But the

Faenza about the beginning of the last week in Senate had no intention of allowing the army to May.”” Now the Venetians had lost everything for _ bypass Verona, “‘ma che quello [exercito] se mettesse which they had evoked the ire of Julius II and risked _ nela citadella et li se fortificasse.’””°® Two days later

the armed might of half Europe. (on 24 May) Corner and Andrea Gritti, his colleague The Senate had considered sending two envoys in the field, wrote the doge and Senate that the to Rome “‘to placate the supreme pontiff,” but de- army had become ineffective and unruly, owing to cided not to do so for a while.”° Instead they had Orsini’s failure to exert the necessary leadership.°® the doge write Cardinals Grimaniand Corner, mak- In any event Verona must be held. The citizens or ing clear “‘la optima et obsequentissima mente nostra most of them had long been loyal to the Republic, verso la pontificia Sanctita.”’ They were obeying the and concessions were more likely to work than force.

papal monitortum, surrendering the cities in the On 25 May, therefore, the Senate voted the VeRomagna, expelling the Bentivoglio of Bologna ronesi perpetual exemption from the tax on flour from Venetian territory, and making ready to ‘‘ex- (el datio dela maxena).°° It was no use. Verona had ecute the will of his Holiness in the grant of bish- been lost by 2 June, and on the following day the

. . 62 e

oprics and benefices.”””’ Senate decided to introduce troops into Padua by

deception and force.°' The imperialists entered Vi54 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 182-183" [195-196"], Vincentio CCNA, putting the city to sack.”" For some time, Guidoto secretario nostro in Hungaria, doc. dated 18 May, 1509. however, the Signoria had been trying to win over

55 Sanudo, VIII, 282, 290-91, 292-93, 294, 295, 296, 297, the Emperor Maximilian by making him even 299, 310, 310-11, 312, esp. cols. 315, 321, 329-30, etc., re- greater concessions than those which had been made ports of the Venetian secretary and historian Gian Giacomo to the pope Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 183"-184" [196"-197"], 186 [199], 193" The Senate had chosen Dr. Antonio Giustinian, [206"], and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 949, fols. 31-52, who had recently been the Republic’s ambassador docs. dated 25 August and 20 October, 1509). The letter of in Rome, to gO to the Emperor Maximilian with

Caroldo relating to the surrender of the four cities (cf. Sen. , to

the doge and Senate to Cardinals Grimani and Corner, indi-

cating the Venetians’ desire “‘esser abraciati da quella [Sanctita

del nostro Signor, 1.e., Julius II] per boni floli. . . paratissimi —

obedir al monitorio publicato contra de nuy per lei,’’ shows the °® Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 186-187" [199°-200'], doc. dated 22 extent to which fear had risen in the Senate (Sen. Secreta, Reg. May, 1509. 41, fol. 184" [197°], doc. dated 19 May, 1509). The Apuhian °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 190° [203°], provisoribus nostris generalicoast was also being surrendered to Spain. Francesco Alidosi, bus, doc. dated 25 May: “‘Per lettere vostre de heri date in cardinal of Pavia, had been regarded by the Venetians as their campo martio habiamo veduto in qual termeni se ritrovano enemy for some time, owing to his intrigues against them (cf. quelle zente nostre mal obediente et licentiose, et questo prothe dispatches of Domenico Pisani in Roberto Cessi, ed., Di- | cieder dala impotentia de quel illustre capitanio. . . .” space degli ambasaatort venezant alla corte di Roma presso Guulw Niccolo Orsini, count of Pitigliano, kept the respect of the IT, Venice, 1932, pref., pp. XX1X ff., on which work see below). Signoria, and retained the high command of the Venetian land °® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fol. 185” [198"], doc. dated 21 May, forces, but he did not long survive these trying months. Sanudo, 1509. Julius II would not receive a mere two envoys. He insisted = Drari, IX, 502~3, describes his elaborate funeral on 31 January,

upon six, and on 6 June the Senate complied, ‘‘et sia conve- 1510, when his body ‘‘was borne by land from S. Marco to SS. niente in questa condiction de tempi humiliarse piu che se pole Giovanni e Paolo,’”’ where his equestrian monument can still

a sua Sanctita. . .” (ibid., Reg. 42, fols. 6°—7° [18°-19"]). be seen in the right transept of the church. °” Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 186° [199%], doc. dated 22 May, and °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fol. 190° [203%], rectoribus Verone et provicf. fol. 191" [204"], another letter of the Senate to the two _ soribus nostris generalibus, doc. dated 25 May. Venetian cardinals, dated 25 May, to the same effect, stressing °! Ibid., Reg. 42, fol. 3 [15]. the Signoria’s intention ‘‘dar la possession dei episcopati et be- 2 Cf, Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), 219-

neficii secondo la volunta de quella [Sanctita].” 20, and new ed., V (1974), 158.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 63 proposals which (one hoped) might remove him paternal affection, as the doge and Senate infrom his alliance with Louis XII whom, aseveryone formed the podesta and captain of Rovigo, and knew, he disliked and distrusted. In hiscommission, was ready to endorse any reasonable arrangement dated 17 May (1509), Giustinian was authorized to (per venir ad ogni conveniente assetamento circa dicto

offer the emperor 200,000 florins as well as the Polexene) which would satisfy the Estensi of Ferrestoration of Trieste, Pordenone, and (if he in- rara.®°° sisted) even of Gorizia, although this was the path The Signoria left no road untried that might which the Turks followed into Friuli (per el qual se lead to peace. It might seem hopeless, but on 30 po intertenir li infideli al passar a queste parte), and and 31 May (1509) a considerable majority in the which might be better defended by the Venetians Senate voted to send Giorgio Corner, the provthan by the imperialists. Furthermore, ‘‘desiring to veditore generale, to the king of France to try to leave nothing untried to induce his imperial Majesty negotiate some sort of truce to break the league to join us and reach an understanding with us, and against Venice.°® Yes, it was hopeless, for what

ght be bett y the Veng 3 8 P

us understanding g , ras ajoinoae pave yv ee 5hopSEP ° . ° & « iy « Spills £0" , Be ee7| anys BININS UPTe f ae

to get him to come with all dispatch into Italy,’ could Venice offer the king of France except

Giustinian could add to the Signoria’s offer of clichés of love and loyalty? He already had Milan, 200,000 florins another 50,000 florins a year for and he needed no ally against the Holy See, the a period of ten years, which would constitute a pay- Empire, or Spain, for Julius, Maximilian, and Ferment of 700,000 florins—besides the Signoria’s dinand were his friends. No one could foresee how other sweeping concessions—in return for Maxi- it would all change in four years (when France and milian’s giving up his entente with the French and Venice would be allies) but in the meantime, as taking the field against them as the ally of Venice.”” seen from the Rialto, the outlook was grim. As Giustinian waited at Trent for an imperial The plight to which the allies of the League of safe-conduct which did not come, the doge and Sen- Cambrai had reduced Venice is noted in the first ate wrote him (on 23 May) that he must make clear known “‘pasquinades,”’ satirical verses afhxed to to Maximilian that the Venetians had always looked _ the statue of the so-called Pasquino set up in Rome

upon the emperor “‘as the father and protector of at a corner of the Piazza Navona about the beginour state.’’ They were giving him back the lands ning of the sixteenth century. By the year 1501 they had taken the year before, and ‘‘as for the Cardinal Oliviero Carafa had put it in place, at a other lands on terra ferma which we hold subject to the Empire, from now on we are prepared to © ——_____ recognize them as from his imperial Majesty and °5 Ibnd., Reg. 41, fol. 193° [206°], potestat et capitanio Rodigii, to pay him a just and proper sum each year [ann uo doc. dated 28 May, 1509, the senatorial vote to send the letter censo].”” They were yielding to the papal monitorium, ‘© Rovigo being de parte 158 [without the cross usually indiand returning the occupied towns in the Romaena cating approval of a motion], de non 12, non syncert 2: “Expedite

5 ; Pp ; 7 ; 5 eodem die hora X XIIJJ,”’ which shows that the letter was indeed

and, as they wrote Giustinian, such 1s the substance sent, and quickly. of the new commission which we are now giving Note also the commission of one Marco Ricci, abid., Reg. 41,

you.’’°4 The old emperors Barbarossa and Frederick fol. 197° [210°], dated 3] May: Ricci was also going to Ferrara

II could hardlv have asked for more to try to persuade the duke to leave the field with a favorable

Duke Alf ) I@eE fF and hj compromise with regard to the Polesine. On Ricci’s further

UKE ; ONSO ste Oo errara an IS employment by the Senate, note Reg. 42, fols. 1‘—2" [13°-14"], brother-in-law the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga 9-10" [21-22"]. of Mantua had joined the League of Cambrai °° Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 196°-197" [209*-210"], doc. dated 3 against Venice. Alfonso and the Signoria had been May, 1509: “‘Essendo sta heri delibera per questo Conseglio disputing possession of the Polesine. the region of che mandar se debi una persona al re de Franza et mandato

pl 8 P , 8 a tuor el salvoconducto et da non interponer tempo et mandarli

Rovigo between the Adige and the Po. Now, how- persona de qualita, che se possi sperar de haver quel fructo che ever, the Senate was willing to accept the offer of — se desydera, et perhé |’ andera parte che al nobel homo Zorzi one Giovanni Alberto della Pigna to settle the issue Corner cavalier, procurator, proveditor nostro general sii da of the Polesine to get the duke of Ferrara out of la infrascripta commission,” the text of which follows, stressing

th€The S} “a looked he duke with the Venetians’ incredible joy when Louis XII succeeded to the war. Ine olgnoria looked upon the GUKE WIN French throne, their abiding friendship for him, their desire

for peace, their obedience to the papal monitorium and willoO ingness to turn over to the pope the contested towns in the °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 41, fols. 180*-181" [193°-194"], com- Romagna, as well as to return to Maximilian the lands which

missio virt nobilis Antonti Iustiniani doctoris oratoris nostri proficis- | Venice had occupied the year before. They were prepared to

centis ad imperatoriam Maiestatem, doc. dated 17 May, 1509. yield the lands in Apulia to the Catholic king, and to give the °4 Ibid., Reg. 41, fols. 188°-189" [201*-202"], doc. dated 23 Polesine to the duke of Ferrara—de parte 122 [without the

May, 1509. cross], de non 35, non synceri 2, and cf. Reg. 42, fol. 3° [15°].

64 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT corner of his own house, where it may still be seen us| now apply the healing potion... . . Let Christian

by the Palazzo Braschi. Believed to be a broken arms cease to be used against Christians. . . .’’°* statue of Hercules, contemporaries named it the The Senate was trying in every way to have the Pasquino or Pasquillo after a sharp-tongued school _ ecclesiastical censures lifted, ‘“which weigh more master of the preceding century. Each year at the heavily upon our Signoria than anyone can say, and feast of S. Mark the Evangelist (25 April) “‘pas- make warfare more effectively than all our enemies’ quinades’”’ were posted on or near the statue. Julius forces have done.” The six envoys were elected on II had presumably intended his Monitorium contra 6 June—Paolo Capello, Leonardo Mocenigo, Paolo Venetos to be issued on S. Mark’s day although, as__ Pisani, Girolamo Donato (Dona), Domenico Trewe have seen, it is dated two days later. (It is surely visan, and Alvise Malipiero.°? Some thirty months superfluous to observe that S. Mark was the patron later, as we have seen, Domenico Trevisan was to saint of Venice.) In any event the first published be sent on a notable mission to the soldan of Egypt.

collection of these poems appeared at this time On 16 June the news reached Venice that the (in 1509), and was probably printed by the same pope seemed willing for the envoys to go to

Jacopo Mazocchi who printed 600 copies of the Monitorium for Pope Julius. Unknown satirists of

no small talent now observed the tragedy of the 68 Loredan’s letter is to be found in Sanudo, Diari, VIII, united arms of Christendom directed against the —370_79; it does not mention the six envoys. Venetians rather than the Turks. In the second °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 6Y-7" [18°-19"], doc. dated 6 edition of pasquinades (1510) one poet identified June, 1509. On 20 June the six envoys chosen to intercede for Hercules with the pope and the hydra with Rome the Republic with Julius II received their commission, which . . . . was long and detailed (ibid., fols. 12’-15* [24°-27"], and cf. fols. of the seven hills, while another still saw Julius as jg_y7 [28°-29"]): they must assure Julius of the Venetians’ Hercules, but identified the hydra with the Turk. true devotion to him and to the Apostolic See, ‘‘laudando pariter It 1s almost surprising, however, that the pasqul- i sapientissimi discorsi facti per sua Sanctita et demonstrandoli nades do not contain more expressi ons of sym- la summa necessita che le occorrentie presente hano de celerrimi hv for the Venetians. which mav perhaps be remedii et provisione per li dessegni de Francesi notissimi ala

pat y O ; 7 y Pp P Beatitudine sua, i quali non se contentando dela prosperita fin

explained either by their general unpopularity hora concessali dai cieli perseverano de indur et instigar la during this period or by the unwillingness of the cesarea Maesta a quello che saria la ruina universale de tuti, Roman printer Jacopo Mazocchi to lose the cus- 0" excludendo etiam la cesarea Maesta sua. . . , et supplitom or incur the wrath of the irascible Julius I1.°” Senos sua Beatitudine ante ad omnia et Immediate se degni isponer la prefatache Maesta non dar orechie a Francesi ne procieder piu inanti, per remover ogni scandalo che potesse

In early June, 1509, the Venetian Signoria esser causa de maior alteratione . . .” (fol. 25° [13"}). yielded to Julius II’s requirement that six (not two) Jas was ey to pring up tne question of an (expedition envoys should wait upon him in Rome. On the fifth itoqualche pe supported by the Hoy ee, the tneinfidels, emperor, venice, €t tos orsi altra potentia’’] against 1.e., the Turks, the D Ose Leonardo Loredan wrote the pope with to which of course the Venetian envoys would give an affirall humility and reverence to declare our most de- mative response, ‘‘ma ben la [Sanctita sua] supplicarete la sii vout obedience and most compliant heart to your per sua bonta contenta che non siamo nominati et propalati Holiness.’’ Venice had restored the cities and other © che se deveni ad actum azio che senza fructo per el sito

| —_ h d ked for cl et qualita del stato nostro non se provochi lo inimico a ruina

places in the Romagna. Loredan asked for clemency dei lochi nostri avanti che siano facte le debite preparatione

and recalled how much blood and gold the Vene- |. (fol. 26" [14"]). A report soon arrived in Venice from tians had expended against the Turks: “. . . Let Rome, dated 3 June, that the pope was more incensed than the same hand which has inflicted this wound [upon ever; in Rome the Venetians were being assailed as heretici e sismatici, ‘“‘and they want to send the excommunications throughout the world, and make it so that we cannot live” (Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, 389). ®7 Mazocchi collected and published the second edition of The dispatches of the sex oratores ad summum pontificem from the Carmina ad Pasquillum. . . (1510) and presumably the first 25 June, 1509, to 9 January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509) may be also (1509). Besides these two, I have seen only the fifth edition found in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senato Dispacci, Am(1513), in which there is no direct reference to the Turk. Bur- _ basciatori, Secreta Archivi Propri, Roma, Reg. 2. This register chard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 157, and ed. Celani, II, 296, is a contemporary copy, written in a clear hand, and contains relates that on 13 August, 1501, ‘‘in mane afhixa fuit cedula_ the dispatches published by Roberto Cessi, Dispacca degli amstatue magistri Pasquino nuncupate, site in angulo domus Rmi. __basciatori veneziani alla corte di Roma presso Giulio II, Venice, 1932

D. Cardinalis Neapolitani, de obitu Pape [Alexandri VI], sire- | (R. Deputazione di Storia patria per le Venezie, Ist ser., Do-

cedat ab Urbe.. . .”’ The statue of Pasquino was thought to cumenti, vol. XVIII). The originals or rather first drafts of be Hercules strangling the three-headed monster Geryon: it Girolamo Donato’s dispatches from Rome from 19 January, may be that of Ajax with the body of Achilles. For the older 1510 (Ven. style 1509), to 30 August, 1510, may also be found literature on Pasquino, cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 116-18, and in the Secreta Archivi Propri, Roma, Reg. 3. Although in more

Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-1 (1924, repr. 1955), 574-76. than one hand, these letters are on the whole difficult to read.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 65 Rome.’”° They departed on the twentieth,”’ and The crusade was discussed in the consistory on arrived in Rome the night of 2 July. The famiglie the morning of 6 July (1509). Letters from Ferof the two Venetian cardinals, Grimani and Cor-_ dinand the Catholic and the young Henry VIII of ner, called on them, as did Antonio Grimani, the England pledged ambiguous support for an enterexiled admiral, from whom the Venetian ban had __ prise which, Ferdinand said, would be arduous and been lifted in June. Antonio had been responsible _ perilous (saria |’ impresa et difficile et periculosa), owing

for the loss of Lepanto (at the end of August, to the great power of the Turk. An expedition east1499); banished first to the island of Cherso inthe ward would be costly, and his Holiness would preQuarnaro (in June, 1500), he had subsequently sumably have to render assistance with tithes and been removed to Rome. He was the father of the indulgences. Henry had to await his coronation and scholarly Cardinal Domenico, who had worked what would be the first meeting of parliament durhard for almost a decade in the interests of both ing his reign, but of course (like his father) he was Venice and his father. At last, in the dark days of _ in favor of an expedition against the Turk.’* The a greater defeat than he had caused, Antonio Gri- Venetians were tormented by talk of the crusade. mani was being allowed to return home. Being They were forever concerned about their overseas excommunicate, the Venetian envoys had no ac-_ possessions, but obviously no so-called crusade cess to the pope, but they were directed to gather would be possible as long as the war of the League in Cardinal Oliviero Carafa’s palace, hard by the of Cambrai lasted and, considering the current costs Piazza Navona, to explain the extent of their com- of the war, who could afford it thereafter? mission. Carafa was to be joined by Raffaele Ria- On 8 July the Venetian envoys received a visit rio, cardinal of S. Giorgio, and two prelates of the from the pope’s secretary, Sigismondo de’ Conti, Camera. The doge’s envoys were found not to who told them that the pope would probably send have received powers adequate for negotiation for one of them that evening, and at 7:00 P.M. a and, moreover, granting the Venetians absolution certain Antonio Saxeta appeared, asking Girolamo involved some complex problems of canon law.’* Donato to accompany him to an audience. Al-

though Domenico Trevisan, procurator of S.

—___—— Marco, was head of the Venetian mission to Rome, ° Sanudo, Diari, VII, 407, 416. Julius II had known Donato and the latter’s father

Ihd., VIII, 417, 420, and of. the letter of the doge, dated for many years. Julius began by absolving Donato

20 June, 1509, attesting the appointment of the six envoys ‘‘ad from all ecclesiastical censure. The d practicandum, tractandum, ineundum, capitulandum, conclu- ov ; _ pope made dendum et sigillandum bonam et meram intelligentiam, ligam, clear his intention of supporting the Emperor foedus et unionem cum sanctissimo et beatissimo domino nostro. Maximilian. Although at one point Julius “spoke

domino lulio. . . papa II. . . ,” in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, coldly” (me disse fredamente) when Donato wanted inoc. 15 [27], Cessi, ed., Dispacea degh ambasciator veneuan, — ame negotiation of Maximilian’s no.and1,inpp. 3-4. The envoys’ commission is also given, ibid., ; :claims ; —to;Tre. no. Hl, pp. 4-10, after which Cessi presents ninety-six dispatches V!S0, which was maintaining 1ts loyalty to Venice, of the envoys from 25 June, 1509, to 9 January, 1510, reporting the audience went off smoothly. Friuli would also

in detail the course of their difficult embassy to the pope. have to gO, ‘according to the convention made at Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 7-8, pp. 24-28, docs. dated 6 July, Cambrai.” Julius had been informed that Venice 1509; Sanudo, Diarii, VIN, 502. Domenico Trevisan held the had an army no larger than seven thousand men highest rank among the six envoys; their letters to the doge are > orm , signed “‘D.T. e[ques] et proc{urator] et college oratores.”’ They at Mestre. Constantine Arianiti had Just written, assumed the pope would require the Venetian confession of however, that Maximilian had twenty thousand sin, the request for pardon, and the full acceptance of the infantry q]] ready for ‘‘questa impresa de Treviso.”’ penance imposed—all of which they feared would amount to Venice had better give up what she could not hold: the papal demand that Venice give up Treviso and Friuli to “oy di n.” said th i . Maximilian (Cessi, Dispacci, no. 7, pp. 24-25). In dealing with regar it as certain, said the pope, that either the envoys Cardinals Carafa and Riario were supposed to have today or within two days the emperor will be there,

the assistance of Bishop Pietro de’ Accolti of Ancona and the and that perhaps at this very hour he is in Trepapal secretary and historian Sigismondo de’ Conti, who were not present at the first meeting on 6 July. Sigismondo, II, 400—_ =§5 ————————

1, says that the Venetian envoys arrived in Rome on 10 July — nocte.”’ In July the hours were usually counted from 9:00 P.M. (VI idus wulu, wrongly translated i 9 lugho by the editors). This (i.e., nine o’clock in the evening was the twenty-fourth hour, is merely a lapse of memory: Sigismondo had seen the envoys and ten o’clock began the first hour: noon was the fifteenth

on 8 July (Cessi, Dispaca, no. 10, pp. 30-31). The meeting hour). The Florentine (and Venetian) practice may be noted described by Sigismondo seems to have taken place only on 8 in many passages in the Diario. . . di Luca Landucci, ed. 1. Del

August (Cessi, Dispacci, no. 30, p. 68). Badia, Florence, 1883. Landucci, pp. 291 ff., also recounts the

The envoys’ own letters fix the time of their arrivalin Rome _ exciting events of the spring and summer of 1509: ‘‘O poveri at about 10:00 P.M. on 2 July (Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 5-6, pp. 21, | Viniziami, che farete voi? . . .”

22). They entered Rome “‘la sera di do circa prima hora di ”® Cessi, Dispacci, no. 9, p. 29, doc. dated 6 July.

66 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT viso!”’? Until the emperor was satisfied, the Vene- A few days later the Signoria received a letter tians would not receive absolution. It was clear from Andrea Foscolo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul, that the pope, with his hearty dislike of the French, emphasizing the good will of the Porte toward the would support Maximilian’s claims according to Republic, expressing regret at the recent unforthe “‘capituli’”’ of Cambrai to prevent his reaching — tunate turn of events, and “‘offering every assis-

a special agreement with Louis XII.” tance.’ The Venetian Senate and Council of Ten

Girolamo Donato’s letter to the doge of 9 July, decided secretly to send una bona letera in redescribing his audience with the pope, is at vari- sponse. Plans were also made to send an embassy ance with the record preserved in Sanudo, who _ to the electors and free cities of Germany, “‘comsummarizes the letters from Rome dated 8 and 9 memorating what the Republic has done for more July. Sanudo describes Julius II as dealing angrily than a thousand years in defense of the Christian with Donato, speaking in harsh tones of the Vene- faith, and the great expense [it has incurred] in tian government, and saying that he wished to see defense of the Church, but now the pope, the king the complete implementation of the articles of of the Romans, the king of France, and the king Cambrai. Sanudo represents the pope as bent on of Spain have concluded pernicious agreements la ruina total nostra di Veniexia e dil nome venitiano. —[capitolt| at Cambrai, [designed] for the destruction

The Republic must surrender Treviso and Udine of our entire state. . . .”’® Although Cardinals to the Emperor Maximilian, and must not aspire Carafa and Riario were of the opinion that Venice to possessions on the mainland. Henceforth the should not surrender Treviso and Friuli unless it government must not undertake to grant eccle- proved impossible to hold them, everyone seemed siastical benefices nor to impose tithes on priests. to agree that the pope was above all fearful of All Christian ships were to have free access to the provoking a secret accord between Maximilian Adriatic (che tutti possi navegar in colpho). Finally, and Louis XII. The Venetian envoys were asVenice should prepare a fleet for service against sured, however, that Julius II would not allow the the Turks, under the command of the pope. Fail-_ French and imperial troops to lay siege to Venice,

ing any of these provisions, the pope said he would “‘et de questa opinione era anche el Re di never raise the ban of excommunication, and he Spagna.’’”’ would do Venice as much harm as he could. When The king of Spain was alleged to be more inDonato tried to calm the papal temper (according _ terested in a crusade against the Turks than in the to the report in Sanudo), his Holiness became the — war against Venice despite his participation in the

more furious. Donato said that he would discuss League of Cambrai. On 17 July the Venetian enthe pope’s conditions with his fellow envoys, and voys in Rome wrote the doge that Ferdinand the would write to Venice for instructions. Such was, Catholic had written his ambassador from Vallain the envoys’ opinion, ‘‘the pope’s depraved and_dolid on the fifth to make clear to the pope his evil design.’’ When their letters were read before constantissimo proposito to embark on the crusade, the Senate, those present were angry and indig- for which purpose his Majesty planned to come to nant. Apparently the pope would be satisfied with Naples. Ferdinand directed his ambassador to ask nothing less than the complete destruction of Ven-

ice.. aeLorenzo Loredan, a son of the theenvoys doge,were saidfully in ~~ ,, pope’s terms, concerning which informed,

public that the Serenissima would send fifty CNVOYS — whether the pope stated them all directly to Donato or not to the Signor Turco before it would submit to the — during the audience (as shown in their statement of the terms

pope’s demands. ’° in a second letter of 9 July in Cessi, ibid., no. 12, pp. 36-37). A comparison of Sanudo’s regest: with, for example, the original

—_———— letters of Antonio Giustinian a few years earlier reveals the 74 Cessi, Dispacci, nos. 10-11, pp. 30-35, docs. dated 8 and Diarn to be composed of accurate summaries of the diplomatic 9 July, 1509. Although the letter of the ninth (misdated, ibid., correspondence. Sometimes, to be sure, Sanudo includes in his p. 35) is signed as usual “‘D.T. eques, procurator, et college — regest2 information derived from other sources, and occasionally oratores,”’ it is entirely by Girolamo Donato, a report of his he allows his patriotism or other feelings to color his reports. long audience with the pope. According to Sanudo, the pope ’® Sanudo, Diarti, VIII, 512, 515-16. On 11 July (1509) the summoned Donato at 7:00 P.M., la sera, a hore 22 (Diari, VIII, | Venetian envoys in Rome informed the doge that it was going 510, whose report is interesting and puzzling, on which see — to be difficult to secure absolution of the censures (Cessi, Daspace,

below). no. 13, p. 38), while Sanudo, VIII, 519, writes that “‘il papa e 75 Sanudo, Diarn, VIII, 510—11. Cessi, Dispacci, p. 35, note piu duro cha mai.”’

1, believes that Sanudo’s summary of the envoys’ letter of 9 77 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 14, p. 39, letter of Girolamo Donato July describing Donato’s audience with the pope (zbid., no. 11) to the doge, dated 11 July, 1509. On the seventeenth the envoys is an “‘inesatto e parziale regesto,’’ which may be true as far as wrote that the pope in consistory (having absolved Donato on

Sanudo’s description of the pope’s demeanor during the au- the eighth) had iust absolved the other five of them, so that dience is concerned. But Sanudo gives a fair summary of the | now they could all hear mass (ibid., no. 15, p. 40).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 67 the pope to accord him the right, in order to make of the Venetians, so that they might not injure the necessary preparations, to levy two tithes upon — either his Holiness or others at some other time.

the clergy, as well as the cruciata throughout all . . .’°° In a consistory on 23 July Julius II dehis domains. Julius assembled most of the cardinals _clared himself ready to grant Louis a tithe in the

in the Belvedere to consider the question of in- kingdom of France and in the duchy of Milan if viting Louis XII and Maximilian to join the pro- he would go on the crusade.*' It would be worth jected enterprise, although he harbored some it to get him out of Italy. uneasiness over the king of Spain’s being in Naples The doge and Senate wrote the six envoys in while his royal allies were in northern Italy. Fur- Rome on 17 July (1509) that they felt no weight ther consideration led Julius to assume, however, upon their conscience for having offended his Holthat if Ferdinand really came to Naples, it would _ iness or for having opposed the Apostolic See. They be because of his distrust of the French, a devel- _ had obeyed every letter of the law laid down in the opment which could only lead to the pope’s own = monitorium, surrendered Rimini, Faenza, and sev-

advantage.’® eral other places, and shown his Holiness every mark The pope expected that the pact between Louis of humiliation. They had submitted to the papal XII and Maximilian would soon come apart, and — will, and sent the embassy to Rome. There should to aid the process he insisted, in another discussion have been no difficulty in lifting the censures from with Girolamo Donato on 18 July, upon the Vene- Venice, ‘‘essendo dominico precepto che i vicarii tian cession of Treviso to Maximilian. Constantine de Christo a quelli che effectualmente peccano non Arianiti had written from Cittadella that the im- una ma infinite volte et se humiliano, debino perperial forces had just taken Cividale del Friuli,and donare.’’ Despite the need of the repentant sinner

were massing for an assault upon Treviso. Julius for forgiveness, the ban had not been removed, declared it was foolish to irritate the emperor any although there was no longer the least reason for further, and tried to persuade Donato and Car- it. The Signoria’s letters to his Holiness had been dinal Grimani, who was present at the audience, held in contempt and, presumably without papal

to accede to the imperial demand and part with permission, they had been printed and sent Treviso. Julius hoped to effect a reconciliation throughout the world ‘“‘with false additions and with between Venice and the emperor; if the Venetians _invectives so vituperative that we are certain they relinquished Treviso, there would soon be discord are obnoxious to everyone, however ill-disposed he between “‘questi do Re, zoé Franza et Romani.” might be toward us.”’°? Grimani turned to Donato for the Venetian an- Later the same day, 17 July, the doge and Senate swer to the pope. The envoy said it would be dif- wrote a happier letter to their envoys in Rome. It

ficult to bring about the surrender of Treviso, was the feast of S. Marina, a day long to be reeven if the envoys urged it upon the doge, for it membered in Venice, for that morning the provwas hard to be persuasive in a senate and a re-_ veditore generale Andrea Gritti had entered Padua public, “dove sono varieta de opinione.”” The pope = ‘‘with such great applause, jubilation, and content-

agreed to help Maximilian and the Venetians to ment of all that we cannot describe it to you.”’ The reach some accord concerning Treviso, which the — envoys were to inform his Holiness of this signal latter might possibly continue to hold as an imperial het. The accord might be easier to arrange 8° Cessi, Dispacc, no. 17, pp. 45—46, as reported by the Veneif the doge would promise to join the crusade, tian envoys in Rome, letter dated 20 July, 1509. Cf, ibid., no. since the pope could thus intervene with a ‘‘color 18, p. 47, letter dated 21 July, in which Louis XII is quoted

meglio.””’9 to the effect “che I’ impresa contra 1 Turchi non se faria mal

While Ferdinand the Catholic was still asserting Petectamente, se prima non se extingueva in tuto el nome ; ca veneto!”’ Nevertheless, Louis said that he would defer in this his intention to undertake “‘l’ impresa contra el 46 the pope's judgment.

Turco,’ Louis XII informed Cardinal Alidosi in 5! Cessi, Dispaca, no. 19, pp. 50-51. The pope appeared to Milan that he was also well disposed to the idea _ think the prospect for a crusade was very good. It had been of going on a crusade against the Turks, ‘“‘but that necessary, however, first to crush the ‘“‘superbia et avaritia Ve-

his thought would be to complete the destruction Siri oo d igismund as he “xPlained inatobrief ofhe 28wrote July,“in 1509, King of Poland, whom factotogeneralis expeditionis contra Turchum” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. as78 Cessi, XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 211°-212*, by modern stamped enuDispacai, no. 15, p. 40. The pope still clung to Max- —s meration, and cf. fol. 213).

imilian. The former admiral Antonio Grimani had left in the °* Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 24 [36], oratoribus nostris in

morning (of 17 July) for Venice by way of Ancona. Curia, doc. dated 17 July, 1509. The letter was sent with the 8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 16, pp. 41-44, letter dated at Rome — date of 15 July. Cf, wbid., fols. 51°-52" [63°-64"], dated 11

on 18 July, 1509, and cf. no. 18, p. 49. September, 1509, also addressed to the six envoys in Rome.

68 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT success. The Senate was certain Julius would be _ ice, “provided this recent upset [novita] in Padua pleased with the news, for all the Republic’s landed does not disturb everything.”’ Donato urged his and maritime possessions were at the disposal of Holiness to try to persuade the Emperor Maximilian the Apostolic See.*’ The citizens had surrendered ‘‘ad venir ad un bon accordo cum nui,” warning to the imperialists on 5 June to escape the threatened him that a great wall had been opened in the Italian ‘fire and sword” their failure to comply would en- defense against the Germans as well as the French.

tail.°* When Donato read him the doge’s letter of 17 July The imperialists had held Padua for forty-two on the Venetian success at Padua, the pope said

days, during which period food prices had risen in Cardinal Francesco Alidosi had already written him

Venice, for they had been preventing the export from Milan. of grain from the Padovano to the lagoon. Many Alidosi reported that the imperialist agent Anmembers of the Senate had pushed the government drea da Borgo had gone immediately to Louis XII, into action for fear of losing their estates and villas requesting assistance for the emperor’s forces. Louis in the Paduan countryside. The Venetians’ recovery _ had sent Jacques de Chabannes, seigneur de la Pa-

of the city marked a turning-point in the war. _ lice, the marshal of France, with troops to support Thereafter for centuries the doge went in procession the imperialists, and had released the Marchese on 17 July to the little church on the Campo S._ Francesco Gonzaga of Mantua and Alfonso d’ Este Marina to celebrate the Republic’s regaining Padua, of Ferrara ‘‘to return home for this purpose.” He

which was not again to be lost.8° had also promised that, if necessary, he would send

No sooner had Padua been rewon than Vicenza Gian Giacomo Trivulzio and Louis de la Tremouille, offered its submission to Andrea Gritti®® (but the adding that the pope must not fail their imperial cautious Signoria did not send troops into Vicenza ally. Julius, however, told Donato, ‘“‘Io non voglio until 14 November). A week after the recovery of esser capellan de Francesi’’—he had no intention Padua Girolamo Donato wrote the doge and Senate of becoming chaplain to the French.®” that Julius IT still seemed well-disposed toward Ven- Maximilian declined, however, to be reconciled with the Signoria, pressed the pope for the two

——-___— hundred men-at-arms he had promised to send, and 85 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 25° [37'], oratoribus nostris in objected strenuously to the relaxation of the bans Curia, doc. dated 17 July, 1509: *“Essendo sta tuti questi su- of excommunication until the Venetians had suretetito zorni la citaal degoverno Padoa cum uno ardentissimo desyderio Lendered all nostra, the lands totanwhich; the Hapsburgs ritornare et obedientia dela Signoria . oan ; laid dem questa matina, cussi permittente la divina bonta, chiamato claim. Julius thought Maximilian was unwise as well da tuto quel populo (quale cognosce non poter viver senza as ungrateful to the Holy See. He was also incensed questa cita nostra) el nobel homo Andrea Gritti provedador at the Venetians, as the envoys in Rome wrote the nostro general cum parte del exercito € intrato in dicta cita Doge Loredan, ‘che questi movimenti facti contra cum plauso, iubilo, et contento universale de tuti che non la cesarea Maesta i e..hes the very recoverv Pad serano ve lotanto possamo explicare, volemo adunque et commettemovi che 0! of a ua] tal successo debiate far intender nostro nomine ala pontificia Causa de la total ruina de la illustrissima Signoria Beatitudine, la qual se rendemo certi che de ogni bene et pro- _vostra.’’ It was clear to Julius that the twin dangers sperita nostra ne recevera contento et satisfactione, essendo no- tq Rome were “‘la potentia de Franza formidabile stro firmissimo presupposito che tute le cosse nostre terrestre et la intention del Rhoano [d’ Amboise].’”8 sua Sanctita et a beneficio et commodo de tuti li sui et de quella Andrea Gritti’s recapture of Padua began six Sancta Apostolica Sede, come per le altre nostre alligate etiam months of military maneuvering during which the

et maritime siano sempre ad ogni commando et dispositione de , . piu particularmente ve scrivemo. De parte 159, de non 6, non

synceri 0,” and cf., zbid., fol. 29 [41]. ——_—_—_————_————_

84 Sanudo, Diarii, VIII, 353, 354-55. 87 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 20, pp. 52-53, letter dated at Rome 85 The church of S. Marina was closed in 1818 and demolished — on 23 July, 1509. On the Venetian reoccupation of Padua, see

two years later. The Doges Michele Steno (d. 1413) and Niccolo Sanudo, Diaru, VU, 520 ff., and particularly P. Zanetti, Marcello (d. 1474) had been buried there. Their tombs are ‘‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509 in correlazione alla guerra now in the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo. Today the site of | combattuta nel Veneto dal maggio all’ ottobre,” Nuovo Archivio the church of S. Marina is marked (more or less) by the little — veneto, 2nd ser., II (Venice, 1891), 5-168, esp. pp. 48 ff., and Campiello della Chiesa, just off the Campo S. Marina. Cf Giulio note Lester J. Libby, Jr., ‘““The Reconquest of Padua in 1509 Lorenzetti, Venezia e il suo estuario (1963), Trieste, 1974, according to the Diary of Girolamo Priuli,”’ Renaissance Quarterly,

p. 329. XXVIII (1975), 323-31. The Venetians were willing to join

On 25 June, 1512, three years after the recovery of Padua, | the pope and Maximilian to drive the French from Milan, and the Venetian Senate voted that the feast of S. Marina should — give the duchy to Lodovico il Moro’s son (Sen. Secreta, Reg. be made a state holiday, ‘‘sitque sub gravissimis poenis vetitum 42, fols. 25°-26" [37°-38"}). in tota urbe aperire apothecas aut laborare, sive aliquid feriale ®8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 27, pp. 60-61, letter dated at Rome

agere”’ (Sanudo, Diart, XIV, 420). on 29 July, 1509; cf Sanudo, Diari, IX, 9, 14, 23, 25-26, 3886 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 25" [37"], provisori generali Gritti, 39. As Julius II’s animus against the Venetians rose during the

doc. dated 19 July, 1509. coming months, Raffaele Riario warned him that the subjection

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 69 Venetian forces got back Vicenza and much of the — the Venetians an ace; they knew how to play a good

terra ferma that the Republic had lost after Agna- hand. The Venetians reveled in good luck, but condello. As early as the beginning of August, Julius trary to Machiavelli they could manage misfortune.

II accused the Signoria of deceiving him, and his Louis XII proposed that the envoys and other suspicion of Venice recovered some of its virulence. Venetians in papal territory be arrested and held, As the doge saw disaster beginning to recede, he _ pending the release of the marquis of Mantua. Louis became less obsequious toward the pope, who told _ was said to be adding 800 lancers to the five hundred Cardinal Grimani, ‘We are not afraid of the king he had already furnished Maximilian. He was also of France, but of you.” Julius assured Louis XII of — sending off letters to England, Germany, and Spain

his determination to adhere to the articles of the to urge the arrest of all Venetians and the seizure

League of Cambrai.®? of their property, but the pope refused to take the

On 7 August the Venetian envoys in Rome wrote Venetians into custody or to touch their property.”° the doge that the pope was unwilling to receive any one of them for fear of giving Maximilian further §=————_ offense. The emperor was distressed enough. Aj- onment of Francesco Gonzaga. Cf, also Sanudo, IX, 25, 33, ae 34, 35, 36, 37-38, 41-42, 45, 53, 62, etc., 104, 134, et alibi,

though XII, IV, whom wasGonzaga detaining a: : orLouis and Priuli, 131.illness Francesco hadatnurtured some

Milan, did send Maximilian five hundred lancers — yesentment against the Republic ever since his dismissal as capunder de la Palice for service in the Veronese, Max- tain-general of the Venetian forces after the battle of Fornovo imilian had gone off sulking to Trent. In any event (which had taken place in July, 1495). The Turks were much

Louis showed no strong desire to help the impe- interested In his capture (Sanudo, IX, 527), for the Gonzaga

‘al; Ferd; d d He had | had maintained a friendly connection with the Porte.

Mansts. rer Inand care even less. Pe Na et go Declaring that the League of Cambrai had been formed the mercenaries he had in the kingdom of Naples, against Venice because the Signoria would not break faith with a number of whom had apparently entered the em- _ the Porte, on 11 September (1509) the doge and Senate wrote

ploy of Venice. The pope had lost confidence in me Pauite Anamea Foscolo in pan of the recent SUCCESS ° the unstable Maximilian, whose in the [7° forces ain town the Veronese, lonzaga nad been . . at position Isola della Scala, on thewhere river Tartaro: “. capture . . Ve League seemed on the point of becoming untenable significamo come havuta neli superior zorni noticia che nel as well as humiliating. Nevertheless, Julius seemed Veronese se adunavano gran numero de zente a cavallo, el to be afraid that Georges d’ Amboise and the French _ forzocapo de quelle il signor Marchese de Mantoa, per venirse

might find an anti-papal ally in Maximilian.2° a coniunger cum la cesarea Maesta existente alhora, et al preAtt this thistime tj hthehed Ven; dR sente etlam cum numeroso exercito propinquo alla terra de news reache emice an ome Padoa per oppugnarla, subito havuto questo li proveditori nostri of the capture of Francesco Gonzaga, Marquls Of mandorono dele zente d’ arme et fantarie a trovar li inimici in Mantua, who had carelessly advanced too far into Veronese ad Isola de la Scala, dove furono alle mano li nostri Venetian territory with too few followers?! The Vigorosamente li ruppeno et preseno da cavalli piu de 600, el

fugati. news as encouraging for bellissimi theresto Venetians as it “Bargenti, : Tree | . onawas preda fu si de cavalli come dewas robe,

distressing for the pope. Sanudo Says that Julius et danari. Preseno uno gran personazo gubernator dele zente threw his biretta on the ground In anger upon _ francese, et la victoria fu mazor per la persona propria del learning of Gonzaga’s capture.”* Chance had dealt dicto Marchese de Mantoa, el qual fu preso et condutto in questa

cita, dove l’ eal presente retenuto in bona custodia, dal qual prospero

——_-— effecto speramo per zornata farve intender deli altri successi of Venice to the French “‘non potria esser senza manifesto — grati a chi ne ama, principalissimamente confidandone che ‘|

periculo de questa Sancta Sede et de tuta la Corte Romana”’ Signor Dio non ce sia per lassar mancar la gratia sua per la (Cessi, op. cit., no. 82, p. 196, report of Girolamo Donato to _ iusta causa che havemo dal canto nostro et pol perche habiamo the doge, dated 10 December, 1509, and cf. Sanudo, IX, 414). il favor universalmente de tuti i populi et contadini nostri, quali *? Cessi, Dispacci, no. 28, pp. 62-63, letter dated 4 August, | cum uno ardor incredibile hanno prese le arme in mano per

1509. nul. Et tutavia ultra che habiamo uno grosso exercito in Padoa,

°° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 29, pp. 65-67, letter dated 7 August, | non mancamo de augumentar le force nostre, invigilando cum 1509, and on Louis XII’s military aid to Maximilian, cf, :bid., | ogni poter et faculta nostre per conservarne et defender da

no. 33, p. 80. tute queste potentie cussi effrenatamente coniurate et venute *' Gonzaga was captured (with much booty) on 8 August, alla ruina nostra, non per altra causa salvo per non haver nui 1509, near the town of Isola della Scala. He was on his way _ voluto condescender alle inique voglie loro. . . per haver nui from Verona to Legnano, which latter town he had expected —_determinato non voller romper la bona amicitia nostra cum to take (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 35" [47°], 36" [48], 44” — quel illustrissimo Gran Signor . . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, [56°], 45° [57%], et alibi, and esp. Roberto Cessi, ‘“‘La Cattura fol. 51 [63], baylo nostro Constantinopoli, and cf. fol. 54" [66"]).

del Marchese Francesco Gonzaga di Mantova e le prime trat- On the background, see Hans Joachim Kissling, Sultan Batative per la sua liberazione,” Nuovo Archwio veneto, XXV-1 — jezid’s IL. Bezehungen zu Markgraf Francesco I. von Gonzaga, Mu-

[new ser., ann. XIII, 1913], 144-76). nich, 1965, and in the present context, note esp. pp. 106 ff. °2 Sanudo, Diarn, IX, 81: “Et intesa questa nova, il papa’ (in the Munchener Universitats-Schriften . . . der philosofurioe, butando la bareta per terra... .”’ But see Cessi, Dispacci, phischen Fakultat, I).

no. 31, pp. 73-74, with the editor’s note, and cf pp. 77, 80, ° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 33, pp. 80-81, letter dated 23 August, 94-95, 107-8, 160, 169, 192, 195-96, 212, on the impris- 1509: “‘Questa rechiesta € parsa al Pontefice absurda, née ha

70 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT From time to time the reports of the Venetian — II replied that they would be forced to do so “‘cum envoys in Rome contain news of the Turks, as in le censure et cum le arme temporal de tuti li altri their dispatch of 17 August (1509) when they in- insieme.”’ Then, said Grimani, his Holiness would formed the doge that the grand master of Rhodes most certainly have the Signoria on his side. As was said to have captured eight Turkish fuste with for the question of free navigation on the Adriatic, all aboard. The Hospitallers apparently continued Grimani asked the pope to consider the matter in friendly relations with Venice at this time de- well. The Venetian right to patrol the Adriatic spite the close affiliations which the Order had _ had been formally recognized, almost two and a with France.”* The Republic was short of money, _ half centuries before, by Pope Gregory X at the however, and Venetian affairs “were not going Council of Lyon, ‘“‘come scrive Biondo in la hiwell;’’?° the war was in fact a terrible financial bur- storia sua, che é fidelissimo relator.” It was the den (especially during the years 1509-1512).°°On responsibility of Venice, he continued, to keep the 23 and 24 August the envoys wrote the doge from sea clear of corsairs, however much the AnconiRome that the king of Hungary had now entered tans might object, and this Venice had done at the League, and was prepared to invade Venetian- great expense.”®

held Dalmatia. Ferdinand the Catholic had reached

a new accord with Maximilian, who (it was said) Talk was cheap, and so it was incessant. In the was now willing to recognize Ferdinand’s lifetime long run the pope’s adherence to the League of regency in Castile, provided he gave the Archduke Cambrai was going to receive adverse criticism. De-

Charles 80,000 ducats a year.’ Despite the var- spite the general unpopularity of the Venetians, ious storm clouds on the darkened horizon, there there was many a man who felt, like Prospero Cowas still discussion in Rome of “‘la impresa contra _ lonna, “‘che I’ é bon italiano et desidera che Italiani

Turchi,” in which the pope expected the Vene- — signorezino Italia et non barbari.. . .’’?? The crutians to participate. ‘To this, Cardinal Grimani re- sade was seen as a means of restoring peace and turned the stock answer that the Serenissima, stopping the apparent continuance of French success which stood in faucibus hostium, could join the cru-. (Ferdinand the Catholic said he was in favor of the

sade only when all the Christian princes pledged _ enterprise), but with the knowledge of hindsight their resources to the common enterprise. Julius we can only regard as rather ludicrous some of the discourses relating to “‘la impresa contra infideli.’’!°

——_____-—— While the doge and Senate, well served by Carvoluto consentir. . . .”’ Cf Sanudo, Diarn, TX, 83, 135-36. dinal Domenico Grimani, carried on the inter-

The king of Hungary was not willing to join the League of — minable struggle ‘with all possible submission and Cambrai (tbid., IX, 136; Cessi, Dispacc, no. 34, p. 84, et alibi; a .

and of Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 34°35" [46"-47")). reverence to have the papal censures lifted from 4 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 32, p. 77, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. Venice, on 18 September (1509) they wrote 42, fol. 54° [66"], dated 12 September, 1509. Andrea Foscolo, the bailie in Istanbul, and Niccolo

wn tea a dated 2 ee 1502. Giustinian, who was joining him asa special envoy, bridge, Mass., 1980, pp. 27 that the enemies of the Republic (including Julius

” Cessi, Dispacct, nos. 34-35, pp. 84, 86-87, letters dated II) had become more closely united than ever in 23-24 August, 1509; on the king of Hungary, see, ibid, no. a Mew league. As soon as they had eliminated Ven-

56,; sanudo, pp. 131-3 dated’ ,Qctober, and—42. PP aanice, they would move on to attack the Turks, ‘‘et 1a7r2l, and VOl.1509, » COIS.

the accord between Maximilian and Ferdinand, cf. Raynaldus, per questo effecto hano mandato lettere de cru-

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, no. 29, vol. XX (1694), p. 70. On 10 June, 1509, Ferdinand had written the pope from Valladolid, §—§ ————— ‘“’ . . intellexi victoriam quam deo optimo maximo placuit dare *° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 38, pp. 92-93, letter dated 29 August,

Sanctitati vestre in recuperatione terrarum Ecclesie a Venetis 1509, and cf. pp. 97-98, 120, 123, 128, 150-51, et alibi, on occupatarum et quoniam deliberata est Sanctitas vestra quod _ the Venetian patrol of the Adriatic. According to the Venetians,

antequam arma deponantur omnes confederati sequamur bea- free navigation on the Adriatic would nullify certain capitol titudinem vestram in expeditionem contra Thurcos, fidei they had with the Turks (2bid., no. 75, p. 172). On Julius II’s Catholice inimicos, affectus sum profecto magno gaudio, bea- apparent dedication to the crusade, note no. 51, p. 122, a letter tissime pater, de prefata victoria. . . . Nam quia causa erat of Girolamo Donato, dated 27 September, 1509. lusta et pya et confederatio magna nil aliud potuit sperari. Tum ° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 40, p. 98, letter dated 29 August, 1509 maiori gaudio sum affectus de sancto zelo et fervore quibus = (misdated in Cessi’s heading). Sanctitas vestra hanc sanctam expeditionem contra Turcos am- '°° Cf. Cessi, Dispacci, no. 43, pp. 103—4, dated 7 September, plectitur cupitque et volt ut ad illam omnes confederati accin- 1509, and cf, ihd., pp. 135, 181-82, and see esp. no. 51, pp. gamur. . .”’ (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, = 120-22. fols. 214'-215"). Three weeks later, on 2 July, Ferdinand wrote '°l Cf Sen Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 6% ff. [18° ff.], 51% ff. [63°

again in similar vein (zbid., fols. 215*-216"). ff.], et alibi.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 71 ciata a tuti i principi et signori christiani,”” sum- powers could not make Venice break the peace she moning them to arms against the Porte. The sul- had with Sultan Bayazid and with the Soldan Kansuh tan should immediately recruit a force of eight to al-Ghuri. After destroying Venice, the allies would ten thousand Bosnian horse, who might come to attack the states of both the sultan and the soldan. the aid of the Venetians in Friuli. In doing so, the Contarini was given the sad details of Agnadello

Turks would be consulting their own interests; and the good news of the recovery of Padua. At they should certainly assemble a powerful army Isola della Scala Venetian forces had cut to pieces at Valona. The sanjakbey of the Morea had al- French and Mantuan troops, and captured the marready informed the Venetian provveditore of quis of Mantua. The emperor was still encamped Nauplia that Turkish forces in Bosnia and the’ with a large army before Padua which, ‘“‘cum lo Morea were available for Venetian service. Inthe adiuto divino,” the Signoria hoped to defend as Morea alone there were four to five thousand well as to recover the lands they had lost to the Christiani valenthomeni who might be put to use. invaders. The sanjakbey of the Morea was apparently pre- The French, Genoese, and Catalans had prepared to come in person to the Republic’s aid. pared fleets to go into the Levant, first to strike Furthermore, the sanjakbey of Valona had offered at Venetian possessions and then “‘contra le cose

the Venetian captain-general not only men but del Signor Soldano.” Egypt might have been in ‘‘every other assistance.’ There was no doubt but’ danger, but the Venetian captain-general of the that the sultan had ordered the sanjakbeys to hold — sea had been sent to stop the enemy fleets from themselves in readiness to help the Venetians to moving east of Sicily. Now many of the French

ward off a crushing defeat.'"* and Genoese ships had returned home to disarm. This communication to Foscolo and Giustinian The allies [of Cambrai] were as much the soldan’s was of course highly confidential, as was another enemies as the Venetians’. The soldan should take

of the same date, whereby they were instructed steps to defend himself. Contarini must tell him to “‘let fall’ at the Porte the observation that the that he could depend upon his friendship with Florentines, Anconitans, Ragusei, and Genoese, Venice, but Contarini must do so by word of ‘‘who are subjects of the king of France and the mouth, “non dando né monstrando scriptura ad pope,” were supporting the war and preparing for —alcuno.””!°*

the crusade with money they received from the While the Venetians were dilating on their serTurkish trade. The sultan might thus be financing _ vices, as a first line of defense, to the Turks and an attack upon his own empire. But Venice was — the Mamluks, Julius II was having trouble with Louis spending barrels of money in the war, and she XII over appointments to vacant benefices. Julius needed barrels more. The bailie and envoy were, also informed Maximilian that he had done enough therefore, to ask the sultan to purchase not less _ to help him capture Padua from the Venetians, and than 100,000 ducats’ worth of woolen, silk, and that he would supply no further funds for that purother goods, half of which would be delivered _ pose.'®? The Venetians remained successful in their during the current year, and the rest in 1510. If | defense of Padua,'°® which sometimes reassured Juthe sultan wished surety for the second delivery, the Senate was prepared to deposit some “‘ex- '* Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 61‘-62' [73'-74'], consulr no-

quisite jewelry” with the Porte.'?” stro in Alexandria, doc. dated 27 September, 1509. A similar

in} ' ’ . consul In WamMascus.

The doge and Senate also wrote Tommaso Con- etter mutans mutandis, was sent to Pietro Zen, the Venetian tarini, the Venetian consul in Alexandria, that al- 103 Cessi, Dispacer, no. 49, pp. 114-15, letter dated 23 Septhough they had been at peace with the pope (before tember, 1509, and cf, ibid., pp. 124-25, 127, 132-33, 134, 1509), and hada three years’ truce with the emperor 137, on the question of French benefices. as well as an alliance with the king of France, their 196 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 55, p. 130, letter dated 11 October,

ake friends, including the king of Spain, had sud {02nd es 24 8,15, Worden wa ome denly turned against them. ‘The eMPcror and the (ibid., no. 59, p. 140, dated 25 October. 1509). After the French kings had been joined by the Genoese, Florentines, victory at Agnadello, the imperial failure in the siege of Padua Ferrarese, and Mantuans in an unholy league, an was the most important military fact in the war of the League ‘unheard-of conspiracy.”’ The reason was that these of Cambrai. As noted above, the prelude to Agnadello as well as the course and consequences of the siege of Padua can be

reviewed in P. Zanetti, ‘‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509,’ Nuovo

lope ; Archivio veneto, 2nd ser., I] (1891), 5-168, and for Maximilian’s

vos Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 57” [69%]. a failure to retake Padua between July and the beginning of

Ibid., Reg. 42, fol. 59° [71"]. The payment and deliveries October, 1509, see esp. pp. 69 ff., 94-117, with numerous would presumably take place at Valona or Cattaro (fol. 58°). documents. Cf’ Sanudo, Diarii, TX, 119 ff.

72 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT lius and sometimes exasperated him. But his hostility repairing damage done to the walls and to the Seto the French was persistent and gave evidence of raglio.""!

increasing. The French, he said, were all traitors. Although Spanish and papal galleys were availCharles de Chaumont, the grand master of France able, there had been no actual preparations for the and governor of Milan, had gone to Verona, pre-_ crusade. Until the war of the League of Cambrai tending to help the Emperor Maximilian—accord- had been terminated, there could be none. The ing to Julius—but since the emperor had been doing damage caused by the earthquake in Istanbul would so badly in the field, Chaumont had actually planned _ be repaired long before a Christian naval armament to seize Verona, Vicenza, and any other place he could reach the Bosporus. Even had the earthquake could. If he could have captured the emperor, said _ been a disaster for the Turks, the Christian states,

Julius, he would have been glad to do so.'°’ On 26 at war with one another, would have been in no October the Venetian envoys wrote the doge that position to take advantage of the opportunity. We the pope favored the efforts that were said to be _ have seen that Pope Julius II had entered the League in progress to arrange a truce or peace between with reluctance. The fact that Louis XII professed Maximilian and the Republic. Julius wished to sep- to have become an ally of the Holy See in no way arate the emperor from the king of France, whose _ lessened the pope’s dislike and fear of the French. designs upon ecclesiastical benefices were exceeded From the beginning of November (1509) serious only by his desire for territory.'°* When an envoy _ efforts were made in Rome to settle the differences of the king of Hungary, who was trying to negotiate — which had brought about the war between Venice favorable terms upon which to enter the League and the Holy See. The first of a series of discussions of Cambrai, asked the pope for money “‘per recu- of the important issues at stake took place on 3 perar le terre de la Dalmatia,” Julius replied that | November in the palace of Cardinal Oliviero Carafa his money was not for those who would make war just off the Piazza Navona. The Signoria was repon Christians, but rather for those who fought the resented by Domenico Trevisan and Girolamo infidels, against whom his Holiness would expend Donato. Cardinal Raffaele Riario was also present; not only his money but even his life’s blood.!°? Un- like the pope, Riario was a nephew of Sixtus IV. der other circumstances Julius I] might have been Pietro de’ Accolti of Arezzo, auditor of the Rota

an ardent crusader. (soon to become a cardinal), and the papal secretary

In late October the news came from Sicily that and historian Sigismondo de’ Conti were also on on 14 September there had been a terrible earth- hand. Accolti set forth in concise fashion the papal quake in Istanbul, which had ruined a long stretch demands, of which three were spiritual and four of the walls along the sea, part of a great mosque, _ temporal. The pope’s ‘‘spiritual’’ requirements were and probably about 4,000 houses, as well as the 1) that the Signoria must bow to the papal will in tower of the treasury and the area of the Hippo- appointment to benefices, 2) that ecclesiastical cases drome. Sultan Bayazid II was said to be in a state must be settled in the Rota at Rome, and 3) that of ‘‘grandissima trepidation,” but there was no way _ the state must not impose tithes on the clergy in of knowing in Rome whether the news was really Venetian territory without the authorization of the true.!!° Dispatches from Istanbul, however, soon Holy See. confirmed the fact that there had indeed been an Of the pope’s temporal demands the first related

earthquake in the city, and that the Turks were to the duchy of Ferrara, which was a papal fief. Venice had by force acquired certain commercial 107 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, p. 140, letter of the Venetian en- §————————

voys in Rome to the doge and Senate, dated 25 October, 1509. ''’ Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 336, 338, 563-65, and cf. Raynaldus, 108 Cessi, Dispacei, no. 60, p. 142, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1509, no. 34, vol. XX (1694), pp. 71-72. 42, fols. 80°-81" [90°—91"]. Julius II was assured that the Vene- An early German ‘“‘newspaper”’ was devoted to the earthquake

tians would make no settlement or alliance with Maximilian — of 14 September, printed by Ruloff Spot in Cologne in 1509that would exclude the Holy See (Cessi, Dispacci, p. 143, and — 1510 (cf, Carl Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], no. 38, p. 39, and the cf., ibid., pp. 145-46, 148, and Sanudo, Diaru, 1X, 296-97). catalogue of the antiquarian bookseller Jacques Rosenthal, Ein'° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, pp. 140-41, and cf: Sanudo, Diaru, —_blattdrticke . . . , 1455-1519, Katalog 92, Munich, no date, IX, 296, from a letter of Paolo Capello, dated at Rome on 26 __ no. 96, pp. 61-62). Four hundred workmen were later ordered October, 1509: ‘‘. . . Il papa li rispose [i.e., to the Hungarian — sent from the Morea to Istanbul and Adrianople to help repair envoy, whose king wanted to recover ‘la Dalmatia possessa per damage caused by the earthquake (Sanudo, X, 50). On details Venitiani’| non vol dar danari a far guerra contra Cristiani, ma __ of the earthquake, see Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d.

ben contra infedeli, e tunc li dara etiam zente.”’ osman. Reaches, II (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 349-51, and 110 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 59, p. 141, dated 25 October, 1509. J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 11 (Gotha,

In letters of 5 and 21 October the bailie Andrea Foscolo in- 1854), 560-61. It is alleged that in three months 80,000 workformed the Signoria that work on the walls of Istanbul was men rebuilt eighteen miles of walls and most of the houses

apace (Sanudo, Diarn, IX, 336, 338). which had been destroyed in Istanbul.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 73 and judicial rights in Ferrara, where the Signoria As for the Emperor Maximilian, the Venetians kept a visdomino. It was unseemly that a secular state took care to remind him that the French were the

should thus possess authority “‘in le terre de la Germans’ worst enemy. Louis XII had often broChiesa.”” The Venetians had won these rights by ken faith with them. His successes had made him war, and by war (if necessary) they would be forced so intolerably arrogant that he now aspired to to give them up, che quello se havea guadagnato cum dominion over all Italy. He wanted to displace guerra, cum guerra etiam se perdesse. Secondly, it was Maximilian as emperor and to make Cardinal said that the Venetians had negotiated certain pacts d’ Amboise pope. According to the Venetian Sen-

with the inhabitants of Ancona, Fano, and other ate, the solution was obviously an ‘‘entente and places in “‘the lands of the Church’ without the league” of the Republic with the Empire to drive knowledge and consent of the pope. These pacts the French from northern Italy. The Signoria sent must be rescinded. Thirdly, the Signoria must stop a ‘“‘“German”’ captive, Bartolommeo Firmian, as an its tyranny on the Adriatic, Accolti declared, “‘di- envoy to the emperor to try to lure him away from

cendo che ’] mar era libero,” and the Venetians the unprofitable French alliance. The Venetians must neither seek to close the sea to the Anconitans would pay an appropriate censo on such imperialist and others nor try to collect maritime imposts from _ lands as they held as well as on those they hoped them. Finally, Accolti declared that the pope wanted to regain. They expected Maximilian, they said,

‘the revenues of his towns and the costs of the to recover the duchy of Milan, and would be glad ‘crusade’ [impresa], demanding recompense from __ to send or receive further envoys to work out the

us, but not bothering with any detail.’’'’* details of a confederation.!!° Maximilian’s failure It was not necessary to bother with detail, for J ulius had often made his demands known. some Talk of the expeditio contra perfidos Turcos never stopped (cf. the

ten weeks earlier he had told Cardinal Grimani: — documents of 1509-1510, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm.

‘ath XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 218°-223", 225-227", with the usual

Although we have got back the towns in the Romagna, laments for tot sanctissima delubra atque templa violata, profanata, in recompense for the Expenses WE have incurred [in the spoliata [fol. 221°], principum Christianorum discordia [fol. 226°], war | and for the revenues the Signoria has received from _ etc.). those towns, we insist that when we undertake the crusade 'l Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 77°—78" [87°-88'], instructio [tmpresa] against the Turks, the aforesaid Signoria—be- danda magnifico D. Bartholomeo Firmiano captivo proficiscenti ad sides the galleys which must be armed for Venice—should —¢esaream Maiestatem, doc. dated 5 November, 1509: ‘‘Magnifice

also arm an appropriate number on our behalf, put crews D. Bartholomee, vuy farete intender ala Maesta cesarea che aboard the galleys, pay them, and meet the other necessary essendo sta il stato nostro sempre devotissimo de quella et de

, li illustrissimi et serenissimi sul progenitor! continuamente haexpenses. Then we shall put the captains aboard, and the , a. i AT dard dh b biamo havuto desyderio de esser unitissimi cum ley, et cussi galleys will carry our stan as Ss, and have to obey us as etiam al presente siamo per esser natural al stato nostro pro-

though they were our own. seguir de summa reverentia la cesarea Maesta sua et el Sacro

. Romano Imperio.. . . Dechiarirete preterea ala dicta Maesta

On 3 November Trevisan and Donato put up che cognoscendo luy, come sapemo molto ben la cognosce, el a mild defense of the Venetian past and of the _ rede Franza suo natural et accerrimo inimico che tante et tante Signoria which was struggling with the allies of _ fiate li ha rota la fede esser hormai per i prosperi successi deCambrai. The envoys maintained that the Repub- venuto in tanta elatione et superbia che |’ aspira non solum ala

. : occupation et dominio de tuta Italia ma etiam ad farsieeimperator lic deserved some aspontefice, Alexander . . deconcessions, Christiani et ad farsuch Rohano la die esser promp-

VI had already granted in the matter of tithes, tissima ad unirse et ligarse cum la Signoria nostra, et che nuy because the Venetians were “‘always at war with — semo molto ben contenti de venir ad intelligentia et liga cum the Turks,” not only for the protection of their sua cesarea Maesta et ad cazar el dicto re de Franza del stato

own state, but for the well-being of all Christen- Milano et etiam ad tuor ogni altra impresa che fara a pro-

dom. Were , fithnot if for f the R posito de la conphederation nostra, et a questo effecto non the naval forces of the Ke- siamo per mancharli de danari, de lo exercito et zente nostre public, the Turks would come and go and plunder si terrestre come maritime, li direte etiam che nuy volemo re-

as they chose.''# cognoscer le terre tenimo et le perse subiecte al imperio da sua

Maesta cesarea cum quel censo et recognition che sii conve-

———————————- niente, et similiter recuperando sua Maesta, come senza dubio 112 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 64, p. 150. The Adriatic involved cer-_ succedera, el stato de Milano, volemo recognoscer le terre et tain arrangements with the Turks, which the Venetians did not __lochi toltone dal re de Franza in la presente guerra.

want the pope to upset (cf, ibid., no. 75, p. 172). ‘‘Demum volendo sua Maesta come per ogni ragion et re-

‘I> Cessi, Dispacci, no. 38, p. 92, letter of the envoys in Rome _ specto la die voler udir et attender ale proposition nostre che

to the doge and Senate, dated 29 August, 1509. in effecto sono de sorte che la renderano immortal et gloriosa, 114 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 64, pp. 149-50, and ff., letter dated la ordeni se la vuol li mandamo uno o piu oratori oO secreti O 3 November, 1509: **. . . Turchi scorreriano dove volesseno. _ palesi o se la vuol mandar ley de qui per capitular et sigillar la . . .”’ Although the Venetian envoys in Rome appear to have _ conphederation nostra, perche nostra firma intention e de esser been vigilant in the interests of the Republic, they were accused — sui obsequentissimi et devotissimi fioli. De parte 153, de non of negligence by the home government (thid., no. 65, p. 153). — 33, non synceri |.’”’ Cf, Sanudo, Diari, IX, 300.

74 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to regain Padua, however, had only deepened his that Julius still insisted that either all or none of hatred of the Venetians, and he saw no advantage them should leave Rome (0 tutz, 0 nissun), and that to himself in helping them to relieve the pressure he showed no signs of relaxing any of his other

under which Louis was keeping them. Neverthe- demands, despite the news which had reached less, to help win the emperor over to their side, Rome of Turkish activities in Croatia. Together the doge and Senate offered Matthias Lang, the with the usual reports of French and imperialist bishop of Gurk, Maximilian’s chief councilor, ten moves, the envoys informed the doge of the thousand ducats and assurance of an annual in- ‘“‘peace and good understanding”’ which had been come of three to four thousand more.''® Maxi- reached between Henry VIII of England and milian was still maintaining his futile Italian cam- James IV of Scotland. Although the king of France paign in the area between Vicenza and Verona, _ had tried to introduce himself into their affairs as but on 15 November (1509) the Senate wrote their mediator, neither side had allowed him to do so. '*° bailie in Istanbul that ‘‘lo exercito suo se € in la There was some hope in Venice that the English maior parte dissolto, et la persona sua reducta a_ might now enter the lists against Louis XII, but Trento.”!!’ If the emperor was no longer a great the diarist Girolamo Priuli doubted it, since the

problem, the pope remained so. “English do not like to leave their island, because

Dealing with the irascible Julius II was always they would be like fish out of water.’’'*? difficult. The Venetians, however, were regaining The Venetians were less concerned about the some of their confidence. As Girolamo Donato’ English than they were about the Turks. For explained to Cardinal Riario, Venice could not weeks there had been no word from the bailie yield to the pope on the questions of the Adriatic Andrea Foscolo and the special envoy Niccolo and Ferrara, which were no proper part of the Giustinian. In mid-November (1509), therefore, monitorium. But when on 5 November (1509) the Senate wrote the two emissaries in Istanbul:

Cardinal requested permission foroffive of a ; a- reply he s; h D Grimani We remain in constant expectation receiving

the six envoys to return home (Donato was to r€- to our letters of 18 September in order to learn [the main tH Rome), Julius replied that he would give — jord Turk’s]. . . intention with respect to providing us all six of them leave to go if they wished: When with the assistance we requested. We are astonished to the question of absolution again arose, he would _ see such a long delay, especially since we sent you our demand an embassy, not of six but of twelve mem- _ letters in triplicate by three different means, so that we

bers. According to Grimani, the pope, who the are certain you must have got them. day before had apparently wanted to settle his Foscolo and Giustinian were told to spare no effort differences with118 Venice, now seemed ready to ex: Ay: to persuade the Porte to respond favorably to the

ae ; Venetian appeal, and not then no—expense to dismiss six envoys, would let to fivespare of them . :; _:From - : ; all ,; inform the he Senate of the sultan’s decision.

acerbate them.'*” Although Julius was willing to ;

go. His intractability continued, and the Venetians h likel help th d to have arrived at a diplomatic impasse. * S°COUDIS NE Was likely fo nelp them (non se renappear’ pio! Passe. — dera difficile). The fact was that Venice was imper-

The pope reached theChristian French _princes,” . ‘ Lo ; -and rr ; ;certain iledanbyagreement a disputed “‘leaguewith of bishoprics, the concerning and ef- .of . of course that league could later form the basis forts were continued—unsuccessfully—to secure the release of the despondent Francesco Gonzaga |§ ——___—_

from his Venetian prison. 9 Venetian positions are summarized in dispatches of 18 and 22 On 16 November the envoys wrote the doge November and of 1 December, 1509 (Cessi, op. cit., nos. 74—

ee dispatch of 1 December.

75, 78, pp. 167-74, 179-86); the crusade looms large in the

8 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 78° [88"], doc. dated 5 No- 20 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 73, pp. 163-66, letter dated 16 No-

vember, 1509. vember, 1509. James IV confirmed the treaty (first made with

'!7 Ibid., Reg. 42, vol. 82% [92"]. Henry VII) with Henry VIII on 28 November (R. K. Hannay,

118 Cessi, Dispaca, no. 67, pp. 155-56; Sen. Secreta, Reg. R. L. Mackie, and A. Spilman, Letters of James IV, Edinburgh, 42, fol. 71° [83°]; M. Brosch, Papst Julius I. (1878), p. 181; 1953, no. 280, p. 159). The young Henry was taking a bellicose Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 318, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. attitude toward Louis XII (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 439), who kept 1956), 769. On the whole, Pastor’s account seems unduly prej- _ trying to stir up the king of Scotland against England (ibid., IX,

udiced against the Venetians, whose ‘‘old arrogance’’ (alter 440). Ubermut) was hardly greater than that of Julius himself. Cf. '21 Priuli, V, 32, under the date 4 December, cited by Cessi, Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 305. Sanudo is, quite understandably, not —_ Dispacci, p. 166, note. On 26 November, 1509, the Venetian

well-disposed toward Julius, who was nevertheless reported to envoys sought the support of Christopher Bainbridge, archfavor a Veneto-German peace as an obstacle to further French bishop of York, then on an embassy to Rome (Cess1, of. cit., no. aggression (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 80” [90°], cited above). 77, pp. 175 ff.; Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 372; and D. S. Chambers, 'l9 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 69, pp. 159-60, letter dated 9 No- Cardinal Bainbridge in the Court of Rome {1509 to 1514), Oxford,

vember, 1509; Sanudo, Diari, 1X, 321-22. The papal and 1965, pp. 23-26 and ff.).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 75 a crusade against the Turks themselves. The Sen- ‘Turkish aid against the Christian powers during ate had been distressed to learn of the earthquake — the war of the League of Cambrai. in Istanbul, but was relieved by the report that no “person of account” had been lost. The happy The discussions between Julius and the Venetian news had just reached Venice that the day before advocates continued week after week. The Vene(on 14 November) “‘our army has entered the city _ tians insisted that their control of the Adriatic (e/ of Vicenza.’ The Senate was certain that the sul- — Colpho), to which Julius objected, did not and would

tan and the pashas would be glad to learn of the not impede mercantile shipping. His Holiness must Venetian victory, ‘“‘because they know very well remember that Venetian galleys made the sea-lanes that whatever our fortune may be, we shall have _ safe from corsairs and kept the Turks at bay. The it in common with the most illustrious lord duchy of Ferrara, which was a papal vicariate, was [Turk].’”'** We need hardly wonder what Julius also a cause of contention. The Venetians wanted II’s reactions would have been to the Venetian _ their visdomino in Ferrara, where they claimed cerappeals to the Porte for aid against /a liga dei prin- _ tain extraterritorial rights. Although it was proposed

cipt Christiant. in the Senate that the official’s name might be By the end of November the Senate had finally changed to consolo, the envoys in Rome were inreceived letters from Foscolo, the last of which _ structed to hold out (if possible) for the preservation was dated 21 October. It had been sent before the | of the Republic’s rights in Ferrara.'** The Venetians Senate’s letters of 18-19 September had reached _ had become less hard to deal with, and although Istanbul. Assuming that the bailie and Giustinian Julius remained firm on the questions both of Fer-

had followed the instructions previously sent to rara and of the Adriatic, he seemed calmer and them, the Senate turned to other matters. Enemies better disposed toward the Republic, when on 7 of the Republic and the Porte had told Bayazid December (1509) he told Cardinal Marco Corner that the “league of the Christian princes” against — that he rejoiced in every evidence of Venetian prosVenice had not been formed because the Vene- _ perity and wished that it might be greater, “saving

tians had wanted to maintain peace with the Turks always the affairs of the Church.” In everything ‘but for other reasons,”’ which assertion the Sen- _ that he said, Julius showed that he held Maximilian ate branded as absolutely false. Foscolo and Giu- “of small account,” but he took more seriously Louis stinian were to remind the sultan and the pashas_ XII’s efforts to recruit six thousand Swiss mercethat the very first article of the Christian league _ naries.'*°

emphasized the allies’ intention ‘‘andar contra Cardinals Riario and Giovanni de’ Medici inmusulmani et precipue contra Turchi, che hano formed the envoys two days later that the pope occupato lo imperio oriental.’” The enemies of the | wanted to pursue a pro-Italian course.'*® On 10 Republic had assailed the Turco-Venetian peace December, after mass, Julius talked with Ruario, as an obstacle to the crusade, “‘la expedition contra Corner, and Girolamo Donato. He had received a Turchi.”” The king of France had broken the _ letter from Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara, he said, which pledge of peace and alliance he had given Venice; represented Venetian activities entirely differently the emperor had violated his solemn oath to ob- from what Corner had told him and the doge had

serve a truce. Their principal reason had been asserted them to be. “It seems to us that you do “that we have maintained and do maintain our — the worst you can,”’ Julius told them, ‘“‘as you will friendship and peace with the most illustrious lord see from the letter which [ shall have read to you.”’

[Turk]. Bayazid and the pashas could see who He accused the Venetians of ravaging the territory was telling the truth, and Foscolo and Giustinian of Ferrara, and summoned the Ferrarese ambasmust press for the ‘‘subsidies’”’ the Senate had sador, whom he asked to produce the letter he asked for in the letter of 18 September, which had — wanted read. The ambassador had failed to bring

been sent to Istanbul in triplicate. Repeating their it, but he offered to state its contents. The pope earlier requests in some detail, the Senate wanted — sent him off with a chiding to get the letter. The to be sure that the sanjakbey of Bosnia should be | ambassador lived near S. Peter’s. When he returned,

prepared to come to the Republic’s aid ad ogni the pope had the letter read, recounting the depnostra rechiesta with 10,000 mounted men.!”? It is,

therefore, more than clear that Venice did seek ~,,. __ | | Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 91°-92* [101°-102*], 116° 126°]. ———— | 2 Cees Dispacci, no. 80, p. 191, and cf. Sanudo, Diari, 1X,

'** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 82°-83" [92*-93']. 494, who also mentions the 6,000 Swiss. '*° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 89 [99], and note, ibid., fols. '*° Cessi, Dispacci, no. 81, pp. 192-93, letter dated 9 Decem94-95 [104-105], 97-98" [107-108"], 104°-105' [114°-115']. ber, 1509.

76 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT redations of the Venetian fleet up the Po valley The old superba had returned. The Venetians might beyond Polesella as far as Ficarolo and Stellata (come have taken the road—a short one—from Vicenza l’ armata de sopra a la Pelosela havea depopulato et to Verona, but they were bent upon chastising Almesso a fuoco et fiama tuto fin a Figarol et la Stelada). fonso d’ Este, the duke of Ferrara. The imperialists Giovanni Luca, the bishop of Reggio Emilia, who — had held Padua under siege from 10 August to 2 was also present, remarked that the Polesine di S. October.'*? Alfonso had helped his German and Giorgio, where the fleet had ravaged, was the most _ French allies in every way he could in their Paduan flourishing part of the Ferrarese, the source of the — siege. The Signoria and the Venetian populace were duchy’s food supply. The Venetians had left it all furious with him.

‘in total desolation.” The best Donato could answer Verona was well garrisoned with German, was that the Ferrarese had devastated the no less Spanish, Gascon, and Italian troops,'” ' but they flourishing area of Padua, ‘‘et che le cosse de la were hungry and fighting among themselves.'*? guerra era de questa natura.’ He further charged ‘The Venetian forces were unpaid and not well off that the duke of Ferrara and his brother, Cardinal in Treviso, Padua, and Vicenza,'** but if they had Ippolito, had spent 200,000 ducats trying to seize been combined with the manpower which now, in Padua from the Republic; had it not been for their mid-November, the Signoria decided to send up support, the Emperor Maximilian would have aban- _ the Po to take revenge on the Estensi, they might doned the siege on the first day. Julius interrupted _ well have retaken Verona, the guardian city of the

him (more suo says Donato), and insisted that the entire Veneto. The Po expedition, which (as we envoys should write the doge to refrain from attacks have seen) had angered Julius II, had also recupon the lands of the duke of Ferrara, who was a__ onciled him to his alliance with France. vassal of the Holy See. Otherwise, Julius indicated, After a month of cruel marauding, the expedition he would intervene more decisively himself. Donato — under the leadership of the Venetian captain-gen-

was persistent, but Julius cut him short again: eral Angelo Trevisan met a defeat which amounted “That’s enough. You have understood me!’’!*’ to disaster on 21 and 22 December (1509). Cardinal The Venetians understood Julius well enough. Ippolito d’ Este, who was serving his brother Alfonso

They also understood that the balance of power as commander, succeeded in catching Trevisan’s was likely to tilt in their favor. Maximilian had — seventeen galleys under the full force of the Ferlittle reason to be content with the French, and _ rarese field artillery. His main target was eleven Ferdinand the Catholic resented their success and _ galleys which had been fastened together in utter ostentatiousness. The English nurtured an odio immobility to form a bridge over the Po near the naturale of the French. England was regarded as _ town of Polesella, eight or ten miles south of Rovigo.

a power to contend with “now that it was united All told, two of the Venetian galleys escaped, six

with Scotland.”’!** were destroyed, and nine were captured. The loss The Venetians had faced their trials since Agna- _ of life was heavy although Trevisan and all the galley

dello with far more courage and resourcefulness commanders escaped. Sanudo was reminded of “‘the than Machiavelli gave them credit for (in the Discors,, | other time the Venetians were routed” (tempo di III, 31). In fact the Venetians had been doing too I’ altra rota),'** and notes sadly, ‘‘So that’s it. Our well, enjoying sustained if unspectacular success for

four months, from the reoccupation of Padua (on = —— 17 July) to that of Vicenza (on 14 November). '?9 in Sanudo, Diarii, 1X, 319-21, data Vincentiae 14 mensis Novembris 1509. The imperialist soldiery in Vicenza was in a hopeless

—__ condition when the Venetians retook the city (ibid., cols. 127 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 82, pp. 193-95, letter dated 10 De- 290-91). cember, 1509. Two days later, on the twelfth, the pope again '5° Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, IX, 38, 44-45 and ff., 57 ff., 76 ff, protested against Venetian incursions in the Ferrarese (ibid., 86 ff., 102 ff., etc., 226, the last entry being under 2 October: no. 83, pp. 197-98, and cf. p. 206; Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 414; “Eda saper, la note a hore 4 [10 P.M.], zonse lettere di Padoa

Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 102 [112]). di hore 17 [11 A.M.] come il campo nemicho in quella matina

128 Cf. Cessi, Dispacci, no. 96, p. 224, dated 9 January, 1510 ahore 9[3 A.M.], prima francesi et alemani, si havia comenzato

(Ven. style 1509), and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 98 ff. [108 a levar dil’ assedio di Padoa.. . .” ff.]. By the treaties of January, 1502, peace had been made 131 Sanudo, Diarii, IX, 333-34, 335-36, 338-39, 345 ff., between England and Scotland, with various guarantees for its 355. maintenance. The subsequent marriage of Henry VII's daugh- '32 Thod., 1X, 362, 365, 379, 381, 384, 390. ter Margaret to James IV, king of the Scots, quite literally 133 Thid., IX, 334, 345-46. brought with it the possibility of a ‘‘union”’ of the two kingdoms, "54 Ibid., IX, 403. The Po expedition had been designed “ai which of course took place a century later (cf. J. D. Mackie, The | danni del ducha di Ferara et del teritorio suo,”’ and those who

Earlier Tudors | 1485-1558], Oxford, 1962, pp. 157 ff.). chose to go against Ferrara ‘“‘habino et godino tutto quello che '29 On the Venetians’ recovery of Vicenza, see the letter of [in] qualunque modo aquisterano siche el sia suo libero senza Girolamo Savorgnan, colateral zeneral, to his cousins, the Troni, alguna contraditione”’ (ibid., IX, 331, and cf. cols. 311, 332,

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 77 fleet has been defeated and captured on the Po— water run its course.’’!** As he explained to Carby foot soldiers!—a fleet which the Turk has not dinal Corner and Girolamo Donato (on | January, been able to take with his powerful armada.’’'”° 1510), Louis XII had Verona under his control The wretched failure of the Po expedition at as well as Valeggio. Maximilian was in Louis’s debt Polesella helped fire the political rivalries and hos- for all the help he had given the imperialists in the tilities in the Venetian patriciate. Angelo Trevi- siege of Padua as well as in the defense of Verona, san, olim capitanio zeneral di mar, was brought to which latter place Louis held “‘cum prefation de trial in the Grand Council, and (like Antonio Gri- _ esser creditor per spese facte nei subsidi de gente mani a decade before)'*® he was found guilty of | prestata a mantenir el dicto Maximinian.”’ a poor performance and promptly exiled, at least Louis planned to return to Milan by Easter with for a while.'*’ Apprehension filled the council a large army. The Signoria would be foolish to halls of the ducal palace. On 29 December the look to England for assistance. The Swiss would Venetian envoys in Rome wrote the Doge Lore- not help Venice because of the interdict. Julius dan that of course the Venetian fleet must be re- said he knew that the Signoria had been negotibuilt ‘‘with all possible speed”’ to protect the state. ating with the Turks, but Sultan Bayazid was old There was no better defense than a strong fleet, andill. If the Turks came to their aid, all the world ‘‘and all the more so, since the pope has written would turn against them. Venice might try again [Alfonso d’ Este] of his desire to have the hulls of to come to terms with Maximilian, but “if you the galleys taken.’’ The ambassadors and French make an accord with him before [I give you] abcardinals were saying that Louis XII also wanted solution,” said Julius, “I will repeat the interdict the galleys to use against the Venetians in the not only against you, but also against the king of

Adriatic. the Romans. . . , and I will strengthen my alliJulius II’s first reaction to the extraordinary ance with France!’’!** victory of the Estensi over Venice was one of Jju- In early January, 1510, a Venetian advocate bilation, but he soon had second thoughts. He had told the pope:

no use for his independent, indeed rebellious vas-

sal, Duke Alfonso. Furthermore, Italy was now I would advise your Holiness not to plunge the Venemore than ever exposed to the peril of French tians into desperation. We learn by letters from Chios , that the Turk is making great preparations for an arconquest. Unless the Venetians acceded to his de- ag, and an armv. If by ch he Venetians. beref mands, however, Julius was determined “to let the of the friendship of others, should choose that course

; ; 7” y. y chance the Venetians, bereft and set 10,000 Turkish horse ashore at Ancona or on

ae the coast, they would do immense damage. Your Ho335, 339-40 [on the Venetian sack of Corbola, atthe northern js nego knows, when the Turks were at Otranto, how mouth of the Po)). Sanudo reports on 24 November (1509) h difficultv was experienced jn trvine to drive them

“che I’ armata era levata di Corbola e vanno a la volta de la "US Cuny Was exp ce YING tO

Peloxela [Polesella] brusando et ruinando ogni cossa”’ (2did., out, and yet there were not so many. And if the death col. 340, and cf. cols. 341-42, 343, 349-50, 354, 357-58, 360, of the old Turkish sultan [Mehmed II] had not occurred,

364, 374, 377-78, 381-82 [Trevisan made war more like a I do not know what would have happened. Turk than a Christian], 385, 394-95, 396, 397, 399-400).

On 22 December the news came of the Venetian disaster at “To this Julius replied, ‘“We have no doubt of it, Polesella: ‘“Poi a hore 9 [2:00 A.M.] gionse a la porta di palazo because the Venetians are always ready to reach dil Principe [Leonardo Loredan| oe nobele di la galia sora- ay agreement with them!” In the political maelcomito sier Alexandro Badoer, et disse come la nostra armada,

eri matina [the morning of 21 December], da’ Feraresi con strom of Italy, however, one could hardly be artelaria era brusada, et il zeneral [Trevisan] scampa a Ruigo blamed for taking any ally he could find, and if [Rovigo] . . . : il resto di I’ armata mal menata.. . . Etera’_ the Venetians turned to the Porte for aid against venuto batando con barcha a portar questa pessima novaala_ the French, had not Alexander VI shown them Signoria accio si provedesse. . . . Siché la nostra armada € sta the way? Rumor had it that Louis XII was about armata, non ha potuto prenderla!” (Sanudo, IX, 402-7, with to return to Italy, and letters from Valladolid con-

rota e presa in Po da fanti a piedi [!] che ’] Turco, con potente .

quotations from cols. 402-3, 404). tained the news that the Spanish were getting

° Ibid., 1X, 404, cited at the end of the preceding note, ready an armada and an army for service in Africa. and cf. Cessi, Dispacc, nos. 88, 90, pp. 209, 216-17. On the But, then, some observers believed these forces

political and military importance of the Venetian defeat at Po- . ; lesella, see Robert Finlay, ‘“‘Venice, the Po Expedition, and the would be employed to secure Ferdinand’s hold on End of the League of Cambrai, 1509-1510,” Studies in Modern

European History and Culture [ed. Ekkehard-Teja Wilke], I] = —————

(1976), 37-72. '®8 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 88, esp. pp. 209-10, letter dated 29 "5° See Volume II, pp. 517-18, 519. December, 1509.

57 Cf, Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 538-40, 545-46, 550-51, 557, '®° Cessi, Dispacc, no. 89, esp. pp. 213-14, letter dated 1 558-59. January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509).

78 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the kingdom of Naples.'*° Such news was less wel- from both the interdict and the excommunication

come in Rome than it was in Venice. on 24 February (1510) in a solemn ceremony in As the French, Germans, and Spanish converged _ the portico of S. Peter’s, near the bronze doors, on Italy, it became clear to Julius I that if Venice where a throne had been set up for him.’** Briefs lost her independence, so would the Holy See. Al- were sent far and wide throughout Europe, anthough Maximilian objected to any accord with the — nouncing the Venetians’ return to communion with

Republic unless he received the lands promised to the Church. There was rejoicing in the Piazza S. him at Cambrai,’*' Julius could see that he must Marco. The Senate now learned of Henry VIII’s reach some understanding with the Venetians, who _ efforts at the Curia on the Republic’s behalf. Carhad become ever more pliable, and were now willing — dinal Marco Corner reported the grandissimo piacer to allow papal subjects free navigation of the Ad- in Rome, both at the court and in the streets. Every riatic as well as to make all the other concessions.'** detail of the ceremony of absolution was described

Peace was restored between the Holy See and Ven- in letters to Venice, where the future seemed ice on 15 February, 1510. The Venetians renounced _ brighter.'*® The Senate did not share, however, the their appeal to a council, acknowledging the justice full measure of public satisfaction in this reconciland legitimacy of Julius’s bull of excommunication tiation with the Holy See. On 1 March they wrote (the Monitorium of 27 April, 1509). They also ad- _ the bailie Foscolo in Istanbul and Niccolo Giustinian, mitted the full immunity of the clergy and religious who was staying in Adrianople, that Julius had just houses from all forms of taxation, the pope’s right — granted the long-sought absolution, but Venice still to appoint to all benefices in Venetian domains, the needed Turkish “‘subsidies” to be sure of mainjurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, and the fi- taining her defense against her enemies, Louis XII nality of judgment in the Curia Romana. There was and Maximilian.'*°

to be free navigation on the Adriatic for the in- The members of the Council of Ten also found habitants of Ferrara as well as for the papal subjects __it easy to refrain from enthusiastic thanksgiving, for

of Ancona and the Romagna. The Venetians prom- on 4 February (1510) they had voted to record a ised henceforth to be obedient sons of the Church, — secret protest against the harshness of the conditions

to abrogate all conventions made with papal towns, being imposed upon their countrymen to secure and not to afford asylum to rebels and enemies of absolution. On the fifteenth they approved a Prothe Holy See. The chastened sons of S. Mark were — testatio nullitatis agendorum, inveighing against the not to interfere in the affairs of Ferrara, and they injustice of the League of Cambrai, the subsequent agreed, finally, to make good all losses and restore war and suffering it had caused, the excommuniall properties they had expropriated from churches cation and interdict, which had defamed the Siand monasteries.'** The pope granted absolution — gnoria, as well as against the conditiones iniustae ab ipso pontifice requisitae. Their protest was declared

—_______— before two doctors of both laws, together with cer‘9 Cessi, Dispacci, no. 96, pp. 224, 228, letter dated 9 January, tain distinguished witnesses, to the effect that they 1510 (Ven. style 1509). It was reported from Buda that there were subscribing to the said conditions under vile

were 1,000 Turkish horse in Bosnia, ready for an incursion into Hungary if the Venetians so requested (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 413). The news later came that there were 10,000 Turks © ————_

in Bosnia (bid., IX, 415, 421). 144 Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 403-5; Sanudo, Diarn, TX, 551,

141 Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 423. 555; Brosch, Papst Julius I., pp. 288-89, a dispatch of the

'42 Ibid., IX, 424, 477-78, 489-90, 492 ff., 528 ff., and Sen. Venetian envoys in Rome, dated 24 February (1510); Paride Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 115” ff. [125° ff.]. Julius also insisted — Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1510, nos. 7-11, vol.

that Venice should arm fifteen galleys against the Turks. At XX (1694), pp. 74-75. this time—January, 1510 (Ven. style 1509)—the doge and 145 Sanudo, Diaru, X, ed. G. Berchet, Venice, 1883, cols. 5— Senate sent Alvise Badoer to Arbe (Rab Island) to recruit eleven 13, 15 ff. There were bonfires of joy in Padua (ibid., X, 14). Croatian condottieri and 1,500 horse from the mainland (?bid., — See also Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 1° ff. [11° fF.].

