The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, Vol. 2 9780871691279

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
1 Venice and the Latin Failure to Halt the Ottoman Advance in Greece (1402-1431) (page 1)
2 Martin V and Eugenius IV, Constance and Ferrara-Florence, Opposition to Muraad II (page 39)
3 The Crusade of Varna and its Aftermath (1444-1453) (page 82)
4 The Siege and Fall of Constantinople (1453) (page 108)
5 Perils and Problems after the Fall of Constantinople (1453-1455) (page 138)
6 Calixtus III and the Siege of Belgrade, Mehmed II and Albania (1455-1458) (page 161)
7 Pius II, the Congress of Mantua, and the Turkish Conquest of the Morea (1458-1461) (page 196)
8 Pius II, the Crusade, and the Venetian War against the Turks (page 231)
9 Paul II, Venice, and the Fall of Negroponte (1464-1471) (page 271)
10 Sixtus IV and the Turkish Occupation of Otranto (1471-1480) (page 314)
11 Pierre d'Aubusson and the First Siege of Rhodes (1480) (page 346)
12 Sixtus IV and the Recovery of Otranto (1480-1484) (page 364)
13 Innocent VIII, Jem Sultan, and the Crusade (1484-1490) (page 381)
14 Innocent VIII and Alexander VI, Charles VIII and Ferrante I (1490-1494) (page 417)
15 Alexander VI and Charles VIII, the French Expedition into Italy (1494-1495) (page 448)
16 The French in Naples, the League of Venice, and Papal Problems (1495-1498) (page 483)
17 The Diplomatic Revolution: France and Spain, the Papacy and Venice (1498-1503) (page 508)
Index (page 543)

Citation preview

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571)

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful Knowledge Volume I

Il

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571) Volume II

The Fifteenth Century

KENNETH M. SETTON

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Independence Square : Philadelphia 1978

Reprinted 1997 with a grant from the Delmas Foundation.

Copyright © 1978 by The American Philosophical Society

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 75-25476 International Standard Book Number 0-87169-127-2 US ISSN 0065-9738

iv

PREFACE This volume, like its predecessor, is largely terranean was drawing to a close. The Turkish concerned with the relationship of the papacy to empire was beginning’. Orthodox Christianity and to Islam. The subject Mehmed II’s new capital ceased to be the city is alive with difficulties, and carries one in several of Constantine, although Europeans continued directions. Amid the complexities of the fifteenth — to call it Constantinople. In its Ottoman context century, however, Ihave tried to maintainaclear I have called it Istanbul. Mehmed’s seizure of the perspective by viewing the scene from the Italian city began his remarkable career of conquest, standpoint, that of Venice as well as that of the extending over thirty years in time and thou-

Holy See. They were both much concerned, sands of square miles of territory. He did not

though in different ways, with the gradual rise of always win. He was put to flight at Belgrade in the Ottoman Turks, as we have seen in the first 1456, and his reign ended with the temporary volume. During the Quattrocento, the great failure of the Turks at Rhodes in 1480 and with

Italian century, Christendom suffered at Otto- their short-lived success at Otranto in 1480man hands a series of military and political 1481. Fortunately for Italy, Mehmed’s reign

defeats, which left an ineffaceable mark upon _ fell within the period of the so-called peace of the mentality and the fortunes of those who Lodi (1454-1494), when the Italians managed

dwelt in eastern and southern Europe. The somewhat to mitigate their predilection for effects of those events are still apparent to this warfare and self-destruction. A new era, and a day. The first half of the Quattrocento provided tragic one, began with the expedition of Charles the sad setting for Graeco-Latin strife in the VIII into Italy (1494-1495), the consequences Morea and for the Christian defeat at Varna, of which will loom large in the next volume.

after which nothing could prevent the fall of Major events in Europe had their impact on Constantinople to the young sultan Mehmed IJ. the Levant, and the reverse was equally true. The half-century before Mehmed’s triumph The fifteenth century found Venice the leading on the Bosporus had been a time of tribulation power in Italy and still possessed of a so-called for the papacy. The debilitation caused by the empire which dated back to the Fourth Crusade. Great Schism was prolonged by the advocates of It soon became clear, however, that she was no Conciliarism. Division within the Church was a match for the Turks. Her inability to hold

reflection of that which prevailed in secular Thessalonica in 1430 portended her loss of

society. The Spains and Germany were rent by Negroponte in 1470, which came at the midpoint

political discord. Serious problems required in a terrible sixteen years’ war with the Porte settlement in the Netherlands and in Burgundy. (1463-1479). The close of the century found England and France were caught up in the her again at war with the Porte, in 1499-1502, Hundred Years’ War until 1453, at which time a_ when she lost Lepanto, Modon, Navarino, and boy was king of Hungary and Bohemia. In the Coron. The decline of Venice was beginning.

latter kingdom the Hussites were as strong as She did hold Crete into the seventeenth ever, and years of warfare lay ahead. For genera- century—and when she lost it, it was to tions the Italian states had been in ruinous con-_ the Turks. flict with one another. There was in fact war in

Italy when Constantinople fell, and four months §=———__—_ after the fall Aeneas Sylvius wrote his friend 1 Rudolf Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Leonardo de’ Benvoglienti, then the Sienese Piccolomini, in the Fontes rerum austriacarum, 1. Abt., envoy to Venice, that the Europeans were them- vol 65 (Vienna, 191 8), Ep. 153, pp. 279, 281, dated 25 selves preparing the way for Turkish conquest. Maumetho viam omnes preparamus. . . . Fuerunt Itali The era of Italian dominance in the Medi- rerum domini, nunc Turchorum inchoatur imperium,”

. . eptember, 1453: “Omnes Turchi procuratores sumus, Vv

Throughout the fifteenth century some re- tion below Pius’s tomb in S. Andrea della Valle in

markable figures trod the crowded stage of Rome still recalls his dedication to the crusade history. In the annals of the Osmanlis Mehmed and his joy in the caput S. Andreae .. . ex

II has no rival. The Byzantine emperors Peloponeso advectum, just as the epitaph on