Reg. 42, fols. 113°-114" [123*—124'}). '4© Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 1" [11‘]. On the following 17

143 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. I, tom. 2, fol. | May (1510) the Senate again wrote Foscolo and Giustinian, 86, by mod. stamped enumeration; Arch. di Stato di Venezia, acknowledging the diligence they had shown “‘in visitar e] maSen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fols. 126 ff. [136 ff.]; Sanudo, Diarii, — gnifico Achmat Bassa, congratulandosi per nome nostro de la IX, 574 ff., esp. cols. 579-85; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.. ad ann. — election sua et de haver sollicitato cum lui et cum quelli altri 1510, nos. 1-6, vol. XX (1694), pp. 72-74; Sigismondo de’ — magnifici Bassa ad impetrar dal Gran Signor il subsidio per nuy Conti, 1, 401-2; Brosch, Papst Julius I, pp. 190-91; Pastor, rechiesto.. . .”’ They were to persevere in their efforts, always Gesch. d. Papste, W1-2 (repr. 1956), 770-71. On the economic — reminding the Porte that assistance to the Republic at this yuncimplications of the accord of 15 February, 1510, see Roberto ture of affairs was as much in Turkish as in Venetian interests Cessi, La Repubblica di Venezia eu problema adniatico, Naples, (bid, fol. 35" [45], and cf. fols. 41°-42" [51°-52"], 67°-68"

1953, pp. 175 ff. [(77°—78"], et alib2).

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 79 duress, but (for the reasons stated) regarded them made gonfalonier of the Church the following 30 as in fact null and void.'*’ By this time a libelous September.'°! letter, addressed by Christ to “our unworthy vicar Julius II,”’ was receiving amused circulation in Italy §=£———————

and elsewhere, probably doing the pope some dam- '5! Sanudo, Diaru, XI, 490-91. According to Francesco age. The letter was dated in heaven on 26 Decem- Guicciardini, Gonzaga was actually released because Sultan ber. 1509. and was subscribed de mandato by the Bayazid I insisted upon it with the Venetian bailie in Istanbul , oes . (Storia a’ Itaha, 1X, 8, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 334-36). evangelist S. John. It states that under Julius the Cf. Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I Christian religion was day by day going from bad (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 352, and J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch.

to worse. The pope was admonished and com- @ osman. Rewhes in Europa, I] (Gotha, 1854), 559. Gonzaga manded to abstain from all acts conducive to the had maintained friendly relations with Bayazid for some years,

- , i, as we have stated above (Volume II, esp. pp. 439 note 82, 455).

ruination of the faith. “What shall WE say of yOu, Very likely the sultan was influential in securing Gonzaga’s O hardened heart, O vicar more like our enemy release (note Franz Babinger, “‘Kaiser Maximilians I. ‘geheime [the Devil] than lke us?.. .”’ Julius was blamed _ Praktiken’ mit den Osmanen [1510-11],”" in the Stdost-Forfor the shedding of Christian blood, for the de- schungen, XV [Munich, 1956], 222-23), to which article we shall return shortly. On Gonzaga’s appointment as gonfalonier, struction, fires, thefts, rapine, andDiarium, acts ofed. sacrilege, rr wane militart ! ; see Paride Grassi, L. Frati, Leenna Due Spedizioni

and for the loss of salvation suffered by so many in 4 Grud II, Bologna, 1886, p. 195. the recent upheavals which his abominable temporal The circumstances attending Gonzaga’s release may be fol-

ambition had caused. Unless Julius quickly did pen- wee he pena jeer Ree aor a agen an ance for his misdeeds, he would receive condign 79°, 80°, 82, 86", 90", 96" ff, [fols, 31, 39-40. 41°-42, 44°, 50,

punishment from on high. etc., by mod. enumeration]. In October, 1509, Gonzaga had For months Francesco Gonzaga, the marquis of _ been ill. He found his confinement depressing, and asked for Mantua, who had been captured near the town of “‘air and exercise,”’ et eteam de poter veder qualche volta l’ aere et

Isola della Scala in early August, 1509, had lan- “mar al quanto (abid., Reg. 42, fols. 71 [83], 77° |= 87", owing

. . to an error in the original foliation]). The Senate found the

; , duplicitous, “et se

guished in prison. He was confined in the Torresella, oy -nesana. the famous Isabella d’ Este. duplic ‘ in the southeast corner of the ducal palace, near cognosce quella madona esserse adherita a Francesi, inducta et the Ponte della Paglia. It was an uncomfortable astricta cussi dal duca de Ferrara suo fratello.” Her attitude place, but far better than the cells below, which and machinations excited the anger of her imprisoned husband were scarcely above the water level. By mid-March,. 8or43, fol. 34° [44°],she andseems ¢f fols. 54° [64°], ef alibi), whose release not44° to [54"], have worked overly hard. 1510, Gonzaga was full of tears and lamentations, Actually the Venetians wanted Gonzaga to serve as captain“et cum demonstration de desyderio de morir,” — general of their own forces (ibid., Reg. 43, fols. 73, 114 ff., until the Senate finally voted to allow him to have | 129° ff, et alibi [83, 124 ff., 139° ff.]), and for the support of one of the two servants who had been captured with his condotta they offered to pay him 40,000 ducats a year in

- 149 time of months peace and 50,00014 in time of war (fol.was 115" [1257]). him.’*" Four later Gonzaga yy(fols. | ; 128’, Dar . 150 en he(on raised hisJuly) demands, they raised their offer finally released at the behest of Julius II,'°* and was — jg: [138", 140°]. When Julius 11 appointed Gonzaga gonfa-

lonmier of the Church, he agreed to allow him also to serve Venice as captain-general, to which on 4 October, 1510, the

TTT Senate acceded (fols. 133°-134" [143°—144"]), but immediately

'” The text of the protestation is given in Brosch, Papst _ thereafter expressed suspicion that Gonzaga was desirous neither Julius I, pp. 290-93. The Senate also directed Foscolo in — of accepting their offer nor of serving their interests (fols. 138°— Istanbul and Giustinian in Adrianople to continue their attempts —_-1139" [148°-149"], letter to the Venetian embassy at the Curia

to get military support from the Turks, since Ferdinand of | Romana, dated 15 October and sent in cipher). The Venetians Aragon was increasing his armament, and Louis XII was pre- considered him their captain-general, however, and worked paring a fleet, ‘which has no other purpose than to make himself — with him (fols. 142 ff., 148” ff. [152 ff., 158” ff.]).

lord of everything” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 42, fol. 133 [144]). Despite his employment by the Signoria, Gonzaga seems soon '48 The text of Christ's letter to Julius II is given in Sanudo, __ to have reached an understanding with the French, as the doge Diaru, 1X, 567-70; for other abuse of Julius, cf Pastor, Gesch. and Senate emphasized in a letter of 28 October (1510) to the

d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 772-73. provwveditore generale Paolo Capello, ‘‘che il Signor Marchese '49 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 11 [21], doc. dated 15 March, se faci renitente in non voler scoprirse contra francesi”’ (:bid., 1510, the vote to give Gonzaga the servant named Giulio being —_—-Reg. 43, fols. 146°-147° [156°-157'], and cf. fol. 153" [163°],

de parte 70, de non 49[!], non synceri 1. Despite the lack of a a letter of the doge and Senate to Andrea Gritti, dated 14 cross (+) preceding the affirmative vote of 70 members of the | November, 1510). In any event Gonzaga’s usefulness was soon Senate, we note in the index to this register, rbid., fol. 2°, the seriously impaired by ‘“‘illness’’ (fol. 169° [179"}).

statement “‘captum quod concedatur ad servitium marchionis Julius II also found Francesco Gonzaga completely useless Manthue fiulius eius servitor,” i.e., itis clear that the resolution as commander of the papal forces. When named gonfalonier

was put into effect. of the Church, Gonzaga could hardly decline the honor and '°° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 73—74' [83—84'], oratori nostro the office which, however, had been held by his brother-in-law

in Curia, doc. dated 12 July, 1510, and, zbid., fols. 76°-77 [86"- Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara. Gonzaga’s appointment did not

87], 85°-86" [95°-96'], et alibi; Sanudo, Diarn, X, 773-74. fail to complicate the diplomatic history of Italy during the

80 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT When Julius IT had recovered the Romagna, his February infuriated both Louis and Maximilian, vision became clearer. The Venetians’ insistence who wanted to destroy Venetian power. Julius had upon extraterritorial rights in the papal fief of Fer- no intention of aiding them, for the collapse of Venrara and their high-handedness on the Adriatic had ice would expose the papacy to the dominance of remained bones of contention, but Julius saw that France. A strong Venice would also assist him Venice was the only Italian state capable of resisting against Alfonso d’ Este.'”” the king of France, “‘che si voleva far monarcha de There were conflicting reports as to the next

Italia.” Indeed, in this connection, the pope had French move. The envoy Donato reported from recently told the Venetian envoy Domenico Tre- Civitavecchia on 9 March (1510) that Louis was visan that if Venice did not exist, it would be nec- making financial preparations for another expediessary to create another.'’* His desire to ‘‘throw _ tion into Italy, to the extent in fact of 500,000 the barbarians out” of Italy lay behind his willingness francs. Sanudo values a franc at half a ducat.!°6 to make peace with Venice. Whether he was the Continuing the war against France was necessary author of the famous phrase ( fuori? barbari!) is un- for the survival of Venice, however unhappy the important. As he mentioned to Girolamo Donato _ prospect. The war had caused the most serious dimon 14 May, 1510, he spent sleepless nights seeking —inution of Venetian commercial revenues, while the ways to free Italy from the French.'”* The pope’s army is said to have cost the Republic about 60,000 antagonism to the French, as we have had several ducatsa month—30,000 for the infantry, 5,000 for occasions to note, antedated their victory at Agna- _ their commanders, and 25,000 for the men-at-arms, dello.'°* Louis XII was firmly supported by both _ light horse, and others.!°” Nevertheless, when the

Ferrara and Florence; French troops held Genoa ailing Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise died (on 25 as well as the Milanese duchy. The peace of 15 May, 1510), the pope’s most determined enemy was removed from the French court. Such had been his dependence upon d’ Amboise that Louis XII was

crucial years 1510-1512. His wife Isabella remained unalterably . lik decisively. Alth h Tuli

loyal to her brother Alfonso, an ally of France and a rebellious no tonger likely to act ECISIVE y: thoug Ju lus

vassal of the Holy See, whom Julius II was determined to destroy. | WaS unable to detach Maximilian from the French

Isabella helped draw her husband surreptitiously to the French alliance, persons in authority breathed more easily

side, and served the Estensi as a go-between with France. both in Venice and in Rome.'!*? Henceforth an

As ‘“‘gonfalonier,’’ Gonzaga pleaded constant illness (and in °

fact he had the mal francese), could not assist Julius in the field, openly ABBTESSIVE papal policy might be expected and hoped for the ultimate success of the French, at least until against France. the battle of Ravenna. At the same time Federico Gonzaga,

the young son and heir of the Gonzagas, was being held asa =

hostage (for his father’s good behavior) at the Curia Romana, 155 Cf. Sanudo, Diarn, X, 34-35. By the beginning of July, where he won the full affection of Julius II. Caught inthe midst 1510, Ferdinand of Aragon had decided to give Julius 400 of the hostilities of the great powers, Francesco Gonzaga could _ lances “‘per la impresa de Ferrara’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. only run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. In Italy policy 69° [79")).

was largely determined by the relationships which bound the '°® Sanudo, Diaru, X, 43-44: ‘“*. . . un francho val ducati ruling families together (or which caused their enmities). See =mezo.. . .”’ the detailed exposition of the history of these years by Alessandro '°7 Zanetti, “‘L’ Assedio di Padova del 1509,” p. 86; the fig-

Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio I] negli ultimi tre ures come from the banker diarist Priuli. Cf Sanudo, Diarii, anni del suo pontificato,” Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVII VII, 689-90, 691, 697, 705-9: ‘. . . la Signoria é su spexa (ann. XX XIX, 1912), 245-334, and zbid., XVIII (also 1912), ducati 249 milia,” entries from December, 1508. Sanudo, IX, 55-144, 393-456, with many hitherto unpublished documents 65, says that the Venetian army cost 66,000 ducats from 1 July

used throughout. to 16 August, 1509, “*. . . dal primo di lujo qua [16 August],

152 Sanudo, Diarii, XIII, 76, and, ibid., X, 82:‘*. . .dicendo & sta speso in questa guerra ducati 66 milia. . . ,” and cf,

si quella terra non fusse, bisogneria farne un’ altra,”’ from Tre- —ibid., IX, 73.

visan’s report to the Venetian Senate in April, 1510. '°® Asa Venetian dispatch from Rome, dated 30 May, 1510, 153 Sanudo, Diarit, X, 369: ‘‘. . . concludendo é volonta di _ states, ‘‘. . . la morte dil cardinal Roan non pol esser si non Dio di. . . liberar Italia di man di Francesi.”’ Cf Sen. Secreta, bona. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diaru, X, 283). It was some time before Reg. 43, fols. 14° [24°], 20 [30] ff., 31", et altbx. The Venetians d’ Amboise’s death could be confirmed (ibid., X, 458). The did everything they could to increase Julius’s animus against news was carried by a courier in eighty hours from Lyon to

Louis XII and Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise. Rome (X, 487), “‘et questa nova e bona per Italia e la chiesia.”’

54 Cf a letter of Maximilian I to his daughter Margaret, Rumor had it that d’ Amboise had left 300,000 ducats, to which dated at Berghes-op-Zoom on 22 March, 1509 (O.S. 1508), in — the pope laid a claim for use ‘‘against the infidels” (X, 564-— [A.J.G.] Le Glay, ed., Correspondance de l’ empereur Maximilien 65, and cf. col. 586). In a letter dated at Lyon on 31 May,

I* et de Marguerite d’ Autriche, I (Paris, 1839), 113: “*. . .nous 1510, the imperial ambassador Andrea da Borgo described receusmes hier lettres de Rome par lesquelles fumes avertys d’ Amboise’s funeral to Margaret of Austria-Savoy (Lettres du que le pape a merveilleusement grant peur des Francois, et — roy Louis XIJ, I [Brussels, 1712], 237-41). D’ Amboise is buried qu’ il est apparent que |’ armeée qu’ il [i.e., le roi de France] a —_ in an ornate tomb, the work of Rouland le Roux, set into the

aller en Italye est plustost pour faire la guerre au pape ou right wall of the Chapel of the Virgin in the Cathedral of afaitnous qu’ aux Venéciens.”’ Rouen.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 8] In the early sixteenth century conditions of life but they had other problems. They owed their surwere hard in most of the Mediterranean world. Men _ vival in the war of the League of Cambrai not only lived at the mercy of the weather no less than of _ to their inaccessible geographical position and the

war. The spring brought its perils as well as the financial resources which enabled them to put large winter. Princes and peasants both scanned the skies mercenary armies into the field, but also to their anxiously awaiting rain for the growing harvest. control of the Adriatic, which made it possible to When it did rain, the price of bread went down. A __ feed their peopie, whatever the military crisis they drought could be terrifying; it produced scarcity faced. and high prices. Grain sometimes burned before it In recent years a number of scholars have diripened in the merciless sun; animals died in barren, _ rected their studies toward dispelling the “myth of brown pastures. In the years to come the municipal _Venice,’’ which was being created in the fifteenth

authorities in Florence would lock the city gates century, and received its crystallization in the sixagainst the starving peasants who believed there — teenth, in the Venetian Gasparo Contarint’s treatise was food within the walls and knew there was none De magistratibus et republica Venetorum and in the

without. During the year 1511, as we shall note admiring Florentine Donato Giannotti’s dialogue, again, there was a severe shortage of grain in the _ the Libro della repubblica di Venezia.'°° Governmental

captive city of Pisa and the region of Lucca, owing myths are commonplace. Those who propagate to the failure of the harvest. The price of grain was _ them rarely have faith in them. Politicians often do

high, and the Florentine Signoria, which held Pisa, not believe the content of their own speeches. was hard put to provide food as well as lodging for Venetian records from the thirteenth century to the small number of cardinals, clergy, and their — the eighteenth abound in evidence of political corretainers who assembled in the Gallican Council of ruption and commercial fraud. They also contain Pisa, upon which the eyes of Europe were fastened numerous examples of the Venetians’ dedication to as they were diverted from the Turks.'?? Mostly _ the welfare of the state. Although Samuel Johnson the Venetians managed to assure their food supply, is alleged to have said that “‘patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel,’’ devotion to the patria had

—_— helped build the greatness of Venice. It had also On 5 June, 1510, the Venetian Senate wrote Donato in helped to sustain the Republic in the terrible year Rome that success kindled the ardor of the French, but ad- 1509 with “‘all the lords of the world united against

versity broke their spirit, and “‘questa morte de Rhoano € sta hj Enal d . > tanto a proposito quanto se haria potuto desiderar!’” (Sen. Se- US to ac eve our nal destruction.

creta, Reg. 43, fol. 47° [fol. 57°). The Signoria did not always reward devotion to '°9 Marino Sanudo’s Diarii furnish ample evidence of food duty. Sometimes, however, it did. The Venetian shortages in various parts of Italy and the Levant at this time: ambassador to the papacy, Girolamo Donato, was

“. . . et € gran carestia dil viver [a Montona]” (vol. X, col. dvi h t ded the dail - 7,

122); ““. . . a Rodi, Syo e Constantinopoli esser penuria di a Gying Man as he attende € daly meeuings in viver” (X, 255); ‘“‘. . . € gran carestia in dito campo fino di Rome _ which finally produced the pope s Holy aqua” (X, 817); “‘. . . quel pan che val a Veniexia soldo uno, League against the French, the formation of which val in campo eee 886); “. . .a Trieste € grandissima —_ we shall see in the course of this chapter. But Donato

carestia” (XII, 277); "". . . ¢ che hano carestia di viver, 20€ di jeer spared himself in the service of the Se-

vituarie, e grande di pan [referring to the plight of soldiers in — d wh .

the field] (XIII, 104); “. . . et hanno in campo grandissima ait and when he died (on 20 October,

penuria di vituarie, zoé di pan, ni non é bastante el Friul a darli 151 1), two weeks after the conclusion of the new da viver” (XIII, 119); and on the hunger of villane from neigh- league, his relatives appeared in the Collegio to ask boring villages, in Venice, see, ibid., XIV, 63. The word carestia, meaning “‘scarcity of food, want, high cost of living,’’ seems to =—W————

have been of Byzantine origin, and was probably brought west- '©° The bibliography has become extensive, but concerning ward by the crusaders in the twelfth century, on which see Contarini and Giannotti, I shall confine myself to reference to H. and R. Kahane and A. Pietrangeli, “Cultural Criteria for W. J. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty, Western Borrowings from Byzantine Greek,” in the Homenaje _ Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968, esp. pp. 144-61. On the hisa Antonio Tovar, Madrid, 1972, pp. 210-11. On the immense _ tory of the ‘“‘myth of Venice,”’ see Franco Gaeta, ‘‘Alcune Conquantity of grain brought into Venice during the war of the _ siderazioni sul mito di Venezia,” Bibliothéque d’ Humanisme et Holy League (1511-1512), see Sanudo, XV, 348, and on the —Renazssance, XXIII (Geneva, 1961), 58-75, and note Donald importation of foodstuffs and the regulation of trade in Istanbul — E. Queller and Francis R. Swietek, ‘“The Myth of the Venetian

and Gallipoli in the later fifteenth century, cf Nicoara Beldi- _Patriciate: Electoral Corruption in Medieval Venice,” in Two ceanu, Les Actes des premiers sultans. . . , 1: Actes de Mehmed II Studies on Venetian Government, Geneva, 1977, pp. 101-70.

et de Bayezid II. . . , Paris, 1960, docs. 33-46, pp. 108-36. '®! Donato had served as the Republic’s ambassador to the Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen ad Holy See for some three years ‘“‘cum grande incommodo de la l’ époque de Philippe I, Paris, 1949, pp. 461 ff., discusses the fameglia sua et cum maxima satisfaction de la republica nostra importation of grain from Turkish possessions into Istanbul . . . , et maxime attrovandosse hora neli pericolosi termeni de throughout the sixteenth century (rewritten in Braudel’s sec- la vita che sono noti a questo conseio.’’ On 19 October, the

ond edition, 2 vols., Paris, 1966, I, 528-29). very day before his death, the Senate finally granted him the

82 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the state to make some provision for his aged and on the larger Campi were crowded many little mother, wife, and nine children, who were left in houses from which men emerged to serve Venice dire circumstances. A motion to this effect wassoon from the Levant to London, leaving behind them passed in the Maggior Consiglio by a vote of more — wives who worried about the feeding of their chil-

than five to one, dren, and families who wore old clothes because because the said gentleman has never looked to his own they had no others. particular interests, but only to the well-being of our state, Among the nobles in straitened circumstances, having put aside all other thoughts, so that his poor and for example, we must include the diarist Marino numerous family, if it is not aided according to the most Sanudo, who aspired to fame—and to be of use to charitable principles of our state, would have to beg for his countrymen—by writing the history of his own

its livelihood. times. Since we have frequent recourse to the Diarii, Rescuing his family from mendicancy was surely @ few words concerning their compiler will not be the least repayment Venice could make to one of Ut of place. A defender of the constitutional trathe great diplomats of his time. He had undertaken aition of the Repubic: Sanudo tried constantly fourteen embassies for the state in twenty-nine 'S Way to support the senate against the further years. '°* Behind the palaces along the Grand Canal encroachment of the Council of Ten, where the power of the rich patriciate lay. He paid the price of his opposition, however, and through the years permission which he had often requested to return home (Sen. smarted under the appointments of Marcantonio

Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 69 [fol. 80 by mod. enumeration]). Sabellico (d. 1506) and Andrea Navagero (d. The Venetian ambasciata at the Curia Romana paid 120 1529) as the official historiographers of the Re-

ducats a month at this time. The ambassador was not required ublic. Sabellico in fact produced a mediocre his-

to render account of his expenses to the Signoria, but he had P _ . th -

to maintain a prescribed staff of such size as to make his office tory, and Navagero drew his stipend without writing financially difficult. As Donato was relieved of the Roman mis- anything more.

sion, Francesco Foscari was elected by the Senate as his suc- Only in September, 1531, when Sanudo was alcessor (tbid., Reg. 44, fol. 69”). Foscari’s commission is dated most sixty-six years old, did the Council of Ten vote 162 Sanudo, Duarii, XI, 76, 176-77, 186, 279-80. Cardinals m a pension OF tol’ ducats a year to continue nis Riario and Corner, knowing presumably of Donato’s straitened work, and even this, alas, so that Sanudo would circumstances, immediately presented one of his sons to the allow Pietro Bembo to pillage the then fifty-three pope, recommending him for a benefice, but “the pope told — volumes of the Diarii. To Sanudo’s grave disaphim to take care to make himself an able man like his father, pointment Bembo had been commissioned by the and then he would not fail him, and he gave him nothing for T . he h; Venice in their ti y now” (ibid., col. 177). On the provisions made for Donato’s en to write the history of Venice in their time (as family, see, ibrd., XIII, 296-97, 298, but such action was not the successor of Navagero). For more than thirty entirely popular in the Collegio (col. 339). Cf the plight in years Sanudo had labored over the Diarii and his which the galley commander Zuan Francesco Pollan, vir nobilis, — other historical works although poverty weighed etoc. his family at his5death (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 89°[99"],_ hin down the extentof that,Andrea according tooo, him, even dated August, 1510), and note also thetoclaim Badoer, Venetian ambassador to London, that he “‘is ruined the purchase of paper and the cost of binding the in property and health” because of his mission to England (letter Successive volumes of the Diari had obliged him to dated 30 March, 1510 [Calendar of State Papers soe ely Venice, forego the purchase of varlous necessities. One of ed. Rawdon Brown, II (London, 1867), no. 61, and ¢ nos. Sanudo’s two daughters had been married with the

16 December, 1511 (fols. 88'-90'). hi ; 6 150d t t tj hj

; . 43, fol. 89° [99°], :

92, 97, letters from the diaries of Sanudo}). d | . F the Si p § d It must be acknowledged that Badoer was not entirely re- ota assistance of the signori rrocuratori, anudo

signed to his misfortunes, as shown by his long letter of complaint Was worried about the other, “‘e saria peccato che

to his brother Luca, dated at London on 24 July, 1512, in andasse a male.”’ He lived in the parish of San GiaSanudo, Diari, XIV, 643-52, which has been translated by como dell’ Orio in a division which he called a house Rawdon Brown, at the Court of Henry VII: . . . Des(caxa) of1854, the old.Ca Sanudo, actually three houses patches. . . by.Four . . Years Sebastian Giustinian, 2 vols., London, I, 63-71. For the action of the Venetian Senate reducing Andrea Put together, of which the present facade (on the Badoer’s allowance to seventy ducats a month, see the Senatus Fondamenta del Megio) was apparently rebuilt at Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 119" [129°], dated 11 September, 1510: the beginning of the sixteenth century. Sanudo ‘“. . . che per alleviar la spesa ala Signoria nostra in quest garved eight times in the Collegio as a savio agli presenti tempi el debi de cetero restar de li [the proposal had dini and fi . ‘ther in the S nth just been made and defeated to recall him from England with or int all ve times either in C c ; enate or 1D the only fifty ducats a month for the expenses of his return journey| Giunta, but a lifetime of dedication to affairs of cum ducati septanta al mese solamente per spese sue fino che _ state and to the history of Venice had never earned per questo Conseglio sara determinato altramente.”’ Contem- Aim an income with which he might pay his bills. porary ambassadors often complained that they were inade- He had alwavs wanted to serve the state. as he wrote

quately paid, and their salaries were usually in arrears (cf. . y : . , : R. A. de Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel, the Capi of the Council of Ten (in 1531), as his

3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 19-29). father had done, “‘my most distinguished father

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 83 [Leonardo, d. 1476], who died as your ambassador of Andros, which had obviously had trouble at Rome and is buried there, whose death was the enough.'"* ruin of our house.’’!®* Informed visitors to Venice War had reduced many Venetian nobles to such would go to see S. Mark’s and then wanted to see penury that c?tadini popular of means had no desire Sanudo’s remarkable library and his map of the _ to buy their way into the nobility “in questa grande world, and not inconceivably the crotchety old dia- calamitade . . . et in tanta ruyna che ’| fusse de

rist received them in frayed clothing. pocha reputatione . . . la nobilitade veneta.

Sanudo was probably no worse off than many of . . .”’°? The astute diarist Girolamo Priuli thought the Corner, Contarini, and Giorgi, Morosini, Ma- he perceived the coming decline of Venice. We have lipieri, and Michiel, Giustinian, Foscarini, and Fos- already noted the Portuguese voyages to India which colo, for a distinguished name was no certain sign threatened to deprive the Venetians of the lion’s of wealth. They served the Republic in posts of share of the eastern trade. Quotations of spices and

delicacy and danger everywhere in the Levant. drugs wavered on the exchange, and merchants There were many members of these families in the worried on the Rialto. In 1504, for example, the Aegean islands, where conditions seem often to have — galleys had returned from Alexandria and Beirut been unsettled and life uncertain, owing to the raids without their accustomed cargoes of spices, drugs, of Christian as well as Turkish corsairs. Thus a re- cotton, and silk. This had never happened before

port finally reached Venice on 17 March, 1510, in Priuli’s day.'°° Lisbon was increasing in comtelling of an assault on the Venetian island of Andros mercial importance every year. Venetian statesmen by nine Turkish fuste under the fearsome Kurtoglu might well view the future with some misgivings.

on the preceding 24 September. The attack had As the number of nobles making up the Maggior come at night, upon a village called La Molaca in- Consiglio increased from the fifteenth century to habited, it is true, chiefly by Albanians. The losses _ the sixteenth, and as the overseas revenues of the were four dead, twelve wounded, and eighty-eight state declined, there was a greater reliance on— captives with, very likely, more than one Venetian and competition for—the eight hundred or so govamong them. The report relates other acts of Turk- ernment positions reserved for the patriciate. 167 ish piracy, including an attack upon the Genoese Non-nobles also worked and fought for the state, island of Chios, which the Venetians could not much — and in times of crisis the government often sought lament, since the Genoese and Chians showed “‘gran _ the means of helping them, and not Venetians alone, odio e malignita”’ toward the Serenissima, and were _ but also loyal subjects of the Signoria in Friuli and even said to be threatening to try to seize the island the Veneto. At the French capture and sack of Brescia (on 18-19 February, 1512) many Brescians did

—— not hesitate to risk their lives and property in defense '®8 Cf. [Rawdon L. Brown,] Ragguagli sulla vita e sulle opere of Venetian interests. Some of them lost fathers,

di Marin Sanuto, 3 pts., Venice, 1837-38, III, 316-21; G. Berchet, preface to the Diaru di Marino Sanuto, Venice, 1903, pp.

94 ff., and the article by Gaetano Cozzi, “‘Marin Sanudo if =————_ giovane: dalla cronaca alla storia,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXX '64 Sanudo, Diarii, X, 44-45. Life was hardly more peaceful

(1968), 297-314. Sanudo began the Diaru in January, 1496, in the Aegean in the fall of 1510 (bid., XI, 704-5) or the in the wake of Charles VIII’s expedition into Italy. The last summer of 1512 (XIV, 519-20). On 30 September, 1510,

entries close in September, 1533. Alvise Valdrino, secretary or chancellor of the Venetian bailie The original of Sanudo’s Diarw, neatly written in his small in [stanbul, wrote the home government of his remonstrances hand, is in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MSS. italiani, Cl. VII, — at the Porte concerning such depredations on Andros by Turk-

nos. 228 ff. [coll. 9215 ff.]. Owing to the fine quality of the — ish corsairs (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 157" [167"]), on which paper and the stout wooden covers (now rebacked in leather), see below. the costs of which moved the impoverished Sanudo to com- '®° Rinaldo Fulin, Diarti e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, p. plaint, they are in an excellent state of preservation. Sanudo’s 149, from the diaries of Girolamo Priuli, entry under 21 June, house also still stands in the parish of S. Giacomo dell’ Orio by ~—-1510.

the Ponte del Megio, at no. 1757 Fondamenta del Megio, with 166 Fulin, Diarii e diaristi veneziani, pp. xX-x, 173-75, from the following plaque on the front wall: “‘Marini Leonardi F. Priuli’s diaries, entries under February and March, 1504, and Sanuti virl patr./rerum venet. ital. orbisque universi/fide so- ed. Roberto Cessi, in the new Muratori, RISS, XXIV-3, 335, lertia copia scriptoris/aetatis suae praestantissimi/domum qua 340. Although Venice had notable ups and downs from this vixit obiitque pr. n. [pridie nonas] Apr. MDXXXV/contem- _ time, her final loss of commercial greatness must be put decades

plare viator.”’ later, on which cf. Gino Luzzatto, ‘“‘La Decadenza di Venezia The so-called Council of Ten (Consiglio dei Dieci) actually dopo le scoperte geografiche nella tradizione e nella realta,”’ consisted of seventeen members, namely the doge, six coun- Archivio veneto, 5th ser., LIV-LV (1954), 162-81, and esp.

cilors, and ten senators elected by the Maggior Consiglio. Cre- _ Vitorino Magalhaes-Godinho, ‘“‘Le Repli vénitien et égyptien ated in 1310 at the time of Bajamonte Tiepolo’s conspiracy, — et la route du Cap, 1496-1533,” in Eventail de l’ histoire vwante: the Ten were established as a permanent institution in July, Hommage a Lucien Febvre, II (Paris, 1953), 283-300. 1335. In Sanudo’s time they were becoming the chief executive 167 Cf James C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility as

power in the Venetian state. a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962, p. 22.

84 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT brothers, sons, and being left poverty-stricken, they in Istanbul, which Sanudo summarized in his diary were forced to beg until the Senate sought the means _ in late April, 1512, state “che. . .il Signor Turcho of making some provision for those thus left des- ha pocha obedientia,” and that “il Signor Turcho

titute.'°° non pol nulla senza voler di janizari che domina

tuto:”’ Bayazid II received little obedience from his The Portuguese were a problem but at least, dur- sons, and he could do nothing without the consent ing Bayazid II’s last years when eastern affairs were _ of the janissaries, who were the true masters in Isgenerally peaceful, the Venetians did not have to tanbul.’’° One fact was certain about conditions in contend with the Turks. A letter of 12 February, Turkey: the sons of Bayazid, after the fashion of a 1510, from the Venetian government in Cyprus sultan’s sons, did not love one another, and were had reported “‘that things are going quietly inthe already beginning a struggle for the succession. It Levant”? (che le cosse di Levante passa quiete).'°’ Egypt, | seemed clear that the next sultan would be either

to be sure, was in some trouble. There was said to Ahmed, the governor of Amasya, who finally conbe an uprising of five thousand Mamluks against — trolled most of Asia Minor, or Selim, the governor the soldan who, as we have seen, was always trying of Trebizond and later of Semendria, who had alto disrupt the Portuguese trade with India.'’° The _ ready unsuccessfully revolted against his father. The Hungarians and Vlachs were usually involved in — eldest son, Korkud, had little or no support among some fray or other with the Turks, who also made _ the Janissaries, and therefore no hope of ascending “daily incursions” into the region around Zara, to the contested throne.'’® Selim was, of course, to the constant peril of anime e animali.'"' There was, emerge victorious from this fraternal rivalry.

however, supposed to be peace between Turkey The Christian world was concerned with the and Hungary, and ‘‘el Signor Turco desidera problem of Moslem hostility in Africa as well as in pace.’’’? Indeed, Bayazid II much preferred the the Levant. The extension of Spanish ambition into tranquillity of some hill-top retreat with a pleasant North Africa was an inevitable result of the conquest view to the din and harsh terrain of a battlefield.'’° — of Granada. The Reconquista had taken a long time.

As Count Girolamo da Porzia, resident in Rome, Pushing back the Moslem frontier had become a wrote his friend Giovanni Badoer in Venice, way of life in Spain, the Crusade a part of the Spanish ‘Turkish affairs are here regarded as a laughing- mentality. For generations the merchant adventurstock.. . .’'’* Dispatches from Niccolo Giustinian — ers of Catalonia had raided or traded in the North

—_— African ports, so near them and so well known to 168 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 113" [124"], doc. dated 18 them. When the Catholic Kings made their largeMarch, 1512: ‘Una dele principal cosse che grandemente pos- scale attacks upon North Africa, they thought of sano conferir ala recuperation del stato nostro e amplecter cum themselves as continuing the crusade against the gratia et beneficentia quelli che per honor et gloria dela Signoria. Gdels. North Africa had of b h nostra non hano dubitato exponer le lor faculta et vita, come inndeis. Nort rica had often been the nursery hano facto ultimamente molti deli fidelissimi nostri Brexani et Of Moslem warriors who opposed the Reconquista. de quel territorio, i quali cum el proprio sangue hano demon- Occupation of the North African ports would constrato la fede sua, chi cum perdeda de padri, chi fratell, et chi tribute to the safety of the Spanish and Italian coast-

fioli etche apresso sono rimasti nudi .et. from privi de substantia | oe . . ands, for Moors fleeing theogni Christian victories adeo mendicano el viver.. ; : 169 Sanudo, Diarii, X, 91. in Spain sought refuge along the Barbary coast, and 179 Ibid., X, 110-11, 432, 869; XI, 56-57, 104-5, 268-69, some of them made a dangerous living as corsairs

478-79, 620-21, 708-9, etc.; and XV, 355-56. preying on Christian shipping. 17! Tbid., X, 97-98, 130, 138, 139, 268, 269, and XI, 300.

172 Ibid., X, 716, a Venetian dispatch from Adrianople, dated

9 June, 1510. Cf, ibid., XI, 164, 294; XII, 240, 343-44, 586, 9 ———— XIII, 197: ‘'. . . la trieva col Signor Turco e il re di Hongaria 175 Ibid., XIV, 162.

.. .perannicingque... ;” and XIII, 521. 176 Cf. Sanudo, Diari, XII, 46-47, 104: “Unum est € gran

173 Cf., wbid., X1, 100, a dispatch from Domenico Malipiero, | combustion de li tra quelli fioli dil Signor turco per aver la provveditore in Nauplia, dated 16 July, 1510. The sultan was _ signoria”’ (from a dispatch of 12 September, 1511). Concerning thought to be unwell (XI, 133), and cf. the commission issued __ this combustion, see, ibid., cols. 115-17, 185, 186, 212, 220-22, to Alvise Arimondo on 28 December (1510) when he was leaving 357-58, 480, 521; XII, 71, 170, 507 ff.; and XIV, 37, 50, 162,

for Istanbul as a special envoy to the Porte: ‘‘El potria etiam 216. Sanudo, XII, 145-46, also cites an interesting Venetian accader che in itinere essendo el Signor Turcho in eta et non description of the Turkish Seraglio in Istanbul, which reminds troppo sano el morisse. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 166” — the writer of the Piazza Navona in Rome. On 24 April, 1512,

[176”}). Sultan Bayazid II was finally forced to abdicate in favor of his

'74 Sanudo, Diarii, X11, 267, letter dated at Rome on 3 June, — son Selim “‘the Grim” (Sanudo, XIV, 193-94, and see below). 1511: ‘‘Le cosse de’ turchi, de qui, se stimano fabule et rideno Cf. in general V. J. Parry, ‘‘Bayazid II,” Encyclopaedia of Islam,

hi inimici.” I (1960), 1120-21, with Turkish and western bibliography.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 85 Pope Julius II, like Alexander VI before him, were killed and many captured. Another rumor was was too much engrossed in the Italian wars to render spreading that two merchants in Tripoli had a milthe Spanish sovereigns much assistance beyond au- _ lion [ducats] in gold, and one was led to contemplate thorizing the sale of indulgences called cruzadas, what ‘‘great things’ Ferdinand could do with this which became a regular source of income, and from money if he got his hands on it.'’” He had found

Ferdinand’s time were administered in Castile by a more certain source of funds, however, in the a Consejo de la Cruzada. But later on during the so- grant of 350,000 [ducats] voted him by the states called Counter-Reformation, as wide areas of of the Catalan-Aragonese confederation at the gen-

northern Europe were lost to Latin Catholicism, eral Cortes of Monzon. Aragon was to provide the papacy would grant tithes and other kinds of 200,000; Valencia and Catalonia the rest. The revenues, and render additional help to the pen- money was to be used for a crusade.'’° As for North insular efforts to extend Spanish hegemony andthe Africa, it was a poor country; no colonization folLatin faith to the lands along the southwestern lowed the Spanish conquest. The conquistadores led shores of the Mediterranean. ‘‘Crusade’’ was a_ a garrison existence, sometimes receiving even food loosely used term, commonly implying military ac- as well as pay from Spain. Except for day-long raids tion against infidels or alleged heretics, and the re- into the hinterland, they lived in the walled cities sponse to the crusading preacher was usually best onthe coast, dreaming of the time when they would when the prospect of material gain could be coupled — return home.

with the spiritual benefits accruing from service The “‘limited occupation”’ of the coastal areas of against enemies of the faith. This rather unheroic North Africa actually assured the Spanish (and Por-

consideration had been true from the time of the tuguese) of certain naval and other advantages First Crusade, when Pope Urban II had himself not without subjecting them to the military and ecoscrupled to emphasize the prospect of temporal re- nomic strain of trying to colonize the interior, which ward as he recruited overseas warriors for the faith would have been beyond the resources of Spain

in the assembly at Clermont-Ferrand. with her commitments in both Europe and America. The Spanish were naturally not discouraged by ‘The Spanish regarded America as a worthwhile in-

the fact that the North African states had sunk into vestment to occupy and hold, but not so North a torpor of political disunion, internecine strife,and Africa, which is the important fact for one to bear military incompetence. The Moslem uprising at in mind before he speaks of the Spanish ‘‘failure’’ Granada in 1501 had also instilled fear in Christian in North Africa. Ferdinand of Aragon and the hearts and heightened the desire to do battle with Hapsburgs succeeded in their main purposes—to Islam. The first important blow, instigated by Cardinal Jimenez de Cisneros, was struck at North Africa im 1505 when a Spanish fleet occupied Mers- ‘7 On Pedro Navarro’s North African expedition in 1510, el-Kebir on Oran Bay. Thereafter the commander = ¢f, Sanudo, Diarit, X, 117-18, 198, 247, 309-10, 390, 442, Pedro Navarro began his famous maritime cam- 652, 677-78, 695, 697, 727, 888-90, and XI, 82, 94-96, 108, paigns, and Spanish forces took the rocky height 109-10, 112, 123, 240-41, 467-68, 476-77, 705 ff, 823-24; of Penon de Vélez (Gomera) in 1508, Oran see in general the thoughtful articlea of Fernand Braudel, Les - spagnols etinI’1509, Afrique du Nord de 1492 1577,” in Revue and Bougie and Tripoli in 1510. One can trace the gfncame, LXIX (Algiers, 1928), 184-233, 351 ff., with a good final progress of Navarro’s campaigns in some detail bibliography of both the sources and the secondary literature; in the letters which the Venetian observer Pelegrin also Od. Raynaldus, Annales ecclesiastict, ad ann. 1510, nos. 30 Venier sent home from Palermo throughout the ft., vol. XXX (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 529 ff.; Geo. . , ae Marcais, ‘‘Bidjaya,”’ Encycl. of Islam, 1(1960), 1205. The maritime

year 1510. They are preserved in Sanudo’s Diart. po ie1nofreports Ven; concerning hj qd: . . . public O enice was much interested On 20 February (15 I Q) Venier wrote that Ferdi- the Spanish impresa di Tunis et Barbaria (Sanudo, XII, 73, 101-

nand was preparing an immense armada. The first 3, 129, 149-51, 246-47, 260, 313-14). On 19 August (1510) Spanish settlers in Bougie, after its conquest, would the Venetian ambassador to Hungary was notified that “‘l’ armata

receive free houses and lands. Later reports esti- hispana il zorno de S. lacobo apresentatasi a Tripoli de Barbaria mated the SIZe of Ferdinand’s armada at from 120 been killed, the area devastated, an infinite number of prisoners to 200 sail, with from ten to twenty thousand men captured, ‘‘dil che la Sanctita pontificia ne ha facto non solum on board and some bellissima artellaria. Rumor had a Roma ma per tute le terre dela Chiesia publici segni de leticia it that Ferdinand was going into the Holy Land cum fochi et feste’”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 101°-102"

. . ; li dete la bataglia et ha presa dicta terra:’’ 10,000 Mon had

himself a conquistar Jerusalem. Tripoli was taken on ll 8 Om te Cortes held at Monzgn. “ , 24-25 July, the feast of S. James, protector of Spain; | impresa Africha D mn X 31 ind p ,’di see SaSs nudo, o, Diaru, X,> 687, , , an the claim was made that 10,000 Moslems (Mori) XI, 96, and esp. cols. 640, 707.

86 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT make it impossible for the Moors of North Africa peror Maximilian (against the Venetians), but if that to re-establish themselves in Granada, to check the were the case, why had they not disembarked at activities of the Barbary corsairs, and to prevent Genoa or Piombino, which were so much closer to

the Turks from adding Algeria and Tripolitania to the northern theater where the emperor needed

the Ottoman empire.'” help? The French feared that the Spanish troops

Although Cardinal Jimenez, archbishop of To- were intended to support the pope. Ferdinand deledo, had been one of the chief promoters of the _ nied this, claiming that Pedro Navarro’s landing at expeditions of 1505-1510 (and the captured cities Naples was “‘seullemant pour mectre en point ses fell under the archiepiscopal jurisdiction of Toledo), gens pour aller sur les Mores, ensuyvant le vot the Catalans had figured very prominently in the qu’ il ena fait.’’ He was merely continuing the cruenterprise. Since they were almost entirely excluded sade against the Moors. He wrote Louis XII, “‘all from the American trade, they received commercial _ full of good words toward the king,”’ placing all his concessions and markets (such as they were) in the _ possessions and his own person at the latter’s service

North African cities. Thus these maritime cam-_ ‘for the preservation of his realms and lands,” but paigns helped somewhat to maintain the sagging at the same time he could not be remiss in his duty economy of Aragon-Catalonia for almost forty asa Christian prince and feudatory of the Church. years,'®° but the main currents of trade were grad- The Spanish ambassador to the French court ually shifting to the north and west. Although the thereupon tried to persuade Louis to return BoVenetians and Genoese were to hold their course logna to the pope. Louis replied that the city did

for a long time to come, the Catalans eventually not belong to him; if he had taken it under his found themselves living in an economic backwater. protection, he had many reasons for doing so withIn the spring of 1511 King Ferdinand of Aragon out, however, prejudice to the Church. Bologna

rather abruptly ceased his support of Pedro Na- asked for nothing more than that its privileges be varro’s North African conquests, leaving his fleet observed, as ten popes had done in the past. Julius disorganized, his men suffering from a lack of food II had also confirmed them, but he had violated and water. As the Spanish ambassador, Geronimo’ them, and his lieutenants had tried to tyrannize de Vich, informed Pope Julius II, the king ‘“‘wanted _ over the city. Louis added that the world had seen to leave aside the undertaking against Africa in or- how much evil Julius had done both the emperor der to attend to the affairs of Italy.”'*’ As the pope’s and himself during the past year. He and the Spanish ally, Ferdinand saw a grand opportunity to assail ambassador ended up in a quarrel. Louis requested the French and possibly to drive them from north- the ambassador to ask his sovereign “‘to cease these ern Italy. On 12 August (1511) Andrea da Borgo, things,’ as Andrea da Borgo wrote Margaret of the imperial ambassador to Louis XII, sent Margaret Austria-Savoy, “which are all indirectly intended of Austria-Savoy, who governed the Netherlands, to assist the Venetians to the great prejudice and the latest news he had received from Genoa. Da_ detriment of the emperor and of monseigneur,”’ Borgo was then in the Rhone valley at Valence, but _ 1.e., of Louis himself.!°? It required far less astutehe had learned that sixty ships of Pedro Navarro’s ness than Andrea possessed to see that serious trouarmada with four thousand infantry had landed at _ ble lay ahead between France and the Spanish kingNaples. Some people believed that this was the aid doms. which Ferdinand had formerly promised the Em- Winter, despite the hardships it imposed, was a time of peace and repose. It gave the diplomats a 179 Robert Ricard, ‘‘Le Probleme de I’ occupation restreinte © dans |’ Afrique du Nord (X V°—XVIIIF siécles),”’ Annales d’ histoire 182 A.J. G. Le Glay, Negociations diplomatiques entre la France

économique et sociale, VIII (1936), 426-37. et l’ Autriche, 1 (Paris, 1845), 429-30 (Documents inédits sur '8° Braudel, La Méditerranée (1949), pp. 84, 682, 687 note _ I’ histoire de France). Andrea da Borgo was a native of Cremona.

3, 690, 739 ff., and 2nd ed., 2 vols., Paris, 1966, I, 107, and He had served Maximilian and the latter’s daughter Margaret II, 181, 185 note 3, 187-88, 238 ff.; J. M. Batista i Roca, in as ambassador to Louis XII since 1509. Jean Godefroy, Lettres New Cambr. Mod. Hist., 1 (1957), 319-20, 340. du roy Louis XII et du cardinal Georges d’ Ambouse, 4 vols., Brussels, '81 Sanudo, Diaru, XII, 273, also col. 281, and cf. Guicciardini, 1712, has published many of his letters addressed to Margaret,

Stona d’ Itala, X, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 414. As preserved in the Chambre des Comptes in Lille. In October, early as 7 July, 1510, the Venetian Senate had written their 1511,a Venetian dispatch from Rome reported that there was envoy in Rome, Girolamo Donato, ‘‘che la Maesta Catholica a Spanish armada at Gaeta of seventy sail (Sanudo, Diart, XIII, se habi risolto de voler dar le lanze 400 a sua Sanctita per la 126); previous reports had detailed the concentration of Spanish impresa de Ferrara’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 69” [79"]), a forces in the Regno (ibid., XII, 362, 373, 385, 388-89, 399, decision which would soon bring Ferdinand into conflict with 498 ff., 539), on which note also Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia,

Louis XII. X, 4, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 429-30.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 87 long opportunity to allay the fears and forestall the year, which by an obvious error was 8,000 francs expense of war until the spring came. Statesmen more than the proper sum.'*° The error was of no and ecclesiastics thought and wrote, discussing their importance. James IV’s plans for a crusade were problems with one another, producing what Fer- but a flight of fancy. His career was marked by nand Braudel has happily called dossiers d’ hiver: _ errors, the greatest being the war he soon undertook ‘‘Cependant, si le Turc ou sile Roide France. . .” against England on behalf of his French ally Louts was a typical and promising beginning for another XII, for which on 9 September, 1513, he paid with

elaborate scheme, and there followed ‘‘les vastes his life on Flodden Field. idées, les plans merveilleux que les historiens ana-

lysent avec respect et conviction.’”'** The point is Pope Julius II had trouble getting along with well made, but the Turk was omnipresent in almost almost everyone, especially with Louis XII, who everyone’s mind in the sixteenth century, even in had tried to win the papacy for his first minister, faraway Scotland, where King James IV and his Cardinal Georges d’ Amboise, and who was deteradvisors produced their full share of dossiers d’ htver mined to maintain his hold upon northern Italy. designed to promote the Crusade. For some time Julius also felt keenly the humiliation of Genoa, James had talked of a crusade, as we have already which he looked upon as his native city, once more seen, which he liked to think would free the Holy under French domination. Louis had in his turn Land from pagan profanation. Louis XII professed been angered by the papal peace with Venice, and his willingness to help, for according to him the _ had taken the pope’s vassal, Duke Alfonso I d’ Este French had always desired peace in Europe and a_ of Ferrara, under French protection. It is small union among the princes which would make possible — wonder that Julius’s main objective had now become

‘‘la guerre contre les Infidelles.’”’ Late in the year the dissolution of French power in northern Italy. 1510 James asked Louis to specify the extent of his He turned to Louis’s natural rival, Ferdinand of proposed contribution in men-at-arms, artillery, Aragon, to whom he granted the royal investiture ships, and money to the enterprise so that the Scots _ of Naples in early July, 1510.'°° With the energetic might determine how much assistance they would _ assistance of the Swiss bishop (soon to be cardinal) need from other sources. He wanted also to know = Matthias Schiner of Sitten, the pope had already when Louis thought the eastern ‘“‘passaige”’ should lured the Swiss from the lucrative but sometimes be undertaken, and whether it would be ‘‘mieulx irritating prospect of continued French employdescendre [a] Alexandrye ou a Constantinoble.’’'** ment, and attached the federation of cantons to his The Scottish envoy to the French court was to own support for five years, at some cost to be sure, assure Louis that James would “‘have cause to re- but the pope had every right to assume that the monstrate to all the princes of Christendom, both money would be well spent. 87 his present allies and others, against the great evil which the pope and the king of Spain are doing §—=—————— ... , for their continued hostility to France pre- 185 Wood, Flodden Papers, doc. 11, pp. 9-10. On the crusading vented Louis from fulfilling his promises to help ambitions of the Scottish king, cof’ R. L. Mackie, King James IV

. . . ; s naive desire to become commander-in-chief of Venetian

James ‘‘accomplish his said voyage, which he cannot of Seotland, Edinburgh and London, 1958, pp. 201 ff. On James

well do without the aid of the king, his good forces (with the crusade in mind), cf. Calendar of State Papers brother.” James in fact could only regard the pope... ._ , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II (London, 1867), nos. 63, and the Spanish king as enemies of the faith inas- 66, 73, 85, 90, and note Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic,

much as their activities were obstructing his lofty °%-.- - ‘envy VIL ed. R. H. Brodie, 2nd ed., I, pt. | (London, intention of embarking on “‘telle belle entreprinse.”’ 1920), nos. 690-91, 694, 702, 748, 758. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1510, nos. 24-28, vol. XXX A calculation dated 10 January (1 5] I) reckons the (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 525-29; Sanudo, Diaru, X, cost of an army of 8,000 men, at six francs each 397, 417, 452, 539, 652, 696, 727, 745, 746, 747, 752, 871, per month, as amounting to 584,000 francs for a and XI, 82, 95; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 69° [79°], 72° [82"]; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, 1X, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, I], 322-23; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 323-24, and Gesch. d. Papste,

TOO III-2 (repr. 1956), 777; C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. '85 Cf Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée (1949), pp. 208- —_ Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VU, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), 302 ff. 18, 277 ff., 458 ff., rewritten in 2nd ed., I (1966), 223-33, '87 Albert Buchi, Korrespondenzen und Akten zur Geschichte des

300 ff., 520 ff. Kardinals Matthaeus Schiner, 2 vols., Basel, 1920-25, I, nos. '84 Marguerite Wood, ed., Flodden Papers, Edinburgh: Scottish 115-16, 118-19, 128, 133, 137, 139, pp. 90 ff.; Biichi, Kardinal History Society, 1933, docs. I-UI, pp. 5-8. In the spring of — Matthdus Schiner als Staatsmann und Kirchenfurst, 2 vols., Zurich, 1510 James IV aspired to become captain-general of the Vene- 1923, and Freiburg (Schweiz) and Leipzig, 1937, I, 169-87, tian forces, and make an armed “‘pilgrimage”’ into Turkey with 256 ff., esp. p. 176. There were limits to Schiner’s success in

10,000 combatants on 150 ships (Sanudo, Diarn, X, 459). raising troops for the pope in Switzerland. Cf also Sanudo,

88 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Alessandro Nasi, the Florentine ambassador to Maximilian certainly lacked money, but was not King Louis, wrote the Dieci di Balia on 11 June, _ entirely lacking in guile, for he (like the Venetians) 1510, that the king had just received a letter dated had also appealed to the Turks for assistance. On 6 June from Alberto Pio, count of Carpi, the French 23 September (1510) one Matteo Gaiarino wrote

envoy to the Holy See, saying that the death of the Doge Leonardo Loredan that Maximilian had Cardinal d’ Amboise had added to the pope’s in- sent Federico of Gorizia to Feriz [Firuz] Beg, the transigence (la Santita del Papa essere diventata piu sanjakbey of Bosnia, with a letter of credence duly frera). Louis told Nasi in rather moderate tones that signed by the emperor ‘“‘in his own hand,”’ and adhe was not asking the pope for anything: “‘If he will dressed ‘‘Alo illustrissimo Signor Ferisbey, bassa de get along with me like a good father, as he says he _ tuta Bossina.. . .”’ Federico had been received by

wants to, I will behave like a son to him.” Louis the sanjakbey in secret audiences for three days, freely expressed his doubts about the reliability of | each audience lasting more than two hours. The Ferdinand of Aragon, for the latter’s desire to pos- sanjakbey created certain difficulties, requiring assess the kingdom of Navarre as well as his mach- | surance, writes Gaiarino, ‘“‘that I am the servitor of inations in Rome were well known, and what was your Serenity.” not known was widely suspected. As for Maximilian, Gaiarino, however, did learn something from the he was regarded as lacking both good sense and __ sanjakbey of Bosnia, and more from the sanjakbey’s ample funds.'*® In any case it was becoming ap- dragoman,

parent to the Florentines that their French allies ; id soon have to take up arms against the pove because of the aspers I gave him. . . , so that I can say,

wou r h P h 8 7 P " to put it briefly, the said Federico is pleading for confiras well as against the Venetians, w O WETe SUI! SCEK- mation of peace with the Signor Turco, trying to get him ng (with small success) the assistance of the to take the field against your Serenity, and promising him

OO in Friuli.

Turks. the lands you have near [his territories], namely Dulcigno, Antivari, Cattaro, and other places in Dalmatia, and even

Diaru, X, 81, 311, 540, 564, 583-84, 630, 653, 726, 752, oo

829-30, 856-57, 879, 883; XI, 296, 337, 698; XII, 183; and If Sultan Bayazid assented to Maximilian’s requests, XIII, 201; Guicciardini, Storia da’ Italia, IX, 1, ed. Florence: the latter was prepared to send to the Porte an Salani, 1963, H, 296 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 324-26, and ambassador ‘‘with a hundred horse’’—an embassy

Gesch. d. Papste, UI-2 (repr. 1956), 777-79; F. Seneca, Venezia hich Id red d he h dad

e Papa Giulw I, Padua, 1962, p. 151. The Swiss hada reputation WUCt would re Saar to the honor and advantage of being undependable and abandoning a commitment made of the Gran Turco. to one power if offered higher pay by another (Sanudo, XIII, From Adrianople on 30 September (1510) Alvise 352; XIV, 34-35). Matthias Schiner was made a cardinal in Valdrino, the chancellor of the bailie Foscolo in

Mey tg | 7). violently anti-French (Sen. Secreta, Reg. Istanbul, prepared a long, informative letter to the '88 Abel Desjardins (and Giuseppe Canestrini), Négociations doge, of which copies were made, one of them being diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, I (Paris, 1861), 512- sent to the Venetian envoys in Rome. By the time 14. On Louis XII’s quite justified suspicions of Ferdinand, ¢f, | Valdrino wrote his letter he knew all about Federico ibid., II, 493-94, 516, 517, and on the pope's unrelenting hos- Strassoldo of Gorizia’s arrival at ““Verbonia”’ (Sa-

tility to the French, see Sanudo, Diaru, XI, 107-9, where the . ‘th his 1 f d d hi Venetian envoy in Rome describes the pope as “‘molto grande rajevo) wit 1S” etters of credence an IS COM-

e teribile.” The queen of France was said very much to want Mission, containing the proposals he had made to peace with the Holy See (:bid., XI, 113, 123, 126), concerning the sanjakbey of Bosnia. Valdrino had been at the which note also a letter of the Venetian Senate dated 31 May, Porte by chance the day before protesting against

1511, to the ambassador of the Republic at the Curia Romana

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 26" [37°], reporting ‘‘. . . la regina de Franza esser molto inclinata al accordo. . .”’).

The Committee of Ten in Florence (Dieci di Guerra, Dieci ten ducats each, and four ducats to the rest plus food and di Liberta e di Pace) was commonly called the Dieci di Balia fodder for man and horse, as we do for others of this nation (the ““Ten in Authority”). They were charged with both military . . .” (ibid., Reg. 43, fols. 119°-120", doc. dated 11 September). affairs and internal administration; with certain restrictions they |The troops were to be embarked and landed in Venetian teralso sent ambassadors abroad and received their reports. ritory as soon as possible in order that they might begin serving '89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 95” [105], letter of the doge the Republic against the French. and Senate dated 15 August, 1510, to the bailie Foscolo and '9° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fol. 156” [166], datum Verbosanie the envoy Giustinian at the Porte. A month later, however, the — die XXIII Septembre 1510, at which time “‘lo dicto Federico aspecta

voivode of Croia (Kruje, Kruja in Albania) offered the Signoria = qui dummodo venga la resposta dala Porta.’’” On the mission a hundred horse—or as many as the Venetians wanted—and _ of Federico Strassoldo of Gorizia to the sanjakbey of Bosnia, apparently agreement was quickly reached to accept two — ¢f,, ibid., fol. 166” [176]. Matteo Gaiarino’s letter was written hundred “‘provided that the horses and men are fitand capable, from ‘‘Verbosania,”’ i.e., Vrh Bosna, now Sarajevo. Like Brosch on condition too that each troop of a hundred should not have (and unlike Babinger), in this document at least, I read his name more than two officers [capi], to whom we are willing to pay — as Gaiarino, not Guarino.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 89 the Turkish corsair Kurtoglu’s raid upon the Vene- appeared to attach little importance to Federico’s tian-held island of Andros. He was satisfied on that futile mission, at least in the opinion of Valdrino, score, for the pashas would send letters to the san- who thanked them, observing that the emperor had jakbeys in whose areas the captives taken at Andros made a truce with Venice, and then straightway had presumably been sold. If they could be found, broken it, going back on his sworn word. Maxithey would be freed. While Valdrino was at the milian’s recital of events in Federico’s commission Porte, a messenger arrived from the sanjakbey of was “‘tuto el falso,” as (says Valdrino) the pashas Bosnia, bringing “‘the authentic letters of credence | were well aware. The pashas were having the comstamped with the seal of the emperor and also a_ mission translated into Turkish in order to bring copy of the commission which the said Federico has __ it as soon as possible to the attention of the sultan.

from the emperor, written in French, . . . in the Valdrino wrote the doge that he would try to secure usual form, dated at Augsburg on the first of last a copy of the text, if possible, and would send it to

June.”’ . . | Venice, together with such indication as he could Federico of Gorizia’s commission directed him _ get of the sultan’s reply to the emperor, which would to make clear to the Purks that Maximilian had merely be drafted in some “appropriate parlance,’ sent no envoys to the Porte since he had last made with no likelihood of the Turks’ ever giving aid to peace with the sultan merely because he had been Maximilian. caught up in “‘various occupations,”’ especially the Federico of Gorizia’s mission to the sanjakbey of wars in Flanders and thereafter in Italy. Maximilian Bosnia may have caused something of a Turkish wanted the sanjakbey of Bosnia to inform the sultan backfire. In October there appeared to be a real of recent events, beginning with the fact that, two chance of the sultan’s giving aid to Venice, for he years before, he had sent the most distinguished requested the Signoria to send to Istanbul an envoy personages in the empire as envoys to the doge to. “‘cum larga commissione de poter tractar et prorequest passage through Venetian territory in order

to go to Rome for his imperial coronation. The

: ; ot '9! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43,permission fol. 157 [167], doc. 30 SepSignoria had refused him do dated so.cancellarn The ». : tember, 1510, Exemplum lterarum LudovicttoValdrini,

Venetians, as allies of the French, had then attacked baylt nostri Constantinopolr existentis in Adrinopolt, dier ultimi Sephim, killed many of his troops, and seized numerous — tembris 1510: Missum ad oratores m Curia. In his letter to the cities and towns belonging to him in Friuli and Istria. | doge of 15 October (1510) Valdrino has little to add except Nevertheless. the big-hearted Maximilian had made ‘hat the pashas ‘non hano remandato in drieto el messo venuto

. h h ve ; b hev had brok de Bossina per tal effecto ne fatto altra risposta a dicto sanzacho a truce wit the Venetians, ut t cy a TOKEN de Bossina: Le vero che per quanto ho podesto sotrazer dal faith with him, and attacked him again. dragoman dela Porta, dicti magnifici bass’ hano opinion de Maximilian had, therefore, allied himself ‘‘with commetter a esso sanzacho che ’] debi responder al re de Romani many other Christian princes,’ now including the in bona forma, demonstrando sempre che al tuto questo Signor

kiING fFOF ‘nst. th V ti Wh th Turco non sia per dar molestia a vostra_ Excellentia. BTANCE, Agallls © Venetians. cn te...” Furthermore, the sultan’s dragoman Ali Beg had told

armies met in the field, the French had defeated — yaldrino “che ‘I saperia confortar la Sublimita vostra [i.e., the the Venetians, and the doge had lost “‘the greater doge] per contraoperar a queste et simel machinatione et etiam part of his state.’’ The princes had made further per Stabelir la Excellentia del Signor che la mandasse qui uno

: orator suo et maxime non lo havendo mandato za alcuni anni

Mc Sinnorig on and ane at sea enure'y 7 crush .. .’ (ibid., Reg. 43, fol. 157% [167°], and see, ibid., doc. dated U € olgnoria. IS was U € ume tor the + UPKS tO 92 November): When the Senate found out about Maximilian’s seize the overseas possessions of the Venetians, who efforts, they wrote their envoys at the Curia about the matter, had continually offered to supply the Christian Ja cossa.. . non solum absurda ma abhominanda, and directed princes with money, a fleet and a land army to them immediately to inform Julius of the diabolical machinations attack the Gran Turco “‘to drive him from Greece of their enemies, among whom the Florentines were to be

- 55 . . numbered.

and Asia.” The princes refused for, like the em- On Maximilian’s attempt, through the sanjakbey of Bosnia, peror, they wanted to be the friends of the sultan, to persuade the sultan to attack the overseas possessions of who had no other enemies than these Venetians. _—_- Venice, note Moritz Brosch, Papst Julius II. (1878), pp. 197Such was, as the bailie’s chancellor Valdrino wrote 8» 4nd Franz Babinger, “Kaiser Maximilians I. “geheime Prak-

hed cee b h hol £ [Federj tiken’ mit den Osmanen (1510-11),” in the Sudost-Forschungen,

the doge, in substance the whole tenor o [Federico xv (Munich, 1956), 201-36, reprinted in his Aufsdtze und Abof Gorizia s| said commission.”’ Such was the em- handlungen zur Geschichte Sudosteuropas und der Levante, 2 vols., peror’s appeal to the Porte. By order of the pashas, | Munich, 1962-66, I, 270-96. This article is chiefly useful for the said commission was shown to Valdrino by the Babinger’s notes on Federico of Strassoldo (Aufsatze u. Abhandsultan’s dragoman. “with the requirement. however lungen, 1, 279 ff.); his transcriptions of documents are unreliable,

8 ° - . . ° ee.g. that of Valdrino’s letter of 30 September, 1510, is very

that the matter should remain secret.’’ Valdrino poor, and that of the letter of 15 October not only contains also saw Federico’s letters of credence. The pashas _ misreadings, but omits an important part of the text.

90 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT metter.’’'?* Accordingly on 6 December (1510) the number were offered, however, Arimondo was to Senate voted to send an ambassador to the sultan. accept the larger force. Venice needed the Turkish The person elected must accept the assignment or aid, and needed it quickly. The Turks should depay a penalty of a thousand ducats of gold. Pietro scend upon Maximilian in Friuli. Balbi was chosen. He declined the post, and sought Arimondo must also tell the Turks that when to convince the Senate ‘‘circa la impossibilita sua the supreme pontiff had come to understand the de andar ad servir la Signoria nostra.”’ At least he extent of the French king’s perfidy, he had not only said he could not at this time serve the Signoria as removed himself entirely from the League of Camenvoy to the Porte. Alvise Arimondo was elected _ brai, but had joined Venice, ‘‘and at present his in Balbi’s place, and agreed to go to the Bosporus. army, with a detachment of our troops, is on its He was to receive for his expenses 150 ducats a_ way to Ferrara against the duke, who is a rebel month, ‘‘senza obligation de renderne conto al- against his Holiness and follows the French lead.”’ cuno.”” Twelve persons must go on his embassy, Suppose the pashas should express doubt as to which number was to include Arimondo himself, a __ the safe return of their mounted troops. Arimondo notary of the Chancery, and a chaplain. He must must promise them that, if there were “‘alcun dubio depart from Venice as soon as the Senate gave him dela securta dela via per el ritorno,” the Signoria

his commission.'”° would have them all transported back to Turkish

Alvise Arimondo’s commission, drafted in the _ territory by sea “‘so that they will get back safe and name of the Doge Leonardo Loredan, is dated 28 sound.’’!”* December, 1510, and (as usual in such a commission) As a consequence of all this, Turkish troops did gave him detailed instructions. He must set out im-___cross the Adriatic from Valona to Apulia but, as mediately in Tommaso Tiepolo’s galley, going to Romanin has noted, they appear to have done little the Turks ‘‘cum el nome del Spirito Sancto.’”’ more than give Ferdinand the Catholic a good reaArimondo was informed that on 1 September (1510) son to recall the duke of Termini and his four by order of the sultan the pashas had told the bailie hundred Spanish lancers from Verona, and have Foscolo and the special envoy Niccolo Giustinian him return to the kingdom of Naples.'*’ The Turks, ‘‘che ’] Signor suo era ressolto de volerne prestar however, did not make the move which the Signoria el subsidio per loro nomine nostro rechiesto, ma had requested against Maximilian in Friuli. che li pareva conveniente et cussi luy voleva che li mandassamo un honorevele ambassator che havesse As the Venetian envoys in Rome kept their govampla liberta de formar 1 capitoli et quelli zurar:” ernment abreast of what was being done and said The sultan had decided to give the Venetians the at the Curia, the Florentine ambassador Alessandro assistance which Foscolo and Giustinian had re- Nasi had been sending his shrewd reports to the quested, but the Signoria should send an ambassador _ pjieci di Balia on the Arno. But the time had come

with full freedom to negotiate and swear to the for Nasi to return to Florence, and until a duly-

terms of an agreement. elected ambassador could replace him, the Com-

Sultan Bayazid had in fact written the doge, ac- mittee of Ten sent their secretary Niccolo Machiacepting the offer which the Venetians had made. yelli to represent the interests of their Republic The Turks would provide and pay for 10,000 horse, — quring the long, hot summer of 1510. It was Maand in return the Venetians would pay the sultan — chiavelli’s third diplomatic mission to France. His 12,000 ducats a year for the rest of his life. Maybe — successful conduct of the siege of Pisa, which had the Turks would not want, when the time came, to make available as many as 10,000 horse; Arimondo 94 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 165"-167 [175°-177], doc. must always bear in mind that the Signoria would — dated 28 December, 1510, commissio viri nobilis Aloysu Arimundo not accept fewer than 6,000, and did not want more ___ proficiscentis oratoris ad illustrissmum dominum Turcum. The doge

than 10,000 horse. If rather more than the latter 274 Senate also wrote Kansuh al-Ghuni, the soldan of Egypt,

on 16 December, for their relations with him (as we have ob-

served) were also complicated by the war “‘in questi tumultuosi

—_—_——_—_ tempi. . . tra el reverendissimo Gran Maistro de Rhodi et il

182 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 43, fols. 134°-136" [144°—146']. Signor Soldan”’ (ibid., fols. 165" [175"], 172°-173" [182°-183"}). 193 Ibid., Reg. 43, fol. 162 [172], 164" [174"]. On 6 December Arimondo was well received at the Porte, “‘et el Signor Turco the Senate also considered the question of Pietro Balbi’s dec- _ havea zurata et firmata la pace cum ample et large promissione lination; a vote was held ‘‘che la excusation sua sia acceptata.”’ de voler mantenir et servar la bona amicitia et vicinita el tien

The result was de parte 118 [without cross], de non 58, non cum nuy, offerendose ad ogni commodo nostro et esser per synceri 0, which seems to indicate that the reasons which Balbi, _ adiutarne et prestarne ogni favor” (ibid., Reg. 44, fol. 23, doc. a sapiens consilu, advanced for not going to Istanbul were judged dated 23 May, 1511).

inadequate, and so presumably he had to pay the thousand 195 Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856), ducats’ fine. 253-54, and new ed., V (1974), 183.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 9] fallen to the Florentines in June, 1509, after fifteen trying to negotiate with the Emperor Maximilian. years of desultory warfare, had much enhanced his Louis was in fact trying to gain time and save reputation.'9%° All his finesse was needed to explain money. He thought the duke of Ferrara could to Louis XII why the Florentines had allowed papal manage by himself, a very doubtful assumption, troops passage through Tuscany to attack French- which could cause further difficulties. Louis hoped held Genoa, and why they were not aiding Duke to come to Italy and settle everything in one Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara to repel the papal as- stroke. He could send two hundred more lancers saults upon his duchy. On 18 July (1510) Louis to Ferrara, which could save the city from the thanked the Florentine Signoria for sending Ma-_ desultory efforts of the papal forces, and there chiavelli to Blois, where the court was residing, would be no further expense. God grant that time

; most ; , might not reveal how great loss Cardinal and we pray affectionately inafollowing OF;d’allies, ;Am;. ; :; ;you : boise’s death had beenthat, to the king and his the ancient amity and alliance which have existed be- for if d’ Ambo} TL liv; F id

tween our predecessors, kings of France, and you, ‘O' ! mboise were stu! living, Ferrara wou . . . you have the goodness to write to us and make ot have suffered so much. The king was not acknown what aid, favor, and assistance you will render customed to giving careful attention to his affairs. and provide for the protection and defense of our states “Those who now looked after them were quite un-

in Italy... 197 equal to the large responsibilities they entailed. If , _ thedecision physician inattentive, in the The Florentine was 1s to have a fatal rethe payorderly nattent rerly in hosC8

. ; pital andand the patient While bearing upon is thealso futurenegligent, of the Republic ; ; . dies. , Machiavelli was talking with even the .French treasurer some influence upon the next election to the pa- ; ,;

; ; ara Florimond Robertet, a insisted painter had pacy. The Gonfalonier Piero Soderini aorappeared ; j ; Ro.; _ ; . bringing with him a portrait of d’ Amboise. upon; -adhering to the traditional Florentine alliCo er my as : : . _ bertet looked at it with a sigh, and said, “Oh,

ance with if France. Machiavelli thought it 4 . lord, you Niccolo were still alive, we should might be well to play by ear—yjust then the papal with our armv!?!28

be at Rome

cannon were a loud noise, and clergy, who could my: to : 5 making Assemblies of the French obedient tell; ayo what. ;the would eventually do?inLouis ; ; . Spanish the infected crown, gathered at Tours September, XII’s vacillation his advisors. Machiavelli ; ; 199 .1510, ; and at Lyon in April, 1511.°°" Determined upon sent some nineteen dispatches to his government a council. allecedly for the reform of the Church

(from 7 July to 10 September, 1510). One of these, » allegedly Mm Orme ure

dated at Blois on 2 September, is especially interesting. The Committee of Ten wanted to know Louis '°8 Niccolo Machiavelli, Legaziont e commissare, ed. Sergio XII’s intentions, which Machiavelli says his earlier _ Bertelli, 3 vols., Milan, 1964, II, 1333-34; this letter may be dispatches had made quite clear. His Majesty was found in the Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Carte del Mawaiting for the sprin and in the meantime was chiavelli, Cassetta 1, no. 47, cited by Desjardins and Canestrini,

8 P 8 II, 520, and Augustin Renaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-

Milan, Paris, 1922, p. 6, note 12. On Louis XII’s reliance on d’ Amboise (i/ Cardinale di Roano), cf. Guicciardini, Storia

TTT d’ Italia, 1X, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, Il, 319-20. Robertet '°° On the significance of the Pisan war in the rivalries of — played an important part in affairs of state, partly owing to his the great powers, see E. Dupre-Theseider, ““L’ Intervento di knowledge of Italian, Spanish, German, and English (cf. ReFerdinando 1] Cattolico nella guerra di Pisa,” in Fernando el naudet, op. cit., p. 7, note 14, and Préréforme et humanisme a Catolico e Italia, Saragossa, 1954, pp. 21-41 (V Congreso de Paris [1916], repr. Paris, 1953, pp. 524 ff.). On Robertet’s Historia de la Corona de Aragon, Saragossa, October, 1952, command of Italian, cf Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 192.

Estudios, ITI). The Renaissance statesman’s knowledge of foreign languages, '” Desjardins and Canestrini, Négociations diplomatiques, 11, in an era in which Latin was still much employed in international 519. Nasi was replaced as Florentine ambassador to France by discourse, is an interesting subject. Andrea Badoer, the Venetian

Roberto Acciajuoli (:bid., Il, 522-25). Cf A. J. G. Le Glay, | ambassador to England, wrote his brother Luca from London Neégoaiations diplomatiques, | (Paris, 1845), 358. On 19 August, on 24 July, 1512, “. . . aside from the aforesaid dangers [of 1510, the Venetian Senate informed the Republic’s ambassador contemporary travel], it was easy for me to come safely by any to Hungary, “De le cose de Ferrara sua Sanctita ha publicataroad,. . . since I know well the French and German languages, la excommunica contra il duca et tuti quelli li dara favor et and this language [English] as well, which is as much known adiuto, etram sv regia dignitate fulgerent [directed against Louis | among us as Slavonic or Greek here [in London], . . . and for XII], et fa stampar la bolla, la quale se mandera per tuto, et such a great gift I thank Almighty God”’ (Sanudo, XIV, 644): per il primo ve ne mandaremo una copia”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. “‘. . . sapendo ben la lengua franzexa e todesca, poi questa

43, fol. 101” [111”]). On the twenty-second the Senate wrote lengua, per quanto se nativa fuse qui la lengua sciava e la Girolamo Donato in Rome, ‘‘Certa cosa € che] duca et Ferraresi greca.. . .”’ sono in timor grandissimo: Francesi se ne sono andati ale fron- '°9 A. Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a Pans (repr. 1953),

tiere de Suizeri . . .”’ (thd., fol. 103", and cf fols. 104'-105", — pp. 527-33, and cf. C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. Le-

106”, 107°, 108%, et alibi [113', etc.]). clercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), 276 ff.

92 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tant en chef que es membres, Louis XII addressed a__ matic procedures on the grounds that Julius II had request to the Florentine government on 27 Jan- violated the electoral capitulation of 1503. But more uary, 1511, “‘to grant and deliver into the hands than once during the preceding two centuries or of those who will have charge of the said council more popes had felt obliged to remind the Sacred your. . .city of Pisa. . . ,”» which was mostem- College that the major function of the cardinals in barrassing to the Signoria. The Florentines had conclave was to elect a pope, not to try to legislate

been trying to forestall such a request for weeks, for the Church in such a manner as to bind the lest they incur the furious reprisals of Julius II. hands of the one whom they were about to raise Nevertheless, at Milan on 16 May (1511), the anti- to S. Peter’s throne. In 1352 Pope Innocent VI

Julian cardinals Bernardino Carvajal, Guillaume _ had recalled the warnings of Gregory X and ClemBriconnet, and Francesco Borgia convoked the — ent V, to which he added his own, that the cardinals’ council on behalf of the emperor and the king of attempts by such electoral capitulations constituted France, asking the Florentine Signoria to prepare an unwarranted and wholly uncanonical abridgment to receive this congregation of the universal of the papal authority, which was derived from God

Church in Pisa.?°° alone and not from the College. Although as a car-

Claiming a “‘sufficient mandate” from six other dinal Innocent VI had signed a capitulation, like cardinals, Carvajal, Briconnet, and Borgia de- Julius II, subjecting the exercise of papal authority clared the necessity and purpose of the council to in many particulars to the will of a two-thirds mabe the establishment of a true peace in Europe, jority of the College, as pope he rejected the docthe reform of the Church, and the promotion of — umentasan intolerable intrusion upon his rights.?°? the war against the infidels. They dwelt upon the Obviously Julius I] had ample precedent for the corruption and deformity of the Church, for — stand he took. He wished it to be clearly understood which one salutary medicine was well known, the when in July, 1511, as we shall see, he summoned congregation of a universal council. The decree the Lateran Council, that he was doing so because of Constance had provided for a council every ten _ he believed it to be necessary for the good of the years; Julius II had promised to observe the decree Church: His convocation of the Council did not at the time of his election. Not only had he failed mean that he was yielding to the pressure of the to keep his pledged word, but it was clear he never — schismatic cardinals and their wholly unjustified atwould convoke a council by his own wish and au- tack upon him.

thority. The cardinals and their adherents, there- In the meantime the Venetians were doggedly fore, together with the councilors and procura- carrying on their struggle against the French and tors of the Emperor Maximilian and King Louis _ the imperialists. Sanudo scrupulously recorded evof France, herewith summoned a general council — erything in his vast diary of politics and warfare, of the universal Church to assemble at Pisa onthe shipping and banking, religious celebrations and

coming calends of September.?° important social events, diplomacy and news from The cardinals, then, were justifying their schis- the Levant. On Wednesday, 26 March, 1511, a seearthquake struck Venice, apparently the worst ee since 25 January, 1348 vere (Ven. style 1347), and a 200 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Instrumenta Miscellanea, no. 5284, | Stunned Sanudo described the damage it did in “‘this and cf. in general A. Renaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-Milan: most excellent city, built by God and preserved to

Documents florentins ( 1510-1512), Paris, 1922, nos. 8-10, 21, the present day, for the increase of the Christian 37-42, pp. de 5-7,Florence, 18, 26-30 (in Bibliotheque de I’ Institut The top of the: campanile was so twisted that francais Isttheser., vol. VII), the one ith» indispensable work on this subject. The Council of Pisa was scheduled to the next day the canonical hours could not be struck, meet on 1 September, 1511 (ibid., nos. 45 ff., pp. 32 ff). The | which had never happened before. Stones falling question of whether the Florentines should concede their re- from the highest level of the campanile crashed cently won city of Pisa to the Council was hotly debated in the through the roof of the loggetta, where the patri35-36, note 22). Cf. Desjardins and Canestrini, 11, 526-27; Clans used to gather. The bell-towers suffered, owing Sanudo, Diarii, XII, 203, 218-19; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad _ to their height. Although S. Marco fortunately susann. 1511, nos. 3 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 537 ff. Bernardino tained little damage, some mosaics fell from high

Consiglio degli Ottanta, which was a sort of Senate (ibid., pp. . .

Carvajal, called the cardinal of Santa Croce, was known for his learning, and although a Spaniard, he was a staunch partisan =§=——————— of the Emperor Maximilian (Sanudo, X, 74, 81). Cf Renaudet, 20? Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 210, fols. 2"-3", in Pierre Préréforme et humanisme, pp. 533 ff., also an excellent work. Gasnault and M. H. Laurent, eds., Innocent VI: Lettres secretes et 201 Sanudo, Diarii, XII, 250-54, and cf. Guicciardini, Storia —_curiales, I, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1960), no. 435, pp. 137-38. Cf. C. J.

d’ Italia, X, 2, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 416-18, and _ Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles,

Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1 (1712), 235-41. VIL, pt. 1 (1917), 282.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 93 up in the church. Other churches, palaces, and and Asti, and were the protectors of Florence, Ferhouses were damaged in various ways, including (to rara, and Modena. Nevertheless, Julius II’s military

name but a few) the convent of the Servites, the moves and diplomatic machinations were most unchurch of the Madonna dell’ Orto, the Ca d’ Oro, _ settling. He began a determined campaign against the Ca Morosini, and the Scuola della Carita at S. Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara. Modena surrendered Vio. Chimneys came down; so did lead gutters. The without fighting to the papal forces, which occupied people were terrified and, like Sanudo himself, ran Concordia in December, 1510, and Mirandola in

from their houses into the streets. That evening January, 1511.?°* The French commander-in-chief the parish priests organized a procession. Carrying Charles II d’ Amboise, lord of Chaumont and torches and candles, they sang litanies to appease nephew of Cardinal Georges, died at Correggio

the heaven that had rumpled the earth. early in the year 1511, but his successor Gian GiaThe earthquake of January, 1348, had been fol- como Trivulzio promptly recovered Concordia and lowed by the “great mortality” in which (says Sa- marched upon Bologna, which he helped regain on nudo) two thirds of Venice died of the plague, but 22-23 May (1511) for the dispossessed family of

happier omens were found in the catastrophe of the Bentivoglio, bitter enemies of the pope. A 1511. Marble stonework cut with the fleur-de-lis bronze statue of Julius II by Michelangelo, placed

fell from the inner height of the courtyard of the over the portal of the basilica of S. Petronio in doge’s palace, landing at the foot of the great stair- February, 1508, was soon destroyed.*°” The reposway with the top of the lily downwards, ‘‘and many _ session of Bologna by the Bentivoglio with French took this for a good augury—that the lily, which _ help was a severe blow to the pope’s prestige and is the arms of France, will fall and suffer ruin, and — security. Everything seemed to be turning out badly may God grant it for the good of Italy scourged by _ for Julius. His Venetian allies failed to take Verona, these barbarians.’’ At the Rialto an iron cross with and lost Vicenza, Legnago, and Bassano. An attempt a stone base fell from above S. Giacomo and landed to stir up a revolt in Genoa failed.

upright on the roof of the portico, another good After a ten months’ circuit of the papal states augury, for this was the oldest church in the city, from Rome to Bologna and Ravenna, during and its building (Sanudo says, on 25 March, 421) which he took the field himself clad in armor, Jumarked the very beginning of Venice, and so “this _ lius returned to Rome on 26 June (1511). The city will be the preserver of Italy and of the faith ceremoniere Paride Grassi has left an account of the of Christ, driving the barbarians from Italy... .”’ whole futile expedition in his diary of the Curia Although the four little porphyry kings, the ‘‘te- Romana.*°° The pope’s confident expectations of trarchs,”’ part of the spoils of the Fourth Crusade,

fell from the facade; .of as43, well as some ~ 4,ff.,; and Cf. S. Sen.Marco, Secreta, Reg. esp. fols. 138 ff., 168”

columns, the marble statue of the patron saint stood 74 ¢ [148 ff, etc.].

fast in its place on the doge’s palace. The significance 25 On the history of this famous statue, three times life-size of the fall of the four kings, while S. Mark stood = and weighing 14,000 pounds, which was destroyed on 30 Dein his place, was only too clear to Sanudo and the cember, 1511, note Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 509-13, and Gesch.

poets of the day: the the League of Cambrai IIJ-2of (repr. 959-62. As for the reoccupation . . kings _ of ofBologna, note theObst letter the1956), Venetian Senate dated 23 would 80 down in defeat while the undaunted citi- May, 1511, to Andrea Gritti, the provveditore generale (Sen. zens of the Republic were still flying the lion banner _ Secreta, Reg. 44, fol. 23° [34"]): “In questa hora havemo avuto

of the Evangelist.*”” lettere dal orator nostro in Corte [the Curia Romana] date heri The position of the French seemed secure enough a Ravenna [where Julius was at the time] ad hore 23 [about ,m ,Italy. . 8:00 P.M.] che ne significano D. Annibal Bentivoglio la preThey held Genoa and Liguria, Lombardy cedente nocte ad hore tre [about midnight] esser intrato in Bologna senza Francesi et che quella terra era in divisione et

—_——- in arme et che li exerciti pontificio et nostro se era retirato ad

203 Sanudo, Diarit, XII, 79-84, 85 ff., and cf col. 507. Re- Castel S. Piero tuti salvi et heri sera doveva esser ad Imola. construction of the upper portion of the campanile was ap-_. . .’’ Gritti was therefore to suspend his own military operations parently not begun until a year later, in March, 1512 (ibid., | and await further developments. Actually the recovery of BoXIV, 20). On the damage done by the earthquake of 26 March, __logna was achieved by partisans of the Bentivoglio within the 1511, in the area of Udine, see the document published by D. city, as the Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador to Hungary Tassini, ‘‘La Rivolta del Friuli nel 1511,’’ Nuovo Archivio veneto, on 3 June (ihd., fol. 27° [38"]), but of course it was the French

1920, p. 154. Cf also Pietro Bembo, Rerum venetarum historiae, troops approaching the city which made possible the success XI, in the Opera omnia, I (Venice, 1729), 295. Friuli was to be — of the Bentivoglio.

struck again by a terrible earthquake on the evening of 6 May, 2°° The pope’s second military expedition in 1510-1511 for 1976, when about a thousand persons are said to have been _ the conquest of Ferrara (the first was in 1506-1507 to expel killed, and widespread damage done in some fifty to sixty small | Giovanni II Bentivoglio from Bologna) is recounted in detail

towns and villages. in Paride Grassi’s Diarrum Curiae Romanae, ed. Luigi Frati, Le

94 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT overrunning Ferrara and driving the French out _ others received the red hat after the necessary for-

of northern Italy had been entirely frustrated, malities. Maximilian’s hope of reconciling the while the fall of Bologna had opened up Trivul- pope with Louis XII was chimerical. The League zio’s way into papal territory.?°’ In the meantime, of Cambrai was dead. Julius was rabidly antialthough encouraged by the sultan and the pashas_ French. Lang’s mission was doomed to failure, and to expect Turkish assistance—especially cavalry he was naturally not open to the suggestion that for service in Friuli, as Alvise Arimondo had re- _ his imperial master should join the Curia Romana quested—the Venetians were also encountering and Venice in an attack upon France. He lent his failure. It slowly dawned on the Senate that, for support to the projected Council of Pisa, and Julius all their fine words, the Turks were not going to withheld publication of his elevation to the carpull any chestnuts out of the fire for Venice.*°* dinalate.2!° The sultan and the pashas could only enjoy the Maximilian, thwarted in his anti-Venetian polprospect of continued warfare in Italy. The sus- icy, supported Louis XII’s proposal for a general picions and hostilities which the Christian powers council, but eventually lost interest in the idea as entertained for one another made a crusade im- he considered the persistent disparities between possible, however easily the expression of stock anti- Turkish sentiments might come to the lips §=——W— and pens of laymen as well as of ecclesiastics. Maximilian from his connection with Louis XII, vainly relying Appreciating the Emperor Maximilian’s frus- upon Henry VIII of England to help them (Calendar of State tration in Italy, Louis XII had sought his support Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II [London, 1867], inst th Maximili: t . nos. 28-29, 31-38, 44-50, 52, 54-59, 64, 66-68, 80, 106, against the pope. axiInt jan was Cager lO Tevive 117, 125, et alin, dispatches largely drawn from the diaries of the League of Cambrai to win back from the Vene- Sanudo). On Lang’s nomination to the cardinalate being held tians the imperial lands they had occupied. To _ in petto, see, ibid., 11, no. 98, also from Sanudo. Lang was an achieve this rather difficult objective he had sent Impressive figure, commanding in personality and handsome the arrogant Matthias Lang, bishop of Gurk, to in appearance (bello e biondo), still young (meno di anni 40), and ) . . quite aware of his assets (Sanudo, XV, 327, and cf. col. 451). confer with the pope at Bologna in April, 1511. — Maximitian’s difficulties in his war with Venice are sketched in Before Lang S arrival Julius II had made him a - some detail in Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des. cardinal in the creation of 10 March in Ravenna, = oneies, VIII-1, 290 ff. but his nomination was reserved in betto.299 Eight Andrea da Borgo, we may note, represented both Margaret

p 8 of Austria-Savoy, regent of the Netherlands, and her father Maximilian. Like many ambassadors of the time he complained

OO bitterly of his principals’ failure to pay him (Lettres du roy Louis

Due Spediziont militant di Giulio I, Bologna, 1886, pp. 189-293, XI, I1 [1712], 14-18, and cf. Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie esp. pp. 225 ff. (Documenti e Studi pubblicati per cura della = au temps de Machiavel, 3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 19-22).

R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le province di Romagna, 719 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fols. 7°, 10’-11", 12%, 14” [18”,

vol. I). 21°—22', etc.], and cf. Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, no. 44, pp.