Manuel II, John VIII, and Constantine XI _ Pollaiuolo’s monument to Innocent in S. Peter’s played notable if disheartening roles. Of the still recalls the lancea quae Christ hausit latus a western emperors Sigismund was given the most Baiazete Turcarum tyranno dono missa. The entry of

important part to play, and Frederick III the each relicinto Rome was accompanied by excited longest and the most wretched. Popes Martin V, crowds and various manifestations of perfervid Eugenius IV, Calixtus III, Pius II, SixtusIV,and devotion. (alas) Alexander VI stand out in the papal Such was the mentality of the age, but what did procession, as they do in the following pages, Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, later Pope Alexander bearing in this century larger mundane than VI, think of such religiosity? This volume ends spiritual burdens. Some of the most interesting with the history of the Borgias and the machinaand stalwart characters in the complex drama __ tions of Alexander’s pontificate. Oddly enough, that lies before us wore neither a crown nor a_ when it is all said and done, he was more of a tiara— Bessarion and Isidore of Kiev, Ciriaco of crusader than Nicholas V. I have tried to let the Ancona and Lodovico Trevisan, John Hunyadi, sources speak for themselves, often by para-

Giovanni da Capistrano, and Scanderbeg, phrase when not by direct quotation, for those Vettore Capello and Pierre d’Aubusson, and_ who lived and wrote in the past are best able to finally Hunyadi’s son Matthias Corvinus, who describe the political events, the military endid ascend a throne, to be sure, and Mehmed’s_ counters, the intellectual struggles, the social son Jem Sultan, who did not. In the Italian problems, and the economic conditions of their background, too, there come before us the time. Like us, they led their lives in day-to-day Medici in Florence, the Sforzeschi in Milan, detail. If I seem not to have eschewed detail, I the Estensi in Ferrara, the Malatesti in Rimini, have sought to be selective. Indeed, when I and the Gonzagas in Mantua, some of which consider the mountains of notes and of tranfamilies will be as conspicuous in the third scripts of archival documents I have made dur-

volume as in this one. ing these last twenty years, I almost marvel at my

However inadequately, I have tried en passant moderation. If I have dealt at length with events to assess the more immediate effects of Ottoman and personalities, it is because I regard them as rule in the Balkans as well as to deal with the important. If Mohammed had been killed in a

perennial preachment of the crusade and the fall from his camel on the eve of the Hegira, I almost perennial mismanagement of crusading have no doubt that the whole history of eastern funds. What contemporaries called a crusade, a Europe and the Mediterranean would have been sancta expeditio, I have also called acrusade. The different from the seventh century to the canonists’ definitions of a crusade, like the legists’ twentieth. disquisitions on an embassy, seem often to have little to do with the world of Realpolitek, the world It has not been possible to equip this volume as it was, which is the world I have tried to depict. and its two companions with the detailed maps

Year after year the peoples of Europe had the which some readers may wish or require. I can crusade dinned in their ears, as preachers never only refer them to the standard atlases which are tired of dilating on the Turkish peril. Some of easy of access in most libraries. I have also had the humanists served as publicists of the crusade, to abandon the hope I once entertained of pro-

and the printing press was employed in anti- viding these volumes with illustrations— por-

Turkish propaganda. traits of persons of note as well as prints of

When in 1460 Thomas Palaeologus, despot of churches, palaces, fortresses, and certain sites the Morea, fled before the Turks, he broughtthe that figure prominently in the text—but the head of S. Andrew with him to Italy. Pius II wide scope of the work made selection baffling, regarded the reception of the sacred relic at the and the cost of suitable reproductions was the Vatican in 1462 as almost the chief event in his final deterrent.

reign, just as thirty years later Innocent VIII In the Preface to the first volume I have

looked upon his receipt of the iron head of the expressed my indebtedness to my old friend and Holy Lance, a gift of Sultan Bayazid II, as_ colleague Dr. Harry W. Hazard. I am glad again perhaps the chief event in his reign. The inscrip- to acknowledge the assistance I have derived vi

through the years from his criticism and con- and Malta, Modena and Milan, Siena and cern. Once more he has most generously made Florence. To the Vatican and Venice I have an index for me, thus lightening immeasurably made almost annual archival pilgrimages for the task of getting this volume through the more than twenty years. press. My secretary Mrs. Jean T. Carver pre- My wife has read the typescript and the galleys pared the typescript, read the proofs, and _ with painstaking attention. I shall not seek to helped me in ways too numerous to mention. contrive an adequate expression of my indebtedMy assistant Dr. Susan Babbitt has checked the ness to her. I must, however, once more record typescript and the proofs, and located books and my deep sense of obligation to the American journals that I could never have found. I wish Philosophical Society and to The Institute for there were some way to repay my predecessors, Advanced Study.

some long whose footsteps echoI wish, K. M.Sa through thedead, notes in thedistant following pages. too, there were some way to render the full The Institute for Advanced Study extent of my thanks to the archivists and their Princeton, N. J. assistants at the Vatican and in Venice, Mantua’ 1 March, 1978

Vii

CONTENTS 1. Venice and the Latin Failure to Halt the Ottoman Advance in Greece

(1402-1431) 0c ce eee eee e eee eee ene e ene 1

2. Martin V and Eugenius IV, Constance and Ferrara-Florence,

Opposition to Murad IL .... 2... eee eect eee ee eee = 39

3. The Crusade of Varna and its Aftermath (1444-1453) ........... 82

4. The Siege and Fall of Constantinople (1453) ..................... 108 5. Perils and Problems after the Fall of Constantinople (1453-1455) . 138

6. Calixtus III and the Siege of Belgrade, Mehmed II and Albania

(1455-1458) 2. ee eee eee tees eteeeeceees 16]

7. Pius II, the Congress of Mantua, and the Turkish Conquest of the

Morea (1458-1461) 20... cc cee eee ee eee eee eeeeee 196

8. Pius II, the Crusade, and the Venetian War against the Turks..... 231

9. Paul II, Venice, and the Fall of Negroponte (1464-1471) ......... 271 10. Sixtus IV and the Turkish Occupation of Otranto (1471-1480) ... 314

11. Pierre d’Aubusson and the First Siege of Rhodes (1480) .......... 346

12. Sixtus IV and the Recovery of Otranto (1480—1484).............. 364 13. Innocent VIII, Jem Sultan, and the Crusade (1484-1490) ........ 381 14. Innocent VIII and Alexander VI, Charles VIII and Ferrante I

(1490-1494) 2... ccc ccc eee e eect ceeeccccs ALT

15. Alexander VI and Charles VIII, the French Expedition into Italy

(1494-1495) 20 ccc cece cette eee e eee eeecccee 448

16. The French in Naples, the League of Venice, and Papal Problems

(1495-1498) 2... ccc eect e eee eee e tence cess 483

17. The Diplomatic Revolution: France and Spain, the Papacy and

Venice (1498-1503) 2.0.0... cee eee e eee eeeeeeee 508 Index 12... ccc cee eee cece e eee e cece eseeceenvcese 9A

1X

1. VENICE AND THE LATIN FAILURE TO HALT THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE IN GREECE (1402-1431) B* THE BEGINNING of the fifteenth such rare variants as crosata and croseria— century the popes had been preaching occurs in the sources, but less frequently than crusades for about three hundred years. The one might think. A crusade was a sancta crusade was in a sense an armed pilgrimage, expeditio or, as we have just said, a passagium

the original purpose of which was not merely generale. Indeed in papal documents after to visit the scenes of Christ’s earthly existence 1462 the word cruciata often denotes the but to wrest them from the Moslems and to papal revenues from the alum mines at Tolfa hold them forever. In the earlier middle ages which, as we shall see, were supposed to be the hazardous journey to the Holy Land, the reserved for the crusade against the Turks. “pilgrimage” (peregrinatio), had become almost In the Spains, Portugal, and the later king-

a social ritual for those of such piety and dom of Naples the word cruzada came to

knowledge, courage and money as to undertake mean not only a crusade but also a finanit. When from the end of the eleventh century cial levy for use against the Moors, or the the pilgrims (peregrini) carried arms, and were money raised by the sale of indulgences, or organized into armies, they began to take the finally even the right to eat meat, eggs, and cross in ecclesiastical ceremonies, binding them- dairy products during Lent, the last indult selves by a solemn oath to make their way to being still granted for a proper consideration the Holy Sepulcher and to fight the holy war _ by papal bulas de cruzada in the present century. against the infidels beyond the sea. They grad- From the early thirteenth century “crusaders” ually became known as “crusaders” (cruce signati). who had changed their minds about the “JeruThe popes and church councils declared their salem journey” (the iter Hierosolymitanum) could privileges, which were similar to but exceeded commute or redeem their vows by paying in

those of pilgrims. The canon lawyers and the cash or otherwise an appropriate sum which

councils defined their obligations. could be used for the hire of mercenaries to

Princes, nobles, and the high clergy always assist in the Lord’s doing. Tithes and twentieths took the cross when their own desires or public had long been levied for the crusade, and the pressure caused them to join or promise to join funds had sometimes been expended against

a crusading expedition. They were too con- the western opponents of the Holy See—

spicuous to do otherwise. On the other hand _ the Albigensians in southern France, the Hohen-

large numbers of “crusaders” were hardened staufen in Germany and Italy, the Catalans

mercenaries and lowly adventurers. It is doubt- in Spain and Sicily, and various others who -ful whether many of them ever formally took readily come to mind. Boniface VIII had even

the cross. Year after year crusades were launched a crusade. against the Colonna family preached. Expeditions were often organized, and their supporters. as we have seen in the first volume, without The popes alone could declare a military Jerusalem in mind. Despite the papal indul- enterprise a crusade. They alone, or those they gences, with the full remission of the par- authorized, could commission preachers of the ticipants’ sins, these expeditions were well crusade and collectors of crusading imposts. named passagia generalia, containing as they did Although with the passage of time the princes

a motley crowd of pious “pilgrims” and fugi- looked upon the crusade with less and less

tives from justice. Under the aegis of the enthusiasm, especially after the disaster at Holy See, however, the Crusade had quickly Nicopolis (in 1396), the popes remained dedi-

become a sacred concept, useful long after cated to the idea of the just war against the Jerusalem was irrecoverably lost to Christendom. infidel menace to the Christian commonwealth.

It provided the canonical and institutional As some princes and certain intellectuals came

means (one hoped) of saving Byzantium and _ to regard the crusade as a military and religious the Balkans, Hungary, Rhodes, the Morea, and anachronism, the legendary Godfrey of Bouillon

Turkish conquest. imagination. :

the Greek islands from the onward surge of became an ever greater hero in the popular

The general term “crusade”—cruciata with When the earthly Jerusalem seemed unattainl

2 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT able by force of arms, popular preachers saw year after Ankara, Timur withdrew his hordes the victory of the Antichrist at hand. Prophets from Asia Minor to Samarkand, after which he with the apocalyptic gift foretold the assembly died at Otrar in February, 1405, planning an

of the world’s peoples at Jerusalem, which expedition to China. The defeated Bayazid,

would truly become the heavenly city, the scene who had been taken prisoner at Ankara, had

of the ultimate triumph of the godly in the already passed from the scene, having suc-

second coming of Christ. The Church began at cumbed to the hardships of captivity in March, Jerusalem. It would return to Jerusalem, the 1403. His sons Suleiman, Musa, and Mehmed beginning of the end (the eschaton) of history. fought among themselves for the coveted sucThe crusading ideal would thus live on for cession, until the elimination of Suleiman (1411) centuries in the dark recesses of the mind, and Musa (1413) finally left Mehmed I undisbecome a powerful element in Christian escha- puted ruler of the Ottoman empire, with tology, and emerge in strange prophecies from many problems to solve both in Europe and the later middle ages to the nineteenth century. in Asia Minor.’ During the eight years of The last chapter of our third volume will deal

with prophecies of Turkish doom. rs . Crusade has meant different things to differ- _. In January or February, 1403, Suleiman made peace

. I hitimes. 1 with the Byzantine Hospitallers ofofRhodes, ent people1 atdiff. ditterent n this volume, venice, empire, Genoa, andthe Chios, and the duchy Naxos, as in its predecessor, it means (concretely) members of a liga Christiana. For the treaty see G. M. an authorized expedition against the Moslems or Thomas and R. Predelli, eds., Diplomatarium veneto-leabstractl one of the maior foreign lici vantinum (1300-1454), II (Venice, 1899), no. 159, pp. 290-—

e th 1p S ol th Jo | fe t P Find 93; N. Iorga, in the Bulletin historique de (Académie rou-

0 € Troly vce, 1e., € papal errort lo . n maine, II (Bucharest, 1914), 26-29; idem, Geschichte des

an answer to the so-called eastern question. — osmanischen Reiches, 1 (Gotha, 1908), 328-30; and especially Until the papacy of Eugenius IV little could George T. Dennis, “The Byzantine-Turkish Treaty of 1403,” be done at the Curia Romana to advance the Orientalia Christiana pertodica, XXXITI (1967), 72—88. On 12