°°” Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 332-62, and Gesch. d. Papste, 31-32, letter from Francesco Pandolfini, Florentine envoy to III-2 (repr. 1956), 780-810; also C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, Louis XII’s lieutenant-general in northern Italy, sent to the and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII, pt. 1 (Paris, 1917), | Dieci di Balia on 17 May, 1511. All Julius I thought about, 269 ff., 290, 297. The reports in Sanudo, Dart, vols. XI and night and day, was expelling the French barbarians from Italy XII, give many details with which we need not be concerned (Sanudo, Diarn, X1, 745, 843). Cf in general Guicciardini, Stora here, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1511, nos. 44 ff., d’ Itaha, IX, 16, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 391 ff., and

65 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 558 ff., 566 ff., and Lettres du roy esp. Paride Grassi, Diarwum, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spediziona militari Louis XH, VW (1712), 233-34, 243-47, 249. Guicciardimi devotes — di Giulio I, pp. 262-73. After presenting his credentials, Lang much of bk. IX of his Storia d’ Italia to these events: his account — exhorted the pope to work for peace in Christendom and turn is consistently hostile to Julius II, of whom he says ina famous _ the arms of Europe against the infidels (Frati, op. cit., p. 266). passage ‘‘non riteneva di pontefice altro che I’ abito e il nome” —_Grassi’s characterization of Lang (barbarus est, barbarice egit, in

(ihid., 1X, 13, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 367-68). See also Frati, p. 271) is well known. in general Pietro Bembo’s Rerum venetarum historiae, X1, in the In August, 1510, Lang had been promised the first available

Opera omnia, I, Venice, 1729. red hat if he would bring the emperor around to an anti-French

708 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 44, fols. 13-14 [24-25], docs. dated accord with the pope (Sanudo, Diarn, XI, 189), an offer which

2-5 May, 1511. was repeated in March, 1512 (Renaudet, op. cit., no. 577, p.

209 Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1 (1845), 388, letter 637). The pope was always dangling the red hat before Lang’s of the Austrian envoy Andrea da Borgo to Margaret of Austria- — eyes (Sanudo, XII, 15, 56-57, 148). His visit to the pope had Savoy, dated at Bourges, 23 March, 1511, misdated in Le Glay; been expected for some time (Sanudo, XI, 713, 765, 810, 818,

Sanudo, Diari, XII, 56-57. Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, 845, 846, and XII, 112, 117, 123-24, 126, 131, 139, 140, Le Due Spediziont milittari di Giulio I, pp. 242-44, 249-51, does 147-48, 158, 160, etc.; Lettres du roy Louas XII, 11 [1712], 136-

not mention Matthias Lang in his account of the creation of 54, 160-64, 168, 170 ff., 202-6; and Le Glay, Neégociations 10 March, 1511, but does later on refer to him as nuper. . . —diplomatiques, 1 [1845], 375, 387-88, 390-92, 396). On the secrete cardinalis creatus (op. cit., p. 260, and cf. p. 265). The — significance of Lang’s mission, note F. Seneca, Venezia e Papa

Venetians had been trying for more than a year to detach = Giulvo IT (1962), pp. 155-56, 158.

CAMBRAI, THE TURKS, AND THE GALLICANS 95 imperial and French interests as well as the ex- began to harass Italy under our predecessor AlItreme unlikelihood of the council’s achieving any- exander and still does not cease to harass us, has thing. Although a number of the cardinals, most caused this delay—and the insistent necessity of renotably Carvajal, Briconnet, Borgia, Rene de Prie, covering the lands and rights of the Roman and Federigo di Sanseverino, seemed to be risking Church!”’ A council should be held in a convenient their ecclesiastical careers by supporting the coun- and safe place. Who did not know that Pisa had

cil, even the French entertained little confidence suffered so grievously in a full fourteen years of in the results of their conciliar propaganda. The siege and desolation that there were hardly any cardinals associated with the movement were well houses still left with their walls intact? The Pisan known as opportunists. Indeed, on 1 June, 1511, site was as unsuitable for a council as the Gallican the Florentine ambassador to France, Roberto convocation was illegal, heretical, and schismatical. Acciajuoli, informed his government that Louis The bull was reviewed by Sigismondo de’ Conti, XII’s adviser Robertet had acknowledged that and subscribed by twenty-one cardinals. At the ‘these cardinals think more of getting bishoprics _pope’s command it was printed in Rome by Jacopo than of the reform of the Church, so that Ido not Mazocchi on 31 July.*'* Despite the legal formulae,

put overmuch trust in them!’’*!! it is an eloquent document.

In response to the Franco-German threat of

schism Pope Julius II promulgated the bull Sacro- Throughout the late spring and early summer sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae on 18 July, 1511, convok- Of 1511 Julius H worked strenuously on the affairs ing an oecumenical, universal, and general council of the projected Fifth Lateran Council as well as

to meet on 19 April, 1512, in the Lateran “where ©" Negotiations with Ferdinand of Aragon and many councils were held by our fathers of old.”’ At Henry VIII of England, upon whom he had to the same time he indignantly rejected the charges rely in his hostility to the French. He informed of the Gallican party that he had been trying to Louis XI of his intention to summon a general avoid summoning the council he had promised at COUNCI! to Rome, of which he intended to be the the time of his election. For the last eleven years head. He also stated that he “wanted to be the of his cardinalate he had had no greater desire, he first to be reformed. In France and Milan the said, than to see a general council summoned and rebellious cardinals continued to press for the

he Church reformed, causin r he gr 91:

t © CI q. on The con- made to Louis XII: “If the king desires peace, we

also desire it!’ Julius II said that he would leave

—_______ the cases of the deprived cardinals to the Sacred government still liked to think ‘‘che francesi € roti’ (doc. cit.), College for settlement. A number of cardinals had and the Senate praised the pope’s constancy (Sen. Secreta, Reg. already discussed the question of the cardinals’ 44, fol. 122 [133], letter of 4 May to the Venetian ambassador restoration with Strozzi, who wrote the Signoria

to the Curia Romana). Prospero Colonna came to Rome, but h h | f “rath was unwilling to serve under either Francesco Maria della Ro- that the Bcnera pre erence was ral er to create

vere, the pope’s nephew, or Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of _ them anew,”’ so that their deprivation in the first Mantua, as gonfalonier of the church (Sanudo, XIV, 185, 190). place would seem justified. The council of Pisa-

On the cardinals desire i peace, of. eenauee Le Conae Milan must be entirely quashed. Bologna must be

Seen eee eee ana tt cig. returned to the Holyff.See Storia ee d’ Italia, X, eae, 14, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 514 . : . although the Bentivoglio

8 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 181, 183, 185, and ¢f, cols. 194,210- might retain their property. The duke of Ferrara 11. On 6 May (1512) Henry VIII expected his troops to sail would have to pay the old census of 4,000 ducats

for Guienne within fifteen days (col. 269). and forfeit certain papal fiefs in the Romagna. He

87 Sanudo, Diari, 185,also and cf.tocol. 263. Bernardo Dovizi ; sanudo, » ADV, 109, XIV, an “1 must cease work the salt pans at Comacchio,

da Bibbiena wrote his brother Pietro from Rome on 28 April, d either h his brother I lito d’ E h 1512: “In Spagna se stima sara facto gran conto di questa rotta an eit er he or his brother Ippouto ste, the

[the battle of Ravenna], et che il Re fara per Italia grande Cardinal of Ferrara, must come to Rome to ask provision di piu gente et de uno capitanio” (bid., XIV, 190). pardon and receive the reinvestiture of his duchy. But the captain would not be Gonsalvo of Cordova, whom (Certain cardinals were consoling the duke of FerFerdinand disliked, and of whose great reputation he was jealous . . (cf. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, rara, however, with the thought that he might get 1963, II, 523). Ferdinand wrote the pope, after learning of the defeat at Ravenna, that he would soon attack the French —=———————in conjunction with the English, and that he would send Gonsalvo then procurator of the sénéchaussée of Poitiers, still urged Louis

of Cordova to Italy on 11 May. Gonsalvo did not, however, XII to find a way to join with the pope and the Christian princes return to Italy. Cardona suited Ferdinand’s purposes: he was _ in holding a proper council, reforming the Church, and joining

successful, but not too successful. forces against the Turks (bid., p. 549), a laudable but now 88 Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, pp. 663-64, note 139, citing rather impracticable suggestion.

the conciliar Acta, ed. of 1612, I, 183-206, and Bibl. Apost. 89 Renaudet, Le Concile gallican, no. 608, pp. 665-67, and Vaticana, Cod. lat. 3914, fols. 5Y-7". On the suspension of Julius cf’ no. 611. On Thursday evening, 6 May, 1512, the Consiglio

II by the Milanese conciliarists, cf Renaudet, op. cit., no. 617, degli Ottanta decided to renew the Florentine alliance with p. 678, and Préréforme et humanisme a Paris, p. 543, and for France after some discussion of the terms and the duration of conditions in Milan, zbid., p. 548. The rhetorician Jean Bouchet, _ the alliance (ibid., no. 612, pp. 668~72).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 121 back the enfeoffed towns in the Romagna by ac-_ vation that men must mend their ways in accord tion of the Sacred College after the pope’s death.”” with the tenets of the faith, which could not be altered to suit men’s fancy, quod homines per sacra The Fifth Lateran Council opened on Monday, immutari fas est, non sacra per homines. He made clear 3 May (1512), in an atmosphere of gloom and ap- with much classical eloquence, biblical allusion, and

prehension. The French were still in control of the historical reflection that if the Church and the whole Romagna, and rumor had it that they were Christian commonwealth had been suffering temsending 1,200 lancers toward Rome. There was still poral defeat (as at Brescia and on the battlefield of no word of the Swiss advance upon Milan. The Ravenna), they could achieve renewal and a great Venetian ambassador, Francesco Foscari, reported spiritual victory in the present council: “‘Dost thou

that the pope had deprived Louis XII of the title hear, Peter? Dost thou hear, Paul? . . . august “Christianissimo,” which he proposed to give Henry _ princes, guardians, defenders of the city of Rome! VIII if he would attack France.?! The antics of the Do ye hear to what a full measure of evils the Church ecclesiastics at Pisa and Milan had certainly moved founded by your blood has been drawn’. . . Take Julius II to convoke the Lateran Council, which was care that the Christian princes now be brought to supposed to put an end to the Gallican schism, pro- peace and the arms of our kings be turned upon tect the papal states against French aggression, effect Mohammed, the common enemy of Christ! Lo.

the reform of the Church, and organize a crusade The relics of S. Peter and S. Paul were displayed. against the Turks. It was an important assembly, Litanies were sung with the accustomed genuflecalthough surely Pastor was guilty of some exag- tions. The basilica had been fitted out with seats geration in stating that ‘‘the Lateran Council forms for the attending fathers, prelates, ambassadors, and

a landmark in the history of the world.’’?? other dignitaries. According to the usual practice, Elaborate processions had been held in Rome for _ the central portion of the church had been boarded three days, and when on Sunday afternoon, 2 May, off (murato) to a height of eight or ten feet, with a the pope was conducted to the basilica of S. John single door to the enclosure, where twenty-seven

Lateran, four hundred well-armed halberdiers Knights of S. John of Jerusalem stood guard, mag-

marched before him. The Roman barons with more _ nificently arrayed in gold and red silk with white than two hundred horse surrounded the pope, after crosses on their breasts. Upon entering S. John’s, whom followed sixteen cardinals, about seventy the pope first received the obedience of all the cararchbishops and bishops, and prelates without num-_dinals and prelates, to whom he spoke and then ber. It was a spectaculo molto bello. On Monday morn-__ had a bull read. The first formal session was to be ing, the third, Raffaele Riario, the cardinal of S. held one week later, on Monday, 10 May. It was a

Giorgio, sang the mass of the Holy Spirit, after brave beginning, but if the French were marching which Egidio da Viterbo, prior general of the Au- on Rome, the Curia might soon be in flight. Prosgustinians, created some sensation with an oratione pero Colonna had not yet reached any agreement luculentissima. Egidio made a strong plea for the with the pope for his services. His price was too reform of the Church, beginning with the obser- high; he demanded, as the saying went, maria et montes. There were others in the basilica besides Foscari who hoped that even if God had not pro%° Ibid., no. 613, pp. 673-74. The Florentine Signoria quite vided the most aUSPICIOUS beginning for the council, rightly believed that, in trying to arrange peace between France He might bring ittoa happier conclusion.? Actually and the papacy, Bologna would be the hardest nut to crack (ibid., no. 615, p. 676). The duke of Ferrara claimed to hold =————— Comacchio, just north of Ravenna, as an imperial and not as °3 Sanudo, Drarii, X1V, 203-5, letters of Foscari and others, a papal fief; the working of his salt pans in the marshes of | dated at Rome on 3 May, 1512. Egidio da Viterbo’s opening Comacchio was destructive of the papal salt monopoly at Cervia, | sermon was published, with a prefatory letter by Sadoleto to to the south of Ravenna (Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, I1I-2 [repr. _ Pietro Bembo, Oratio prima Synodi Lateranensis habita per Egidium 1956], 780-81; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, 1X, 1, 2, ed. Flor- — Viterbiensem Augustinian: ordinis Generalem: ‘‘Habita fuit Oratio

ence: Salani, 1963, II, 298-99, 301-2; Lettres du roy Lous XII, in aede Lateranensi Quinto Nonas Maias MDXIII” [sic/]. The I (1712], 259-60, and cf. vol. II, p. 220, and vol. III, p. 43). _ printer’s name is not given. The sermon may also be found in Alexander VI had reduced the Ferrarese censo of 4,000 ducats J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, to one hundred when Alfonso d’ Este married Lucrezia Borgia) XXXII (repr. Paris, 1902), cols. 669~76. On the opening of

(Guicciardini, IX, 5, ed. cit., I, 322). the Fifth Lateran Council, cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

91 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 202. 1512, nos. 35 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 583 ff.; C. J. Hefele,

°2 Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 406, but in the last edition of his J. Hergenrother, and H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 work he merely says, ‘“‘Es war ein wichtiger Moment” (Gesch. (1917), 343 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 406-9, and Gesch. d.

d. Pdpste, WWI-2 [repr. 1956], 847). Papste, II-2 (repr. 1956), 847-49. Note also N. H. Minnich,

122 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT this was the low point in Julius I]’s fortunes. Hence- _ rara and sent two envoys instead.®’ He was taking forth, until he died, as Guicciardini says, his hopes no further chances. There was no doubt now that rose continually, and now without any restraint the the Swiss were descending upon Milan.?° Conflictwheel of chance began to spin toward his increasing ing reports reached Rome, where the pope maingreatness.”* It was Julius himself, of course, who _ tained his stubborn opposition to French preten-

gave the wheel an occasional push. sions, and the Spanish ambassador assured him

The Venetian government learned from a let- that Ferdinand of Aragon would take the field ter dated at Urbino on 8 May (1512) that “the against Louis XII on 20 May (in an invasion of French have all withdrawn from the Romagna, Navarre).?” and these lands have come back under the sway News was coming thick and fast, and on 6 May of the Church and Pope Julius... .”"’? A few days a letter reached Pietro Foscolo in Venice from his later the Venetians were informed that Henry brother Andrea, the bailie in Istanbul. It was dated VIII’s attacks upon the French coasts—and his 28 March (1512). At first glance there seemed to preparations for large-scale landings in Guienne, _ be little in this letter to differentiate it from others Gascony, and Brittany—had caused Louis XII to that Venetian patricians or the government had recall many men from the Romagna.”° News soon _ been receiving for the past few years. The Turks came also of the departure of French troops from were having their troubles. Everyone knew that. the Polesine, the region between the Po and the According to Andrea Foscolo, the report that SulAdige, along the northern border of the Ferrarese tan Bayazid had granted his youngest son Selim duchy, because they had not received their pay. two military districts (zanzachadi) in Greece, which

Letters from Mantua stated that two hundred had never hitherto been placed under a sultan’s French lancers had returned to their homeland, son, had caused the watchful Ahmed to revolt in among them being ‘‘some gentlemen of the king, Anatolia, which he wished to seize as a counterwho left cursing Italy, the pope, and all, saying the weight to his younger brother’s possession of king had been mistaken to give up the friendship much of Greece. Both sons aspired to the imperial of the Venetians, because now the French found | succession. The Ottoman state was in a turmoil, themselves in flight.’”’ Alfonso d’ Este could see Andrea wrote: “Questo Signor é€ vechio e mal the writing on the wall. When Gian Giacomo Tri- sano, non si pol exercitar la persona.’’ Bayazid had

vulzio sent for him to come to Milan “‘that they become an invalid. On the morning of 28 March might consult together,’ Alfonso remained in Fer- a large number of janissaries had demanded to see Bayazid, and had requested that Selim be autho-

a . . rized to lead them against Ahmed, whom they had “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran Council,”’ their own reasons for opposing. Bayazid yielded Archivum historiae pontificiae, VII (1969), esp. pp. 165-73 and, ae

in general, Olivier de la Brosse, Joseph Lecler, Henri Holstein, to their INSISLENCe, and Foscolo offered the shrewd and Chas. Lefebvre, Latran V et Trente, Paris, 1975, pp. 40- Observation that this development would probably 114 (Histoire des conciles oecumeniques, 10). On Egidio, see assure Selim the succession.

John W. O'Malley, “Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought The Knights of Rhodes had captured about on Renaissance Rome,” Renaissance Quarterly, XX (1967), 1- . 11, and the works cited by O’Malley; and see the detailed eighteen Turkish transports loaded with wheat, SO exposition of Egidio’s thought in Eugenio Massa, ‘‘Egidio da that the price of wheat had jumped from nine asViterbo e la metodologia del sapere nel Cinquecento,”’ in Pensee pers a measure (el chylo) to fourteen, and was conhumaniste et tradition chrétienne aux XV° et XVI‘ siecles, Paris, tinuing to rise: ‘“The said Rhodians are inflicting

Recherche Scientifique). .

1950, pp. 185-239 (published by the Centre National de la the greatest losses on the sultan’s subjects. They 94 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X, 14, ed. Florence: Salani, make themselves feared. They are profiting greatly

1963, II, 519. 95 Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 212.

°° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 214, from a letter dated at Vicenza as on 12 May, 1512. Louis XII was said to be assembling an army °” Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 216, 217, and cf. col. 227 for another of 50,000 men against the English and another army against — report of the French ‘‘cursing Italy’? and lamenting the abanthe Spanish (ibid., XIV, 234). On the English preparations, see, | donment of the Franco-Venetian alliance. The French with-

ibid., cols. 249, 290. On 6 May Henry VIII wrote Cardinal drawals continued in considerable numbers (ibid., XIV, 264, Bainbridge in Rome, ““We understand. . . thatthe king ofthe 276). Returning soldiers even cursed the king (col. 276). French has recalled his army from the Romagna. . .”’ (ahd., %8 Ibid., XIV, 215, 218, 220-21, 224, 295, 239 935 ff, col. 268). He also said that the English army would sail for 277 fff. Guienne (and Gascony) ‘‘within fifteen days if the wind is good”’ %° Ibid., XIV, 214-15, 284. Jean d’ Albret, the king of Na(col. 269). Cf J. J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIH, Berkeley and Los _ varre, was depending on Louis XII for assistance (ibid., XIV,

Angeles, 1970, pp. 28 ff. 284).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 123 and acting aggressively.”’'°° For almost a decade coming. It would shake all the non-Christian powwestern Christians had had little to fear from the ers in the East and bring fear to the heart of every Turks, but it was becoming evident that the tide thoughtful statesman in Christendom.

was turning. At this time, however, most people (but not all)

A letter now arrived in Venice from the rector regarded events in Istanbul as remote from their and council of Ragusa containing news of devel- major concerns in Rome, where Julius II and the opments that were soon to set the Turks again Curia were caught up in the affairs of the Lateran upon the high seas of conquest. The letter was Council. The first formal session was held on Mondated 10 May (1512), and contained information day, 10 May.'°* Cardinal Domenico Grimani sang which the Ragusei had just received from their the mass. Bernardino Zane, the Venetian archenvoys in Istanbul. On Friday, 23 April, Selim bishop of Spalato (Split), preached the sermon. Sultan had entered the Turkish capital, and on ‘He praised the Catholic king [Ferdinand of Arthe twenty-fourth his father, now weary and ill, agon],” says Sanudo, ‘“‘and our Signoria, which had peacefully if reluctantly surrendered the Ot- already for more than eighty years has fought with toman empire to him, “‘and the Signor [Bayazid] the Turks in defense of the Church and the Chriswants Demotica,’’ writes Sanudo, ‘“‘which is three tian faith.’ Zane declared that the world was hadays’ journey from Constantinople, a pleasant rassed by schismatics, Jews, and Turks. As archplace, where he was born and wishes to end his bishop of Spalato he dwelt on the Turkish peril life... .”’ When the doge, Leonardo Loredan, in Dalmatia and Croatia (Liburnia), to which Carread the momentous letter (the full import of dinal Bakocz of Gran (Strigonia) would bear witwhich no one could yet appreciate), various mem- ness. bers of the Collegio and Senate remained to hear Zane could neither speak nor think of the madthe ‘‘astonishing news”’ (tanta nova). The letter of ness and power of the Turks without grief and the Ragusei to the Signoria, which is in Latin, tears. Ina hundred and eighty years, he said, from states that the praetoriani milites, commonly called _ the first Ottoman prince to Bayazid II, the elevjanissaries, had demanded Selim’s elevation, ‘‘and enth sultan, the Turks had seized most of Asia and on the following day [the twenty-fourth] the son _ no little of Europe ‘“‘cum maxima Christiani cruoris had gone to his father within the Seraglio, from effusione.’’ From Dalmatia they could cross the whom not without tears he received the imperial Adriatic in the space of a single night, and attack

throne and the sword [of Osman].”’ All the court — the papal cities in Ascoli Piceno (ad urbes tuae Sanchad made a prompt obeisance to the Sultan Selim: titatis Picentinas). He damned the Turks in tren‘‘thus so great an empire has changed hands,” says chant terms:

the letter from Ragusa, without any distur- Just think, O fathers, of the anxieties now faced by the bance. The disturbance would not be long in faithful of Christ, against whom the Turks are raging in their cruelest fashion. They snatch children from the '©° Sanudo, Diaru, XIV, 291-93. The letter was received in clasp of their parents and infants from the breasts of Venice on 6 May, 1512, and ¢., ibid., XIV, 50, 162; see in 1 nas and drag virgins off from the embrace of mother

; _ their mothers. They violate wives within sight of hus-

general Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I . a8 VINE < . (Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 352-64. Of Sultan Bayazid’s *© satisfy their hateful lust. They slay aged parents, as numerous sons, only Ahmed, Korkud, and Selim survived into useless creatures, before the very eyes of sons, harness their father’s last years (cf. J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. youths like oxen to the plow, and force them to turn

Reiches in Europa, Wl [Gotha, 1854], 561 ff.). the earth with the ploughshare. What need 1s there to '°! Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 221-23, and ¢f. cols. 245-46, where say more? No respect for a woman is to be found among further information is given in a dispatch from Istanbul, which them, no kindness for youth, no pity for old age. I have describes Selim as thirty-eight years old, small in stature, of a

ruddy complexion, and of a cruel disposition, ‘‘and for this he — ————————

is loved by the janissaries, and he will make war on the Chris- On the day following the dispatch of their letter to Venice, tians.’’ Selim was actually about forty-five years old at the time the Ragusei wrote Julius II of Selim’s accession to the throne of his accession, but looked younger (von Hammer, II, 377, (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIH, 1-1

and notes). Korkud was Selim’s fratello uterin, and the third [1920], no. 1190, pp. 556-57, dated 11 May, 1512), and see brother Ahmed was said to be seeking an alliance with the also, zbid., no. 1224, p. 568, a letter of Julius II to Louis XII, sophi or the shah of Persia in order to attack Selim. The Hun- dated 2 June, 1512. garians were anxious to secure from Selim affirmation of their 102 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII (repr. 1902), cols. 676 ff., and on truce with his father (Sanudo, XIV, 272). Cf von Hammer, II, attendance at the Lateran Council in the sessions to come 364-66; Zinkeisen, II, 564-65; and A. D. Alderson, The Structure (through the years 1512~—1517), see N. H. Minnich, ‘‘The Parof the Ottoman Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, repr. Westport, Conn., ticipants at the Fifth Lateran Council,” Archtvum historiae pon-

1982, pp. 62-63. tificae, XII (1974), 157-206, esp. pp. 175 ff.

124 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not been recalling these things, most sacred pontiff, this tense juncture of affairs, and was celebrated most wise fathers, as matters | have heard or read about. with the usual bonfires and processions in Rome

Thay With oh own ree I pave ara the ies I ae and Venice.'°? It was even proposed at the Curia

ave seen them on the outskirts of my arenerocese anc’ Romana that Henry VIII be recognized as king of that sad city of Spalato, plundering, devastating a tg ; ; France, and (as we have noted) that everythe title ““Most

thing with fire and sword, carrying off into a miserable Christian Kine” be tak f Louis XH and captivity your Holiness’s children and mine, male and ristian King’ be taken away trom Louis an

female alike... .198 accorded to Henry as his reward for the apparently successful prosecution of the war against the French.

On 10 May presumably no one in Rome yet A brief had been prepared on 20 March (1512) knew of Selim s accession to the Ottoman throne. granting Henry both the title and all rights to the After Zane s sermon the pope gave the benedic- kingdom of France. It was a ‘“‘most secret’? docution. An indulgence was granted to all who were ment, to take effect only after Louis’s defeat, and

present. Those who were not members of the was entrusted to two cardinals to keep against the council were then asked to leave the basilica. ‘The day when the text might be released. It was hard membership consisted of the cardinals, patriarchs, to keep a secret in Rome. In early May the Venetian archbishops, bishops, and abbots, the generals of ambassador Francesco Foscari informed his govthe four mendicant orders, and the ambassadors ernment of the brief, about which he knew someof the kings, princes, and republics, who had been thing; he said that the pope had in fact deprived sent to the council with a special mandato by their Louis of the title, and promised it to Henry if the principals. Rome was the center of Christendom, _ |atter would really declare war on France.! It was and the ambassadors played an important part in a chimerical gesture, designed for effect and to enall papal ceremonies. The pope spoke next, ex- courage Henry to attack France. No one in Rome cusing himself for not having ruled the Christian could seriously believe that the French would again flock as he should have done, but he said that his accept an Englishman as king, as they had been intentions were good, and he stood ready to do forced to do a century earlier. everything he could for the faith. Then the litanies A courier arrived in Venice on 20 May (1512), were sung. The pope began to intone the Exaud bringing from Germany a letter of the twelfth to nos Domine. The bull was read convoking the coun-

cil (the bulla intimationis of 18 July, 1511), after which the officials of the council were identified 105 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 225, 226, 230-31, 257, 259. The and sworn in, and the pope made his ceremonious English adherence to the League had already been celebrated

departure to return to the Vatican palace. The in Venice on 20 October, 1511. Henry VIII’s preparations second session of the council was scheduled for against France continued (ibid., XIV, 329, 336-38, 424); Ferthe following Monday, 17 May. 1% It had been a dinand of Aragon was ready to strike at Navarre (cols. 335-

£ hfordthe F 36, finally the news came of joint (cols. ong d Gay aged431); pontlt,and _ 452, 453, 508-9, 569, 580-81, 594,their 595 ff.), onattack which see also

Public announcement of Henry VIII’s active Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II participation in the Holy League was repeated at (London, 1867), esp. nos. 151 ff., 183 ff., 198 ff. On the English preparations for war and the diplomatic preliminaries, cf. also

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIII, 1-1

-_-——— (1920), esp. nos. 1155 ff., 1176 ff., and on the English expe103 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, 700-707, with the quotation in dition and the Spanish seizure of Navarre, cf. Guicciardini, Sto-

col. 705, and cf. the summaries of Zane’s sermon in Sanudo, a a’ Italia, XI, 6, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 44-47.

Diaru, XIV, 224, 229. 106 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 202: ‘“E da saper, il Papa in con104 Sanudo, Diarir, XIV, 224-25, 228-30, letters dated 12 _cistorio a privo il Roy di Franza dil titolo di Christianissimo, e May, 1512. These letters call the first session of the Lateran _promesso darlo al re di Ingaltera, si con effeto el rompera a Council (10 May) the second, counting the opening on the third — Franza; e questo breve |’ a dato in man di do cardinali, et é€ as the first session. The writer of the second letter dated 12 _ secretissimo.’”’ Cf’ Alessandro Ferrajoli, ‘“Breve inedito di Giulio May, 1512 (given as 12 marzo by a slip of the pen), says thata __II per la investitura del regno di Francia ad Enrico VIII d’Incourier had arrived in Rome that morning from Venice ‘‘con — ghilterra,’’ Archivio della R. Societa romana di storia patria, XIX

nova de’ sguizari et dil Turco” (ibid., X1V, 230), but the latter (1896), 425-27 and ff. Cardinal Bainbridge was pushing the news could hardly have been that of Selim’s replacement of — proposal (D. S. Chambers, Cardinal Bainbridge in the Court of his father on the Turkish throne, since this fact was first learned Rome, 1509-1514, Oxford, 1965, pp. 38-39). The fact that in Venice and Rome from the letters dated at Ragusa on 10 Julius II wished to deprive Louis XII of his kingdom and the and 11 May. On the first two sessions of the Fifth Lateran _ title Christianissimus had become general news by July, 1512 Council (10 and 17 May, 1512), see Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIII, I-1

ann. 1512, nos. 42 ff., vol. XXX (1877), pp. 585 ff., and Hefele, [1920], no. 1301, p. 595, and cf no. 1422, p. 651, and Hergenroéther, and Leclercq, Hust. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), | Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XI, 8, ed. Florence: Salani,

349 ff. 1963, III, 57).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 125 the effect that the Emperor Maximilian was now The French were sending costly military equipready to ratify the truce with Venice. 107 This news ment, 12,000 breastplates (corsalett) and 500 sets of was no surprise. The Swiss were descending upon armor (armadure), from Milan to France. Married Lombardy from their mountainous heights, ob- Frenchmen were leaving the city with their families viously with imperial permission.’°® The Swiss had __ for the old Orleans dependency of Asti, where the been partially dependent for decades upon Milan, wives of some Milanese were also seeking refuge.

where merchants of the urban cantons carried on The cardinals of the ill-fated council were in their a lucrative trade, and whence the forest cantons turn preparing to flee Milan for Astiand Lyon. The imported both grain and wine. Louis XII had em-__ French were fortifying Brescia, having taken away ployed Swiss mercenaries when he took over the _ the citizens’ arms. They had done the same at BerMilanese duchy, but for some years his relations gamo.''° Now Ramon de Cardona was preparing with the Confederation had been embittered by to march north from Naples with 500 lancers and disputes, and his eleventh-hour efforts to rewin 7,000 or 8,000 infantry to join the papal army in their friendship and to re-enroll their mercenaries the Romagna.''' Julius II could rejoice. He had had failed. The tempery Cardinal Matthias Schi- turned the tables on the French; rather he had ner, always anti-French and pro-papal, had aligned turned the world on them. Large forces were emtheir sturdy infantry on the side of the Holy — barking upon the invasion of France from England League. As long as Julius If and the Venetians and Spain. Swiss, Venetian, papal, and Spanish arwould pay, the Swiss would fight. One dispatch mies were converging upon Louis XII’s dwindling after another in Sanudo’s Diarii attests the day-by- forces in Milan from all directions—except the day excitement which mounted in Italy during west—whither French eyes were anxiously cast, and May, 1512, as thousands of Swiss, proud but rag- no wonder, for here lay their sole avenue of escape ged, made their way through the Brenner Pass to from annihilation.'"*

Trent.!°

The second session of the Lateran Council was

—_—— held, as scheduled, on Monday, 17 May.'!* Cardinal _'®Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 231, but the emperor’s price was BakOcz sang the mass. Tommaso de Vio, later Carhigh (abid., cols. 241-42, 265, 275, 276, etc.). He ratified the dinal Cajetan, delivered the sermon, to which we truce on 20 May (cols. 269-70), the same day as the courier’s . “ye _ arrival in Venice. Maximilian, although he did little or nothing Shall come ina moment. Now that the military crisis to help expel the French from Italy, wanted to acquire Milan, Was approaching, much was made of the English which was supposed to be an imperial fief (cols. 296, 495, 503). membership in the Holy League. Henry VIII's letter His nephew and namesake Massimiliano Sforza would be in- of 13 November (1511), signed by his own hand vested with the Milanese duchy in July (cols. 515, 572, etc.), . . although Maximilian would much have preferred to see the and sealed with the great seal of the kingdom, was

succession go to his grandson Charles [V]. publicly read, enunciating his entry into the league

'°8 Cf. Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1 (Paris, 1845), for the preservation of the authority, dignity, and

505~6. liberty of the Church, the removal of the Gallican a So Sec Rg. 4 fle 106. 110, 1181.19, schism, and the recovery of Bologna and the othe

enumeration]; Sanudo, Dian, XIV, esp. cols, 232 ff., 250 ff., Cities and territories properly belonging to the tem271-72, etc., and see A. Buchi, Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1 (1920), poral dominion of the Holy See. No member of the nos. 179 ff., pp. 143 ff. The Swiss were said to number 15- league, Henry noted, should make peace or a truce 20,000 (Buchi, I, 143, 150, and Sanudo, XIV, 266), 16,000

(Sanudo, XIV, 277, 290), 18,000 (ibid., XIV, 282, 458), 20,000

(ibid., XIV, 308), 24,000 (ibid., XIV, 235, 236, 256), 25,000 =———— (Biichi, I, 152, and Sanudo, XIV, 281), and even 30,000 (ibid., 10 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 240, and cf cols. 264, 277, 295, XIV, 232). An estimate of mid-July gave a figure as low as 319, 328; Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a Paris, pp. 10,000 (bid., XIV, 497). Cf Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 413 ff., 544, 551. and Gesch. d. Papste, I11-2 (repr. 1956), 852 ff.; esp. Chas. Kohler, Ml Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 241, 242, 263, 265, 283, 294. Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512 (1896), pp. '!2 According to one report, at the beginning of June, 1512, 323 ff.; and note Theodor E. Mommsen, ‘“‘The Accession of — the French disposed of something over 12,000 men, while their the Helvetian Federation to the Holy League: An Unpublished opponents (Swiss, Venetian, papal, and allied contingents) numBull of Pope Julius II of March 17, 1512,” in Medieval and bered more than 40,000 (Sanudo, Diarn, XIV, 286, and ¢. cols. Renaissance Studies, ed. E. F. Rice, Jr., Ithaca, New York, 1959, 277 ff.). The conquest of Ferrara and the recovery of Bologna pp. 33 ff., “in which [bull] Julius excommunicates the French were expected at this time because of the Swiss progress in supporters of the rebels against the papal see [i.e., the Bentivoglio | Lombardy, and ‘‘perché francesi sono in fuga’”’ (ibid., XIV, 290,

of Bologna and Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara], and at the same and ¢f. col. 293). time threatens the Swiss with excommunication in case they 113 Cf. Mansi, Concilia, XX XII, cols. 707 ff., where the second should conclude any kind of agreement with King Louis.”’ session is misdated ‘“‘die Lunae septima supradicti mensis Maii.”’

126 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT without the common consent of all the confoederati. The lucid and persuasive sermon which Cajetan Henry should not be expected to send anarmy into. delivered at the second session of the Lateran Italy, but he would discharge his commitment to Council (on 17 May) is an important document in the league “elsewhere,” by an attack upon France _ the history of papal opposition to the doctrine of

itself. conciliar supremacy. By the time it was published

A letter was then read from Ferdinand of Aragon, the ominous events of 23-24 April in Istanbul had condemning the schismatic Council of Pisa-Milan become well known in Rome. Cajetan alludes to and supporting the pope. Ferdinand designated his them in his dedication of the sermon to Cardinal ambassador Geronimo de Vich to act for him and Bakécz, whose coming to Rome (he says) had his daughter Joanna, queen of Castile. Vich was to awakened the hope and joy of all good men who have full political and financial powers. “It was a were longing for peace in Christendom. Internelong letter,’ writes Fra Angelo Lucido, whose ac- cine wars among Europeans had caused the loss count is preserved in Sanudo, ‘“‘on parchment and__ of Africa, Greece, and Asia to Islam. A short while well composed, so that his ambassador in Italy is, ago Sultan Bayazid, aged and ill, had been forced

as far as the war is concerned, another king of to yield his throne to his third son, ‘‘a ferocious Spain.’’ When the long letter had been read, the young man, most eager for Christian blood,” who non-members of the council had to withdraw; those had purchased the support of the janissaries, and who remained rendered obedience to the pope. The would soon dare anything at all. Africa had been litanies were sung, and a bull was read, sacro ap- almost recovered by Ferdinand the Catholic, but probante concilio, on behalf of the pope and the Lat- with the war then rife in Europe it was likely to eran assembly, which was designed to stop the _ be seized again and devoured by the Moslem dogs. mouths of the howling dogs of the pseudo-council No one, however, knew the Turkish peril better of Pisa-Milan and protect the faithful from the rabid than Bakécz, who had defended the faith and oppoison of their schism. Their acts were again con- posed the infidel even from the days of his boydemned, revoked, quashed, and annulled with all hood. the penalties and censures which they had previously Cajetan begins his sermon with the celestial vievoked. The bull concluded with the notice that in sion of S. John in the Apocalypse (21:2), “. . . 1 view of the political situation (temporum dispositio), saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down the approaching heat of summer, the need for con- out of heaven... . .” ‘“What is this city which John sidering the comfort and health of those attending saw?”’ he asks: ‘‘Certainly it is the city of the Christhe Lateran Council, and the expected attendance tian commonwealth.”’ It is in fact the Church. But of those who could not get to Rome from over the _ in establishing a city or state (civitas) it is necessary mountains and beyond the sea, the third session of _ that all the elements which compose it should live the council was hereby prorogued until 3 November _ in civil concord by common consent, which in the (1512). The Te Deum was sung, and the pope was_ ecclesiastical commonwealth means that men borne from the basilica. He was to spend that night should be born and lead their lives in the efficacy at S. Pietro in Vincoli, and return the next day to of the sacraments under the tutelage of a priest-

the Vatican palace.'" hood obedient to the vicar of Christ. The Church

has her apostles and evangelists, prophets and pas-

a tors, doctors and martyrs, fonts of knowledge and

114 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 242-45, with Henry VIII’s letter Wisdom; the Church is a city with a long history of 13 November, 1511, and on the English armada being sent extending back into heaven, whence she derives against France, ibid., XIV, 283, 299, 317; of. also Calendar of the perfection of her pattern. Harmony is the key-

State Papers Le . . . , Concile Venice, II (1867), no. 165, no. pp. 61-62; of the structure. his sermon naudet, gallican, 618,Rep.one678; Hefele,Throughout Hergen:;; rother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 354-57. Cajetan emphasizes the harmony and proportionThe bull in question, inc. Cum inchoatam, was published im- ment in nature and society, both divinely Ormediately, without indication of the printer: Bulla secunde ses- dained. The citizens of the ecclesiastical common-

sionis sacrosancti Concilu Lateranensis approbans et renovans dam- Wealth are the heredes Dei omnes, coheredes autem

nationem et reprobationem Pisani Coneiliabult et annullans omnia Christi. and although Caiet theologi not ‘anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo duo- 4 lawyer, everyone knew that the laws of inheri-

et singula in illo gesta et gerenda, celebrate die XVII Mau MDXIU, ’ 8 yetan Was a theo ogian, O

i h rti f S. John . :

decimo, sexto decimo Kal. Iunii, pontif. nostrianno nono.” On _ tance involved the transmission of responsibilities 23 May (1512) this bull was published, as indicated in a post- ay well as benefits.

Lateran, Peter's the Cancelleria end in the Campo de ; i0rl. The Church Isa holy city, peace itself, the new The text is given in Raynaldus, Ann. ecci., ad. ann. 1512, nos. Jerusalem, domicile of God and man, within which

49-50, vol. XXX (1877), p. 588. the impious can find no place. The Church, God’s

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 127 flock, exists not in the figments of poetic imagi- warlike Selim had heightened the interest in news nation nor in words of human wisdom, but in the which came to Venice from Istanbul. On 1 May testimony of the prophets, the words of the apos- (1512) Niccolo Giustinian wrote his government tles, and the deaths of the martyrs, and most of _ of the situation on the Bosporus. Bayazid was said all in the wondrous works of Christ, whose single to be discontented with Selim’s usurpation of the vicar is the pastor of God’s flock. There is one throne ‘almost by force” (quasi per forza), and was head in the Church, the vicar of Christ, the su- continually bewailing his loss. He had not yet left preme pontiff, to whom all citizens of this holy city Istanbul; there were those who thought he would owe obedience both individually and as a corpo- not be allowed to leave. Selim’s brother Ahmed rate whole. But now there seem to be two churches, in Amasya wrote that he understood their father two synods, one Roman and the other Pisan. Have had made Selim commander of an army being sent they both come down out of heaven like the New against him (as Bayazid had in fact wished to do Jerusalem of S. John’s vision? The Pisan synod at the time of his deposition): Ahmed assured Seseems rather to have come up from hell! It rep- lim there would be no need of the arduous march resents but one nation, or rather only a refractory from Istanbul through Asia Minor. Ahmed would part of one nation; it is as far from being a uni- come westward and seek him out. Ahmed had versal council as the ecclesia pisana is from being made one of his sons a member of “‘la secta di the vera Dei civitas; it tries to subject Peter to the Sophi,”’ meaning that the son had joined the hizilChurch, the pope to a council, and the supreme, bashis (the “‘red-heads’’), as the followers of the true, and certain vicar of Christ to its own con- Persian shah or ‘‘sophi’’ Isma‘1] I were known.

venticle (conciliabulum). As Ahmed thus curried favor with the powerful

Cajetan regards it all as a perversion of the order shah, who had made Shiism the official religion of of nature and reason; it is to set children over their Persia a decade before, there was great confusion father, the limbs above the head, and to put the in the Sunni capital of Istanbul. Ahmed’s son was sheep in charge of the shepherd. The Pisan synod said to have married a daughter of the shah as well is not the new Jerusalem, but the tower of Babel. as to have taken the beretta rossa of his followers. It knows no peace, no tranquillity; it merely breeds The eldest brother, Korkud, had left the region of discord, and conjures up war against the Church. Istanbul, according to Giustinian, and would join It is not the new Jerusalem, but a novitas which his brother in Asia Minor. Giustinian seemed to arose at Constance and disappeared, was brought enjoy the contemplation of Selim’s difficulties. The forth again at Basel and driven away. No, the young sultan was believed to have found little money ‘Church of Pisa’ has not come down out of heaven. in the treasury. Some said he had as much as . . . Cajetan closes with a long apostrophe to Julius — 1,600,000 ducats in aspers, others that the treasury II, extolling papal authority, which is second only was almost empty. There appeared to be agreement, to God’s, and expressing the highest hopes for the however, that he had not found the gold ducats he Lateran Council, sic namque hoc sacrosanctum concilium had expected, for which his father was blamed.'!®

in celum ascendet.. . .1"" Some of the uneasiness which was growing up

. along the Rialto in Venice and elsewhere in Italy

The passing of the feeble Sultan Bayazid I] was allayed when on 23 June (1512) forty memfrom the eastern scene and the accession of the bers of the Venetian Senate solemnly received a

—_— Turkish envoy from the Porte. He brought with 15 Oratio in secunda sesewone [sic!] Concilii Lateranensis [... hima letera di credenza, dated 4 May and written habita Romae in secunda sessione Concilit Lateranensis, xvi (sic!) Kal.

Jun. MDXH, on sign. A3}: ‘““Romae impressa apud Sanctum

Eustachium per Ioannem Beplin. Alemanum de Argentina.” ~

The tract is undated, and badly proofread, with such mistakes 'l6 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 287, 289-90, 303-4, 454, 463-65, as athanema for anathema (sign. C4) and conversationem for con- 490-91. Selim was said to have promised his father 300,000 servationem (on the last folio); typographical errors are numer- _—_ducats in gold and an annual pension of 200,000 ducats for the

ous, and even the signatures are misnumbered. Cf. Pastor, Hist. rest of his life. The news of Bayazid II’s death on 26 May, Popes, V1, 410-11, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-2 (repr. 1956),850- 1512, reached Venice in mid-July (@id., XIV, 483), and was

51, who seems to have read few of the tracts relating to the confirmed with details a month later (col. 578). Sanudo, XIV, Council of Pisa-Milan and the Lateran in contemporary edi- 578, says that Bayazid died on 3 July. The suspicion of poison tions, although in the last edition of his work he cites them arose immediately (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 105, from G. W. Panzer, Annales typographici. For a succinct expo- vol. XXX [1877], p. 605). The Venetian ambassador in Buda sition of Cajetan’s views of the supremacy of the pope over a__ reported that Selim wished to continue his father’s truce with council, note Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des con- Hungary (Sanudo, XIV, 519). Korkud was executed as soon

cles, VIII-1 (1917), 318-19, and cf Minnich, ‘Concepts of | as Selim could effect his capture (von Hammer, II, 385-87,

Reform... ,” Arch. hist. pontificiae, VII, 175-79. and Zinkeisen, II, 568).

128 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in Greek. The Cretan scholar Marco Musuro Leonardo Giustinian, now the Venetian bailie in translated the text for the Signoria. The new sul- the Turkish capital, wrote that Selim had gone tan Selim informed the Venetians of his father’s into Asia Minor on 29 July to attack Ahmed. He voluntary abdication of the throne of Osman, re- had gathered an army of 70,000. The beylerbeys called the long-standing friendship which existed of Anatolia and Greece went with him. The janbetween the Republic and the Porte, expressed his _ issaries and the cavalry (s¢pahis) had been “‘in disown affection for the Venetians, and made clear accord’’ and come to blows; twelve Janissaries had

his peaceable intentions.''’ On 6 August, 1512, been killed; but such events were petty episodes in Selim’s young life. He was quoted as saying that

he intended to become the most powerful ruler 117 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 408, 410-11, 414-15, and gf cols. 7 €atth. Making peace would not be his function 456, 462, 478-79. On the resources and condition of the Ot- the world (. . . vol esser el piu potente Signor del toman empire at this time, cf von Hammer, II, 368 ff. Onthe mondo, e fara guerra). He had armed ten galleys arrival of the Turkish envoy, see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 20" and twenty-five fuste to send to some strategic [30°], a letter of 3 July, 1512 (later dated the sixteenth), from point to help cut off his brother’s flight. Ahmed the Senate to their bailie in Istanbul. By senatorial action of 3 ‘oht 1] ‘df the Persi hi July, a letter dated the fifteenth was also sent to Selim, a quale Mgt _ well Tecelve al rom 1c ersian sopni, habiamo sempre de alta virti et grandeza estimato, offering him sma il I, so that Selim’s campaign was expected fulsome congratulations on “‘la grata et iucunda nova. . .dela__ to take all summer. He was said to be planning a votiva exaltation sua a quel sublime imperio”’ (bid., fol. 20° ffeet of three hundred galleys.'*® On 20 August [30°]). On 15 October the Senate belatedly voted to send an Giustinian wrote again, now stating that Selim had ambassador with a suite of fifteen persons to the new sultan, ‘“‘vedendose maxime quasi tuti li potentati che hano causa de an army of L 00,000, and that Ahmed had fled haver rispecto ala potentia sua zA haver mandato soi oratori.’” from Anatolia into Syria.’°~ Despite his necessary The Venetians had to bear in mind, as was said in the Senate, preoccupation with eastern affairs, Selim chose ‘. . . quanto el sil vicino a nui et quanto sii necessario viver _ this time to increase the tribute which Ragusa paid

pacifica ;et«ne: amorevelmente cum sua Signoria et(da usar3 ogni mezo ; : was by per aet5), et arte per tenir the ben Porte disposita lasixty mente decent quel Signor nonwhich : oo ‘ : ‘

li dar causa de alteratione 0 ponerli suspecto, possendo esser disquieting, and it was said that he was cutting certi che quantunque minima motion sua poneria in grandissimi timber furiously to build a fleet of galleys.'*° This travagli et periculi el stato nostro. . .”’ (ibid., fol. 63” [73”]). seemed a dangerous omen to a maritime power

The ambassador to be chosen would be paid 150 ducatsa_; like Venice.

month for his expenses, and could refuse election to the post only by incurring the customary penalty. Dr. Antonio Giusti-

nian was elected ambassador, and on 25 November the Senate The French withdrawal from Lombardy was was concerned with an appropriate gift to be made to the sultan gradual, reasonably well-ordered, and complete. (ibid., Reg. 45, fol. 80 [90]). Winter was coming, however, and As the Swiss advanced, Cardinal Schiner offered there was a long delay in Giustinian’s departure. In Istanbul ; ; the annoyed pashas were pressing the Venetian bailie as to when the Milanese the shelter and security of the Holy the Republic was sending its envoy to the Porte. The Senate League, 1n whose name he occupied the city of wrote the bailie on 23 April, 1513, that Selim’s constant move- Cremona on 8 June (15 ] 2). The allies had some ment from place to place had made it difficult for an envoy to financial difficulties. for the Swiss insisted upon know where to find him, but that Giustinian would leave for B t g di t the Bosporus ‘‘within eight days” (fol. 119 [129]). His com- prompt payment. Dut on June, accoraing to a mission is dated 30 May (fols. 127-128" [137-138"]). On 30 report in Sanudo, the Bentivoglio left Bologna for June (1513), presumably after his departure from Venice, the Milan. The French sent hifty men-at-arms to FerSenate issued orders for him to remain at the Porte after the yagra in order to conduct Fabrizio Colonna to discharge of his mission, because there might well be need of Milan and send him thence to France, but Alfonso his attendance upon the Signor Turco to transact other business of great import to the Republic (fol. 141° [151"]). The following October Giustinian’s mission resulted in a Turco-Venetian §=——W———

treaty, guaranteeing the merchants of the Republic security in portata questa nova de tal election, perché cussi bisogna far Istanbul, Caffa, Trebizond, and Pera, and in all the sultan’s cum questi infideli, et non € venuto ad altro fine che a questo!”’ domains (see the detailed summary in Predelli, Regesti dei Com- (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 14” [24")).

mem., VI, bk. Xx, no. 12, pp. 131-32). 118 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 26-27.

The Turkish envoy had arrived in Venice on 20 June, 1512, '!9 Ibid., XV, 185, and cf. cols. 252, 287, 347, 357-58, 392, since the Senate wrote their ambassador Francesco Foscari at 410. Ahmed was not easily removed from the political scene the Curia Romana on the twenty-third that ‘‘. . . farete inten- (ibid., XV, 504, 512, 547). der a sua Beatitudine esser zonto terzo di qui uno orator del '29 Ibid., XV, 324. On 2 February, 1513, the lieutenant and Signor Turcho novo, viz. Soltan Selim, ad nuntiarne la election council of Rhodes were expecting Selim to attack them, now sua et dir che ’! Signor suo vuol continuar la bona pace et that he had defeated his brother Ahmed (Letters and Papers, amicitia. Nui li havemo corrisposto cum parole general, et ne Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry VIII, I-1 [1920], no. 1604, sera necessario farli un bon presente quodammodo per haverne _ p. 733).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 129 d’ Este refused to give him up. Alfonso had the _ fewer still intended to die there. Some of them were future to think of, and Schiner had just assured killed, nevertheless, when on 11 June there was an the Milanese that the defeated French would _ uprising in the city. The angry populace looted the never again be able to return in force to Italy.'* French shops, ‘‘and Guelfs and Ghibellines were of In Milan meanwhile the French commanders one mind about the destruction of the French.’’!*4 were getting along badly with La Palice. Gian On 14 June the Swiss encamped before Pavia, which

Giacomo Trivulzio declined La Palice’s summons surrendered within a week; always demanding to rejoin the French army, “‘saying that he did not money (which they needed), their advance was want to lose what he had acquired over many inexorable. They were indeed, to use Julius II’s years.” The captive Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici, _ favorite phrase, ‘“‘chasing the French out of Italy.’’'*°

later Pope Leo X, was granting absolution, by pa- The Genoese proclaimed their independence. The

pal authority, to Milanese and even to many banner of the crossed keys was soon flying from Frenchmen, ‘‘prometendo non andar contra la the ramparts of Rimini, Cesena, and Ravenna. On Chiesia.’’ The Gallican Council had been a bad _ the morning of 13 June the pope’s nephew Frandream. After a single formal session in Lyon, the cesco Maria della Rovere reoccupied Bologna.'”° so-called conciliarists were obliged by adverse cir- Cardinal de’ Medici managed to escape from French cumstances to abandon their anti-Julian activities. clutches at almost the last possible moment.'*’ Papal

Their efforts had been not only futile, but fatal troops were preparing to attack Parma and Pito conciliarism. By seeking to confuse the pope’s acenza.'*® The allied forces of the Holy League spiritual with his temporal dominion, the French were sweeping everything before them, and there had gone out on thin ice and now, “‘chiamandosi _ was talk immediately of restoring the Medicean rein colpa,’’ some of them were seeking absolution. gime in Florence (e far mutar stato li e meter li Medici So the cardinal’s cousin Giulio de’ Medici, himself — in caxa).'*°

later Clement VII, reported in Rome. Serving as A letter now arrived in Rome from Henry VIII, the cardinal’s emissary, he brought a good deal of addressed to Cardinal Christopher Bainbridge, ininformation to the Curia from the French camp.'** forming the latter that the Emperor Maximilian Ten weeks had seen an incredible reversal of — had written, exhorting him to consent to a general French fortunes. On 9 June “all Milan was upside

down,” and now Trivulzio was alleged to be in Milan, “saying he did not want to leave and wanted 124 Thid., XIV, 327, 328. Francesco Foscari, the Venetian to die where he was born.’’!?° Be that as it might, ambassador in Rome, wrote his government on 10-11 June few of the French had been born in Milan, and _ that the viceroy Ramon de Cardona was still at Aversa, ‘‘and he was advancing slowly” (ibid., XIV, 330).

'25 Ihid., XIV, 315, 316, 317, 327, 329-30, 331, 332-33,

ete.Sanudo, a 338-39 [by an error in pagination, 336, 387~88], 392-93, Diaru, XIV, 295-96, 299-300, 303, 312, 313, 397-98, etc., 406-7, 408-13, etc., and on the collapse of the 316, and ¢f. cols. 318-19, 328. The Bentivoglio were reported — French establishment in northern Italy, see Guicciardini, Storia to have gone first to Ferrara (ibid., cols. 320, 321, 334). On = qd’ Italia, X, 16, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, II, 525-34. Schiner’s occupation of Cremona, to the distress of the Vene- 126 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 328-29, 334; Hefele, Hergenréther, tians who claimed the Cremonese, see the documents in the — and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-1 (1917), 358. Giovanni Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 5", 6’- Campofregoso was at the gates of Genoa on 21 June, hoping 7, 7, 10", 11” [fols. 15", 16’-17", etc., by mod. enumeration], to enter the city the following day (Sanudo, XIV, 429-30, 438and cf. in general Chas. Kohler, Les Suzsses dans les guerres 50). He became the doge shortly thereafter (¢bid., cols. 450,

d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp. 390 ff. 453, 465 ff., 469, and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 17", 18", 35" 122 Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 317. Trivulzio was said to have de-_[27', 28", 45"|). Cf Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, I parted, ‘‘né si sa dove fusse andato”’ (ibid., XIV, 319). Schiner (1729), 332. Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni had reported Trivulzio’s flight as early as 21 May (A. Biichi, — di Giulio I, pp. 314-17, has described Francesco Maria’s entry

Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1 [1920], no. 184, p. 151), which suggests into Bologna and the general flight of the French from the that his intentions were well known before his actual departure. lands they had occupied. Trivulzio and Lodovico Sforza had been enemies (cf Léon G. !27 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 331-32, 333, 404; Paride Grassi, Pélissier, Documents relatifs au regne de Louis XH et a sa politique Diarium, ed. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni militari di Giulio II, pp. 317-

en Italie, Montpellier, 1912, pp. 252-54, with refs.). Having 21, who deplores the fate which seemed to attend the legates fled Milan, the Gallican conciliarists entered Lyon on 27 June, _ of his native Bologna; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, nos.

and held on 6 July another session in the cathedral (on the 59-60, vol. XXX (1877), pp. 591-92. further slender fortunes of their ‘‘council,’’ see Renaudet, Pré- 128 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 401, 448, 451, 469, and XV, 38,

réforme et humanisme a Paris, pp. 551 ff.). 165, 325-26. Julius II’s troops easily took Parma and Piacenza, '*° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 321, 323. Trivulzio probably left | and he was determined to hold both places, which properly Milan on 11 June (bid., col. 328); he was in Asti on the twenty- belonged to the duchy of Milan (ibid., XV, 351, 352).

fourth (col. 429). He soon went to France. 129 Thid., XIV, 413.

130 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT peace in Europe, so that an expedition might be im media sunt Christianitate). This would be as pleasorganized ‘‘against the perfidious Turks and in- ing to God, he was sure, as if he were in fact fight-

fidel enemies of the Church.”’ But Henry knew ing against the Turks and Saracens, and he had well, he wrote, that the emperor was making this no doubt that those who died in this most hallowed appeal at the instigation of Louis XII, who needed undertaking would win the rewards of eternal life. time to rebuild and increase his forces. Henry was_ In any event Henry could not make peace without also confident that Maximilian, ‘‘since he is the _ his allies in the Holy League.!*!

head of all the Christian princes and it especially When on 20 June (1512) Ottaviano Sforza, pertains to his office to protect the Church,” bishop of Lodi, entered Milan in the pope’s name, would appreciate the dire necessity which had the final blow was given to French prestige in the brought the Holy League into being. The English Italian peninsula. Steps were gradually taken to reply to Maximilian had been that as a member _ restore Lodovico Sforza’s son Massimiliano to the of the league Henry could make no peace without ducal throne.'** By the end of the month La Palice

papal consent and that of his allies. !*° was making his way through the Alps into France

Maximilian had written Henry that instead of with his disorganized troops.'°° Whatever his killing one another, as they had been doing for claims de iure, Louis XII was no longer duke of the past year, the Christians should be uniting Milan. Rome was ablaze with bonfires of celebraagainst the Turks. Such was the dissension in the tion, and not the least cause of the pope’s jubilaMoslem world that Christendom might not only tion was the expulsion of the French from Genoa, conquer Turkey in Europe but also acquire much _ where the rugged Giovanni Campofregoso was in Asia. It was a heaven-sent opportunity. In his elected doge.'** reply to the emperor, Henry insisted that no Chris- The French defeat was a disaster for Alfonso tian prince had exceeded his own father, Henry I d’ Este, putting his duchy of Ferrara in grave VII, in the ardor with which he had longed to see jeopardy. On 4 July he went to Rome to seek terms

a crusade organized. His father, as was well of the pope, who told the Venetian ambassador known, had negotiated with the king of Portugal Foscari, “I am going to take Ferrara away from in an effort to achieve that laudable objective. As him and deprive him of the state: I have granted his father’s heir, Henry had himself inherited the him a safe-conduct for his person and not for the

crusading objective. He desired nothing more state [of Ferrara]. . . .”'°? After two anxious than to organize a great fleet in conjunction with weeks in Rome, Alfonso escaped from the sultry his father-in-law, Ferdinand, in order to launchan_ city with the aid of the Colonnesi. The pope attack upon the infidels. First, however, they must wanted to give him Asti, an Orleanist fief, in place defend the Church in Italy before seeking its res- of Ferrara, which would compromise him hopetoration in the Levant. The record of the French _ lessly with Louis XII, who promised to help him in Italy was more atrocious than that of the Turks

in the Levant; they had been guilty of a crudelitas 139 .,

plusquam furcicaa killing raping474, burning Diaru, 397-98, 403, 404, 409, 412, 450, ’ ? ’ 453, 515,pillag572,Sanudo, 575, etc.; A.XIV, Biichi, Schiner-Korrespondenz,

ing. They had violated churches, and promoted 1 (1990), no. 213, p. 169. Cardinal Schiner entered Milan with schism. Mindful of his duty to the pope and the great ceremony on 2 September (Sanudo, XV, 15). Paride Church, therefore, Henry must for the present Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, Le Due Spedizioni militant dt Giulio

ce . . ; ense satisfaction.

put aside thoughts of the Crusade in order to com- PP nae describes the French loss of Pavia and Milan bat the French, the “more terrible infidels in the '33 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 452, 457, 461. The French retreated very midst of Christendom” (infideles deteriores qui _ by way of Susa and the pass of Mont Genévre (ibid., XIV, 459), but the fortresses were still held by French garrisons in Milan,

——_—__—_—___—— Cremona, and elsewhere’ (zbid., cols. 460-61, 553-54; Buchi,

130 Thid., XIV, 423-25. Henry VIII's letter to Bainbridge is Schiner-Korrespondenz, 1, no. 214, p. 170; and Calendar of State

dated 29 May, 1512; it is also summarized (from Sanudo) in Papers... , Venice, H, no. 184, p. 74, and no. 187, Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (1867), no. 177, p.67— __p. 76).

69, and Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of . . . Henry '“* Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 453, and esp. cols. 457-58; Paride VII, 1-1 (1920), no. 1214, p. 561. Cf Corrado Fatta, Il Regno Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frati, op. cit., pp. 327 ff. Similar cele-

di Enrico VII, 2 vols., Florence, 1938, I, 130. brations were held in Venice (Sanudo, XIV, 454, 456), but the 131 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 425-27. The copy of Henry VIII's allies of the Holy League were getting along very badly in the letter to Maximilian is undated in Sanudo. Julius II ordered _ field (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIH, this letter to be printed (ibid., XIV, 428); it is summarized (from 1-1 [1920], nos. 1277, 1301, 1312). Sanudo) in Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (1867), no. '° Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 454-55. On Alfonso’s risky venture 178, pp. 69-70, and Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of | into Rome, see A. Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio

.. . Henry VHT, J-1 (1920), no. 1215, pp. 561-62. II,” Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XVIIL (1912), 96 ff., 426-32.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 13] when he could. It was better to take a chance on _ silver, and fixed prices for fish and bread. The gov-

the uncertainties of the future than the grim al- ernment also guaranteed the unimpeded use of ternative the pope offered him.'°® Time would _ roads and bridges, superintended traffic on the casoon show that Alfonso made a wise choice. The nals, policed the city streets, issued edicts for the very completeness of the victory which the Holy control of the various currencies in circulation in League had won would cause its dissolution, and _ the duchy, defined weights and measures, and legsuch became the new rivalries among the erstwhile _ islated on the sale of firewood, the export of grain, allies that Julius II would be obliged to keep his and the carrying of weapons. The unlicensed prac-

hands off Ferrara. tice of medicine was prohibited, some effort being

The French domination of Milan had not been’ made to protect the public health, in which cona notable success, chiefly because one people does nection a decree of 8 March, 1511, forbade the not like to be dominated by another. The inhab- employment of stercus humanum as fertilizer in herb itants of the various Italian states had long been and vegetable gardens because of the “‘no small proud of their independence, having often fought danger of infection.’’ The shortage of June, 1512, bravely to maintain it. Even today sectionalism is was relieved by removing the imposts on the sale strong in Italy; local patriotism is still a force to of bread, wine, and meat.!9?

be reckoned with. Until Pélissier published the Although the Emperor Maximilian had talked documents, little was known about French admin- a good deal about setting his namesake Massimiistration in the city and duchy of Milan during the — liano Sforza, il Moro’s eldest son, upon the ducal

dozen or more years of Louis XII’s rule as duca_ throne of Milan, he much preferred that his di Milano. But if the numerous edicts and ordi- grandson Charles [V] should receive the lucrative nances promulgated in his name were scrupulously honor. Charles also had the support of his other enforced, the Milanesi were not badly governed. grandfather, Ferdinand of Aragon, but the vicAlthough the partisans of the Sforzeschi were ar- torious Swiss insisted upon giving the duchy to rested when they could be found, and in any event Massimiliano, and Julius II sided with them.'*® their property was confiscated, an effort was made The defeat of the French was bound to have imto keep discipline in the French army of occupa- portant consequences, not all of which could be

tion. foreseen. The Florentines were naturally fearful

Careful provisions sought to maintain civil and that the new situation might be disadvantageous criminal justice in the state, and the crown was not for them—it would soon, of course, prove disasungenerous in response to the petitions of the mu- _ trous for Piero Soderini and the republicans—and nicipal government. Fixed salaries were supposed

to be paid to financial officials in the Milanese duchy and the Genoese Signoria. The crown confirmed '°? Leon G. Pélissier, ed., Documents pour |’ histoire de la domithe privileges of the boatmen, millers, and fishermen — nanion francaise dans le Milanais (1499-1513), Toulouse, 1891

of Pavia, and the notaries of Milan. Dueling was (Bibliothéque méridionale, 2nd ser., vol. I). On the organization strictly curtailed. The ducal government of Milan of the French duchy of Milan, ¢. also Jean d’ Auton, Chron.,

regulated the manufacture of silk stuffs and bro- oe fe append.,especially pp. 347-49,inand Louis ; s confiscation ofeanaviere, property II, in Milan, hisonsecond

cades as well as other cloths and articles of gold and conquest of the duchy in 1500, see Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomate au temps de Machiavel, I (1892), 128-30, with notes.

The writer hyphenates his name in the second book, but not 138 Sanudo, Diaru, XIV, 479, 480, 481, esp. 482, and 484- __in the first.

85, 491, 510, 539, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 11-12", '°8 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 10: ‘. . . l Imperador ed il re di 27° [21-22", 37°]. On 19 July Julius II went into the Castel S. | Spagna vol meter il ducha Carlo nel stato di Milan.” But if for Angelo to escape the heat and the flies. Alfonso d’ Este had some reason Massimiliano should not take up the reins of govrequested an audience, but had no intention of seeking it behind = ernment in Milan, the Swiss wanted the right to choose the

the stout walls of the Castello! That day Alfonso fled from next duke, “pur che sia di la caxa Sforzesca’’ (loc. cit.). The Rome, aided by Fabrizio Colonna, who thus repaid Alfonso — Swiss were not given to pulling Hapsburg chestnuts out of the for not surrendering him to the French (Sanudo, XIV, 509, _ fire. Cf, ibid., XV, 48-50, and note Lettres du roy Lous XH, II 511, 524, 538, 570, 594-95, 605, 607). Cf, ibid., XV, 34,61, (1712), 285-86, 288-89, 292-93, 297, 303 ff., 308-9, 317 ff.,

84, 86, 104, 165, 188-89, etc., 286; Guicciardini, Storm and IV (1712), 24 ff. On the motives which led the pope, the d’ Italia, X1, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 5-8; Hefele, | emperor, the king of Spain, the Swiss, and the Venetians finally Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIH-1 (1917), to accept Massimiliano Sforza as duke of Milan, cf. the rather 361; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848 — cynical observations of Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal (previously no. 1022), fol. 15", from the diary of Marcantonio = 15/1 al 1527, in Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), Michiel, on whom note Theodor Frimmel, Der Anonumo Mo- — p. 288. For affairs in general, especially from the Swiss standrelliano, 1, Vienna, 1888, and Rinaldo Fulin, Diarn e diaristi point, see Ernst Gagliardi, Novara und Dion, Zurich, 1907, pp.

veneziant, Venice, 1881, pp. VII-VIH, XVIH-XVIIL. 19 ff.

132 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT they were said to be turning to the Emperor Max- Sanudo approved of the idea, because in his opinimilian for protection.'*? As the French regime ion Soderini and the republicans were intractably crumbled in Lombardy, the Swiss and the Vene- committed to France.'*°

tians took to quarreling about expenses and the A congress was held at Mantua in mid-August, spoils of war.'*” Henry VIII derived no advantage attended by Cardona himself and by Matthias from his costly attacks upon France, but the wily Lang as the Emperor Maximilian’s representative.

Ferdinand of Aragon acquired Navarre, from Although the emperor had never really joined the which King Jean d’ Albret, ally of Louis XII, was Holy League, he wanted to share in the spoils. expelled.'*! The republicans on the Arno were The assembly at Mantua showed very clearly, howvery worried. A Venetian report from Bologna, ever, that hostility to France was all that had for example, dated 11 August, 1512, contained bound the allies together; the expulsion of the the news that Ferdinand of Aragon had written French from Lombardy had made them all rivals the viceroy Ramon de Cardona to employ the again. It has always been hard for victors to share Spanish and papal forces then under his command _ the rewards of victory. Nevertheless, it was agreed

for the restoration of the Medici family in Flor- that Massimiliano Sforza should recover his faence.'** Public opinion in Venice presumably fa- ther’s duchy of Milan. As for Julius I, although vored Cardona’s march upon Florence. Certainly he had gained Parma and Piacenza, he regarded the congress as redounding “‘to his dishonor and loss.’” He was incensed at the hapless and ailing 139 Sanudo, Diarii, XIV, 454, 494, 548, 567. On Florentine Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, and the relations with Maximilian up to the first year of the war of the latter’s Intriguing wife Isabella, for providing hosLeague of Cambrai, see N. Rubinstein, “Firenze e il problema pitality to the self-seeking members of the condella politica imperiale in Italia al tempo di Massimiliano I,” gress. Julius wanted to maintain the independence

Arch. CXofVIthe(1958), 5-35, 147-77. . . from : 40Sanudo, anestor. eo:Diaru, ,italiano, and prestige Church, theSchinerEstensi XIV, 570-71, and cf. A.drive Biichi, :;

Korrespondenz, 1 (1920), nos. 210-11, pp. 168, 484, and no. Ferrara and the foreigners from Italy, establish a 257, p. 192, letter of Julius II to Cardinal Schiner, dated 31 balance of power in the peninsula, and take the

July, 1512 (also in Sanudo, loc. cit.). a lead in a crusade against the Turks.'** The SpanCf. Bertrand de Chanterac, ‘“Odet de Foix, vicomte de ish had no intention of being driven from the penLautrec,”’ Revue des questions historiques, ser., XIV, . ,Milan, . insula.LVI Aside(3rd from Sforza’s return. to pun-

1929), 266-68. In April, 1513, a one-year truce was arranged. ;

by Lautrec with Spain. On the Spanish acquisition of Navarre, ishing republican Florence for her loyalty to of. Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 14-15, 32, 45, 144, 168-69, 350-51; France was almost the only agreement the statesCalendar of State Papers rr Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, Il men at Mantua could reach: the government of (London, 1867), no. 194, pp. 78-79. Henry VITand the English Bierg Soderini must go, and the Medici must be weresusoon disenchanted withLord theThomas Spanish, . . .toenglesi e hegemony. | . h 145 tornati |’ insola’’ (Sanudo, XV, 339-40). How- “e restored the Florentine ard wished that Henry VIII ‘“‘had never trusted the King of In easy matters, Cardona moved quickly. On 29 Aragon”’ (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry August (1512) the Cardinal Giovanni de’ MeVIL, 1-1 [1920], no. 1286, p. 590, letter of 8 July, 1512); while qici wrote Julius II that about noontime the Spanish the English army disintegrated at Fuenterrabia on the Bay of Biscay, Ferdinand’s forces secured Navarre (ibid., nos. 1326— troops had scaled the broken walls of Prato, and 27, pp. 612-19, letters of John Stile to Henry VIII and of Wm. Knight to Thos. Wolsey, dated 5 August, 1512, and cf. ibid.,

no. 1447). See Guicciardini, Storia d’ Itaha, X1, 6, ed. Florence: §_ 77

Salani, 1963, III, 44-47. '*° Sanudo, Diari, XIV, 637: “Sara bono per le cosse de 142 Sanudo, Diarti, XIV, 574: ‘“. . .al impresa di Fiorenza _ Italia, perché questi governano Fiorenza al presente, sono franper far mutar stato et meter Medici in caxa.. . .”’ Cardinal —cesi per la vita... .” Giovanni de’ Medici was said to have given Cardona 5,000 '44 A. Luzio, ‘Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio II,” Arch. ducats (loc. cit.). Cf, ibid., XIV, 567, 584, 595, 605, 619, 634, stor. Lombardo, 4th ser., XVIII (1912), 111 ff., 135.

635, and XV, 6, 9, 10, 16, 23. Although the Florentine gov- '45 On the gathering at Mantua, see Sanudo, Diari, XIV, ernment was regarded as pro-French, Ferdinand of Aragon was 545, 548, esp. cols. 559, 561, 563, 564, 567, 571, 572, 574probably not much in favor of a Medicean restoration. Ac- 75, 584, 585, etc.; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XI, 2, ed. Florcording to Francesco Vettori, since the re-establishment of Car- ence: Salani, 1963, III, 15-18; Lettres du roy Louis XII, U1 (1 712),

dinal de’ Medici would mean an accretion of power for Julius 289-91 and ff.; Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Itaha dal 1511 al II (whom Cardona knew to desire the removal of the Spanish 1527, in Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), p. 288; from the peninsula as much as he had that of the French), the Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 Florentines might have averted the coming disaster by bribing (1917), 362; Bibl. del Museo Correr, Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, Cardona to leave them alone, since he was ‘‘avaricious both by _ fols. 15*-16", from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel. Cf, Chas. nature and by necessity” (Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp-

Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI [1848], pp. 289-90). 476 ff.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 133 subjected the city to a merciless, bloody sack. Gio- thought the pope had fared too well.!°° The novanni lamented the cruel necessity of events,’*° but torious cupidity of Ferdinand was aroused by the they were carrying him and his brother Giuliano _ possibility of extending his power to the north of back to the old palace on the Via Larga. The Me- the peninsula while he held the south firmly in his diceans entered Florence on the morning of | Sep-_ grip. All the powers concerned would object to tember and, as Pietro da Bibbiena was informed by _ the Spanish dominance of Lombardy as well as of his brother-in-law Sebastiano, ‘‘All Florence came the Neapolitan kingdom. The papacy would be to meet them—in so great triumph that I cannot caught again in a vise like that of the Hohenstaufurther describe it for lack of ability.”'*’ Cardinal fen. The Venetians still imported wheat from the Giovanni delayed his formal entry into the city, south, and would not willingly risk entanglement however, until the fourteenth, when indeed he re-_ with Ferdinand as their near neighbor in the turned in triumph (in a driving rain), attended by north. The Venetians were also aware that Selim’s a company of four hundred lancers and ‘“‘acom- accession to the throne in Istanbul might mean pagnati da gran moltitudine de primarii citadinide trouble for them in the Levant, where they were questa citta. . . e con comune letitia del populo. having difficulties with the soldan of Egypt over .. .’148 After almost twenty years of republican the question of the Cypriote tribute. government, the Florentines had fallen again under The Spanish caused Pope Julius II constant anx-

the rule of the Medici.!*° iety. On 1 October, 1512, he acknowledged to

Cardinal Schiner his fear that Cardona’s army, The remarkable success of the Holy League having re-established the Medici in Florence, was delighted the pope, who might well feel that S. now marching into Lombardy with possible dePeter’s chains had been broken, and it quite sat- signs upon Milanese or Venetian territory. When isfied the Swiss, who had preserved their markets Julius tried to learn Cardona’s intentions from the and sources of supply in the Milanese duchy. But Spanish ambassador in Rome, he was merely told the papal acquisition of Parma and Piacenza (and that ‘“‘the Spanish wanted to cross the Alps against Reggio also) was annoying to the emperor, who our common enemy the French,” which (although an excellent idea in the pope’s opinion) he did not

find very convincing. Julius warned Schiner to 46 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 28-29, and cf. col. 36, and note the preserve his vigilance.'”! accounts of Jacopo Modesti, Simone Brami, and Stefano Guiz- Although most of Christendom had rejected the zalotti, in ““Tre Narrazioni del sacco di Prato (1512),” Arch. Gallican Council, now transferred to Lyon, the stor. italiano, 1 (Florence, 1842), 227-71. Modesti, ibid., p. 238, emperor’s attitude was still somewhat ambiguous, says that Prato was taken at about 2:00 P.M. (@ ore 18) on 29 hut his explicit participation in the affairs of the

August,Non as does Brami, pp. 255 ff. The poet Guizzalotti writes: ; ; tanta crudelta Turchi infedeli Lateran Council was highly desirable. In early Usaron mai cotanto alli Cristiani November, 1512, Matthias Lang, the handsome

a Quanto ch’ a Prato gli Spagnoi crudeli. bishop of Gurk, came to Rome to discuss imperial

sanudo, Diarn, XV, 29-30, and ¢. cols. 16, 23, 32-34, — interests with the pope, who saw to it that he was Storia d’ Italia, X1, 3-4, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 18. Personally accorded a nearly imperial reception. 33; Bembo, Hist. veneta, XU, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 334. The The pope was eager to win his support against the Florentines were obliged to promise an indemnity of 80,000 Spanish. It was extremely difficult, however, to ducats to the Spanish and 40,000 to the emperor (Sanudo, XV, adjust the continuing quarrel between the em93, 95); the total reached 140,000 when 20,000 more were — jeror and the Venetians. While the latter were at

36, 39, 42, 43-44, 52-53, 57-59, 63, 93-94; Guicciardini, . . . 152

added for Julius II (col. 105). Guicciardini, loc. cit., says that Cardona, not Julius, got the 20,000 ducats. Cf in general Fran-

cesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. stor. TTT itahano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 289-95. '5° Cf. the letter of Jean Leveau, Andrea da Borgo’s secre'48 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 101, letter of Cardinal Giovanni to tary, to Margaret of Austria-Savoy, dated at Mantua on 17 Piero da Bibbiena, dated at Florence on 16 September, 1512, August, 1512, in Lettres du roy Lows XH, II (1712), 298-99.

and see, ibid., cols. 105, 123. On Leveau, cf’ Maulde-la-Claviere, La Diplomatie au temps de '49 The external trappings of the old republic were main- Machiavel, 1 (1892), 373. tained (Sanudo, Diari, XV, 122-23, 141-42, and cf. A. Re- 151 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 217-19, and A. Biichi, Schiner-Kornaudet, Le Concile gallican de Pise-Milan [1922], nos. 623 ff., pp. respondenz, 1 (1920), no. 271, pp. 203-4. 683 ff.). Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 4, ed. Florence: Salani, 152 Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 325-27; Guicciardini, Storia a’ Italia, 1963, III, 33, says that the constitution obtaining before 1494 XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 36-37; Lettres du roy Louis

was now restored. On 17 October (1512) the Medici were en- XII, III (1712), 313-15, 321-23, and cf vol. IV (1712), pp. rolled in the Venetian patriciate (Sanudo, XV, 238, 254-55, 14-16, 24-25; Hefele, Hergenréther, and Leclercq, Hist. des

316, 338). conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 363 ff.

134 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT odds with the Spanish over Brescia,'’* they were of the [Gallican] council.’’!®> The allied powers also unwilling to yield to the demands which the — seemed to be leaving the Venetians no option but emperor was making upon them, in which he had to renew their old entente with France, which unpapal support. Wishing to appease Maximilian, der the circumstances could be easily arranged.!°°

Julius proposed that Verona and Vicenza be as- Pope Julius IJ had made up his mind. On 19 signed to the empire, and that the Venetians retain November, as the Venetian ambassadors in Rome Padua and Treviso, as well as Brescia, Bergamo, reported to their government, he subscribed to

and Crema, for the investiture of which they the accord with the Emperor Maximilian in the should pay Maximilian more than 250,000 ducats _ presence of Matthias Lang and the imperial envoys

as well as a feudal rent (censo) of 30,000 a year. Alberto Pio da Carpi and Andrea da Borgo. He Massimiliano Sforza should become duke of Milan. signed ‘‘at the fourth hour of the night [9 P.M.], Parma, Piacenza, and Reggio should become pos- the astrological hour.’’ The Spanish had done sessions of the Church, and the pope claimed Fer- what they could to dissuade him from the alliance rara as well. But the Venetian ambassador Fran- with Maximilian, who was getting a lot for nothcesco Foscari protested, “‘Beatissime pater, this is ing. The Venetians believed that Julius was acting not the peace we expected, giving up Verona and _ largely from fear of the Gallican conciliarists in Vicenza, which we ought to have.. . ..’ The pope__Lyon. He had been afraid for months that Louis replied, ‘You will have Crema and Bergamo, and XII would set up an anti-pope. The third session you will get Brescia,” and he added irritably, “If of the Lateran Council was to be held on 3 Deyou don’t want this, we shall all be against you.” cember (a month late), and Matthias Lang would At this point Alberto Pio da Carpi and Andrea da__ put in an appearance to pronounce Maximilian’s Borgo, who were also in Rome representing the support of the council and the imperial rejection emperor, stated flatly, ‘““You see, the Venetians do — of the schismatic conventicle of Pisa-Milan-Lyon.!°”

not want peace. . . ,’’ and the quarreling went The articles of agreement binding the pope and on until the meeting ended indecisively.'** emperor together were published on 25 NovemWhen on 10 November (1512) the pope pro- ber (1512) in the church of S. Maria del Popolo. posed his terms of peace ina consistory, the Vene- Their purpose was said to be the exaltation of the tian cardinal Domenico Grimani rose in vigorous faith and the establishment of peace in Christenopposition, protesting that the Serenissima had dom. Maximilian renounced all support of Alfonso not deserved such treatment after the blood and_ I d’ Este of Ferrara and the Bentivoglio of Bomoney she had expended in driving the French _ logna, and became the defender of the pope’s perfrom Italy. This was no fitting recompense for her son and the Holy See. He denounced the concilialoyalty to the Holy See. Other cardinals agreed bulo prsano, and declared his firm adherence to the

with him. “‘But the pope said in anger that he true Council of the Lateran, which the pope had wanted the terms thus,”’ reports Sanudo, “‘and that

the Turk has put his brother [Ahmed] to flight “ and is preparing aeg. great49, armada to make his own R sane. mart, XV, 336-37, 342, 344, and gf Sen. Secreta, ; : . . fols. 73 ff. and esp. fols. 77°-78", 79°80" [83 ff.]. kind of peace [pacifichar] with the Christians. The Venetians observed that “questo non saria acordo ma prin.. . On the twelfth the Venetian ambassador cipio di pit guerra” (Sanudo, XV, 340), and they had no indined with the pope, whom he reported to be re- _ tention of accepting the papal-imperial accord (ibid., cols. 334, luctant thus to oppose Venice, but was driven to 342). The Turks were again harrying the Hungarian frontiers

do so by his “‘avidity to get Ferrara and his fear (cols. 346-47). i . , Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 340, 345: “Eda saper, In questi zorni, tutta la terra diceva non esser altro remedio che acordarsi con

——$$$__—_ Franza.. . .” Cf also, ibid., XV, 349, 352, 358, 364, 366, 368. '®8 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 328-29, 342, 349-50, et alibi; Cal- Current reports suggested that the Spanish were losing some endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, ed. Rawdon Brown, II (Lon- — ground to the French in Navarre (ibid., cols. 351-52).

don, 1867), no. 208, pp. 84-85, and cf. no. 212; Carlo Pasero, '57 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 350, and cof. cols. 375, 380, 383, Francia, Spagna, Impero a Brescia (1509-1516), Brescia, 1957, _ relating to the publication of la liga tra lo Papa et Imperator in pp. 315 ff. The French commander in Brescia had surrendered —S. Maria del Popolo on 25 November, when Fra Egicio da the city to Cardona rather than to the Venetians (Guicciardini, | Viterbo hailed Maximilian as difensor di la Chiexa. Cf. Sen. Storia d’ Italia, XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 35-36). | Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 80” ff. [90° ff.]; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., Cf. Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 335, 336. ad ann. 1512, no. 90, vol. XXX (1877), p. 600; Guicciardini, '°4 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 333-34, and cf, ibid., col. 351; Letters Storia a’ Italia, XI, 5, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 40-42: and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VIII, 1-1 (1920), Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, 1 (1729), 336; Chas. no. 1489, pp. 678-79, Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 5, ed. | Kohler, Les Suisses dans les guerres d’ Italie de 1506 a 1512, pp.

Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 37~38. 49] ff.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 135 convoked in accordance with canon law. In his alliance was announced in the Piazza S. Marco the

turn Julius II promised to employ the full re- following month.'*! sources of the papal arsenal (arme spirituale et tem- The new doge of Genoa, Giovanni di Campoporale) against the Venetians if they persisted in fregoso, also reached an understanding with Louis their refusal to give up Verona and Vicenzatothe XII whereby he retained his title as doge,'®* and emperor.'”® It is small wonder that the Venetians (since the English might withdraw from the fray)

reacted with indignation. Ferdinand the Catholic was ready to talk peace with

When news of the papal-imperial pact became the French.'®’ The pope and the Swiss were of generally known in Venice, it was widely agreed course most anxious to keep Louis XII’s forces out that “‘the pope has always been our enemy” (7/ of Milan and, now with the assent of the emperor, Papa é sta sempre per nostro nemicho). The desire were restoring the young Massimiliano Sforza to il grew on the Rialto as well as in the doge’s palace Moro’s throne, but rapid reversals of fortune had for a renewal of the French alliance.'°? Matthias become characteristic of the Italian political drama. Lang’s promotion as a cardinal, hitherto held in Louis XII began preparations for his return, and petto, was now announced in public consistory, many Milanesi were biding their time to see what with the title of S. Angelo.'°° The French were would finally happen. Thus, when he left Milan, improving their position, and as early as 23 De- Gian Giacomo Trivulzio had left behind him a december, despite the bitterness of the past three posito of cheeses (worth 6,000 ducats) which the years, the Venetian government was ready to join — bishop of Lodi, papal governor of the city, wanted Louis XII in a “‘renovatio amicitiae, confoedera- to sell, but he could not find a buyer for fear that tionis et ligae perpetuo duratura.” By the terms Trivulzio might return.’ If the pope’s accord with of a treaty, as drafted by the Venetians, Louisand the emperor drove the Venetians into renewed althe Doge Leonardo Loredan would become ‘‘amici _ liance with the French, how long would Massimiamicorum et inimici inimicorum,” and the sub- _ liano Sforza be able to remain in Milan? Maybe the jects of both parties could trade freely in each French would come back and Trivulzio reclaim his

other’s territory. Formal record was made of cheeses after all.’

Louis’s intention to recover the duchy of Milan, and the angry statesmen of the Republic stated in The third session of the Lateran Council was the text their own determination to regain all the held on the cold, rainy morning of 3 December cities, lands, and fortifications ‘“‘which they pos- (1512), attended by one hundred and eleven memsessed before the present war.” The allies would bers.'®° Alessio Celidonio, bishop of Molfetta, both be bound to put armies into the field to assist each other to achieve these objectives. It took 161 sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 84"-87° [94"-97"], docs. dated three months to adjust the demands which each 18-94 December, 1512, and of. fols. 92 ff. [102 ff.]. The text side put forward, but Louis finally subscribed to of the treaty, which Louis XII signed at Blois on 23 March,

the treaty on 23 March (1513), and the doge 1°15. We tet |129" 1 ate on Tote Apne ss grven. ratified it three weeks later (on 12 April). The Gritti. A summary is given in Predelli, Regewti dei Comme. VI (Venice, 1903), bk. Xx, no. 7, p. 130; the new treaty renewed

— that of 15 April, 1499 (bid., VI, bk. Xvi, no. 149, p. 39); and

'®8 Sanudo, Diarit, XV, 384-88; Le Glay, Négociations diplo- it remained in effect when Francis I succeeded Louis on the matiques, | (Paris, 1845), pp. 513-14, a letter of Matthias Lang — French throne (ibid., VI, bk. Xx, nos. 23, 30, pp. 134-35). See, to Margaret of Austria-Savoy, dated at Rome on 23 November, _ below, pp. 137b, 144b-145, 148.

1512. 162 Sanudo, Diari, XV, 354, 360, 382. '°9 Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 352, 358, 401, 412. But Julius IT was '®° Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 364. Henry VIII disapproved of the

distressed by his alienation from Venice (ibid., XV, 363-64, papal-imperial accord exclusis Venetis, lest it ally Venice with the 383, 412), and Ferdinand of Aragon knew that Julius and Mat- _‘ French, against whom he was allegedly preparing another army

thias Lang had played into the hands of France (Letters and of 40,000 men (Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of. . . Henry VII, 1-1 [1920], no. . . . Henry VIH, 1-1 [1920], no. 1628, p. 737). Besides, Henry

1559, p. 716). regarded Venice as a “necessary wall against the Turks” (idid.,

'®° Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 361. S. Angelo had been the title of | no. 220, p. 113). Sanseverino, whom the pope had deprived of the red hat. Lang '©4 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 11. did not wish to don the garb of a cardinal as yet, and the hat '®° Trivulzio was in fact doing everything he could to effect was to be sent to him when, on his return home, he stopped _ his return to Milan (cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 390, 403, 409). at Milan (ibid., XV, 383, 384). He found Julius I ‘“‘vieulx et '66 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, cols. 727 ff.. i.e., one hundred colorique” (Le Glay, Négociations diplomatiques, 1, 515, whose and eleven members, not counting the four generals of the

summary of the document is in error). Lang was believed to Orders and two abbots: the list in Mansi, however, may be

have refused the promotion. incomplete.