“es : August, 1411, the Venetians negotiated a treaty of peace

christian cause “ofan he Ks whose ie with Musa (Thomas and Predelli, Dipl., H, no. 164, pp. 302increasea rapidly trom 21, when ura 4; Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriali, III [1883], bk. x, no. ascended the Ottoman throne. The popes had 137, p. 354).

no money. For a survey of Ottoman history in the first half of the The years of the Great Schism (1378-1417) fifteenth century, see Paul Wittek, “De la Défaite

the frerorm f th ‘liarist t d’Ankara a la prise de Constantinople,” Revue des études measures O € CONCHIAaTIStS a islamiques, XII (1938), 1-34; on the titles and legal rela-

Constance (1414-1418), the renewal of the tionships of Bayazid’s three sons after the battle of Ankara, Hundred Years’ War, and the religious disaf- cf. Wittek, “Zu einigen friihosmanischen Urkunden,” Wiener

fection in England and Bohemia had apparently Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, LIV (1957), 244 ff.;

reduced the income of the Holy See by the year LV (1959), 126-38; and LVI (1960), 276-84; and in general,

£ its 1 idem, Das Fiirstentum Mentesche: Studie zur Geschichte 1430 to less than one-third. of its £former leve kleinasiens im 13. -15. Jh., Istanbul, 1934, pp. 88 ff.West(Is(see below, Chapter 2, note 21). Pope Martin tanbuler Mitteilungen, no. 2). Bayazid had had five sons, all

V (1417-1431) could play little part in the of whom were present at Ankara (cf. Marie-Mathilde history of the anti-Turkish movements of his Alexandrescu-Dersca, La Campagne de Timur en Anatolte

tjIme, Tj the L had hed the Ott [1402], Bucharest, 1942, pp. 74-77), Mustafa disappeared Aimur the Lame had crushe le O- in the battle although an impostor later appeared claiming

man sultan Bayazid I at Ankara in July, to be he (1415-1422), and Isa was soon eliminated in the 1402, while the papacy was still caught in the _ fratricidal strife which followed Bayazid’s defeat, captivity,

Schism. The Turks recovered from: their , he Alban; SouthSlavs SI urkishdefeat, attacksane upondeat. the Albanians andithe the South

however, before the popes could regain their during these years may be followed in the rich collection power and prestige, if indeed they ever did, for of Sime Ljubic, Listine [Documents] 0 odnoSajih izmedju after the Schism they were hamstrung by the juznoga slavenstva i mletathe republike, vols. V, VII, in the Councils. The Greeks and the Venetians were Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, vols. V,

the sole western beneficiaries of Ankara. and XII, Zagreb, 1875, 1882, although we shall notice such at-

heirbenents b fi hortlived tacks only in later and more decisive periods. Note also their were shortiived. J. Gelcich and L. Thalloczy, eds., Diplomatarium relationum reipublicae ragusanae cum regno Hungariae [abbr. Diplomatarium

There can be little doubt that the victory of —ragusanum J, Budapest, 1887, nos. 148—49, pp. 225, 226, and Timur the Lame over Sultan Bayazid at Ankara cf. nos. 163-70, 173, 175, 180, et alibt. The chief collection

1 d the life of the Greek ‘re for of Venetian archival documents relating to the Albanians protonge € te 0 € vreek empire fOr a (and ranging more widely than its title would suggest) is to

half century. Almost every historian of Byzan- be found in Giuseppe Valentini, ed., Acta Albaniae veneta tium emphasizes the obvious fact. During the saeculorum XIV et XV, 20 vols. (thus far), Palermo, Milan,

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 3 Mehmed’s sultanate (1413-1421), peaceful rela- sent as acts of the sagest statesmanship Theodore’s

tions were maintained between the Ottoman pusillanimous efforts to sell the great castles and Byzantine empires, one severely shaken of Acrocorinth, Kalavryta, and Mistra to the by the disaster of Ankara and the civil wars Knights Hospitaller of Rhodes (1397-1400). that followed it, the other worn away by genera- ‘Theodore in fact tried to sell the entire despotate

tions of failure, internal decay, and the harsh to the Knights. The emperor did not himself

attrition of poverty. appear in Mistra to deliver his tedious oration Nevertheless, the Emperor Manuel II Palae- (which is of some historical value), but had the ologus could hardly leave the Bosporus with- monk Isidore do so, probably in the fall of 1409.

out fear of the Turks, and only in March, Isidore read half of it, and a certain Gaza 1415, did he appear in the Morea to place his (Pagns) the other half, to a gathering that

second son, Theodore [II], on the throne of the must have had remarkable stamina.* The pass“despotate” vacated by the death of Theodore I, ing years were to provide the monk Isidore with Manuel's brother, eight years before (1407). Some an extraordinary career. He will figure promitime after his brother’s death Manuel had com- _nently in later chapters of this volume, and a posed a lengthy oration in his honor, embellishing footnote concerning him seems appropriate Theodore’s undistinguished career with a wealth before we meet him again.° of classical allusions,” and even attempting torepre- }9——————

3 Laonicus Chalcocondylas, bk. 1 (Bonn, pp. 97—98; ed.

————__-— E. Darké, I [Budapest, 1922], 90-92), and bk. rv (Bonn,

Rome, and Munich, 1967-74 (and still in progress). p. 206). The people of Mistra refused to accept the rule of Fifteenth-century documents begin in Valentini’s third vol- the Knights, who did, however, secure both Corinth and ume; the latest volume I have seen is the twentieth, Kalavryta, which they held until June, 1404, when they which ends with documents dated in December, 1450. Along receded these places to Theodore I (cf. Chronicon breve,

with this work goes the slender volume of Ignatius ad ann. 6912 [1404], appended to Ducas, Hist. byzantina

Parrino, Acta Albaniae Vaticana res Albaniae saeculorum XIV et [Bonn, p. 517], and especially R. J. Loenertz, in Revue des

XV atque cruciatam spectantia, I (Citta del Vaticano, 1971; études byzantines, 1, 186-96, and “La Chronique bréve Studi e testi, no. 266), with regesta and texts of documents moréote de 1423,” Mélanges Eugéne Tisserant, I [Citta del ranging from 1328/30 to 1482, but largely from the reign of | Vaticano, 1964], 426-27 [Studi e testi, no. 232)).

Calixtus III in the mid-fifteenth century. The account in the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Chronicon maitus, 2 Sp. P. Lampros, Palaiolégeia kai Peloponnesiaké, 111 1, 16 (Bonn, pp. 63-64; ed. J. B. Papadopoulos, I [Leipzig, (Athens, 1926), 11-119. Geo. Sphrantzes, Chronicon minus 1935], 68-69; ed. Grecu [1966], pp. 202, 204), as to the (PG 156, 1025C), makes brief mention of an earlier visit efforts of the Greek bishop of Mistra to make peace bewhich Manuel had made to the Morea, apparently toward __ tween the irate inhabitants of Mistra and the Knights when

the end of 1407 or in 1408. A better text of Sphrantzes the latter sought to take over the city (although accepted has become available in Vasile Grecu, ed., Georgios Sphrantzes: by D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, 1 [Paris,

Memorii (1401-1477), in anexad Pseudo-Phrantzes: Macarie 1932], 159-60) should be rejected as a perversion of the Melissenos, Cronica (1258-1481), Bucharest, 1966, p.4.Grecu _ facts, as shown by R. J. Loenertz, “Autour du Chronicon provides a Rumanian translation for his editions of both _maius attribué a Georges Phrantzes,” Miscellanea G. Mercatz, the genuine Chronicon minus and the “forged” Chronicon III (Citta del Vaticano, 1946), pp. 290-93 (Studi e testi,

maius (of 1575-1577) by Macarius Melissenus, whose true _ no. 123).

name was actually Melissurgus, on which see below, note 4 Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, p. 377, 99, and Volume I of this work, Chapter 13, note 206. On incorrectly assumes that Manuel read the oration himself on

the present occasion Manuel arrived at Cenchreae, near the occasion of his visit to the Morea in 1415. See Corinth on the Gulf of Aegina, on 29-30 March, 1415; for Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., HI, introd., pp. 1-2, and esp. D. A. the date see R. J. Loenertz, “Pour Histoire du Pélopon- _Zakythinos, “Manuel II Palaeologus and Cardinal Isidore in nése au XIV® siécle,” Revue des études byzantines, 1 (1943), the Peloponnesus” [in Greek], Mélanges offerts a Octave et

156-57, and J. W. Barker, “On the Chronology of the Melpo Merlier, HI (Athens, 1957), 45-69, with refs. AlActivities of Manuel II Palaeologus in the Peloponnesus in though according to its descriptive title the oration was 1415,” Byz. Zeitschr., LV (1962), 42-43, 47. Cf. Giuseppe pnOeis Emtdnunoavros eis Hedomdvyvnaov tov Bactr€éus,

Schiro, “Manuele II Paleologo incorona Carlo Tocco despota this was not the case. It should also be noted that the di Gianina,” Byzantion, XXIX—XXX (1959-60), 210-11,217 | Gaza in question could not have been Theodore Gaza (who

ff., with some of whose assertions Barker correctly takes | was born about 1400), as assumed by Lampros.

issue. Manuel wrote the Venetian Signoria from the 5 Isidore first emerges in the light of history as a very Hexamilion on 26 June (1415), as shown by the reply of | young man in the year 1403. His career until the Council

the Senate, dated 23 July (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, of Basel has been the subject of much doubt and some

Misti, Reg. 52, fol. 48” [50%]); the text of the letter has controversy. Zakythinos has maintained (against Cardinal been published by Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., III, 127-28, and Giovanni Mercati and Fr. Vitalien Laurent) that Isidore

“registered” in Freddy Thiriet, ed., Régestes des délibérations | was himself the metropolitan of Monemvasia from 1412du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, U1 (Paris and The 1413 until about 1430, when he was apparently obliged to

Hague, 1959), no. 1583, p. 136, and in Franz Délger give up the see, possibly as a result of his violent contest and Peter Wirth, eds., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ost- with the metropolitan of Corinth and because of the romischen Reiches, pt. 5 (Munich and Berlin, 1965), no. antipathy of the Patriarch Joseph II (Zakythinos, Mé-

3351, p. 102. langes Merlier, WI [1957], 64-69). There are too many

4 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT For some reason, presumably the tense Turk- was read. But now in 1415, when he did ish situation, Manuel had been unable to come _ come, the emperor immediately began work on

to the Morea himself to do honor to his_ the “six-mile” wall, the Hexamilion, across the

brother’s memory at the time the funeral oration Isthmus of Corinth. He threw up the rampart, arguments from silence and rationalizations of the slender Surnom du patriarche de Constantinople, Grégoire III (d. facts on both sides for either one to present a case with 1459),” Revue des études byzantines, XIV (1956), 201-5. On absolute certainty, but Zakythinos has clearly not demolished 26 July (1452) the doge of Venice informed the duke of Mercati’s views concerning Isidore’s early career: Mercati, Crete of Isidore’s new charge (lorga, ROL, VIII [1900-1, Scritti dIsidoro il Cardinale Ruteno e codici a lui appartenuti repr. 1964], 85-86). che si conservano nella Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome, Isidore was in Constantinople when the city fell to the 1926 (Studi e testi, no. 46), corrected his own earlier, Turks, and barely escaped with his life, as we shall see later

erroneous views expressed in “Lettere di un Isidoro, on. He was untiringly active under four pontificates, and arcivescovo di Monembasia e non di Kiew,” Bessarione, there are dozens of documents relating to him in the XXXII (1916), 200-7, on which note V. Laurent, “Isidore Vatican Archives. In an undated document of 1455, for de Kiev et la métropole de Monembasie,” Revue des études example, Isidore, cardinal bishop of Sabina, was granted