136 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT preached the sermon, which was half finished be- _ eration, plus a number of others, including Federico,

fore Matthias Lang appeared. Alberto Pio da _ the little son of the Marchese Francesco Gonzaga Carpi had gone twice to summon Lang, who did of Mantua.'®* The famous letter of Louis XI, dated not wish to pledge the emperor’s allegiance to the at Tours on 27 November, 1461, was read, abroCouncil until he actually had in his hands the papal gating the Pragmatic Sanction. The text was censure of Venice. Finally he came, and duly read promptly printed and distributed.'®? Louis XII had an imperial declaration disavowing all association revived the Sanction, which asserted the indepenwith the conciliarists at Pisa, whom Maximilian’ dence of the Gallican Church, and might be emhad previously supported, and announcing his ad- ployed as an instrument in the hands of the conherence to the Lateran Council, which the pope _ ciliarists in Lyon. The bull Salut: gregis was read at had purchased at a sufficiently high price. The _ the present fourth session, summoning all supporters third session ended with the bishop of Forli, Pietro of the Pragmatic Sanction to appear before the LatGriffo, reading a bull which repeated the condem- eran Council within two months of the date of nation of Carvajal, Briconnet, de Prie, and San- issue.'’° The pope wanted to lay the specter of this severino, olim cardinales, and of their supporters threat once and for all. The sermon was preached as both schismatics and heretics. All their acts were by Cristoforo Marcello, an apostolic protonotary declared null and void. France was laid under the and, incidentally, a Venetian. With classical and hisinterdict, and the fair of Lyon was transferred to _ torical allusions, Marcello discoursed on the duties Geneva. The bull concluded with the designation — of secular and ecclesiastical princes, working his way

of 10 December as the date for the fourth session from Plato to the disastrous battle of Ravenna, and

of the Council.'®’ burst into a paean in praise of the Council: “O The fourth session of the Council was held, as_ foelix Lateranense Concilium! O sanctissima concio

scheduled, in the church of S. John Lateran on .. . , ubi una pietas viget, unus amor, una foeliFriday, 10 December. The pope presided, with citas!’” He expected the Council would remake the nineteen cardinals, ninety-six patriarchs, archbish- world, and if some of the members dozed under ops, and bishops, four abbots, and the four generals the weight of his somnolent oratory, they probably of the mendicant orders in solemn attendance, as awakened when he launched into fulsome praise of well as the envoys of Maximilian, Ferdinand the Julius II, whose sharp eyes doubtless swept the conCatholic, the Florentines, and the Swiss Confed- gregation of sagging shoulders. The pope had waged a just war, said Marcello,

—————_—— against the most powerful enemies, and had endured a Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 389-90, who erroneously calls the pot only intrepidly but even willingly the extremes session of 3 December la quarta sesswone; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, of heat and cold, sleepless nights, adverse health, 427-28, and Gesch. d. Papste, W1-2 (repr. 1956), 864-65; Hefele, . . . Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), endless hardships, facing almost death itself. At great 365-66. The bull read by the bishop of Forli was promptly COSt he had raised an army and freed Bologna. Like published, with no indication of printer or place, Bulla tertie no pope before him, Julius had won immortal glory sessionis habite in Sacrosancto Concilio lateranensi lertio nonas De- by driving the enemy from Italy, and had won Reg-

cembris, MDXII, Pont. sanctiss. D. N. Julu divina providentia Papa II anno X. (This bull, inc. Ad illus curus, is given partially in| =§©=—————————

Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 97, vol. XXX [1877], '68 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, cols. 743 ff. p. 602). The sermon was preached by the bishop of Molfetta, 169 Tittere clare memo. Ludovic: XI, Francorum Regis Christianot of Melfi, as stated in the English translation of Pastor and — nissimi, super abrogatione Pragmatice sanctionis in quarta Sessione by Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq. Pastor corrected the Sacrosancti Lateranensis Concilu publice lecte et recitate, without

error in his last German edition. Cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad indication of printer, place, or date (presumably Rome, Deann. 1512, no. 99, vol. XXX, p. 603: ‘‘. . . Alexius episcopus cember, 1512). A Venetian letter patent of 10 April, 1512, Melphitanus.. . .”” The reference is to Alessio Celidonio, on appointing Francesco Foscari as the Republic's representative whom note Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica, HW (1923), 241, to the Lateran Council was also read, emphasizing Venetian and especially Franz Babinger, ‘‘Alessio Celidonio (| 1517)und adherence to the Council (in view of the conceivable prospect seine Turkendenkschrift,” in Bettrage zur Sudosteuropa-Forschung, of Venice’s now going over to the French side). Cf. Sen. Secreta,

Munich, 1966, pp. 326-30. Celidonio was a Greek, born in Reg. 44, fols. 131°—132' [142*-143"]; Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 411, Sparta, and served as bishop of Molfetta from June, 1508, until 412; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 100, vol. XXX his death in 1517. At the time of the third session of the Lateran (1877), p. 603; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des Council in December, 1512, the bishop of Melfi appears to conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 366 ff. have been Raffaele de Ceva (Eubel, II, 209), who resigned the 7° The bull Saluti gregis is dated 10 December (1512), and see, presumably in 1513, to be replaced by Lorenzo Pucci (ibid., | was printed without indication of printer or place, Bulla Quarte III, 241). Pucci became a cardinal in Leo X’s first promotion — Sesstonis habite in sacrosancto Concilio Lateranensi, Quarto Idus Deof 23 September, 1513 (tid., III, 13). Matthias Lang left Rome — cembris MCX, Ponitificatus S. d. n. domini Juli divina providentia

on 5 December. Pape Secundi Anno decimo.

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 137 gio, Parma, and Piacenza. All Italy had rejoiced in ruary, 1513.'7? Julius II would be on his deathbed, his success, but posterity would treasure the peace _ too ill to think of attending. Cristoforo Marcello he would impose upon the peninsula without further had been eloquent but inaccurate. Although the recourse to arms. Marcello now expected Julius, as | French had indeed withdrawn from Italy, the Spanthe supreme prince of Christendom, to reform the _ ish now ranged the peninsula from north to south. Church, which had been deformed by corrupt prac- The valiant old pope had brought not peace but a tices. Everyone had been seeking his own advantage; sword.

the Church had languished and deplored her lot. It had been a stormy decade. For Julius II, howEvil men would have torn the Church apart, had ever, the everlasting quiet of death was coming. not the invincible pontiff interposed his strength to He had never fully recovered from the almost fatal protect her. A manifold chorus of centaurs and sa-__ illness of August, 1511. Despite the extraordinary

tyrs was daily marring the beauty of the Church; successes he had recently enjoyed, clouds were hypocrites and sophists, ravening wolves in sheeps’ again gathering on the political horizon. A new clothing, made a mockery of piety... . But Julius Franco-Venetian alliance seemed to lie ahead,'”° was the shepherd, the physician, governor, hus- which could only be directed against Spain and, bandman, who would save the Church as he had __ presumably, the papacy. The Venetians would not saved Italy. Tu denique alter Deus in terris! The world accede to the emperor’s exorbitant demands, and looked to him for righteousness and peace.'”’ The the Swiss were still clamoring for money. Henry next session of the Council was fixed for 16 Feb- VIII was said to be planning another attack upon France for the coming spring.'’* But it was as the '”! Christophori Marcell, Proto. Apost., quarta Lateranensis Swiss captain of the papal guard told the Venetian Conalu Sessione habita Oratio iin. Idus Decembris, MDXII: ‘‘\m- ambassador Francesco Foscari in Rome toward the

pressum Rome per Iacobum Mazochium xiii Ianuarii MDXIII.” end of December, 1512, “. . . il Papa é vechio Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1512, no. 103, vol. XXX e morira presto.’’!”° Julius Il had not much longer. (1877), P. 604, and Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. His successor would have much to do. On 16 JanPerhaps we should take further note of Cristoforo Marcello. U@TY> » Foscarl wrote his government trom

des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), p. 369. 1513. F . hi re He was appointed archbishop of Corfu in June, 1514 (Sanudo, Rome:

Diarn, XVIII, 236, 241, 272-73). Three years later, in 1517, . .

he incurred the wrath of Paride Grassi, the papal master of His Holiness has been in bed for the last sixteen days, ceremonies, for giving to the Venetian printers Antonio and not that he is especially ill, but he has no appetite. He Silvano Capelli the text of the “Ceremoniale Romanum,” which eats two eggs a day, and cannot take anything else; he had been published the previous year as Rituum ecclesiasticorum has no fever, but at his age some grave illness could come sive sacrarum cerimoniarum SS. Romanae Ecclesiae libri tres non upon him, an illness born of grief at the present situaante impress. To Paride Grassi’s consternation, Marcello’s edition —_tjgn,!76 of the Ceremoniale was being sold publicly in Rome. Although

Grassi had roundly assailed the memory of his predecessor

Johann Burchard for keeping secret his great knowledge of , a the complicated etiquette of the Curia Romana (cf. Luigi Frati, * Cf Sanudo, Diaru, XV, 412: “. . . et fo prolongato il Le Due Spedizoni militari di Giulio I, Bologna, 1886, introd., Concilio ad primam [16 February, 1513] post cineres [9 Februpp: XI-X1I), he also tried to preserve the arcana of papal cer- ary]... .” (Ash Wednesday is Le Ceneri.) The bull of 10 Deemonial, at least to the extent that they should not become cember (1512), Salut gregis, summoning supporters of the Prag-

public property. matic Sanction to appear before the Lateran Council in two

At Grassi’s behest, several cardinals prevailed upon Pope Leo ‘months, set the fifth session of the Council on 16 February, X to stop the sale of the book until the propriety of its publi- 1512: eo, Quintam sessionem decimoquinto Kal. Martti, que cation could be determined at the next consistory. Grassi erit quarta feria [Wednesday] post primam Dominicam Quadwanted the book burned and Marcello punished (Frati, op. cit., | Tagesime proxime future faciendam. . .” (from a contempopp. XVIUI-xIx). His charge, however, that Marcello had pla- rary printed copy). But the date given (decimoquinto Kal. Martit) giarized the work was shown to be unfounded, since the latter 18 15 February, which fell on a Tuesday in 1513; the writer of had made no effort to conceal the fact that the famous Agostino — the bull meant XIV Kal. Martii, 16 February, which falls on Patrizzi had been the original compiler (in 1488) with the aid the proper Wednesday (quarta feria).

of Burchard. Grassi’s other charge of Marcello’s indiscretion '73 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 421, 424-25, 445, 446, 448, 451could be taken more seriously, but Marcello escaped punish- 52, 475, 483, 491-92, etc. The ‘‘accord and league’ which the ment with the support of Bernardino Carvajal, the cardinal of | Venetians wished to form with Louis XII was still running into

S. Croce, who had favored the publication of the work. Al- difficulty after Julius II’s death (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. though the attempt to burn the printed copies of the Cere- 100°-102" [110°-112"], docs. dated 23-25 February, 1513 moniale thus failed, Grassi exerted all his efforts to destroy as [Ven. style 1512]), but was confirmed a month later to the great many copies as he could, which doubtless contributed to the _ satisfaction of the Senate (2bid., fol. 109 [119)]).

rarity of the work (Frati, op. cit., p. XX), of which a facsimile '74 Sanudo, Diarii, XV, 462, 475, 529-30, 533, 537, 554. edition has been produced by the Gregg Press, Caeremoniale '7° Ibid., XV, 449, and cf. col. 492. Romanum of Agostino Patrizi Piccolomini, Ridgewood, N.J., 1965. '76 Ibid., XV, 501-2, and cf. cols. 503-4, 517.

138 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Despite his continued indisposition, Julius II Julius HI. Now he appealed to the fathers to rewanted to discuss affairs of state. He granted au-__ establish justice and ecclesiastical unity. He longed diences to the cardinals and ambassadors, but re- to see peace in Europe. If Christians must shed their mained opposed to France, and declined to receive _ blood in expiation of their sins, let them do so in two French envoys who were allegedly coming to a crusade against the Turks. The bull Si suwmmus Rome to explore the possibility of a Franco-papal — rerum opifex, prohibiting simony in papal elections,

accord.'’” On 12 February, however, Foscari was read from the pulpit in the cathedral. A siwrote that Julius had had a bad night. He doubted = moniacal election was declared void. Anyone so whether the pope would live; the cardinals were _ elected was to be deposed, like an apostate and hebeginning the usual negotiations with a view to resiarch, from the cardinalate with the loss of all the conclave.'’® From now on, the papal physicians his dignities. The secular arm might be invoked despaired of his recovery, and their aged patient against such a pseudo-pope, whose censures were gave little heed to their advice. There was an onset _ to be null. The simoniacal electors were themselves of la febre freda e calda. Julius renewed the moni- to suffer the loss of their benefices and dignities torum against the simoniacal election of a pope. unless they abandoned their pseudo-pope and reWith no regard for his illness, he wanted to press joined their non-simoniacal confreres within eight forward a campaign against Ferrara. The curial days of having been summoned to do so. Simoniacal politicians were hard at work. Four members of mediators were also to lose all their benefices and the Sacred College were talked about as possible dignities as well as to incur the confiscation of their successors to the dying Julius—the Genoese Raf- property. All such simoniacs were ipso facto excomfaele Riario and Niccolo de’ Fieschi, the Hungar- municated, and the ban could be removed only by ian Thomas Bakocz, and the Venetian Domenico a canonically elected pope. Although a half dozen Grimani—at least so Foscari reported from Rome. _ of the fathers demurred, the great majority agreed

The Colonnesi and Orsini were in arms in the to the stringent provisions of the bull. The papal Roman campagna. The pope’s nephew Francesco decree in contravention of the French Pragmatic Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino, was expected Sanction was also read, and the sixth session of the in Rome, but by 13 February he had not arrived, Council was scheduled for assembly on 11 April.'°’ for fear of his life. The pope’s physicians gave Ju- The question was, who would then be pope? lius less than a week to live.!”° The fifth session of the Lateran Council had been 81 The bull Si swnmus rerum opyfex (XIV Kal. Marin, 1512/ fixed for Wednesday, 16 February (1513). ‘The pope 13) was promptly published, without indication of printer or told his master of ceremonies, Paride Grassi, that place, under the title Juda Secund: Pontificis Max. decretum sanche wished the cardinals to assemble under the pres- tissimum in quinta sessione Sacri Conalu Lateranensts de Creatione idency of Cardinal Raffaele Riario, dean of the Sa-—_ sn Pontificis approbatum. Cf. the Magnum bullarium romanum: ullarum, provilegiorum ac diplomatum romanorum pontificum amcred College, lest the dates set for the submission plissima collectio, 111-3 (Rome, 1743, repr. Graz, 1964), no. XL,

of Louis XII and his supporters be passed and the pp. 349-50, summarized in Hefele, Hergenréther, and terms be circumvented. The Council therefore met — Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-1 (1917), 371. The original on the appointed day, praesidente reverendissimo. . , Bull condemning simoniacal elections to the papal throne, “um domino Raphaele, eprscopo Ostiensi, Sanctae Romanae s wine (cated January, 1506), included in the bu : isummus rerum opifex. The14text of the bullwas of 1506 (misdated Ecclesiae camerarwo.'*° The cardinals, prelates, curial jn the Magnum bullarium romanum, UI-3 [repr. 1964], no. V, officials, a few secular princes, four ambassadors, _ pp. 263-64, datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum anno incarnations members of the nobility, and a number of Hospi- dominicae millesimo quingentesimo quinto, decimo nono Kal. Februarn,

tallers all passed toyes the .blare of trumpets from theGrassi’s pontficanis Diarum, nosin anno ed. secundo, which should readSpedizioni anno tertto) is . . given in Paride L. Frati, Le Due palace to the basilica in solemn procession. Giovanni militari, Bologna, 1886, pp. 214-19. It was published in October,

Maria del Monte, soon to be confirmed as arch- 1510, on which note Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 440, and Gesch. d. bishop of Siponto (Manfredonia), preached the ser- Papste, 11-2 (repr. 1956), 876-77, with note 3 concerning the mon, full of praise for the.absent pontiff.translation Gianmaria puof of 1506, whichwork. has usually beenI]misdated 1505, as on in the . . nglish Pastor’s Julius was elected 1 was the nephew of Cardinal Ciocchi, and would ONC November (1503); his coronation came on the twenty-sixth, day (in 1550) ascend the papal throne himself as which began the first year of his pontificate. The year of the incarnation begins on 25 March, and so January, 1505, would

—_-—— be 1506 in our calendar, which would fall in Julius’s third year.

177 Tbhid., XV, 531-32. The invalidity and abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction and 178 Thid., XV, 541. the convocation of the sixth session of the Council for 11 April

'79 Tbid., XV, 554, and on the four alleged contenders for — (I/I Idus Aprilis) also appeared without notice of printer or place the papal throne, cf the first pasquinade given, ibid., col. 563. as Cedula quinte sesstonis prorogationis in causis Reformationis et

180 Mansi, Concilia, XXXII, 762 ff. Pragmatwe Sanctionis habite in Sacrosancto Concilio Lateranensi

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 139 Each passing day had shown that it would not be Sanudo noted in his diaries, “has reigned nine years, Julius II, who was now diutina diarrhoea consumptus. eleven [!] months, and twenty days; he was sixtyOn 20 February he received the holy eucharist, and _ eight years of age, and has been the cause of Italy’s summoned the cardinals to his chamber to remind — ruination,’’ whereupon he recorded with evident them that theirs was the right and duty to elect the _ pleasure the texts of some two dozen scurrilous pas-

pope. With this the Lateran Council had nothing quinades to the same effect.'*” to do. The schismatic cardinals were to be excluded Julius IJ has had many critics from Sanudo to from the conclave and from the city. As Giuliano Gregorovius and Brosch, and defenders from Rodella Rovere, he pardoned them and raised his hand berto Bellarmino to Pastor, but Paride Grassi attests

in a blessing, but as Julius If the pope, he could to the great crowds which attended his obsequies, only insist that justice be observed. Up to this point pushing aside the guards to kiss the feet of the stalhe had spoken in Latin, employing the papal plural, — wart pontiff who had thrown the unpopular French as though he were addressing a consistory. Now, out of Italy.'"* He had been a pope of great courage speaking in Italian, he informed the cardinals that and constancy, says Guicciardini, but impetuous and he wanted the duke of Urbino to have in perpetuity of boundless ideas which might have sent him hur-

the city and vicariate of Pesaro. The cardinals tling to destruction, had he not been sustained by agreed thereto. Then he commended his family to the reverence felt for the Church, the discord of them, giving them all his blessing. They were in _ princes, and the condition of the times, for his own tears, and so was he. It was the end. He died about moderation and prudence were not such as to save 3:00 A.M. on 21 February, 1513.'82 “This pope,” him. He would certainly have been worthy of the highest glory, in Guicciardini’s opinion, if he had

——_—_——_—_—— employed the same care and determination in adquartodecimo Kal. Marti, MDXII [O.S.], Pont. S. domini nostri d. vancing the spiritual well-being of the Church as Julit Secundi anno X. See the extracts from the ceremonial diary he had expended in exalting its temporal greatof Paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. ness. !85

1-6, vol. XXXI (Bar-le-Duc and Paris, 1877), pp. 1-3, and :

Foscari’s dispatch of 19 February in Sanudo, Diarn, XV, 560. §5————————

Gianmaria del Monte’s concern for the crusade may have been Romana (XII, 441, 450), and another nephew, Niccolo, was inspired by the recent news of Turkish incursions into Hungary well taken care of (XII, 449, 459). Bartolommeo was a papal

(Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1V [1712], 33). chamberlain (ibid., XIV, 100-1). The pope’s nephew Francesco 182 Paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. Maria retained the duchy of Urbino (and now was to receive

7-9, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 3-4; Hefele, Hergenrother, and _ Pesaro) despite the fact he had murdered Cardinal Francesco Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 372; Pastor, Hist. Alidosi in May, 1511 (Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. L. Frat, op. Popes, V1, 435-36, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 870-—_—cil., pp. 278-79), although at the time the pope did think of 72, with notes not in the English translation. See also Foscari’s | removing him, or so at least it was said (Sanudo, XII, 203). In

dispatches of 20-21 February in Sanudo, Diarti, XV, 560-61, April, 1512, Francesco Maria, Niccolo, and Bartolommeo and and the letters of Girolamo de’ Grassi of 19 and 21 February, all their legitimate heirs were made nobles and patricians of ibid., cols. 565-66. Cf Bembo, Hist. veneta, X11, in Opera omnia, _ Venice, and enrolled in the Maggior Consiglio (ibid., XIV, 81,

1 (1729), 337; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fols. 99", 102°, 107°[109", 83) through no merit of theirs. 112°, 117"); Lettres du roy Lows XH, 1V (1712), 51, 58, 60; and '®8 Sanudo, Diari, XV, 561-65. Julius II had actually been A. Luzio, ‘‘Isabella d’ Este di fronte a Giulio II,” Arch. stor. pope for nine years, three months, and twenty days, as Raylombardo, 4th ser., XVIII (1912), 414-17: “Giulio I fu P We naldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1513, no. 9, vol. XX XI (1877), p.

debrando del suo tempo.”’ 4, correctly notes. Concerning the pasquinades and other hosGuicciardini, who is not favorable to Julius II, says that the _ tile literary works produced upon Julius’s death, cf. Pastor, Hist. deathbed request of the vicariate of Pesaro for Francesco Maria Popes, V1, 437-38, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-2 (repr. 1956),

della Rovere was the only instance in which he showed a 873-74, note 6. nepotistic concern for his family (Storia d’ Italia, XI, 8, ed. 184 Paride Grassi, Diarium, in Dollinger, Beitrage, HI (Vienna, Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 58): ‘In niuna altra cosa dimostro —_‘1882), 432, cited by Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. affetti privatio propril. . . .”’ Julius was, however, more of a_— des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 373, and Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 437,

nepotist than is sometimes realized. His nephews Leonardo — and Gesch. d. Papste, 1-2 (repr. 1956), 872: In his forty years Grosso della Rovere and Sisto della Rovere were both made _ in Rome, Paride Grassi had never seen, and he believed there cardinals, the former being known as the cardinal Aginense (of | had never been, such a crowd of people pressing forward to Agen) and Sisto as the cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli (cf Sanudo, _ see the body of a pope: ‘“‘Non vidi unquam ab annis quadraginta,

Diaru, XII, 105). A close friend, Francesco Argentino, was quibus in Urbe fui, nec credo visam unquam fuisse tam ingentem made cardinal of S. Clemente, and played some part in the populorum multitudinem ad ullum Pontificis cadaver effusam.”’ curial process against the schismatic cardinals of Pisa (tbid., XII, | Together with his statement, incidentally, that when he was 282, 362). Another relative, Marco Vigerio della Rovere of | appointed Cerimoniere della Cappella Papale on 26 May, 1504, Savona, bishop of Sinigaglia (Senigallia), was also made a car-__ he had been in the Curia Romana for thirty years, this text dinal. Francesco della Rovere was made the bishop of Vicenza. furnishes the chief indication of Paride Grassi’s own age (Frati, The pope’s daughter Felice was married to Gian Giordano Le Due Spedizoni militarn di Giulio HT, introd., p. 1X). Orsini of Bracciano (XII, 301, 441, 449, 459). Bartolommeo '®5 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1, 8, ed. Florence: Salani, della Rovere, parente dil papa, was conspicuous at the Curia 1963, III, 58.

140 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The struggle of Julius II against Louis XII had the walls of the city; improved the water supply done more than merely drive the French from the and sanitation; built new streets, as the Via Giulia Italian peninsula. It had meant that the Church still bears witness; and extended the Vatican palwould not again fall under a ‘“‘Babylonish captiv- ace, connecting it with the Belvedere. He emity,”’ not at least in subjection to France. The dan- ployed the chief artists and architects of the time, ger of a Spanish hegemony was weighing heavily including his old friend Giuliano da Sangallo and on Julius’s mind when he died, and the coming the young Antonio Picconi da Sangallo, Donato years would show that while the papacy escaped Bramante, the goldsmith Cristoforo Foppa Carathe French peril, it almost succumbed to the other. dosso, Baldassare Peruzzi, Cristoforo Romano, More than one writer has compared Julius to In- Andrea Sansovino, and of course Michelangelo nocent III; certainly Julius’s view encompassed all and Raphael. Christendom. He worked hard to maintain reli- At Julius’s command, important work was done

gious orthodoxy and to effect the conversion of in the churches of S. Maria Maggiore, S. Pietro the Bohemian sectaries at the same time as he dis-__ in Vincoli, S. Biagio della Pagnotta, the SS. Aposcouraged the ambitions of the Spanish inquisitors, toli, and S. Maria del Popolo,'®’ in the last of which whose success in Naples would have meant a se-_ he commissioned Andrea Sansovino to design the

vere limitation of papal authority in the Regno. marble tombs (in the choir) of the late Cardinals He concerned himself with the reform and reor- Ascanio Sforza and Girolamo Basso della Rovere,

ganization of the monastic orders, but he looked both being finished in 1509. He rebuilt or beyond the confines of Europe, and interested strengthened various fortresses in the papal states, himself in missionary ventures in America, Africa, including those at his favorite Ostia, Civitavecchia, and the Middle East. If he gave much of his time Civita Castellana, Viterbo, Montefiascone, Forli,

and strength to war and diplomacy, he did not Imola, and Bologna. He had work done on the neglect the arts of peace. He endowed, for ex- cathedrals of Orvieto and Perugia. Aided by ample, the papal choir in S. Peter’s, which has — grants of indulgences, he contributed to the buildbeen called from his time the Cappella Giulia. ing or rebuilding of churches in Bologna, Ferrara, In architecture as in politics Julius II pursued S. Arcangelo, Corneto, and Toscanella, and espethe grand design. Although he was a collector of _ cially those at Loreto and his native Savona. Julius books, he was not given to poring over miniatures. _ II’s attention was chiefly concentrated upon Rome, He did not have the mind of a numismatist, and however, and as his appreciative contemporary, was not in fact a scholar; he never lost himself in the canon Francesco Albertini, observed in June, the contemplation of the antique sculpture which 1509, at the beginning of the part of his guidebook he enjoyed and for which he paid high prices. Even _ relating to the recent wonders of Rome, Julius had Michelangelo’s plans for his great tomb, of which — surpassed all his predecessors in the restoration the majestic Moses (done just after Julius’s death) and embellishment of the eternal city,'*® while the expresses in some ways the pope’s own personality, work of Michelangelo and Raphael was rapidly magnarum semper molium avidus, gave way early in increasing those wonders. 1506 before Bramante’s plans for the vast new Although political theory in the middle ages and

basilica of S. Peter’s. the Renaissance prescinded for the most part from

It required an immense decisiveness to give or- a belief in God, whom the pope served as Christ’s ders for the demolition of ruinous old S. Peter’s, vicar and the kings as His viceregents, certainly the which by Julius’s own day had weathered a mil- world of the sixteenth-century leagues resembles lennium of papal history. He gave those orders.'*° modern times in rejecting metaphysical consider-

While he carried on war, he continued the re-

building of Rome, taking up the work of his pre-e }=——WW—— decessors Nicholas V and Sixtus IV. He restored '87 Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis

Romae, ed. August Schmarsow, Heilbronn, 1886, pp. 6-7, 11, 13-16, with a reference (p. 13) to Michelangelo’s work on the

rs186ceiling frescoes of the Cappella Sistina, and on Julius II’s reOn contemporary opposition to the destruction of the old _ building of the pontifical palaces, cf, ibid., pp. 18 ff. S. Peter’s, which nevertheless appears to have been in a state 188 Fr Albertini, op. cit., p. 1. The first edition of Albertini’s of near-collapse, cf; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 468-72, and Gesch. | Mirabilia was printed by Mazocchi in Rome on 4 February, d. Papste, 11-2 (repr. 1956), 920-24. On Julius II’sappointment 1510. On the wonders of Rome a decade later, cf. Marino of commissioners-general to solicit gifts for the building of S. | Sanudo’s summary of Francesco Janis da Tolmezzo’s stay in Peter’s in return for the grant of indulgences, see, ibid., HI-2, the city on his way to Spain in February, 1519 (R. Fulin, Diaru

931-32, not in the English translation (VI, 482). e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, pp. 68-70).

THE CONCILIARISTS, RAVENNA, AND SELIM I 141 ations and basing international relations upon self- _ less pronounced than some historians, including interest to be assured by contractual obligations. Maulde-la-Claviére, appear to think.'”° But if the Crusade, the prime object of generations, Although the English and French bourgeoisie was neglected during the papacy of Julius II, it was may have been little moved by the Crusade, the chiefly because the affairs of Italy and the Italian idea remained alive among the Venetians, whose wars occupied all his time and required most of his Levantine possessions were perennially subject to

resources. He often enunciated the ambition of the Turkish danger. That was the tragedy of the driving the infidels from Istanbul and Jerusalem, League of Cambrai, as Sanudo and his fellow and on 17 June, 1509, Cardinal Sigismondo Gon- citizens saw it: in trying to destroy the Serenissima, zaga declared that Julius wanted personally to par- the members of the league were trying to destroy

ticipate in an expedition he was then planning the chief Christian bulwark in the East, which had against the Turks—indeed, Julius even hoped already been severely weakened by a half century within less than a year to celebrate mass in Istan- of fearsome Turkish successes. Such at any rate was bul!’89 Certainly the forlorn nature of the hope the point of view the Venetians liked to maintain. requires no comment. Even as a useful device to But aside from Venetian self-interest, the idea of preach peace or collect funds, the Crusade was less the crusade remained popular with the chivalry of generally employed in his reign than in those of his Europe, the lower clergy, and the peasantry. predecessors, with the notable exception of the cru- From the time of the war of the League of Camzadas collected by Ferdinand the Catholic to help _ brai, French relations with Egypt became close, and

finance his undertakings in North Africa. But if the French consul in Cairo eclipsed his Venetian kings and princes (and some popes) viewed the pros- confrere in importance. After 1510 the French pect of a crusade with skepticism, popular opinion seemed to have a sort of protectorate over the holy continued to favor the idea of a great expedition _ places.'”' France appeared to have a future, at least against the Turks, who menaced the Hungarian a diplomatic future, in the Levant. For more than

frontiers and ranged the western waters of the thirty years after the death of Mehmed the Con-

Mediterranean. queror the papacy had been able to afford the Italian

Ferdinand directed the crusade toward North wars. Under the weak rule of Bayazid II the Turks Africa. Louis XII cherished his title Rex Christia- had rarely threatened the shores of the peninsula; nissimus, which Henry VIII coveted. James IV of for some time the captivity of Jem Sultan could be Scotland talked about the crusade continually. The and had been used to advantage. Now, however, world of Islam lay outside the Respublica Christiana. the vigorous young warrior Selim I occupied the The Moslem was the Christian adversary, the Koran throne of Osman, and contemporaries believed he the negation of Christian law, and the crusade the intended to dominate as much of the world as he noblest form of warfare. Diplomatic relations with could. French influence in Egypt would disappear Turkey were likely to be considered immoral, and — with the Turkish destruction of the soldanate. Anthe activities of the Italian envoys sent to the Porte, other generation would indeed find the French in especially those of the Venetian resident embassy _ virtual alliance with the Turks (in 1536) against the in Istanbul, were easily held up to popular oppro- Hapsburgs, but during the decades that lay ahead brium. If a change came about in European think- Europeans would again live in continuing fear of ing, owing to the increased secularization of society Turkish aggression. The Crusade would again bein the early sixteenth century, it was less rapid and come a vital force in papal policy and Italian politics, and the successor of Julius II would know an anxiety

——_——- born of Turkish power and expansion that Julius '89 Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 111-2 (repr. 1956), 732, 890-95, had himself been spared.

has made the most of Julius II’s so-called Kreuzzugsplane, of

which nothing ever came. For Cardinal Gonzaga’s report of 17 =—§ —————

June, 1509, see A. Luzio, in the Corriere della Sera, no. 253 '9° Cf R. A. de Maulde-la-Claviére, La Diplomatie au temps (1908), cited by Pastor, op. cit., II-2, 892-93: “Dice volergli de Machiavel, | (Paris, 1892, repr. Geneva, 1970), 12 ff., 22 ff., andare personalmente et sperare in Dio non sara uno anno che 39-45, 71-90.

celebrara messa in Constantinopoli.”’ '9! Cf Maulde-la-Claviére, I, 88-89, 154.

4. LEO X, THE LATERAN COUNCIL, AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT (1513-1517) [NS THE LATER fifteenth and early sixteenth V was at hand, and Charles was an accomplished centuries the popes were tending to become like _ linguist.

other Italian princes. They were elected to office, The decline of Latin seems to have been detrias were the doges of Venice, by a small, oligar- mental to the prestige of the papacy. The universal chically-minded corporation. During this period the language and the universal church were going down

families of the Piccolomini, della Rovere, Borgia, together. The religious unity of Europe declined and Medici each gained the papacy more than once. with its linguistic unity, and papal authority was Cardinals were often papal nephews, and the popes _ impaired by the growth of the vernacular languages founded princely families. Patronage was reserved as well as of the national states. The popes could for personal friends or political supporters. But always preach crusades; Pius II (like Gregory X bein some ways the fall of Constantinople and the fore him) proposed to lead one. No pope ever went growing Turkish peril exercised as beneficent an crusading in the Levant, however, and in the maeleffect upon the papacy as did, later on, the whole _ strom of Italian politics it would have been unwise movement of Counter-Reformation and the Council _ to leave the Petrine patrimony entirely to the mercy

ofTheTrent. of the secular powers. Turkish threat forced the popes to take all As Europe passed into the sixteenth century,

Europe into account in formulating their major the papacy responded slowly to the needs of the policies, broadened their outlook at every critical new era. Often in the pages of Johann Burchard’s juncture of affairs, and helped (even obliged) them ceremonial diary the religious life of the Curia to try to maintain the universal character of the Romana takes on the appearance of a theatrical papacy. Sometimes, too, the appeals of Greek ref- performance, devoid of spiritual content. This is ugees and the lure of classical scholarship directed due only partly to the nature of the diary and to the attention of humanists in the Curia Romana_ the mentality of Popes Innocent VIII and Alexto the sad plight of Greece.’ It is small wonder ander VI. The Curia was spiritually deficient. The that talk of the crusade continued muchas intimes colorful panorama of papal processions; the celepast, and yet it is not surprising that so little was bration of holidays, new treaties, and naval and done to organize large-scale expeditions to attack military victories; the reception of princes and am-

the Ottoman empire. bassadors, other public ceremonies—all these Such factors as the rivalry of the Spanish and_ were in fact spectacles of uncommon interest, deFrench for the control of Italy were constantly to

require the POPes tO search a broad horizon for 1923, repr. 1956], 76, note 2). Three years later, in December, means of preserving their independence. Nev- 1518, when the humanist Cardinal Bibbiena was in Paris as ertheless, the era was not a propitious one for papal legate to enlist French support for the crusade, Francis claims to universality. The medieval synthesis, I did not want him to speak “classical” Latin, which the king such as it was, had broken down. For centuries and his advisors could not handle (Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 302): Latin had been the language of learning and di- “- :_:.¢,1! Re volse esso Legato parlasse in latin vulgar per . OO, vos . poterli far risposta Jui, et non parlando latin conveniria far far plomacy, but now it was losing its position, assailed aq altri, e voleva tutti fosseno testimoni di quello si oferira di by the vernacular languages. Increasingly the far. . . . Et cussi il Legato fece una belissima oratione vulgar diplomat had to bea linguist.” The age of Charles dicendoli il pericolo di la christiana religione per Turchi.. . .” In June, 1520, Leo X received the duke of Albany as the ambassador of the Scottish king: ‘“‘. . . Indi il secretario dell’

TT Ambasciatore fece la oratione et iscuso il Duca che per la mala "Cf M. I. Manousakas, Appeals of Greek Scholars of the Re- valetudine et imperitia della lingua latina havea dato quel carico

naissance to the Princes of Europe for the Deliverance of Greece(1453— — alui. . .”’ (Venezia, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, MS. Cicogna

1535) [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1965, a lecture given at the 2848, fol. 335’, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel). Con-

University of Thessaloniki in March, 1963. cerning the life and works of Michiel (ca. 1486-1552), see

* In early August, 1515, for example, when the young count —_E. A. Cicogna, ‘“‘Intorno la Vita e le opere di Marcantonio of Guise went on a special mission to Rome as the envoy of Michiel, patrizio veneto, della prima meta del secolo XVI,” in Francis I (just before the battle of Marignano), his talks with the Memorie dell’ I. R. Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, IX Leo X were quite unsatisfactory, his difficulties being increased (Venice, 1860), 359-425, and on the importance of the diaries

because he did not know Latin, ‘che non satisfera al Papa— _ note, ibid., esp. pp. 375-77, 391 ff. On the linguistic prowess qual non sa latin e parla francese’”’ (Sanudo, Diaru, XX, 478, of the Hapsburg brothers, Charles V and Ferdinand I, note and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V—1 [Freiburg im Breisgau, Sanudo, LIII, 384, a letter dated at Augsburg in July, 1530.

142

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 143 lighting the Roman populace. Indeed, they stilldo He took the name Leo X, the first Florentine ever so. From the reign of Julius II on, however, in- to be elected pope. His elevation caused wild recreasing numbers of serious statesmen and schol- _joicing in his native city, where news of the great

ars received papal preferment, and expected to event arrived some ten hours after its first andedicate their abilities to the highly complex foreign and domestic problems with which the Holy ——————

See was faced. Bernardino Carvajal, Federigo Sanseverino, and the others were

of course not members of the conclave (cf, Sanudo, Diaru, XVI,

When Julius H died, men were well aware that 11°58 68 79.73, 153, 299, 307, ssl) Wen Roscoe’s unusual an extraordinary papacy had come to an end. study of The Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth, 4 vols., Liverpool They were also well aware that the contest of the — and London, 1805, I, 164 ff., still merits attention, and not Spanish and French for dominance over Europe least for the documents in the extensive appendices. The location as well as Italy marked the beginning of a new Of the cardinals’ cells in the Sistina is known from a text which . . . sh places them under the various frescoes on the chapel walls, on period in diplomacy and warfare. The Spanis which see the interesting note of O. Clemen, ‘‘Zur Papstwahl viceroy of Naples, Ramon de Cardona, was deter- Leos X.,”” Historische Vierteljahrschrift, X (1907), 506-8. Cf. also

mined to build his position in northern Italy upon Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 13-15, vol. XXXI as firm foundations as possible because he knew, (1877), pp. 6-7; Lettres du roy Louis XH, IV (1712), 63—72; and as Francesco Vettori saw clearly, that Julius Il had Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. . . stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 296-98, whose planned to expel Ferdinand the Catholic from rather cynical analysis of the election professes to explain why Italy, as surely as he had done Louis XII of _ the cardinals in conclave preferred Giovanni de’ Medici to RafFrance.” Julius had died at the wrong time, but no _ faele Riario, the cardinal of S. Giorgio. For a brief while it one lives forever. There was naturally much spec- seemed conceivable that the voting in the conclave might swing ulation as to who his successor would be, an (cf. Pio Paschini, ‘‘Adriano Castellesi,” in Tre Illustra Prelati del whether the new pope would promote the cause — Rmasc:mento, Rome, 1957, pp. 74-75).

. : q Riario, who was thought to represent the fazione Roveresca

of peace or prolong the war in Italy. As usual Sanudo assembled al] the facts and rumors he could relating to the election (Diaru, XVI, 11, 16, 18 ff., 28-33, 36,

, 37-42, 45 ff., 50-51, 79-84 and ff.). The detailed election

; On4 March, 1513, twenty-five cardinals gathered capitulations provided for the Christian defense against the in the Vatican Palace. Insisting upon the con- ‘‘perfidious Turks”’ (ibid., col. 101), who were then believed to tinuance of the Fifth Lateran Council both to effect be moving against Rhodes (cols. 129, 133, 179). the needed reform in the Church and to prosecute Of inestimable value for the first years of Leo X’s reign is the war against the Turks, they into solemn we unhinishe work of Cardinalim Joseph Hergenrother, . .entered . Pontificis Maxim: regesta, Freiburg Breisgau, 1884,Leonis and conclave. As usual, the voting was done in the Cha- the detailed narrative of C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenrother, and H. pel of S. Niccolo da Bari, which no longer exists. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 (Paris, 1917), 389 ff., is as The cardinals slept in the Sistina, where small, dark always instructive. E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Le Pontificat cells were assigned to them by lot, and took exercise de Léon X (1513-1521), [Paris,] 1931, is readable but sometimes

. . ae unreliable. Paride Grassi has described in detail the ceremonies and held their deliberations in the adjoining agin in:Bibl. a Apost. g the inception ofrooms the conclave (Diarium,

of the palace. After a week, on 11 March, they Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 4 ff, 9 ff., 15” ff., by elected the affable Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici.* modern stamped enumeration), from which Cardinal de’ Medici emerged as Leo X (2bid., fols. 20 ff.).

TT On the physical appearance of Leo X and the representation * Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. _ of him in contemporary art, especially the extraordinary statue stor. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), p. 289: “. . . perché — of him by Domenico Aimo (now in the left transept of S. Maria il Viceré conosceva benissimo che lo animo di papa Giulio era __ in Aracoeli), see Vittorio Cian, ‘‘Su I’ Iconografia di Leone X,”’ di cacciare il suo re d’ Italia come avea fatto il re di Francia. — in Scritti varii di erudizione e di critica in onore di Rodolfo Renier,

. . .”’ The Spanish withheld Brescia from the Venetians, says Turin, 1912, pp. 559-76, with five plates. Leo, whose ‘“‘icoVettori, ‘because the king of Spain wanted to maintainanarmy —nography”’ is known from his boyhood, was in adult years tall

in Italy in another place than in the kingdom of Naples” (op. in stature, with a great paunch on skinny legs, heavy-necked

cit., p. 299, and cf. p. 288). and broad-shouldered, with myopic, bulging eyes and puffy

* Pastor, Hist. Popes, Vi (London, 1908, repr. 1950), 18— cheeks in a huge head. Nevertheless, he was dignified in bear26, and append., docs. 2-3, pp. 446-48, and Gesch. d. Papste, ing, a fluent speaker with an attractive voice, and would apIV-1 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1923, repr. 1956), 13-18, with parently strike poses in which he would display his long, white

refs., and ibid., 1V-2, append., docs. 2, 4, pp. 648, 677-78; also hands (manus nive candidiores), of which he was proud. So nearnote J. B. Saegmiiller, Die Papstwahlen und die Staaten von 1447 _ sighted that he could see nothing without an optical glass, nec bis 1955, Tubingen, 1890, pp. 137-41. Every pope from Calixtus — legere nec aliquid intueri poterat absque conspicillo magno christallino

III to Paul III (from 1455 to 1534) was elected in the Chapel (says the astrologer Luca Gaurico, Tractatus astrologicus, Venice,

of S. Niccolo da Bari, and not in the Sistine Chapel, on which 1552, 18 ff., cited by Cian); when Leo went hunting, he resee above, Volume II, p. 271, note, and cf, ibid., pp. 379, 390, — quired the prey to be caught and rendered harmless before he

notes. delivered the death stroke with a spear in one hand and his Since Cardinal de’ Medici was only a deacon, he was ordained _ occhiale in the other! In its brutal realism the statue by Aimo in a priest on 15 March and consecrated bishop on the seventeenth — the Aracoeli is probably the closest likeness we have of the first (Pastor, 1V-1, 23). The conciliarists of Pisa, the former Cardinals Medici pope.

144 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT nouncement in Rome. His brother Giuliano began attacks upon central Europe.” On 23 March Leo

preparations to go to Rome with four hundred appealed to Ramon de Cardona, the viceroy of horse, and the Florentine Signoria chose a dozen Naples, to allow and encourage aid to be sent to nobles as an embassy of obedience to the new pon-_ Rhodes, for it was believed in the Curia that the

tiff.° Hospitallers would soon be under Turkish siege Pro-French elements in Italy were disturbed. on their island fortress.'° But cultivated and

Cardinal de’ Medici had supported Julius I’s warlike courtly as he was, and aware of the perils of his activities, and had been captured by the French time, Giovanni de’ Medici was also distractable, after their short-lived victory at Ravenna in April, and we may well assume that he gave little thought 1512. He had subsequently reoccupied Florence to the Turks as he rode in procession to occupy with Spanish assistance. And yet King Louis XII the Lateran basilica on 11 April although he was received the news of his election without notable actually mounted on the same Turkish horse that regret.” Ferdinand the Catholic of Aragon was of _ he had been riding when captured by the French

course elated, as he wrote Leo,’ for after all had at Ravennaa year before. not Leo been his ally? The German and Italian re- The elaborate celebration of the possesso, or taking

actions to the election—less important than the possession of the Lateran, was held in fact on the French and Spanish—were also generally favorable. anniversary of Leo’s capture, but 11 April was also

Leo X was crowned on Saturday, 19 March.® the feast of S. Leo the Great. The day had been The Turkish problem had mounted the throne _ deliberately chosen as a reminder that good fortune

with him. On 18 March, the day before his had followed adversity.’' The major theme running coronation, Leo had warned King Sigismund of through the ceremonies attending Leo X’s ‘‘posPoland that the latter’s differences with Albrecht sesso’ was the great need of making peace both of Hohenzollern, margrave of Brandenburg and among the European powers and among the Italian master of the ‘Teutonic Knights in Prussia, must _ states. Nonetheless, peace would not be easy to sebe composed, for their near neighbors the Turks cure or maintain, however devoutly to be wished could only rejoice in the internecine strife of for, so long as the French were bent upon avenging Christians, and be encouraged to launch further their “‘defeat’’ at Ravenna and recovering their losses in Lombardy.

—___—____— By the treaty of Blois on 23 March, 1513, Louis ° Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 67-68, 148, 356, 361-62. XII had struck a “perpetual alliance’ with his Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 134. In fact Leo X’s brother Giuliano Venetian prisoner Andrea Gritti, which the pope de’ Medici wrote that Louis XII was delighted with the election might enter if h ished. The treat rel (Regem illum magnam laetitiam cepisse), and was now prepared 8 I . c wished. © trea y entirely anto make peace with the Holy See (Hergenrother, ed., Leonis X. nulled the objectives of the erstwhile League of .. . regesta, I, no. 1974, p. 112; Pietro Bembo, Epp., I, no. Cambrai. The Venetians were now to put an army 18, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, ora per la prima volta of 12,000 men into the field while the French in-

tutte in un corpo unite, IV [Venice, 1729], 8). vaded Lombardy. The allies were to fight until the

Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 242. V ; had .

® Papal coronations were commonly held on Sunday, but 20 enetians ha regained the lands they had lost to March was Palm Sunday, and Leo X’s coronation was hastened the League of Cambrai and the French had regained in anticipation of Holy Week (Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], 23). Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 57, 59, 71, 72-73, § —————— 158, 160 ff. The imperial ambassador in Rome, Count Alberto 9 Hergenrother, Leonis X.. . . regesta, I, no. 12, p. 3; Pietro Pio da Carpi, wrote Maximilian, with some clairvoyance after Bembo, Epp., I, no. 5, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, 1V the election: “‘. . . Opinione mea pontifex maximus potius erit (Venice, 1729), 4-5. On 1 April, 1513, Leo again informed mitis ut agnus quam ferox ut leo, pacis erit cultor magis quam _ Sigismund that he must allow the settlement of his contest with belli, erit fidei promissorumque servator religiosus, amicus Gal- Albrecht either by the arbitration of a papal legate or by a lorum certe non erit, sed nec acer hostis ut fuerat Julius, gloriam decision of the Lateran Council (Regesta, I, no. 1987, p. 113; et honorem non negliget, favebit literatis, hoc est oratoribus Bembo, Epp., I, 22, in Opere, IV [1729], 9), which letter was et poetis ac etiam musicis . . . bellum non suscipiet nisi plu- — followed by another to the same effect on 30 April (Regesta, I, rimum lacessitus et valde coactus, excepto bello contra infideles no. 2316, p. 134, and Bembo, Epp., 11, 19, in Opere, IV, 15, ad quod suscipiendum iam aspirare videtur. . .tamenhomines and cf. Epp., II, 20-21, pp. 15-16, and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,

mutant in horas et ‘ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus’ ad ann. 1513, nos. 33 ff., vol. XX XI [1877], pp. 14 ff.). .. .? (Lettres du roy Louis XII, 1V [1712], 79). As for Carpi’s '° Leonis X. regesta, I, no. 1928, p. 109; Bembo, Epp., I, 7, assumption that Leo X would press for peace in Europe and _ in Opere, IV, 5. On 22 March Leo had written to the Genoese war against the Turks, he was quite right, but this wasthe usual government on the Hospitallers’ behalf (Regesta, I, no. 1921, cliché of international diplomacy at this time, to which even _ p. 108; Bembo, Epp., I, 8, in Opere, IV, 5). Louis XII professed to subscribe in a letter, for example, to the '! Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 678-90, has preserved an elaborate College of Cardinals dated at Blois on 5 March, 1513 (Sanudo, description of the procession of 1] April, 1513, on which ef. Diarii, XVI, 34). Paride Grassi has of course described Leo’s Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1, 24 ff.; Leonts X. regesta, 1, no. coronation in his ceremonial diary (Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 2119, p. 121; Wm. Roscoe, Leo the Tenth, II (1805), 174-76;

28 ff., by mod. stamped enumeration). Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 41 ff.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 145 the Milanese duchy and its dependencies. '* News Pope Leo might well hesitate. On 5 April, 1513, of the treaty of Blois evoked grave fears in Leo King Henry VIII of England and the Emperor

X’s mind. Julius I] had added Parma and Maximilian I formed a Holy League at Mechlin Piacenza to the states of the Church, but after Ju- (Malines), the residence of the Archduchess Marlius’s death Ramon de Cardona had returned them _ garet of Austria-Savoy. The allies assumed the adto Massimiliano Sforza, the duke of Milan. Sforza _herence of both the pope and Ferdinand of Aragon

now gave them up to Leo, who had no desire to to the league, the purpose of which was to attack see them fall again under French dominion as de-_ France on all sides.’ After some delay the caupendencies of the Milanese duchy. As the first rumor tious Leo, who would have preferred neutrality,

reached Rome of the negotiations at Blois, Leo quietly agreed to take his place in the league, and wrote immediately to Pietro da Bibbiena, hisnuncio made funds available to Swiss mercenaries for the

in Venice, to find out all about the alleged treaty, defense of the incompetent Duke Massimiliano concerning which neither Bibbiena himself nor the — Sforza in Milan. Despite the tenseness of the political Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana had el- | situation, there was still discussion in the Curia Rother written or spoken a single word.'* Obviously mana of the opportunities which troubled conditions

Leo had no intention of joining the Franco-Venetian in the Levant offered for a crusade against the alliance, which could easily result in the eventual Turks. If the popes were to hold their own in Europe loss of all papal territories in the northern Romagna. and seek leadership in the crusade, however, the His brother Giuliano, who nurtured the old Flor- reform of the Curia and indeed of the Church was entine predilection for the French, tried to incline necessary. We have noted in some detail Julius II’s him toward Louis XIJ. But Leo could hardly dismiss convocation of the Fifth Lateran Council to combat from his mind the fact that the Medici owed their the schism of Cardinals Carvajal and Sanseverino,

recovery of Florence to Spanish arms. As the war bring about the various needed reforms in the clouds again darkened the northern horizon of Italy, Church, and take steps which might lead to the his Holiness preached peace and tried to remain crusade. In May and June, 1513, soon after his neutral, until perhaps it should become clearer who election, Leo X established or reorganized three would win the next encounter. Then it might be commissions or deputations of cardinals and other possible to see more clearly where the interests of _ prelates charged with preparing, for consideration

the Medici and the Holy See really lay."* and action by the conciliar fathers, material relating to the establishment of peace in Europe as well as

— the reform of offices and personnel in the Curia '2 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens, Romana.'° IV-1 (Amsterdam, 1726), no. LXXXVI, pp. 182-83; Predelli,

Regesti dei Commemonahi, V1, bk. XX, no. 7, p. 130, and cf nos... ~~ 23 and 30; Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, 119, 121-26, 136, 143, 167- in several editions, most recently in that of Silvana S. Menchi,

68, 172, 190-91, 212 ff., 284 ff., and vol. XX, col. 436; cf 3 vols., Turin, 1971. Francesco Vettori, Storia d’ Italia dal 1511 al 1527, in Arch. stor. '? Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 (1726), no. italiano, append. to vol. VI (1848), pp. 299-300; Wm. Roscoe, — LXxIx, pp. 173-75; Sanudo, Diarin, XVI, 197-202, 223, 292.

Leo the Tenth, II (1805), 186-87. Very extensive English preparations for an attack upon France

'* Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 2103, p. 120, and Bembo, Epp., 11, had been reported for some time in the Venetian diplomatic 1, in Opere, IV, 11. Few topics excited more interest in diplo- correspondence (ibid., XVI, 7, 45, 71-72, 148, 211, 232, 449, matic dovecotes at this time than the fate of Parmaand Piacenza 456). For the international complications of the time, see Hefele, and conditions in the unfortunate cities (Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917),

6, 10, 48, 49, 56-57, 58, 61, etc., 68, 72, 81, etc., 172, 223, 399-93.

307, 356-57, etc., and note vol. XX, p. 42; Leonis X. regesta, 16 Cf. Sanudo, Diarui, XVI, 359-61, on which note Leonis X. I, nos. 2421-22, p. 142, and Bembo, Epp., II, 34-35, in Opere, __regesta, I, no. 2655, p. 154, from Paride Grassi, entry dated IV, 18). On 15 October, 1513, the Venetian ambassador tothe 13 May, 1513. A schedule dated 3 June, 1513, identifies the Holy See wrote the Senate that “il Papa voria far acordo col membership on the three commissions, and defines their threeduca di Milan di tenir Parma e Piasenza e darli in recompenso _ fold purpose as being: 1) to provide for peace in Europe and Bergamo e Brexa’’ (Sanudo, XVII, 227). When the pope’s the eradication of schism; 2) to reform the Curia Romana and brother Giuliano de’ Medici married Philiberta of Savoy on 25 __ its officials; and 3) to arrange for the abrogation of the French January, 1515 (not on 25 June, as stated by Pastor, Hist. Popes, | Pragmatic Sanction (Tres deputationes facte per S. dominum nostrum

VII, 106), he was to receive Parma and Piacenza as well as reverendissimorum dominorum Cardinalium et prelatorum per ConReggio and Modena (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], — calium electorum una cum adiunctis per Sanctitatem suam super dwersis

72-74). materus et negocus tractandis et expediendis in Concilio Lateranensi '4 As time went on, Leo X played a double-dealing diplomatic — pro faciliori expeditione et universali cognitione gerendorum in eo,

game, trying to maintain the independence of Milan against dated at Rome on 3 June, 1513, without imprint of printer, the ambitions of both Louis XII and Ferdinand the Catholic — with notice of posting on the doors of S. Peter’s, the Lateran, (cf. Francesco Guicciardini, Storia d’ Itaha, XII, 5, ed. Florence: the Cancelleria, and in the Campo dei Fiori). There is a full Salani, 1963, III, 126 ff., and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 account of the sixth session of the council in Hefele, Hergen[repr. 1956], 64 ff.). Guicciardini’s Storia d’ Italia is available _rother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 396 fF.

146 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT One can only wonder how much attention Leo _ of servitude.'” But once the pope had preached the X paid at this time to an interesting memorial which crusade, ‘‘we believe that no one can doubt that all two Camaldulensian monks, Paolo Giustinian and _ [the Christian princes] will want to accept the terms

Vincenzo (or rather Pietro) Querini, addressed of a peace or truce and turn their arms against the to him concerning papal power, ecclesiastical re- impious enemies of our faith!’’?° Querini, who had form, the geographical extension of Latin Chris- been a diplomat, must have known better than this. tianity, and the crusade against the Turks. The me- Giustinian and Querini single out the janissaries morial is called a Libellus ad Leonem Decrmum. Giu- among the Turks and the Mamluks among the stinian was one of the chief reformers of his Order,'’ ““Moors”’ as the chief military forces to be reck-

and Querini had served his native Venice as an oned with in the Levant.?! The Turks are ruled envoy.'* Emphasizing throughout the Libellus the by the hereditary successor of the imperial Ottoneed for peace in Europe, the authors insisted to man house, but among the ‘“‘Moors”’ the Mamluks

the pope that not only exercise the exclusive right of bearing now, when the infidels are at odds among themselves, @™™S; but forbid a military career to those who are

and not only people against people, ruler against ruler, properly called Moors. From the ranks of the but even brother against brother, they wage savage wars Mamluks is chosen the Soldan, who rules over with overwhelming hatred of one another, victory ismore Egypt. The Turks are more powerful than the

easily assured you! Mamluks, by reason of the states they have con, , uered. Indeed, the faith Soldan hasq scarcely Nevertheless, the savage enemies of the were toa . 99 y15,000 ; 7 ; men in his fighting forces.

obsessed with the ambition to dominate and then me ; After describing the rough life of the Arabs,

destroy Christendom. Every they sought toPersians, oo , a . Giustinian andyear Querini pass on tofreethe extend their domain, rob Christians of their , ; dom. and press them down beneath the harsh voke who nurture an especial devotion to their ruler, , Pp y the Sophi. Although the Sophi is an infidel, Leo is urged to enlist his aid against the Turks, ‘‘for

—__—_—— when the Christians attack the Turks from one "Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, X, 454-55, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, direction, and this most powerful sovereign [the IV-2 (repr. 1956), 628, and Jean Leclercq, Un Humaniste ermite. Sophi] has begun an attack upon them from the

Le Bienheureux Paul Giustiniani (1476-1528), Rome, 1951. The other u will tainly be deli d tbl d text of the B. Pauli Justiniani et Petri Quirini, Eremitarum Ca- » yOu will certain y c envered, Mos Esse

maldulensium, Libellus ad Leonem X, Pontificem Maximum may be Father, of your enemies.’ But the good Camal-

found in G. B. Mittarelli and Anselmo Costadoni, Annales Ca- dolesi would do more than rely upon military maldulenses, 9 vols., Venice, 1755-73, IX, cols. 612-719. The might, and they exhort Leo to send legates to Libellus is also called De officro pontificrs. For guidance on the Egypt in an effort to convert the Soldan,”? for if MSS. and works of Giustinian, see Eugenio Massa, ed., Beato h dth or fi nth luk Paolo Giustimani: Trattati, lettere e frammenti, I, Rome, 1967, € anc the major gures in the Mamluk state were who considers the Libellus “‘il piu imponente disegno cattolico promised some part of the defeated Ottoman emdi riforma della Chiesa nell’ eta moderna” (p. Cxvil). The pire, and if with such inducement they should emLibellus appears to have been begun before the sixth session of brace Christianity, would not all the Moors then

the Lateran on 27accept April, 1513, the first session held «524 6Leo: ;Council ; “‘. wy: conversion: under . . Lateranense iam celebrari ceptum Concilium, . .

quod te [Leonem X] prosequi velle non dubitamus. . .” (ibid, If the Soldan of Egypt and the Sophi of Persia col. 652). It was presumably finished soon after 27 June, 1513, Cannot be converted to Christianity, assurances when the schismatic Cardinals Bernardino Carvajal and Federigo

Sanseverino recanted and were received back into the Sacred College, which event is noted as having taken place proximis §£——-—————

diebus (col. 710). Giustinian mentions that he had made a pil- 19 Libellus, ibid., col. 637. grimage to the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, where he spent *° Libellus, ibid., col. 672. Giustinian and Querini give much three months (col. 659), and so had at least some first-hand attention to the crusade, which forms an integral part of their knowledge of conditions in the Levant, on which note Massa, ideas of general ecclesiastical reform; on the bold and wideTrattan, 1, 14, 241, and J. Leclercq, Un Humaniste ermiie. . . ranging nature of these ideas, cf. Jedin, ‘“‘Quirini und Bembo,”’

Paul Guustimani (1951), pp. 34-37. Misc. Giovanni Mercati, 1V, 410-11.

'® Libellus, rbid., col. 626: “Dum enim apud eos Reges *) Labellus, wid., col. 639: “. . . hos omnes apud Turcas Jani[Catholicos occidentales] ego Petrus pro Venetorum Republica zeros, apud Mauros Mamaluccos vulgari sermone vocari aucui tunc inserviebam legatus agerem. . . .”’ Querini is in fact divimus.. . . Janizeri enim apud Turcas peritissimi sunt milites; Vincenzo Querini, whom we have already met in Chapter 1. | Mamaluchi vero apud Mauros non solum militiam omnem exHe entered the Camaldulensian Order on 22 February, 1512, — ercent, ita ut arma tractare illis, qui vere Mauri sunt, non perand took the name Pietro. See in general Hubert Jedin, ““Vin- _ mittant, verum etiam ex eorum numero is semper eligitur, qui cenzo Quirini und Pietro Bembo,” in the Miscellanea Giovanni — supremam totius gentis illius potestatem habeat.. . .”’

Mercati, IV (Citta del Vaticano, 1946), 407-24, and reprinted 22 Libellus, ibid., cols. 639-40.

in the collection of Jedin’s articles, Kirche des Glaubens, Kirche 23 Libellus, ibid., cols. 643, 644. der Geschichte, { (Freiburg, Basel, and Vienna, 1966), 153-66. *4 Libellus, ibid., cols. 646-47, and cf. col. 648.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 147 must be got from them that they will not join the — the one unknown to the other, for the purpose of bapTurkish Sultan in attacking the crusading host. tism so that there are many who are baptized twice. The Once the Turks are defeated, neither the Mam- Greek does not approach an altar upon which a Latin luks nor the Persians will be able to resist the cru- Prest has celebrated the sacred mystery unless he has saders, nor of course can the petty rulers of the first provided for repeated ablutions of the altar. These

, . things and many others still worse, which we have seen

North African littoral: with our own eyes and heard with our own ears, we If the many troops of the Christian princes come to- regard as clear evidence of their perversity. . . 28

ether and you make a single army of them, neither the ;

Turkish sultans nor even the whole world could possibly Centuries of close contact and the crusades had oppose such a force. . . . There is no one who cannot obviously not improved Graeco-Latin religious see what the result will be if you added in your sur- and social relations. passing wisdom the capacities of the French, Germans,

Spanish, Britons, Hungarians, and Swiss to the resources Discussion of the crusade seemed almost as un-

of Italy. ending as the animus which the Greeks and Latins The bravery and military experience of the entertained for each other. The sixth session of the Knights of Rhodes are not to be overlooked, for Fifth Lateran Council was held on Wednesday, a] they are the inveterate foe of the Turks, and are April, 1513, the first ume the conciliar fathers gathaccustomed to victory: “If all the other Christian cred uncer veo presidency The pope was atprinces, each in accordance with his strength, had «the oY “oh ec frospita va Was an august shown themselves as tireless in their hostility to the gathering, with twenty-two cardinals present, ninety Turks as the single island of Rhodes has done, that mitered prelates, the ambass adors accredited to th © impious people would not have grown so strong!’’*° Holy See, and other ecclesiastical and secular dig-

Moreover, once the Christian army has begun to nitares, Francesco Soderint, then cardinal bishop fight and the first sign of victory has become man- of Sabina, celebrated the mass, after which Simon

ifest, according to Giustinian and Querini, de Begno (Begntus), bishop of Modrus (Krbava) in 100,000,000 [centena millia millium] Christian sub- vpoata Gelivered a rong discourse on me necessity jects of the Turks will rise up and use the arms they 9, TSTOPMNS the Siuren ang the equal necessity do not lack.*° Giustinian and Querini have allowed of a crusade against the Turks. He spoke of the

rhetoric to run away with common sense. damage to faith and morals which the centuries had When the wall of Islamic impiety has been wrought, the efforts of past councils to achieve restormed, a new order will arise on earth, and papal form and harmony in the Church, and the shattering power, to which God has subjected mankind, can effects of the Moslem victory in 1453 when Conextend Christianity to the far reaches of Asia and stantinople had gone the way of Jerusalem, Antioch, Africa.”’ But in the event of a successful crusade and Alexandria. The Turks had overrun the empire

the papacy will also have to deal with serious prob- “ Treoirond, the vs of the Brack oe the kinglems closer to home, in Greece for example: om of Bosnia, and a good part of Illyria. Popes

Calixtus III and Pius II had done what they could, Strong medicines must be prepared for the Greeks but the Turks had nonetheless seized the island of as for those who suffer from a grievous illness. While [yboea and most of Greece and Epirus. some people have become separated from the Roman The Christian world moved from one calamity

Church by ignorance or a certain indifference, the to another, and the heretic king of Bohemia Greeks are the only ones who not merely in ignorance Geor f P débradv. had added to th f

but even with a stubborn impiety maintain their dissent FOFBE OF TOCE Yo Nac a ve Ome WOES ° from the Roman Church [to the extent] that they do @ long generation of disaster. ‘Who is there,” Sinot fear to call the Roman pontiff and all the peoples "0? asked, subject to him bad Christians and heretics. In the cities who has not bewailed the fact that the beautiful and rich of Greece where Greeks and Latins live mixed together, cities of the East and of Epirus have been snatched by t a Greek Latin husber “ patin wile “e tbliged ve live, the Turks from Christian hearts and eyes: I say nothing

» 0 > of the ships burned, the galleys lost, our reputation

take oaths, and pray according to the Greek rite. When gone... .

they have children, the Greek father has recourse to the Greek priests and the Latin mother to the Latin priests, The Balkans were a scene of ravaged fields, sacked

cities, and conquered castles. ‘Who is there who °° Libellus, ibid., cols. 648-52.

*© Libellus, ibid., cols. 651-52. TT

27 Tibellus, ibid., col. 654. 28 Libellus, ibid., cols. 664—65.

148 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT has not already heard [of these misfortunes], al- the turn of events, Francesco Foscari, the Venetian ready mourned them unless it be we herein Rome — ambassador to the Holy See, informed his governwho shut our eyes, listen politely, and just dissem- ment on 17 June that Leo wanted to see no harm

ble!’ The valor of the Hungarians and the Poles come to the Republic, because he was anxious to would not suffice to stay the Turkish onslaught. unite Italy in the face of mounting pressure from Simon bemoaned the hard-heartedness of (west- the Turks.*' Four days before Foscari prepared this ern) Christians, “‘qui haec non videant, non audiant, non credant.’” ‘The ‘Turk was an enemy IV, 21-23, letters dated at Rome on 11-13 June, 1513). On closer, more powerful, crueler than the ancient 6 August, 1513, Andrea da Borgo wrote from Milan to Alberto Carthage which the elder Cato had said must be Pio da Carpi, imperial ambassador to the Holy See, that Masdestroyed. Would Europe wait until the Turkish | similiano Sforza lacked the funds to make his contracted payfleet had occupied Rhodes and plundered Italy? ments to the Swiss, obviously for their recent service against

Ww h mh ‘ed. “ th th the French (in the collection of Alberto Pio’s correspondence € must have peace: € cre * agit with the in the Lea Library, MS. 414, University of Pennsylvania).

enemy... , but with ourselves! *! Sanudo, Diarti, XVI, 399: “*. . . ma non vol [il Papa] pero As if in answer to Simon de Begno’s cry for peace che la Signoria nostra habi alcun danno, et voria unir Italia, the French invaded Lombardy in May, 1513, while perche le cosse turchesche le preme assai.” When the ailing

‘an f; hed westward to assist them. Girolamo Donato, the friend of Julius II, was relieved of the Venetian forces mare . difficult post of Venetian ambassador at the Curia Romana on But on 6 June the Swiss defeated the French in the — 19 October, 1511, Francesco Foscari had been elected by the hard-fought battle of Novara, and sent them scur- _ Senate as his successor (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, rying back once more through the pass of Mt. Cenis Reg. 44, fol. 69"). Foscart’s commission is dated 16 December, to the safety of their own soil. The Venetians also 1°11 (%74., fols. 88'-90"). Leo X rapidly became less friendly retreated.”” Although Leo was of course pleased by 1513 (sanudo, XVI, 426, and of cols. 519, 587). Foscari was

30 toward Venice, as Foscari wrote his government on 25 June, replaced in the Roman mission by Pietro Lando in October,

To 1513 (ibid., XVI, 587, and XVII, 22, 162, 205); his commission *9 Simons Begnui, episcopi Modrusiensis, oratio in sexta Lateranenss is dated 23 September, 1513 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 46, fols. 7°—

Concila sessione, quinto Kalendas Matas habita, MDXII, without 8°). The Venetians stubbornly refused reconciliation with the imprint of place or printer. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,ad ann. 1513, | Emperor Maximilian I unless he restored Verona and Vicenza

nos. 21-24, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 9-10, gives a few passages _ to them, an attitude which exasperated Leo X, who insisted from Simon de Begno’s address, which is listed in Carl Gollner, _ that Venice had nothing more to hope for from defeated France Turcwa: Die europaischen Turkendrucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts, 1 (Sanudo, XVI, 513).

(Bucharest and Berlin, 1961), no. 58, p. 50. Simon was bishop The suggestion was made in Rome, however, that if the of Modrus from November, 1509, until his death in March, _ Venetians were too hard pressed by their enemies, including 1536 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia the pope, they might turn to the Turks for aid (Sanudo, XVI, catholica medi et recentioris aevt, IIT [1923], 247, and co. N. H. 557): “*. . . e quando venitiani vedera tutti contra, chiamera Minnich, “Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran turchi in suo socorso. . . .”” According to a presumably unCouncil,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, VII [1969], 185-89). published letter of Alberto Pio da Carpi, ‘‘Sanctitas quoque The gravestone of Simon de Begno (Simun Begna, of a prom- _—_domini nostri vere Venetos odit et dixit mihi inter loguendum inent Dalmatian family) may be found today in the cloister of | quendam astrologum Beatitudini sue predixisse ipsum nunquam the Franciscan convent by the harbor of the little town Ugljan = concordem nec amicum Venetorum futurum [esse]’’ (letter on the north end of the island of the same name a few miles dated at Rome on 16 August, 1513, MS. 414 in Lea Library, off the Zadar (Zara) coast. On Simon, note also Michael B. Univ. of Penna.). At a meeting of the Venetian Senate in DePetrovich, ‘““The Croatian Humanists and the Ottoman Peril,” —=cember, 1513, when bad news came from Rome, there was

Balkan Studies, XX-2 (1979), 266-67. agreement for the moment that the Signoria should ask the In the public session the archbishop of Reggio in Calabria, = Turk for aid (Sanudo, XVII, 365): ‘“‘Erano letere cative di Roberto de’ Orsini, read the bull Superna ulius ordinatione (dated — Roma, e tutti cridava si dimandi aiuto al Turco!”’ Cf. also, ibid.,

27 April, 1513), enunciating the pope’s intention to strive for XVII, 424. peace in Europe and to promote the crusade. Raynaldus, ad A few years before, during the War of the League of Cambrai, ann. 1513, no. 25, p. 11, gives most of the text of this bull but — the Venetians had tried hard to secure military and other asomits the incipit. I have read the bull in the contemporary _ sistance from Sultan Bayazid IJ against la liga dei principi Chrisprinted copy, which has no imprint of place or printer. Cf __ tiani, a fact to which I have already called attention (see above, J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, pp. 74-75). My notes on the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 46 (1513XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 657-58, 783-805, where the bull 1515), reveal no record of the Signoria’s willingness to seek Superna illius ordinatione is also given (cols. 792-93). There is direct aid of Selim the Grim. Quite the contrary, on 2 January, an account of the sixth session of the Lateran Council in the 1514 (Ven. style 1513), the Senate wrote the Venetian amdiary of Paride Grassi (Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. 42 ff.). bassador in Rome of the sultan’s power and insatiable thirst 3° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 340-41, and ff. Guicciardini, Sto- for conquest, and conceived of an attack upon Italy as quite ria d’ Italia, X1, 10-12, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 72-84, possible (ibid., Reg. 46, fol. 37): ‘““Et perché ne scrivete sua has sketched the campaign in some detail, with much praise of | Sanctita havervi parlato cum qualche alteration circa Turchi, Swiss heroism. Leo X had furnished 42,000 ducats as a sub- anchor che la cosa sii assai manifesta: pur non volemo restar vention to the Swiss (zbid., XI, 10, p. 73), and was much relieved de dirvi che non po chi cum ragione vuol parlar in questa by their victory (Leonis X. regesta, 1, nos. 3134-35, 3145, 3159- materia iudicar altro se non che el Signor Turco habi ad invader

60, 3162, pp. 182-84, and Bembo, Epp., III, 1-5, 7, in Opere, _ Italia, perché ultra la voce che da ogni canto risonano de li

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 149 dispatch, Leo had received the Polish embassy of | low mass one Balthazar del Rio preached the openobedience in a public consistory (on 13 June). The ing sermon, and assured the cardinals, bishops, embassy was headed by John Laski, archbishop of and ambassadors present that the faith would win

Gniezno, who made the address before the throne, out over the Turks, among whom there was a dilating on the Turkish slaughter of Christians and widespread prophecy that Islam could survive only imploring his Holiness and the Christian princes to until about the year 1500.°* The critical year was come to the aid of the harassed kings of Poland and past, however, and such futile prophecies had had Hungary.” Laski’s eloquence was so devastating, a wide currency for generations. Del Rio’s assur-

according to the report in Sanudo, that the pope ance did little to remove the doubt which existed

burst into tears.°° in the sophisticated minds of curial officials. In any

After Novara, Louis XII realized that it was event the Curia still had a war on its hands, and going to be difficult to regain the Milanese duchy on 24 June (1513) Leo X wrote Alfonso d’ Este and restore his hegemony over Lombardy. When _ of Ferrara, asking him to supply Ramon de Car-

the seventh session of the Lateran Council was dona with cannon and munitions, if the latter held on Friday, 17 June, 1513, it was presided should request them for use in defending the Emover by a jubilant pope, who found the Swiss vic- peror Maximilian’s city of Verona against the

tory an auspicious beginning to his reign. After a Venetians.°” The Swiss victory also brought the troublesome

———— schism to an end. On 27 June the former cardinals apparati el fa, etiam la iuvenil eta et la feroce et bellicosissima Bernardino Carvajal and Federigo Sanseverino, in natura, la summa avidita de farsi Signor dil tuto, che perquanto the penitent garb of simple priests, acknowledged ciascuno affirma a la grandeza del appetito suo il mondo li e th | 7 F sch; : h Tati un regno, et lo haversi pacificato cum tuti quelli chel poteva EMSEIVES pul ty or schism mM a Numi lating ceredubitar potessero ritardarlo, ma sopratuto vedendo Italia et la ony of abjuration performed before a public conChristianita in divisione et il stato nostro che tanti anni € sta SIStOry in the Vatican. They rejected the Council antemural et cum tanto oro et sangue ha ritarda la rabie et of Pisa, and accepted all the censures of Julius II, furor di suo Passati esser sta da li principt christiani talmente inclu ding their deprivati on of the cardinalate. Carhorrenda la potentia sua et quello se debi existimar debi esser vajal was said by a witness to have shaken like a il successo suo non lo diremo, perché la Sanctita sua sapientissima leaf. Leo X gave them absolution, and restored them ben lo po considerar, et tenemo per certo che il precipuo re- to their honors and dignities. They also received medio Sia che il Signor Turco intenda sua Beatitudine haverne back such benefices and properties as had not been abbrazati et essersi scoperta in nostro adiuto, ne taceremo che -anted h Th dined al th th la Cesarea Maesta come ben sa sua Sanctita € quella che cercha granted to others. ey even dined a one with t Cc et non mancha hora de irritar et provocar el Turco a danni POPE, and finally left the palace, Says Paride Grassi,

attenuato lo invita et astrenze ad tuor la impresa, et quanto sia . . .

nostri. Proveda adunque lei, che meritissime € collacata in quella Sede, faci che le arme se deponino, non permetti esser menata. = =———————

in tempo che ad una si grave egritudine li remedii voglino esser 34 Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-

gagliardi et celerrimi.. . .” 1 (1917), 404-5, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, *? Leonis X. regesta, I, no. 3149, p. 183, from the ceremonial nos. 41-42, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 17-18, who does not mention diary of Paride Grassi. On John Laski, archbishop of Gniezno del Rio’s sermon, which was printed at Rome by Jacopo Ma(1508-1531), note Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, = zocchi on 8 July, 1513 (Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], no. 60, p. Herarchia catholica medu et recentioris aevi, III (1923), p. 204, 51). Balthazar del Rio became bishop of Scala in southern Italy note 3, under Gneznen., and cf. Regesta, 1, no. 4929, p. 303; = on 22 October, 1515, and died in 1540 (Van Gulik, Eubel, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 32 ff., vol. XXXI- and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, WI [1923], 294). (1877), 13 ff.; and Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. Cf. Mansi, Sacra conclia, XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 658, 659, des concies, VIII-1 (1917), 403-4. The Turkish threat to Dal- 805-27, and Paride Grassi, Diarium, in Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, matia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Hungary from 1511 to 1520 1s __ fols. 57°~59.

depicted in the contemporary diary of Marcantonio Michiel, 55 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero, who notes frequent Turkish raids (for the pertinent passages Busta 12, no. 13 (formerly no. D65): “. . . Hortamur in domino in the diary see Simeon Ljubic, ed., Commissiones et relationes nobilitatem tuam eamque ex animo requirimus ut sia te nobilis venetae, I [Zagreb, 1876], 132-43, in the Monumenta spectantia vir Raimundus de Cardona, Neapoli prorex et sacri foederis

historiam slavorum meridionalium, V1). capitaneus generalis, tormenta ulla bellica atque imprimis quae °° Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, 385: ‘Eri, a di 12 [actually on the ad exercenda tormenta usui sunt petierit, eum ope tua iuves 13th?], li oratori di Polana ebeno audientia: quel episcopo fece © commodesque illum quibus in rebus poteris. Poteris autem in una degna oratione, prestandoli ubedientia al Papa et implo- _ plurimis quod eo facere libentius tua nobilitas debebit quo is rando ajuto contra Turchi: el Papa et altri lacrimo.’’ In the — tormentis illis ad defendendam carissimi in Christo filii nostri edict proroguing the seventh session of the council to 17 June, © Maximiliani electi Romanorum imperatoris urbem Veronam

1513, Leo had announced Laski’s coming to Rome (Edictum uti vult. Id si feceris, quemadmodum speramus te facturum, S. domini nostri Leonis Pape X. super prorogatione LateranensisCon- tum de rege Catholico deque imperatoris maiestate optime

cilu, dated at Rome on 20 May, 1513, without imprint of place promereberis, tum facies nobis rem gratam. Datum Romae or printer). Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1513, no. 28, vol. | apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die X XIIII Iunii

XX XI (1877), p. 12, alludes to this edict. MDXIII, pontificatus nostri anno primo, P. Bembus.”’

150 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT as though they had won the great struggle in which gland and France as well as between Venice and they had challenged papal authority (quasi ipsi fuernt the Empire. On 11 October (1513) Leo wrote victores).°° Nevertheless, Leo had the satisfaction of Henry VIII congratulating him upon the news the ending the schism which had caused his great pre- latter had sent to Rome of English victories over decessor many anxious months. The rebellious both the French and the Scots. Leo expressed disCouncil of Pisa was now only an unpleasant memory tress “‘that so much Christian blood had been

in the Curia Romana, and the French finally rec- shed,” and said that he looked toward the recognized the Lateran Council as the true and ca-_ onciliation of England with France and Scotland: nonical assembly of ecclesiastical authority and wis- then Henry might employ his military might in

dom.*” suppressing the ferocity of the Turks, who were

It proved harder to make secular than ecclesias- depopulating southeastern Europe (Pannoniae Sartical peace, however, for it was not until a Spanish- matiaeque regna), as Italy herself, inadequately deGerman army defeated the Venetians near Vicenza fended, watched with growing apprehension the on 7 October, 1513, that the Republic finally aban- approach of the Turks to her own shores.*°

doned its alliance with France. On the advice of Meanwhile, some five weeks before, Leo X had Paride Grassi, the papal master of ceremonies, Car- addressed an encyclical letter (on 3 September, dona’s victory was not officially celebratedin Rome, 1513) tothe kings and peoples of Hungary, Poland, because the good citizens of the Republic were nei- Bohemia, Prussia, and Russia, seeking to incite them ther schismatics nor enemies of the Church.*’ The to war against the Turks, who within the last four Venetians were now obliged to relax their claims centuries (he said) had overrun Cilicia, Lycia, Ar-

upon the Emperor Maximilian for the return of | menia, Paphlagonia, Phrygia, and Lydia, once Verona and Vicenza, and were quite willing to allow thriving regions in the Christian world of Asia. In the Curia Romana to arrange peace terms. Leo X Europe they had subjected to their impious arms directed Cardona to cease all offensive action against all Greece and Serbia, Bulgaria and Bosnia, ‘‘and the forces of the Republic while negotiations were in the memory of our fathers they have taken by

in progress.°? assault Constantinople, the capital of Thrace and

Pope Leo was anxious to arrange peace on all the eastern empire, once the seat of the great Confronts, desiring the end of hostilities between En- _ stantine and of so many faithful emperors.”’ They had profaned sacred shrines erected at enormous

a Popes, VII, 54-59, and append. no. 5 expense, among others of course the church of

449-50, and Gesch. d. Papste, LV-1 (repr. 1956), 37-41, and 4agta Sophia; they had defiled icons of Christ and ibid., 1V-2, append., no. 6, p. 679, and see Sanudo, Diaru, XVI, the saints, violated virgins and matrons; and reduced 400, 415, 429-30, 432, 479-81. Sanseverino, ‘“‘che stain palazo the nobility of that ancient and populous city by dil Papa,”’ used such influence as he had recovered with the slaughter and servitude. return of his hat to promote French interests at the Curia (2bid., Leo had learned from various trustworthy 1513, nos. 44 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 19 ff., and the Lettres sources that Sultan Selim, who had dethroned his

XVI, 450, and cf. col. 499). Cf’ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. . .

du roy Louis XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 172. father and slaughtered most of his brothers and

37 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 85-89, vol. XXXI__ their sons, had resolved with his Tatar allies first (1877), pp. 37-39; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 66-68, 71-72, and to destroy Hungary, up to now Europe’s chief line Gesch. d. Papste, IV-I (repr. 1956), 45-46, 49. Louts XIVagreed of defense (antemurale), and then to destroy all the adherence and so his reconciliation to the Holy See were an- rest of Christendom. But Leo was sending the nounced on 19 December at the eighth session of the council Cardinal Thomas (Tamas) Bak6ocz to Hungary as

on 26 October to recognize the Lateran Council, to which his . d (of. also Sanudo, Diaru, XVII, 414, and Guicciardini, Stora d’ Italia, XII, 3, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 119-21). 58 Cf, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, no. 78, vol. XXXI- ———————

(1877), p. 34; Sanudo, Diart, XVII, 147 ff., 157 ff., 170 ff., 49 Leoni X. regesta, 1, no. 4924, p. 303, and Bembo, Epp.,

205, 207 ff., 217. V, 19, in Opere, IV, 39-40; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513,

°° Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5186, p. 320, and Bembo, Epp., no. 60, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 26-27. The English had shed V, 28, in Opere, IV, 41, brief dated at Rome on 3 November, a good deal of Scottish blood on Flodden Field on 9 September, 1513; Sanudo, Diarii, XVII, 227, 307-8, doc. dated 3 Novem- 1513, including that of King James IV (Sanudo, Diarzi, XVII, ber; Lettres du roy Lows XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 213-14. Ac- 233-36). By a dispatch of 15 October, 1513, the new Venetian cording to a Venetian document published by Vladimir La- ambassador in Rome, Pietro Lando, informed his government mansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, 1884, repr. New __ that “‘[il Papa] vol con questa pace unir la Cristianita a una liga York, 1968, pp. 43~—44, 411-12, the Council of Ten was willing = contra Turchi’’ (Sanudo, XVII, 227), and reported from Rome

on 14 December, 1513, to see an attempt made upon Maxi- on 10 March, 1514, that there were said to be 25,000 Turks milian’s life: “‘. . . ut vadat [frater Joannes de Ragusio, the _ in Bosnia being prepared for an invasion of Friuli. . . , “‘siche

peratoris.”’ 32).

proposed assassin] ad faciendum experientiam in personam im- __ per tutta Roma si parla che Turchi vien in Italia” (ibid., X VIII,

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 15] legatus de latere to help sustain his countrymen and pagna?** At this point the pope probably nodded prepare the way for the crusade. Those who joined agreement. Members of the Curia had been asking the ‘‘sacred expedition” would enjoy the usual in- similar questions for some time.

dulgence and the plenary remission of their sins On 28 December, 1513, Leo X wrote the Em-

‘such as our predecessors granted to those who) ___

set out in defense of the Holy Land. .. . A tithe *2 Gargha’s discourse was printed, presumably in 1514, as was imposed upon all ecclesiastical incomes to help Oratio in octava sessione Lateranensis Concilu, una cum obedientia

finance the crusade, and anathema proclaimed Magni Magistni Rhodn: Oratio Toannis Baptistae Garghae Senensis acainst those. of whatsoever dignity or rank, who °4“2"5 FMierosolymitani habita apud Leonem X. Pontificem Maximum

8 f d i] df P y d ° . . . , without imprint of place or printer. There is a detailed

diverted funds co ected for t re crusade to any analysis of the interesting woodcut which forms the frontispiece other purpose. Finally, the Christian princes must to this tract in N. H. Minnich and H. W. Pfeiffer, “Two Woodof course make peace with one another as the in-_ cuts of Lateran V,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, VI (1970), dispensable prelude to the projected expedition !79-214, esp. pp. 185-200, 211-12, and see Minnich, “Conacvainst the Turks.*! It took Cardinal Bakécza lon cepts of Reform. . . ,” ibid., VII (1969), 190-92; Raynaldus, 8 & Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 85, 92, 98-99, vol. XX XI (1877), time to get to Hungary, however, and when he _ pp. 37, 39-40, 42-43: C. J. Hefele, J. Hergenréther, and H. did, events he could not control led, as we shall — Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, VIII-1 (Paris, 1917), 413-16; Pas-

see, to a social revolution of disastrous propor- oT, Hist. Popes, VII, 71, and Gesch. d. Papste, IV-1, 49, who

tions incorrectly places 19 December ‘tam Sonntag.” Sanudo freTo, . ; ., | quently speaks of Turkish naval and military preparations during The eighth session of the Fifth Lateran Council 1513; for the month of December, see the Diaru, XVII, 398, was held on Monday, 19 December, 1513. Leo X 426, and cf. cols. 471, 517, 538. One cannot believe all the presided. Some twenty-three cardinals were pres- rumors and reports which Sanudo has preserved in his so-called ent as well as an impressive array of archbishops diaries, but there is no doubt that Turkish corsairs with galleys bish b d d oth It t thi > as well as fuste were active in Italian waters (ibid., XVIII, 2781S Ops; am assagors, and Otners. ; was at ; IS 79, 346-47). The imperial ambassador to the Holy See, Alberto session, incidentally, that the ancient Christian pio da Carpi, mentions Turkish galleys on the Tyrrhenian Sea dogma of the immortality of the soul was affirmed _ ina letter to Maximilian dated 20 June, 1516 (Lea MS. 414, against the assumed views of Pietro Pomponazzi, Univ. of Penna.), at which time Moorish pirates from North

who was then in Bologna. In the opening dis. Afia.rereespecly ave (Bembo, Epp. XI 8-13 in ere

course, which followed the celebration of mass, yyy] [1877] pp. 197-98) uo yo the Hospitaller Giovanni Battista de Gargha of The Turkish peril and the necessity of peace in Europe to

Siena appealed to the pope and the council for aid organize a crusade formed a major theme of the eighth session against Sultan Selim, sectae Mahumetanae immitis of the Lateran Council, concerning which the bull Ad omnipotentis

tyrannus. who had prepared a creat fleet and as. “25 publicly read in the Lateran basilica (Manst, Sacra concilia,

J bI d ; fi Pp an f XXXII [Paris, 1902], cols. 843-45), and presumably printed

semDled innumerable troops and Cannon fOr an in Rome soon after 19 December (1513): Bulla sive cedula maattack upon the island of Rhodes. Giovanbattista — teriam [sic] untversalis pacis et destinationis legatorum de latere per

emphasized the island’s strategic approaches to 8. dominum nostrum, dominum Leonem X. Pont. Max., sacro apAsia Minor. Svria. E t. and the Black Sea. He probante concilio edita, lecta per reverend. patrem dominum Archie-

‘molored h an » T BYP ¢ k f piscopum Senensem in octava sessiwone in Lateranensi basilica celebrata, Improrea the ristian princes to awaken Irom without imprint of place or printer. The reform of the Curia, their perilous slumber, take up arms on behalf of also regarded as a prerequisite for the crusade, was provided the Church, and no longer tolerate the Turkish _ for by the bull In apostolici culminis (Mansi, XXXII, 845-46), retention of either the Holy Sepulcher or Con- also read at the eighth session of the Council: Bulla seu cedula stantinople. the new Rome. Asia. North Africa reformationis officalium Romane Curve lecta in VIII. sesstone sacri

pre, ' , > Lateranensis Coneilu per reverendum patrem Episcopum Taurinensem

Egypt, and a good part of Europe lay desolate per S. D. N. B. Leonem X. Pont. Max., sacro approbante Concilio without law, social stability, or Christian fellow- — edita, without imprint of place or printer. The immortality of ship. Famous churches had fallen into Turkish the soul was asserted by the bull Apostolic regiminis, it was read hands. Christians had been slaughtered and hu- ™ the basilica by John Laski, archbishop of Gniezno: Bulla seu ‘Jiated. These facts. said the orator. had been cedula in materia fidei edita per S. dominum nostrum, dominum

Mmiiated. € Ss, S € or, ; ce Leonem X. Pont. Max.,. . . lecta publice per reverendum patrem,

known for years. And what now should be said of — dominum Archepiscopum Gneznensem, oratorem Serenissimi Regis the constant appearance of Turkish ships on the Polonie, in octava sessione in Lateranensi basilica celebrata, without

Tyrrhenian Sea? Was it not shameful that they imprint of place or printer. There are original copies of these could even raid the shores of the Roman cam- three bulls in the Lea Library of the University of Pennsylvania. They are obviously all products of the same press. On the intellectual background and purpose of the bull Apos-

—*! Leonis . tolica reguminis of 19 December, 1513 (of which the text may X. regesta, 1, no. 4347, pp. 264-65, witha substantial most conveniently be found in Mansi, Sacra concilia, XXXII, portion of the text in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. cols. 842-43), see the article by Felix Gilbert, “‘Cristianesimo, 108-15, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 45-48, and cf, ibid., nos. 63s umanesimo e la bolla ‘Apostolici Regiminis’ del 1513,” in Revista

ff., pp. 28 ff. storica italana, LX XIX (1967), 976-90.

152 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT peror Maximilian seeking to recall him from the During the reign of Leo X, however, there were arms and ardor of hostility that he bore against few periods when one was allowed to forget the those “whom you call your enemies,” and empha- Turkish threat. Giovanbattista de Gargha appeared sized his desire and that of all the cardinals to see before the papal throne again at a consistory held the Christian princes reconciled in peace and mutual on 6 March, 1514, when Leo received the Hospitrust. Otherwise the Turks, who were preparing _ tallers’ embassy of obedience. ‘“‘You have aroused for war, would certainly crush the Christian com- the highest opinion of yourself. . . , holy Father,”’ monwealth. Italy was in peril. Maximilian was to Gargha told Leo in another prepared address,

bear in mind as hope emperor had made him ;, . ar andthat all men that youGod will undertake the war against

protector of all His people. It behooved Maximilian the Turks with no less spirit than it was announced and not so much to think of whom he might subject to decided upon four years ago by Julius [II], whose suchis authority as to take care that all Christians were cessor you are. But it would have been most difficult for made safe by his imperial effort. Maximilian must Julius. No one doubts that it will be by far easiest for therefore first make peace [with the Venetians and you, for by age you are much more able to stand the the French], even if the terms were not quite what exertions than he could have done. . . . But you must

he might wish. The Turk, the perpetual enemy, 0°t delay any longer, holy Father, for the Turks have took an “incredible joy” (incredibilis laetitia) in the Prepared sucha fleet as has never been seen before, and

strife of Christians with one another. God would he passage from Greece to Italy is all too short. We reward Maximilian ten- and a hundred-fold for the must attack the enemy rather than wait for them to

generosity he might now show his Christian op- nae

ponents. Gargha’s insistence was in vain. In the late sum43

On the following day Leo wrote the seven im- mer of 1514 Sultan Selim defeated the Persians perial electors that he was sending each of them pear their capital, Tabriz, and added the important a copy of his letter to Maximilian, and sought to provinces of Diyar-Bakr (Diarbekir) and Kurdistan enlist their support for both peace in Europe _ to the Ottoman empire.*® Leo received the news the protection of Christendom against the Turk. 4+ Rome on 30 October. It came in letters from He addressed similar admonitions to Ferdinand Ragusa, together with Selim’s own dispatch to Isthe Catholic, Henry VIH, and King Ladislas If of tanbul announcing “‘la victoria auta contra il Sophi.”’ Hungary and Bohemia, rather unnecessarily re- Next day Leo summoned all the ambassadors acminding poor Ladislas that he above all must hear- credited to the Holy See and had the dispatch read ken to the papal exhortation since he was the clos- t) them. Leo said that he had not slept all night est to the danger, and the Turks had chosen him ‘‘per esser mala nuova per la Cristianita,”’ and that

as the prime object of their attacks. it was necessary to give thought to defending the

Actually one would think that fear of Sultan faith. There was no time to wait, no time to waste. Selim might have diminished during the latter part He wanted to unite the Christian princes, and he of the year 1513, as the news reached Venice and asked all the ambassadors to write to their principals, Rome of the terrible plague which had ravaged and send them copies of the letters from Ragusa Istanbul during July and August. ‘The shops had and the sultan’s dispatch. For his part, Leo said that

all been closed, and the number of dead was de- he would exert his every effort to defend the scribed in a Venetian dispatch as a “‘cossa stu- Church.49 penda.”’ The sultan even consented to a four months’ truce with the Hungarians, against whom =———_—_— he had been threatening a great campaign for 47 Oratio in octava sessione Lateranensis Concilii [see, above, note

months.*® 42|.. . : Orato Ioannis Baptistae Garghae . . . in obedientia

praestanda apud Leonem X. Pont. Max. (1514). Cf’ Mansi, Sacra —— concilia, XXXII (Paris, 1902), cols. 659, 660, 831, 850 ff.

43 Teonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5971, p. 379; Bembo, Epp., VI, 22, 48 Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 203, 210, 328, 346, 394-95, in Opere, 1V, 47-48; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 421, 426, 445, and vol. XIX, cols. 24, 56-61, 68, 85-88, 118-

101-3, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 43-44. 19, 129-30, 160, 175-76, 210, 216-17, 221 ff., 231-32, 233,

44 Teonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5972, p. 380; Bembo, Epp., VI, _ etc., 317-18, etc.; Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 12,680, p. 772; 23, in Opere, IV, 48-49; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, Bembo, Epp., X, 7, in Opere, IV, 78; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad no. 104, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 44, and cf. Hefele, Hergenrother, ann. 1514, no. 47, vol. XXXI (1877), p. 71, letter of 12 No-

and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 503. vember, to Fabrizio del Carretto, grand master of Rhodes, and *© Leonis X. regesta, 1, no. 5984, p. 380; Bembo, Epp., VI, 25, — see, ibid., nos. 37 ff., pp. 67 ff.; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, in Opere, IV, 49; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1513, nos. 105- Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, fols. 113”, 116", 120", 126”, 129°-

6, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 44-45. 130°, 135’, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel.

46 Sanudo, Diari, XVII, 37~38, dispatches dated at Istanbul 49 Sanudo, Diari, XIX, 210, 249-52. Tidings from the East on 25 July and 6 August, 1513, from the Venetian bailie Nic- | made some impression on monarchs in the West. Francis I in-

colo Giustinian, and cf., ibid., cols. 79, 110, 159. formed Henry VIII of his desire to see a union of the Christian

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 153 That Leo X should immediately inform the am- this traditional practice or that, and something bassadors of the Christian states concerning the might go wrong here or there when a feast day Turkish victory over the Persians was to be ex- was celebrated, a member of the pope’s family was pected. The pope naturally relied upon the dip- married, a cardinal was buried, or a prince was lomatic corps as his chief link with the various received at the Curia Romana, nevertheless papal states of Europe. Rome was a clearing house of ceremonies were staged with apparently unerring international news and the major center for the propriety, with unfaltering dignity, and with all dissemination of views touching the affairs of seemly expedition. ‘The ambassadors were always Christendom. In many subtle ways the papacy ex-_ present. While they might talk business in undererted its influence upon Europe by the impression tones, they too were caught up in the spectacle it made upon the ambassadors, and this may be and vastly impressed by the gala and brilliance of an appropriate place to consider the nature of this the Roman ceremonial, which seemed to flow

influence. from an inexhaustible treasury of social ingenuity,

The diplomatic corps was given an important and took account of the minutest details of rank, part in almost all ceremonies in Rome. The Ro-_ office, and reputation. man people were merely spectators, playing no At all the courts of Europe richness of dress was larger part in events than the numerous pilgrims regarded as a courtesy to the chief of state and to and visitors always to be found in the city. As the the participants in diplomatic functions. Sanudo center of Christendom, Rome was also the chief often describes the garb of ambassadors and other school of diplomacy in Europe, where court eti- visiting dignitaries. When the meetings or cerequette was brought to its ultimate refinement, and monies related to the crusade, the presence of the where ambassadors of the great powers actually entire diplomatic corps was especially important, learned significant details of ceremonial for the as on 31 October, 1514, when Leo summoned all first time. Precedence at functions was a matter the ambassadors to inform them of the Turkish of great moment. The ambassadors often quar- victory over the Persians. The crusade could only reled with one another as to where they should _ be an international undertaking, and gatherings stand or sit or march until the harassed master of designed to promote it required an international ceremonies settled the dispute, which sometimes _ representation.” had to be referred to the pope himself. Actually this ceremonial was largely Byzantine in origin, Anti-Turkish oratory was a good way to open and the influence of the imperial court at Con- a session of the Fifth Lateran Council, where the stantinople upon the curial etiquette of Rome still crusade was under constant discussion. Fear of the

survives into our own day. Turk sometimes inspired eloquence, and the bar-

Few kings were the intellectual equals of the barity of the Turk was a safe theme, for everyone popes, and few kings could dominate a reception was opposed to the sultan and the pashas. At a by mere presence and sheer personality to the ex- solemn ecclesiastical gathering it was entirely aptent that Pius II or Sixtus IV, Alexander VI or propriate to extol the blessings of peace and the Julius II, or even Leo X, did as a daily routine of horrors of warfare among Christians. It was not their exalted office. Although the papal masters politic, however, to specify the terms upon which of ceremonies, Johann Burchard and Paride Grassi, might complain of the pope’s willful disregard of

°° Cf, Maulde-la-Claviére, La Diplomatie au temps de Machiavel,

Oo 3 vols., Paris, 1892-93, II, 272-83 and ff. Obviously the dip-

princes in an expedition against the Turks (cf the dispatches _lomatic correspondence is a major source for all crusading plans of Sebastiano Giustinian, Venetian ambassador in London, proposed during this period. At Innsbruck on 1 March, 1515, dated 6 December, 1515, and 21 January, 1516, trans. Rawdon Maximilian declared his willingness to join the proposed antiBrown, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, 2 vols., London, ‘Turkish league (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. VI, 1854, I, 146, 165). Henry VIII was said even to wanttoattempt Reg. 39, fols. 159"-169"): “. . . ex sinceritate cordis nostri moti the conquest of Jerusalem, which was thought possible with — hiis paternis commonitionibus [i.e., Beatitudinis suae de infi25,000 men (Sanudo, Diarti, XVIII, 174). Despite occasional delibus] dedimus sufficiens et amplum mandatum magnifico grandiose statements, however, Henry took little account of | nostro et Sacri Romani Imperii dilecto Alberto Pio comiti Carpi Turkish activities, according to Giustinian; the English seemed __consiliario et apud eandem Beatitudinem Pontificis oratori noto confine their foreign policy to anxiety about French and _ stro ex arbitrio et beneplacito suae Sanctitatis huiusmodi foedus, Italian affairs (ibid., XXIII, 405). On Giustinian’s appointment unionem et confederationem componendi. . ._,”’ which union to the English mission in late December, 1514, cf, ibid, XIX, was to have a more than ambitious objective: *“‘non de defen338, 355. The Venetian government professed to believe that denda iam a Turcis tota Republica Christiana et praecipue Henry VIII was most eager to see a union of the Christian Italia, sed de recuperandis imperiis regnisque nostris quae mapowers against the Turks (Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State —_xima illi cum Christiani nominis clade atque ignominia occupa-

Papers. . . , Venice, II [London, 1867], no. 754, p. 313). vere. . .”’ (ibid., fols. 159°-160", 161°).

154 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT one prince might justly be reconciled with an- quickly became and always remained a strong adother. This was the function of the diplomat, vocate of the crusade. In addresses made before whose chief armory was the appendix of secret Innocent VIII on 3 June, 1487, and again on 20 articles he was always prepared to add toa treaty. April, 1492, he had lamented the failure of the The tenth session of the Lateran Council opened Christian princes to take up arms against the Turks, on 4 May, 1515. There was some tension in the who continued their career of conquest without lordly congregation of twenty-four cardinals, abatement. On 1 November, 1492, Stefano had twelve archbishops, sixty-one bishops, curial offi- urged the crusade and the vindication of the Chriscials, and the members of the diplomatic corps in _ tian name upon Alexander VI, of whom he seemed Rome, for every week the prospect was increasing to entertain high expectations. From February to of a French invasion of Italy. In the meantime the late August, 1500, while Alexander was planning

business of the Church must go on. a crusade, Stefano had composed three tracts with

Mass was celebrated by the Polish Archbishop general considerations and some futile proposals John Laski, who had given sucha moving exposition for organizing an expedition. When nothing came of the Turkish danger in a public consistory two _ of his efforts, he submitted his memoranda to the years before (in June, 1513). The opening discourse Curia Romana again in 1513, witha new dedication was given by the aged Stefano Taleazzi, who held to Leo X.°? the archiepiscopal title of Patras in Greece, and had Now in addressing the tenth session of the counbeen the bishop of Torcello near Venice for almost cil (on 4 May, 1515), Stefano Taleazzi dwelt on

thirty years. Stefano was well known in Rome for the unity of the Church under papal authority, his anti-Turkish oratory. As early as December, happily restored after the Gallican schism but soon 1480, when he was archbishop of Antivari, he had to be disrupted by the Lutheran revolt. He empreached a sermon in S. John Lateran on the ne-_ phasized the desperate need for ecclesiastical recessity of the crusade, which the contemporary form, which had to be effected before a crusade diarist Jacopo Gherardi da Volterra informs us was_ could be put in motion. Finally he turned to the

well received.*! pope, Stefano Taleazzi is also known to have delivered ; Ly:

; _ . you who have the plenitude of power within yourself

some forty-six sermons at religious ceremonies, of- . . . 1 by your decree true reform both in spiritual and ten in the papal presence, during the next three temporal matters will have to spread everywhere in the decades or so. A curial prelate, Stefano had lived world: take up therefore the twice-sharpened sword of mostly in Rome through the years, and Sixtus IV divine power entrusted to you, and order, command, had employed him on at least one important dip- decree that universal peace and social union be mainlomatic mission. Under Alexander VI he became _ tained among Christians for at least ten years. . . since a papal chaplain. Traveling back and forth between our enemy [the Turk] like a ferocious dragon moves his native Venice and Rome—and in both places forward in haste to devour us!

he heard a good deal about the Turk—Stefano Amid his learned and lugubrious reflections on creation and redemption, the mystery of Christ’s 1 Jacopo Gherardi, Diario Romano, ad ann. 1480, ed. Enrico incarnation, the perverters of divine law and idolCarusi, RISS, new ed., XXIII, pt. 3 (Citta di Castello, 1904), aters, and the mission of the Church as the City 33, where Stefano is however described as a vir maioris elegantie of God—the Lateran Council was going to reform quam doctrine, and Gherardi also refers toa sermon which Stefano and protect the Church against all enemies of the

gave in S. Peter’s on I January, 1482, in the presence of Sixtus Ft __ Stefano recounted one by one the Turkish barensis [1473-1485], orationem habuit, qui quantum alias in conquests of Greek lands and the terrifying oceodem munere dicendi fuerat commendatus, tantum presenti cupation of Otranto in 1480. Here he described actione damnatus fuit . . .” (¢bid., ad ann. 1482, p. 85). Ap- the Turkish danger in almost the same words as

IV: ‘Stephanus vero Teliacius Venetus, archiepiscopus Anti- To

parently Stefano’s oratory was not always a success. His anti-

Turkish sermon of 27 December, 1480, given in S. John Lat- §————————-

eran, was printed immediately: Sermo habitus in materia fide °2 See the article by Bernardino Feliciangeli, ‘“‘Le Proposte contra Turcorum persecutionem ex solemnitate gloriosi apostoli loannis, _ per la guerra contro i Turchi presentate da Stefano Taleazzi,

Rome: [Steph. Plannck,] 1481 [1480]. Considering the fact that | vescovo di Torcello, a Papa Alessandro VI,” Archiio della R. the Turks held Otranto at the time Stefano gave this sermon, = Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XL (Rome, 1917), 5-63. On we can understand how he made a greater impression with it Taleazzi’s three tracts, note Volume II, pp. 525-26. than most of his other lucubrations seem to have achieved. 53 Oratio habita in decima sessione [1515], pp. Ci-Cii; Raynaldus, Although Stefano Taleazzi enjoyed the favor of Sixtus IV Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1515, nos. 7-9, vol. XXXI (1877), pp. 92and Alexander VI, at the time of the League of Cambrai he 94; Feliciangeli, ‘‘Proposte per la guerra contro 1 Turchi,”’ pp. was excommunicated on 12 October, 1509, for the non-pay- 22-23.Cf. Mansi, Sacra concilia, XX XII (Paris, 1902), cols. 662,

ment of tithes (Sanudo, Diaru, IX, 245). 916-29.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 155 he had employed thirty-five years before in the formed. Although usually resident in Rome, SteLateran basilica when in December, 1480, he had fano was a good Venetian, and when he returned warned Sixtus IV of the perilous plight of Chris- home he doubtless heard a good deal more about tendom. Probably very few, if any, of his auditors the Turkish menace to Venetian ships and trading realized he was reusing the text. In 1480 the — stations in Greece and the Aegean islands. Turks were in Otranto; in 1515 they were ranging For more than halfa century no power in Europe the Tyrrhenian Sea. But the times had changed, had put upa more determined and costly resistance and men’s fears had changed with them. Taleazzi to the Turk than Venice, although she had done was applauded for his sermon in 1480. In 1515 _ so for reasons that had little to do with Christianity. he was not. As an old man, however, he was less The Turkish advance weighed heavily on the Venehopeful of something really being done to stop the _ tian mind. Schoolboys learned lists of the Christian Turk. Indeed at the end of the third tract which _ losses, and statesmen, diplomats, and historians kept

he had prepared in 1500 for Alexander VI and more extensive lists at hand for reference.°° Time had resubmitted in 1513 to Leo X, Taleazzi asks and experience taught the Venetians how to get pardon for the inadequacy of his detailed outline along with the Turks, but they never found it an of the men, money, and material necessary to pro- easy matter. Thus on 16 May, 1513, shortly after ceed against the Turk, because he now entertained Leo X’s accession, the Venetian Senate by a vote the “suspicion that nothing will be done” (suspitio of 165 to five authorized the Collegio to spend up

quod nihil fiet).* to 200 ducats on a gift for “‘Iachia’’ (Yahya) Pasha, Quite as inadequate for the practical further- the sanjakbey of Bosnia, “‘dal qual po proceder assai ance of plans for the crusade was his blithe as- bene, tenendolo amico et benivolo.”°’ While the sumption that the pope in the plenitude of his Venetians were looking for some advantage from power could impose peace upon the princes. But the purchased friendship of Yahya Pasha, their Taleazzi did his best, and enlivened his discourse _ shipping in Greek waters was being harassed by the with the usual violations of virgins, screams of chil- Turkish corsair whom they knew as Caramassan,

dren, laments of matrons, and the slaughter of whose activities the Ottoman government apparChristians or their sale into slavery.°” He spoke ently made little effort to restrain. But a report of like a voice from the past. His unadorned style 10 June from Corfu describes how five Venetian evoked no praise on this occasion; his arguments _ ships (two galleys from Candia and three fuste from lacked classical illustrations; and his plea for ec- Coron) swept Caramassan from the sea and captured clesiastical reform reminded members of the Curia _ the three fuste with which he plied his trade. The

Romana that they would be the first to be re- corsair fled into the mountains, ‘‘and so the said galleys arrived here at Corfu yesterday, with the

pp. 29, 63. famous a corsair.

°4 Feliciangeli, “‘Proposte per la guerra contro i Turchi,”’ high honor of having achieved this victory Over So 55 Oratio habita in decima sessione, die quarta Mau, MDXV, per

reverendum patrem dominum Stephanum, archepiscopum Patracen- — sem, without imprint of place or printer. Taleazzi’s sermon is 56 Cf., for example, Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Ottob. lat. also given in J. Hardouin, Acta conciliorum, 1X (Paris, 1714), 2204, fols. 71'-78*: “Tutti li acquisti de’ Turchi cosi di terra 1784-92, and Mansi, XXXII, cols. 916-29. Usually resident come di mare della Repubblica Veneta colli suoi tempi,’’ which in Rome, Taleazzi had been replaced by Girolamo di Porzia comes down to about the year 1463 (cf. fol. 77°), a carelessly in the see of Torcello (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallen- — written MS. of the mid-seventeenth century dealing with Turkberg, Mierarchia catholica, 11 [1923], 315), ‘el qual ha otenuto __ ish history and affairs.

domino Hironimo di Porzia episcopo novo publicato in con- °7 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 45, fol. 124". cistorio, licet il vescovo vechio [Taleazzi] sia vivo, ma |’ ha 58 Sanudo, Diari, XVI, 433. Turkish harassment of the Greek renonciato, et €a Roma con il suo titolo arziepiscopo di Patras’ _ islands was constant (ibid., XVIII, 359), and Moslem corsairs, (Sanudo, Diari, XVII, 151). With the obviously wrong date _ especially from North Africa, were harrying the Italian coasts 4 April for 4 May, 1515, Sanudo, XX, 194, records a dispatch (cf. Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIIIfrom Marin Zorzi (Giorgi), Venetian ambassador in Rome, re- 1 [1917], 504). In April, 1518, Moslem corsairs from North ceived in Venice on 9 May: ‘‘Questa matina siamo intraticum Africa (Mori) came to the mouth of the Tiber, seized all the la Santita del Pontifice nel Concilio. . . . La prima cosa, fu. wine ships, and sent the Cardinal Raffaele Riario, who was then cantata la messa per uno episcopo orator del re de Polonia; da_—_at_ Ostia, scurrying back to Rome in terror (Sanudo, Diaru, poi fu fatta una prolisa oratione per el vescovo vechio olim de XXV, 366, and cf. col. 460). Some months later two Turkish Torzello, ne la qual se porto bene atenta la grandeza de lianni _fuste captured a papal galley (ibid., XX VI, 93, 142, 165, 212, sui. . . !’” The aged Stefano was back in Venice on 1 July, 213). Corsairs were also active in Sicilian waters (zbid., XX VI, 1515, concerned about the affairs of Torcello (Sanudo, Diarn, 19, 38). Corsairs, presumably Christians, were also a problem XX, 350). On the tenth session of the council, see Hefele, for the Turks, who accused the island dynasts of the Archipelago Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), — of abetting them (ibid., XXV, 154, 158, 182). The sultan also 464 ff., who seem to know little or nothing about Taleazzi. tried to destroy Turkish corsairs (ibid., XX VI, 194).

156 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT High honor it may have been, but the struggle against the Christian subjects of the sultan was to with the Turk, whether in diplomacy or warfare, _ be valid in court. The bailie could take charge of was unremitting, and Venice was no match for the — the goods left by Venetians who died in Turkey.

Ottoman empire. As the Republic lost ground Moslem merchants were not to be molested in through the years, it became clear to everyone Venetian territory when they paid the required duthat only France and England, Spain and the Ger- _ ties on their wares. Likewise no Turkish subject was man empire were capable of protecting the Chris- _ to harass Venetians or others engaged in trade while tian front against the attacks of Islam. The weary _ they sailed on the Adriatic from Corfu to Venice.

Signoria of Venice, however, was more interested Venice would continue to pay the annual tribute in peace with the Turk than in the concord of the of 500 ducats for Zante, and Sultan Selim swore to Christian princes, and on 17 October, 1513, the observe the articles of the present pact.°9

Venetians renewed their truce with the Sublime It might well be, as one of the pope’s friends Porte. The agreement was negotiated by theiram- wrote the young Lorenzo de’ Medici (on 16 Aubassador Antonio Giustinian. The text is instruc- gust, 1514), that ‘“‘our lord [the pope] remains very tive. The Venetians’ safety was assured in Istanbul, well, thanks to God, and does nothing else than Pera, Caffa, Trebizond, and elsewhere in the Ot- make plans for the expedition against the Turk, toman dominions. The Porte recognized Venetian and he says he wants to go in person.’®’ In any suzerainty over all the ports and lands the Repub-_ event it is clear that the Venetians did not intend lic then possessed as well as over those she might to go with him.

conquer from other Christian states. The duchy Venice had long had trouble at home as well as of Naxos and its dependencies were included in abroad. Although the proud banner of the winged the truce. Neither Venetians nor Turks were to _ lion flew from forts as well as galleys in Greek terinflict loss or injury upon the other. If the Turkish _ ritories, Venetian commerce was declining. Unarmada should undertake an expedition against doubtedly the new Portuguese and Spanish trade any area not under Venetian control, the Republic routes around South Africa and to the new world was to observe a strict neutrality without making — tended to depress Venetian commerce. Lamansky, any effort to render aid to the people being at- however, noted years ago the close connection betacked or impeding the Turks in any way. Both _ tween the decline of the Venetian merchant marine

powers were to try to suppress piracy. and the extortions of the customs officials. Without If either a Venetian or Turkish merchant, accepting the full severity of Lamansky’s strictures, doing business in the territory of one of the high one may acknowledge that the checks and balances contracting parties, should fraudulently try to es- of Venetian government tended to weaken excape debt by fleeing into the jurisdiction of the ecutive power. In the courts justice was slow, and other, steps were to be taken to satisfy the injured advocates, syndics, and other magistrates were concreditor. A Venetian bailie might reside in Istanbul for three-year periods. Slaves escaping from = —————— Venice into Turkey were to be redeemed for 1000 *® Sultan Selim’s declaration of peace and friendship with aspers if they had become Moslems. Those who | the Venetians may be found in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia,

. oe . Documenti turchi, document dated at Adrianople on 17 Oc-

remained Christian were to be returned to their (once 1573 (17 Sha‘ban, A. H. 919]. It is addressed to the Venetian owners. Venice would observe the same Doge Leonardo Loredan. The document has a tergo the folprovisions with respect to Turkish slaves. Mer- lowing note ina contemporary hand: “‘U Capitula pacis Sultani

chants and others suffering shipwreck were to en- Selimi inite per virum nobilem Antonium Justinianum doctorem, j oy the full prote ction of their goods and property. or[atorjem venetum, 1513 cum inclusa traductione sub hoc : signo U,”’ but the extant and apparently contemporary transThe naval officers of both powers were to refrain lation does not bear this sign, and is misdated 17 August. On from all acts of hostility, the one against the other, 3 December, 1513, the Venetian government wrote both the or suffer appropriate penalties for their violation © sultan and the bailie in Istanbul of its full acceptance of the of the terms of the present agreement. The Vene- terms of the peace (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 46, fol. 28%): ““. . . se . ye: . - 4: . I’ armada de la Excellentia vostra andera in alcun loco che non tian bailie in Istanbul might adjudicate disp ules appartenga a la Signoria nostra, che nui ne la nostra armata and cases arising among Venetians, while the latter jon dara alcun impedimento a quella de vostra illustrissima were not to be molested or charged either at Le- Signoria né dara favor a quel loco dove andera !’ armata sua.” panto or in the Morea for the debts of their fellow In other words, if the Turks attacked Sicily or southern Italy,

citizens. the Venetian fleet would not interfere. . Venetians who did not establish some sort of res- ° See Pastor, Hist. Popes, VU, 215, with note, and Gesch. d.

. ; ; Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 147-48, with note, for the letter of

idence in Turkish territory were not to pay the non- Baldassare da Pescia to Lorenzo de’ Medici, dated 16 August,

Moslem tribute or kharaj. Testimony of Christians = 1514.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 157 niving. The police were inadequately organized. conferences which Leo X was then organizing ‘‘in Incarceration was a common punishment; the pris- materia dil Turcho,”’ but merely to affirm that Venons were in a deplorable state. Life and property ice had always fought for Christendom against the were doubtless less secure than has sometimes been Turks, and would not be lacking when the European assumed.°' Various entries in Sanudo’s Diarii de- princes were ready to embark on a crusade with scribe robberies, assaults, and murders in the un- deeds and not mere words.®° It was not an unrealighted campi and rughette when night fell upon the — sonable position.

city. The canals and ri were always at hand to re- We have already noted the papal encyclical of ceive the victims. In Leo X’s time Venice was inno 3 September, 1513, announcing the lordly Car-

mood to embark on a crusade. dinal Thomas Bakocz’s dispatch to Hungary to

Leo was quite aware of the Venetians’ reluctance launch a crusade against the Turks. From the time

to embroil themselves with the Turks. On 5 July, of his arrival in Buda, however, Bakocz found 1515, he wrote the Doge Leonardo Loredan that nothing but trouble. The military propensities of while he realized the Serenissima’s treaties ( foedera) the Hungarians, rich and poor alike, turned from with the Turks made any overt action against them crusade to civil war as the peasants rose up against impossible, still it was incumbent upon him as pope _ the feudality.°* A report reaching Marino Sanudo to take steps to check the ceaseless Turkish incur- in July, 1514, was to the effect that Bakocz had

sions. Leo had ordered the construction of some succeeded in recruiting an army of 40,000 “‘per galleys at Ancona for service against the Turks,and far la cruciata e andar contra Turchi,” but his now he wanted the doge to supply cannon and other unruly crusaders soon began ravaging the counarmaments for them. He said that he was sending _ tryside. They killed a bishop and collected a good a member of his household, a Venetian, to explain deal of booty, whereupon there were gatherings his intentions further, ‘‘and I have also instructed of the Hungarian barons, who took the field ‘‘conhim to run down at Venice certain Greek books of _ tra questi di la cruciata, ch’ é populazo.’’®°

which I have need, and if you will oblige him in It is not clear that Leo X understood the full this, I shall be most grateful.’’°* Since Leo had small gravity of the situation in Hungary, for he wrote hope of getting the cannon, we can only hope that —Ladislas II on 21 September, 1514, that Bakocz

he got the books. had informed him that thousands of Hungarian The Venetians still had a large stake in the Le- warriors could march against the Turks if only the vant. If there was really going to be a crusade, they funds could be found to support them. Leo promcould not afford to participate in a failure. Their ised Ladislas a contribution of 50,000 ducats topolicy was cautious and consistent. Thus on 6 No-

vember, 1517, the Council of Ten instructed the ~ . Venetian ambassador in Rome not to attend the Sanudo, Diart, XXV, 71. A Turkish ambassador, Ali Beg,

had just arrived in Venice, as observed elsewhere in this study (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 86-87).

———— 64 Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 174, 190, 201, 240, 340, 349; A. °! Vladimir Lamansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, Desjardins and G. Canestrini, Négociations diplomatiques de la

1884, repr. New York, 1968, pp. 671 ff., especially the quo- France avec la Toscane, II (Paris, 1861), 648, 669. The Turk tations from documents in the notes. In the discussion of his | was always a major problem for the Hungarians (cf Sanudo, texts Lamansky usually tends to be anti-Venetian, butasagen- Diuaru, XVI, 21, 57, 260, 261-62, 312, 326-27, 354-55, 375, eral corrective to his large awareness of Venetian shortcomings, 415, 436, 441, 447, 587, 588, 657-58, 673). On Saturday, 4 cf. James C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetian Nobility asa Ruling June, 1513, ‘in congregation il Papa [Leone X] dete la cruciata

Class, Baltimore, 1962 (Johns Hopkins University Studies in al regno di Hongaria contra turcas”’ (tbid., XVI, 356).

Historical and Political Science, ser. LX XX, no. 2). ®5 Sanudo, Diarii, XVIII, 350. A report from Buda, dated 62 I eonis X. regesta, II, no. 16,292, p. 132, and Bembo, Epp., 11 August, 1514, shows that the uprising of peasant “‘crusaders’’

X, 45, in Opere, IV, 87. Leo presumably needed the Greek _ had created social and economic chaos in Hungary (ibid., XIX, books because, with the encouragement of the Greek scholar 13-17, and ¢f. cols. 99-103). The “‘crusaders’’ were suppressed and diplomat Janus Lascaris, he had recently established the _ in less thana year (2bid., XX, 57). Cf Vladimir Lamansky, Secrets ‘‘ginnasio greco” on the Quirinal in Rome, on which see M. a’ état de Venise, S. Petersburg, 1884, repr. New York, 1968, I. Manousakas, ‘“The Presentation by Janus Lascaris of the First pp. 430-33; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 214-15, and Gesch. d. Pupils in the Greek Gymnasium in Rome to Pope Leo X (15 Papste, IV-1 (repr. 1956), 147; Biblioteca del Museo Correr, February, 1514)" [in Greek], O ’Epaviorns, I (1963), 161-72. Venice, MS. Cicogna 2848, fol. 120", from the diary of MarA few years later, in 1520, Francis I also undertook to set up =cantonio Michiel. This was of course the revolt of the ‘‘Kuin Milan “uno studio de lettere graece ad restitutione dela ruczok”’ (i.e., Cruciati, crusaders) led by George (Gyorgy) Dozsa, lingua et scientia greca,’”’ but he failed to support the school, | whom Bakocz had employed to recruit a peasant army, of which and the expense fell on Lascaris, who could not afford to con- _ he soon lost control. Dozsa then went along with the desire of tinue it, and addressed a remonstrance to the French court on _ the rank and file in his forces to strike at the Magyar feudality 14 August, 1522 (Giuseppe Molini, Document: di storia italiana, and high clergy. When finally defeated, Dozsa was tortured to

I (Florence, 1836], no. LXXIX, pp. 162-64). death.

158 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ward a properly organized army that would ac-_ those of the corrupt and grasping nobles at the tually take the field against the Turks (s2 justum royal court in Buda. exercitum conficere atque in Turcas impetum facere sta- Ladislas II, king of Hungary and Bohemia, died

tueris).°° But Hungarian warriors were already on 13 March, 1516, leaving his ten-year-old son finding abundant employment in their own coun- Louis to occupy his shaky thrones. The ruling clique

try, where the crusade had taken the form of a at the court of Buda had Louis declared of age to social revolution of the peasants against the cruel rule in order to escape interference from his exalted exploitation of their landlords. It lasted almost a guardians, the Emperor Maximilian and King Sigyear, and from this “crusade” obviously the Turks ismund of Poland. By his last will and testament

suffered no harm. Ladislas had committed his son to the care of CarTo the Hungarians, Turkish attacks had come dinal Bakocz, who ruled Hungary for the next five to seem as inevitable as the social chaos under years (until his death in 1521). Conditions in the which they had been living since the death of the kingdom could hardly have been worse. Leo X sent

great Matthias Corvinus a quarter of a century his relative Roberto Latino Orsini, archbishop of before. Fortunately for them, Sultan Selim was Reggio in Calabria, a papal referendary and doconstantly engaged in campaigns against the mestic prelate, on a mission to Hungary and Poland. Persians and Mamluks. Nevertheless, along the Orsini went as a nuncio with the full powers of a Hungarian borders the need for defense was un-_ /egatus de latere. In the bull of appointment addressed remitting, and in this connection Pietro Bembo _ to Orsini on 2 April (1516) Leo lamented the great addressed an interesting letter in the pope’s name __loss which Christendom had suffered in Ladislas’ to the incompetent Ladislas (on 30 March, 1515). death, for according to the bull he had been “‘like Leo X had just taken steps, he wrote, to send sup- an intrepid pugilist of Christ and a strong athlete plies to certain towns exposed to Turkish attack against the monstrous madness of the Turks,” and on the eastern front. Wheat and barley were being _ had achieved glorious triumphs of victory over their sent, various pieces of ordnance (tormenta etiam “‘continual attacks and horrible ferocity.”’ (We may varti generis aliquot), ‘‘and 1000 pounds of powder _ observe, parenthetically, that the eloquence of papal prepared for firing cannon, 10,000 pounds of sul- writers was seldom employed so badly as in extolling

phur, and 5,000 pounds of saltpeter,”’ from which the virtues of this feeble champion of the faith.) more powder could be made when it was needed. Leo had a particular love and consideration, he The pope was also providing 2,000 ducats, which — said, for the Hungarian kingdom, which stood as money and supplies were to be used according to Europe’s bulwark (antemurale) against the Turks. the wishes of Peter Beriszlo (Berislavic), the ban Discord and dissension seemed likely to follow Lad( praefectus) of Croatia and bishop of Veszprém. _ islas’ death, however, to the terrible detriment of Leo had been informed that the threatened towns _ the Christian cause, and Leo expressed his hope to required refortification, and he was sending Orsini that peace and quiet might be brought about 20,000 ducats which must be used largely for re- in the kingdom. Leo was sending Orsini to work

building walls and clearing moats.°’ with Bakocz to allay the hostilities of commoners The Hungarian towns were certainly in a des- and nobles, remove strife, and seek the ends of perate plight; they required everything, and the Justice, so that with political peace and social tranMagyar nobility would contribute nothing. The quillity in Hungary Christian arms might be turned peasant uprising of 1514 had prepared the way against the Turks.°* for a full-scale Turkish invasion, which in time was sure to come. If the pope’s assistance was woefully §————W——_.

inadequate, it was at least something, and if there 68 Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 216-17, and append., no. 12, pp.

were too many polos ithe Corin Rotanty $450 md Goce abe ee, 0) Li their deficiencies were as nothing compared with Reggio from 1512 to 1320 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and SchinitzKallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, I11 [1923], 284). Cf Bembo,

—___O Epp., XII, 3-5, in Opere, IV, 101-2: “*. . . quae municipia isto

°° Leon X. regesta, 1, no. 11,826, p. 730, and Bembo, Epp., in regno [Hungariae] vicina oppositaque Turcis sunt atque in X, 3, in Opere, 1V, 76; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1514, no. | summa rerum omnium inopia versantur celerisque auxilii mag-

51, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 72-73. This letter is alluded to, but’ nopere indigent, ea in re omnem meam curam adhibebo damisdated 27 September, in Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, | boque operam ut eis omnibus in tempore succuratur. Itaque

Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 503. volo bono vos animo esse neque vereri quin a me omnia paterna

6” Leonis X. regesta, 11, no. 14,790, p. 60; Bembo, Epp., X, in vos officia procurationesque proficiscantur . . .” (letter to

23, in Opere, IV, 82, and cf. Epp., X, 24-25, pp. 82-83. Bakocz dated at Rome on 25 March, 1516).

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 159 If the Doge Leonardo Loredan sent Leo X the While offering a papal alliance to Francis I if the Greek books he had requested in July, 1515, the latter would give up the old Angevin claim to Narecent march of events could have left Leo little ples, Leo X delayed publishing his adherence to time to study them. The death of Louis XII at the anti-French league. It was not merely that Leo Paris on the night of 31 December, 1514, had practised a diplomacy of duplicity, which he did. brought to the French throne Francis I, in whom He was a cautious man who made a policy of posta youthful love of adventure was combined with ponement, and his natural indecision was usually a desire for military glory. Diplomats of the anti- prolonged by timidity.”° Even as the French were French powers were as usual trying to forge the moving toward Italy, and he was making financial links of another league which should organize the payments to the Swiss and Spanish troops, Leo was resources of pope and emperor, king of Spain and _ still prepared to reach an accord with Francis, produke of Milan, as well as of the Swiss and the Gen-_ vided 1) Parma and Piacenza remained with the oese to frustrate the French king’s inevitable at- states of the Church, 2) Francis made a lasting peace

tempt to reconquer the Milanese duchy.” with Ferdinand the Catholic, because the interminable Franco-Spanish wars were impeding papal ef-

ee forts to launch a crusade against the Turks (/a sancta On 11 April Leo expressed his anxiety about conditions in impresa contro a li Infidel), and 3) Francis ceded his Hungary, where the king was now a boy, to Sigismund of Poland claims (ragioni) to the kingdom of Naples either to

(Bembo, Epp., XII, 7, pp- 102-3). Ladislas had committed the hig Holiness or to a third party acceptable both to

boy to the especial protection of the Holy See (Raynaldus, Ann. the Curia R d to the French court. The eccl., ad ann. 1516, no. 61, vol. XX XI [1877], p. 131), and in € Uurla NKomana and to eNCn | a May Leo addressed an urgent appeal to Sigismund to help the Holy See could not tolerate control by a single prince Hungarians against the Turkish peril, ‘in quo non solum Dal- of states in both northern and southern Italy (perche matia et Croatia, sed totum etiam regnum Hungariae, . . .et Jaq Chiesa non resti in mezo d’ un principe che sia signore

13334) tota Christianitas vertitur’’ (2bid., nos. 69-71, pp. del capo et de la coda d’ Italia). lFrancis saw no neThe Venetians were on excellent terms with the Turks, with whom they had la bona pace et amicitia, on which cf. the Doge =—§ ————————

Leonardo Loredan’s letters to the sultan dated 1 September, _ latter’s son Niccolo (1503-1547), who became a cardinal under 1515 (Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, 7). But the Hungarians were ex- Paul III (see Guasti, op. cit., pp. 16-21). Leo X’s gradual entry pecting a Turkish attack, for ‘il Turcho fa gran preparamenti into the league against Francis I may be studied in the second per invader quel regno, unde mandano oratori al Papa, Franza instalment of Guasti’s edition of these documents (b:d., pp. 221 e a la Signoria nostra a exortar a la pace et darli aiuto contra __ff., and note Sanudo, XIX, 430).

Turchi. . . ,” according to a report of the Venetian ambas- ’° To his natural indecisiveness Leo X added an amiable but sador in Buda dated 25-26 August, 1515 (zbid., XXI, 53). Lad- closed personality. The imperial ambassador Alberto Pio da islas’ death on 13 March, 1516, was known in Venice by 23— Carpi observes ina letter of 16 August, 1513, ‘“Vere non aeque 24 March (Sanudo, Diarii, XXII, 63, and cf. cols. 130 ff.). The mihi notus est animus omnibus in rebus Leonis uti [ulii fuerat, report of Antonio Surian, Venetian ambassador to Hungary, tum quia natura non ita apertus est, tum quia non adhuc tanta was given to the Senate on 18 December, 1516, after hisreturn —familiaritate coniunctus sum uti Iulio fueram”’ (MS. 414, Lea from the political chaos of the threatened realm. It is sum- Library, Univ. of Penna.). In 1514 Leo X tried hard to deflect

marized in Sanudo’s Diari, XXIII, 348-54. Hungary was by the Venetians from their natural inclination toward France, now well along the road that led to Mohacs (cf. in general Wil- sending Pietro Bembo on a futile mission to the Signoria in helm Fraknoi, Ungarn vor der Schlacht be: Mohacs [1524-1526], | December, on which see Vittorio Cian, ‘‘A proposito di un’ German trans. from Hungarian by J. H. Schwicker, Budapest, ambascieria di M. Pietro Bembo,” Archivio veneto, n.s., XX X-2 1886), and was a source of constant concern and apprehension (1885), 355-407, and ibid., XXX-1 (1886), 71-128. in the Curia Romana (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, ”| “Manoscritti Torrigiani,” in Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., Reg. 6 [from the Archivum Consistoriale], fols. 142", 226”). XXVI (1877), 180, a letter of Giuliano de’ Medici written in 6° In the spring of 1514 Cardinal Matthias Lang, Maximilian’s August, 1515, when it appeared that the duke of Savoy might special envoy to Rome, had tried to arrange an alliance of Leo attempt mediation between France and the Holy See (cf. Pastor, X, Maximilian, and Ferdinand the Catholic, “‘e a questa il Papa Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], 77). Francis I had renewed non a voluto concluder’” (Sanudo, Diarti, XVIII, 210). The with the Venetians on 27 June, 1515, the alliance made in the political machinations of the spring and early summer of 1514 _ treaty of Blois more than two years before (Sanudo, Diari, XX, may be followed in Cesare Guasti, ed., ‘‘I Manoscritti Torrigiani 436). Leo X subscribed to the terms of the anti-French league donati al R. Archivio Centrale di Stato di Firenze,” Arch. stor. on 30 July (@bid., XX, 449), and the Venetian ambassador wrote

italiano, 3rd ser., XIX (Florence, 1874), 55 ff. his government on 3 August that the pope ‘“‘mandava danari This collection of documents, hereafter referred to as publice a’ sguizari et a’ spagnohi, et la Liga é conclusa con loro ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ passed by inheritance into the family... ,’’ etc., an interesting and important dispatch (ibid., XX, of the Marchesi Torrigiani in 1816, and was presented to the 470-71, which also shows that French preparations for the instate archives in Florence fifty years later. The collection had vasion of Italy had been completed). been the possession of the Del Nero family, which had acquired As always the diplomatic and other maneuvers may be folit by marriage (in 1629). Most of these documents had belonged lowed in Sanudo, Diarit, XXI, 10, 11, 12 ff., 18 ff, 28 ff., 36-— to Leo X’s secretary Pietro Ardinghelli (1470°?-1526) and the 37, 39 ff., etc., numerous, full, and sometimes excited reports.

160 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cessity of making peace on the pope’s terms, how- the celestial minds advising his Holiness were in ever, and as the Swiss blocked the Alpine passes a quandary, for as Bibbiena wrote Cardinal Giulio north of Susa, Francis entered Italy by the difficult on 18 August (1515), if the latter and the young southern route—through the Col de Larche, Ar- Lorenzo should live a thousand years, they would

gentera, Roccasparvera, and Cuneo—along the not again be called upon to deal with matters of

Stura di Demonte.”” such importance.’*

The Swiss were taken by surprise. Disorgani- The Swiss cardinal, Matthias Schiner, lost nei-

zation, even dissension, soon entered their ranks. _ ther his courage nor his animus against the French,

The Spanish viceroy, Ramon de Cardona, re- but on 30 August Cardinal Giulio wrote Lorenzo mained at Verona on the winding Adige. He _ thatif Schiner insisted upon the light cavalry being lacked funds and was waiting for German rein- sent to his aid, they should go: however, it would forcements; he also feared attack by Venetian not do for them to carry the papal banners.’° On forces; and in any event it was clear that the the afternoon of 13 September (1515), with the French had little to fear from him. Papal troops _ fiery encouragement of the indefatigable Schiner, under the pope’s nephew Lorenzo de’ Medici the Swiss launched an attack upon the French moved slowly. Lorenzo was not anxious to meet camp near Marignano (now Melegnano). A twothe French, and was fearful for the security of day battle ensued, and while the outcome was still Parma and Piacenza. Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, doubtful, Bartolommeo d’ Alviano, commander legate of Bologna, was the young Lorenzo’s advisor, of the Venetian troops, arrived to turn the edbut was constantly in need of advice himself. dying tide into a French victory. Francis I would Giulio’s timidity, however, did not prevent his very shortly become the duke of Milan. It had disagreeing with his papal cousin, who decided to been a fierce encounter. Francis’s commander return Bologna to the Bentivoglio in a belated Gian Giacomo Trivulzio described it as a battle effort to win their support. The pope’s friend and not of men, but of giants, and said that the preformer secretary Bernardo Dovizi, now cardinal vious eighteen battles in which he had taken part of Bibbiena, was even ready to see Modena and_ were, in comparison with Marignano, merely Reggio restored to the duke of Ferrara.’* Indeed, ‘‘child’s play” (battaglie fanciullesche).”° At the beginning of September, 1515, Leo told the Venetian — ciardini, XII, 14, ed. cit., III, 170), but some of them did sign ambassador that “‘il re de Ingalterra e intrato in la nostra liga: an agreement with him (on 8 September), which was immediately

si ha sotoscrito e rompera Franza. . . . E questo femo non _ broken by the arrival of new contingents of Swiss (ibid., pp. obstante le nove avemo per via di Ragusi, di le preparation 172-73). On Lorenzo de’ Medici hovering at Parma and Pigrande fa il Turcho e di armada e di zente contra |’ Hongaria.”’ —_acenza, cf., ibid., XII, 14, pp. 173-74.

(The pope had prepared anti-French briefs, which had not yet 74 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 710-11. On Bibbiena, see been sent.) The ambassador asked, ‘‘Pater Sancte, vol Vostra in general G. L. Moncallero, Il Cardinale Bernardo Dovizi da Santita, ch’ é capo di la Christianita, essere causa di meter Bibbiena, umanista e diplomatico (1470-1520), Florence, 1953. discordia tra Cristiani, che oficio suo e di unir la Christianita © Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 730. Schiner was then at contra infedeli?”’ to which the pope replied, “Il re di Franza_ Piacenza. After the French victory at Marignano, when the ha voluto cussi!”’ (ibid., XX1, 54-55). Leo made Wolsey a car- _ pope was relying on Francis to lead the crusade, Schiner still dinal to secure Henry VIII’s entry in la nostra liga (ibid., XXI, | remained the implacable enemy of the French (‘‘Manoscritti 68, 74, 251, 263-64, and J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers, Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 216, doc. dated Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VII, 1-1 [London, 4 February, 1518). For documents relating to Swiss participa1864, repr. 1965], nos. 91, 374, 780, 887, 910, 929, 960, and __ tion in the events of August and September, 1515, see Albert

1153). Biichi, ed., Korrespondenzen und Akten zur Geschichte des Kardinals

72 Sanudo, Diarii, XX, 527-28, 544, 551, 567; Guicciardini, Matthaeus Schiner, 2 vols., Basel, 1920-25, I, 563 ff. Despite Storia d’ Italia, X11, 12, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 162— Leo X’s many dangerous distractions at this time, his fear of 63, 164-67. On French preparations for the campaign that led = a Turkish attack continued without abatement (J. S. Brewer, to Francis I’s victory at Marignano, as seen by the Florentine — ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VII, 1-1 [London, 1864, ambassador Francesco Pandolfini, see the documents collected — repr. 1965], no. 968, p. 259). Brewer’s edition of the Letters by Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 681 ff. The French arranged and Papers. . . of Henry VIII contains many documents relating for a courier to be captured by the Swiss, bearinga false message __ to the proposed crusade during the reign of Leo X, but since to the duke of Savoy that Francis ‘‘era resoluto passare per 11 — they supply information generally known from other sources, passo di Susa,”’ which the Swiss proceeded to hold with resolute I do not often cite them (see Brewer’s general index under futility (ibid., 11, 703). The progress of the French to the battle “Turks,” ibid., II-2, p. 1765). of Marignano may be followed in the entries in Sanudo’s Diari ’® Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, from the beginning of August on (vols. XX-—XXI), and cf Ro- =: 1963, III, 178-85, with Trivulzio’s statement on p. 184; Martin

docanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X (1931), pp. 75 ff. du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection complete des 78 Cf. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 13, ed. Florence: memoires relatifs a l’ histoire de France, XVII (Paris, 1821), 264Salani, 1963, III, 168-70; Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 704— —_ 69; and cf. the entries in Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, 76-85, 89 ff.,

11, 718 ff. When Francis I tried to negotiate with the Swiss, 100 ff. Reports of Marignano crowded almost all other news they appeared to be ‘“‘pieni di varieta e di confusione’’ (Guic- out of Sanudo’s diaries. The battle had lasted twenty hours

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 161 Leo found the next month very worrisome as he _ the interests of the Medici, and in a secret consis-

and his advisors dealt with French proposals for tory held at Viterbo on Monday, 5 November, peace and presented his own to Francis I, who fourteen cardinals agreed to what Paride Grassi insisted upon the papal surrender of Parma and _ calls the “transmigration” of the pope and the Piacenza as dependencies of the Milanese duchy, Curia to Florence and thence to Bologna, where while agreeing to maintain the Medici in Flor- Leo would celebrate Christmas and meet with the ence.’’ Massimiliano Sforza now abandoned his _ king.®° long-disputed inheritance. Francis entered Milan Pope Leo X entered Florence on 30 November on 11 October, and Francesco Pandolfini wrote (1515) to an extraordinary welcome by his fellow Lorenzo de’ Medici from Milan on the eighteenth _ citizens. Painters, sculptors, architects, and more that Francis was very happy about the accord _ lowly artisans employed all the artistic talent of their which had been arranged between the pope and city on triumphal arches, great statues, and painted himself, ‘‘and he has no other desire than. . . to scenery. Jacopo Sansovino and Andrea del Sarto kiss the feet of his Holiness and in person to render built a wooden facade to enhance the beauty of the him a son’s obedience.’’”® Francis also wanted the — unfinished church of S. Maria del Fiore, where Car-

opportunity to talk directly with the pope, who dinal Giulio said mass. Leo left Florence on Monday,

agreed to travel northward rather than face the 3 December, and on the following Saturday, the possibility of the king’s coming like his predecessor _ eighth, he entered Bologna, where adherents of the

Charles VIII to Rome, where members of the Bentivoglio and even the other citizens gave him a Curia long preserved unhappy memories of Al- cool welcome. King Francis made his appearance exander VI’s problems (in January, 1495). There on 11 December, and was received by the pope in was reason to believe, however, that Francis did public consistory in the great hall on the second not wish to travel south of Bologna.’? This suited floor of the Palazzo Pubblico (the so-called Palazzo d’ Accursio), where so large a crowd had assembled

—_____—. that there was some fear the floor might collapse. (ibid., XX1, 80, 81, 82, 97, 101, 103, 105). Venetian jubilation During the three or four days that followed, Leo is quite understandable (X XI, 118 ff.). Francis entered Milan and Francis alternated solemn ceremonies with prion Thursday, 11 October, 1515 (XXI, 233-34, 236 ff.). See vate discussions. No secretaries were present, no the Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Francois Premier documents were issued, but some notes were taken.

(1515-1536), ed. Ludovic Lalanne, Paris, 1854, repr. New York F ‘s left Bol 15D b d back and London, 1965, pp. 20-28 (Société de I’ Histoire de France), TACs te ( Bologna on ecemDer, anc was Dac

and especially the detailed study of Emil Usteri, Marignano: Die =” France a few weeks later. Leo departed on the Schicksalsjahre 1515-1516 im Blickfeld der historischen Quellen, eighteenth and after a sojourn in Florence, where Zurich, 1974, who has made extensive use of the Swiss (and his brother Giuliano lay ill, the pope and the Curia

other) archival1516, sources. returned to Rome at the endtoof February.®! In November, Andrea Trevisan, Venetian envoy ome a ee uary.

Milan, reported to the Senate that ‘‘Milan é gran terra, 4 gran. = =————— populazion, gran richeza, e gran poverta.. . . Hanno Milanesi of Ten warned Francis I to take every precaution for the safety in odio oltramontani et francesi et alemani, et amano molto la __ of his person, because Leo X and Bibbiena would stop at noth-

caxa Sforzesca e voriano uno duca di quella fameja... ,” ing to gain their ends! (V. Lamansky, Secrets d’ état de Venise, making clear that Francis would have trouble in Milan (Sanudo, pp. 45-46). XXIII, 169), but in the meantime, as the Venetian Senate wrote 8° Paride Grassi, in Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, append., no. 10, Francis on 18 September (1515), there was tremendous rejoic- __p. 452, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), append., no. 15,

ing on the lagoon, ‘‘. . . el gaudio singular et la incredibel p. 683; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1515, nos. 24 ff., vol. contenteza del animo nostro, intesa la faustissima nova de la XXXI (1877), pp. 98 ff.; Sanudo, Diaru, XXI, 231, 256, 271, celebre et gloriosa giornata, ne laqual quella [i.e., vostra Chris- 273, 313, 324, 328-29, 344, 366, 371-81, 383-84. We may tianissima Maesta] ha conseguita tanto honorevelissima victoria note here as well as elsewhere that the Curia Romana is far et acquistata triumphante et gloriosa gloria,” etc. (Sen. Secreta, | from an abstract institution during the early years of Leo X’s

Reg. 46, fols. 133° ff.). reign, considering our knowledge of hundreds of members of 77 For details, note Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X11, 16, ed. __ its personnel (from the Cod. Vaticanus latinus 8,598), on which

Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 187-89, and Sanudo, Diarti, XXI, see the remarkably detailed study of the Marchese Alessandro

133, 146, 153-54. Ferrajoli, ‘Il Ruolo della Corte di Leone X (1514—1516),” 78 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 740-41. On the treaty of — Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Patria, XX XIV (Rome,

Viterbo, signed in mid-October, 1515, between the pope and 1911), 363-91; XXXV (1912), 219-71, and ibid., pp. 483the king of France, cf; Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 539; XX XVI(1913), 191-223, and ibid., pp. 519-84; XX XVII

82-84. The preliminary French text of the treaty, dated 20 (1914), 307-59, and ibid., pp. 453-84, both parts entirely on September, is given in G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of Pietro Bembo, with numerous documents; XX XVIII (1915), . . . State Papers. . . , Spain, Il (London, 1866), no. 219, pp. 215-81, and tbid., pp. 425-52, both parts entirely on Jacopo

259-60. Sadoleto, also with docs.; XX XIX (1916), 53-77, and ibid., pp. 79 Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 744: “. . . mal opinione 537-76; XL (1917), 247-77; and XLI (1918), 87-110.

. . .€che il Re non voglia passare Bologna.’’ Guicciardini says *" Cf. in general Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 126-41, and Gesch. the same thing. On 29 October, 1515, the Venetian Council — d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 86-96; Hefele, Hergenrother, and

162 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT So little is known of the extent of Leo’s agree- When facts are sparse, rumors abound. Thus ments and disagreements with Francis that itishard one Cornelius de Fine, a contemporary Dutch obto say how much of the history of the next few years _ server, noted in his diary gossip to the effect that was influenced by the discussions held at Bologna. Paolo Giovio, who was writing his history at the the supreme pontiff had promised the king of France pope’s request, apparently learned nothing of the — to advance his interests and if possible to elevate him secret exchanges between Leo and the king.®? In to the imperial throne since the Emperor Maximilian any event it is clear that the accord to which Fran- 4S "0wan old man, and so that in the meantime [Francesco Pandolfini alludes in his letter of 18 October “iS 1] might not lack an imperial title rumor had it that

, = ; . [Leo] had made him emperor of Constantinople with

to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Viterbo on 3 ; ; e(negotiated agreement, however,

that he should undertake to

October) now received the personal confirmation conquer this empire by his own valor and effort, and of both king and pope, but the latter at least har- afterwards I saw in Rome in many places most conbored grave reservations about what he was agree- _ vincing evidence of this since I observed on the fronts ing to as he treated the king with every courtesy _ of certain houses belonging to obtuse Frenchmen the

and consideration.®° French king’s escutcheon painted with the imperial crown and adorned with a diadem.*4

Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 478 ff.; Rodocanachi,

Le Pontificat de Leon X, pp. 86 ff. The description by Silvestro Whether Leo really dangled the Byzantine de’ Gigli, bishop of Worcester, of the meeting of pope andking crown before the young king would be hard to at Bologna is particularly interesting (letter dated 14 December, say. He did, however, hold out to him the prospect

1515, inJ. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, f . h € Napl h h d Ferd;

I]-1 [London, 1864, repr. 1965], no. 1281, pp. 341-42). Except of receiving t at 0 aples wnen U € age ao Ifor the pope’s granting the king the right of nomination to nand the Catholic finally went to his reward,°° and French benefices and receiving the promise of being paid the | Francis presumably reminded the pope, as Charles true value of French annates, which agreements were put in’ WII] had pressed the point with Alexander VI, writing, Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, ed. Florence: : Salani, 1963, III, 199, says that Leo and Francis transacted that Naples was an excellent point of departure

their business expeditiously, ma non per scrittura, although in for Istanbul. ;

fact other ecclesiastical decisions were put in writing besides The crusade was certainly discussed at Bologna,

those relating to benefices and annates. . . for on 14 December (1515), while Francis I was Sanudo, Diari, XXI, 396, notes that ‘‘tra il Papa e il Re, still in the city, Leo wrote King Manuel of Por-

non e intervenuto scritura alcuna,”’ but cf the unnoticed text | ho had ‘ved | Cth in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. VI, tom. 39, fol. 170°: tugal, who : a Pecelve severa grants of the cru-

‘“‘Capitula foederis inter Leonem papam X et Franciscum regem zada to assist his efforts against the Moslems in Christianissimum inita Bononiae, MDXV, mense Decembris,” Africa, that secretioribus . . . in sermonibus he had a late copy with the note “extractum ab exemplo manu ipsius ~~ explored Francis’s intentions and had found them

Heonis Decumi,” which seems to sow that Leo himself took entirely directed toward the well-being of the

notes at his private talks with the king. The bases were laid at . oe Bologna in December, 1515, for the Concordat of the following Christian commonwealth. Leo was now confident year, the terms of which were incorporated into the bull Primitiva that the plous, just, and necessary war against the ula Ecclesia of 18 August, 1516 (Magnum bullarium romanum: ‘Turks would be pressed ‘“‘not with words and letBullarum, privilegiorum ac diplomatum romanorum pontificum am- ters, as often in the past, but in fact and deed,”

plissima collectio, vol. I11, pt. 3 [Rome, 1743, repr. Graz, 1964],

pp. 433-42) and, although it proved to be of small benefit to

the Holy See, the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (1438) was = abrogated with the French king’s agreement by the bull Pastor *4 Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 141-42, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, aeternus of 19 December, 1516 (ibid., III-3, pp. 430-33). IV-1, 97, note, provides the pertinent passage from a Latin MS. On the Concordat, its background, and subsequent history, of Cornelius de Fine’s diary in the Bibliothégue Nationale in see Jules Thomas, Le Concordat de 1516, ses origines, son histoire Paris. Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, ed. Florence: Salani, au XVI’ siecle, 3 vols., Paris, 1910, which remains the basic work 1963, III, 196-99, summarizes the (assumed) negotiations at on a subject, the impact and importance of which have been _ Bologna on the basis of later events, and is probably accurate re-examined more than once in recent years, as by R. J. Knecht, on the whole. There is a MS. of Cornelius de Fine in the Bibl.

“The Concordat of 1516: A Reassessment,” in the University Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Ottob. lat. 2137. The acknowledged of Birmingham Historical Journal, 1X-1 (1963), 16-32, esp. pp. _ terms of the concordat were published by Durand Gerlier at

24 ff., and see Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, VIII-1, Paris in 1518.

480-500 and ff. 8° Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 764, 765-66, letters of 82 Cf Giovio’s letter dated at Bologna on 15 December, — Francis I and Francesco Vettori to Lorenzo de’ Medici, dated

1515, the day of Francis’ departure from the city (Sanudo, 4-5 February, 1516. Ferdinand died on 23 January, 1516. Cf Diarii, XXI1, 391-93): “*. . . Quanto a le cose di pace o guerra Pastor, Hist. Popes, VU, 142, 217, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, si habino tractato, publicamente non se sa, perche €statomolto 99, 149; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles,

secreto colloquio . . .”’ (col. 393). VIIE-1 (1917), 479, who state inaccurately, ‘“Quant a reconnaitre 83 On Leo X’s opposition to French interests after the meeting —_ les prétentions francaises sur le royaume de Naples, Leon X at Bologna, see Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des _ s’ y refusa absolument”’ (although doubtless Leo had no intention

conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 501-2. of allowing French entry into Naples if he could prevent it).

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 163 and he urged Manuel to assist in the under- 1516, he had urged Ladislas II not to agree to the

taking.®° peace or truce which Selim had just requested, On the same day (14 December) Francis avowed

his intention, in a letter to his royal cousin of Na- for the sultan does not want peace with you for any varre, “‘sans fiction ne dissimulacion” to employ honest reason, but only to lull you to sleep and keep

; ; strength you quiet while he defeats his othertheenemies, so that his and youth to make war against h . € h os wh ; f the Christian faith. The necessarv pre- later on when he is free from these enemies who now enemes O " . YP threaten him, and has been made stronger [by success],

lude, of course, to any such commitment on Fran- he may attack you and overrun your kingdoms [of Huncis S part was “une bonne paix universelle,” but gary and Bohemia] at the first favorable opportunity.”° he professed to be thinking of the recovery of the

Holy Land as well as other territories which the After the meeting with King Francis at Bologna,

Turks had occupied.®’ Leo X was encouraged to think of a major effort

There is little reason to believe that Francis was against the Turks, a general league, in which all entirely insincere in his expressed ambition to be- the important Christian states might participate. come a crusader, although in the months that fol- The king’s failure to respond to two papal appeals lowed he answered Leo’s appeals for financial aid for money to assist the Hungarians in their perto Hungary with nothing more than courteous _petual battle with the Turks was disheartening, expressions of solicitude.** Although especially however, and Leo wrote Francis on 15 May, 1516, vulnerable during this period, as we have seen, urging him to send at least 15,000 ducats which Hungary was spared extreme Turkish depreda- the papacy would match and transmit to Hungary. tion as a result of Sultan Selim’s preoccupation Peter Beriszlo, bishop of Veszprém, the ban of with the Persians and Mamluks, which made pos-_ Croatia and acting regent of Hungary, had just sible renewals of the Turco-Hungarian truce in written that he had slender hope of being able to

1513, 1516, 1517, and on 31 May, 1519.°° resist the Turks any longer. Beriszlo’s vicar had Despite continuing infractions of the peace all thrown himself in tears at the pope’s feet in the along the troubled frontiers, there were no events presence of the cardinals and implored the Curia serious enough to lead to a formal declaration of | Romana and all the kings in Christendom not to war. Selim appeared to be fully occupied in the _ let the faltering kingdom pass under the Turkish East, although it was always hard to be sure of his yoke. The vicar reminded his Holiness and the next move, and Leo X realized that here was the Sacred College that Turkish fleets were now but opportunity, now or never, to take offensive action a single night’s sail away from the Adriatic coast against the Porte. Thus for example, on 27 January, _ of Italy.”!

°° Bembo, Epp., XI, 17, in Opere, 1V, 93-94. The letter, °° Bembo, Epp., XI, 25, in Opere, IV, 95-96, and Raynaldus, written by Bembo, is full of praise for Francis. Cf Rawdon Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1516, nos. 58-59, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 130. Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (London, Leo wrote in similar terms to Peter Beriszlo, bishop of Veszprem 1867), nos. 665, 670, pp. 271, 274. Brown necessarily made __(ibid., no. 60, pp. 130-31). The Venetian bailie to the Porte, extensive use of Sanudo’s Diarii in his summaries of state papers. | Niccolo Giustinian, wrote from Adrianople on 30 January, 1516, 87 Ernest Charriere, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, — that Ladislas was not anxious to accept the sultan’s offer of a 4 vols., Paris, 1848-50, repr. New York, 1965, I, pp. CXXIX- ___ three years’ truce (Sanudo, Diarii, XXII, 9). See Ladislas’ letter

CXXXI (in the Collection de documents inedits sur |’ histoire to Cardinal Thomas Bakocz, dated at Buda on 24 November,

de France, hereafter cited as Charriére, Négociations). 1515, in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, 88 Cf. Charriere, Négociations, I, 4-9, 12. On 26 January, II-1 (London, 1864, repr. 1965), no. 1194, p. 313. 1516, Francis wrote Leo of his full concurrence in papal plans *' Bembo, Epp., XII, 24, in Opere, IV, 106-7, and Raynaldus, for the crusade against the Turks and for the subsidy necessary — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1516, nos. 67-68, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 133.

to support the undertaking (‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”” Arch. In mid-February, however, when Leo wrote Beriszlo, warning

stor. italiano, XX [1874], 19-20). In April, 1516, Leo was him against the Hungarian acceptance of the Turkish offer of alarmed by the appearance of twenty-seven Turkish ships, four _a peace or a three years’ truce, he seemed confident of a French galleys and twenty-three fuste, off the coast of Civitavecchia — subsidy for the hard-pressed Hungarians (2bid., no. 60, p. 130):

(ibid., pp. 47-48, 50), and on 14 May the papal envoy at the ‘‘. . . Franciscus Gallorum rex nobis amantissime rescripsit French court was informed that “‘le cose di Ungheria, per conto omnia quae vellemus libentissime se facturum.’’ But when on

del Turco, sono non solo vicine, ma dentro al periculo. . .’ 2 May, 1516, the Venetian Senate issued Leonardo Bembo his

(tbid., p. 48). Hungary was in desperate straits. commission as dessignato baylo nostro to Istanbul, he was to assure °° Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Hist. de l’ empire ottoman, Sultan Selim of the Republic’s continuing joy in his good health,

trans. J.-J. Hellert, IV (Paris, 1836), 157, 220, 345, 350-51. prosperity, fortunate successes, and victories: ‘‘Non contenti On the Turco-Hungarian peace of 1513, note the Lettres du roy nui de questo, ne € parso convenir al grande amor portamo Louis XII, 1V (Brussels, 1712), 109, and Sanudo, Diarii, XVI, ala Excellentia sua et ala bona et syncera pace habiamo cum

475-76, and cf. vol. XVII, cols. 37-38, 398, 471. quella, far reiterar per tuo mezo la leticia che sempre riceve

164 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Leo needed no reminding. Members of the Curia who would take part in the projected expedition;

Romana had learned in late April, 1516, that directed the clergy to preach the crusade in their twenty-seven Turkish or Moorish vessels had been churches; and imposed a tithe upon ecclesiastical sighted off the coast some miles from Civitavecchia. properties to help defray the large expense which Leo, who was hunting, had fled from the area in could be anticipated.”* Although Leo X believed

terror. The Venetian ambassador Marino Giorgi that Europe should use its respite from Turkish informed his government that rumor had it the attacks to prepare a great offensive, the news pope had almost been captured, and there were which came from the East was not encouraging. those at Rome who wished in fact that the Moslems The young prince Suleiman wrote the govern-

had got him.”* ment of Ragusa from Adrianople on 18 Septem-

Even though Francis did not reply to the distant ber, 1516, of his father’s great victory over the needs of Hungary with alacrity, he was the chief Mamluks (near Aleppo in late August): Selim had hope of the crusade, and on 17 May, 1516, Leo defeated the soldan of Egypt, captured and beauthorized the long bull Salvator noster, addressed headed him, and overrun Syria. The Ragusei especially to the French. In this bull he outlined transmitted the message to the Curia Romana. A the responsibility of the papacy amid the perils month later (on 17 October) Pietro Bembo wrote under which the Christian world was laboring; Francis I in the pope’s name that, if the news was announced Francis’s decision personally to go “‘to true, “it is high time for us to awaken from our Constantinople and the other provinces overseas — slumber, lest we be crushed asleep and just on the held by the infidels;”’ granted indulgences to those _ point of yawning!’’”*

ee At first many wondered whether this report of el cor nostro de ogni prospera fortuna sua, la gloria de laqual

tanto desideramo quanto del proprio stato nostro. . . ,” etc. (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 11”). Bound by an agreement to 3 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1197, fols. 110-119”, by Hungary, on 20 August, 1517, the Venetian Senate agreed to — mod. stamped enumeration, “‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Pesend Peter Beriszlo (reverendo D. Petro Berisio, episcopo Vesprimiensi, trum, anno etc. 1516, sexto decimo Kal. Iunii, anno quarto.” bano Croacie) the sum of 2,000 ducats, whereas he had been Cf. Charrieére, Neégociations, I, 10, note, and ‘“‘Manoscritti Torhoping for 10,000 (ibid., Reg. 47, fols. 73°-74", a decision related __rigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 228. Also note the bull to a large financial involvement of Venice with the unfortunate —_Etsi dispensatione superna, of the same date, in Reg. Vat. 1193,

affairs of Hungary, ibid., fols. 94°-96', which need not detain _fols. 127'~129", which more briefly goes over much the same us here). Owing to the exigencies of their position in the Levant, | ground. These bulls were apparently not promulgated until Dalmatia, Istria, and Italy, the Venetians pursued, when prac- August, 1516 (cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 [repr. 1956], ticable, a Janus-like policy which looked to the appeasement of — 111).

the sultan in the East and of the pope in the West. Leo X was himself under constant pressure to proceed against The poor Ragusei were in a still more difficult position, and _ the Turks (cf. the oration addressed to him by Cristoforo Marwere from time to time contemptuously charged with cowardice __ cello, archbishop elect of Corfu [Corciren.], De sumenda in Turcas

before the Turk. The merchants of Ragusa depended for their provincia, printed without indication of place or press in 1516). livelihood upon trade in Ottoman ports, where without a mo- On 25 June, 1516, the city of Genoa was granted crusading ment’s notice the sultan might order the seizure of their persons __ privileges to assist in the preparation of a fleet; the bull is and possessions. On 28 December, 1514, for example, the Ra- _ preserved ina miserable copy in Reg. Vat. 1196, fols. 33'-41", gusan Senate wrote Peter Beriszlo, who was treasurer of the ‘“‘datum Rome anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quinHungarian kingdom, that they dared not meet their financial | gentesimo sexto decimo, septimo Kal. Tuli, pont. nostri anno obligations to the crown for the defense of Croatia, for if they quarto.”

did, they would be putting their city in grave danger. The 4 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 12-15. In the apparent conquest Turks would certainly hear of it, for Ragusa was always full of | of Shiite Persia the Turks, who were Sunnis, achieved a religious Turks: “If we gave a hundred ducats, they would be saying as well as a military and political victory. On Selim’s successes,

that we had given a hundred thousand to protect Croatia cf Ludwig Forrer, ed. and trans., Die osmanische Chronik des against the Turks.”’ At the first suspicion of such support of the = Rustem Pascha, Zurich diss., Leipzig, 1923, pp. 45-54, and for Christian cause, Ragusan merchants and their goods would be _ events in the Islamic world leading up to the Ottoman conquest seized everywhere in Turkey. While acknowledging the ancient of Syria and for the conquest itself, see Herbert Jansky, “‘Die right of the Hungarian crown to a quit-rent (census) from Ra- Eroberung Syriens durch Sultan Selim I.,”” in Mitteilungen zur gusa, the harassed senators declared that the large tribute they — osmanischen Geschichte, I] (1923-26), 173-241, with the addenda

had to pay the Porte was beyond their financial resources in Jansky, ‘““Die Chronik des Ibn Tulun als Geschichtsquelle (J. Gelcich and L. Thalloczy, eds., Diplomatarium Ragusanum, uber den Feldzug Sultan Selim’s I. gegen die Mamluken,”’ Der

Budapest, 1887, no. 426, p. 675, and cf. nos. 428-29). Islam, XVIII (1929), 24-33. 92 Sanudo, Diari, XXII, 183, from Giorgi’s dispatches dated On the Ragusei’s receipt and transmission of Suleiman’s letat Rome on 27-28 April, 1516; cf ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” ter and other news concerning Selim’s victories, see Gelcich Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 47-48, 50, referred to, above, and Thalloczy, Diplomatarium Ragusanum, nos. 432-33, pp. in note 69. An English dispatch of June, 1516, insists that Leo 679-80, Ragusan letters to King Louis I] of Hungary, dated had a very narrow escape (J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers 16 October and 13 November, 1516; cf, ibid., pp. 838, 840. . . of Henry VIII, 1-1 [London, 1864, repr. 1965], no. 2017, 41, and ‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XX

p. 594). (1874), 239, 240, 250, 253-55, 367-68, 385, 400, 404-5, 408,

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 165 Turkish success in Syria (and even that of 1514 Evenas Sadoleto was polishing and repolishing his in Persia) was not a subterfuge to protect Selim _ stately prose, Selim had already entered Egypt. He from attack by the Christians while he was still defeated the Mamluks in the decisive battle of fully engaged with the Mamluks. On 4 January, Raidaniyah, and entered Cairo in late January

1517, however, Leo X wrote Francis that the (1517).°° The news of the Ottoman conquest of

Turkish victory had been confirmed from many Egypt was received with gloom and foreboding at sources. The pope had the gravest fears for Dal- the Curia Romana. matia and Hungary. The Mamluk sultan, the “‘sol-_ }~ ———————

dan” of Egypt, al-Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghuri, had in- MDXVII, pontificatus nostri anno quarto.” For the copy redeed been killed in a great battle north of Aleppo tained by the papal secretaries, see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. on 24 August (1 51 6),° and in October the viceroy XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 129, and cf. fols. 124-26, letters to the Swiss — and an unnamed bishop in France on the peril into which Tumanbey became the last of the Burj Mamluks Selim’s conquest of Egypt would bring Christendom, dated to rule in Cairo.*° Leo X wrote Francis that, unless respectively 7 and 6 January, 1517. Showing little more than the latter now did his royal part, the shores of Italy a casual interest in the crusade, Alberto Pio da Carpi wrote and the littoral of other Christian countries would — the Emperor Maximilian from Rome on 12 March, 1517, that

. the reduction of the Bohemians and Ruthenians to Catholic

be ravaged, for Selim had a fleet of 200 galleys, ecclesiastical unity and obedience, concord in Europe, peace well equipped and “designed for our destruction. in Italy, and the reform of the Church were all essential for Likea good shepherd, Leo would lay down his life _ the successful prosecution of war against the Turks (Lea MS. for the flock, if necessary, and would make every 414, Univ. of Penna.). Cardinal Schiner wrote Wolsey from effort to prevent the great slaughter, which he saw Mechlin (Malines) on 4 February, 1517, that he saw no hope impending, from being visited upon the Christian best be described as Turks (A. Buchi, Korrespondenzen . . . d. commonwealth in his reign. The papal letter was — Kardmals Matth. Schiner, Il [1925], 177). written by Jacopo Sadoleto, and is marked by the 98 Venetian dispatches place Selim’s entry into Cairo as early classical fluency which characterized much of the 48 2!~22 January, 1517 (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 162, 165, 166 Latin diplomatic correspondence of the age 97 [where ‘‘13 de Zener’”’ is clearly a mistake for 31 January], 167,

. . . Le . or peace in Italy, and that the French and Venetians could atl p P &°- 170-71, 172, and vol. XXV, cols. 133, 651 ff.). Cf in general

Stanley Lane-Poole, History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, 4th ed.,

OO London, 1925, pp. 352 ff., and Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. on papal fears of the ultimate consequences of Selim’s startling 1517, nos. 23 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 156 ff. On Selim, note successes, news of which the Venetian Senate sent to the am- Ibn Iyas, An Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1921), pp. bassador of the Republic in Rome on 18 and 25 October, 1516 47-48, 116-17, and on his victory over the Mamluks and entry (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 36, with similar letters to the Vene- into Cairo, ibid., pp. 97-117, and Ibn Iyas, Journal d’ un bourtian ambassador in France, the colonial government in Corfu, geois du Caire, II, 123-44.

the consul in Damascus, etc.). A firman of 16 February, 1517, published by Bernhard Mo%° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXIII, 284 ff., 262, 286, 325 ff., 384— _ritz in Arabic, shows that Selim promptly granted the Venetians

85, 397-98, 420 ff., etc. In December, 1516, Francis I was a renewal of the trading privileges they had enjoyed in Egypt offering, ‘‘unite le cose di christiani, andar in persona contra under the Mamluks (“Ein Firman des Sultans Selim I. fur die il Turco” (ebid., XXIII, 268). The Turkish victory produced Venezianer vom Jahre 1517,” in the Festschrift Eduard Sachau, much disquietude in the Curia Romana (ibid., cols. 395, 438, Berlin, 1915, pp. 422-43, esp. pp. 427 ff.). The concession 442, 486-88, summarizing a four-hour sermon of Egidio Canisio apparently received a final confirmation on 8 September as a

against the Turks, 515). At this time Leo X was chiefly con- result of a Venetian embassy to Cairo (W. Heyd, Histoire du cerned with the expulsion of Francesco Maria della Rovere commerce du Levant au moyen-age, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II [repr.

from Urbino. On the death of the soldan of Egypt, see An 1967], 545-46). This embassy was undertaken by Bartolommeo Account of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt in the year A.H. 922(A.D. Contarini and Alvise Mocenigo, to whom on 26 May, 1517, 1516), . . . from the third volume of the Arabic Chronicle of Mu- _ the Doge Leonardo Loredan issued a detailed commission (Sen. hammed ibn Ahmed ibn Iyas, an Eye-Witness of the Scenes he describes, Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 59'-61").

trans. W. H. Salmon, London: The Royal Asiatic Society, 1921, Despite the Ottoman conquest, Syria and Egypt were to repp. 40-44, and Ibn Ilyas, Journal d’ un bourgeois du Caire, trans. main open to Venetian trade, and the Republic was clearly not

Gaston Wiet, 2 vols., Rennes and Paris, 1955-60, II, 64-67. going to lend its support to a crusade which would jeopardize °®6 Sanudo, Diaritt, XXIII, 453, and vol. XXIV, cols. 15 ff., its economic interests in the Levant. As long as the Venetians 135 ff., 154, 162 ff., 171, 203 ff., 221-22, 223-24, 254 ff., behaved, they could probably expect the forbearance of Selim, etc., 368-69, 387-88, etc., 604. On 18 June, 1517, Leonardo who doubtless feared the ultimate economic consequences of Bembo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul, wrote from Pera that the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa, which had already ‘questo Signor turco é signor del mondo, pero estote parat’’ made Lisbon a great center of the spice trade. Portuguese (ibid., XXIV, 506), but Leo X seemed to be the only sovereign imports from India entirely escaped Ottoman impositions (cf. in Europe trying to make preparations against the Turk. On _ Rinaldo Fulin, ed., Diari e diaristi veneziani, Venice, 1881, pp. the election of Tumanbey (Tuman Bai), see Ibn Iyas, An Account 155-247, entries from the diaries of Girolamo Priuli, from of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1921), pp. 57-58, 70 ff., and August, 1499, to March, 1512, relating to Portuguese enterprise Ibn Iyas, Journal da’ un bourgeois du Caire, trans. Wiet, II (1960), in India and the apprehension which it caused the Venetians,

95 ff. Egyptians, and the Turks, on which cf. W. E. D. Allen, Problems 97 Charriére, Négociations, I, 19-21, “datum Romae, apud = of Turkish Power in the Sixteenth Century, London, 1963, pp. 10-

Sanctum Petrum, sub annulo piscatoris, die quarta Januarii 13, 46—48, with refs.).

166 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In March, 1517, it was reported in Venice that pope had failed to help the French to the extent the pope had appointed Janus Lascarisas hisenvoy of his commitments at Bologna. In his turn Francis to the new soldan of Egypt, Tumanbey, who was __ evoked the pope’s suspicions by his apparent readisaid to have appealed to Rome for aid against Se- ness to press his alleged rights to Naples and to lim.”? The devastating completeness of the Mam- aid Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino

luk defeat, however, was beyond question (and and the nephew of Julius II. Not unjustly, Leo Tumanbey was betrayed and hanged on 14 April, _ regarded Francesco Maria as a disloyal vassal, and

1517, at the Zawilah gate in Cairo).'°° On 16-17 had declared the forfeiture of his duchy. Papal April Venetian letters from Rome stated that and Florentine troops in fact overran the duchy ‘‘Lascari non va piu al Soldan,’’'°! which was just in May, and Urbino as well as Pesaro and Sinias well, for under the circumstances a papal em-_ gaglia (Senigallia) quickly succumbed. Francesco bassy to Cairo would have been quite as futile as Maria fled to his Gonzaga relatives in Mantua, and

dangerous. on 18 August, 1516, the pope’s nephew Lorenzo

There were renewed talks of a joint expedition became duke of Urbino and lord of Pesaro in a of the chief western powers against the Turks. To formal ceremony of investiture in Rome.'°4 a superficial observer the time might even have Francesco Maria suddenly returned in January, seemed propitious for such an undertaking.’°* It 1517, however, ina bold surprise attack, and reoc-

certainly seemed necessary. cupied Urbino and the chief towns of the duchy,

to Leo’s astonishment and consternation. The war

The month of May, 1516, saw the beginning now lasted eight months, and Guicciardini says of renewed estrangement between Leo X and _ that it cost Leo 800,000 ducats.'°° The papal comFrancis 1. When the Emperor Maximilian, dis- manders were manifestly incompetent. Francis | gruntled by Francis’s victory at Marignano, had finally sent as his ambassador to Rome Thomas de tried to invade northern Italy in March,'®’ the Foix, lord of Lescun, a younger brother of the

— Marshal Lautrec. Lescun requested the tithe, and 99 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 106, 143. According to a dispatch, brought the pope a force of cavalry and some dated 23 March, 1517, of Marco Minio, the Venetian ambas- 3,000 infantry to help expel Francesco Maria. The sador in Rome, the aid was requested for the protection of | French forces did very little, but Francesco Maria Rhodes (ibid., col. 143), which Tumanbey obviously did not fajled in his bid to recover the duchy of Urbino,

669. tillery.

want to fall into Turkish hands. owing to a complete lack of dh °° On the death of Tumanbey, see Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, ‘ § 106 plete lack OF Money and heavy ar1°! Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 182. Some confusion exists in the sources on the subject of this proposed embassy (B. Kndés, Janus

Lascaris, Uppsala, 1945, pp. 156-57), but Lascaris never de- 104 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XII, 18, 21, ed. Florence: parted for Egypt. In speaking of the humanist diplomat Las- Salani, 1963, III, 197, 212-16; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. caris, we may note quite incidentally the interesting notice in 1516, nos. 81-83, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 137-38, who gives

Sanudo, XIX, 425, concerning the death of the humanist the date of Lorenzo’s investiture from the diary of Paride

printer Aldus Manutius in February, 1515. Grassi. Sanudo, Diariu, XXII, 456, also notes the investiture, '02 There was much popular interest in the crusade at this and cf, ibid., col. 474, and vol. XXIII, cols. 12, 73. On Leo time although, as Guicciardini says, the princes consulted among X’s prolonged efforts to take Urbino away from Francesco themselves ‘‘piu presto con ragionamenti apparenti che con Maria, cf. Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 99 ff. consigli sostanziali” (Storia d’ Italia, X11, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 105 The sum is in fact about the amount which Leo X claimed 1963, III, 274 ff.). Paride Grassi attests to Leo X’s anxiety to to have spent (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 669), and in general note see steps taken to organize a crusade (Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, | Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 143”, 151, append., nos. 14-15, pp. 457-58, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 163", 190.

[repr. 1956], append., nos. 19, 20, pp. 687, 688), and even 106 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 1-6, 8, ed. Florence: Henry VIII wrote Leo that he was ready ‘“‘to go in person on — Salani, 1963, III, 228-60, 266-74; Guasti, ed., “‘Manoscritti the expedition against the Turk’ (Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 167). Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX (1874), 367 ff.; cf Predelli, The Hungarian Cardinal Bakocz said that Selim’s capture of — Regesti det Commemoriali, V1, bk. Xx, no. 66, pp. 144-45, doc.

Cairo was ‘‘bone nove per il Turco, e cative per christianie dated 17 September, 1517, and cf no. 68; Charriére, Négociatutto il resto del mondo” (zbid., XXIV, 290), and the Venetian tions, I, 29-30, note 2; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos.

ambassador wrote his government from Rome on 25 June, 81 ff., vol. XX XI (1877), pp. 170 ff. Four years later, when 1517, ‘‘. . . pur questa armata turchesca fa tremar tutta quella the break had come between the pope and the king of France,

Corte [Romana]”’ (zbid., XXIV, 420). the latter recalled his generosity to the Medici in a letter to the 1°3 Guicciardini, Stora d’ Italia, X11, 20, ed. Florence: Salani, | French ambassador in Rome, dated 19 June, 1521, in Charles

1963, III, 204-11; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, I (Paris, des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 501-2. The Venetian ambassador 1841), 123 (Documents inédits sur |’ histoire de France, no. wrote from Rome on 30 July, 1517, that “el Christianissimo 44). re [Francis I] € mal satisfato dil Papa, e il Papa di Soa Maesta’”’ The young Lorenzo de’ Medici, duke of Urbino, was the (Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 543, and cf col. 571, and vol. XXV, — grandson of il Magnifico and the son of Piero, who was expelled

col. 10). from Florence in early November, 1494, shortly before Charles

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 167 During the crowded years 1516-1517, while to reform the Church. After that we’ll make the ex-

Leo X voiced constant alarm concerning the Pedition! Turks, he had to watch with equal anxiety the conferences which the representatives of the great Leo X preferred the role of crusader to that of powers held and the conventions to which they reformer. His attention was distracted from the subscribed at Noyon, London, Brussels, and Cam- crusade, however, by the affair of Urbino and the

brai. At Cambrai, for example, on 11 March, machinations of the great powers. And in April, 1517, an alliance was negotiated whereby Maxi- 1517, there came a still greater distraction, conmilian, Francis I, and Charles [V]formeda league, cerning which the last word has certainly not yet the purpose of which was more fully defined in been said. According to the usual account, which secret articles added to the treaty in May and July: Pastor and the Marchese Ferrajoli believe, an exNorthern and central Italy were to be organized _ traordinary plot was discovered to poison the pope, into the two kingdoms of ‘‘Lombardy” and “Italy,” a plot hatched in the Sacred College itself. The and taken over by Francis I and the Hapsburgs arch-conspirator was the irresponsible young Carrespectively.1°” Leo had reason to fear that the dinal Alfonso Petrucci, but the harebrained scheme Medici might again lose their beloved city of Flor- | was soon shown to have involved Cardinals Ban-

ence. dinello Sauli and Francesco Soderini as well as the Maximilian had for some time been disen- illustrious Cardinal Raffaele Riario, camerlengo and chanted with the vagaries of Leo’s political poli- dean of the Sacred College, and that well-known cies. Thus when Marino Giorgi (Zorzi), the Vene- _intriguer, Cardinal Adriano Castellesi. Leo X had tian ambassador to the Holy See, returned home removed Borghese Petrucci, Cardinal Alfonso’s and delivered in the Senate the report of his mis- brother, from the signoria of Siena in March, 1516, sion (on 17 March, 1517), he told how Leo had asa step toward the Medicean reduction of ‘Tuscany. sent Egidio da Viterbo, general of the Augus- Borghese and Alfonso were sons of the “‘tyrant”’ tinians, with five of his black-clad friars to Maxi- Pandolfo Petrucci, and both are believed to have milian in 1515 ‘‘under the guise of persuading the _ inherited a strain of madness from their mother.'” emperor to undertake an expedition against the When one dealt with Leo X, it was well to have infidels.’’ Maximilian greeted Egidio with an out- one’s wits about him.

burst of temper: Cardinal Alfonso found the prospect of revenge sweeter than the soft life he had been leading at

Father, to what purpose have you come? You have done badly! I think you have come to attend my funeral. As § ——————— for making war against the infidels, it is necessary first 108 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 85. On Egidio, note A. Palmieri, ‘Gilles de Viterbe,”’ Dictionn. de théologie catholique, V1-2 (Paris,

1920), 1365-71, with the older literature. Leo X made Egidio a cardinal in July, 1517; Egidio died in November, 1532. We

VII entered the city. The duke of Urbino died on 4 May, _ have already referred, in the preceding chapter, to John W. 1519; he was the father of Catherine de’ Medici, queen of | O'Malley, “Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer’s Thought on ReFrance and mother of three kings. Today Lorenzo is best naissance Rome,” Renaissance Quarterly, XX (1967), 1-11, and known for his tomb, which Michelangelo made for the new _ to the detailed study of Eugenio Massa, “‘Egidio da Viterbo e sacristy of S. Lorenzo in Florence—such is the caprice of history _ la metodologia del sapere nel Cinquecento,”’ in Pensée humaniste

or the force of genius. et tradition chrétienne aux XV‘ et XVI‘ siécles, Paris, 1950, pp. 185Leo X’s uneasy relations with the Gonzaga of Mantua, the 239.

della Rovere of Urbino, and the Estensi of Ferrara are de- '°? On the conspiracy of the cardinals, see the important scribed in detail, with numerous hitherto unpublished docu- work of Alessandro Ferrajoli, La Congiura dei cardinali contro ments, by Alessandro Luzio, ‘‘Isabella d’ Este e Leone X, dal Leone X, Rome, 1919-20 (in the Miscellanea della R. Societa

Congresso di Bologna alla presa di Milano (1515-1521), in| Romana di Storia Patria, vol. VI), with an appendix of docthe Arch. stor. italiano, 5th ser., XL (1907), 18-97; XLIV — uments and extensive citation of the sources; Guicciardini, Storia (1909), 72-128; and XLV (1910), 245-302. Luzio gives much = d’ Italia, XII, 18, and XIII, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III,

attention to the plight of Francesco Maria della Rovere. 200, 260-61; Paride Grassi, Diarzum, ad ann. 1518 [reflections 107 Jean Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 (Amster- — on the death of Cardinal Sauli], ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann, Nova dam, 1726), no. CXV, pp. 256-57. This treaty also contained —scriptorum ac monumentorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. ostensible provision ‘‘pour resister aux Turcs et autresennemis 405-6. The accusation that Cardinal Petrucci planned to poison

de la Sainte Foi Catolique”’ (ibid., p. 256b). As frequently in the pope was first made on 27 or 28 April in the sixth interthis period, the important articles were secret. Cf. J.S. Brewer, | rogation of Marc’ Antonio Nini, Petrucci’s steward (see Ferrajoh,

ed., Letters and Papers. . . of Henry VIII, \1-2 (London, 1864, op. cit., pp. 23-24 ff., 41 ff., 61 ff., 245 ff.). Cf in general Arch. repr. 1965), p. 1019, note; Francesco Nitti, Leone X e la sua Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fols. politica, Florence, 1892, pp. 101-2; Ed. Fueter, Storia del sistema 69°, 70° ff., by mod. stamped enumeration, and Acta Miscellanea, degh stati europe: dal 1492 al 1559, trans. Biagio Marin, Flor- Reg. 6, fols. 153, 155 ff., 158” ff., 161” ff., 190. On Castellesi’s

ence, 1932, pp. 421-22; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-1 (repr. flight from Rome, note, zbid., fol. 164", and cf. Bibl. Apost.

1956), 110-11. Vaticana, Cod. Urbinas lat. 1641, fols. 403-4.