byzantines, XVII (1959), 150-57. by Calixtus III “quedam domus sita iuxta ecclesiam beate Isidpre served as advocate of the metropolitical see of Marie in Via lata de Urbe” (Reg. Vat. 439, fols. 140° 141°). Monemvasia in 1429, in a jurisdictional dispute with the On 1 May, 1456, he received canonries in the churches metropolitan of Corinth («¢f. K. M. Setton, in Speculum, of Nicosia and Paphos (Nicosien. et Paphen.) as well as the XXV [1950], 525-26, note). As the “venerabilis Isidorus, archdeaconry of Nicosia (Reg. Vat. 444, fols. 262'-263', by abbas monasterii S. Demetrii,” he was a member of the mod. stamped enumeration), and on 17 September of the Byzantine embassy to the Council of Basel in 1434— following year (1457) he was assigned full rights to the 1435, seeking to arrange an oecumenical assembly to dis- Euboeote village of Prino, which was under the jurisdiction cuss church union, preferably in Constantinople (J. D. of the patriarchal church of Negroponte (Reg. Vat. 449, Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplis- fols. 216’-217%, by mod. stamped enumeration, an intersima collectio, XXI1X [Venice, 1788, repr. Paris, 1904], cols. esting document). On 5 September, 1458, he was appointed 93C, 97D, 125C, 127A, and 446C). In 1436-1437 he became archbishop of Corfu (Reg. Vat. 468, fol. 25), and shortly

the Orthodox metropolitan of Kiev, and was very active on thereafter, on 9 November, he was granted the church of

behalf of church union at the Council of Ferrara-Florence S. Agatha in Rome (ibid., fol. 320, by mod. stamped in 1438-1439, on which see Georg Hofmann and M._ enumeration). Candal, eds., Isidorus Arch. Kioviensis et totius Russiae: In 1461 Isidore suffered a stroke of apoplexy, but could Sermones inter Concilium Florentinum conscripti,in the Concilium _ still participate in the elaborate ceremonies attending the re-

Florentinum, Documenta et scriptores, ser. A, vol. X, fasc. 1 ception into Rome of the head of the Apostle S. Andrew in

(Rome, 1971). April, 1462 (Pius II, Commentari, bk. vin, trans. Florence

Already employed by Pope Eugenius IV as legatus de A.Gragg, Smith College Studies in History, XXXV [1951], 536-

latere “in the provinces of Lithuania, Livonia, and all 37; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 200, lines 27 ff.; and cf. O. Russia” before being raised to the cardinalate (Arch. Raynaldus, Annales ecclesiastici, ad ann. 1462, nos. 1-5, vol. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fol. 46", by modern XIX [1693], pp. 111-12). Isidore died in Rome on Wednesstamped enumeration), Isidore stood seventh in the list of | day, 27 April, 1463, according to the Acta Consistorialia seventeen new cardinals created by Eugenius on 18 De- (1439-1486), in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52,

cember, 1439 (according to the first entry in the Acta fol. 64°: “Obitus d. Cardinalis Ruteni: Anno a nativitate Consistorialia [1439-1486], in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Domini MCCCCLXIII, die vero Mercurii XXVII mensis Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 48", and cf. Conrad Eubel, ed., | Aprilis, reverendissimus in Christo pater dominus Cardinalis

Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, I1 [1914, repr. 1960], Rutenus appellatus Ysidorus Rome diem suum clausit ex7-8). His relations with the Venetian Senate became very tremum. Eius anima in pace requiescat.” The year of his close, and on 15 June, 1443, he was granted honorary death is given incorrectly as 1462 in Eubel, Hierarchia citizenship by the Republic, being admitted on the twentieth —_catholica, I, 8. On Isidore, see in general Mercati’s mono- |

of the month to the Grand Council by a vote of 637 to 19, | graph, cited above, Scritts d’ Isidoro al Cardinale Ruteno with eight neutral ballots cast (orga, “Notes et extraits,” in (1926); Adolf W. Ziegler, Die Union des Konzils von Florenz Revue de U'Orient latin [abbr. ROL], VII [1899-1900, repr. in der russischen Kirche, Wurzburg, 1938, pp. 56 ff.; “Vier

1964], 104, 105, 106). bisher nicht ver6ffentlichte griechische Briefe Isidors von Isidore’s influence in the Curia Romana increased steadily, Kijev,” Byz. Zeitschr., XLIV (1951), 570-77; and “Die

and he was appointed successor to the deceased Latin restlichen vier unver6ffentlichten Briefe Isidors von

Patriarch of Constantinople, Giovanni Contarini, on 24 Jan- _ Kijev,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XVIII (1952), 135-42;

uary, 1452, but with his rights and revenues limited to G. Hofmann, “Quellen zu Isidor von Kiew als Kardinal Crete, Negroponte, and other Venetian possessions (Arch. und Patriarch,” ibid., pp. 143-57; and the sketch of his Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 398, fol. 56; N. Iorga, Notes et career in Joseph Gill, Personalities of the Council of Florence, extraits pour servir @ Vhistoire des croisades, 11 [Paris, 1899], Oxford, 1964, pp. 65-78, as well as the notices concerning

461-62). Full appointment to the Latin patriarchate was not him in Gill's book on The Council of Florence, Cambridge,

made, because Gregory III (improperly called “Mammas”?), 1959. On the fifth centenary of Isidore’s death the then Catholic patriarch of the Greek rite, was still living, Basilian Fathers in Rome brought out a volume of essays on which see Georg Hofmann, “Papst Kalixt III und die dedicated to his memory, Miscellanea in honorem Cardinalis Frage der Kircheneinheit im Osten,” in the Miscellanea Isidori (1463-1963), in the Analecta Ordinis S. Basiltt Magni, Giovanni Mercati, III (Citta del Vaticano, 1946), 218-21 IV [X], fascs. 1—4 (1963), which contains, however, little or

(Studi e testi, no. 123), and cf. V. Laurent, “Le Vrai nothing pertinent to the present work.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 5 said to have had 153 defense towers, along fight for or defend any cause but their own. the line, still discernible today, which the The Turks were, however, as constant a worry Peloponnesians had fortified against Xerxes, the to the Venetians as they were to the ByzanEmperor Valerian against the Goths, and Jus- tines. Venetian documents mention them again tinian against the Bulgars, the Huns, and the and again. An interesting letter in one of the Slavs. Manuel’s builders in fact discovered an _ files of the Senate (Deliberaziont miste) warns inscription commemorating Justinian’s con- Antonio Acciajuoli, the duke of Athens, “that struction of the Isthmian wall some eight and he should preserve and keep well his fortifica-

a half centuries before.® tions, and not place his trust in the promises

Although the Byzantines might be thus in- of the Turks, to whom good faith cannot be duced to ponder the long continuity of their ascribed. . . . But considering the fact that the history, the find was no augury of better times. Turk himself is very wise and well informed Behind the wall they built against the Turks concerning our places over there, it seems to they soon alienated their only possible ally, the us most important for the security of our Venetians, although it must be admitted that places and even of our dominion not to disthe statesmen of the Serenissima would rarely regard him. . . .”’ The Venetians knew better