168 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Curia Romana. He soon paid for his alleged One of the most famous and popular figures at the designs upon the pope’s life by the sacrifice of his Curia Romana, Riario lies buried today in the south own. He had certainly been guilty of threats against wall of the apse of the Church of the SS. Apostoli Leo, as well as conspiratorial acts to repossess Siena in Rome. by force, and under torture his maestro di casa, Marc’ Except to recall to the informed reader the turAntonio Nini, and certain others affirmed Petrucci’s bulent condition which existed in the Curia guilt. But while torture opened a man’s mouth, it through the spring and summer of 1517, the condid not always lead to the enunciation of truth. The _ spiracy of the cardinals is no affair of ours in the surviving records contain many inconsistencies. Sauli_ present work. But G. B. Picotti has reviewed the and Soderini, Riario and Castellesi were ruined by known facts and documents and has reached conthe revelation of their complicity in the plot. It was _ clusions quite different from those of Pastor and

: 111

said that Riario had hoped to become pope. After Ferrajoli. He believes that Leo X seized upon exacting from him the enormous fine of 150,000 Petrucci’s indiscretions and intrigues to create a ducats as well as other concessions, Leo finally pardoned Riario,''® who eventually retired to Naples, where he died a broken man on 6 July, 1521. July. The conspiracy of the cardinals had been an almost incredible affair, crimen laesae maiestatis et privatione dignum (Arch.

as Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 162"). There is 't® Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X111, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, an account in Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urbinas lat. 1641,

1963, III, 260-65; Roberto Palmarocchi, ed., Carteggi di Fran- _ fols. 39’77"-419” (Delle goustitie fatte da PP. Leone Decimo nel dicorso

cesco Guiccrardini, II (Bologna, 1939), nos. 136, 139, pp. 118, — del suo ponteficato). The imprisonment of the cardinals who were

122; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 89-99, vol. implicated naturally made an immense stir in the Curia, as XXXI (1877), pp. 173-77; Guasti, ‘“Manoscritti Torrigiani,” | shown by Paride Grassi, Diarzum, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,274, fols. Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XX VI (1877), 404-5. Sanudo re- 238°-239°, 241'-242", 243'-244", 245° ff., by mod. stamped corded with great interest what he could learn of the cardinals’ enumeration.

conspiracy (Diaru, XXII, 51, and vol. XXIII, cols. 583-84, In the A[rchivum] A[rcis], Arm. I-X VIII, 1443, fols. 1587 referring to the loss of the signoria of Siena by Cardinal Pe- _ ff., full data may be found concerning the fact ‘‘quod Dominus trucci’s brother; vol. XXIV, cols. 106, 195, 196, 274, 288-89, Raphael de Riario olim cardinalis Sancti Georgii in presentia321, 323-24, 326, 353-54, 355, 374, 376, 401-3, 412-13, | rum in carceribus in Castro Sancti Angeli in urbe detentus pro 418, 419 ff., 449, on Riario’s fine, 477, 511; and vols. XXV, _ eius liberatione et relaxatione a dicto castro inter alia tenetur cols. 66, 163, and XXVI, cols. 358, 379, 406-7). On Leo X’s___ dare idoneas et sufficientes cautiones pro summa centum quinreconciliation with Riario, see Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. —quaginta millium ducatorum auri de camera de non recedendo 1518-19, ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum ac monumen- ab obedientia Sanctissimi Domini Nostri ullo unquam tempore torum. . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 421-23, and on Riario’s et de non recedendo ex locis sibi assignandis per eundem Sancdeath and burial (at first in S. Lorenzo in Damaso), ibid., ad —_ tissimum D. N. in dominio temporali Sancte Romane Ecclesie

ann. 1521, pp. 464-66, 468, 479. absque eius licentia in scriptis obtinenda. . . ,’” etc. There is

Besides Ferrajoli’s unusual monograph La Congiura dei car- no doubt that the fine was 150,000 ducats ( ibid., fols. 158", dinalt contro Leone X, see G. A. Cesareo, Pasquino e pasquinate 160°, 162’, 166). The relevant documents are dated from 6 nella Roma di Leone X, Rome, 1938, pp. 91-113 (in the Mis- July to 15 September, 1517, and contain the names of the scores cellanea della R. Deputazione Romana di Storia Patria); Pastor, of sponsors (_fidetussores) who stood bail for Riario. The number Hist. Popes, VII, 170-96, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), — of such sponsors from the Curia is astonishing, and must have

116-34; and esp. G. B. Picotti, ““‘La Congiura dei cardinali given Leo X some uneasiness. The imperial ambassador, AlIcontro Leone X,”’ Rivista storica italiana, n.s., 1 (Rome, 1923), berto Pio da Carpi, as observed in the preceding note, did

249-67. indeed render Riario such service as he could (ibid., fol. 164), To the known sources concerning Riario in this connection, —_as apparently did Leo X’s friend, the famous banker Agostino I can add the interesting letter of Jacopo de’ Bannissi, a servitor | Chigi, who made 50,000 ducats available for Riario’s release of Margaret of Austria-Savoy and the imperial house (anumber _(fols. 166", 168"), and Riario seems to have had the support of

of his letters are published in the Lettres du roy Louis XII), to all the European princes (fols. 170-71). Alberto Pio da Carpi over the date 14 August, 1517. Bannissi Although Leo X restored Riario to the cardinalate and to attributes Riario’s restoration to Carpi: “‘Qui he venuta la nova __ his benefices, the latter lost the commenda of the church of S. de la restitution et reintegration in ogni cosa de Monsignore — Lorenzo in Damaso, the “‘title’’ of which Leo bestowed on his Reverendissimo Cardinale de San Zorzi de che ne ho singula- —_ cousin Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, who became Pope Clement rissimo apiacere: no dubito che la opera de la Signoria vestra) VII in November, 1523. Riario thus lost the magnificent palace lo habi salvato. . .”” (MS. 414, Lea Library, Univ. of Penna.). of S. Lorenzo in Damaso which he had built around the church,

Alberto da Carpi also interceded with the pope on behalf of | the palace now known as the Cancelleria. He was allowed to Cardinal Adriano Castellesi (Sanudo, Diari, XXV, 204). On _ live there, however, until he left Rome in the fall of 1520 for Riario’s restoration, note also Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Con- Naples, seeking some restoration of his health in a warmer sistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 74°, concerning the con- climate. As noted above, he died in Naples. There is a brief sistory of Friday, 24 July, 1517, and ibid., fol. 93", consistory sketch of Riario’s career, some details concerning his extant of Monday, 10 January, 1519, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, portraits, and the text of his hitherto unpublished will in Arfols. 173-174", 252. Bandinello Sauli was also restored (zb:d., | mando Schiavo, ‘‘Profilo e testamento di Raffaele Riario,”’ Studi

fol. 175°). romani, VIII-4 (1960), 414-29, who places his death on 9 July,

MM! Sanudo, Diariz, XXXI, 117. Ferrajoli, La Congwura de 1521 (abid., p. 422). Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1V-\ (repr. 1956), cardinali contro Leone X, p. 106, believes that Riario died on 9 ‘132, gives 7 July as the date of Riario’s death.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 169 “plot” against his own life as a means of destroying Maximilian was grieved by Selim’s success, but

his opponents, extorting huge sums of money he was sure that this very success would awaken from them (especially from Riario), and preparing Christians to their peril. God had often given the way for the drastic enlargement of the Sacred strength to the enemy to punish the sins of His own College by the appointment of neutral and pro- people. Although the sentiments expressed in the Medicean cardinals. Unfortunately for Leo’s pope’s letter were most gratifying to Maximilian, memory, little that we know of his character makes _ he was surprised “‘that your Holiness wants God to this grave accusation impossible,''* although in open our ears to hear sometimes the voice of truth.” truth it is hard to believe that the conspiracy was _ It was not he who had slumbered until the eleventh not as real as the ambassadors in Rome apparently hour, he said, finally to be awakened by an overassumed it was. Almost as remarkable in its way whelming Turkish victory. He had long foreseen as the supposed conspiracy of five cardinals to kill what was now before the eyes of the world. He had the pope was the astonishing nomination of thirty- warned Leo’s predecessors of the need of taking

one cardinals in the great creation of 1 July, counsel for the safety of the Christian common1517,''3 after which Leo had a firm hold on the — wealth, but there had always been those opponents

College and the Curia. of the crusade who had enviously struggled against

About a month before Leo had learned of Car- his efforts to promote it. An expedition against the dinal Petrucci’s designs upon his life, he presided ‘Turks had long been necessary, no more so now over the twelfth and last session of the Fifth Lateran than formerly. One could thank God for the present Council (on 16 March, 1517). There were eighteen incitement to arms and for Leo’s own leadership. cardinals present, three Latin patriarchs, some Maximilian said that he had learned the art of war eighty archbishops and bishops, the usual curial of- not to attack Christian cities but to defend them, ficials, and the ambassadors resident in Rome. Car- and now that Leo summoned the princes to make dinal Carvajal, who had opposed the council so bit- peace in Europe there would be no hesitation in his terly under Julius Il, now celebrated the opening response. He knew well the glory of the crusade. mass, and Massimo Corvino, bishop of Isernia in Let his Holiness but raise the standard of Christ southern Italy, preached a pompous sermon, after and embark against the enemy. Maximilian would which a letter from the Emperor Maximilian was join the crusade, and devote all his strength and read (dated at Mechlin on 28 February, 1517). The resources to it. Old age would not stay his step; if emperor acknowledged receipt of a papal brief in- _ he lost his life, he would hope to live again in eternal forming him of Sultan Selim’s victory over the glory. He urged Leo to go on without flinching, Egyptian soldan in Syria and urging him to join the _ trusting in divine assistance, but he warned that if

projected crusade against the Turks.’'* these pious plans now vanished into thin air as others had done in the past, God would bear witness that

TT it was not the emperor who had failed the cause of 112 G. B. Picotti, ‘“‘La Congiura dei cardinali,”’ Revista storica Christendom.!!° If the urbane pope frowned at the italiana, 1 (1923), 249-67, from whose pages Leo X and his

cousin, Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, emerge almost as criminals, ~~ but the stakes were high, and the threats to Medicean security Turco, se € vera, € grandissima cosa. . .”” (Roberto Palmawere serious. Ferrajoli, op. cit., pp. 140-49, believes that there — rocchi, ed., Carteggi di Francesco Guicciardim, I (Bologna, 1939],

was in fact a real conspiracy to poison Leo, as stated in the no. 110, p. 90, and note P. G. Ricci, ed., Carteggi, XVII [Rome, confession extorted from Nini under torture. Rodocanachi, Le 1972], 143, 146). Pontificat de Léon X, pp. 113 ff., gives a general account of the '!? Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 2-5, vol. XXXI, conspiracy, as does Fabrizio Winspeare, La Congiura dei cardi- pp. 149-51. Sanudo, Diarn, XXIV, 104, summarizes a Venenali contro Leone X, Florence, 1957, esp. pp. 39 ff., who has no _ tian dispatch from Rome describing the twelfth and last session

doubt as to the guilt of the conspirators. of the Lateran Council and the reading of Maximilian’s letter 13 Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia to the pope, on which cf. Mansi, Sacra concilia, XXXII (Paris, catholica, III (1923), 15-17; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 196-207, 1902), cols. 977 ff. Before the last session (on 16 March, 1517) and Gesch. d. Padpste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 135-42; Guicciardini, Sadoleto had read the text to a congregation of the cardinals,

Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 7, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, IH], 265- after which Andrea Piperario, the conciliar secretary, read it 66; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 100-1, vol. XXXI___to the assembled fathers (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscel(1877), pp. 177-78; Sanudo, Diarn, XXIV, 449, 451 ff., 462, lanea, Reg. 6 [from the Archivum Consistoriale], fols. 140°— 465-66, 521 ff., and vol. XXV, col. 65; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, 141°, and Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 66).

Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 165’-167", 169-71. At a consistory held on 23 March (1517) Sadoleto read the

"4 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 1-2, vol. XXXI__ pope’s briefs in reply to Maximilian’s letters concerning both (1877), p. 149; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. des — the council and the crusade (Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 143),

conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 541-42. The king of Hungary as well and see in general the detailed study of Georg Wagner, ‘‘Der as other European sovereigns received Leo X’s brief recounting letzte Tiirkenkreuzzugsplan Kaiser Maximilians I. aus dem the Turkish victory in Syria (Sanudo, Diariz, XXIV, 100). On = Jahre 1517,” Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir osterreichische Geschichts-

21 April, 1517, Guicciardini wrote that “‘questa nuova del _forschung, LX XVII (1969), 314-53, esp. pp. 320 ff.

170 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT conclusion to the letter, he could nonetheless smile of the ceremonieri, which were never intended for at Maximilian’s unblushing picture of himselfasthe publication, Paride Grassi states that virtuous prince. After Andrea Piperario, secretary of the council, | ™any and almost a majority have said that this is not the

had read letters from Francis I, Charles [V], and time to close a council but rather to open one: it is also other rulers pledging similar support for the cru- not the time to impose tithes, especially since there is

; : no hope of an expedition against the Turks, but if acsade, other business was discussed, and then Marino ; “ . ; ; yo: tually and in truth an expedition should be organized, Grimani, the new patriarch of Aquileia, read the — inen the tithes should also be collected...

bull Constitutt juxta verbum prophetae, which reviewed

the work of the council. Julius II had convoked It If such complaints were justified, and of course and held five sessions; Leo had continued its work gvents would prove them so, the Hungarians, Hosthrough the remaining sessions. The Gallican schism pitallers, and others faced a harsh future. Valuable

had been healed; the prospects for peace looked time had been lost while Sultan Selim was camBoor ane plans Were peng made for me reform paigning in the East. His conquest of Egypt had oF the wuria. Dut one of the prime objects of the converted Alexandria into an Ottoman port with council, it was said, had been to launch a crusade; diate. unim peded access to the Mediterraagainst the Turks. Since the fall of Constantinople joan He nee d no longer fear the Persians, and he * the dag of Nino's V, Leo's predec CSSOTS ae had destroyed the Mamluks. Turkish corsairs were prannee an expecition to avenge the injury then cruising in the Tyrrhenian Sea, and well might

nce LN the fan ane to repress me fury of members of the Curia fear an attack upon Italy,

the mnnge's. Now /€o in lus turn imposed a three for after all, what were the prospects for a crusade? years’ tithe to be levied for the crusade in universo Henry VIII had the answer. In a letter dated at

one ede “ be Paid by a urcnes With a fel London on 13 April, 1517, the Venetian ambas-

and folders of ecclesiastical benences. With a Ana" sador Sebastiano Giustinian wrote his government

admonition to the princes of Europe to keep the 444 Hen ry had told him peace, Leo dismissed the attending fathers to return

116 to their churches. My lord ambassador, you are sage, and of your prudence

Not all the fathers were happy, however, with may comprehend that no general expedition against the what had been accomplished at the Lateran Coun- Turks will ever be effected so long as such treachery cil. With the frankness often found in the diaries prevails amongst the Christian powers that their sole thought is to destroy one another. . . .''®

Despite the somewhat cynical view -

116 Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., adann. 1517, nos. 6-15, vol. XXXI ciliar (the h f ‘ ©" ,, of the an

(1877), pp. 151-54; Hefele, Hergenrother, and Leclercq, Hist. , rs, wno preferred to see tithes levied on des conciles, VIII-1 (1917), 543. Cf the pope’s letter to Francis the laity rather than on themselves, Pope Leo X I, dated at Rome on 17 March, 1517, in Charrieére, Negociations, had begun to live in unremitting fear of the Turk. I, 23-24, note: ““. . . Heri, qui dies huius mensis sextus decimus Qn 9 May, 1517, Pietro Bembo wrote Francis I in the po rosanctam Lateranensem synodum.. . . Et nunc in hac duo- b POPS . ded. tat twice already his Majesty had decima atque ultima eiusdem sacri Lateranensis concili sessione cen Temin ed of the likely consequences of the ipsam expeditionem, sacro eodem approbante concilio, contra. Turkish conquest of Egypt. Leo urged Francis to infideles suscipiendam decrevimus. . . .”” Nevertheless, the take the cross in accord with the decree of the final French were not displaying a co-operative attitude at the Curia gecsign of the Lateran Council. He wanted the

fuit, clausimus Deo concedente atque eodem inspirante sac- ’ .

Romana, as Alberto Pio da Carpi wrote Maximilian on | May: French government eith d ‘Plurima preteritis diebus significavi Maiestati Vestre que tunc 8 ent either to send new envoys to

Univ. of Penna.).

accidebant, et inter cetera de attrocibus querelis et minacibus Rome or to authorize those it now had at the Curia verbis Gallorum et de impudentibus petitionibus eorum adversus “‘to do the things which must be done’”’ (17s quae opus panctissimum Dominum Nostrum . . .” (Lea MS. 414, Library, — essent conficiendis). The Turkish sultan had just added

the weal There is a brief and superficial sketch of Leo X’s crusading he al cu and ced of Syria and Egypt to those

endeavors in J. Martin, ‘‘Le Saint-Siége et la question d’ Orient e already possessed. Francis must join a union of au XVI° siécle: Projets de croisade sous le regne de Léon X,”’ Revue d’ histoire diplomatique, XXX (1916), 35-42, drawn en-

tirely from Pastor and without references to the sources, and a more serious study by G. L. Moncallero, ‘‘La Politica di Leone 117 paride Grassi, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, no.

X e di Francesco I nella progettata crociata controi Turchie 16, vol. XX XI (1877), p. 154. nella lotta per la successione imperiale,”’ Rinascimento [La Ri- "18 Rawdon Brown, ed., Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII,

nascita, 2nd series], VIII (Florence, 1957), 61-109. 2 vols., London, 1854, II, 57.

LEO X AND THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF EGYPT 171 the Christian princes to resist the Turk, whose some’’—into Italian waters in order to patrol and enormous fleet would certainly be employed forthe protect the threatened shores of the peninsula in devastation and destruction of Christendom. God co-operation with the papal and Neapolitan fleets.''” would hold the king of France accountable as well as the pope for the use they now made of the re- = —W———

sources He had given them. 9 Bembo, Epp., XV, 17, in Opere, IV, 127-28, dated at Francis must gird for war against The rome ne Idus anno7quinto of J. W. : esch.thed.Turk. osman. Reaches inMalas, Europa, vols.,or]Ham urgZancessen, an otha,

She of poe were von nm ane men d for now 1840-63, II, 598. Although there was much tension between aamire Mis Courage NO less ur an Nis S00 ortune. the Curia Romana and the French court at this time, as ilusNews had come to the Curia that forty Turkish trated by Alberto da Carpi’s letter to Maximilian of 1 May, ships had recently been sighted between Corsica 1517 (cited above), Francis I was beginning to make some effort and Sardinia filling the Tyrrhenian Sea and the © relieve it—Carpi writes in the same letter: “‘. . . Interim islands with f ‘ and trembling. The pope requested SUPervenere quedam littere oratoris Summi Pontificis ex Gallia

. car an © 8° pop q quibus scribit c[o]lepisse Regis animum molf}]iri et ei dixisse

Francis to send the ships he had at Genoa and Mar- pnitiora verba solitis, immo plena reverentia et devotione erga

seille—‘‘and I know for certain that you have _ hanc Sanctam Sedem. . .” (Lea MS. 414, Univ. of Penna.).

5. LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE AGAINST SELIM THE GRIM (1517-1521) EO X SEEMS to have found little freedom He spoke of the overwhelming danger which from anxiety to enjoy the papacy which God _ threatened the very extinction of the Christian had given him.’ The Turks were reveling in their religion (. . . fore procul dubio ut brevi tota Chriseastern victories, according to a papal brief written _ tiana relligio pessum eat), according to the account

by Sadoleto to Francis I (on 2 July, 1517), and preserved in an unpublished letter of Alberto Pio, were now thirsting for the flow of Christian blood. count of Carpi, the Emperor Maximilian’s ambasIndeed, the nauseating arrogance of a letter sent sador to Rome. Now that the Turks had taken by the Turkish captain in the Egyptian theater of Egypt, the pope said, and possessed almost all the operations to Fabrizio del Carretto, the grand eastern Roman empire, and had prepared a powmaster of the Hospitallers (whom he dubs, as the _ erful fleet on the Hellespont, they no longer made least of his insults, a ‘‘mangy dog’’), must needs __ Sicily or even Italy the object of their ambition, turn the stomach of a lesser man than the king of _ but aspired to dominance over the entire world.° France. The Holy See and the Christian com-

monwealth looked to Francis for protection against _

the savage foe, and Leo again urged the immediate ° Alberto da Carpi’s letter to Maximilian is dated at Rome dispatch of French envoys to Rome to arrange for 0° 7 November, 1517. It may be found in the collection of his _ heto Turks. d correspondence in theThe Leaconclusion Library of (MS. 414),is University of armed opposition the lurks.Sspeed was nec- Pennsylvania. the letter missing: essary lest destruction come even before the de- ‘‘Sacratissime invictissimeque Caesar: Sanctissimus Dominus fense had been planned. “We beg of you, there- Noster diebus preteritis congregatis quibusdam reverendissimis fore. most beloved son. listen now to the voice of 2? dinalibus ad se convocari fecit omnes principum Christiano-

GOG d 1]; 932 rum oratores in Curia agentes quibus exposuit que ex multorum Calnng upon you... . . litteris et nunciis acceperat de victoriis ac prosperrimo rerum

At the beginning of November, 1517, with the successu immanissimi Christiani nominis hostis Turcorum prinusual alarming news of Turkish success coming cipis et in quot ac quam maximis periculis universa Christiana from the East, Leo X assembled certain members _ respublica versaretur cui ni opportune a principibus Christianis of the Sacred College and, as was customary in Succurratur, fore procul dubio ut brevi tota Christiana relligio . h th b pessum eat. Cum atrocissimi Turce Alexandria, Aegypto ac toto matters concerning the Crusade, all the members — fere Romani imperii oriente in potestatem suam redacto, parata of the diplomatic corps accredited to the Holy See. in Hellesponto potentissima classe, iam non Sicilie, non Italie solum sed totius orbis imperio inhiant, proinde sibi videri opportunum ut principes Christiani sese iam colligerent, secum habitarent, et super tanta re consilia intrent ut quam maiores ' According to the report which the Venetian ambassador __ nostri pro laude et gloria tantum a tot seculis exoptarent, una Marino Giorgi (Zorzi) made to the Senate on 17 March, 1517, | omnium maxime necessaria nunc pro aris, pro communi salute Leo X did in fact say to his brother Giuliano some time after — expeditio in Turcas suscipiatur. his election, ‘‘Godiamci il papato, poiche Dio ce |’ ha dato”’ ‘‘Iniungens eius Beatitudo omnibus oratoribus, qui aderant, (Sanudo, Diarti, XXIV, 90). On the election of Giorgi as am- __ scriberent hac de re ad suos principes imprimis mihi cum Maiesbassador to Rome in January, 1515, see Sanudo, XIX, 393. — tatem Vestram Christiane reipublice arcem caputque esse sciat He arrived in Rome at the beginning of April (ibid., XX, 101), | que semper saluberrimam adversus infideles expeditionem et about two years after Leo’s alleged statement. Pastor, Gesch. _ optavit et suasit. Volens oransque eius Sanctitas ut quisque prind. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 353, and Hist. Popes, VIII, 76, cipum Christianorum de hoc gravissimo periculo, quod cervibelieves ‘‘Giorgi wiederholt wahrscheinlich nur eine Anekdote __cibus ipsorum imminet, consulat, decernat, et suam sententiam der Anticamera,”’ and Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, p. _ de huiuscemodi expeditione proferat, et ad se descriptam trans-

37, also doubts that Leo could have been guilty of such an mittat, cum his que quisque illorum in hoc bellum sit oblaturus, indiscreet statement. Giorgi’s actual commission I find dated hoc etiam addens valde expedire ad presentis rei negotium 22 March, 1515, in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Sen. obeundum ut interim communes inducie inter principes ChrisSecreta, Reg. 46, fols. 104° ff., Comissio virt nobilis Marini Georgu _tianos fieret ut, regnis ipsorum securis ab omnique hostili vi doctoris, oratoris proficiscentis ad Leonem X, summum pontificem. liberis, alacrioribus animis huiuscemodi provinciam capere pos-

2 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 24-27. The offensive letter of sint. the Turkish captain to the Grand Master del Carretto is clearly ‘Cul ego respondi Maiestatem Vestram semper fuisse optime that given in Sanudo, Diarti, XXIV, 440-41: “. . . e tu che — animatam ad hoc preclarum facinus summisque votis expetisse sel uno cane rognoso de una mandra, cane figlio di cane, cane __ pro salute Christiane reipublice huiusmodi in Turcas expedide lo inferno, e tu te chiami grande cane al tempo del Signor —tionem, quod cum aliarum litterarum Maiestatis Vestre tum che governa el mondo, come é questo?”’ Cf. Rawdon Brown, que in postremo Lateranensi Concilio recitate fuerunt testimonio ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 (London, 1867), | comprobatur Maiestatemque Vestram quamquam multis aliis

no. 915, pp. 396-97. impeditam tamen propediem ad me procuratoria hac de re 172

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 173 Leo now continued with the old refrain that the ten in the name of Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici (later

Christian princes should get together, and take Pope Clement VII) to Antonio Pucci, then papal counsel what was to be done. He reminded the nuncio to the Swiss, Francis I had sent Lescun from ambassadors of the centuries of fame and glory Milan to the Curia to urge the pope to press forward their ancestors had achieved in the crusade. An with plans for the crusade ‘‘et offerendo tucte le expedition against the Turks was necessary to pro- forze sue.” Leo X was said to be greatly consoled tect the altars of Christendom and to assure the by Lescun’s visit, because there was nothing he decommon safety of Europe. His Holiness asked the _ sired in all the world so much as to see the launching ambassadors to write to their principals, and at of an expedition against the Turks. In consistory this point apparently his eyes sought those of Al- he formed a ‘‘deputation”’ or commission of eight berto Pio himself. Leo wanted each of the princes cardinals—Carvajal, Remolino, Fieschi, Grassi, to consider the gravity of the peril which was hang- Pucci, Medici, Farnese, and Cornaro—to consider ing over him, and transmit his ideas to the Curia and deal with the matter. The purpose of the comin writing, each prince specifying the contribution mission was to study the logistics of a crusade and he would make in the war against the Turks. In the military and naval resources of the Ottoman the meantime peace must be restored to Europe empire.° The recommendations of this commission so that every prince might be assured of the safety were to form the basis of a special report on the of his dominions and give his whole-hearted at- requirements for an expedition against the Turks.

tention to the great problem which confronted The pope’s intention was to send a copy of this

them all. report to the chief sovereigns of Europe. We shall

Alberto Pio, who had interpreted the pope’s return to its contents presently. It is a noteworthy gesture to him as meaning that a special obligation document. rested on the emperor’s shoulders, now stated that Antonio Pucci was to inform the Swiss of deMaximilian had always been a strong advocate of _velopments at the Curia Romana and to encourage the crusade. This fact was clear, he said, from var-_ them to join the expedition. Perhaps Charles III ious letters which Maximilian had written, includ- of Savoy would take the cross, although he then ing that read at the Fifth Lateran Council. But his _ had his differences with his nephew, Francis I, who imperial Majesty, although beset by many diff- unfortunately had many enemies in Switzerland.’ culties, would quickly send Alberto Pio his letters On the tenth a letter was addressed to Giovanni of procuration (procuratoria) for the crusade, for Stafhleo, bishop of Sebenico (Sibenik) and nuncio all the ambassadors at the Curia Romana appar-

ently had such letters except him and the English ~~

ambassador.* As for Henry VIII, although he ° On 20 April, 1517, Leo X had already appointed a com. mission of six cardinals to study the prospects of the crusade made favorable noises concerning the crusade (Arch. Segr. Vati Acta Miscell Res. 6 fol. 144. and

. . . Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. ,an

from time to time, he could hardly have been less cf. Sanudo, Diari, XXIV, 195), but two of its members, Riario concerned about the Turks, had they lived on an- and Castellesi, were soon implicated in the conspiracy to kill other planet.” But of course the crusading tradi- Leo, and the commission accomplished little. On the commission tion of French chivalry caused the Turkish peril ormed in the consistory of 4 November, 1517, see the Acta to be discussed more seriously, or at least more cellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 184, the commission being appointed ‘‘ad

. . sonsistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 77°, and Acta Mis-

often, at the court of Francis I. consulendum et assistendum sue Sanctitati una cum dominis According toa letter of 5 November, 151 7, writ- _oratoribus principum super expeditione fienda contra Turchas.”’ ’ Cesare Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”” Arch. stor. italiano, XXI (1875), 189-90. Antonio Pucci was the nephew

ae of Cardinal Lorenzo (Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 665, note,

transmissuram, nam omnium principum oratores qui sunt in and Sanudo, Diarti, XX VI, 213). He left Rome on the Swiss Curia habent sua procuratoria super hoc negotio, me et Sere- mission in August, 1517 (Sanudo, XXIV, 569). The Curia Ronissimi Anglici Regis oratore excepto dixique me de hisomnibus —_ mana tried hard to reconcile Francis and Charles of Savoy ad Maiestatem Vestram scripturum id quod facio cuius bone — (‘‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1, 203-4). The Swiss

gratie . . .”’ [the copy of the letter in the Lea Library breaks _ were said to be willing to supply infantry to serve on an anti-

off here]. Turkish expedition “‘whenever they should perceive the sovLittle escaped Sanudo, who describes Alberto da Carpi’s par- _ ereigns of Christendom united to effect it and ready to act”’

ticipation in the meeting called by Leo X (Diarn, XXV, 85, (Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, II from letters of the Venetian ambassador in Rome, dated 10— _—[London, 1867], no. 851, p. 369, doc. dated 6 March, 1517).

11 November, 1517). On 21 October, 1517, Girolamo Lippomani dal Banco wrote

* [bid., Ducange, Glossarium, V1 (repr. Graz, 1954), 522, de- | Marino Sanudo of the rumor “‘che ’] re di Franza vol vegnir fines procuratorium as ‘“‘litterae quibus aliquod negotium alicui in persona a la impresa contra il Turcho, ma vol clausole di

committitur.”’ non esser molestado in Italia de li soi stadi’’ (Diaru, XXV, 65,

5 Cf, below, note 58. and cf. col. 67).

174 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to France,” concerning ‘“‘this holy enterprise against a proper financial or other contribution to the the Turk, which every hour is known to become Crusade.!! A few days later, on 14 November, of larger moment and greater necessity.”’ Francis another bull was issued, Cogimur ab ecclesiis, imwas to have the crusading levy and the tithe he _ posing another tithe on the revenues of the clergy had requested. They were to be employed, how- throughout France and Brittany, the second such ever, for no other purpose than helping to finance _ crusading tithe since 17 May, 1516.'* The crusade

the anti-Turkish expedition.” was obviously a source of considerable revenue to

On 11 November, 1517, the pope issued a spe- _ the French king, to whom the bulk of the proceeds cial crusading indulgence in the bull Humani ge-__ were assigned, but (it must be emphasized) he was neris redemptor. Again he emphasized the increase _ to use such funds solely for the crusade. Of course

of Ottoman power as a result of Selim’s conquest he did not do so, and later on he was to be held of Egypt, and gave credence to the report that the accountable for his malfeasance. ‘“Turcarum tyrannus’’ was preparing a larger fleet When Leo X stipulated that the crusading levy than ever before.'® At the same time he sent a and the tithe were to be used only to help finance special brief to the inhabitants of the duchy of ananti-Turkish expedition, was he merely playing Brittany, reminding them of Francis’s pledge to a diplomatic game? Were the pope and the king go on the “‘sacred expedition,” and granting the | of France sparring with each other over lucrative usual “‘plenary indulgence and remission of all sources of income? If there was no crusade, could sins’’ to those Bretons who within two years made _ not Leo be certain that Francis would appropriate the funds to his own use? One must doubtless an* On Staffileo’s appointment as nuncio to France, note Sa- SWET lM the afhrmative, but a letter of 17 Novem-

nudo, Diarii, XXIV, 543-44. The tomb of his nephew and ber (1517), sent to Antonio Pucci in Cardinal

successor Giovanni Lucio Staffileo (d. 1557) may still be seen de’ Medici’s name, reveals the state of mind which un the north aisle of his church, the cathedral of Sv. Jakov in then prevailed in the Curia: ibenik. ” ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 191-92. The question of the crusade [questa impresa| gets hotter On 14 November (1517) Staffileo was informed that Leo X was every day, and the more we deal with it, the more we sending three bulls, by one of which he extended the crusading perceive its necessity, because there is certainly agree-

levy (crociata) for two years in France yo:it was a, ment onand two the mostFrench importantdominions facts. First, while ultra montes; the second bull provided for another year’s tithe believed that the S; Selj ld ;

on all ecclesiastical incomes (in the French kingdom and ter- eueved tnat the signore [Selim] woure Femail a year ritories ultra montes); and the third bull authorized the collection OF S90 1 Syria and in Egypt to consolidate his victories,

of the tithe in the now French duchy of Milan. All three bulls which have been incredible, he is returning to Constanoutlined the procedures for safeguarding the funds collected tinople, where we think he has already arrived, loaded and contained penalties for their diversion to any use but the | with gold, and with such fame and ambition as can be

crusade, for (as Staffileo was to explain to Francis I) the pope imagined! Second, he is again preparing a huge was moved ma this Y xtreme necessity and his singular faith = 3;+mada beyond anything that can be found at present,

inThe Francis (#id.,was pp. 192-93). ; ; andfor he pays to nothing but collecting artillery, tithe extended oneattention year in the important bull rr ;

; | ; ; a building ships, and surveying all these seas and the is-

Etsi ad amplianda ecclesiarum omnium commoda, which is to be lands of E found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 79’- “@N1GS OF Europe. . . .

81°’, by original enumeration, and Reg. Vat. 1204, fols. 232°— ; ; ; .

236°, also by original enumeration. In Reg. Vat. 1203, fol. 81”, It God did not interpose a helping hand, It was it is dated 11 November, 1517 (‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum the writer’s opinion that Christendom might well Petrum anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo be facing catastrophe. Pucci was assured, however, decimo septimo, tertio Idus Novembris, pont. nostri anno” that Leo X would not fail to do his duty; he would

quinto’’); is dated June, 1517, inand Reg. Vat. 1204, fol.own wo . life .. v (ee : ;the easbull ., goon the1 expedition, would risk his 236" (“‘. . . Kal. Iunii, pont. nostri anno quinto’’). Pastor, Hist. J. 13

Popes, VII, 227, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), for the Christian flock.” 156, note, combines the references to the Vatican registers in

a meaningless jumble as Reg. 1204, fols. 79’—81", and misdates —

the bull ‘‘tertio Cal. Nov.’ (30 October). The Florentine banker 'l Charriére, I, 28, ‘‘datum. . . tertio Idus Nov.,. . . anno

Jacopo Salviati, a relative of the pope, handled the funds ac- — quinto.” cruing from the crusading tithe and the indulgence in France '2 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 84°85", ‘‘da(of Arm. XL, tom. 3 [Leonis X Brevia], no. 251, fol. 167). tum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno incarnationis dominice, '© Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 82"-83’, ‘‘da- _ millesimo quingentesimo decimo septimo, decimo octavo Katum. . . tertio Idus Novembris, pont. nostrianno quinto.”’ Cf, | lendas Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto.”’ Cf’ Charibid., fols. 85°-86%, ‘datum . . . decimo octavo Kal. Dec., riére, Négociations, 1, 28-29, note, and see, above, note 9, for . . . anno quinto” (14 November, 1517), and fols. 133°-134", the related bull Etst ad amplianda ecclesiarum omnium commoda. ‘“. . . octavo Kal. Sept., . . . anno sexto”’ (25 August, 1518), 13 “Mfanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 193both bulls beginning Dudum universos Christi fideles, and relating 94. Leo X had also been distressed by the Turks’ recent defeat

to financial] aspects of the crusading indulgence. of the Persians, on which note the letters sent from the Curia

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 175 While we may entertain some doubt on this last _ the writer of the letter, which was sent in Cardinal observation, it is quite apparent that Sultan Selim’s Giulio’s name, emphasizes that Leo placed all his startling successes had produced consternation at hope in Francis I, not in Maximilian,’” whose rep-

the Curia. Indeed, Selim was now said to have a__utation had worn pretty thin by this time. Year fleet of three hundred galleys (triremes) ready for after year the same questions were debated, and action in the harbor of Istanbul as well as a host no answers were found: How was peace to be made of shipwrights at work in his arsenal. On 14 No-_ in Europe? Who was to exercise the chief command vember (1517), the very day of the bull imposing of the crusading forces? Agreement was hard to the tithe on France and Brittany, Leo wrote Fran- reach. The arrival of a Turkish ambassador in Vencis that “the Turk has daily at hand a description — ice caused some measure of disquietude in the Curia and a painted map of the shores of Italy” (Turcam Romana, where the crusade was constantly under . . . habere quotidie in manibus descriptionem et prc- discussion, and whence an exhortation was adturam littorum Italiae). Previously one might have dressed to the Spanish court in an effort to evoke borne arms against this enemy in glory. Now it at least a spark of enthusiasm.'° Time was passing.

had become a matter of sheer necessity.'* The Turks seemed to be preparing for an attack, Leo X was caught in the trammels of unalter- and on 30 December Stafhleo, the apostolic nuncio able circumstance. Another letter was dispatched in France, was informed that “‘our lord [the pope] to Pucci on 17 November. He was to inform the awaits with great anticipation his Mayjesty’s reply Swiss that the pope had approved a dual leadership concerning the affairs of the Turk, with some firm

for the crusade, resolution which can be put into effect, without Log, having to waste more time in consulting and sendin

that is, Caesar and the most Christian king [of France], nivrs here and there 5017 8 8 not because [his Holiness] lacks confidence in the king’s © cre a a

wisdom, courage, and authority, and does not believe that

one commander would be better, but because if the em- Leo X did not have long to wait for the recperor is left out, there is reason to doubt that his imperial _ommendations of his crusading commission. From Majesty will co-operate with that support which would be _ the results of its inquiries a report was to be pre-

necessary, and so perhaps Spain and England also would pared for presentation to the sovereigns upon

grow cold to the idea [of an expedition]. whose participation the Curia would have to rely The difficulties were obvious. The Frenchand Ger- {0% whatever success the crusade might achieve. mans had rarely achieved co-operation in a crusad-

ing venture since the ill-fated attempts of Louis VII | 7 C d Ill al tf t P bef; B 15 «“\fanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 195.

an onra almost four centuries before. but 16 Ibid., XXI, 197 ff. The Turkish ambassador arrived at the beginning of November, 1517, as appears from the Sen. Secreta,

Reg. 47, fols. 86 ff., copy of a letter dated 5 November to the Romana on 31 October and 8 and 19 November, 1514, in Venetian bailie in Istanbul: ‘“‘Questi proximi zorni € arrivato Desjardins and Canestrini, II, 667—70. But the Venetian Signoria — qui el magnifico Alibei orator del serenissimo Gran Signor ve-

left the provveditore of its fleet in eastern waters no doubt as _ nuto de Polonia, dove I’ € stato molti mesi, et € sta honorato to the position of the Republic when he received their dispatch —_ et veduto de la Signoria nostra cum quel modo et bon et alegro dated 4 September, 1517: ‘‘Per la prudentia vostra possete ben _ volto che ricercha la bona pace et amicitia havemo cum el suo considerar de quanta importantia sia al stato nostro mantener __ serenissimo Gran Signor et anche lamor che portamo ad epso et conservar la pace che habbiamo cum el serenissimo Signor — magnifico Alibei per le sue virtu et prestante sue conditione. Turco, et quanto sia officio per ogni via et modo tuor dimezo Ne ha presentata una lettera data in Alepo de Septembrio 1516 tute quelle cosse che potesseno esser causa de turbar tal bona _ per laqual sua serenissima Signoria ne scrive mandare epso pace et amicitia,”’ etc. (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. 76). On the | ambassator ad darne nova dela victoria et de lacquisto fatto del same day the Senate authorized a letter to the bailie in Istanbul _paese et signoria teneva el soldan del Cayro.. . . Nui veramente expressing the Signoria’s distress that Venetian subjects should li habiamo risposto che de li felici successi et grande victoria have injured certain subjects of the Porte, “‘perché sopra ogni _del suo serenissimo Signor come immediate facessemo intender

altra cossa desideramo non solo de mantenir et conservar la _ per lettere nostre dirrective a sua Serenita et per li oratori bona amicitia et pace che habbiamo cum sua Excellentia [the nostri che li habiamo mandati, ne habiamo sentito tanto apiacer, sultan], ma etiam de accrescerla et augumentarla come quelli _ etiam se ne siamo tanto ralegrati quanto possi haver alcun altro che desiderano la exaltation et gloria sua. . .” (ibid., Reg. 47, | suo bon et vero amico et tanto piu che sapendo che lui é€ signor fols. 76°—77'). The Venetians were of course afraid of becoming de iustitia et rason et poi ha bona pace et amicitia cum la the object of Turkish hostility, and were anxious not to get Signoria nostra. Semo certi che li subditi et mercadanti nostri involved in Leo X’s crusading plans, but they hardly wanted che practicano et nela Soria et nel Egypto sarano molto meglio to see the sultan’s acquisition of further glory: such letters were —_ veduto et tractati che per il preterito et non sara permesso gli written so that, if necessary, the bailie could show them to the © sia fatta senon bona et dretta rason.. . .”’ Cf also the letter

pashas. of the Senate to Selim dated 10 November (1517), which was 14 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 29-30, with notes, letter written read to the Collegio before being sent (ibid., fol. 87°). by Sadoleto and dated at S. Peter’s on 14 November, 1517. 17 «“Mfanoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1, 205.

176 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Guicciardini has described the background of fear _ (ecclesiastical) penalties being provided for its vioagainst which the report was composed,'® and __ lation, all members of the alliance being also pledged more than a century ago Zinkeisen called it ‘“‘one to make war upon any one of their number guilty of the most noteworthy documents in the history _ of violating its terms: “‘and this alliance might be of the European movement against the Ottoman called the ‘fraternitas Sanctae Cruciatae’.’’*!

empire in the sixteenth century.”’'? The memorial Although the answers to the remaining three takes the scholastic form of a series of (six) major questions occupy by far the largest portion of the topics presented as questions to which answers are memorial, we may note them rather quickly. The given. It is dated 16 November, 151 7,79 which fourth query was whether the war should be waged

makes it clear that the commission of cardinals by all the princes, or by some only, and (of the

discharged its responsibility quickly. latter) by which ones. The answer was rather vague. The first question was whether the war should All the princes should make their contribution to be undertaken, the response being that this decision _ the great cause, but the German emperor and the was not to be reached by any investigation of the king of France were pre-eminently fitted to lead problem (consultatio). An aggressive enemy, deter- the united host “‘for many reasons . . . which we mined upon the destruction of Christianity, left no shall not enumerate, because they are quite clear.”’ alternative to war: there is no scope for ‘“‘consul- The fifth topic dealt with the means of carrying on tation” when necessity has intervened. The second the war (apparatus belli). Divine favor had to be

question, whether the war was to be offensive or assured by prayers, fasts, alms, and sacrifices. defensive, was as easily answered: the advantages Preachers would be sent among all peoples to call of offensive warfare were well understood, among _ them to a penitence that would be pleasing to God. them being the possible revelation of unexpected Funds were also needed, the ‘‘sinews of war,’ and weaknesses in the enemy. Thirdly, it was asked what considering the length and breadth of the Ottoman impediments there might be to the war, and how’ empire, to which Egypt and Syria had just been they were to be removed. The chief impediment added, as well as the sultan’s vast wealth in men was promptly identified as the “‘discords and dis- and money, large sums would have to be raised. In sensions among the Christian princes themselves,’’ fact about 8,000,000 ducats would have to be for which the remedy proposed was a general ar- found,?* but this could easily be done (the commistice (generales inducie) for at least a year, to start mission blithely assumed), because the kings could with, and then for six months beyond the conclusion — furnish a good part of this amount from their regof the crusade. The armistice was to be guaranteed ular revenues (vectigalia), as well they should, it is by the solemn oath of all the princes, its infraction said, because their own future was at stake. The to be met with the full measure of ecclesiastical Turks did not bother much with the common peopenalties and the offender’s citation as a public _ ple; they sought the heads of the nobles and princes. enemy. Disputes would be settled by the pope and Wherever the infidel had conquered, he had dethe college of cardinals or else their resolution would _ stroyed the local nobility with fearful cruelty. What be postponed until after the war. The commission _ part of the total amount needed should come from

further proposed in this regard a sworn alliance the royal and princely revenues, the commission between the princes and the pope, with the same _ refrained from suggesting, leaving it to the “‘prudence and liberality’? of those whose lives, honor,

TT and states were thus stated to be in the balance.*° 18 Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III,

278 ff.

'9 Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 11, 594-98, ~~ followed very closely by Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 223-26, and 7! Leo X’s memorial on the projected crusade is published Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 153-55. Before 21 Novem- __ in Charriére, Négociations, 1, 31-41, and (partially) in Raynaldus,

ber, 1517, Marco Minio, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, — Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, nos. 32-54, vol. XX XI (1877), pp. had not yet been able to send a copy to Venice of “‘gli articoli 159-63. These texts differ somewhat, and Raynaldus unforconclusi nella ultima congregation per esser di molta scriptura’”’” _ tunately omits the questions to which the successive paragraphs (and the text is long enough), but he knew the contents of the __ he prints supply the answers! The vigilant Sanudo, Diarii, XXV,

document: ‘Il desegno é bello et grande, ma dubita non sia 95-106, soon acquired an excellent copy of the text, which come quelli modeli che non vengono poia perfectione”’ (Sanudo, _ with some slight variations is the same as that given in Charriére. Diarii, XXV, 94). Minio sent the text to Venice late in the day 22 Both Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 596, and Pastor,

on 21 November (ibid., XXV, 106). Hist. Popes, VII, 224, and Gesch. d. Papste, IV-1 (repr. 1956), 20 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1517, no. 32, vol. XXXI 154, read octuagies centena millia aureum as meaning 800,000 (1877), p. 159a; the text is dated 12 November in the ‘“‘Mano- _—__ducats! Rodocanachi, Le Pontificat de Léon X, p. 141, makes the

187. 2° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 34.

scritti Torrigiani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XX VI (1877), | same mistake, but probably never read the Latin text.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 177 Both ecclesiastical and lay tithes were also con- and the cardinals would try to add ten galleys to sidered in the memorial as well as other kinds of the fleet. Other large ships, quas carracas seu galassessments, including the crusading indulgences, Jleones vocamus, could readily be got from France ‘from which, if war shall be waged in earnest, great and England, Spain and Portugal. Other nations sums will assuredly be collected,” for the faith was would be asked to make their contributions to the not dead in the hearts of Christians. There were _ fleet. many who would purchase eternal life for a small Three ways were considered into Ottoman tersum if they saw that war was being truly waged on _ritory. One might go through Germany and HunGod’s behalf. The usual arrangements were sug- gary, the Danube offering a convenient approach gested for collecting and handling funds. The or- to Istanbul, although certain princes might not like dinary of each diocese would depute one priest and this route. The way through Dalmatia and Illyria the cathedral chapter a second, who would work _ was difficult, and the terrain too rugged for cavalry. with one or two citizens or priests or monks to be The commission suggested that the emperor and chosen by the municipal government (universitas ci- the king of France might do well to go through vium), as it should decide, and these acting together Italy, embarking at Ancona and Brindisi for Greece would collect the sums accruing from the sale of and Egypt. The fleet should then assemble in Sicily indulgences, and secure them in a suitable strong- to transport the land forces from Ancona and Brinbox. Each member of the group should have a key — disi. A beachhead could be established in Ottoman to one of the locks, so that no one of them could _ territory, just across the Adriatic, at Durazzo, which

get at the contents without the others also being could easily be captured if the Christian fleet and present. The receipt of all sums should be diligently army converged at that point. According to Guicrecorded in writing, exchange carefully supervised, ciardini, the plan actually was for the emperor, to-

and so on. Next the commission took up the re- gether with the Hungarians and the Poles, to decruitment of troops. At least 60,000 infantry would scend the Danube valley and approach Istanbul be needed, to be sought among the Swiss, “Germans through Thrace, while the king of France and the whom they call Landsknechte,’’ Spanish, and Italians were to go by way of Brindisi into Albania Czechs. The best heavy-armed cavalry were said to and Greece. The Spanish, Portuguese, and English be French and Italian, of whom 4,000 would be _ fleets should assemble at Cartagena and thence prorequired, while 12,000 light-armed horse would ceed directly to the Dardanelles. The pope would have to be recruited from among the Spanish, Ital- sail from Ancona.”°

ians, Albanians, and Greeks. These land forces The transport of supplies from Italy ‘‘and even would, of course, need good leadership, sufficient from France’’ was considered (rather too briefly), provisions, and adequate equipment. For the war and the commission indicated that the greatest cauat sea a fleet should be collected from the Venetians _ tion had to be employed in dealing only with merand Genoese; the French of Provence, Brittany, chants who would supply provisions at honest prices. and elsewhere; and the Spanish of both the Iberian Arbiters should immediately be chosen to assign the peninsula and the two Sicilies; as well as from the conquests. In this capacity the pope and the college abundant reservoirs of men and ships in England _ of cardinals might serve, or others on whom the

and Portugal.** princes might reach a mutual agreement, and in

The sixth and last question related to the con- any event division of lands and the spoils of war duct of the war, in which the importance of a fleet should be made in accordance with the recipients’ to go with the land army was emphasized. The contributions to the crusade. Glorious adventure Turks had three hundred galleys, and were be- and splendid opportunity lay ahead. However powlieved to be preparing additional transports for erful and fierce the Ottoman enemy might be, he horses. ‘The Christians could not expect to acquire __was inferior to the European in character (virtus), so many galleys, but could certainly build up a_ military strength, and discipline, gue in bellis valent fleet of greater strength. The king of France could = maxime; hence with God’s help the proposed exsupply twenty galleys, already having a number in _ pedition might be assured of victory. The kings and the harbor of Marseille; the king of Spain could _ princes, therefore, would do their part to win the

provide a like number by adding eight to the

dozen gale ° a aireadly, had in Srey. Venice 85 Charrigre. Neégociations, 1, 37-39; Guicciardini, Storia a’ could provide forty, and senoa twenty. 1 NE Pope tatia, XII, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 278-79, whose account differs from the plan set forth in the memorandum of

TO the commission, and is rather inaccurately summarized in Zin*4 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 34-37. keisen, II, 597, note 1.

178 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT favor of God, increase their wealth, win everlasting The German answer to the memorial drafted by praise among men, and have their names written — the papal commission was prepared in the imperial

upon the very heavens.”° council. It was received in Rome early in the year

Copies of this elaborate document were promptly 1518. Beginning with a rhetorical rehearsal of the sent to Francis I and Maximilian, and soon produced cruel course of Turkish conquest, Maximilian’s rejoinders from them both. The French reply is councilors praised the knowledge and wisdom disdated 23 December (1517). In it Francis heartily played in the memorial. There is manifest throughagreed with the necessity for peace in Europe during out the German document, however, annoyance the crusade, and bound France to the observance — with the important role which the pope had assigned of such a peace. The major problem would be a __ to the king of France in the projected crusade. The financial one; much money would be needed for German nation, the councilors said quite truly, soldiers’ pay and the maintenance of artillery. Fran- | comprised many states with many different laws and

cis would do his best to help secure such funds both customs, and no such huge enterprise as that enfrom the laity and, following the pope’s advice, from __visaged in the pope’s memorial could be organized

the clergy, but a year’s tithe would not go far to in short order as far as the imperial domain was support an enterprise like the crusade, “‘car la deé- concerned. The Germans as usual had elaborate votion du peuple est si petite, qu’ il ne revient quasy _ plans; in this case it was to take three years to work

rien d’ icelle!’’ He indicated the very considerable them out. In the meantime the pope was instructed extent to which he was willing (according to him) on the best way to recruit a crusading army and to recruit troops and furnish artillery. He warned given numerous suggestions as to soldiers’ wages, that it would cost great sums each month, and that _ taxes, and artillery. it was essential to know what proportions of the A five or six years’ peace in Europe must provide cost the laity and clergy of each country were going the necessary background to the crusade. Instead to pay. A single great crusading army, however, of a single great undertaking, the emperor’s advisors with an imperfectly centralized command, would _ proposed a series of different expeditions prolonged inevitably suffer from ‘‘disorder and discord” like over a three-year period. The first was to take place the army of Darius the Persian. One could not feed as soon as possible, in 1518, against North Africa sO many men, and instead of making war upon the (where at Algiers the Spanish had been defeated Turks they would fight among themselves. If the the year before). The commanders of the African French went by way of Brindisi, the Germans, Hun- expedition should be the emperor and the kings of garians, and Poles should go by way of Hungary, Spain and Portugal, while the most serene king of and the Spanish, English, and Portuguese by sea. France would support their efforts with his fleet. As for the division of conquered territories, Francis Since Maximilian’s grandson, Charles [V], had rethought that preference should be given to those cently become the king of Spain, this plan was not who would be willing to reside in such territories, likely to be regarded either in Rome or in Paris as and would have the means to defend them against a disinterested proposal to help the cause of Chris-

reconquest by the Turks.?’ tendom against the Turks. A second expedition of

Poles, Hungarians, Czechs, Silesians, and Austrians, *° Charriere, Négociations, 1, 39-41.

?? Charriére, Négociations, 1, 41-46, “‘escript a Amboise, le ~ seiziesme jour de décembre [1517], [signed] vostre trés-obeisant | and would have required far less transport. That the papal filz, Francois.’’ Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, 157, note 2, calls | commission should suggest that French and imperial troops

attention to the Latin version of the French answer to the march almost the length of Italy for embarkation at Ancona cardinals’ memorandum in the Cod. Vat. Jat. 3922, fols. 116- and Brindisi shows the Curia Romana was willing to take con118%. It is dated 23 December, 1517, which Pastor regards as siderable risks on behalf of the crusade, which also never seems the correct date (rather than 16 December). He is probably — to occur to Ursu. As for Francis’s suggestion that the troops right. J. Ursu, in his discerning study of La Politique orientale of the great powers go eastward separately, the history of the de Frangois I” (1515-1547), Paris, 1908, pp. 12-13, observes, | crusades from the end of the eleventh century bears constant ‘‘Naturellement la descente de |’ armée frangaise devait se faire witness to the obvious wisdom of such a procedure.

par I’ Italie, ce qui a juste titre éveillait des soupcons dans Since arrangements were being made at this time for the I’ esprit de |’ Empereur;’’ but he seems not to have noticed marriage of the pope’s nephew Lorenzo de’ Medici with a that French (and, to be sure, imperial) passage through Italy | French princess, the Curia Romana hoped to find Francis I had already been recommended by the papal commission. especially co-operative on the question of the crusade (cf Pastor, Certainly imperial suspicions would have been more keenly — Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1, 156, and Sanudo, XXV, 211, 213, 223).

aroused if Francis had proposed to march through Germany __ If the way could be found to pay them, Francis undertook to and Hungary, while for the Germans, Hungarians, and Poles _ provide 4,000 men-at-arms, 8,000 light horse, and 50,000 foot the northern Balkan route toward Istanbul was far more direct soldiers for the crusade (Charriére, I, 43).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 179 to whom Maximilian would furnish artillery, should document as a “sehr griindliche Arbeit,’’*? one also be set in motion to strike more directly at the can hardly believe that they expected either the Ottoman empire. A year later (i.e.,in 1519) Francis pope or the king of France to take it seriously. I, having risked his ships in the African expedition The young Charles of Spain added his own comfor the benefit of Spain, could then go via Italy ments to the others being expressed on the memthrough the Balkans by way of Novibazar (Novi orandum: Since the season was too far advanced Pazar), where an army under the king of Poland and the princes unprepared for action, the best could join him, and together the French and Poles, that could be done for a year was to stand firm Vlachs, Moldavians, and others could push on against Islam, and make “bonne provision”’ in the through Philippopolis and Adrianople to the shores places most important to the crusade, such as Na-

of the Bosporus. ples, Sicily, the March of Ancona, and certain othIn the third year (1520), ers. In these places 20,000 infantry and 5,000

after the liberation of Africa, as we hope, and the storm- no BSE shoule ve of entrated is be P a wr by ing of the cities of Algiers and Alexandria, as well as the he pope, tne Ings OF France and opain, t © vene-

scattering and destruction of the Turkish armada, in tians, Florentines, and some other Italian states.

accord with our plan, Charles already had thousands of men under arms

a in Italy and elsewhere, and with a detachment of

Maximilian and the king of Portugal would attack 2,000 horse and 8,000 foot from the king of

Greece in conjunction with the kings of France — France and 1,000 horse from the pope (the French and Poland. They would lay siege to the sultan in and papal forces to assemble in Ancona), there Istanbul and, after taking the city, would go on seemed for the present to be no immediate need into Anatolia “‘and other more distant Turkish of additional recruitments, provided Charles reterritories,” thus putting an end to the Ottoman ceived the necessary financial assistance to mainmenace. The Persians would assist the Christians tain his troops.°°

and might have one-half of Anatolia as well as all The papal project for the crusade and the Caramania and Armenia, but the rest of Asiaand French and German commentaries which it proAfrica, especially Egypt and the Holy Land, would = quced are quite revealing. Concerning the exof course be taken over by the Christians. There treme anxiety of the Curia Romana that the adwould be a just division of the conquests. The plan vance of Islam be stopped, there can be no doubt. should be put into operation as soon as possible, While the French king’s rather casual memoran-

beginning with the African expedition.” dum deals with some of the major problems that French forces, having aided the Hapsburgs to yequired solution before any expedition could be

add North Africa to their far-flung domains, Jjaunched with the slightest hope of success, the would thus be permitted to share with the em- German document is too fatuous to take seriously peror the glory (and perils) of taking Istanbul and as a plan for the crusade. It almost assumes that adding Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, and Egypttothe the Turks would stand idly by while Maximilian’s so-called commonwealth of Christian nations. Al- tortuous scheme was worked out to dismember though Zinkeisen regards the German councilors’ their empire over a three-year period. On one

principle, however, there seemed to be agree-

— ment. Peace had to be assured in Europe before *® Charriére, Négociations, 1, 49-63. The imperial project for any crusade could get under way. The princes the crusade was sent by the pope with a covering letter to Fran- would never go off to a war against the Turks,

cis | on 4 March, 1518 (ibid., I, pp. 47-49). For a speech ascribed to the Emperor Maximilian on the Turkish question, allegedly delivered to the German princes and estates at the diet of Augsburg in 1518, see Imp. Maximiliani I. . . De bello ?9 Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 600-1.

Turcico ad principes et ordines sacri Rom. Imperi in Comitis habita °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 63-64, note. The French, imOratio . . . Anno MDXIIX, Helmstadt (in Brunswick), “typis _ perial, and Spanish replies to the crusading memorandum had Henningi Mulleri, acad. typ.,”” 1664. Ulrich von Hutten ad- all been received and considered at the Curia Romana by 25 dressed his Exhortatoria to the diet of Augsburg, urging the February (1518) when ‘‘Sua Santita ne ha preso grandissimo

princes to organize a united offensive against the Turks, his piacere, inteso le volunta di questi principi essere calde et prefatory epistle to Conrad Peutinger being dated at Mainz 25 ~—prompte a questa sancta impresa”’ (‘“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’

May, 1518; the work was printed at Augsburg in 1518, pre- Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 227). But since a general peace in sumably after August: “In officina excusoria SigismundiGrimm —_ Europe was necessary to organize the crusade and would be

Medici et Marci Vuyrsung, Augustae, An. MDXVIII.”’ Carl difficult and time-consuming to arrange, Leo hoped that a Gollner, Turcica, I (1961), lists some eighty anti-Turkish im- _ year’s truce might first be managed and later conceivably beprints as issuing from the European presses during the reign come a general peace. The hope was also for a six years’ truce

of Leo X. between Maximilian and the Venetians (2bid., X XI, 227-28).

180 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT leaving their lands and states exposed to the en- at all to the proposed crusade, and the ambassador

terprise of hostile neighbors. of the Republic in Rome was instructed to take no Leo X, therefore, issued a bull dated 6 March, _ part inthe discussions.°* Venice would run no risks 1518, declaring a five years’ truce (quinquennales either for Europe or for the Holy See. treugae et induciae) among all Christian princes and In earlier years the popes had not been distressed powers, the infraction of which was to call forth to see Venetian resources spent on war with the excommunication and the interdict.*' The bull Turk (or spent in fighting the League of Cambrai), was published with every solemnity inthe presence and partly for the reasons which the Florentine amof the pope and the cardinals in the basilica of S. _ bassador, Ottone Niccolini, had explained to Pope Maria sopra Minerva on 14 March. The mass of Pius II a half century before. Niccolini had regarded the Holy Spirit was celebrated by one of the car- _ the wealth of Venice as just as great a threat to the dinals, and the pope’s secretary, the humanist Ja- independence of the Italian states as the sultan’s copo Sadoleto, delivered an address which sketched ambition to conquer the peninsula. Pius’s support

the past successes of the Turks, the terrors at- of Venice at that time seemed to run counter to tending their conquests, and the measures now to _ the old papal policy of diverting overly strong sovbe taken against them. Sadoleto took especial no- _ ereigns and states to the war against the infidel. It tice of the Emperor Maximilian’s grandiose plan was conceivable that a Venetian victory over the of a three years’ war against the Turks, and men- Turk would subject the papacy to the Republic (if tioned one by one the favorable responses of the indeed a Venetian victory had been conceivable), princes to the pope’s appeal—Francis I of France, but to Pius as to many popes the crusade was both Charles of Spain, Henry VIII of England, Manuel a religious ideal and a political necessity.®° The fact of Portugal, Louis of Hungary, Sigismund I of — was that the Turk was dangerous. Undoubtedly Leo Poland, Christian II of Denmark, and the young

James V of Scotland.** It was an occasion for or- Rawdon B 4. Cal .

atory. On 21 March, 1518, the pope wrote the awdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers . . 3 Venice, i king of France of the ample pronuses the princes S. Maria sopra Minerva, given on “XIX Kalend. Aprilis, were making to support the projected expedition; MDXVIII,” is printed in Jacobi Sadoleti. . . opera quae extant

. ; (London, 1867), no. 1016, pp. 436-37. Sadoleto’s oration in

consequently he hoped that they would ratify the — omnia, II (Verona, 1738, repr. by the Gregg Press, 1964), 257five years’ truce, and urged the immediate French 64, and in Wm. Roscoe, Leo the Tenth, Ill (Liverpool, 1805),

“ficati fF th le to th t append., pp. 109-14. Sadoleto had previously indited a long

ratinca Ons. the truce as an exampte to ; € Tes oration contra Turcos to Louis XII, dilating on the glories of of Europe. The Venetians made no commitment French crusading history and the responsibility which Louis himself bore to the memory of his great predecessors (Sadoleti . . . opera, II, 287-331). On Sadoleto, see Richard M. Douglas, Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547), Humanist and Reformer, Cambridge,

31 Charriére, Négociations, I, 63-68, ‘“‘datum Rome, apud Mass., 1959, esp. pp. 14 ff., 246 ff. Cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, Sanctum Petrum, anno incarnationis dominice MDXVII, sexto _IV-1 (repr. 1956), 159-60. The ceremonies of 14 March and die martii, pontif. nostri anno V,”’ which falls in the year 1518. the promulgation of the bull imposing the five years’ truce are

By letters from their ambassador in Rome dated 22, 23, and also recounted in a letter to Stafhileo dated on the sixteenth 25 February (1518), and delivered in Venice the evening of —(““Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 233).

the twenty-eighth, the Senate knew of the pope’s intention to *4 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 71, by action of the Council of Ten publish on Laetare Sunday, which would fall on 14 March, ‘‘fo scritoa Roma a!’ orator nostro in materia dil Turcho non ‘le tregue fra tuti li principi Christiani” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, _ vadia li consulti dil Papa, ma digi sempre questo stado a pugna fol. 101”), which posed some problems for Venice in her re- _ per la cristianita contra Turchi, né mai manchera, vedando li lations with the Emperor Maximilian, not to speak of the pope’s altri principi voler far con effeti e non con parole, perche si apparent intention to preach the crusade, concerning which the __ principiassero, nui saremo i primi.” Venice in fact had confirmed Senate was dubious. Cf, ibid., Reg. 47, fols. 102-103", letter her bona amicitia e pace of 1513 with Sultan Selim in September,

of the Senate to the Venetian ambassador in France, dated 1 1517 (tbid., col. 416). The agreement had been negotiated by March, 1518. On 10 March the bull had been approved in the —Bartolommeo Contarini and Alvise Mocenigo. The Turkish consistory (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, _ text is extant with the note on the reverse, ‘‘Oratoribus nobilibus

fol. 211%). viris Bartholomeo Contarino et Aloisio Mocenigo in lingua

32 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 305, 322, who notes that Sadoleto’s _turca,”’ in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, discourse was being printed, and cf’ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta with a contemporary Italian translation. The Turkish document

Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 207%, 209°—210. is dated, without indication of the day, Sha‘ban 923, which

°8 Charriére, Négociations, I, 68—70, letter of Leo X to Francis _ extends from 19 August to 17 September, 1517 (cf, ibid., Docc. I, dated at Rome on 21 March, 1518, which also describes the _ turchi, ‘““Regesti Bombaci’’). An addendum to the ‘‘capitulations”’

ceremonies attending the promulgation of the bull Considerantes of 1513, however, provided that the annual tribute of 8,000 ac animo (of 6 March) on the fourteenth, proclaiming the five | ducats which the Republic had formerly paid the soldan should years’ truce. Cf. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 601-2, henceforth, with the Ottoman conquest of Egypt, be paid to who misdates the promulgation of the bull 13 March; Sanudo, _ the Porte (see below, pp. 183-84). Diari, XXV, 270, 308-11, on the intercessory processions; and $5 Cf. Volume II, p. 246, of the present work.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 181 X wanted to see Francis I embarked onthe crusade, in Egypt was an absolute catastrophe for his Or-

for the victor of Marignano was too powerful a der. Del Carretto’s concern for the safety of neighbor to have indefinitely in Genoa and Milan.°® Rhodes increased from month to month. On 30 But the fact still remained that the Turk was dan- May and 1 June, 1518, he wrote Leo X from the gerous, and was becoming more so every year. For island fortress that the arsenal in Istanbul was the papacy the crusade meant, to be sure, the di- _ turning out new galleys and other ships constantly. version of Venetian, French, German or Spanish No day passed without the Turks increasing their arms and money from the Italian scene tothe Turk- preparation for naval warfare. The grand master ish Levant. It also meant the protection of Christians had no doubt, when Selim I had concluded his in central Europe and throughout the Mediterra- eastern campaigns, that the Knights, ‘““whom your nean. The Curia Romana saw in the crusade the Holiness calls Christendom’s first line of defense’’ combination of two most desirable objectives. What (quos Sanctitas vestra antemurale Christiane retpublice

was clear to the Curia, however, was clear to the appellat), could not successfully defend Rhodes members of every chancery in Europe. None of the against the coming Turkish attack. The longmajor monarchs would venture into the East unless awaited expedition of the Christian powers against his fellows joined him. He would not leave his ene- _ the hordes of the Gran Turco would be necessary

mies behind to attack his lands in his absence. He to save the Christian outpost of Rhodes. The would not spend his money on a crusade unless his Knights were poor and powerless; they grew rivals employed all their available resources in the weaker as the Turks grew stronger. The grand

same cause. master’s letters have a note, almost, of resignation to fate.*! They contain a premonition of things to Despite Sultan Selim’s great commitments in the come. East, Croatia had been in renewed danger of falling

to the Turks since 1514.’ As King Louis II of . Hunearv informed the Ragusei and others on 2 Guy de Blanchefort (d. 24 November, 1513), Leo X promised

Bary 8 every possible defense of Rhodes against the Turcarum cupiditas

January, 1518, one could hardly be ignorant of the bellicique apparatus de quibus scribis (Bembo, Epp., VII, 6, in ‘calamities and perils’”’ which the miserable realm Opere, IV, 53). From his vantage point in the eastern Mediterof Croatia had been suffering, with no respite from — ranean, del Carretto watched every Turkish move like a hawk, Turkish attacks.28 In the autumn (of 1518) the Ra- and immediately reported to the Curia Romana all important

d P L.ope X that Selij hadNa t facts andand rumors (cf.1517, Raynaldus, ann. Bembo, 1516, no. 55, XIII, pp. 128guselinf, intorme co tha enim no 29, ad ann. no. 19, ad p. 155; Epp., 12,

returned to Adrianople; his next move was cOonjec- and XIV, Y, in Opere, IV, 112, 119, letters written in the pope’s

tural, but he was recalling troops from Asia to Eu- name to del Carretto and dated at Rome on 22 August, 1516, rope.*? Ragusa was a clearinghouse of rumors, and and 31 January, 1517; see Sanudo, Diaru, XXIV, 215, 216the arrival of everv merchantman brought new ones 17, 437 ff., a letter dated at Rhodes on 29 May, 1517; vol.

y 8 * XXV, cols. 72, 94-95; vol. XXVI, col. 158).

The crusade Was NO papal conspiracy as the But Peter Schiner, a Hospitaller on Rhodes and petulant Germans liked to believe. Among informed per- nephew of the Swiss Cardinal Matthias Schiner, thought there sons there could be no doubt of the desperate need was little danger threatening from the Turks in February, for firm opposition to the Turks. Fabrizio del Car- 1517, when he wanted to return home, and del Carretto de-

h PP d € th y ‘tall had clined to grant him permission to do so, because (del Carretto

retto, t € gran master of the ospita ers, Na said) a Turkish attack was feared (see Schiner’s interesting letter learned with dismay of Sultan Selim’s victory Over to the cardinal, dated at Rhodes on 12 February, 1517, in

the Persians.*? The destruction of Mamluk power Biichi, Korrespondenzen . . . d. Kard. Matth. Schiner, 11 [1925], no. 604, 180-81). Leo X was trying to enlist Swiss mercenaries

for service against the Turks, and was annoyed at Cardinal Schiner’s unrelenting hostility to France, which was a divisive “° J. Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I’ (1515-1547), force working against Leo’s effort to achieve pax et unio in

Paris, 1908, pp. 7-8. Furope (tbid., nos. 645-46, 650, 670, pp. 260-62, 266-67, °7 J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, eds., Diplomatarium Ragu- 285).

sanum, Budapest, 1887, no. 426, p. 675. *! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. II, fols. 54— °° Ibid., no. 434, p. 680. Louis was trying to collect 3,000 55, by modern stamped enumeration, ‘datum Rhodi die XXX florins in sortem census from the Ragusei, of which they paid Maii, 1518,” and “. . . die prima Iunii, 1518:” ‘“‘Quia ante 2,000 although they could not afford it—it was, they said, like | oculos habemus imminens periculum instantis ruine quam nobis snatching bread from their mouths (ibid., no. 436, p. 681, and _ potentissimus infidelis minatur et vires nostre sunt tenues ut

cf.®p.Ibid., 841). tante moli resistere possint et quotidie undique magis debilino. 437, p. 682. temur a quibus incrementum suscipere deberemus: non ces*° Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1514, nos. 46-48, vol. samus nostras calamitates vestre beatitudini recensere et pauXXXI (1877), pp. 71-72. In a letter of 6 February, 1514, —pertatem in qua sumus constituti declarare cum quotidie nostris congratulating his old friend del Carretto upon election as _ proventibus frustremur quo fit ut quodammodo soli remaneagrand master of the Hospital at Rhodes in succession to the late mus. . .”’ (fol. 55, from the letter of 1 June, 1518). Both these

182 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT A dozen years earlier a young Hospitaller, Fra I shall not say all, but the greater part of the Cyclades Sabba da Castiglione (1485?-1554), had found life and of the other famous islands, surrounded and bathed

lonely but fascinating ‘‘on the deserted, arid, and by the Aegean Sea, the fortunate homes of so many uninhabited island of Rhodes, which suffers from _d!Vine persons, and among others I was on the illustrious

an extreme lack of just about everything except sand of i ne the irehplace of “pore and i" tana,

rocks, stones, and the sea.” So he described the W/ere with a heavy heart and a furrowed brow I beheld island to Isabella d’ Este, the marchesa of Mantua, in an undated letter which must have been written in the late summer of 1505, the first of his three He searched in vain for pieces to send to Isabella, years of residence at the Rhodian Convent. The but everything was tanto maggior del naturale, and grand master’s garden was full of ‘“‘sculture ex- so impossible to carry off and send to Mantua. To cellentissime,”’ to which the Knights attached no _ be sure, as he wrote Isabella, had there been works importance, and which they left exposed to the _ of portable size, they would not have remained on wind, rain, snow, and all manner of storms. Fra Delos for him to see. A sailor had found two coins, Sabba grieved at the lot of these ancient works of | one of which had been entirely eaten by time. ‘The art, as though they were ‘‘the unburied bones of | other he sent Isabella, wrapped in a sonnet he had my father.”’ Before his departure for Rhodes, he composed at Delos as he gazed at the desolate rehad visited Isabella at Mantua (in May, 1505), and_ = mains of Apollo’s temple.

. , the ruined walls, the broken columns, and the statues

; , strewn upon the ground... .

had promised to send her antiquities from Rhodes. In April, 1507, Fra Sabba wrote the marchesa, , Since some of the Knights, however, Tegardec . . . Iam sending your Excellency a marble statuette, the antiquarian interests of certain Italians, and without head and arms (to my great regret), the upper especially Fra Sabba’s, as idolatrous, he thought parts nude and the lower covered with the thinnest he was in some danger of ending up as a heretic drapery. I got it from the island of Naxos. Although it in the hands of the inquisitor. Nevertheless, if Is- is not as complete as I could wish, still I beg your Excellency

abella would get the French governor of Milan, to deign to receive it with a light heart and untroubled M. de Chaumont, who happened to be a nephew countenance, having a larger consideration for my good of the then Grand Master d’ Amboise, to write the ‘tention than for the condition of the gift. I am of the latter on Sabba’s behalf, it would be easy to collect opinion that, however much it may be maimed and mu-

re tilated, will nevertheless antiquities foritIsabella. And thus the not waydisplease was fi- ; oeMesser Andrea 1] d. Th th h d and Mantegna and Giovanni Cristoforo Romano. . . . Tonally prepared. ‘nen, as the months passed an gether with the statuette I am sending two little heads of the opportunities of transport presented them- Amazons, which came from Castel S. Pietro, or rather

selves, Sabba sent the acquisitive marchesa price- from Halicarnassus, and if they had been better, I should less pieces of ancient statuary, coins, and other _ have sent them the more willingly. I want also to inform relics of that distant past which he much preferred _ your Excellency how, these past days, I have finished two

to the age in which he lived. months of furious winter weather aboard a galley, in order

Fra Sabba went on tours of duty aboard the to get to Castel S. Pietro to see the magnificent tomb

Hospitaller galleys through which has recently been discovered there. But when we

were on the point of disembarking on the land, word came that twenty armed Turkish vessels were on their way to attack the Order, so that we were constrained to

letters are the originals, and are signed “Humillimus servulus go back to our islands to give them the news and [our] et creatura, Magister Rhodi, f. fabricius,”’ the signature being assistance, without seeing the tomb. . . . Concerning

the master’s own. for A third with Ithe same signature a 7grand ; matters here, theletter, present can give your ;Excellency

(ibid., fol. 56), reports: ““Turcus non longe ab Alleppo distat et her inf, . han th oh he Fast is dull omnino decrevit eventum belli tentare cum Soffi quem non 110 Ole information than that, right now, the East 1s du multi facit; tamen quotidie innumere militum manus ad eum and quiet.

tendunt et preterito tempore numquam tam potentem exercitum comparavit, quod signum est sophiane vires non sunt parvi pendende, tametsi Turcus aliter ostendat. In his provinciis ** Alessandro Luzio, ‘‘Lettere inedite di Fra Sabba da Canobis circumvicinis vulgatum est Sanctitatem vestram expedi- _ stiglione,’’ Arch. stor. lombardo, 2nd ser., III (1886), 91-112, tionem parasse et classem innumeram Brubusii [Brindusii] coe- _ has published seven letters (preserved in the Archivio Gonzaga gisse ut Avlonam aut Dyrachium transfretet, de quo maximum _at Mantua) from Sabba to Isabella d’ Este. For my quotations, timorem conceperunt [Turci] arbitrantes hoc verum esse. Nos __ see ibid., pp. 98-99, 102-3, 106-7. Having consulted with the rogationes triduo et biduo ieiunia celebravimus, Deum rogantes _ captain of Castel S. Pietro, who came to Rhodes in September, ut animorum unitatem Christianorum principum conservet et 1507, and with an engineer from Cremona, Sabba decided that

Sanctitatem vestram in tam laudando proposito confirmet. . .” he could send the whole tomb ‘‘safe and sound”’ to Mantua, (dated 7 June, 1518). Cf. Sanudo, Diari, XXV, 428-29, 462, parendome cosa che vaglia el prezzo come ognuno me dice (ibid., p.

464, 473-90, 497, etc., relating to the Turco-Persian strife to 109), but he clearly never did so. There is a rather rhetorical

which del Carretto alludes. sketch of Sabba’s life by Francesco Peluso, ibid., Ist ser., II

~ . . . . . . . * . ° 45

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 183

Caught in the throes of historical and artistic ist, Bibbiena was an old friend of the pope;*” he romanticism, Sabba da Castiglione seems to have | was also commonly regarded as quite anti-French. been one of those who extolled the past, as Tacitus The Bolognese Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio was puts it, recentium incuriosus. The East, however, sent to England, where Wolsey was later appointed would not remain ‘dull and quiet”? much longer, — his associate in the legatine mission ‘‘with equal for members of his Order would soon be fighting authority, faculty, and power,”’ according to a spe-

for their lives on the ramparts of Rhodes. cial bull of I June, 1518. Cardinal Egidio Canisio

a da Viterbo was sent to Spain. The prospect of a

To secure ratification of the five years’ truce, great expedition against the Turks was causing to help plan the countless details of the crusade, some excitement in Europe. Sultan Selim had left and to represent him at the principal center of = Cairo on 10 September, 1517, spent more than European power, Leo X proposed to send out as seven months in Syria, and thereafter returned to legati de latere tour of the most prominent mem- — [stanbul where he arrived in late June, 1518.* bers of the Sacred College. At first Cardinal Venetian envoys waited on him in Cairo and afAlessandro Farnese (later Pope Paul III) was ap- — yerwards in Istanbul. The treaty in existence bepointed as legate to the imperial court. Owing to” tween Venice and the Porte since the conclusion illness, however, he could not undertake the mis- of the last war between them (1502-3)*” had been sion, and so ‘Tommaso Gaetano da Vio, better known as Cajetan, recently created cardinal with §=—————— the title of S. Sisto, was appointed in his place. 196 On the mission of ‘Tommaso (Cajetan) to Germany and When he departed for Germany, Tommaso re- | his well-known encounter with Martin Luther at Augsburg, see ceived the special blessing of the pope, and was Robert H Fife, Phe Revolt of Martin ! uther, New York and ; 4sbyIsthe as cardina far as the 1968, pp. 280-301, 491-92.1519. Tommaso returned from accompanied sas h farLondon, as the house Germany on 5 September, of the archbishop of Nicosia, almost to S. Maria As late as 27 March (1518) Farnese was still expected to leave del Popolo.™ Bernardo Dovizi, cardinal of Bib- for Germany on the twenty-ninth (“Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ biena, was appointed legate to France. A human- Arch stor. italiano, XX1 [1875], 234): Paride Grassi, ed. Hoff-

. . . ~ >¥~ . ‘| ? aah AY . L } N

‘ mann, pp. 407—8, says that Leo X believed Farnese’s illness was

feigned. According to the report of the Venetian ambassador (1876), 357-76. Sabba’s black marble tombstone, set. within to the Holy See in Sanudo, Diaru, XXV, 351, Bibbiena left fading frescoes by Francesco Menzocct, 1s stall preserved in the Rome on 13 April, Campeggio on the fifteenth, and Egidio nave of his commandery church of S. Maddalena in Faenza, on — Canisio on the sixteenth. The departure of the legates had been which note Elizabeth W. Schermerhorn, On the Trail of the Eight- expected from day to day (Guasti, ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’

Pomted Cross, New York, 1940, pp. 77-78, 177, 263-64, — Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII [1876], 7, and note p. 12).

383-84. Cf Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell.,

SN letter written in the name of Cardinal de’ Medici to Reg. 31, fols. 84°, 85', and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 217, Altobello Averoldt, bishop of Pola and apostolic nuncio to Ven- 221, and see G. L. Moncallero, ‘“‘La Politica di Leone X ice, fixes the first appomtment of the legates to the morning =... ,”” Renascamento, VIII (1957), 64-69. of 3 March, 1518 (7 Manoscritti Vorrigiani,”” Arch. stor. italiano, 45 Note Leo X’s letter to the French chancellor Antoine XXI [1875], 228-29), which is also the date given in Arch. — Duprat, in Charriére, Negociations, I, 71, dated at Rome on 7 Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. April, 1518, and cf. B. Knos, Janus Lascaris (1945), pp. 16283°, and Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 210. Cf Sanudo, Diarn, 63. Sanudo, Diarn, XX VI, 302-3, preserves a most interesting XXV, 288, 294, 310, 311, 321, 337, 348. Ina rather unusual report from Paris dated 9 December, 1518, concerning Bibgesture Leo X undertook to pay the expenses of the four legates biena’s approach to Francis I: “*. . . e il Re volse esso Legato (cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 |[repr. 1956], 158-59). On the _ parlasse in latin vulgar per poterli far riposta lui, et non parlando bishop of Pola, note Guicciardini, Stora d’ Haha, XIII, 8, ed. — latin conveniria far far ad altri, e voleva tutti fosseno testimoni

Florence: Salani, 1963, II], 274, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, — di quello si oferira di far, accid, non lo facendo, fusse tenuto IV-1, 152. Paride Grassi, Diarreum, ad ann. 1518, dates the cre- — mancador di fede. Et cussi il Legato fece una belissima oratione ation of the four legates on Wednesday, 4 March (ed. Chr. G. vulgar, dicendoli il pericolo di la christiana religione per Turchi, Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum ac monumentorum .. . collectto, —exortando Soa Maesta a tuor le arme in mano come primogenito

Leipzig, 1731, pp. 402-4), speaks disparagingly of Cardinal — di Santa Chiexia et re Christianissimo. . . .”’ Bibbiena then

Thomas Bak6cz, and affirms that papal legates ranked above — emphasized that Francis possessed all the qualities of a successful kings (guia semper Legati debent esse supra Reges quoscumque). crusader—military experience, greatness of spirit, good health,

** Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 229’- youth, and the requisite economic resources and power. Ref230", letter dated at Rome on 4 May, 1518, addressed ““Im- — erence has already been made to this text in Chapter 4 of the peratori circa legatum.” Cf, ehid , fols. 268-69, and Paride — present volume, note 2.

Grassi, Diaruim, ad ann. 1518, ed. Hoffmann, op. cit, p. 411, 46 The sultan’s return to Istanbul was known in Rome by who dates Tommaso da V10’s departure on Wednesday, 5 May. mid-August (Guasti, “‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano,

According to Paride Grassi, p. 408, Leo appointed Tommaso — 3rd ser., XXIII [1876], 409). On the date of the sultan’s deon 13 April, but the date is given as 26 April in Van Gulik, — parture from Cairo, cf Bernhard Moritz, in the Festschrift Eduard Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, 1 (1923), — Sachau, Berlin, 1915, p. 428. p. 16b and note 7; the day of the month is left blank in Ray- 47 Predelli, Regesti dei Commemonialt, V1, bk. XIX, no. 12, pp.

naldus, Ann. el, ad ann. 1518, no. 52, vol. XXXI (1877), p. 65-66, dated 14 December, 1502, and 20 May, 1503, and cf.

184 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT renewed in September, 1517, with the Venetians upon Christians;. . . his great preparations of ships and agreeing to pay the sultan the annual tribute of rowers, artillery, munitions, and food are not being 8,000 ducats which they had formerly paid the ™ade against Syria or the sophi, nor are they needed

Mamluks for possession of Cyprus.*8 against tungary or Poland, but everyting eee us te

ye . the other islands... .

As ecclesiastics in the Curia debated the cru- 2° '€V€ Mat Us preparation Is against italy, sicily, an sade, they easily infected one another with the fear

that the Turk might make his first move against The pope had written to Francis and the other the Christian front in the spring of 1518.4? Forces _ princes an infinite number of times, Staffileo was were to be recruited from everywhere possible, told; considered so many relevant matters; offered and toward the end of December, 1517, Antonio all his temporal and spiritual resources; and could Pucci was directed to make clear to the Swiss that only lament that no plan was ever concluded.

the crusade was .not to bewelooked upon as an affair i, . the 7 . princes, While wastecome time in negotiating and writing, of the pope and the other ““ma im+, ds it | k and ne his ol . le di tucta la Cristianita.’2° In this. urk spends it in getting to work and putting his plans

presa universale di tu mS into effect, and he will have taken some Christian port

context we may again remark that the POpe s lead- before we have the news that he has even set out! ership in the crusade cast him conspicuously ina_. . . And do believe that these things are not being role of universal authority, while his activities as written for effect nor for some general propriety, but an Italian dynast were seriously compromising his for very truth, for our lord [the pope] can take little position as the spiritual father of Christendom. pleasure in the thought that this ruin can come upon But of course the crusade had much to rec- US !n the time of his pontificate! ommend itself to the pope as an Italian prince. For ~The correspondence of Cardinal de’ Medici for

example, the letter of 30 December (1517) sent the turn of the year 1517-1518 makes clear the in Cardinal de’ Medici’s name to Giovanni Staf- extent of his papal cousin’s preoccupation with the

fileo in France states eastern question.*3

that the Turk is returning to Constantinople victorious The diplomats had much to talk about, and they and secure, without hindrance or fear of the [Persian] _ talked much. It was assumed that if the Christians sophi, with the certain intention of launching an attack did not soon strike at Sultan Selim, he would strike nos. 9-11, 16; this treaty had been more recently renewed in 5! Tbid., XXI, 205. May, 1513 (2bid., VI, bk. Xx, nos. 9, 12, pp. 130-32). On the 52 Ibid., XXI, 205-6, letter to Giovanni Staffileo, bishop of Turco-Venetian peace of 1502-3, see Volume II, p. 523, esp. | Sebenico, dated 30 December, 1517.

notes 80 and 81. °° A letter of 9 January, 1518, informs Staffileo that ‘‘ogni

*® Predelli, Regesti, V1, bk. Xx, no. 64, pp. 143-44, dated at giorno si ha nuovi advisi de li apparati grandi et de la mala Cairo 8 September, 1517, and cf. nos. 65, 67, and Sanudo, _ mente di quel Signore [Selim] verso li Cristiani. . .”’ (“‘MSS.

Diaru, XXV, 416, and vol. XXVIII, col. 69. On 5 November, ‘Torrigiami,” Arch. stor. italiano, X XI, 209). In Switzerland An1517, the Venetian Senate informed the bailie in Istanbul that — tonio Pucci is assured that the pope is working for the peace the Cypriote tribute would henceforth be sent to the Porte, and security of the princes as well as his own, ‘“‘et maxime hora and on the tenth wrote Selim assurance to the same effect (Arch. _ per le cose del Turco, le quali ogni di si monstrono piu periculose

di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 86", 87). The . . .” (bid., XXI, 210). A letter of 8 February, 1518, expresses tribute to the Mamluk soldan of Egypt had been paid in pre- | the same concern—“‘et maxime per conto de le cose del Turco, cious wares such as clothes, cloth, harness for horses, perfumes, le quali sono di momento grandissimo, perche ogni di si intende porcelains, and theriac; when the soldan found the tribute in- __ per cosa certa li apparati grandi de la armata in Constantinoadequate or insufficient, the poor envoy who brought it was __ poli’’—that Sicily and southern Italy will be the first objects of likely to suffer (cf Predelli, Regesti, VI, bk. x1x, no. 13, p. 66, | Turkish attack (XXI, 217).

and cf. nos. 14, 21). When Francis I wanted to hire 10,000 Swiss mercenaries for

In June, 1518, Leo X, seeking every possible ally against the — service ‘‘against the Turk and every other enemy,” the pope Turk, sent the Dominican Nicholas of Schénberg as papal en- _ protested that this would produce another war and more convoy to the princes of Moscovy and of the Tatars (Arch. Segr. | fusion among the Christian princes, “‘which would be directly Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1194, fols. 135-36, by mod. stamped enu- opposite and contrary to the needs of the Holy See and the meration, and also in Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 231). On 30 = Christian commonwealth’’—while Turkish preparations were September, 1518, Cardinal de’ Medici sent Nicholas twenty- reaching terrifying proportions, Leo obviously feared the Swiss

five briefs relating to his mission for the kings of Hungary and would be used against every other enemy than the Turk! Poland and others (“‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, (ibid., XX1, 220-21). On 6 March (1518) a letter to Massimo 3rd ser., XXIV [1876], 17). Nicholas of Schénberg (Schom- —_Corvino, bishop of Isernia, repeats the oft-stated fact that ‘‘noberg) became archbishop of Capua in 1520 and a cardinal in _ stro Signor [il Papa] non ha maggiore pensiero che questa im1535 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia presa Turchesca’”’ (2bid., XXI, 230). Bulls were sent to all the

catholica, III [1923], 23, 151). He died in September, 1537. princes, prescribing the form in which intercessory processions #9 “Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXI, 203. should be held and prayers said ‘‘per la impresa del Turco”’

°° Ibid., X XI, 204. (ibid., XXIII [1876], 13, and see, ibid., XXIV [1876], 19).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 185 at them. Sanudo has, for example, preserved a The pope was trying to bring about “‘some sort contemporary text which informs us that the sul- of [European] confederation . . . to last for five tan was reading the life of Alexander the Great years.’’ Negotiations through the spring and sumand wanted to imitate him. Indeed, Selim hoped mer of 1518 did finally produce a five years’ truce, to become master of the world, and wanted to see to run from 1 September, among Francis I, MaxAfrica, Asia, and Europe come under his domi- _ imilian, and the doge of Venice. 7 Public opinion nation.°* As Leo X wrote Cardinals Wolsey and _ helped push the rulers in Europe toward peace, but Campeggio on 20 August, 1518, where there had the desire to deny Leo X the position of general been two “most ample empires” in the East, only arbiter which he had claimed for himself was also one now remained after the sultan’s destruction quite strong, and this secular tendency was in no of the Mamluk regime in Syria and Egypt.”? To way diminished as Cardinal Wolsey exerted his inthis one vast empire Greece was subject, florentis- fluence upon the negotiations which went on to

sma Europae pars, secure a general peace. The Venetian ambassador in London said of Wolsey’s sovereign, Henry VIII,

and now |the sultan], inflated by this victory, as we have that he was no more interested in the Turkish danheard, is preparing a great armada in the East for an ger than if it threatened India.°® attack, as many people suspect, upon Christian territo-

ries since he has no other enemies left whom he can) _____ 56

assail by sea... 57 Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 673-79, and vol. XXVI, col. 59; Predelli, Regest: dei Commemoriali, VI, bk. Xx, no. 84, pp. 148-

49, and cf. nos. 79, 85-87. Maximilian’s authorization to his

envoys to conclude the truce with Venice (dated 12 April, °4 Sanudo, Diarti, XXV, 439, and cf. vol. XXVI, col. 38. In 1518) contains the observation that the enmity of Christian a letter to the sultan dated in December, 1518, but presumably _ princes had been forever extending the power of the Turks. never sent, the famous Camaldulensian Fra Paolo Giustinian Cf. Leo X’s brief of 21 March, 1518, to Francis I in Arch. Segr. urged the Turchorum imperator “not to read the life of Caesar Vaticano, Arm. XL, tom. 3, no. 414, fol. 301. While Leo X or Alexander, of whom he was said to be most emulous, but —_was glad that Maximilian had accepted the five years’ truce that of Constantine and to try to imitate the latter, especially | with Venice, the members of the Curia Romana put little trust in his conversion to the faith of Christ if he wished to gain a in the imperial word (Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ quick dominion over the world to which he is said to aspire’ = Arch. stor. ttaliano, 3rd ser., XXIV [1876], 6). (Eugenio Massa, ed., Beato Paolo Giustiniani: Trattat, lettere e 58 Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, 237, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, frammenti, I, Rome, 1967, pp. 75, 83, where the letter is mis- I V-1 (repr. 1956), 166, note. Sanudo, loc. cit., says, ““Soa Maesta

dated 1513). [Henry VIII] non monstro far molto conto [of the Turks in

°° On the very day that Leo X thus addressed Wolsey and Hungary], come se li havesse ditto nove de India.’ The quoCampeggio on the Turkish peril, the Venetian ambassador in _ tation appears ina letter of 9 November, 1518, from Sebastiano England informed the Signoria that the “perpetual peace” being | Giustinian in London to the Venetian government (see Rawdon negotiated by Wolsey with France (for the alleged purpose of | Brown, Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, II, 238, and Calundertaking an expedition against the Turks) appeared to be — endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 [London, 1867], no. 1102, approaching a settlement (letter of Sebastiano Giustinian, dated _ p. 473). at Lambeth on 20 August, 1518, in Rawdon Brown, ed., Cal- Henry VIII might not be worried about the Turks in eastern endar of State Papers. . . , Venice, 11 [London, 1867], no. 1063, Europe, but the Hungarians and Venetians were. There was p. 453). Wolsey’s intentions, however, despite his protestations —_a serious Turkish irruption into Hungary in August, 1518 (Saof support for the crusade (zbid., no. 1062, p. 453), were quite nudo, XXVI, 45-48), and in March, 1519, three envoys of the

otherwise, as we shall soon note. king of Hungary, on a mission to Venice and the Curia Romana, °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 73-74, who misdates the letter informed the Venetian Senate ‘“‘che vedendo quella Maesta “MDXVII, XIII Kal. Sept.” Charriere took his text from Thos. [Louis II of Hungary] el regno suo quotidie deteriorar per le Rymer, Foedera, XIII, 621; 3rd. ed., ed. George Holmes, VI incursion et danni faceano Turchi, iquali haveano diminuto

(The Hague, 1741), 146-47, where it is correctly dated. 1 found — quel regno de forze et homeni, erano astretti ricercar el summo

the archival text of this letter in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. — Pontefice come universal capo de Christiani per unir li principi Vat. 1203, fols. 131°-133", and also fols. 139'-140", by original ad pace azio li possino dar qualche suffragio, perche quella enumeration, ‘“‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, ann. etc., | Maesta per se sola non é sufficiente ad prevalerse da tanta millesimo quingentesimo decimo octavo, tertio decimo Kal. potentia, ma convenir cieder. . .”’ (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno sexto;”’ cf, ibid., fols. 130"- — Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 6"). Intercessory processions were 131", also to Wolsey and Campeggio on 18 August, 1518. Leo’s held and the crusade was published in Hungary, where the letters, as we have noted, often allude to the unnatural violence nobility was at odds and feared the consequences of the anof the ‘““Turcarum tyrannus”’ and express fear of the terrible | nouncement, since the government wanted to make peace conqueror of Egypt (zd:d., fols. 164°, 179°, 180°, et alibz). with the Porte (Sanudo, XXVI, 43, and “‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Travelers from the Levant brought alarming tales of the size XXIV, 7).

of the Turkish armada and the unhappy assurance that Italy Wolsey had been trying for some time to organize a Eurowas the sultan’s objective (Sanudo, Diarii, XXV, 335). Inevi- pean league, with the English and French kings as the first tably rumors of the projected crusade reached Istanbul (ibid.,_ partners, and although ‘‘di questa [nova lega] offerisce fare capo XXVI, 18, 22, 159), but the sultan found them amusing, et se Sua Santita,”’ his intentions were obviously otherwise (cf. Guasti,

ne ridea! (ibid., col. 95). ‘“Manoscritti Torrigiani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII

186 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In October, 1518, the treaty of London was Wolsey had made no effort to conceal his ininitiated by the representatives of Henry VIII and tention of frustrating Leo X’s effort to assume Francis I, who undertook to secure its further rat- political leadership in Europe. The facts had been

ification by the pope and the heads of the Euro- reported by Campeggio, to whom Cardinal pean states within four months. The agreement de’ Medici wrote on 6 October, 1518: established a defensive league against any stat€ The words which the cardinal of York | Wolsey] used in

which attack one of for thedealing signatories and nag hi ee ‘1heefyive theyears fi ; rue idedshould detailed with the 6to pape provided 1 proce procedures ; § i.e., ‘that they were not ready concede so much to the

signatories Own infractions of its terms. Although pope as that he should publish a truce,”’ etc., have caused the new league was said to have been formed to our lord [the pope] extreme displeasure. If such words

protect papal authority and to oppose the Turkish _ were not fitting for any Christian to use, much less should peril, the treaty deals only very generally and su- a cardinal either use or think them, and especially York perficially with the problem of making war onthe of his Holiness, from whom he has received such great Ottoman government.°* Leo X’s efforts to make honors and favors. From this, one can understand what himself the final adjudicator of international dis- '¢ Holy See and the pope can confide in him or expect

putes were disregarded. Papal prestige had been o him! ass proposals nave not been unusual, dealt a considerable blow. What is more, as far as haces. Sree many other’ popes lave aeciare

the crusade was concerned, Leo saw clearly that oo the treaty of London, which was allegedly de-

signed: to assure the ad peace of Europe in anni; perpetuity, drete, si extende farla solum per cinque non perche would very likely prove of shorter duration than \ : ; ; , . ostro Signore [Leo X] non la desiderassi perpetua, ma perché:

the five years’ truce which he had envisaged asa ta sia pil ferma et si observi pid facilmente. Imperocché le period of offensive action against the Turks. confederationi che hanno un termine prefinito, pare che li Prin-

cipi durante decto tempo si guardino piu dal violarle, et piu facilmente ancora si correggono al fine di decto termine; et cosi

ae quando si intende che una cosa ha ad essere perpetua, la quale [1876], 405 ff.). Giustinian was replaced as Venetian ambas- non piace hora ad uno, hora ad un altro, secondo li apetiti sador to England by Antonio Surian on 2 April, 1519 (Sen. de’ Principi, pensando di averla ad interrompere col tempo ad Secreta, Reg. 47, fols. 162’-163"). His appointment had begun ogni modo, tengono meno conto de la fede, et non manca le on 4 January, 1515 [Ven. style 1514] (ibid., Reg. 46, fol. 84"); ghavillationi et excuse ad uscire de le conventioni. . . .” Cf, he returned to Venice in May, 1520 (ibid., Reg. 48, fol. 119”). jbid., XXIV (1876), 6, 13-14; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 239-43, °° The treaty of London and related documents are given, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, I1V-1 (repr. 1956), 164-67; Dorothy from a papal bull dated 31 December, 1518 (see note below), Vaughan, Europe and the Turk, Liverpool, 1954, p. 106. in Thos. Rymer, Foedera, ed. George Holmes, VI (The Hague, In April, 1518, Francis I was said to be quite willing to accept 1741), 169-74, and cf. Charriére, Négociations, 1, 75, note; Sa- _ the pope’s five years’ truce, and indeed wanted to be the first nudo, Diarti, XXVIII, 16, 465 ff.; a summary of the treaty, _ to ratify it (““MSS. Torrigiani,”’ X XIII [1876], 8), but the pope dated 2 October, is given by Predelli from the Venetian copy found him inconsistent and hard to deal with (ebid., XXIV, 210

in the Commemoriali (Regesti, VI, bk. Xx, no. 89, pp. 150-51, ff.) On 8 October, 1517, the Franco-Venetian alliance of and cf. nos. 99-101). The letters of the Venetian ambassador March, 1513, had been renewed (Predelli, Regesti, V1, bk. xx, in London, Sebastiano Giustinian, dated 1, 5, and 10 October, no. 7, p. 130, the treaty of Blois, and cf. nos. 23, 30), with the 1518, giving such details of the treaty as he could learn, are continued exclusion of the pope from its provisions (ibid., bk. summarized in Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 156-57, 170-72, and = xx, no. 70, p. 146), although of course Leo X was later included translated by Rawdon Brown, Four Years at the Court of Henry (ibid., bk. XX, nos. 122, 145). Various documents relating to VIII, II, 223-32. The young Charles [V] of Spain presented a the peace of 1518 may be found in the Archivio di Stato di difficulty, at first, to the new Anglo-French allies since he did — Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47 (1516-1518). not wish to allow the restoration of the d’ Albret family to the °! ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., throne of Navarre (Sanudo, Diarti, XX VI, 94, 380, and vol. XXIV (1876), 21. The fact that the proposed five years’ truce

XXVII, cols. 90-91, 198). had been so widely discussed in Europe (Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, We should perhaps note that after the French victory at 6, 103, 105-6, 116, 212, 250 ff.) added to the pope’s humilMarignano in September, 1515, the Swiss confederation had _ iation. The Curia Romana had known what was in the offing ceased to be an important political or military power. Although —(‘‘MSS. Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, XXIV [1876], 5 ff., 13~

by the paix perpetuelle of 29 November, 1516, the Swiss became 14), but the expectation of disappointment does not always dependent allies of Francis I, who granted them economic and ___ lessen its effect.

other concessions (Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, IV-1 Campeggio returned to Rome from the English legation in [Amsterdam, 1726], no. CXI, pp. 248-51), they were anxious late November, 1519 (Paride Grassi, Diarium, ed. Chr. G. Hoffto maintain neutrality in the struggle of Valois and Hapsburg. mann, Nova scriptorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 433The French king might, however, recruit limited numbers of 34). His colleague Bibbiena returned from the French legation

Swiss for the defense of his own territories. just before Christmas, 1519, and was readmitted to the con-

6° See the letter of 20 August, 1518, written in the name of _ sistory on Monday, 9 January, 1520 (ibid., p. 441). Bibbiena Cardinal de’ Medici to Campeggio, in Guasti, ed., ‘‘Manoscritti died on Friday, 9 November, 1520, of a mysterious illness: an Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXIII (1876), 413— autopsy, performed on the tenth, showed that ‘“‘viscera eius 14: ‘‘. . . Quanto al mandato per la lega universale, come ve- _inventa sunt livida, quasi ex veneno corrupta” (ibid., p. 456).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 187 Whatever the disappointment felt in Rome at already dead (11 January), and for several months this eclipse of papal influence over the affairs of _ the courts of Europe were divided and kept almost the Christian commonwealth, the Curia couldonly on tenterhooks by the question of the imperial welcome such a treaty among the powers. Kings succession.°* Charles had a rival for the throne of as well as popes were the anointed of God. In his _ the Caesars in the person of the French king, who bull of 6 March (1518) declaring the five years’ was represented by his supporters as Germany’s truce in Europe, Leo X had informed the kings _ best safeguard against the sultan’s great ambition and princes of Europe that by its acceptance they and his certain aggression. must find favor “‘in conspectu Altissimi, qui eos The costs of the projected crusade gave the kings ex nichilo creavit et [de] cuius causa et de cuius_ and privy councils a persistent headache, and the honore agitur.’’°* Now they appeared to be mak- Curia Romana increased its general unpopularity, ing such a peace. The preamble to Leo’s bull especially in Spain and Germany, by the imposition Gaude et letare Iherusalem of 31 December (1518), of tithes. The news from France had been reassurby which he ratified the treaty of London, was ing, as when on 6 December, 1518, Cardinal Bibjubilant in tone: “Be glad and rejoice, O Jerusa- biena had reported Francis I’s open pledge to take lem, since now your deliverance can be hoped for. _ the cross, promising 3,000 men-at-arms and (alleg. . . The kings are assembling . . . to serve the edly) 40,000 infantry. His Majesty wanted procesLord against the fierce madness of the Turks and sions and solemn masses “‘per la vittoria contra 1

against the uncleanliness of Islam.’’®” infideli.’’ The king said, moreover, that a slight increase in the ordinary imposts and regular tithes, The papacy remained very much in the picture. together with the crusading levy, would suffice to In theory the crusade was a religious war, and the maintain the French army for three years. But the crusading tithe which only the pope could impose costs would in any event be very large.°° In Castile was an important source of revenue. Certainly the towering height to which Selim I had climbed °4 Charriére, Négociations, I, 75-76. Charles had already formade him so formidable a figure that the German mally signified his agreement to the five years’ truce in a letter empire, the Italian states, and Spain had to take tothe pope dated at Saragossa on 11 August, 1518, the original full stock of his position. On 14 January, 1519, of which, signed with his characteristic scrawl “Carolus,” may the young King Charles of Spain ratified the treaty be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. . ae II, fols. 62°-63". The death of Maximilian (on 11 January, at Saragossa, but his grandfather Maximilian was 1519) was known in Rome on the twenty-third, according to Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. 1519, ed. Chr. G. Hoffmann,

. Nova scriptorum . . . collectio, Leipzig, 1731, pp. 423 ff.: Leo X

Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, 401. One must not, however, take asked his master of ceremonies ‘‘quis modus servandus esset these frequent charges and suspicions of poison too seriously, in exequiali memoria eius ad Deum,” on which see also Leo’s on which note Alessandro Luzio, “Isabella d’ Este e Leone X __ address to the consistory on 24 January, 1519, in Arch. Segr.

dal Congresso di Bologna alla presa di Milano (1515-1521), Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 253°-254". Paride Arch. stor. ttaliano, XLV (1910), 248. During his French legation looked up the matter with all the ceremoniere’s pleasure in Bibbiena gave up his anti-French sentiments, and became a_ detail. Cf. ““Manoscritti Torrigiani,”’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser.,

strong supporter of Francis I. XXV (1877), 18, and Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, 434.

62 Charriére, Négociations, I, 67. Even before Maximilian’s death rumors had been flying back

°° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fols. 188’-199", by | and forth concerning the election of his successor (Sanudo, original enumeration, ‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, XXVI, 7, 37, 51, 94). A Hungarian embassy in Venice (on its anno incarnationis dominice millesimo quingentesimo decimo way to Rome with a desperate appeal to Leo X for aid against octavo, pridie Kal. Ianuari, {[pontificatus nostri] anno sexto”” the Turks before it was too late) told the Venetian Senate in (31 December, 1518). This copy of the bull is addressed to March, 1519, that Maximilian’s death had diverted the attenFrancis I; it dates the treaty of London on 1 October, 1518 tion of the European princes from the noble necessity of the (fol. 197"), and includes the text of the treaty and accompanying __ crusade, “‘et che se dolevano de la morte de |’ imperator perché

instruments. Cf. Charriére, Négociations, 1, 74-75, note. The vedevano quella esser causa de divertir li pensieri de li principi copy of the bull addressed to Henry VIII is given in Rymer, da questa laudabil et salutar operation . . .’”’ (Arch. di Stato VI, 170 ff. On the bull of ratification, see Cardinal de’ Medici’s di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 6”). The Hungarian en-

letter to Campeggio of 3 January, 1519 (‘‘Manoscritti Torri- voys also told the Senate confidentially that their king, Louis giani,’’ Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd ser., XXV [1877], 6 ff.). During II, aspired to the imperial dignity with which, in his closeness

the year 1518 Leo X made the crusade almost his major preoc- to the Turks, he could better defend his kingdom ‘“‘et cum cupation, sending his assurances to the Grand Master del Car- maior forze pugnar per la religion Christiana.” retto in Rhodes on 16 July, 1518, and appealing to various °° Charriére, Négociations, 1, 74, note. In a letter to the pope princes to support the expected expedition against the Turks dated at Paris on 11 February, 1518 (1519 by our reckoning), (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 233 ff.). Fran- | Francis promised to come to the aid of the Holy See, in the cesco Nitti, Leone X e la sua politica, Florence, 1892, p. 104, has event of a Turkish invasion, with 3,000 cavalry and 40,000 no doubt of Leo X’s sincerity in seeking the five years’ peace infantry. Ifa general offensive was organized against the Turks, in Europe ‘“‘per muovere una cruciata contro 1 Turchi.”’ however, and other nations did their share, he would provide

188 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Leo X had granted King Charles a tenth of the _ the idea was quickly taken up by the pamphleteers, income of all ecclesiastical benefices to encourage and was expounded a number of times in later dehis zeal for the Turkish war, but an assembly of the cades. According to the author of the tract of 1518 clergy refused to collect any such levy, asserting its (or rather 1474), if the Franciscans contributed one illegality short of an actual invasion of a Christian young man to the army from each of their convents, state by the Turks. Castile was put under the in- 36,000 soldiers would stand ready for service. The terdict. Charles had many problems in the Spanish Dominicans, Augustinians, and Carmelites could kingdoms. The interdict had little effect upon the furnish 36,000 more, and the other orders 36,000, Castilian clergy, and so the king requested the pope _ while the same number (another 36,000!) could be

to remove it.°° raised from the financial resources of the nunneries. The German imperial council had obligingly ex- Thus an army of about 140,000 men could be reempted the friars from helping to pay the costs of _cruited for the war against the Turks; a much larger the crusade, because they had no regular sources number could in fact easily be raised if the parish of income (exceptis mendicantium ordinibus, qui nullos churches in Franciscan hands were to be included habent reditus aut proventus),°’ but the Franciscans in the plan. Actually one might hope in this way to themselves revived an old plan in 1518 for raising put an army of 500,000 in the field. The costs of and maintaining an army from the combined re- equipping such an army could also be met by the

sources of the cloisters. Although reference is monks if every person in a cloister (reckoning on sometimes made in this context to the ‘‘tract of an average of thirty persons in each cloister) con1518,” both the text and plan of the project appear tributed one penny a week; every week 14,400 to go back at least to 1474.°° After 1518, however, pence would thus accrue to a general fund from all the cloisters, which would amount on an annual

To basis to 748,800 Hungarian gulden. The ambitious

4,000 cavalry and 50,000 infantry Ga I, 81-82). See also author of the tract believed that additional sums Sanudo, Diar, XXVI, 312. It was of course easy enough to Could be raised through a general tax to be collected

promise 40,000 or 50,000 infantry, but according to the Arch. bv the cl b nf: th Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. y thec ergy: a out 20,000,000 gulden In fact, with92°, Francis actually promised 4,000: ‘Die lune 20 Decembris Out counting the impost on Jews and the voluntary 1518 Rome fuit consistorium: Reverendissimus Cornelius legit offerings of rich and pious folk. If anyone should litteras reverendissimi domini Cardinalis S. Marie in Porticu advance the argument that such taxation would im-

[Bibbiena] apud Christianissimum Regem legati quibus conti- ‘sh Christend h Idb t ‘stak

nebatur quod Rex Christianissimus promittebat pro defensione poveris Mistendom, Ne wou € quite mistaken, Italie a Turcis personaliter venire cum tribus millibus levis ar- for the money would return to the people through mature equitibus, quatuor millibus peditum, et tormentis opportunis pro generali expeditione in Turcas.’’ Nevertheless, the — ————— minutes of the consistory of 20 December, as given in Acta’ which I have a microfilm before me, and which contains no Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 251", state that ‘‘rex Christianissimus indication of the date 1480. Hans Pfeffermann, Die Zusammenpromittebat pro defensione Italie a Turcis personaliter venire arbeit der Renaissancepdpste mit den Tiirken, Winterthur, 1946, cum tribus millibus gravis armature, sex millibus levis armature pp. 63, 248, note 37, erroneously believes that lorga has dated equitibus, XL m. peditum, et tormentis opportunis vel pro ge- _ the document more than forty years too early. As the Abbe

nerali expeditione in Turchas.” Louis Dedouvres, Le Pere Joseph de Paris, Capucin: L’ Eminence By one of several versions of the bull Dudum universos Christi —_grise, 2 vols., Paris and Angers, 1932, I, 356, has observed, fideles, the pope granted absolution on 1 September, 1518 (Kal. —“‘Les projets de croisade ont toujours charme les fils de saint Sept., anno sexto) to Francis and the officials of his treasury, who Francois d’ Assise,’’ for reasons to be found in S. Francis’s own had incurred ecclesiastical penalties by collecting more money career. for the crusade than an authorized 200,000 ducats (Arch. Segr. Actually the Franciscan tract, which usually has the heading Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1203, fol. 135"): the document says they Das ist ei anschlag eyns zugs wider die Tiirckenn, was printed as had ‘“‘probably” exceeded the authorized sum. On the same _ early as 1474, for which see Karoly Maria Kertbeny [a pseudate Francis was granted another crusading tithe for a year donym for K. M. Benkert], Bibliografte der ungarischen nationalen (ibid., fols. 136'-137", and cf. fols. 137°-138", 160°-164', 177"- — und internationalen Literatur, 1: Ungarn betreffende deutsche Erst-

180’, 187"™—-188"). lings-Drucke 1454-1600, Budapest, 1880, nos. 12-13. Despite

°° Charriére, Négociations, I, 76, note. Kertbeny’s doubt it was reprinted in 1479 (Erstlings-Drucke, no.

6” Charriére, Négociations, I, 53. 26), and appeared in numerous subsequent editions, including

®8 See N. Jorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a l’ histoire des _ six or eight in the year 1518 alone (Erstlings-Drucke, nos. 129croisades, V (Bucharest, 1915), no. LXXVI, pp. 58-62, listed as | 36, and Car! Gollner, Turcica, 1 [1961], nos. 105-9, where var-

from the Tiirken-Hilff de anno 1446 bis 1518, in the old Royal ious other anti-Turkish items are listed as being printed in Library, now the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, MS. lat. 1518). On the anti-Turkish tracts (Tuirkenbiichlein), see John W. et germ. 14,668, fols. 110-113”: ‘‘Dise vorgeschribne Ordnung — Bohnstedt, ““The Infidel Scourge of God: The Turkish Menace

ist gemacht worden auff den Heyligen Cristabent, anno Domini, | as Seen by German Pamphleteers of the Reformation Era,” etc., 1480.” Although Iorga cites only this manuscript, it is Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., LVIII, pt.

clear that he derived his text from a source with numerous 9 (1968), who has also noted (pp. 9, 17, 35-36) the Anschlag readings at variance with those of the Munich MS. 14,668, of — eyns zugs wider die Tiirckenn.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 189 the purchase of provisions and munitions, and all Viewing the crusade as a crude ecclesiastical deareas would profit from the whole undertaking. The _ vice to extort money, the advocates of reform took

expansive author finally urged the organization of particular exception to the tithe, and were genfive armies, each of 50,000 men, to drive back the erally venomous in their attitude toward the paTurks, convert them to Christianity, and retake the pacy. Charges of venality had been levied at Rome Holy Sepulcher.°? The figures vary in the different for some four centuries,’’ and now they were tak-

texts, all being marked by nonsense. ing powerful effect. A Latin pamphlet, repreForty years later (in March, 1558), while assuring sented as an oration before the princes at an the then Emperor Ferdinand that he was indulging imperial diet (printed in March, 1519, and once in ‘“‘kein Rhetorick odder hohe Kunst,” one Simon attributed to Ulrich von Hutten), may serve as an Wolder reckoned the available manpower of the example of the anti-papal propaganda which had monasteries as 2,200,000, with a half or a fourth filled Germany for many years, and was now being of whom one would have plenty of men to fight directed against the Florentine Leo X with espethe Turk: “‘Das macht zusamen zwei und zwenzig cial virulence:

mal hundert man: Wanns gleich halb odder den . erdtentheil h h +d h leut If ever the German princes needed prudence, counsel,

vierdtentnel macit, so hetten wir dennoc th and concord to defend their honor and the common good uberflussig snug. Yes, indeed. In the fifteenth , they seem to me to require them above all at this and sixteenth centuries the Medici, Fugger, and time... . . Four legates are now spewn forth. . . to the various Venetian merchants as well as the Venetian Christian nations to incite the kings and princes to ungovernment had an acute awareness of the signif- dertake an expedition, but actually to mulct them of icance of large numbers, but for Simon Wolder and money.. . . But the Christian empire has been established his predecessors they obviously lacked meaning and not with arms, not with the sword, but by piety and the could be employed with small sense of reality. best examples of living... . . We have lost many empires, Although the Klosterknaben marching off to the because we have not retained the arts by which they were

; produced. Piety has been lost, but we have kept the word. he G f havi f th ...If.. .Germany. . . had concentrated the funds the German reformers were having none of them. — which she alone has poured out for pallia and such nonsense in the time of the two princes Frederick [III] and 69 m Maximilian, we should now have the sinews of a state Ein sonder und furnem bedencken, Wie man wider den Turcken, . There .. Sy os . entirely sufficient for a Turkish war. would no der sich itzt mit Gewalt erfur gibt, Ziehen unnd denselbigen fuglicher —_ Turkish wars appear in popular songs of the day,

weiss bekrergen und dempfden kan. . . , 1518, 8 leaves (on which longer be any need to weary the Christian world and load note Gollner, Turcica, I[1961], no. 111, p. 74), and cf, Anschlag _ it with new tributes every day and to fleece the poor. The wider die grausamen und blutduirstigen Thiranney des Tiirgken. . . , | pope gets a revenue from his own lands such as no one 1541 (Gollner, I, no. 701, p. 331), both cited by Richard Eber- _ of the Christian kings receives [!], and yet we keep buying mann, Die Turkenfurcht, diss., Halle a. S., 1904, pp. 38-40. The _pallia, and we send asses to Rome laden with gold: we do

latter work is actually the tract of 1474/ 1518, on which ¢- bear the yoke of Christ, we promise gifts, we exchange

Bohnstea ade cours of won Pp. i Pchermann, op gold for lead, everywhere we tolerate negligences—alas,

at, p. 248, note 37, mistakenly believes the plan outlined in my pen slipped, I mean indulgences [negligentias (heu lapsus

the;works cited above indulgentias originated in June, 1523, when it wasThe . ; an . . : sum calamo) passim admittimus]. immense

submitted PopePommern.,] Adrian VINew (seeTiirckenbiichlin following note). . ¢ ; VATICE O ital... ! _ 7° [Simon to Wolder, derglerchen

vor diser zeit nie getruckt worden: Rathschlag und christliches be- You want to overthrow the Turk: I laud the ambition, dencken, wie one sonderliche beschwerde der Obrigkeit, auch der Un- but I fear you are going astray—seek [the enemy] in

derthanen, der Christenhet Erbfeind der Turck zu Wasser unnd Italy, not in the East! Each one of our kings is strong Land zuuberziehen. . . were. = » durch Simon Wolder, Pommern. enough to defend his own frontiers against the Turk. . . - » Frankfurt, 1558, fols. iin, 4°-5, et passim. Wolder had, But all Christendom does not suffice to win out over

or clothes studied ve hath, of 1 . ane ne ms fmancial that other [the pope]. The former, caught up ina tumult

calcularions are similar to theirs, Dut be reckons in faler on a with his neighbors, has not injured us yet, but the latter basis of twenty-five persons in some 200,000 ‘‘Stifft und Cl6- th ttack h d th; f he blood stern” giving their penny each week. When he includes the [the pope] attacks everywhere and thirsts or the DI0o parochial contributions with those of the monastic foundations, of the poor. You cannot slake this Cerberus’s thirst exhe reaches the total of 273,750,000 Taler available for war CEept with a flood of gold. There is no need of arms, no against the Turk each year. Besides an additional tithe on all need to raise an army. Tithes will accomplish more than ecclesiastical incomes, Wolder would also impose various as- troops. . . . I fear the indignation of Christ, not that sessments on the Jews and on the laity hohes unnd nidern Stands,

arm unnd reich, niemandts aussgeschlossen, and the sum of all moneys he would collect for the anti-Turkish war would amount —§ —————————

each year to the grand total of 821,250,000 Taler! Essentially ” In the twelfth century the English satirist Walter Map, De the same plan as that of 1474 and 1518 was presented to the — nugzs curialium, ed. Thomas Wright, London, 1850, pp. 86-87 consistory of Hadrian VI on 12 June, 1523 (Charriére, Négo- (Camden Society, vol. 50), had furnished his readers with the

citations, 1, 102). acrostic Radix omnium malorum avaritia (= Roma).

190 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of the Florentines; but in truth the business of the Flor- (since Maximilian’s death) the archduchy of Austria.

entines is getting done, not that of Christ. The heir of Charles the Bold of Burgundy as well Last summer at incredible expense a war was fought as of Maximilian, of Ferdinand of Aragon as well against Francesco [Maria della Rovere], the duke of 4. of {sabella of Castile, Charles, if chosen by the

Urbino, who was thrown out of his principality. . . , electors. would rule a ° mpero ° t

and Lorenzo de’ Medici stepped into his place... . ~ domains th 0 th 5 & 7 r cd MOPE EXTEN:

Now that the duke of Urbino has fled, [the pope] threat- S!V€ Gomains than those of any predecessor since

ens the duke of Ferrara with a similar fate. When he the days of Charlemagne. Certain electors, therehas also been ejected, we shall set up a kingdom and fore, seemed favorably disposed toward Francis I, salute Lorenzo de’ Medici, citizen of Florence, as the the victor of Marignano, the proposed leader of king of Tuscany. . . . But remember that you are Ger- the crusade against the Turks, and the friend of mans, that is, that you are a people freer than others by Pope Leo X since the conference of Bologna. nature, even as your enemies have written of you. Do The French chancellor Antoine Duprat prenot bea tribute-paying subject to anyone, least of all to pared a memoir concerning the election, in which

the Florentines. . 7 the Turkish occupation of Greece, ‘‘the noblest At the imperial diet of Regensburg . . . a tithe was part of Europe,” was blamed on the “sloth and

sought against the Turks. Then a certain prince elector, folly of the emperors.” as a consequence of which

skilled in the art of war. . . , said that with only ap Y hab; - a been forced q biure Che:

twentieth he would easily drive beyond the pillars of the inhabitants had been forced to abjure MISHercules both the Turks and those who were demand- Uanity. In contrast Duprat described Francis’s ing the tithe. These are the things, O Charles, to re- great qualities of mind and body, his youth and

member!” strength, wealth and liberality, his hardiness as a . Campaigner and his popularity with the troops, _ Charles had a good deal to remember at this «and finally his name alone would strike terror time, but doubtless his chief recollection, with him into the Turks if in addition to his other virtues

Eran, pour ot tne day, w 7 s the riya, candidacy of he bore also the distinguished title of Caesar.”’ A

had no h OF 4 © lain the mee ee . wide diversity of historical sources was employed, ad no hereditary Claim to rh, leete t ; ” hed often irrelevantly, to show that while the seat of of emperor was elective. The electors Ie 4 authority might change, the empire would remain

askance at the young Charles, who was already German. (Certainly Paris was closer to the Rhenish ruler of the Spanish kingdoms, the Netherlands, electorates than were Madrid and Vienna.) Greece Naples and Sicily, most of the New World, and and the Holy Land had to be retaken from the Turks, and Francis had the resources to do so.

re Exhortatio a _ a virtThe seven electors were appealed to, with the full curusdam doctissimi ad principes ne in decimae array of their titles, to give heed to the state of the praestationem consentiant, as printed in Wm.no. Roscoe, Leo the world (a ttento presentiumwith rerum sta Tenth, WII (1805), append., CLXXVIII, pp. 116-20, p -tu). and to elect brief selections in Charriere, Négociations, I, 76, note, who takes as emperor the most Christian king of France as

his usual liberties with the text. In comparison with this tract the sole sure bulwark against Turkish attacks. Martius Aequicola’s three De bello Turcis inferendo suasoriae, ad- They could render the Christian commonwealth dressed to Leo X, the Christian princes, and the clergy in gen- yo greater service than this. While most of Dueral (printed without indication of place in June, 1519) are very 4 . . h k . . dull, doing little for the clerical cause. Aequicola’s title page prat 5S Memoir is trite, he struck one interesting

bears the arms of Leo X. note, in a backward glance at papal relations with On the trials of the papacy in Germany at this time, when the old imperial house of the Hohenstaufen:

Sultan Selim loomed up as an ever greater menace to Hungary and the Hapsburg lands in the East, see Leo’s letters of 22-23 [The electors] must also consider that the universal August, 1518, addressed ‘‘legatis Germaniae,”’ in Arch. Segr. | peace which now blooms in all the world should not be Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fols. 223-226. The Curia Ro- broken as a result of this election. For certainly the sumana understood well enough the extent of the damage being preme pontiff would never allow the empire and the done to Catholicism by the inflammatory letters of Ulrich von kingdom of Sicily to remain in the hands of the same Hutten against the Dominicans (quos suos hostes appellat), who person, which the constitution of Clement IV forbids, were preaching against the Turks: see the original copy of an and so all Christendom might be shaken. some givin

undated brief addressed to the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, . he Ch h h, ‘d a 8

“governor of the Holy Roman Empire,” demanding his support rer Te hc he t he C a : others to the Ch _clectee

of the Dominicans against the rabble-rousing activities of UI- [Char es], so that the ‘Turkish tyrant, seeing Christianity rich, whom the pope regards as almost as great a social menace __ thus divided, could easily attain to his desired objecas that ‘‘son of iniquity, Martin Luther, the heresiarch, source _ tive.”” of such great evils” (Arm. XLIV, tom. 8, fols. 96-97), who was condemned in the long consistory of 21 May, 1520 (Acta Mis-

cellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 314°, 316, by modern stamped enumer- —§ ~~~

ation, and cf. fols. 317° ff.). 73 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 77-79, notes.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 19] The rivalry of Charles and Francis was becom- port duty on Ragusan goods from two to five pering so sharp, however, that it began to appear cent,’’ he was pursuing a friendly policy toward the likely the flower of peace would be crushed which- western states, being very well aware of Leo X’s

ever of the two was elected. attempts to organize a crusade and of the four papal In February, 1519, Francis I was still the ener- legations to Germany and Spain, England and getic crusader, solemnly assuring Pope Leo X that France. Venetian dispatches from Adrianople reche would go in person at the head of 3,000 cavalry ord the arrival of a Spanish ambassador at the Porte and 40,000 infantry to ward off any possible Turkish to secure a confirmation of the privileges of the attack upon Rome. Ifa general offensive should be Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem and also organized against the Turks in accordance with the _ of the rights of Christian pilgrims visiting the holy pope’s crusading plans, and if other nations would _ places. For the recognition of such rights and privassume their due shares of the financial and other _ileges the Mamluk soldans had received an annual burdens, he would supply 4,000 cavalry and 50,000 tribute, which it was hoped Selim would accept for infantry.’* Conditions in the eastern Mediterranean — the same display of tolerance. The sultan received were chaotic as usual, and two texts may be cited the Spanish envoy in kindly fashion, gave him a as typical of many. A letter from Aegina, received golden kaftan and 5,000 aspers, and promised to in Venice in mid-December, 1518, informed the grant Charles’s requests if he would send another Senate of the ‘‘severe losses” (grandissimi danni) envoy with full powers to conclude a special treaty which Turkish corsairs had inflicted on the island.’”®> between Spain and the Porte.’® With reference to

The Turks had no monopoly on piracy, however, this diplomatic interchange Charriere states that and two weeks later the Senate learned from the Charles ‘“‘seemed to be approaching Turkey in case provveditore of the Venetian fleet in the Adriatic _ his rival should be elected,’’’? and this is quite conthat western corsairs, understood to be French, had_ ceivable, but the facts are not sufficient to justify

captured two ships from Candia in the port of any assumption as to what Charles would in fact Naxos. The ships were loaded with wines for Is- have done, had he not been elected emperor. It tanbul. The French corsairs sent them to Rhodes _ probably seems clearer to the historian who looks with all their cargo, claiming to have papal au- back upon the scene than it did to contemporaries thorization and the support of the European powers — that Charles’s elevation to the supreme secular dig(which were planning a crusade) to seize all ships nity in Christendom could be foretold with as great

carrying foodstuffs to infidel ports. The report certainty as most events in human experience. caused more than a flutter in the Venetian gov- German public opinion would not tolerate a ernment, whose Cretan subjects had an extensive French emperor. There were many who wanted to

trade with the Moslems.”® pass over both Francis and Charles to maintain a

During this period, when it seemed at least pos- better balance of power in Europe. Leo X was sible that Francis I might be elected emperor (or among them.*” The Elector Frederick of Saxony rather king of the Romans), his rival Charles was

in touch with Sultan Selim, who was then holding ~~ . . .

court at Adrianople. Although Selim raised the im- Meeeper aru,[ilXXVIIL, 1412". 1 Raguset che pagavano Signor Turco] vol .pagino 5 come tutti li altri de loro mercadantie. . . ,”’ froma report of the Venetian bailie Leonardo [improperly called Lorenzo in this passage in Sanudo]|

74 Charriére, Négociations, 1, 81-82, and cf., above, note 65. | Bembo, dated at Adrianople on 21 February, 1519. 7® Sanudo, Diaru, XX VI, 280. From a letter of the Venetian 78 Sanudo, Diari, XXVI, 65, 79, 120, 184, 198, and esp. Senate to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 12 March, 1518, we cols. 141, 280, reports of the Venetian bailie Leonardo Bembo learn that the sultan was taking steps against corsairs who had — from Adrianople dated 21 February and 3 April, 1519. attacked Naxos. The Senate was not unaware that Venetian ’9 Charriére, Neégociations, I, 82. subjects were also engaged in piracy, but “‘siamo etiam advisati 8°Cf, Cardinal Cajetan’s long analysis of the political situation esser nel Arcipelago da circa fuste 30 dei Turchiche dannizano in Europe with reference to the imperial election, in his letter quelle insule. . . ,” and the Turks in Bosnia had been making to Leo X dated at Frankfurt on 29 June, 1519, in Delle lettere incursions into Venetian territory (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 47, fol. di principi, I (Venice, 1581), fols. 67-72’. By the beginning of 107, and cf. fols. 123” ff., and Reg. 48, fols. 62" ff., 86, 184). the year 1519 Leo had acquired such a distrust of Francis I it The Senate believed that the pashas in Istanbul sometimes con- _was inconceivable that the papacy should assist the French imdoned and even encouraged acts of violence against Venetian perial ambition. Furthermore, on 17 January (1519) Leo made

subjects. with Charles V a “bona, firma, perpetua et inviolabilis liga,

’® Sanudo, Diarii, XX VI, 295-96: “*. . . Etesso Provedador _confoederatio et intelligentia ad vitam utriusque duratura et a inteso ditti corsari sono per nome dil Pontefice et de tutta la ad mutuam defensionem,”’ for the text and the importance of liga contra infideli, da li qual dicono haver liberta et ordene de —_ which see Gino Capponi, ‘“‘Documenti,” Arch. stor. italiano, |

intrometer et prender tutti li navilii che portano victuaria a’ (1842), 376-83. According to the terms of this (secret) treaty

infideli.”’ neither Leo nor Charles could make an agreement with any

192 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT might conceivably have been elected, but when he came quickly disaffected with Leo X, whom cirannounced Charles as his preference, the issue was cumstances had forced to give way in his opposition

in little doubt. One after the other the members to Charles’s election. The French court lost all its of the electoral college declared for Charles, and feigned enthusiasm for the crusade. The imperial

on 28 June, 1519, he was elected king ofthe Romans (or rather royal) title as well as the imperiled location

without protest or dissenting vote.*' Francis I be- of the Hapsburg duchies of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, and the county of Tyrol, now

—_____— made Charles V the natural defender of Christenother king or prince “to the prejudice of the other” (art. 4, dom against the Turks.®?

ibid., p. 380). ; . Charles was also vulnerable to Turkish attack in

_Atthe same time, however, “a nessun patto Sua Santita vor- southern Italy and Sicily. Except for a short seacoast ria che questo Imperio pervenissi nel Catholico”’ [Charles], be- .

cause of the power which the Hapsburg dominions bestowed on the Mediterranean, Francis was well protected upon Charles (‘‘Manoscritti Torrigiani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 3rd

ser., XXV [1877], 370 and ff.), in which connection note the =~ Venetian ambassador’s report to the Signoria dated 13 March, 48. Jacob Fugger played a leading role in financing Charles’s 1519, in Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers... , election, on which cf. Jacob Strieder, Jacob Fugger the Rich, MerVenice, II (London, 1867), no. 1175, pp. 503-4 (and cf, ibid., chant and Banker of Augsburg, 1459-1525, trans. Mildred L. nos. 1179, 1212): the pope could not abide the thought of the | Hartsough (1931, repr. 1966), pp. 146-57. election of Charles, whose Neapolitan borders reached within Charles’s foreign relations and German problems from his forty miles of Rome. The electors were of course divided, some _ election to the spring of 1521 receive abundant illustration in

favoring Charles and others Francis (Sanudo, Diarii, XXVI, the introduction and documents published by Adolf Wrede, 479-80, 484-85, 489, 501-5, 508, and vol. XXVII, cols. 25 ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V., 11 (Gotha,

ff., 67-68 ff., 102-3, 117, 124, 130, 145-46, 171-72, etc., 1896, repr. Gottingen, 1962). At the diet of Worms, on 19 or 249, 282, 308-9, etc.). Cf Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 20 April, 1521, a Hungarian embassy which had appealed to 11-13, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 287-97, and J. Ursu, Charles and the German estates for aid against the Turks was La Politique orientale de Frangois [** (1515-1547), Paris, 1908, informed, “‘Sperat tamen sua Maiestas et ipsi status imperii ita

pp. 14-18, 21. Since Louis I] of Bohemia (and Hungary) was omnia brevi disposituros, ut intra spacium anni sua Maiestas a minor, Francis tried to get the electoral vote of Bohemia by _ poterit personaliter cum . . . principibus christianis expediticurrying favor with Sigismund I of Poland, Louis’s uncle and = onem contra Turcos suscipere et Christi fidei hostes abolere

guardian. .. .” (ibid., no. 109, p. 759).

Francis’s relations with the German princes may be explored At a consistory held in Rome on 12 December, 1519, which in endless detail in the introduction and documents published | Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, the vice-chancellor, did not attend

by August Kluckhohn, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser because of illness (in quo non interfui ob meam infirmitatem quam

Karl V., 1 (Gotha, 1893, repr. Gottingen, 1962). One of the patiebar in renibus), letters were read from the ban of Dalmatia arguments used for Francis’s election rather than that of Charles and Croatia to the effect that ‘‘ipsa regna parata erant adherere was “‘que les royaumes d’ icelluy roy catholicque [Charles] sont Turcharum tyranno atque illi tributum dare, significando quod loing de la Germanie, tellement que non seullement est difficille, | miserunt ad regem Ungarie oratores suos qui ei protestarentur mais quasi impossible de bailler aide et secours d’ iceulx a la quod nolebant amplius obedire sue Maiestati postquam f[oJedus

Germanie, si quelque gros affaire y survenoit, comme est vray- | cum eodem tyranno Turcharum fecerat . . . ,”’ after which semblable que surviendra pour les préparatifz et menasses que Leo X said that he would write to the king of Hungary either fait le Turcq”’ (ibid., no. 17, p. 173, a document from the end _ to provide Dalmatia and Croatia with special protection or to of January, 1519). Pastor, Hist. Popes, VII, 255 ff., and Gesch. allow these “‘kingdoms’”’ to come under the authority of another d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), 175 ff., does not hesitate to em- _—_ Christian king or under that of the Holy See, so that steps might

phasize Leo’s extraordinary deviousness in trying to convince _ be taken for their defense (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Misceleach of the two candidates for the imperial throne that he lanea, Reg. 6, fols. 296’—297', by mod. stamped enumeration). would have papal support (while at the same time Leo tried to *? Cf, for example, Charles V’s titles in Predelli, Regesti dei win advantages for the Medici from both Francis and Charles). © Commemoriali, VI, bk. XxX, no. 111, p. 157, doc. dated 20 July, See also the detailed account in G. L. Moncallero, ‘‘La Politica) 1519. He still retained in the Spanish titulature the old Catalan

di Leone X. . . ,” Rinascumento, VUE (1957), 79-109. claim to the Latin duchies of Athens and Neopatras (cf. Setton, 81 Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V., I, nos. 379- Catalan Domination of Athens, p. 31, note 37). The vast extent 85, pp. 845-63, and see Cajetan’s letter to Leo X, dated at of Charles’s domains fascinated the contemporary German mind, Frankfurt-am-Main on the day of Charles’s election (hoggi), in _ still being fed on the vague, medieval dreams of universal imDelle lettere di princifn, 1 (1581), fols. 72’-73. On the observance __ perial sovereignty; cf. the Turckenpuechlem of 1522, unnum. fol.

of the election in Rome, note Paride Grassi, Diartum, ad ann. 23” (= sign. F 111), where the list ““des Kaisers Carles Tittel” 1519, ed. Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. | occupy almost a full page. On the imperial election itself, cf. 427 ff. Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XX VII, 475-76, 483-85, 491-92, | Ursu, La Politique orientale de Francois I’, pp. 14-18, and Karl 540-41, 543, etc., 585 ff., 599, and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta _ Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 2 vols., 1941-42, I, 85-96, trans. C. V.

Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fol. 101". On the im- Wedgwood, London, 1939, repr. 1965, pp. 99-112. On the portance of the crusade, for which Leo X had sent out appeals — whole papal policy had been merely an attempt to hinder the to the Christian princes, the Kreuzzugsidee und Turkenfurcht, in _ election of Charles without taking particular pains to help effect

the rivalry of Charles V and Francis I for election as king of _ that of Francis. Brandi, I, 97, thinks that Charles was duke of the Romans, see the excellent article of Ernst Laubach, ‘‘Athen und Patras’’ (!), but a memorandum in Sanudo, Diari, ‘‘Wahlpropaganda im Wahlkampf um die deutsche Konigswurde XXVI, 268, records Charles’s numerous titles correctly, in(1519),” in the Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte, LII1 (1971), 207-— cluding that of duca di Athene et de Neopatria.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 193 from such attack, although he was now hemmed in _ faded away. Leo X heard the news in late October on all sides by either the lands or the claims of the from both Ragusan and Venetian sources. He was new emperor, for Charles was little inclined to ac- vastly relieved, thanked God for the sultan’s death, cept Francis’s continued possession of the duchy of | and now looked forward to peace on the threatBurgundy, which Louis XI had added to the French _ ened eastern fronts.** Selim’s successor Suleiman domain. Causes for conflict between the two young was widely believed to be a peaceful young man, sovereigns existed everywhere. Charles held Naples, from whom Christendom would have nothing to but Francis could not forget the old Angevin claim _ fear.*” Now Charles V and Francis I each regarded

to the Two Sicilies. Francis had taken Milan by the other as his chief enemy, not the Turk, force of arms, but Milan was an imperial fief, and and each sought the support of Henry VIII and without the emperor’s investiture (which Maximilian Leo X.

had of course withheld and Charles would never Although Henry met Francis amicably, even grant) he held it as an act of violent usurpation, at effusively, on the Field of Cloth of Gold in June, least in Charles’s eyes. Disputes of long standing 1520,°° he went on to Gravelines in July to reach had been inherited in Artois and Flanders. Charles’s an agreement with Charles.8’ For reasons which grandfather Ferdinand of Aragon had driven the — the chancellor Duprat had envisaged in his memfamily of d’ Albret from the kingdom of Navarre, oir on the imperial election—the papal policy, as we have noted in an earlier chapter, and the long pursued, of keeping Naples and Sicily out of French were determined to restore them. As cer- the German emperor’s hands—Francis seems to tainly as the polarization of hostilities between Ath- have thought he could rely on Leo X, but the ens and Sparta or Rome and Carthage had led to __ latter now needed Charles’s help to suppress the war, so France was being drawn into conflict with Lutheran revolt in Germany as well as to regain Spain. When Sultan Selim I died at dawn on 22 Sep- Signor Selim et por la felice succession del serenissimo Suliman 83 fpPlans f d suo a quel imperio cum tanta satisfaction de éanimo de tember, 1520, uropean TOY fiolo a Crusad€ — quelli signori et populi quanta ne scrivete, il che stato causa de minuir 1] dolor che haveano riceputo de la morte del padre, oo havendo maxime inteso per dicte vostre la iustitia, bonta, 83 Sanudo, Diarii, XXIX, 306, 321, 323, 339, 341-42, 357- sapientia, et valorosita del predicto serenissimo Signor Suliman

59, 361, 365, 368 ff. Contrary to the statement sometimes’. . ._,’’ all of which qualities Suleiman proved to have in good made, Selim was not getting ready to attack Rhodes at the tme measure. On 7 and 20 November the Senate sent Suleiman of his death (2bid., X XIX, 265-66), although there was constant _ their assurance of friendship, and sought a continuation of their fear that he might do so (Biblioteca del Museo Correr di Venezia, peace with the Ottoman empire (zbid., Reg. 48, fols. 154” ff.).

MS. Cicogna 2848, fols. 330", 333”, 335", from the diary of 84 Sanudo, X XIX, 342-43: ‘‘. . . Soa Beatitudine ringratio Marcantonio Michiel). Despite Turkish raids on Zara (Zadar), il nostro Signor Dio. . . , dicendo € una bona nova, [il Turco] Sebenico (Sibenik), and Cattaro (Kotor), which netted the Turks | era homo malvaso, staremo hora in pace et la cristianita potra

a ‘‘grande quantita di putti, animali, et altra preda,’’ Selim _ star sicura.” insisted upon his pacific intentions (2bid., fols. 328", 328", and 85 Sanudo, Diarii, XX1X, 353, 357, 361, 390, 391. In Jancf. in general fols. 334", 336 ff.), but the preparation of a great uary, 1522, Juan Manuel, Charles V’s ambassador in Rome, armada in the arsenal at Istanbul led the Venetian Senate on _ believed that the Turks were not then likely to attack any Chris29 May, 1520, ‘‘ad fare ogni expediente provisione de ingrossar tian state (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of. . . State Papers l’ armata nostra, si per conservatione de le terre et loci nostri. . . , Spain, I1[London, 1866], no. 381, p. 399), but inevitably maritimi come per conforto de tuti quelli subditi nostri di Le- | the news soon came that the Turks were preparing for war vante’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 121°-125" and ff.): From — (ibid., nos. 395-96, 417).

Venice, the region of Friuli, Dalmatia, and throughout the 8° Sanudo, Diarti, XXVIII, 465-70, 557, 565, 638, 639-40, whole terra ferma there was to be a conscription of ‘‘a goodly 642, 644-50, 658-61, and vol. XXIX, cols. 48-50, 78 ff., 233 number of oarsmen;”’ galleys were to be equipped and armed, _ ff.; Martin du Bellay, Mémorres, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection and the provveditore Zaccaria Loredan, who was setting out complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 283-85, and (a better for Cyprus, was warned that his island charge might well be _ edition) eds. V. L. Bourrilly and F. Vindry, 4 vols., Paris, 1908—

the Turkish objective (and so fifty years before the ‘‘war of 19, I, 99-102. In letters of 10 July, 1520, to Cardinal Wolsey Cyprus”’ the Signoria feared a Turkish attack upon the island). | and Francis I, the Venetian Senate rejoiced in the prospect of Sebastiano Giustinian was sent to Crete with a like admonition __ peace which the conferences of the kings seemed to be providing

(ibid., Reg. 48, fols. 125-27). Although by 20 June (1520) the for Europe (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 135’-136). On the

4 July, etc.). 1969.

Turkish threat appeared to be a false alarm, the Republic con- —_ meeting of Henry VIII and Francis I, see Joycelyne G. Russell, tinued to arm galleys (¢hd., fol. 131°, and cf. fol. 133%, dated The Field of Cloth of Gold: Men and Manners in 1520, New York,

On the death of Sultan Selim and the accession of Suleiman, 87 Cf. Sanudo, Diaru, XXVIII, 470-77. Henry and Charles

the Venetian Senate wrote the bailie in Istanbul on 7 November, _ had already conferred at Dover and Canterbury in late May, 1520 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fol. 154"): ‘‘Heri per la via de = 1520 (ibid., XX VIII, 594, 596-98, 617, 630, 631-32, 636-37, Ragusi ricevessemo le vostre de ultimo Septembrio fino 4 del 638-39, and vol. X XIX, col. 5), and in August, 1521, the pact

preterito per lequal ne significate la morte del serenissimo q. of Bruges bound them together in an alliance.

194 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Parma and Piacenza, which he had been obliged love for Venice and of his desire that Venetian to relinquish. Lutheran affairs were in fact already merchants should be well treated in his domains.”?

coming to vie with the Turkish peril as one of the The Venetian Senate could only regard this as larger preoccupations of the Curia Romana.*° good news. Although Leo generally preferred the pleasures One of those periods had come (it would not last of the hunt to the preoccupations of his office,*’ long) when the interests of the pope and the emhe was anxious to send the Rhodian Grand Master _ peror appeared to coincide. An agreement was made del Carretto two galleons and a thousand men as _ between them, according to which the French would

well as to write still more crusading appeals to the be driven from Milan, and Parma and Piacenza Christian kings.°” He breathed much more freely, would be restored to the papacy.°* Eastern affairs however, when the Turkish threat to Rhodes dis-_ were almost forgotten. War was officially declared appeared with the disbandment of the Turkish on 1 August, 1521, and so there was no reason for

armada.”! surprise when on 4 September Leo X held Francis The confrontation of Spanish and Turkish ves- I up to scorn and criticism, in a bull prepared ad sels in the Mediterranean, especially in Sicilian futuram rei memoriam, for collecting tithes on the waters, was helping to cast the young Emperor _ revenues of all the churches, monasteries, and other Charles in the role of a crusader, a circumstance _ benefices throughout the entire kingdom of France, which inevitably drew Leo X closer to him. The which had been assigned to Francis solely for the persistent refusal of the Venetians to participate needs of the crusade against the bestial Turks (while in any of Leo’s crusading plans had caused a large he had bound himself by oath not otherwise to emdissatisfaction with Venice. The statesmen on the _ ploy them), and for selfishly and impiously diverting lagoon were determined not to be drawn into hos- these funds to his own purposes.®

tilities with Suleman. On 22 August, 1520, for

example, a letter dated 8 July from Tommaso 99 ., Contarini. the Venetian bailie in Istanbul. was Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, 124, but it was hard to remain on

; ? a ? good terms with the Turks (cf, ibid., XXIX, 359). Tommaso

read in the Senate. Contarin1 reported that the Contarini’s commission as Venetian bailie to Istanbul is dated sultan’s trusted minister, Peri Pasha, had asked 10 March, 1519 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 2 ff.). him what the Venetians would do if the Turkish _ “Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXXI, 21, 172. On 3 April, 1521, the and Spanish fleets met at sea. Which side would Venetians repeated their pledge to stand with the French

‘ce help? The bailie replied that he did against Charles V (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 179° ff.), but Venice erp: € baie replied ¢ vat € al not they made peace with Charles on 17 May and were eager to

believe his countrymen would provide any imped- preserve it (zbid., fols. 182" ff., 188°-191%). A state of war viriment to Turkish operations, because the Republic tually existed between Leo X and Francis I from late June (ibid., wished to preserve the peace it had made with the fols. 194” ff., letter of the Venetian Senate to their ambassador

Turkish t. Peri Pash | dwith Rome, dated 3 July, 1521), bringing to an end the triple urkish government. Perl Pasha was picased w , entente of France, the papacy, and Venice (see the following the reply, and assured the bailie of the sultan’s note). On the ‘“‘peace’’ conferences from July to November, 1521 (under the ambiguous and egotistical management of

. Wolsey), which led to the Anglo-imperial alliance for the pur-

88° Cf Sanudo, Diarii, XXVIII, 581, 608, 621; vol. XXIX, pose of defeating France and, allegedly, for an ultimate “‘crucol. 492; and vol. XXX, cols. 60, 130, 192, 210 ff.; L. Lalanne, — sade,”’ see Joycelyne G. Russell, “The Search for Universal ed., Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris (1854, repr. 1965), pp. 94— Peace: the Conferences at Calais and Bruges in 1521,” Bulletin 96; Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, XIII, 15, ed. Florence: Salani, of the Institute of Historical Research, XLIII (1970), 162-93.

1963, III, 303-7. On 6 June, 1521, Juan Manuel, the imperial °* Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 209'-209”, ambassador in Rome, wrote his master Charles V that he had = ‘‘datum Rome, etc., anno etc. millesimo quingentesimo vigediscussed Luther with the pope, and expressed the opinion that simo primo, pridie non. Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno Charles ‘“‘must proceed in the affair of Luther in accordance nono.”’ Cf., ibid., fol. 134”, bull dated 27 July, 1521. For unwith the desires of the pope”’ (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar dated texts of the Capitula inter Leonem X et regem Christianisof. . . State Papers. . . , Spain, If [London, 1866], no. 341, — simum tractanda pro salute Reipublice Christiane, see AA. Arm.

p- 354). I-XVIII, no. 2663: this papal-French entente, which had now 89 Cf Domenico Gnoli, ‘Le Cacce di Leon X,’’ Nuova An- perished, had begun with the significant consideration that

tologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, 3rd ser., XLIII (Rome, 1893), “‘sanctissimus dominus noster [Leo X papa] desiderat imprimis 617-48. Leo was in fact hunting when the Venetian ambassador et super omnia pacem universalem inter populos principesque got the news to him of the sultan’s death (Sanudo, Diaru, XXIX, —Christianos ut illis conciliatis adversus imminantes fidei hostes

342-43). sancta expeditio fieri possit tam necessario tempore quo non

°° Sanudo, Diarii, XXVIII, 608, 617, 621, 636, 652, andcf —_iamde illorum finibus atque imperiis aggrediendis sed de nostris vol. XXIX, col. 362: ‘‘Li galioni dil Papa stati a Rodi passo di defendendis est deliberandum.. . .”’ The Venetians had been

li. . .” (in September, 1520). included in this entente (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, fols. 177° ff., 9? Sanudo, Diaru, X XIX, 9-10, 13-14, 15. Selim had given docs. dated 3 April, 1521).

orders to put the Turkish armada into dry dock well before For the terms of the final agreement between Leo X and

his death. Charles V, see the Vatican Lettere di principi, vol. XI, fols.

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 195 Christian fortunes in the Levant were often de- a brother of Marshal Lautrec, invaded Navarre and termined by developments in the West. During the set Henri d’ Albret upon the throne in Pamplona, early years of Sultan Suleiman’s reign, the Emperor after a siege in which Ignatius Loyola received the Charles V was caught up in the revolt of the Castilian wound which changed his life and the religious futownsmen, the Comuneros, who professed to be ture of Europe.” fighting for ‘‘Santiago y Libertad” (1520-1521). Francis I’s activities were a flagrant violation of Francis I supported Robert de la Marck, duke of the treaty of London, which he had himself proBouillon and lord of Sedan, who invaded the em-_ moted when he had imperial ambitions. The attacks peror’s Belgian territories and besieged Virton in’ of both Robert de la Marck and L’ Esparre had Luxembourg. The French commander, L’ Esparre, come while Charles V was at the diet of Worms,”° as the emperor complained in a letter to the Signoria 192-197: Capitula nove confederationis ter sanctissomum dominum of Venice on 9 June, 1522, denouncing Francis S nostrum Leonem papam decimum et serenissemum Cesarem Carolum breaking of the treaty and requesting the due in-

Romanorum regem electum, a text attested in 1549 as being intervention of England and Venice as signatories of the hand of Sadoleto. Another text may be found in AA. Arm. the treaty and guarantors of its terms. Henry VIII I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 172! ff. Dispatches preserved in Sanudo’s 4.4. said to be ready to meet his obligations under Leo and Charles. If the papacy must rely upon Charles (in the the treaty, and Charles warned the Signoria of spring of 1521) to proceed against the Turks and the Lutherans, | French aspirations in Italy.’ But Venice was then

Diaru trace step by step the formation of the alliance between Leo X could see no reason why the Medici family should not at the same time seek imperial protection and patronage (cf.

Brandi, Kaiser Karl V, I, 131, trans. Wedgwood [1939, repr. =

1965], 152-53). 95 Jean d’ Albret, the king of Navarre, had died on 21 June, On the war between Charles and Francis, cf. the latter’s letter 1516, leaving his claims to the throne to his son Henri, who

of 19 June, 1521, to the French ambassador in Rome, in Charles = was now restored (cf. Lalanne, Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris,

Weiss, ed., Papers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1, 116-24, pp. 41, 89-90): Sanudo, Diarti, XXX, 175, 190, 193, 195, 319, and esp. the dispatches of Juan Manuel, imperial ambassador 359, 374, 466, and vol. XXXI, cols. 12, 16, 75, 88, 109-10, in Rome, to Charles, in G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of... etc., 300, on de la Marck and d’ Albret; Guicciardini, Storia State Papers. . . , Spain, 11 (London, 1866), nos. 337 ff., pp. d@’ Italia, XIV, 1, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 317-18; Mar350 ff. The French seneschal of Lyon arrested the Florentine tin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection complete merchants in the city and sequestrated their goods, as their des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 277, 287-300, and eds. V. L. consul and representatives protested to the French treasurer _ Bourrilly and F. Vindry, I (1908), 88-89, 104-22. Leo X was Robertet on 15 July, 1521, ‘‘. . . a cause de ce que le pape _ still anxious to get Charles V and Francis I “‘to turn their arms sest declairé contre le dit seigneur [Francis I], la quelle chose against the Turk”’ (Sanudo, XXXI, 89, 105-6, and cf. col. 192, nous desplaist fort et a esté contre notre vouloir. . ."" (Giuseppe and vol. XXXII, col. 116), who was again seen as a threat to Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, I [Florence, 1836],no. xLvil, | Hungary. According to Michael Sander, Cardinal Schiner’s secp. 101, and cf, :bid., no. XLIX). On problems, personalities, and retary, Charles was ready to go personally on a crusade unless the flow of events through the year 1521, note Angelo Mercati, | Francis, perfidus vicmus, forced him into a war in Europe (a ‘“‘Frammenti di una corrispondenza di Giovanni Rucellai, nunzio _ letter dated at Ghent on 1 August, 1521, in Biichi, Korrespon-

in Francia,” Arch. della Soceta romana di storia patria, LXXI denzen . . . d. Kard. Matth. Schiner, II [1925], 441, and cf

(3rd ser., II, 1948), 1-40. Charles’s own letter to Schiner from Ghent on 2 August, ibid., Leo X’s involvement in the war with Francis could only in- | pp. 445-46).

crease the Turkish threat to Hungary, in which connection note Juan Manuel, the imperial ambassador in Rome, wrote Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscell., Reg. Charles on 15 August that while the Christian princes should 31, fol. 129": ‘“Reverendissimus Cornelius legit litteras Regis combine against the Turks, they were unlikely to do so, and Polonie rogantis suppetias pro defensione Regni Ungarie in so the sole hope of Christendom was that Charles might soon periculo existentis. Tamen Sanctissimus [dominus noster] dixit conquer his enemy Francis and then undertake a war against se postea habuisse litteras quod Turce missi expugnatum Bel- the Turks (G. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of. . . State Papers

gradum multi fuerunt interfecti, et propter valida presidia que... , Spain, I] [London, 1866], no. 352, p. 364). venerant ex Austria et Bohemia, et Rex Ludovicus cum magno °° Among other sources, cf. Jean de Vandenesse, Journal des robore ibat ad liberandum Belgradum ab obsidione, adeo quod voyages de Charles-Quint, in L. P. Gachard, ed., Collection des Magnus Turca fuit coactus retrocedere per 20 miliaria, et Sanc- voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, \1 (Brussels, 1874), 64, tissimus cogitabat de aliquo modo pecuniario quo possit ipsum 122-23.

Regem adiuvare” (in the consistory of Friday, 24 August, 7 Predelli, Regest: dei Commemonali, V1, bk. XxX, no. 165, p. 1521). On the Turkish expedition against Hungary, cf the Sen. 170. Antonio Surian, the Venetian ambassador to England, Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 1°, 3, 6°, 7, 21, 29 ff. The Venetian had informed the Senate during the mid-summer of 1521 that government sought to deter the great powers from embarking “questa Maesta di Anglia fusse contra Franza come primo inupon another war in Italy, and to persuade them to use their _ vasor di capitoli” (Sanudo, Diarn, XX XI, 300). Francis, however, armaments on behalf of King Louis II of Hungary, ‘‘quale si claimed that Charles had first violated the treaty (ibid., XXXI, attrova insieme cum el suo regno in cussi evidentissimo periculo 450-51). As the western powers seemed to forget the Turks, et non solum epso regno, ma la Germania, Italia, et tuta la the Venetians renewed their “‘good peace and friendship” with universal repubblica Christiana per la tremebunda et formi- the sultan on 17 December, 1521 (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, dolosa potentia del Signor Turco che za ha fatto progresso in =Documenti turchi, Turkish text in Arabic script, dated at Is-

epso regno. . .”’ (tbid., Reg. 49, fol. 8", and cf fol. 28). tanbul A.H. 928, al-Muharram 17).

196 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the ally of France and, after the League of Cambrai, Netherlands frontier was of secondary importance, might well be expected to consult her own assumed the war in Italy was a major contest. When the interests (as she had always done anyway) rather French were driven from Milan, the city and duchy than abide by the letter of a treaty which Leo X_ were restored to Lodovico il Moro’s (second) son

had himself declared to be chimerical. Francesco, who duly recognized the emperor’s suThe French were defeated on 30 June, 1521, at zerainty. Parma and Piacenza were taken over by Esquiroz near Pamplona, and Charles’s forces easily _ papal troops.'°° The adherents of the Medici could regained ‘“‘la cite de Pampelune et tout le royaume rejoice, but not for long.

de Navarre.’’”® In Italy Francis I still held the great On Monday, 1 December, 1521, Pope Leo X duchy of Milan, and was of course in alliance with died unexpectedly, celebrating the news of ColonVenice. But the war could not be confined to areas _ na’s success at Milan. Paride Grassi says that he died of Francis’s own choosing, and on 19 November, of pneumonia (ex catarrho superfluo), and adds that 1521, old Prospero Colonna, who then served as_ there were rumors of poison (licet aligqui dixerint ex commander of the combined imperial and papal — veneno).'°' The pope’s lead seal and fisherman’s ring troops, expelled the unpopular Lautrec from Milan — were broken, according to custom, in the presence after most of the latter’s Swiss mercenaries had de-__ of the twenty-nine members of the Sacred College serted during the cold and rainy weeks of futile who were then in Rome. Leo’s first obsequies were

maneuvering which had preceded Colonna’s at- held the following Monday, 7 December, in the tack.*° If the fighting along the Pyrenees and the _ Sistine Chapel, so that the cardinals might be spared the discomforts of a cold day. A great spendthrift,

—___— the pope received a niggardly funeral. He had ex98 Lalanne, Journal d’ un bourgeois de Paris, pp. 89-90, 91, hausted the papal treasury, and what he had not

Sanudo, Diaru, XXXI, 106, 107-8, 146, 194. spent himself, the officials of the Curia had managed

Nova scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. 475-76. news ofGrassi, ar . fuerunt meromnes officialesThe istt, says Paride

the fall of Milan to Colonna first reached Venice on Thursday a oy . morning, 21 November, in a dispatch from Andrea Foscolo, catores F lorentini acutissimi! As Leo lay that day mM podesta and captain of Crema: “‘Li avisava come quel zorno, the dark silence of death, neither secular priests

a di 19, hore 23, 1 nimici erano intrati in Milan e roto francesi nor friars said special masses, nor were alms given,

et nostri. . .”’ (Sanudo, Diariu, XXXII, 153-54, and see iN for the dead pontiff ’s soul. There was no money general cols. 155, 158 ff., 183 ff., etc.). Cf Guicciardini, Storia for th Paride G ~ who had resi d d’ Italia, XIV, 9, ed. Florence: Salani, 1963, III, 371-74, and or these purposes. raride Tassi, Ww 0 ad resigne Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 1, ed. M. Petitot, Collection his office as master of ceremonies quasi fessus et senex, complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 345-55, and eds.

Bourrilly and Vindry, I, 186-99, who describes the loss of

Milan in detail. Lautrec’s difficulties can be followed in the Sen. §£—-7————

Secreta, Reg. 49 (1521~1522), and on the loss of Milanon 19 in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano the Schedario Garamjfn, vol. 102 November, 1521, note, ibid., fols. 43-45", 46’-48". From the (= Indice 545), Cronologico, vol. 8, for the years 1505-1541, early 1520’s the memoirs of the French soldier Blaise de Mon- _ fols. 44"-44". The French had also violated the convention luc, who admired Lautrec above most of the commanders of | between the Holy See and the king of France relating to the his time, become valuable for details of military events and for _ sale of salt in the duchy of Milan: for the text of the convention the personalities of those involved (cf. Ian Roy, ed., Blaise de in question, see AA. Arm. I-XVIII, no. 1669, article 4. The

1972). ation.

Monluc: The Habsburg-Valois Wars and the French Wars of Religion bull Pacifica regis was copied a second time, presumably by error,

[covering the period from 1521 to 1570], Hamden, Conn., in Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 158'—-161", by mod. stamped enumerIn the bull Pacific: regis of 27 July, 1521, Leo X had imposed 100 Guicciardini, Storia d’ Italia, X1V, 1, 9, ed. Florence: Salani,

ecclesiastical penalties on Thomas de Foix, lord of Lescun, 1963, III, 321, 373, and for details, see Bertrand de Chanterac, Lautrec’s brother, the French commander in Lombardy (Arch. ‘“‘Odet de Foix,”’ Revue des questions historiques, LVII (3rd ser.,

Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 1202, fols. 134°-137", by mod. XIV, April 1929), 287-313. stamped enumeration, ‘‘datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, '°! Both Paolo Giovio and Guicciardini believe that Leo X anno etc. millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo primo, sexto Kal. died of poison, and cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia,

Augusti, pont. nostri anno nono’), taking the opportunity to Acta Miscell., Reg. 31, fols. 132": ‘“‘. . . Dominus noster D. castigate the French for their violation of the five years’ peace _—_ Leo divina providentia Papa X mortuus est febre tertiana duand their attacks upon the Holy See, which had impeded the _ plici, non sine suspicione veneni propinati a suis cubiculariis

‘sanctum ac pernecessarium bellum contra perfidos Christi | charissimis quos Sua Sanctitas extulerat.. . .”’ Essentially the nominis hostes Turchas, cervicibus nostris insultantes et subinde | same text appears in the consistorial records as given in the novis victoriis virium suarum terminos proferentes. . .” (ibid., | Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fol. 382", by mod. stamped enumerfol. 134"). The text of the bull Pacifici regis may be found in — ation. See in general Sanudo, Diart, XXXII, 203-4 ff., for Sanudo, Diarti, XX XI, 498-503, who also gives the text of | reports reaching Venice. On 6 December (1521) the procurator Charles V’s imperial edict against the king of France, dated at _—Alvise Pisani, father of Cardinal Francesco Pisani, appeared in Antwerp on 12 July, 1521 (ibid., cols. 504-6). For references _ the Collegio, “‘dicendo e alegrandosi di questa bona nova di la to further bulls of 27 July, 1521, against the French, consult morte dil Papa” (ibid., col. 208).

LEO X AND PLANS FOR A CRUSADE 197 was shocked by the negligence and disorder. After deed, all Italy was unsafe, for Colonna’s victory was the first day, however, the cardinals imposed upon indecisive, and hostilities were quickly resumed.

him the burden of the remaining ceremonies. The Moreover, the rise of Lutheranism would soon Sistina and the chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari were _ plunge Europe into a turmoil which would introduce prepared for a new conclave amid the usual grum- new complexities into the conduct of war and diblings. Some cardinals complained of Paride Grassi’s_ plomacy. The future of the Italian states was bound officiousness, and the Venetian ambassador com-_ up with that of the papacy; the rulers of the German

plained that the roads to Rome were unsafe.'°* In- states would determine the future of the empire. After Charles’s election it was clear to perceptive members of the Curia Romana that henceforth, for 102 Paride Grassi, Diarium, ad ann. 1521, ed. Hoffmann, Nova SOme time to come, opposition to the Turk would

scriptorum . . . collectio (1731), pp. 477-87. At the time of Leo depend largely on the military resources of the X’s death the papal master of ceremonies was Biagio Martinelli Hapsburgs and the spiritual influence of the Holy da Cesena, on whom see Carlo Grigioni, “Biagio da Cesena,” See. It remained to be seen, therefore, whether the After serving as Venetian ambassador in Rome for forty Haps urgs and the Ho y See would wor together, months, Marco Minio had informed the Senate in the spring and whether they would prove equal to the harsh of 1520 that the papacy had a limited direct income of some exigencies which lay immediately before them.

Studi romagnoli, V (1954), 349-88. b Id k h 220,000 ducats, although the pope might sell a cardinal’s hat

for 40,000 ducats (E sz dice se vol far cardenali solum 10, trazera =—=———————

ducati 400 milia . . .). Minio puts Cardinal Riario’s fine for says that as pope Leo had spent 4,500,000 ducats, and left involvement in Petrucci’s conspiracy at 300,000 ducats, which debts of 400,000 ducats (ibid., XXXII, 230, 262). For Leo’s is twice the true amount; in any event Minto says that Leocould funeral, see again Sanudo, XXXII, 260 ff. Leo’s reign had not hold on to money, was generous, and had his Florentine provided the writers of pasquinades with endless opportunities friends and relatives to spend his last cent, por li: Fiorentini, st to display their talents (XXXII, 289, and cf. cols. 302 and 356; fano e€ sono sot parenti, non lo lassa mai aver un soldo (Sanudo, Erasmo Percopo, “Di Anton Lelio Romano e di alcune pasDiaru, XXVHI, 576). In March, 1517, Marino Giorg! had put quinate contro Leon X,”’ Giornale storico della letteratura italiana,

the papal income at 420,000 ducats a year (ibid., XXIV, 91, XXVII [1896], 45-91; G. A. Cesareo, Pasguino e pasquinate but on the inaccuracy of Giorgi’s report, see Peter Partner, nella Roma di Leone X, Rome, 1938 [in the Miscellanea della “The ‘Budget’ of the Roman Church in the Renaissance Pe- R. Deputazione romana di Storia Patria]; and Mario dell’ Arco, riod,” in E. F. Jacob, ed., Italian Renaissance Studies, London, Pasquino e le pasquinate, Milan, 1957, pp. 31-51).

1960, pp. 265, 272-73). The actual figure can no longer be The official Venetian reaction to Leo’s death was of course recovered, and the pope himself doubtless did not know very quite restrained (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 54’-55", letter of precisely what his income was. On Leo X’s finances, cf. Pastor, the Senate to the Sacred College dated 10 December, 1521): Fist. Popes, VIII, 95 ff., and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-1 (repr. 1956), ‘‘Audito nuper nuntio de obitu pontificie Sanctitatis, saneque 366 ff. On Leo X’s last hours and death, see Sanudo, XXXII, pro eo ac debuimus, gravi dolore affecti sumus, in quo tamen 203-6 ff., 230 ff., and Pastor, VIII, 63-70, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, amplius dicendum non est quam divine voluntati acquiescen-

IV-1 (repr. 1956), 345-49. dum. Pertinere autem ad officium nostrum arbitrati sumus in

There was rejoicing in Venice, where Leo was said to have _ hisce presertim rerum ac temporum maximis perturbationibus served the Turk and threatened the future of Christianity, aliquid ad reverendissimas dominationes vestras litterarum dare dicendo € morto un capitanio zeneral dil Turcho e uno che minava_. . . ,”’ and (as the Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador in la chrisnamta. . . |! (Sanudo, XXXII, 207). Alvise Gradenigo, | Rome) the greatest care must be exercised in choosing Leo’s who was the Venetian ambassador to the Holy See at the time successor. It was easy to give such advice, but the College would of Leo’s death, agrees with Paride Grassi, that the pope died _ be hard put to know who might prove a wise enough pope to without money, and that it was hardly possible to bury him for — calm the troubled waters on which the Holy See and Italy were want of funds (née sv ha potuto quasi farli le exequie!): Gradenigo then trying to sail.

6. HADRIAN VI, THE FALL OF RHODES, AND RENEWAL OF THE WAR IN ITALY Aker MIDDAY on Saturday, 20 October, There was rejoicing in the Curia Romana.’ It was

1520, letters had been read in the Collegio in premature. An interesting deletion in a Vatican Venice to the effect that the plague was rampant _ register reveals the state of mind which had existed in Istanbul. Sultan Selim I had been ill, but was said — in the Curia. One day late in the year 1522, while to have recovered. The next morning, however, Rhodes was under siege, a papal secretary was preother letters were read, containing the news that _ paring a letter to King Sigismund I of Poland on the Signor Turco had in fact died of the plague _ the necessity of the Christians’ rewinning Belgrade somewhere near Adrianople, the modern Edirne. and restoring the city to the king of Hungary. ‘The The decision was quickly reached in the Collegio — writer took particular note of the quick pacification to send word to Rome, France, Spain, England, of Egypt and Syria by the young Suleiman, ‘“‘whom Hungary, and Milan without waiting to hear from many used to regard as unwarlike and peace-loving” Tommaso Contarini, the Republic’s bailie on the (quem ambellem et quietum multi arbitrabantur). But, Bosporus. Later in the day a brigantine from Ragusa no, now the phrase seemed like a mockery of the brought apparent confirmation of Selim’s death. A erroneous judgment which had created so many courier who had left Adrianople on 23 September _ false hopes in Europe concerning Suleiman. In re-

had reported that vising the text the same secretary or another drew . his pen through the words, crossing the death of. the Signor Turco occurred between Adri- P them 5 5 out.” anople and Constantinople at a place called ‘‘Ogras,”’

where pe pad te conflict with his ane. and tna his Blado d’ Asola,” probably printed in 1531, the preface bemg eath] ha een Kept secret for sixteen days by the pasnas dared 29 January of that year for 15327], unnum. fol. 33' to prevent disturbances among the people. And they had (= sign. li): ““. . . et certamente parea a tutu. che un’ leon’ sent for his son, who had arrived by the sea, a half — arrabbiato havesse lasciato un’ mansueto agnello per successora day’s journey from Constantinople, at a place called [sic], per esser’ Solimanno giovane, imperito, et di quietissima

“Cava”... .! natura, come si diceva.. . ..’ The Venice edition of 1540 (fol.

. ry . + . : sal ¢ . ed 26°) preserves a good text of Giovio, but that of [Venice] 1541,

By 2 November the Venetian government knew — unnum. fol. 23° (= Cvii), shows already some disintegration; that Selim’s only son Suleiman had ascended the _ this is not, however, the Aldine edition of 1541 (cf. J.-Chas. Ottoman throne without opposition a month be- Brunet, Manuel du libraire, III [repr. Berlin, 1922], col. 585,

fore 1 Octob di h and J. G. ‘Tl. Graesse, Tresor de lwres rares et precieux, V1] [repr. (on ; ctober, according to anol er report Berlin, 1922], 490-91), which I have not seen. Cf Turcacarum

which had just come from Ragusa). rerum commentarius Pauli Iovu episcopi Nucerini ad Carolum V Selim’s death appeared to free Europe from the /mperatorem Augustum: ex Italico Latinus factus, Francisco Nigro

danger of Turkish invasion. There was much wishful Bassianate interprete, Paris: Robt. Etienne, 1539, p. 62: thinking in Ital h ted in the precedin “. . . omnibus videbatur mitem agnum rabido leoni succesINKINE iM italy, as We Nave No e In tie p ) sisse.. . .”’ Philip Melanchthon wrote a preface to an earlier chapter, as to the character of his successor, Sulei- edition of the Latin translation (Wittenberg, 1537), to which man I. According to Paolo Giovio, everyone thought attention is called elsewhere in this study. Cf. Francesco Guicthat the angry lion had been followed by a gentle ciardini, Storta d’ Itaha, X11, 9, ed. Florence: Salami, 1963, TH, lamb. Guicciardini also notes that Suleiman was re- 280, on Suleiman’s allegedly pacific disposition. He was ex like dj ‘13 3 pected58, to 369, keep395-96). peace with Venice Diarn,Suleiman XXIX, 357puted to be of a mild‘Id andand unwarlike ISposiuion. At the time (Sanudo, of his accession was in his middle twenties, having been born in November, 1494, or April, 1495 (A. D. Alderson, The Structure of the Ottoman 1 Sanudo, Diarn, XXIX, 303-6, 313, 334, 339, 341-42, with Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, tab. Xxx, and Sanudo, X XIX, 357, and the quotation in the text to be found in col. 306. Letters dated = cf. col. 557, summarized in Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of

18-20 September (1520) from the bailie Contariniin Istanbul, State Papers. . . Venice. . . , IMT [London, 1869], no. 141, and received in Venice on 26 October, still contained no news _p. 96). of Selim’s demise (ibid., cols. 320-21), although Contarini had * Bembo, Epp., XVI, 25, in Opere del Cardinale Pietro Bembo, known on 17 September that Selim was so ill that one despaired — IV (Venice, 1729), 144b.

of his life (col. 323). He was said to have died on 22 September ° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 5, fol. 247. The

(cols. 342, 357, 368). gist of the letter is that, since the “Turk was fully occupied in ? Sanudo, Diarn, XXIX, 339, and cf. cols. 357-61. Rhodes, an attempt should be made to retake Belgrade. A later

3 Paolo Giovio, Commentario de le cose de’ Turchi, di Paulo Tovno, hand has added, ‘‘datum Rome, etc., anno III,” which must vescovo di Nocera, a Carlo Quinto Imperadore Augusto [with the — be wrong, considering the contents of the letter: Rhodes was undated colophon:} ‘“‘Stampata in Roma per Maestro Antonio — under siege.

198

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 199 While Martin Luther’s dramatic opposition to the “‘outer wall of Christendom,” which was to Rome was drawing Europe into the vortex of re- remain in Turkish hands (despite marked vicissiligious strife, and Francis I was resorting to war tudes of fortune) until 1867 when it became the to break his encirclement by Charles V, Suleiman capital of Serbia. Belgrade had fallen to the young had marched upon Belgrade with a large and well sultan on his first campaign. In 1456, as we have equipped army. Shabats (Sabac) was taken on 7 seen, in one of the most famous sieges of later July, 1521, and its small garrison slaughtered. Bel- medieval history, Mehmed the Conqueror had grade sustained more than twenty assaults, but at failed to take the city, but now Belgrade was made length its garrison, reduced to about 400 men in the capital of the sanjak, replacing Smederevo as condition to fight, was treacherously forced into the center of Ottoman administration in the area. surrender on 28-29 August.° Suleiman had taken Bali Beg became the first governor. He destroyed various settlements in the districts roundabout,

—_——— and refortified Belgrade on a grand scale. The 6 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1521, nos. 121-23, vol. Venetians were quick to perceive that Suleiman mae (1877), p. 340. Raynaleus, like Purope was distracted was going to be a considerable force to reckon by Ur € consequences 0 Luther's appearance betore the Diet o with, although on 11 December (1521) their amWorms in 1521, but on Suleiman’s occupation of Sabac (Sabaz, . a: Sabach), see Sanudo, Diaru, XXXI, 126, 176, 195, 249, 290, bassador Marco Minio and the bailie ‘Tommaso et alibt. For some time the Grand Turk’s main objective had Contarin1 finally secured after much effort the rebeen uncertain, but it soon became clear that he was headed pewal of the Turco-Venetian treaties of 1502-3,

for Belgrade, which it required no small effort to 24, take37-38, (bid, 1513 é ,381, and 1517, whereby Republic had XXX, 386, 396-97, 446, 478, andthe XXXI, 58, ;dy:Pguar;8 71 F. 88-89. 99. etc.. 313. 315. 320. 340-41. 348-49. 35]1-— anteed continuance of annual tributes of 500 53, 366, 374-75, 394, 407, 424, 427-29, 444, etc.). Note also ducats for Zante and 8,000 for Cyprus in return

Ludwig Forrer, ed., Die osmanische Chronik des Rustem Pascha, for the security of Venetian merchants throughout Leipzig, 1923, pp. 99-61, Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Ge- the Ottoman dominions.’ schichte des osmanischen Reiches, 10 vols., 1827-35, repr. Graz,

1963, III (1828), 10-15, and trans. J. J. Hellert, Histoire de

l’ empire ottoman, 18 vols., Paris, 1835-43, V (1836), 14-19; —_ .

J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 7 vols., Ham- NOVO ad proseguir la vittoria, nova certo lachrymabile et de

burg and Gotha, 1840-63, 11, 616-21; Chas. Oman, Art of War importantia a tut li Christiani”’ (ibed., Reg. 49, fol. 37° [51°], in the Sixteenth Century, New York, 1937, pp. 630-33. For Su- and cf. fol. 38° [52°], and Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State

leiman’s own journal on the siege of Belgrade, see Hammer, Papers. . . Venice. . . , Hil [London, 1869], no. 351, p. 185). Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, U1, 621-25, and trans. Hellert, V, 407— On 2 November (1521) the Venetian government wrote Su12, on which note Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber d. Osmanen u. _ leiman a (restrained) letter of congratulation for “primo la thre Werke, p. 77. There is a succinct sketch of the history of incolumita de la persona di vostra Maesta et poi la victoria per Belgrade by B. Djurdjev, in the Encycl. of Islam, 1 (1959), 1163- _ lei ottenuta di Belgrado, Sabaz, et Sermia et di quelle altre cita

65, with some bibliographical notices. et luochi nella Hungaria,” requesting also continuance of the

From the spring and early summer of 1521 Suleiman had ‘“‘bona pace et amicitia che é fra now” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, been making extensive preparations for the invasion of Hun- _ fol. 40° [54"). The Turco-Venetian peace did continue, but gary (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 1% the Senate worried every time Turkish fuste appeared off the [15°], 3° [17°], 19% [33°], 21 [35], 28"-31" [42'-45"]), and in Dalmatian coast (cbid., Reg. 50, fols. 9°-10° [21°-22"], docs. due time the attention of the Venetians had become fastened dated 10 April, 1523), and with good reason, for Turkish raids upon the Turkish siege of Belgrade, ‘‘laqual expugnata tuto é by land into Venetian Dalmatia were intolerable, ‘come se perduto in un’ hora” (ibid., fols. 6°~7" [20°~21"], docs. dated fussamo in una aperta guerra’”’ (2bid., fols. 12 ff. [24 f¥.]).

1 August, 1521!). The fall of the city was grievous news, for 7R. Predelli, Regesti det Commemonali, VI (1903), bk. Xx, as the Senate informed M. de Vigliers [Villiers], the French nos. 156-57, pp. 168-69, and cf. in general Sen. Secreta, Reg. envoy to Venice, on 6 October, ‘Pur a questi giorni die haver 49, fols. 1Y-2" [15°-16"], 4° [18°], 31° [45%], 40° [54°], 73°-74" inteso la Magnificentia vostra la total perdita di Belgrado, for- [88°89], 85” ff. [100° ff.], docs. dated from 10 July, 1521, to teza principale et propugnaculo del regno di Hungaria, il quale — 3 June, 1522. Note also von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. importantissimo a tuta la Christianita a quale et quanto periculo — Reaches, HY (1828, repr. 1963), 15-16, 626, trans. J. J. Hellert, si attrovi exposto hora di succumber ala incomparabile potentia —_—- V (1836), 21-22, 413, who dates the treaty 1 December, 1521,

del Signor Turco li in persona urgente et anhelante cum tute — and calls the Venetian ambassador Marco Memmo, from his sue forze ala debellation di quello per farsi la strada ad altro reading of Sanudo’s Diarit (to which he had access in Vienna), € cossa troppo notoriaacadauno. . . ,”’ andnow Venicemight — vol. XX XIJ, but the ambassador’s name is Marco Minio, and be hard put to defend Cyprus, her possessions in the Archi- _ he is well known from the publication of the Diaru, XXXII

pelago, and her “‘cita et contadi”’ along the Dalmatian coast (1892, repr. 1969), 254, 255-56, 342-43, 498-99, and

(fol. 32 [46}). XXXII, 43, 139, et alibi, as well as from (among many other On 28 October the Senate wrote Antonio Surian, the Vene- sources) his own report to the Venetian government, dated 28 tian envoy to the court of Henry VIII of England, ‘“‘Hozi eé February, 1522 (Ven. style 1521), in Simeon Ljubic, ed., Comiuncto in questa nostra cita uno nuntio del Signor Turco qual, — mussiones et relationes venetae, | (Zagreb, 1876), no. XI, pp. 167—-

stato ala presentia nostra, ne ha significato la adeption [acqui- 68 (in the Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum merisition] de Belgrado, dechiarando che dicto suo signor haveva _ dionalium, VJ), to the effect that Suleiman was planning another

lassato in quelle parte tute le sue artellarie per ritornaratempo expedition against Hungary.

200 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT If the Venetians wished to maintain peace with ‘Turks sailed to their newly-conquered provinces the Turks, Sultan Suleiman found it convenient of Syria and Egypt. Suleiman, however, at peace to oblige them. The Venetians held the islands of with Venice, could attack the Knights Hospitaller Crete and Cyprus,” which loomed large as the on the strategically-placed island of Rhodes. Although Mehmed II had failed in a vast attempt

as . . upon the fortress of Rhodes forty years before, its _Marco Minio was in factgeneration. one of the outstanding Venetian Diarii, conquest had now become576-77, both easier and more diplomats of his Sanudo, XXVIII, . . ... and E.Alberi, Relaziont degli ambasciatorn veneti, ser. II, vol. III necessary in view of the Turkish establishment in (Florence, 1846), pp. 61-64, give a summary of his account Syria and Egypt. The western powers were too (dated 2 June, 1520) of his forty months’ embassy to Pope Leo fully occupied with their own affairs to assist the X in Rome (1516-1520). Minio’s “‘relation”’ of his first embassy Hospitallers. Francis I, allied with Venice, was at to Istanbul (dated 28 February, and presented to the Senate ‘th Charles V on 8 April, 1522) is given in Alberi, Relazoni, ser. III, vol. III war wit aries ¥. (1855), pp. 69-91, and cf. Sanudo, XXXIII, 138, 314-16; it

is also published by E. A. Cicogna, Relazione di Costantinopoli di A lover of music and the fine arts, literature Messer Marco Mino, patrizio veneto. . . [per nozze Campana- and learning, Leo X had had a period of popuGroeller], Venice, 1845. His relation of a second embassy to larity. but he had worn out his welcome on the Istanbul (read to the Senate on 8 October, 1527) may be found Ys in Sanudo, XLVI, 175-77, and Alberi, ser. III, vol. III, pp. papal throne. There were many, as we have seen, 113-18. A summary of Minio’s account of a brief but arduous to rejoice at his death. His successor was unembassy (dated 7 November, 1532), this time to the Emperor popular from the very hour of his election. Amid Charles V, is given in Sanudo, LVI, 212-17. Cf. the notices the uncertainties of war and heresy, on 27 Decem-

in Francesca Antonibon’s useful collection of Le Relazoni a b 1521. thi . dinal dth

stampa di ambasciatori veneti, Padua, 1939, pp. 94, 30-31, 64 er, ot Irty-nine cardinals entered the con-

(published by the R. Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere e Arti, clave at the Vatican, where cells had been preCollana di bibliografie minori, vol. I). In 1522 Minio was ap- pared for them in the Sistine Chapel. Voting pointed duke of Candia, and a decade later became a ducal would be held, as usual, in the Chapel of S. Niccol6 councilor. Minio was succeeded as Venetian ambassador to the da Bari, just across the hall from the Sistina. Holy See by Alvise Gradenigo (appointed 29 May, 1519), whom ; . . ; he presented to Leo X on the morning of 16 May, 1520 (Ve- Thirty-six of the cardinals were Italian. Two were nezia, Biblioteca del Museo Correr, MS. Cicogna 2848, fol. Spaniards, Bernardino de Carvajal and Ramon de 330°, from the diary of Marcantonio Michiel, who was then in Vich, and one a Swiss, Matthias Schiner. Of the

Rome). . . . . .