—_ than anyone else the value of the advice they 6N. A. Bees, Die griechisch-christlichen Inschriften des Sent to Athens, for Turkish raids were already Peloponnes, Athens, 1941, no. 1, pp. 1, 4 (in the Corpus der depopulating the nearby island of Negroponte, griechisch-christlichen Inschriften von Hellas, 1,1: Isthmos- One of the chief centers of Venetian enterKorinthos). The Hexamilion made a great impression: rise in the Levant.®

Chalcocondylas, bk. rv (Bonn, pp. 183-84, 215; ed. Darko, Pp °

I, 172-73); Chronicon breve, ad ann. 1415 (Bonn. p. 517); On the whole the merchants of the lagoon

Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1026BC; ed. Grecu, p. were probably good neighbors. After, the fall of

6); and of. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, I, 24 [33], 26 [35] (Bonn, Boudonitza the Florentine duchy of Athens pp. 96, 107-8; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 99-100, 111-12, with ~~ and Thebes was especially vulnerable to Turkish

corrected date in second passage; ed. Grecu [1966], pp. k andthe V ‘an Si ; d . 234, 236, 246), on which see Loenertz, in the Miscellanea G. attack, and t le eneulan Isnoria agreed to assist

Mercati, II (1946), 288-89, with refs.; Mazaris, in Fr. Duke Antonio Acciajuoli against the common Boissonade, Anecdota graeca, III (Paris, 1831), 177-79; enemy, to allow him to buy “munitions” Loenertz, “Chronicon breve . . . e codice Vaticano graeco (le cosse de la munition) from Negroponte XXVIII (1958), 209, and idem, “Epitre de Manuel II and to let the Athenians and Thebans send

162,” in ’Evetnpis ths ‘Etatpeias Bulavtwav Xrovder, : :

Paléologue aux moines David et Damien (1416),” in Silloge animals and property there for safekeeping in bizantina in onore di S. G. Mercati, Rome, 1957, pp. 297-304 an emergency.? Antonio was also allowed to (Manuel’s letter discusses the importance of the wall for the §—=———————

defense of the peninsula, the opposition of certain Greek 7 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 4", publ. archontes to the building of it, etc.). Cf. Edw. W. Bodnar, in C. N. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs a histoire de la “The Isthmian Fortifications in Oracular Prophecy,” Amer- __Gréce, 9 vols., Paris, 1880-90, repr. Athens, 1972, III, no. ican Journal of Archaeology, LX (1960), 165-71, and see esp. 649, p. 101, dated 7 March, 1415. On Venetian precautions Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve moréote de 1423,” Mélanges _ taken against the “prave machinationes et voluntates ipsorum

Eugéne Tisserant, 11, 429-32. Turchorum” in the Adriatic and the Aegean, cf. the resoluThe Hexamilion is the chief subject of a work written in tions of the Senate of 26 March, 1415, from the Misti, Reg. 1430 by Cardinal Isidore to a despoina of Mistra, evidently 51, fols. 15’-16', published in Sime Ljubic, ed., Listine

Cleopa Malatesta. This work, which relates to a prophecy [Documents] 0 odnoSajth izmedju juznoga slavenstva 1 mletacke concerning the Hexamilion, is contained in Vatican MS. _ republike, VII (1882), 196-200 (in the Monumenta spectantia

gr. 1852, fols. 105-6, on which see Mercati, Scritti historiam slavorum meridionalium, vol. XH). A document d’ Isidoro il Cardinale, pp. 34-36, and for the text see dated 30 August, 1415, in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. 67" [68"], in

Zakythinos, Mélanges Merlier, Ul (1957), 60-63. Sp. Ljubi, op. cit., pp. 209-11, shows how dangerous had P. Lampros, “The Walls of the Isthmus of Corinth” [in become the raids of a Turkish army, “qui, vagans in Greek], Néos ‘EAAnvopvijpowr, II (1905), esp. pp. 444-69, _ partibus occidentis, fines Hungarie et IIlirie sevis incursionideals at length with the sources for Manuel II’s building _ bus populatur,” making clear the extent of Ottoman recovery

of the Hexamilion (according to Mazaris in twenty-five from the defeat of Ankara and the subsequent strife days, apparently from 8 April to 2 May), and also pub- among the sons of Sultan Bayazid. lishes, ibid., pp. 475-76, the prophecy which Isidore inter- § Misti, Reg. 51, fols. 94'-95" [97'-98"]; Sathas, III, no. preted for Cleopa Malatesta. (Lampros mistakenly dates this 679, pp. 125-27, dated 4 February, 1416 (Ven. style 1415); prophecy between 1446 and 1449, after Constantine [XI] cf. in general Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi di Venezia, in

Dragases’ rebuilding of the wall in 1443 and its destruction L. A. Muratori, ed., RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), cols.

by the Turks in 1446, on which see below.) On Manuel’s 895C, 896, 898E.

journey to the Morea in 1415 and the building of the ®Doc. of 7 March, 1415, cited in note 7 (Sathas, III, Hexamilion, see also John W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus no. 649, pp. 100-2), and republished, like many other such (1391-1425): A Study in Late Byzantine Statesmanship, New Venetian texts, in Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, VII, no.

Brunswick, N.J., 1969, pp. 301-18. 1948, pp. 185-88.

6 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT transport grain from Negroponte, provided it of Hungary and electus rex Romanorum, had was not required locally.’ There was certainly been at odds over their conflicting interests in need for such co-operation, of which there was Dalmatia. Their enmity was generally regarded never enough among the Latin states in the as an obstacle to organizing a crusade against Levant. To participants in the events of the ttme the Turks. The Emperor Manuel II offered on

it was doubtless not as clear as it is to the several occasions to act as mediator in their historian, with his retrospective knowledge, disputes. On 30 August, 1415, the Senate adthat the very survival of these states was to dressed an encyclical “with anger and indigna-

depend on their being willing and able to make tion” (zram et indignationem concepimus) to the common cause with one another against the kings of France, England, and Aragon, the duke