On 15 April, 1519, the Venetian Senate had voted to replace cardinals Peete Alec vd the conclave Tak owes Marco Minio, whois said to have been the Republic’s ambassador their re ats to Alexander , five to Julius II, in Rome for twenty-six months, with Giovanni Badoer, then and twenty-eight to Leo X. After the second scruthe podesta of Brescia. Badoer refused the post, and (as noted tiny Cardinal Domenico Grimani withdrew from above) Alvise Gradenigo was elected (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 48, the conclave, allegedly for serious illness (on 31 fol. 9°). His commission is dated 20 April, 1520, as he began Tyecember), and after nine more scrutinies and his journey to Rome (ibid., Reg. 48, fols. 113"-114", and cf. . . , ; Alberi, Relazioni, ser. II, vol. III, p. 67). Badoer was sent to nine more days of dissension in the conclave HaFrance (Reg. 48, fols. 114’-115"), and Marco Minio was des-_ rian Florisze or Florensz (Florencii) of Utrecht, ignated ambassador to the Porte ina commission dated 14 May, cardinal bishop of Tortosa, was elected on 9 Jan-

1521 (ibid., fols. 186-88). _ uary, 1522. He had been Charles V’s viceroy in

On Mehmed the Conqueror’s failure to as take Belgrade in Spain ll as the j . in linAragonA 1456, see Volume II, pp. 173-84. pain well as the inquisitor-general

®* Although their possession of Crete and Cyprus did not yet Catalonia, Navarre, Castile, and Leon. Hadrian seem seriously threatened, the Venetians remained always on was then in Spain, and first received the astonishthe alert, finding Turkish corsairs a constant menace in the Archipelago (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 38° [52°], doc. dated =9——————

28 October, 1521): ‘‘Havendose inteso che in Levante se at- alleged this intolerable burden of expense (to maintain the trovano fuori galie XX" turchesche et molte fuste de corsari, | Republic’s defense against the likelihood of Turkish aggression) di quali alcuni ne lisola nostra de Candia hano depredato uno _ asthe reason for their inability to assist the Frangipani of Segna

casal, menate via anime 60 et animali assai. . . :€ necessario (Senj) and the Hungarians at this time (cf fols. 81'-82" [96"— proveder a quelle parte siche li subditi nostri et cosse loro, 97"), doc. dated 2 May, 1522). nave, navilli, et galie nostre da mercado che sono de ritorno In answer to a charge by Cardinal Wolsey that Venice was

siano et habino ad navigar sicure.. . .” allying herself with the sultan against Charles V, the Senate Turkish corsairs, however, were not the only source of fear, | added to an indignant denial the claim to have furnished the since reports from Ragusa and Istanbul were to the effect ‘‘che various kings of Hungary with more than 500,000 ducats for

il Signor Turco oltra il validissimo exercito da terra prepara defense against the Turks, “. . . ultra ducatorum quingenta et sollicita de haver in ordine a questo primo tempo una nu- _ millia serenissimis Hungarie regibus per tempora a nobis eromerosa armata da mar et cum grandissima sollicitudine la faceva__ gata pro illius regni adversus infideles propugnatione et concalafatar, per il che ne € necessario far provisione de armar et _ servatione”’ (ibid., Reg. 49, fol. 76” [91°], doc. dated 8 April, non guardar a spesa per assecurare ilochi nostri maritimi. . .”’ 1522, and ¢f. fols. 88’-89", and Brown, Calendar of State Papers

(ibid., Reg. 49, fols. 72°-73" [87°-88"]). The Senate usually .. . Venice. . . , III, nos. 441, 469, pp. 219, 239-40).

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 201 ing news of his election at Vitoria (between Pam- the Grand Canal from his house by the Ponte del plona and Bilbao in the far north of the peninsula) Megio to the doge’s palace on the morning of 1 on 24 January, a mere fifteen days after the con- December (1521) to read the incoming mail, as clave had voted him the tiara. He chose to keep _ the Signoria of Venice allowed him to do, he found his own name (the first pope in five centuries to letters from Hungary describing “‘come quel regno

do so), thus becoming Pope Hadrian VI.” é in grandissimo pericolo di esser perso questa inLeo X’s last days had been attended by gloomy _vernada pero che Turchi non restano di farli ogni reports of the seriousness of ‘Turkish incursions danno.”’ It was feared that Hungary might fall to into Hungary. When Marino Sanudo went down _ the Turks before the end of winter.'° Rumor had it that Sultan Suleiman wanted to come to an un9 Angelo Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano... , We Diarn di derstanding with isma it (1502 1524), the sophi concistori del pontificato di Adriano VI, Citta del Vaticano, 1951, or shah of Persia, 1n order to concentrate upon pp. 85-88 (Studi e testi, no. 157). For rumors and reports ‘‘la impressa de Ungaria cum persone 300 milia. relating to the conclave, note Sanudo, Diarii, XX XH, 302,326- He would come by way of Dalmatia and invade 34, and esp. cols. 347-48: “Pur é sta grandissima cossa che di Italy. Sanudo agreed that this was news of the

39 cardinali erano in conclavio, tra li qual 36 italiani e tre highest importance, !! but there were troubles

oltramontani, zoé do spagnoli et uno sguizaro, habbino creato

questo pontifice, et é stato col favor dil cardinal Medici [Giulio Closer to home. In the weeks that followed Leo de’ Medici, later Pope Clement VII], qual vedendo non poter X’s death Francesco Maria della Rovere recovered esser lui né alcun di soi, havendo 14 voti fermi, ha fato questul [Jrbino and the Baglioni returned to Perugia.'” Note also, ibid., cols. 355-58, 377-85, 387-89, 399-402, esp. Charles V's forces took over Alessandria, Pavia,

Papa, mirum et inauditum. . . ,”’ all of which is quite correct. ) : .

cols. 412-18, and XXXII, 75 ff Parma, and Como, and on 27 April, 1522, Pros-

In the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. II, Reg. 20, Pero Colonna, commander of the imperial and fols. 202" ff., by mod. stamped enumeration, there is a copy papal forces, again defeated the French under of the elaborate instructions given by the Sacred College on Qdet de Foix, viscount of Lautrec and marshal of 19 January, 1522, to Cardinals Pompeo Colonna, Franciotto France, in the battle of La Bicocca, a few miles to Orsini, and Alessandro Cesarini, who were designated legates : to convey to Hadrian the official notification of his election and the north of Milan, when the arquebus finally to hasten his coming to Rome, attenta damnosa et periculosa showed the Swiss pikemen to bea military anachabsentia Romani pontificis ab urbe cum multi sint anni quod similis —yonism.!* electio in urbe non fuit celebrata de absente. See in general Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1X (repr. 1950), 12-48, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2

(repr. 1956), 10-35, with extensive reference to the archival ~~

and printed sources as well as the older secondary literature '® Sanudo, Dian, XXXII, 193-94, summary of letters dated (Pastor depends, however, a good deal on Sanudo). Hadrian 2-14 and 18 November, 1521, and cf, ibid., cols. 195-97, 198, had been Charles V’s tutor (in 1506). He was the first non- 207, 418, 495. Italian to become pope since the death of Gregory XI and the '! Tbid., col. 195. On the Turkish threat to Dalmatia in Janelection of Bartolommeo Prignani (Urban VI) in the spring of — uary, 1522, note, ibid., cols. 404-5, 408. 1378. There are biographies of Hadrian by G. Pasolini, Adriano 12 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXII, 217-18, 249, 264-65, 284, 290, VI, Rome, 1913; E. Hocks, Der letzte deutsche Papst Adrian VI., 292, 293-94, 302, 308-9 ff., 338-39, 345-46, 354-55, 358, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1939; and Johann Posner, Der deutsche 359-63, 378, et alibv.

Papst Adrian VI., Recklinghausen, 1962. Note also the attrac- 'S Sanudo, Diarn, XX XIII, 197-203, 213-16: Guicciardini, tively illustrated survey of the reigns of Hadrian and his successor Storia d’ Itaha, XIV, 14, ed. Florence, Salani, 1963, III, 407in E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Les Pontificats d’ Adrien VI 9; Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, bk. 11, ed. M. Petitot, Collection

et de Clément VII, Paris and Corbeil, 1933. complete des mémoires, XVII (Paris, 1821), 376-82, and eds.

Since Venice was in alliance with France, there was under- Bourrilly and Vindry, I, 224-31, in detail; Paolo Giovio, La standable restraint in the Senate’s congratulations to Hadrian Vita del Marchese di Pescara [Ferdinando d’ Avalos], trans. Luupon his accession; with the usual formal praise, much emphasis dovico Domenichi, ed. Costantino Panigada, Bari, 1931, bk. was put upon the perils of the time (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 11, chap. 5, pp. 287-96; and cf. Bertrand de Chanterac, ‘‘Odet 61°-62° [76°-77'], 75°-76" [90°-91"], docs. dated 21 January de Foix,”’ Revue des questions historiques, LVI (3rd ser., XIV, and 8 April, 1522). On 13 March (1522) Hadrian wrote the April, 1929), 313-17, who regards La Bicocca as an indecisive Venetians that his turbulentissimis temporibus peace must be made _ battle rather than a French defeat; Chas. Oman, Art of War in

among the Christian princes and peoples so that they might the Sixteenth Century, London, 1937, pp. 172-85; New Cambr. turn their arms against the Turks, adversus Catholicae fidet hostes Mod. History, ed. G. R. Elton, If (Cambridge, 1965), 341-42, (Sanudo, Diaru, XXXII, 129-30). A week later,on 19 March, 497-98; and Karl] Brandi, Kaiser Karl V., 4th ed., 2 vols., Munich, the Senate informed the aged Count Bernardino de’ Frangipani 1942, I, 133-42, 175-76 [trans. C. V. Wedgwood, 1939, repr. (Frankopan) of Segna, who was worried ‘“‘circa il pericolo che 1965, pp. 154-66, 202-3], with some indication of the sources si attrova il stato suo,”’ that his hope of escape from the Turkish — in Brandi, I, 121-24, 150-51. On the ‘“‘impresa de Milano,” peril, like that of Europe itself, lay in peace between Charles the defeat of the French, and the cautious withdrawal of their V and Francis I and in their union with the new pope (2bid., Venetian allies under the provveditore Andrea Gritti and Paolo fols. 72-73" [87°-88"]). On Frangipani’s Turkish problem, Nani, captain of Bergamo, note the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols.

236, 633. 201, and cf. col. 217.

note Sanudo, Diarii, XXXIII, 33-34, 130-31, 153, 197, 77°-79* [92°-94"], and see Sanudo, Dian, XX XIII, 198, 199-

202 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Delayed for various reasons, Hadrian did not Upright and well-meaning, Hadrian VI now make his entry into Rome until 29 August (1522), began the sad futility of his year’s residence in almost eight months after his election. It was the Rome (he died on 14 September, 1523). His effirst anniversary of the fall of Belgrade to the forts at reform did little more than alienate the Turks, and not a good time to become pope. Both cardinals and the Curia.'° Had he been younger Rome and the Sacred College had long been “‘in _ or lived longer, it would have made no difference.

gran confusion.’’'* Hadrian received the cardinals Sultan Suleiman’s attacks upon central Europe in the church of S. Paolo fuori le mura. He entered and the attitude of certain German princes helped the city by the nearby gate of S. Paolo, “‘and was foster Lutheranism. The Protestant revolt and the accompanied by the cardinals and all the people Venetians’ fear of conflict with the Turks were to the church of the prince of the Apostles.”"'? The insuperable obstacles to the crusade, as was the scene 1s depicted in a handsome relief on histomb persistent warfare between Charles and Francis.

in the German national church of S. Maria dell’ Hadrian lamented the advance of the Turks

Anima, just off the Piazza Navona in Rome. A _ almost as much as he did that of the Lutherans. four months’ plague was beginning to ravage the At his first consistory, held on Monday, 1 Septemcity, producing a shortage and curtailing the avail-_ ber (1522) he asked for the support of the Sacred ability of priests, physicians, and gravediggers. College, spoke of the necessary reform of justice Everywhere Hadrian looked there was trouble. and curial practice, and dwelt above all on the His local problems were serious. By the sale of of- crying need to send aid to the king of Hungary fices, against which salaries were paid, the papacy and the grand master of Rhodes. The Holy See had incurred a large public debt. The papal treasury, was weighed down by debt, the grim legacy of the however, was empty. The cardinals claimed to have wars which the Christian princes had waged with no funds. Justice often went awry in the ecclesiastical one another for years. Hadrian could not, therecourts, especially in the supreme tribunal of the fore, send the Hungarians and the Hospitallers the

Rota. The whole curial administration needed re- aid which he had planned to send them. There form from top to bottom. The Roman economy was no money. The king of Hungary and the was languishing; the city streets as well as the out- grand master of Rhodes had been the bulwarks lying roads were unsafe. S. Peter’s was unfinished; of eastern Christendom. They must be helped, large sums were still required for its completion. and Hadrian appealed to the cardinals to help him Hadrian’s more distant problems were more serious. _ find the money to do so. There was apparently no

Beyond the Alps Martin Luther threatened the consideration of Lutheranism at this first consisdominance of the Holy See, and German evan- tory.!’ gelicanism was threatening Latin Catholicism. Stri- On 21 December (1522) Hadrian wrote Aldent demands for an oecumenical council frightened fonso d’ Este of Ferrara that among the various the pope and the Curia. Charles V and Francis I anxieties which had attended his elevation to the were at war. Northern Italy was full of unpaid troops _ papal throne he was especially concerned with that who turned to marauding for their compensation.

TT 85.

The Turks were laying siege to the island of Rhodes, |§ —————_——

and Hungary was teetering on the brink of disaster. '© Cf. Robert E. McNally, “Pope Adrian VI (1522-23) and Church Reform,” Archiwum histonae pontficiae, VII (1969), 253-

14 Sanudo, Diarii, XXXII, 411, 433-34, 442, 465, and 7 Acta consistorialia (1517-1534), fol. 133%: “Die lunae prima

XXXII, 8. As the Venetian ambassador Alvise Gradenigo had — Septembris 1522: Fuit primum consistorium sanctissimi Domini written from Rome on 19 March (1522), ““Roma€é restata molto nostri Hadriani Papae VI, dominos Cardinales ut iuvarent malcontenta”’ (ibid., col. 74). By a brief of 9 August, 1522, —Sanctitatem suam hortando, et fecit verba de iustitia et de moHadrian had notified Duke Alfonso d’ Este of Ferrara that on _ ribus Curie quod in suppetiis ferendis regi Hungariae et magno the fifth he had boarded the fleet, post longam et ingratam nostram —__magistro Rodi, ostendens Sedem Apostolicam magno aere gra-

in Hispania moram, which was to carry him to Civitavecchia, — vatam ob bella et discordias principum quae superioribus annis whence he would proceed to Rome (Arch. di Stato di Modena, _ viguerunt se non posse ea auxilia mittere quae sibi in animo Cancelleria marchionale poi ducale Estense, Estero, Carteggio —_essent ob inopiam Sedis Apostolicae et regi et magno magistro

di principi e signorie, Roma, Busta 1299/14, no. 37). Rodi, qui semper fuerunt validissima propugnacula Christi'S Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia: Acta Miscellanea, | anorum, rogans reverendissimos dominos ut cogitarent aliquem Reg. 31 [formerly Arm. XII, tom. 122: Anno 1517 usque ad | modum inveniendi pecunias ut posset praesentibus necessitatibus 1534, Acta consistoriaha diwersa|, hereafter cited as Acta consis- | subvenire.’’ For similar records of Hadrian’s first consistory, torialia (1517-1534), fol. 133", by mod. stamped enumeration. — see A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano. . . (1951), p. 88 and Hadrian was crowned on 31 August (1522). On the collection — note 47. The Turkish menace was also the main topic for disof consistorial acts to which reference is here made, see the — cussion as Hadrian’s second consistory on ‘“‘Wednesday, 4 SepSussidi per la consultazione dell’ Archivio Vaticano, 1(Rome, 1926), | tember, 1522” (MS. cited, fol. 133’, although 4 September fell

203, 209-10 (Studi e testi, no. 45). on a Thursday in this year).

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 203 ‘que ex periculis Christiane reipublice ab impio John of Jerusalem, being preferred to the rich Sir Turcarum tyranno imminentibus nascitur.’’ Su- Thomas Docray, the grand prior of England. The leiman’s occupation of Belgrade had opened up arrogant and unpopular Andreas Amaral, a Porthe way into Europe. The magnitude of the peril tuguese knight who was chancellor of the Order, to Christians who lay in the path of Turkish in- was also passed over by the chapter, in which the vasion required the employment of every resource French faction predominated. Amaral’s defeat to ward off the yoke of servitude. Louis Il of Hun- added immeasurably to his disaffection, and he was

gary and Bohemia had appealed for aid to the alleged to have told a Spanish commander of the Holy See and to his fellow Christians, “‘and if we Order on the very day of the election, in the words fail him, the outcome of events could easily make — of the contemporary Jacques de Bourbon, “‘que ledit

clear that we have failed ourselves:’’ Quis enim de- seigneur esleu grand maistre seroit le dernier fendet Itaham Hungaria in tam potentis hostis dittonem maistre de Rhodes.” This charge was later on, when

redacta? Although Hadrian had found the Holy _ he was accused of treason, to help secure his conSee in grievous poverty and overburdened by viction and execution.”° At the time of his election debt, he had sent Louis money, and now he was___L’ Isle-Adam was in Paris. He immediately made doing so again, “‘nihilque omissuri sumus quod plans to go to Rhodes, being received before his ad sanctam et necessariam hanc expeditionem per- departure by Francis I in Burgundy.*! Charriére tinere noverimus.”’ He was urging the princes and the Christian powers to do likewise, and was there- °° Jacques de Bourbon, La Grande. . . oppugnation. . . de fore sending an emissary to Ferrara to explain the Rhodes, 3rd ed., Paris, 1526, fols. 2Y-3"; 4th ed., Paris, 1527, plight of Hungary more fully and to receive writ- unnumbered fol. 4 (= sign. Ani). For this work see the following ten assurance of Alfonso d’ Este’s contribution to note. Cf’ Giacomo Bosio, Dell’ Istoria della sacra religione et 1lthe cause of Christendom.!® Hadrian made more _ /strtssuma militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano, 3 vols., Rome,

h | Alf, na th ar that I: 1594-1602, HI, bk. xvi, pp. 519, 524-26. By the time Bosio

than one appea to onso im the year tat lay had reached this period in his history members of his own family ahead. Leo X's death had terminated the long- were playing a conspicuous part in the affairs of the Hospital. standing Ferrarese differences with the papacy, at On L’ Isle-Adam, cf: Sanudo, Diarii, XXX, 136, 146, 260-61, least for the brief period of the present reign. 264, 289, 469, docs. dated from April to July, 1521, by which Upon his election Hadrian had absolved Alfonso "™¢ 1 was well known that Sultan Suleiman was “belicoso ar . . . gran nemico di Christiani”’ (tbid., col. 469). from the ban of excommunication and Ferrara *! Jacobus Fontanus, De bello Rhodwo libri tres, Rome, 1524 from the interdict which his predecessors Julius II [the colophon reads, ‘‘Romae in aedibus F. Minitii Calvi, mense and Leo X had laid upon Alfonso and his sub- Februario, Anno MDXXIIII,”’ which may be 1525 by our cal-

jects.'9 endar], bk. 1, unnumbered fols.translation 5°—6" (signs. Bi-Bii). A Spanish of Fontanus was made by Christoval de Arcos, and was printed in 1526 ‘ten casa de Juan Varela de Salamanca

As Charles V and Francis I marshaled their re- vezino dela dicha cibdad de Sevilla,” and reprinted in 1549 sources to fight each other, neither could give ‘en casa del honrrado varon Juan de Villaquiran en la muy any assistance to the Hospitallers on the faraway noble y leal villa de Valladolid en Castilla.” Fontanus’s book island of Rhodes. The Knights had b tj had a wide circulation. Of Italian translations I know only that stand O OCS. c nig ts ha een EXPEC INS of Francesco Sansovino, Della guerra di Rhodi, Venice, 1545. an attack, however, ever since the extensive prep- — Since Fontanus was an eyewitness to the siege, his account is arations which Selim had made against them. important. With the inevitable reminiscence of the siege of There was a large Turkish fleet all ready for the Troy anda flatulent style adorned with classical allusions, Fonundertaking, but no one knew when it would be "5 easily secures the reader’s agreement to his statement

that thefor majesty of hisdle theme ordered .to sail Rhodes. it. exceeded his capacity to han-

On 22 January, 1521, the courtly Philippe de A more valuable account of the siege of Rhodes was left by Villiers de I’ Isle-Adam, the grand prior of France, another eyewitness, a Hospitaller, Frére Jacques, bastard of was elected the grand master of the Hospital of S, Bourbon, son of Louis de Bourbon (d. 1482), bishop of Liege, La Grande et merveilleuse et trescruelle oppugnation de la noble Cite

_ de Rhodes, prinse nagueres par Sultan Selyman, a present grand

'® Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Carteggio di prin- — Turcg, ennemy de la tressaincte for Catholique. . . , Imprimee de cipi esteri, Roma, Busta 1299/14, no. 45. On the concern for — Rechief[a Paris]. . . , Lan mil cing cens XXVII, au moys de Octobre.

Hungary in the Sacred College throughout Hadrian’s reign, This edition contains thirty-six unnumbered folios. It had been see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 396, | preceded by an edition which was ruined (says the author) ‘“‘par

399°, 402°, 407” ff., 413° ff., 419, 423, 426°-427", 436°. la grande et inexcusable negligence de Limprimeur.”’ The first '9 On Hadrian’s relations with Alfonso d’ Este, note also the — edition was printed at Paris ‘‘par Maistre Pierre Vidoue, pour texts to be found in the Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, — honneste personne Gilles de Gourmont libraire jure en luni-

Carteggio di principi esteri, Roma, Busta 1299/14, nos. 35— _ nersite [sic] de Paris, Lan mil cing cens XXV. au moys de 36, 38-41, 50, 54. Hadrian had reinvested Alfonso and his Decembre’”’ (as I learn from Geoffroy Atkinson, La Littérature successors with the duchy of Ferrara in the final act of abso- — geographique francaise de la Renaissance, Paris, 1927, no. 27, p.

lution on 6 November, 1522 (ibid., nos. 39-41). 38). The second edition, with slight changes, also dates from

204 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT has published some of L’ Isle-Adam’s letters to the Suleiman had at first apparently intended a secFrench treasurer Florimond Robertet, to the ad- ond expedition against Hungary. Louis II had sent miral Guillaume de Bonnivet, and to Francis himself. Stephen Broderic, provost of the church of FunfL’ Isle-Adam and his military brethren bought sup- _ kirchen (Pécs), on a mission to Venice, where he plies in France in order that their funds, presumably _ was kindly received by the Doge Antonio Grimani collected in France, might be spent in France. They and the Collegio. By action of the Senate on 2 May,

had some trouble, however, with the customs of- 1522, Broderic was told that relations between

ficers (gabeliers) of Aigues-Mortes, in connection with Venice and the kingdom of Hungary had long been

which the grand master wrote Bonnivet on 13 July marked by friendliness and mutual respect (which from Villefranche. Difficulties attended him to the was something of an overstatement), and so the very eve of his departure from Marseille, but he Signoria was always happy to see Hungarian envoys made the dangerous passage to Rhodes despite a and ambassadors come to the lagoon. The doge and fire on board ship, a storm, and a Turkish attempt Collegio had, therefore, been glad to receive Broto intercept him. On 28 October he had anxious deric and sad to hear his account of the losses which occasion to write Francis I from the grand master’s Hungary had suffered and of the perils to which palace at Rhodes. He had just receiveda letter from the kingdom was exposed. Broderic had appealed the “Grand Turq,”’ written at Belgrade on the pre-_ to Venice to work for peace among the Christian ceding 10 September, informing him of the con- princes and to help find a remedy for the troubled quest of Belgrade, Sabac, Semlin (Zemun), and five affairs of Louis’s kingdom. He had asked what the other places: ‘‘Sire, since he has become the Grand _ extent of Venetian aid might be, for the Republic Turk, this is the first letter which he has sent to _ had often assisted the Hungarians in the past (sicuti Rhodes, which we do not take for an expression of alias sepe fecimus), which was indeed the case. The friendship, but rather for a veiled threat... .”** | Senate wanted him to understand, however, that the Venetians also shared the dangers which his

ee king and country faced. Whenever the occasion had 1525 (Atkinson, no. 28, p. 39). The Gennadeion in Athens has afforded Venice an opportunity to help the king of the third edition (Atkinson, no. 31, p. 41), a handsome book: Hungary, she had never proved lacking, but hatred “Et imprime a Paris pour honnestre personne Gilles de Gour- and internecine warfare had pervaded Christendom, mont libraire iure en luniversite de Paris, Lan mil cing cens leaving their evil effects upon all Furove. King Loui XX VI. au moys de May” (colophon on fol. 44”): the text contains 8 HECES UPON all LUTOPE. NING LOUIS 44 numbered folios, with a full-page cut of Jacques de Bourbon should persevere in the detense of his kingdom, for in his study (opp. fol. I"), a stereotype. It was sold in Paris, God would not desert his warriors. The new pope according to the title page “‘a la rue sainct Jacques a lenseigne was hurrying to Rome. The divine will had recdes trois couronnes pres sainct Benoist.’’ Since Jacques de ognized his extraordinary virtues by raising him to Bourbon preferred his 1527 edition (actually the fourth edition h f Hadrian VI ardently desired or at least impression of his work), “. . . dernierement reveue C € ponunicate. Hadrian Viar rent y Gesirea peace et tresdiligentment corrigee et augmentee en plusieurs lieux,” 1 Europe. As for Venetian assistance to Hungary, I have used it in preference to its predecessors. There isa copy Broderic as well as most people must know the terin the Gennadeion (Atkinson, no. 32, pp. 41-42). The Abbe —s+ific expenses to which war had subjected the Re-

de Vertot, Hist.osdes Chevaliers Hospitaliers, 11 (Paris,sumptibus 1726), 622-ut. ;vix ,.: public (. . of . tot tantisque nostris 88, reprints the 1527 edition Jacques de Bourbon, assigning _ ern . cre-

to it by error the title (p. 622), Relation du second siege de Rhodes dibile possit videri). The Turks were making large en 1485 (!). Jacques was received into the Langue de France _ naval preparations, against which the Venetian gov-

in 1503, and became the prior of France in 1515. In this note ernment must take costly precautions by building as elsewhere in this work I have taken some liberties with the up its fleet, strengthening various garrisons, and

capitalization and punctuation of the title pages of sixteenthcentury imprints.

L’ Isle-Adam was elected grand master on “‘le XXII 1our de =|—§ ———————

Janvier, mil cing cens XX” ( Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnanon, translation of the Jesuit Father Bouhours’ Histoire de Pierre 3rd ed., 1526, fol. 2"; 4th ed., 1527, fol. 4" = sign. All), which — qd’ Aubusson, grand-maistre de Rhodes], London, 1679, pp. 433-

corresponds to 1521 in our present calendar, and is recorded (6: Abbé de Vertot, Hist. des Chevaliers Hospitaliers, I (Paris, correctly in Vertot, If, 423. From the early eleventh century 1726), 430-529, a well-known but unreliable work; Alexander until the middle of the sixteenth the French began the new Sutherland, Knights of Malta, 11 (Edinburgh, 1831), 40-86, also

year with Easter. unreliable; John Taaffe, Hist. of the. . . Order of St. John of *? For the letters of L’ Isle-Adam, see E. Charriére, Négo- _ Jerusalem, I11 (London, 1852), 142-237, rhetorical; Whitworth cations de la France dans le Levant, 4 vols., Paris, 1848-60, repr. Porter, Knights of Malta, I (London, 1858), 421-79; Cecil Torr, New York, 1965, I, 85-90, and cf. Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni Rhodes in Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887, pp. 22-32; Charles Gierosolimitano, IT (1594), bk. XVII, p. 522. On the second siege Oman, Art of War in the Sixteenth Century, London, 1937, pp. of Rhodes, note The Life of the Renowned Peter d’ Aubusson, Grand 634-48. On the works of Eugene Flandin, Albert Berg, F. de Master of Rhodes, Containing Those Two Remarkable Sieges of Rhodes _ Belabre, G. S. Picenardi, B. E. A. Rottiers, and others, see by Mahomet the Great and Solyman the Magnificent [an abridged Volume II, p. 352, note.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 205 fortifying the exposed islands in the Aegean, in qui- sources put the fleet as high as 700 ships, with bus tot tantosque sumptus fieri necesse est ut eos iam 40,000 rowers, and the land army as high as 200,000

pigeat recensere. Broderic could understand the men.*? The fleet arrived at Rhodes on 26 June, Venetians’ plight, in quo Deum testamur non animum, establishing a blockade of the island. It was first non desiderium quod summum nunc quoque est ut semper sighted early in the morning from the Christian fuit, sed vires et facultatem nobis deesse. Their past observation post atop the hill of S. Stefano about services to Hungary stood as testimony to their sin- a mile to the west of the fortress.*° A month later

cerity. While Louis II obtained no money from Venice, the Senate voted to present Broderic with =————_

silk cloth enough to make a handsome vesta with a CoMtained 200,000 men, of whom 60,000 had been brought

. 3 for the dangerous task of digging mines (Oppugnation, 1527,

proper lining. fol. 10° [= sign. Bii]; the 1st edition, fol. 5’, differs considerably

For generations, whenever the Turks had begun in this passage); the 60,000 miners had been summoned from large-scale preparations for a campaign on land or Wallachia and Bosnia (fol. 11” = Biii). Bosio, II (1594), bk. x1x, at sea, Venice had looked to her own defense. This _ P. 544, follows Jacques de Bourbon. An unauthentic copy of

time she had nothing to fear, nor was Hungary the the final capitulation of Rhodes credits the Turks with 300 , . ; ships and 200,000 armed men (E. Charriére, Négociations de la sultan’s objective, not now at any rate. Whatever France dans le Levant, 1, 92). Sir Nicholas Roberts, who had Suleiman’s initial plans may have been, he had now been at the siege, wrote the earl of Surrey from Messina on 15 decided to embark straightway upon the conquest May, 1523, that the Turks had 15,000 seamen and a land force of Rhodes, of which he had probably been dreaming of 100,000 fighting men, with 50,000 laborers “‘with spades ; ; he Ott and pikes”’ (W. Porter, Knights of Malta, 1[1858], append., no. since his boyhood. On 5 June, 1522, U € Ut oman 15, p. 516), but elsewhere in the same letter he raises the total fleet began to assemble at Istanbul. Suleiman himself — ¢o 200,000. A dispatch of 13 July from Marco Minto, then the

left the capital on the sixteenth, crossing over to Venetian duke of Candia (Crete), credits the Turks with 100 Scutari, to take command of a land army said to light galleys, 70 galleasses, and the rest transports and fuste to number 100,000 men. Thereafter his military jour- the extent of 270 sail in all (Sanudo, Diaru, XXXII, 417).

. A letter written by a knight of Rhodes to the pro-French

nal fixes the chronology of his movements and dates Cardinal Scaramuccia Trivulzio of Como on 5 December, 1522,

the chief events of the expedition from the Turkish states that the Turkish fleet contained 300 ships and the army standpoint. According toa dispatch of the Venetian 200,000 men, and rather vaguely implies that the fleet had bailie in Istanbul, as reported in Sanudo’s Diarii, been reduced to 50 ships by this date, while the army had he fleet left on the eighteenth. It consisted of 70 sustained great losses also, Exercitus ile ducentorum millium par-

U e met tert O 8 tim bello interemptus, partim divino flagello vindicante corruit. | have

light galleys, 40 heavy galleys, and 50 transports, — seen this letter in a small pamphlet (4 fols. in 12mo), with the together with fuste, brigantines, and other vessels _ title Exemplar litterarum, per quendam militem Rhodanum Cardito the number of 300 sail, all told.2* Some Turkish — ali Comen|st] missarum, which was once in the library of the well-known orientalist Charles Schefer (Catalogue de la bibliotheque orientale de feu M. Charles Schefer, Paris, 1899, p. 176, no.

TT 2813). The pamphlet is now in the Gennadeion in Athens. ®3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 81'-82" [96"-97'], doc. dated Two Trivulzi were known as cardinals of Como during the first 2 May, 1522, passed by a vote de parte 174, de non 6, non sinceri half of the sixteenth century—Giannantonio (1500-1508) and 1. On Venetian difficulties with the Turks, note Sanudo, Diarii, | Scaramuccia (1517-1527)—and so this letter must have been

XXXII, 342-43. Broderic appeared before Hadrian VI and addressed to the latter, who became a cardinal in Leo X’s fifth the papal consistory on another anti-Turkish mission a year creation of July, 1517. What we must regard as the Knights’ later (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta consistorialia [1517-1534], official version of the siege (see below, note 61), Thomas Gutfol. 148’, by mod. stamped enumeration, entry dated 1 June, chardus’ Oratio habita . . . coram Clemente VII Pont. Max., first

1523). printed in Rome ‘‘apud F. Minitium Calvum mense Ianuario

*4 Sanudo, Diarii, XX XIII, 359-64, esp. col. 380; cf von MDXXIIII,”’ gives as figures for the Turkish forces about 300 Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, II, 18-30, 627 galleys and other large ships, and 200,000 men ‘‘more or less,”’ (where his text of Sanudo seems to go astray), and pp. 628 ff. of whom 60,000 were sappers (unnum. fol. 3" = Aiii). All these (for Suleiman’s journal of the expedition to Rhodes), trans. figures are grossly exaggerated. Hellert, V, 25-28, 415, 417 ff.; and note J. S. Brewer, ed., 25 Ettore Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi nel 1522, secondo le Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, . . . of Henry VIII, WN- relaziont edite ed inedite det Turchi, Rome, 1927, pp. 15-16, 492 (London, 1867, repr. Vaduz, 1965), no. 2405, p. 1014, and —_50. Since other troops came from Egypt, Rossi apparently be-

cf. nos. 2324-25. Fontanus, De bello Rhodio (1524), II, fol. 19" lieves ‘‘che la cifra di 200,000 non sembra lontana dal vero”’ (= sign. Ei), agrees with the report in Sanudo as to the size —_(p. 50)! Rossi’s book, however, is useful for supplying the Turkof the fleet, ‘“‘nam ad tercentum et amplius naves omnis generis _ ish view of the expedition to Rhodes and the capture of the

fuisse dicitur.”’ island fortress. According to Jacques de Bourbon, the Turkish fleet con- © Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, II, fol. 19" (= sign. Eiii). The

tained 103 galleys in the main armada (not counting 25 or 30 — grand master, L’ Isle-Adam, also reported the arrival of the more which had come as an advance unit into Rhodian waters Turks on 26 June (see his letter of 13 November, 1522, in on 17 June), 35 galleasses, 15 mahonnes, etc., making a total of | Charriere, I, p. Cxxx1). Cf Bosio, II (1594), bk. xIx, pp. 542about 250 vessels. Other ships are said to have arrived from 43. When on 15 July (1522) Domenico Trevisan received his Syria to raise the total to about 400 sail. The army allegedly | commission as captain-general of the sea (from the Doge Antonio

206 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Turkish land forces reached the bay of Mar- An able Italian engineer, Gabriele Tadini di maris, and on 28 July the sultan himself crossed Martinengo of Brescia,*® in militia et toga spectandus,

over to the island. The siege of Rhodes began in had come over to Rhodes from Crete. He is often

earnest.”’ mentioned in Sanudo’s Diari. His inventiveness was of great assistance to the Hospitallers in the months —_—_____ that followed; he devised ways of detecting Turkish Grimani), he was instructed in the event of Suleiman’s moving mining Operations at the base of fortress walls, and against Rhodes not to interfere in the Turkish operations (Sen. | Was adept at blasting the sappers out with gunpow-

Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. 105° [120"]): “Et in CaSO che i armata der.?*? The sultan’s arrival had promptly transdel predicto Signor [Turco] andasse ala impresa di Rhodi ad- fo med the naval blockade of Rhodes into an active

vertiral de non te impedir in alcuna cosa ne far movesta alcuna . ; . .

che loro possano havere suspitione di esser disturbati da nui, SICEC: The Rhodian garrison may have consisted of ma solamente haverai |’ ochio ala segurta del stato et cose SOME SIX hundred Knights and possibly 4,500 mennostre. . . .”’ Since in Venice as of 15 July, however, it was at-arms. After 146 days of siege (28 July to 20 Deconceivable that Suleiman’s fleet might be headed for Cyprus, cember)— Jacques de Bourbon calls the period ‘‘six Trevisan was to be prepared to defend Venetian territory cum months’’——there were only 1,500 men left to offer fol. 106°[120°]). On 7 August the doge and Senate wrote An- resistance to the enemy. Throughout the sIege tonio Surian, their ambassador in England, to explain to Henry the Turks concentrated their attacks upon the landVIII and Wolsey their desire for peace with Charles V. The ward walls, remembering the costly failure of their prime desideratum in Europe was peace, “‘laquale veramente — ¢fforts upon Fort S. Nicholas in 1480. L’ Isle-Adam €procede necessaria, riguardando ala incredibel potentia, cum laquale had tak ‘al . f h . il Signor Turco, ilquale Il’ anno preterito debello Bel- ag taken especia precautions or the protection grado, Serimia, et la potissima portione del regno hungarico, of the harbor installations. In addition to the heavy et neli mesi proximi ha conquistata Scardona et Trina [?], prin- chain which had been strung from the Tower of cipal forteze dela Croatia. Et hora in persona cum trecento”— Najllac to that of the Windmills (in 1475-1476), ven et exercito de persone centomilia Sl attrova alla impresa the grand master now extended a chain (carried by

ogni accurato studio et tute le forze de |’ inzegno tuo” (abid., . 30 .

e Rhodi. . .” (fol. 112 [128], and cf. fols. 117°, 118° [132', .

133", on Scardona and ‘Tenina”’). wooden floats) from the Tower of the Windmills On 14 August Gasparo Contarini, then Venetian ambassador all the way to Fort S. Nicholas, a distance of almost to the court of Charles V, wrote his government from Palencia

that an Hospitaller had arrived there on the twelfth, having come from Rhodes in forty days—Suleiman’s fleet contained —§ ————————

200 sail, and he ‘had already landed troops and cannon to 28 ()n Gabriele di Martinengo, the very basis of the Rhodian bombard the city.”” The chancellor Mercurino Gattinara had defense of 1522, note Picenardi, Itinéraire, pp. 112-14, who informed Contarini that Charles was directing the authorities has collected numerous references concerning him. See the in Naples to allow the Rhodians to export provisions and artillery —§ Sumario di uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo,

without payment of any duty or impost, and that he was planning in Sanudo, Diarti, XXXIV, 69 ff., at cols. 75-76 and ff., 86, to send aid to try to break the siege. Contarini was fearful that 87, and cf. Bosio, IH (1594), bk. x1x, pp. 545, 548-49, 557Charles might require some action on Venice’s part against the 58, et alibi, and A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano (1951), pp.

Turks (Brown, Calendar of State Papers... , Venice, HI, no. 91-92, note 56.

523, 265-66). 29 Cf. Fontanus, De bello Rhodw, I, fols. 19°-20° (= Enti—in).

Gasparo Contarini is one of the better-known figures of the — According to a report in Sanudo, Diaru, XX XIII, 566, Marfirst half of the sixteenth century (cf, below, Chapter 8, note — tinengo, who became one of the heroes of the siege, arrived 143). His dispatches, addressed to the doge and Senate during in Rhodes on 23 July (1522). Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, his embassy to Charles V from 23 March, 1521, to 28 July, 1527, fol. 13" (= Bv), dates his arrival on the twenty-second; 1525 (written in the hand of his secretary Lorenzo Trevisan), he also calls him a Venetian (2bid., fol. 22", line 3 = Dui, et alibi), may be found in a hefty, leather-bound volume in the Biblioteca because he was in the service of the Republic as a military Nazionale Marciana, It. VII, 1009 (7447). Seven books of Con- engineer at Candia before going to Rhodes. The Venetian tarini’s letters from 21 May, 1528, to 5 November, 1529 (cf. — government was unhappy about Martinengo’s leaving their emFranz Dittrich, ed., Regesten und Breefe des Cardinals Gasparo ploy to take up arms against the Turks. Contarint [1483-1542], Braunsberg [Braniewo], 1881, nos. 79- 30 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 28°-28°

232, pp. 27-72), written from Viterbo, Rome, and Bologna (= Fii). According to Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, 1, fol. 10° when he was the Republic’s ambassador to Pope Clement VII, — (= Cii), there were about 5,000 persons in Rhodes capable of

are contained in a MS. in the Marciana, It. VII, 1043 (7616). bearing arms, among them some 600 Knights, 500 Cretans, Both these MSS. were bequeathed to the Marciana by N. H. © sailors, rowers, etc. Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, Rome, 1524, Girolamo Contarini in 1843 (cf. Inventari det manoscritt: delle | unnum. fol. 3" (= Aiii), “‘. . . tametsi vix sexcenti ordinis nostri biblioteche d’ Italia, LXXXVII [Florence, 1967], pp. 5, 8). Ga- — milites et quinque Rhodiorum millia essent, qui tractandis armis sparo Contarini was made a cardinal by Paul III on 21 May, _ et aetate et viribus idonei forent.. . .’’ Sanudo followed events

1535. in Rhodes with his usual attention to detail (Diarn, XXXII,

*7 See Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 13° ff. 389, 390, 398-99, 404, 417, 458-60, 461, 468-69, 487 ff., (= Bv ff.), who as a soldier gives a detailed account of military 500-1, 511 ff., 565 ff., 600-3, 605, 615, 633), and see the operations, describes the Turkish gun emplacements, the sta- account in J. S. Brewer, ed., Letters and Papers . . . of Henry

tions of the various pashas, etc. Cf Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, — VIH, MI-2 (1867, repr. 1965), no. 2841, pp. 1191-93, which II, fol. 21° (= Fi), and Bosio, II (1594), bk. xtx, pp. 550-51. — seems to be adapted from Jacques de Bourbon’s Oppugnahon.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 207 halfa mile, thus providing a double barrier toentry had been ordered “‘without our knowledge and into the harbor.°' The Turks did not try to pen- against our will.” While it is well known that for

etrate that barrier. some two hundred years there had been little love From the time of the sultan’s arrival, the Turkish lost between the Venetians and the Hospitallers, cannon pounded the west and south walls of the owing to the latters’ restraint of trade with the Mosgreat fortress town, which probably had the most lems and to their sometimes outrageous piratical elaborate and skillfully-contrived defense system in activities, the Signoria was certainly alarmed by the the world. The bombardment went on week after dismal prospect of the Turkish possession of Rhodes. week. There were eight major zones of defense, If Suleiman was successful, the Turks would pose well-defined sectors of wall with specific gates and a greater threat than ever to Venetian shipping as towers being assigned (running anticlockwise from well as to the islands of Cyprus and Crete. The the north) to the eight major “‘tongues’’ or com- party of appeasement in the Senate could only muspanies of France, Germany, Auvergne, ‘‘Spain’’ ter sixteen votes for their motion to send the pro(Aragon-Catalonia), England, Provence, Italy, and posed letter to Trevisan. ‘The motion was defeated Castile with Portugal. Each knight fought with his by 168 negative votes. There were no uncommitted compatriots. For example, upon Gabriele di Mar- votes cast by senators who wished to remain neutral tinengo’s arrival in Rhodes on 22-23 July, just be- (non sincert) in the decision to be taken.** Although fore the siege began, he was “received into the lan- they would not take up arms against the sultan, as guage of Italy” (et fut receu en la langue Dytalye).°* Charles V thought they should, at least there was Like certain of the church councils and the uni- a limit to their obeisance. versities, as we have noted in the preceding volume, Mustafa Pasha was the second vizir and the sulthe Hospitallers voted by nations or, more precisely, _ tan’s brother-in-law. If he was uneasy operating unby “‘langues.”’ In view of the French preponderance der the watchful eyes of his young master, at least

in this organization it is easy to account for the the latter was present to share the responsibility election as grand master of Villiers de l’ Isle-Adam, with him. They began the siege with heavy barrages who now commanded the Rhodian garrison of the — of artillery. The walls were cannonaded; mortars

Hospital against the Turks. shelled the town continually. On 10 August the

As usual in a grave emergency, and as was done campanile of the conventual church of S. John in in 1480, the grand master had forbidden the de- §=———__— parture from Rhodes of men and vessels, as well as *3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. 114°-115" [129°-130"]: “Voi the removal of provisions and equipment, which dovete haver inteso per li advisi da Corphu et etiam de Candia might assist the besieged in their defense against l armata del serenissimo Signor Turco esser andata sotto Rhodi

the Turks. A Venetian ship was thus caught in ogni the per far que eevee d perche desiderio nostro saria che sidi : se amorevole demonstratione verso il capitaneo harbor of Rhodes, to the annoyance and displeasure quella, che é il magnifico Mustafa Bassa azio el potesse cognoscer of the Senate, as some members proposed to write __la intention de la Signoria nostra di voler continuar ne la bona

the captain-general Domenico Trevisan on 7 Au- pace et amicitia cum la Excellentia del Gran Signor et non li gust, stressing their “desire to continue in [our] dar alcuna causa per laquale el potesse haver suspilione che ; . ; . noi havessamo in animo di voler perturbar le imprese sue... . . good peace and friendship with his Excellency, the ‘Il che essendo voi sopra il fatto [as noted above in the text, Gran Signore.”’ They were even prepared to have the proposed letter was addressed to the captain-general TreTrevisan send a gift of silk clothing to Suleiman’s _ visan], lassamo deliberar alla prudentia et circumspectione vocommander-in chief, Mustafa Pasha, and make a_ ‘Ya, possate mandar a presentar al predicto bassa in nome similar gesture of amity and admiration to the sultan nostro le ve de Me quella ne de accommodata setta che horaforma vi mandamo et farl che saperete bene under the very walls of Rhodes. They wanted Tre- fare, che ritrovandovi in quel loco vi era parso usar questo visan to explain to Mustafa Pasha that Venetian _ segno di bona amicitia cum la Maesta sua, sapendo quanto la ships traveled and traded everywhere. L’ Isle- sia affectionata ala Signoria nostra, et cose sue... . Demum Adam’s retention of a Venetian vessel at Rhodes volemo che per instruction vostra sapiate noi haver inteso et certo cum displicentia come il reverendissimo Gran Maestro de Rhodi havea retenuto in quel porto una nave de uno mar-

rs*! cadante nostro di questa cita.. . . [Trevisan was to take steps Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, I, fol. 13’ (= Di). Onthe Turkish to explain to Mustafa Pasha the innocent presence of the Venesiege of Rhodes in 1480, see Volume II, chapter 11. tian vessel at Rhodes for, as the sultan was well aware, ‘li mar32 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 13” (= Bv), cadanti nostri traficano in ogni loco . . .’]. De parte 16, de and cf. in general fols: 14-15 (= Bvi—Ci), 28° (= Eli), et passim; — non 168, non sinceri 0.’" On 11 September (1522) the Senate Fontanus, De bello Rhodio (1524), H, fol. 20% (= Eiii); Bosio, Il. arranged for the annual tribute (pensione) for the island of

(1594), bk. xix, pp. 548-49. The “‘tongues” were represented | Cyprus to be paid to the Porte (ibid., fols. 124°-125" [140*by delegates, who apparently voted as they chose (presumably —_141"]); the tribute, formerly paid to the soldans of Egypt, was

in accordance with the interests of their nations). 8,000 ducats (fol. 126° [141*}).

208 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the northwestern part of the town, in the Knights’ Chaux, a member of the council of regency which quarter (called the Castrum or Collachium), was _ had held the reins of government for him during brought down by Turkish gunners from a battery his nonage, that the grand master of Rhodes had opposite the Tower of S. George in the (western) warned him of the imminent peril and had asked sector of Auvergne.” In the fall of the campanile him for aid. The emperor feared that Suleiman, the defenders lost a valuable conning tower from ‘‘aprés avoir debilite et quasi destruict le royaulme

which they had been able to watch the enemy’s de Hungrie,’’ would, if successful at Rhodes, movements and give warnings to those on the walls _ threaten the kingdom of Naples and Sicily and also

and in the streets below. the lands of the Church. The Turk would then be The Turkish movements were being watched, in an excellent position to overrun all Italy ‘‘and however, not only from the campanile but from ___ finally to ruin and destroy all Christendom.”’ Charles every observation post in Europe, so to speak, and__ described to Poupet de la Chaux his elaborate plans

the appeals of L’ Isle-Adam had alerted every state for an expedition to relieve Rhodes, but little or and sovereign in the Christian West to the danger nothing appears to have come of them.®? On the which Suleiman’s attack was presenting to the Med- embattled island the terrible struggle continued. iterranean world. On 25 August, 1522, the Emperor

Charles V wrote Charles de Poupet, seigneur de la With encouraging memories of the Turkish failure against Rhodes in 1480, the polyglot defend-

as .. ers ofnotes thethetown manned their with grave Suleiman collapse of the campanile ofposts S. Johnand re : Greeks ae determination. Once again Latins in his journal of the siege (v. Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. ; ; .

Reiches, U1, 629, trans. Hellert, V, 419); Sanudo, Diari, XXXII, fought side by side. The Turkish sappers were 567; Bosio, II (1594), bk. xIx, p. 554, following Fontanus; more feared than the janissaries. The explosions Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi, pp. 16-17, and cf. the map of | of mines destroyed parts of the outer wall along

e (southern) English sector -

Rhodes on p. 49 (but Rossi appears not to know that the Port 4}, : of Galleys and Port of Commerce were not so called until well ( ) gish sector, but three heavy as after the Hospitallers’ surrender of Rhodes); note also the map

in Cecil Torr, Rhodes in Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887, at §©§——— end. On 6 November, 1856, the ecclesia nobilissima sancti Johannis, °° Karl Lanz, ed., Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., 3 vols.,

which stood across from the palace of the grand masters, was _ Leipzig, 1844-46, repr. Frankfurt am Main, 1966, I, no. 37, destroyed in a mysterious explosion (Picenardi, Itinéraire, pp. _ pp. 66-68, and cf. also no. 39, dated at Vilnius on 22 Septem96-97; de Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights, pp. 101, 103; A. Gabriel, ber, 1522, from Sigismund I of Poland to Charles V. Since La Cité de Rhodes, 1 [1921], 8; 11 [1923], 167-70). By 1522 the | Charles was involved in hostilities with Francis I of France, he Gate of S. George had been closed; formerly disputed by the — could do nothing to assist the Knights on Rhodes, despite his language of Germany, the Tower was now protected by that good intentions. Subsequent events did little to relieve the fear

of Auvergne (Gabriel, I, 20, 27-29, 34). of a Turkish descent upon Sicily or Naples (ibid., I, no. 49, p. The Italians restored the conventual church of S. John on ‘93, a letter to Charles from his aunt Margaret, his Statthalterin the modern quay just south of their (new) governor’s palace, in the Netherlands, dated 21 February, 1524, and cf. no. 52, across the mouth of the Mandraki from Fort S. Nicholas. Here — pp. 103, 112). the work of Rottiers was very helpful (Monumens de Rhodes, I, An original letter of L’ Isle-Adam to Bernardino de Carvajal, 291-306, plates XIII, XL, XLII [exterior] and XLII [interior]). | cardinal bishop of Ostia, requesting his intercession with the For the restoration of the top of the campanile more use might _ pope, “‘datum Rhodi die XVII Iunii, 1522,” may be found in have been made of the miniatures in the manuscript of Caoursin — the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi e titolati, vol. I, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. lat. 6067, fols. 18,32. The — fol. 3: ‘‘Reverendissime in Christo pater et domine, protector

church could not be replaced on its high terrace across the _noster, domine mihi observandissime, mei humilima commensmall piazza from the grand masters’ palace, because this terrace | datione premissa, Turcorum tyrannus decima quarta presentis was (and is still) occupied by a well-kept Turkish school. Al- — mensis per suas litteras nos ad bellum diffidavit nisi cesserimus though not the Latin cathedral of Rhodes, which was the church —_jurisdictioni quam Christiana res publica sub nostra custodia in of S. Maria at the foot of the Street of the Knights, the (con- — oriente tenet et eadem die magna bonaque pars sue classis huc ventual) church of S. John was the scene of the admission of — transiens Fiscum petiit ubi radunantur alia navigia donec tota new Knights to the Order; election of the Grand Masters, who __ classis fuerit completa ut statim huc transfretet et nos oppugnet. were also buried here when they died on Rhodes; convocations _. . .”’ Rhodes was well fortified. The grand master hoped, with of the chapters-general, which usually met every five years; and divine clemency and with the aid of the Virgin Mary, to stop the chief solemn ceremonies connected with the Order and _ the sultan to the latter’s loss and ignominy: “‘Et quia ex diuturna their patron S. John. See Pietro Lojacono, ‘“‘La Chiesa con- _ obsidione populi franguntur, cibaria et munitiones consumunventuale di S. Giovanni dei Cavalieri in Rodi,” Clara Rhodos, tur, de habendo succursu cogitavimus quare commisimus ve-

VIII (1936), 245-74, with plans following p. 288. S. John’s is | nerando priori prioratus nostri Capue ambaxiatori nostro in now the Orthodox church of the Evangelismos, with some Romana Curia: supplicet reverendissime dominationi vestre ut handsome neo-Byzantine frescoes; perhaps the chief criticism dignetur nos commendatos facere sanctissimo domino nostro

to be made of the Italian architects in this connection is their .. . :’ He needed mercenaries, food, and matériel to help apparently deliberate effort to impart a Venetian look both to him withstand the siege. The letter is signed “‘P. de Villers

the church and to the campanile. Lyleadam’’.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 209 saults were beaten off here on 4, 9, and 17 Sep- by side. L’ Isle-Adam took his stand behind the tember. The grand master always went where improvised walls, where he remained (says Jacques trouble was, and was therefore usually to be found de Bourbon) for thirty-four days, until the end of in the English sector.*° On 20 and 24 September the fighting.”” On 14 November the Turks “‘set general attacks all along the walls were repulsed _ themselves to cutting the said new wall;”’ it seemed

in fierce fighting. The Turks suffered severe clear that they were in Rhodes to stay.*” Several losses, but there were simply too many of them.®’_ brigantines had run the Turkish blockade sucIt seemed that only a miracle (as in 1480) could cessfully, and on 15 November two larger vessels possibly preserve the town in Christian hands. In _ got safely into the harbor at Rhodes, bringing two October the defenders were weakening notice- dozen men, half of them Knights.*? But reinforce-

ably. There were another five attacks upon the ments of two and three at a time (as they usually English sector from 1 to 13 October. They were were) or even two dozen, as on this occasion, could all repelled, but on 10 October the Spanish wall not alter what now appeared to be a preordained was breached, ‘‘qui fut une iournee mal fortunee — result. L’ Isle-Adam had as much cause to worry pour nous,”’ says Jacques de Bourbon, ‘‘et com- about the loss of a single knight on the walls as mencement de nostre perdition.”°®> The Turks Suleiman did about the loss of ten or a dozen men could not be dislodged. They were confined, how- from the attacking force, which (besides Turks) ever, to the area of the breach by interior walls included Serbs, Bosnians, Vlachs, Bulgars, Greeks, hastily constructed to prevent their advance. Day and others. after day the struggle went on without respite. By On 13 November (1522) the Grand Master the end of October the breach was wide enough _L’ Isle-Adam wrote his nephew Francois de Montfor thirty or forty horsemen to ride through it side —morency, a younger brother of the illustrious Anne, that the Hospitallers had by that date sustained nine 06 F De bello Rhodjo. UL fol. 20"(= Eiiii):“ | major assaults, ‘‘et tousjours avec I’ ayde de Nostre bello Rhodto, II, fol. 20(= Eun):". . Quinto Seigneur repoulsé noz ennemiz avec grosse perte locovontanus, fi.e., De fifth from the north counting anticlockwise, the pre- i. ; : ceding four sectors being those of France, Germany, Auvergne, de leur Sens. Besides the Turks heavy artillery and Spain] phalanx Britannica pugnabat duce magno magistro. the grand master feared the mines, of which about . . .” On the dating of attacks on 4 and 9 September, cf Fon- fifty had been placed in the foundations of the tanus, II, fol. 24° (= Fi): “. . . quinto Idus Septembres quin- walls:42 of these ten had been ignited despite the

toque die post primam oppugnationem.. . .’”’ The best account Christians’ £ , . b ” .

of the attacks of 4, 9, and 17 September is to be found in ristians rantic countermining ul, graces a

Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 17'-18" (= Ciii- | Dieu,” the walls were still largely intact. Many were lil), who (like Barbaro in Constantinople in 1453) kept an ac- perishing of sickness in the Turkish camp. Christian curate wary of the siege. on Thursday, 28 August, the grand ~~ countermining and artillery had accounted for oth-

Meee eeefor eeethe ee ee eee op upe Cour ers. It was reported that the sultan had lost to beg immediate dispatch of help to Rhodes (Bosio, II :50,000

[1594], bk. x1x, p. 556). My notes, however, do not reveal any of his best troops. The Turks were planning to resuch letters now preserved in the Vatican Lettere di principi. | main all winter, however, and conditions in the for*” See the report in Sanudo, Diaru, XX XIII, 567, the “bel- tress of Rhodes had become desperate. All hope guardo di Santo Athanasio being the English bulwark. Forthe = yag being placed in the king of France. If his help

chronology of the successive (and almost incessant) attacks, con- forth . L’ Isle-Ad 7

cerning which there are some differences between the Euro- was not ort coming, sie-Adam saw ye means pean and Turkish sources, see Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi of being able to resist so great a power. ~

nel 1522 (1927), pp. 18-19, but the Turkish sources for the Mustafa Pasha was removed from the high comsiege do not appear to add much to our knowledge. Jacques de mand of the Turkish forces by the disappointed Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 18°—19" (= Ciiii—v), gives a

detailed description of the great attack of 24 September in

which the janissaries mounted the broken wall of the Spanish =~

bulwark (in the southwestern corner of the town), on which °9 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 23" (= Diii). Rustem Pasha also has a notice (in his Ta’rikh- Al-i ‘Othman), *° Ibid., fol. 25" (= Dv). ed. Ludwig Forrer, Die osmanische Chronik des Rustem Pascha, *! Ibid., fol. 25% (= Dv). Leipzig, 1923, p. 64. Bosio, II (1594), bks. XIX—xx, pp. 558- * Fontanus, II, fols. 19-20" (= signs. Eiii—iiii), was also much

69, describes the September attacks at length, largely from impressed by the Turkish mines, ‘“‘nam quinquaginta quinque Jacques de Bourbon, and cf. the letter of the Doge Antonio fuisse dicuntur.”’ The number of such mines varies in the sources Grimani and the Senate to the Venetian captain-general Tre- from 38 to 55 (cf. Bosio, II [1594], bk. x1x, p. 557, and Rossi, visan, dated 24 October (1522), in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fol. | Assedto e conquista di Rodi, p. 18, note 4). Thos. Guichardus, 132” [147°], and the letter of 17 November (ibid., fol. 137% | Oratio, fol. 3° (= Aili), says there were 45 mines.

[152%)). *° Charriére, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, 1, pp.

*8 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 21’ (= Di), CXXXI-CXxXx1II, letter dated ‘‘de Rhodes le XIII de novembre

and cf. Bosio, I (1594), bk. xx, pp. 571-73. 1522.”

210 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT sultan, who sent him off to be governor of Egypt of the human race, but this has been the chief reason on 27 October, appointing hisenemy Ahmed Pasha for the loss of Rhodes.’’*® To the last moment as the commander-in-chief.** The rains had begun Amaral asked no pardon of God or man, we are on 25 October, and yet in a divan of the thirty- told, for the manner of his life. At his execution first the Turks decided (as noted in L’ Isle-Adam’s _ he pushed aside the image of the Virgin. He died letter of 13 November) to spend the winter in with obvious contempt for his fellow Hospitallers, Rhodes. ‘The fleet was sent back to safer anchor- _ especially the pious grand master, whom he clearly age in the mainland harbor of Marmaris. The _ believed to be mismanaging the defense of Rhodes. Turks kept up a terrific bombardment, however, Some modern historians have tended to see a martyr as Jacques de Bourbon informs us, “and I firmly in Amaral. It is not clear from Fontanus’s description believe that ever since the world was created, nei- of him that the jurist regarded him as guilty.*” ther such furious artillery nor in such great quan- The Turks resumed their heavy attacks in late tity was ever shot against a town as has been against November, losing four or five hundred men on the

Rhodes in this siege.’’*” twenty-second in an attempt to storm the Italian

The beleaguered Christians found the strain al- sector, on the southeast of the town, ‘‘and our losses most intolerable. There were constant rumors of _ in killed and wounded were likewise great.’’ All day treachery, even in the ranks of the Knights. On 30 and all night on the twenty-eighth the Turkish arOctober, when the breach in the Spanish wall was _ tillery pounded the new wall and earthworks in the wide enough for a whole corps of cavalry to ride Spanish bulwark, on the southwest, firing 150 shots

through it, the Chancellor Amaral was accused of in the effort to exploit their one point of ready treasonable communication with the enemy. Jacques access to the defenders. On the twenty-ninth side Bourbon gives a detailed and bitter account of | multaneous attacks were made in strong force upon the affaire Amaral. The chancellor was arrested by _ both the Spanish and Italian walls, but were again

order of the grand master and confined to the

Tower of S. Nicholas. He was examined, according , ie Bourbon. O on. 18977. fol a

to custom, by two knights of the grand cross and _, Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 4 (= Aii), 20°(= Evi), 23-24" (= Diii-nii), who calls Andreas Amaral the judges of the castellany. Among the latter Was “André Demerail.’’ According to the document in Sanudo, presumably Fontanus, a jurist from Bruges, judge —Diarii, XX XIII, 568, Amaral was executed on 5 November in the Rhodian court of appeals, and Latin chron- (and ¢f,, ibid., col. 570). Sanudo also preserves a Sumario di uno icler of the siege. The arrogant Amaral was much _ /?r9 tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, di tutto quello

disliked: th id ; h; seguite di nove di giorno, particularmente in Rhodi (Diarii, XXXIV, ISHKE ’ there were several deponents against im. 69 ff.), to which we have already referred. It supplies a number

He denied the charges, even under torture. Being of details concerning Amaral’s execution, and also gives the found guilty, however, he was stripped of the Hos- date as 5 November (ibid., cols. 83-84). I have followed Bourpitallers’ cross in a formal ceremony in the con- pon, whose sccoume seems generally accurate. posto, I 1994), ventual church of S. John on 7 November, and was XX) PP. 9F9— 719 WHO usually follows Bourbon closely, says ; that Amaral was stripped of the Hospitallers’ habit on Wednesexecuted the next day, his head being mounted ON day, 4 November, and beheaded the following day, but in 1522 the Tower of S. George, facing the Turks in the _ the fourth of November fell on Tuesday. Bosio says that he sector of Auvergne. His body was quartered, the used a contemporary account of the affaire Amaral written by four pieces being hung on the bulwarks of Auvergne Pietro Lomellino del Campo, a Rhodian of Genoese origin, d i ni E d 8 d Italv. Thus died And “il quale essendosi trovato presente, noto di sua propria mano and spain, England and italy. us ale NATEAS in un libro tutte le cose piu memorabili ch’ occorsero in quest’ Amaral, who had served the Order for forty years, — assedio.”’ Pietro’s son Giovanni, then living in Rome, gave Bosio but “‘whose treason I believe to have been greater the book, but 4 November still came on Tuesday. Obviously than that of Judas . . for the treason of Judas in the book used by Bosio is Sanudo’s own source: we have then

th dred d d to the well-being and salvation only Bourbon’s record of the date to set against Lomellino’s.

€ end recounded to wer veins Bosio expresses surprise that Fontanus has left no clear account

of the affair; maybe as a judge, he thought the less said about

——____— that particular trial, the better. Passions were running too high

44 Cf Suleiman’s journal in von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. for objective judgment. In his address to Pope Clement VII in osman. Reiches, III, 632, trans. Hellert, V, 423. Rossi, Assedio December, 1523, Thos. Guichardus makes much of the treache conquista di Rodi (1927), p. 20, gives 28 October as the date ery of Amaral (Orati, fols. 3-4” = Aiii—iv).

of Mustafa Pasha’s departure for Egypt. On his disgrace (he *” Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, 1, fols. 17-18" (= Ei-ii). A was almost executed) and his replacement by Ahmed Pasha, see | woman pilgrim from Jerusalem, a Spaniard, had caused much Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 20", 21" (= Cvi- excitement and suspicion in Rhodes by preaching that the trib-

Di), whence Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 570. ulation of Rhodes was a sign of God’s anger at the wickedness *° Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 16% (= Cii). of the leaders (ibid., fol. 24" = Fiiii). Thos. Guichardus, Oratio,

At the beginning of the siege the Turks mounted sixty toeighty fol. 4° (= Aiv), says that, when the image of the Virgin was batteries “in diverse places and almost all around the town” presented to Amaral, he said, ‘‘Aufer a me lignum istud!’’ Gui-

(thed., fol. 12” = Biiii). chardus was an apologist for the grand master.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 211 driven back with heavy losses.*® The ardor of the the grand master presided. M. de Saint Gilles, who Turks was dampened by torrential rains as well as had charge of munitions, said that he did not have by the valor of the Knights and the Rhodians who men enough to move a piece of artillery from one fought with them. But four months of fighting were _ place to another. There was hardly powder enough

taking their toll of the defenders. The southern to reply to a Turkish assault. It was M. de Saint ranges of their walls were giving way under the Gilles’ opinion that the town was lost. Gabriele di terrific pounding of the Turkish artillery. Fourteen Martinengo reported next. The Turks were firmly batteries of three cannon each had been trained for entrenched in the great breach, which was now more all this time against the Spanish and English sectors, than 100 feet long and 70 or more feet wide. Two with seventeen others against the Italian sector.*”? other areas in the wall were also going. Most of the

The Christians’ supply of gunpowder was getting knights and other combatants were dead or very low. Breaches in the walls were being repaired wounded. The munitions were coming to an end. by pulling down houses. There were no longer men He shared M. de Saint Gilles’ opinion—the town enough to occupy all the posts along the walls. would be lost to the next great Turkish assault. The On 1 December a Genoese named Girolamo grand master and the knights could only accept the Moniglia, obviously sent by the Turks, appeared judgments of their two experts, and now they took below the post of Auvergne, just north of the Span- thought of the sacred relics and the welfare of the ish position, to urge the Knights to surrender, of- people. There was much discussion, however, “‘et fering his services as an intermediary. He was sent le pro et le contra, et y eut diverses oppinions.”’ away. Two days later he was back, claiming to have Some of the knights still wanted to die for the faith, a letter from Suleiman for L’ Isle-Adam. Again he _ but in the end the council decided to capitulate, was told to go away, ‘“‘and to hasten his departure because it would be more agreeable to God to save someone took a shot at him.’’ Exhortations to sur- so many menu peuple, defenseless women and little render were shot over the walls; other efforts were children. They spoke of the fate of Modon and, made to reach members of the garrison. The grand more recently, that of Belgrade.”’ master forbade all communication with the Turkish On 10 December (1522) two Turks rather mysemissaries, “‘considerant que ville qui parlemente _ teriously delivered a letter for L’ Isle-Adam, which est a demy perdue.”’ Rhodes was more than half they said was from the sultan. The grand master lost already, however, and there were rumors that _ read it to the council of the Knights. It stated that, the Turk would accept the town on humane terms if the town were surrendered now, all the knights of surrender. Delegations of Greeks and Latins and other people of whatever condition might leave waited on the grand master both now and later, with their movable goods without fear of molesurging him to have regard for their wives and chil- _ tation by his troops. “‘And thus he swore and promdren.”® A council of the Knights was held at which ised on his faith, and there was his signature in letters of gold.”’ A special session of the council was *8 For the chronology of these attacks I have followed Jacques required to accept the sultan’s offer, but it was done, de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 25°—26' (Dv—vi); the month and on the eleventh the grand master sent, as his

of November was lacking in von Hammer-Purgstall’s copy of spokesmen, to the sultan a knight of Auvergne Suleiman’s journal (Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 632, trans. tamed Antoine de Grollee and a Latin resident of Hellert, Hist. de empire ottoman, V, 423). Cf. the Sumario di the town, Roberto Perucci, who was a judge of the uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, in Sanudo, Castellania. The both in Greek. Ath Diarn, XXXIV, 69 ff., 85-86; Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 579, - they were both tuent in Greek, “A three who follows Jacques de Bourbon; and Rossi, Assedio e conquista days’ truce was arranged with Ahmed Pasha, who

di Rodi, pp. 20-21. on the morning of the twelfth himself took the two

© Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 14°, 15" Christian envoys to the sultan’s pavilion. Suleiman (= Bvi, Ci): “. . . la muraille Dangleterre et Despaigne, contre denied requesting that an embassv be sent to him.

laquelle [les ennemys]. . . avoyent attitrez quatorze mantel- CO PEque 8 . y

letz.. . . Apres est de scavoir aussi quil y avoit dixsept man- He said that he had not written the letter (“non-

telletz attitres contre le terreplain Dytalie.. . .”’ obstant il scavoit bien le contraire’’), but after the , panes “ pourbon, SP pugnation, 1, a son are diplomatic sparring and facesaving were over, he

= Dvi-Ei), and cf. ; , Il,

33°34" (= hah oeieuepend that the Genoese. on " return, repeated in effect the same terms. He added too asked for a Genoese merchant named Matteo de Via, which

Fontanus confirms (fol. 29" = Eiii), naming the go-between as | Girolamo Moniglia and stating that he was sent by Piri Pasha, °! Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 27'-27° commander of the Turkish forces placed opposite the Italian (= Ei), and note Fontanus, De bello Rhodwo, I, fol. 36' (= liiii), sector. Cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 580, and the Sumario di and Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fol. 5" (= Bi), who says that the uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo fu di missier Zacabo, in Sanudo, defenders of Rhodes were now reduced to hardly 1,500 men.

Diarii, XXXIV, 87 ff. Cf, Bosio, Il (1594), bk. Xx, pp. 581-82.

212 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that he intended to remain on Rhodes until the the inhabitants had had only water to drink.°4 On town and fortress were taken, even if “all Turkey the seventeenth and eighteenth the Turks launched should die” in the process. Perucci returned to the heavy attacks upon the Spanish barbican. The first grand master and the council. Ahmed Pasha kept was repulsed; the second took the wall. The Turks the knight Antoine with him. They talked about promptly began an attack upon the right flank of the siege, apparently until late into the night. An- the adjoining English wall from this new point of toine asked the Turkish commander-in-chief to tell vantage. L’ Isle-Adam informed the fire-eaters that him honestly what the sultan’s casualties had been now they would have the chance to die fighting— up to the hour at which they talked. Ahmed Pasha’ which they had previously said they wanted—but said that more than 64,000 had been killed, and the last success of the Turks had moderated their that forty or fifty thousand had died of disease. In| enthusiasm for further combat. More ambassadors the meantime Perucci informed L’ Isle-Adam that were now sent to the Turkish camp. The terms of the sultan had said he wanted a quick answer, ‘“‘ou surrender were duly signed on 20 December:”” The si, ou non.” Two or three councils had already made churches in Rhodes would be respected; old ones the decision. Antoine de Grollée and Perucci, how- might be repaired, and even new ones built. The ever, had not been empowered to effect the sur- sons of the inhabitants would not be taken in the render. Two other envoys were sent to Suleiman devshirme, for service in the janissaries. No one would to ask for more time, so that the grand master might _ be forced to accept Islam. No one was to be required discuss the matter again with the knights and with — to leave Rhodes immediately, but might take three

both the Latin and the Greek inhabitants of the years to decide; those who chose to remain were town. Suleiman promptly ordered the Turkish bat- to be secure in their property, and would be free teries to resume fire, to which the Christians could — of tribute for five years. The Hospitallers were to make almost no response, because they had no more _ leave Rhodes within ten or twelve days. They might munitions. This, says Jacques de Bourbon, was on take their arms and property with them; if necessary,

15 or 16 December.”* ships and provisions would be supplied to carry them

According to Fontanus, a French knight broke as far as Crete. They were also to surrender, besides the truce by firing at Turks who appeared to be approaching the city walls to inspect them. He also }=————————

states that at this time a ship arrived from Crete, 54 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 30° (= Eiiii). without knowledge of the Venetian Senate, bringing Surprisingly enough, Rossi, Assedio e conquista di Rodi nel 1522,

wine and a hundred Latin volunteers.°2 Jacques de P- 21, note 5, thinks that ‘‘the European sources do not speak

; . of the arrival of reinforcements: thisof must be an invention of Bourbon confirms the arrival in theAsport Rhodes : :Eu; ; ‘ the Turkish chroniclers!’ we have seen, the two :; chief

on 16 December of a small ship with wine and men- ropean sources are Bourbon and Fontanus, both of which speak at-arms on board. It had left Candia, headed for © of the arrival of reinforcements: it is in fact from them that the

Flanders with the wine, and carried as passengers Turkish chroniclers learned about them. Cf. Bosio, II (1594),

some Hospitallers, who had said they were going PK XX, Pp: 985-86, whom Rossi had not read.

Sicily. The knights. h had tak eth On 20 December (1522) the Doge Antonio Grimani and the

to ICY. € Knigits, Nowever, Nad taken Ove € — Senate wrote the Venetian bailie in Istanbul they had just learned ship at sea, and hence its arrival in Rhodes. The _ that a ship belonging to a noble named Niccolé Simitecolo had wine was very welcome. For two months most of _ been seized by officials of Charles V (agenti cesarei) in the port of Naples, where it was loading hazelnuts (noselle) for the voyage as5? to Alexandria, ‘‘et gia si era dato principio di carricarla de Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 28’-29" munitione et altre cose bellice per mandarla in soccorso de

(= Eii-iii); cf Fontanus, De bello Rhodio, I, fols. 33" (= hh), 37" — Rhodi.”” The Senate was alarmed that a Venetian ship might (= Ki), and Sumano di uno libro tenuto per Pero de Campo, in _ be sent to Rhodes with munitions and ‘‘altre cose bellice’’ for

Sanudo, Diarn, XXXIV, 89. Here as elsewhere there are a the Hospitallers. They lodged a protest with Charles’s envoys number of minor differences among the chief western sources; in Venice, requesting them to write to Naples. The doge and I have not concerned myself with them, but it would be well Senate also wrote Charles de Lannoy, the imperial viceroy, to have a thorough monograph dealing with the siege of Rhodes _—‘“‘per la relaxation di essa nave.” Since it was possible, even in 1522, with some consideration of the Turkish documentary _ likely, however, that the ship would be sent to the assistance sources. Cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 583-85. Asto Ahmed _ of the besieged, the bailie was instructed to explain the situation Pasha’s alleged statement that the Turkish forces had suffered and make clear the Republic’s indignation (il sumo dispiacer)

64,000 casualties, and that forty or fifty thousand had died of | over the whole affair. Nevertheless, if by the time the bailie disease (which sounds like Hospitaller propaganda to alleviate received the Senate’s letter of 20 December the Turkish fleet the blow which their prestige suffered in the surrender of had returned to the straits of Gallipoli, and the army had aban-

Rhodes), the Genoese admiral Andrea Doria observed in a_ doned the siege of Rhodes, he was to say nothing about the letter dated 9 August, 1527, to the French Marshal Lautrec matter at all, unless by some chance the Turks should learn that the Gran Turco had taken Rhodes by mining operations about the ship and question him (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 49, fols. and cannon fire with very small losses of troops, ‘“cum pochissimi _143°—144" [158°-159"}).

danni de li suoi’’ (Sanudo, Diaru, XLV, 641). 5° Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fols. 30°-31" °° Fontanus, op. cit., II, fol. 36 (= iii). (= Eiiii—v), and cf. Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 586-87.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 213 the town and fortress of Rhodes, the island fortress than two centuries his predecessors had ruled like of Cos and the mainland fortress of Bodrum (Hali- doges in the southeastern Aegean. carnassus) as well as the castles of Pheraclus, Lindus, Stopping at Candia, where he was received by and Monolithus, the last three being of course on the duke and the Venetian captain-general Dothe island of Rhodes.?® The disaffected Turkish troops did some unauthorized pillaging. The grand §=—HH!H master and the sultan (a remarkable gesture) €X- _ possit fieri concordia et pax inter principes Christianos et ad changed visits. The Latin churches were, however, imveniendas pecunias pro manutentione belli contra predictos converted into mosques, although on the whole nostes fidei Christiane Vaticano, Actathat Miscellanea, . eg. the 6, fol. 395’). From this(Arch. text Segr. it would appear as of 28 Turks observed the generous terms which the sultan January the surrender of Rhodes to the Turks was not yet had granted the defeated knights. On 1 January, known. In another record of this consistory, however, the pope 1523, the grand master set sail for Crete as night is said to have stated that by way of a report [sent by Gabriele fell upon the harbor of Rhodes,”” where for more 1 2dinidi Martinengo?] from Sicily it was known that the Knights had in fact surrendered, “. . . Rhodios post longam 6 mensium

—_—_——— obsidionem, quam perpessi fuerant a Turcis, tandem fecisse °° The sources vary somewhat as to the terms of the capit- —_ deditionem salvis personis et rebus omnibus et tormentis bellicis

ulation: Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 31” (= Ev); Fontanus, . . .”’ (A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano. . . , 1: Diari di op. cit., fol. 37° (= Ki), the type for this page being apparently —concistor del pontificato di Adriano VI{1951], p. 91, and cf. Mercati’s

reset after the book had been made up into signatures, showing note 56). At a consistory held on Wednesday, 11 February, that Fontanus rewrote it “in page proof;’’ but the facts are — ‘‘[Sanctissimus dominus noster] proposuit quod orator Venetus given in Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fols. 5’—6" (= Bi-ii). Cf Su- nomine sue Reipublice significaverit Sue Sanctitati quod esset mario di uno libro tenuto per Piero de Campo, in Sanudo, Diarti, necessaria concordia principum, presertem cum crederetur Rhodum

XXXIV, 89, and Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, p. 588. The Capi- — pervenisse ad manus Turcharum, et propterea Sua Sanctitas cotulation de Rhodes, in Charriere, Negociations, I, 92-93, seems gitaverat de novo scribere brevia ad istos reges super concordia, accurately to summarize the terms of surrender, but its form —_addendo illis quod indicebat treguas triennales seu quadriennales makes it obvious that it 1s not an official document: Picenardi, — et quod volebat imponere decimam, et commiserat Cardinali Itinéraire, pp. 165-66, calls it “un exercice littéraire dont la Anconitano [Pietro de’ Accolti] ut ordinaret minutam que postea

forme n’ a rien a voir avec la vérité historique.” legi deberet in consistorio et etiam creari deberent legati tam A number of janissaries were apparently already discontented pro regno Ungarie quam pro regibus [aliis Christianis] . . .”’ with the stringent terms of their service, and used the siege of (Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 6, fols. 398°-399). On Hadrian’s efforts Rhodes to flee to Cyprus, hoping to begin life anew under the _ to make peace in Europe to meet the mmminens Turcharum periaegis of S. Mark, as shown by a letter of the new Doge Andrea —culum, see also, ibid., fols. 401°-402', relating to a meeting of Gritti and the Senate, dated 4 November, 1524: ‘‘Delliianizari — the consistory held on 23 February, 1523.

veramente fugiti da Rhodi et andati, come vostra Excellentia The surrender of Rhodes was known in Venice before 4 ne dice [the letter is addressed to Sultan Suleiman], ad habitar = February (1523), as shown by a letter of the doge and Senate cum le moglie et fioli alle insule nostre di Candia et Cypro, si to Alvise Gradenigo, their ambassador to the Curia Romana, rendemo certissimi che quelli rettori et agenti nostri, se cusi alluding to the terrible loss of Belgrade and other places in sera stata la cosa, haverano fatte le necessarie provisione che Hungary, to which must now be added ‘questa recentissima ditti ianizari siano redutti nel poter di vostra excelsa Maesta, _ perdita della importantissima cita et isola de Rhodi.. . .”’ Forperche hano da nui efficaci commandamenti di non acceptar tunately Hadrian VI was doing his best to bring about ‘“‘una simel qualita di persone. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 100” pace universale fra tuti li principi Christiani,”” for peace in Eu-

[112"}). rope was more desperately needed now than ever: “Ne mai fin

°? Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 33 (= Fi); Fontanus, II, | hora, credemo, tanto bisognosa quanto al presente la si attrova, fol. 38” (= Kui). Cf Bosio, II (1594), bk. xx, pp. 590-91. Sanudo, Si per la potentia di questo Signor Turco incomparabilmente

Diarn, XXXIV, 9-10, 10-11, provides us with summaries of | magior de tuti li soi precessori, come per la opportunita et some most interesting dispatches from late December, 1522, _ faculta grande che hora li e data per il novo acquisto de Rhodi to early February, 1523, sent by Domenico Trevisan, Venetian di invader la Italia et tuti li Christiani. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. captain-general at Candia, to the home government, from which 49, fol. 157 [172]; cf, wbid., fol. 159” [174*], and Reg. 50, fols. it appears (among many other details) that the Order’s con-—2°—3" [14°—15"]). Alvise Gradenigo was replaced in the Venetian

ventual church of S. John was immediately converted into a embassy in Rome by Marco Foscari (ibid., fol. 7” [19°], doc. mosque, and that the sultan was observing ad unguem the com-___ dated 7 April, 1523).

mitments he had made. It is emphasized, however, that the According to a letter dated at Valladolid on 18 March (1523) sultan wanted all the artillery (ch’ é¢ pezz 3000). He also wanted — from Gasparo Contarini, the Venetian ambassador to the imcertain relics, namely the arm of John the Baptist and an icon __ perial court, Charles V received the news of the Hospitallers’ of the Madonna (presumably that of Phileremus), but the grand __ loss of Rhodes from Girolamo Adorno, his envoy to Venice.

master got them safely out of Rhodes. Ahmed Pasha also tried Adorno had learned the sad news from Lannoy, the viceroy to get the arm of John the Baptist, dicendo e sta de li soi progenitor, of Naples, who had sent him a letter from Gabriele di Marti-

but the grand master kept it, giving valuables to the sultan nengo dated at Gallipoli di Puglia on 14 January, describing totaling 30,000 ducats. Jem Sultan’s son Murad Beg, who had _ the surrender of the island to the Turks (Bibl. Nazionale Marbeen living on the island of Rhodes, was apprehended and put __ ciana, It. VII, 1009 [7447], fol. 291"; Brown, Calendar of State

to death. Murad is here called Zelabin. Papers. . . , Venice, III, no. 646, p. 307; cf, ibid., no. 659, p. At a meeting of the papal consistory held in Rome on 310, and A. Mercati, Dall’ Archivio Vaticano [1951], p. 100). Wednesday, 28 January, 1523, ‘‘Sanctissimus dominus noster See also Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1V-2 (repr. 1956), 117 ff., with fecit verbum de rebus Turcharum et de periculo in quo versatur _ further references, and Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta consistorialia

msula Rhodi, et ad hoc deputavit nonnullos reverendissimos (1517-1534), in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 31, fol. 139, by dominos cardinales ad cogitandum modum et formam in quo _ mod. stamped enumeration.

214 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT menico Trevisan ‘‘with great honor and courtesy,”’ The holy father to whom the knights made their the Grand Master L’ Isle-Adam sent Pope Hadrian _ sad report was not Hadrian VI, however, who died VI and the European princes official notification of on 14 September, 1523, one year and fifteen days the fall of Rhodes and its attendant circumstances. after his coronation, but Clement VII, the former After a stay of some weeks at Candia, L’ Isle-Adam Giulio de’ Medici, a cousin of Leo X, who had made and his knights continued on their way despite the him a cardinal a decade before. The reasons for bad weather to Sicily, where they arrived on 30 _ the loss of Rhodes were now formally set forth in April (1523). L’ Isle-Adam was dressed in mourning, a Latin oration delivered before Clement on 18 oppressed by melancholy, and worn by the hardships December, 1523, by a brilliant young knight, of the voyage.” While still at Candia, on 7 February, Thomas Guichardus, then about twenty-five or -six he had written again to his nephew, Francois de _ years old, a doctor of both laws, and L’ Isle-Adam’s Montmorency, lord of La Rochepot, recapitulating advocate and apologist at the Curia Romana. As the catastrophe: The Turk had finally madea breach Thomas began to address the assembly, he observed

in the wall at Rhodes so great that thirty or forty that the grievous memory of surrender impeded mounted men could enter riding abreast, through his thought, and that tears welled up to obstruct which the enemy had advanced 150 paces into the _ his power of speech. Again and again his eyes must city, notwithstanding two (parallel) counterwalls and have moved from the dark, handsome face of the defense works (constructed at right angles to their pope to the worn, white face of the grand master, inward ends). For about thirty-six days (from 14 ‘“‘who has directed me to speak for him and for the November, as Jacques de Bourbon makes clear)”” entire Order committed to him.”’°!

hand-to-hand fighting had taken place in this area. Recalling the imperial ambition of Sultan SuAccording to L’ Isle-Adam, the sultan, after losing leiman, “‘twelfth tyrant of the Ottoman family,”’ 80,000 men by combat and disease, had finally of- Thomas spoke of his capture of Belgrade and his fered favorable terms of surrender: The knights massive movement against Rhodes, whose conmight depart safely with their property. Those who quest had been made necessary by the Turks’ rewished to remain might live for five years free of cent acquisition of Syria and Egypt. There were all tribute, and never lose their sons to the Porte those who claimed that Suleiman had been bound for service in the corps of janissaries, as was done _ by an oath to his dying father Selim “‘that as soon

in Greece. After postponing their decision forsome as he could, he would prepare an expedition days, seeing that further resistance was impossible against the Knights of Rhodes.’ Knowing well the because of the lack of men, powder, munitions, and _ terrible hatreds and dissensions which divided the even hope—‘“‘ayans compassion de tant de menu Christian princes from one another and prevented

peuple estant en nostre jurisdicion’”—the grand their helping the knights, Suleiman made huge master and the knights had accepted the terms, thus and incredibly swift preparations for his attack. granted by the grace of God, Who alone had given _ First demanding by letter the surrender of Rhodes, aid to Rhodes during the long months of the siege. which the knights had boldly refused, the sultan The Turk had entered the town on Christmas day _ sent his fleet against their city. It arrived about S. (1522), and on the first day of the year the grand John’s day, some 300 galleys and other large ships. master and the knights had set sail for Crete. Next The Turkish army contained about 200,000 men, L’ Isle-Adam and the knights would be returning to Europe. ‘‘. . . We shall go to the holy father =——W——— [Hadrian Vij and the king [Francis 1] to do as they °! Orato habita ab eloquentissimo uiro F. Thoma Guichardo Rhodio

. - . . .coram Clemente VII. Pont. Max. m qua Rhodiorum oppugnationrs

roe ; 5360 ppended to Guichardus’s address

wish with respect to our Order [Religion] for service et deditionis summa continetur [a ded to Guichardus’s address

to the Christian faith. is: C. Ursini Velin Germani ad Rhodum gratulatio ob Clements VIL.

Pont. Max. electonem], “‘Romae apud F. Minitium Calvum mense

— Ianuario MDXXIIII.” I have seen another edition of Guichardus °8 Jacques de Bourbon, Oppugnation, 1527, fol. 33 (= Fi). (in the Gennadeion): ‘“‘Execudebat Robertus Stephanus, in ofFontanus, De bello Rhodio, II, fol. 39% (= Ki), states that Tre- _ ficina sua, anno MDX XVII, V Idus Augusti,”” which does not visan had been sent to Candia with sixty galleys to defend Crete — contain Ursinus Velius’s gratulatio, a poem of 96 Vergilian hex-

while the Turkish fleet and army were concentrated in the ameters, congratulating Rhodes and the world upon Clement

nearby area of Rhodes. VII's accession, for now papal and imperial arms will proceed °° Jacques de Bourbon, op. cit., fol. 25" (= Dv). against the Turk. L’ Isle-Adam had arrived in Rome at the

6° Charriére, Négociations, I, 94-95, “‘escript a Castelen Can- _ beginning of September (1523), and was given lodging in the die, le VII de février.’”’ Thos. Guichardus, Oratio, fol. 6’ (= Bu), — papal palace (Sanudo, Diary, XXXIV, 395). It has seemed best says that Suleiman had probably lost about 80,000 men bello _ to put the following brief summary of Guichardus’s oratio immorboque, according to the general rumor, but many people put mediately after our account of the siege of Rhodes rather than

his losses at 100,000 and even more. follow the chronology of events.

THE FALL OF RHODES AND WAR IN ITALY 215 of whom 60,000 were said to have been sappers a prayer that Clement’s reign might be a long and (metallici). Thomas states that to oppose such num- happy one.®°

bers there were hardly 600 knights and 5,000 When L’ Isle-Adam sailed for Crete and Sicily, Rhodians capable of bearing arms. These figures, the Turks set about the repair of the walls they had solemnly presented before both the pope and the _ breached. They introduced, however, no significant

grand master, must be regarded as part of the change into the fortifications, which remain to this knights’ official version of the siege. Of course no day almost as they were when the siege began in Christian knew the size of the Turkish forces; late July, 1522. A half century later the newness probably Suleiman himself did not know, except of certain sections of the walls, especiall