Turks. of Austria, the count of Savoy, the duke of After his accession Sultan Mehmed I had_ Bavaria, count palatine of the Rhine, and the received a Byzantine embassy with exceptional apostolic vicar in Avignon, protesting Sigiscourtesy, probably in late July, 1413, confirming mund’s hideous “calumny” that Venice had a treaty he had already made with the Emperor acted in collusion with a Turkish army, qui Manuel, to whom he surrendered various for- vagans in partibus Occidentis fines Hungarie et Illirie

tresses on the Black Sea, as well as certain sevis incursionibus populatur. Sigismund had writtowns and castles in Thessaly and the Propontis, ten to various kings and princes, making this acknowledging that he had secured his paternal entirely unwarranted accusation against Venice,

inheritance with Byzantine aid and acclaiming and acting as though the Turk were some Manuel as a father, to whom he would always’ wholly new and unforeseen enemy who was show a filial obedience. Mehmed had also attacking Hungary for the first time! received at his table envoys from _ Serbia,

Vlachia, Bulgaria, and Ianina, and those sent ————— by the Despot Theodore II of Mistra and _ Bibl. Correr, Venice), vol. I, fol. 259: “A di 20 zugno li Prince Centurione Zaccaria of Achaea. inform- ‘!U*%Ch! prexeno lixola de Negroponte et mesela a sacho-

. ll of his desire to liv t ith mane: Esendo signor de Turchi uno nominato Charaman,

Ins - 1 0 IS Cesire to € al peace Ww el fece una grandissima armada per mare et per terra, el them. Mehmed, however, apparently enter- qual armo 6 galie conpide et 18 fuste et molte palandarie, tained no such desire for peace with the el qual ando a uno castello per terra dito la Boginniza Venetians, whose island of Negroponte the [Boudonitza ], el qual lui ’hebe per tratado. Da poi la note Turks pillaged in June, 1414. Although the ando a lasalto alixola de Negroponte et prexela et meno via

ks failed failedin; fort t ize the citv the andcity u™elluili 800 anime, et quelli Turks an effort to seize feceno amazare, et dache poiel el non fecepuote metermenare il fuogovia, in castle of Carystus, they did effect the sur- molti luogi de lixola. Et questo fu uno grandisimo danno render of Boudonitza, near Thermopylae, a Venetiani et a tuta la Crestianita.” Although Valier was thus terminating the Latin history of the famous well informed on some topics, including the present one, ‘at hich the Pallavicini and th this MS. is quite as noteworthy for its droll and macabre Margravia € over whic € Pallavicini anc i miniatures as for its historical content. Zorzi had ruled for more than two centuries. Note also Sathas, III, nos. 1022-23, pp. 429-31, docs. For years the Venetians and Sigismund, king dated September, 1436, the first confirming Marchesotto Zorzi (or Giorgi) in the barony of Carystus, after the

TO | death of his father Niccolo IT, lord of Carystus (1406-1436) '? Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 8%; Sathas, II, no. 650, p. 103, doc. and apparently titular margrave of Boudonitza from some

dated 9 March, 1415. time after 1416, and the second confirming Niccolo III

Ducas, Hist. byzant., chap. 20 (Bonn, pp. 97-98); Doélger —Zorzi in the castellany of Pteleum. and Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden, pt. 5 (1965), no. 3334, The father of the last-named was Jacopo I, the margrave

p. 98. It would be wrong, however, to regard Mehmed I ousted by the Turks in 1414, who seems to have ceded to as friendly to Byzantium, as Manuel makes clear in his _ his uncle (Niccolé IJ) the title to Boudonitza some time after

letter to the monks David and Damian in 1416 (ed. 1416 in return for the less exalted but attainable castellany Loenertz, in the Silloge bizantina in onore di S. G. of Pteleum. (Both Carystus and Pteleum were held as Mercati, pp. 303-4). Since the text of Ducas in the Bonn fiefs from the Venetian state.) The Zorzi had acquired corpus is very good, and is furnished with the valuable notes Boudonitza through the marriage of Guglielma de’ Palof Ismael Bullialdus, I have usually not added references _lavicini with Niccolo I Zorzi about 1335. After the fall of

to the edition of Vasile Grecu, Ducas: Istoria turco- the castle to the Turks the branch of the family in Carystus

bizantina (1341-1462), Bucharest, 1958, who gives page held the title (cf. Predelli, Regestt det Commemoriali, IV [1896],

references to the Bonn edition. bk. xin, no. 17, p. 210), until the Turkish occupation of the 2 Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 447 [46°]; Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi di _ whole island of Negroponte in 1470 (cf. Sanudo, op. cit., col.

Venezia, in RISS, XXII, col. 890DE, and cf. cols. 911-12; 1043A; Iorga, ROL, IV [1896, repr. 1964], 561, and V Andrea Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXUI (Milan, _[1897, repr. 1964], 173, 195-96, et alibi; Ch. Hopf, Chron1733), cols. 1080DE-—1081AB. See also Amadio Valier, — iques gréco-romanes inédites ou peu connues, Berlin, 1873, geneal.

Cronica di Venezia, 2 vols., Codd. Cicogna, nos. 3630-31 tables, p. 478, with errors; Miller, Latins in the Levant, (MS. of later sixteenth-century, formerly nos. 296-97,imthe pp. 374-75).

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 7 The Senate called Sigismund to witness that abundantly clear that only by force could the after the Christian defeat at Nicopolis (in Turks be restrained from depredation. When on 1396) the Venetians had rescued him, victus 2 April, 1416, Pietro Loredan received his fugatusque . . . errabundus et pavens, from the commission as-“captain-general of the Gulf,” very jaws of the enemy, and their galleys he was instructed to assemble a fleet of some had landed him safely in Dalmatia. The duke dozen galleys, and proceed straightway to Gallip-

of Burgundy and many another French lord oli. With rare unanimity the Senate ordered could attest to the fact. The king of Poland, him to attack the Turks if the usual efforts who had tried to adjust the differences between to make peace with Sultan Mehmed had failed.

Sigismund and Venice, was well aware of the Although Antonio Acciajuoli, the Florentine generous offers the Senate had made to render duke of Athens, was said to be “with the assistance against the Turks, ad subversionem Turk,” the duchy was to be spared if Antonio status et exterminium Teucrorum. Every year Venice was abiding by the terms of his peace with

expended large sums to prevent the audacity the officials of Negroponte.” of the Turks from achieving a mastery of the Galleys had been armed in Candia, Nauplia, seas. The Venetian-held island of Negroponte Negroponte, and the Archipelago, as well as was subject to daily attack by the Turks, who in Venice and elsewhere. On 29 May (1416) had slaughtered an “incredible multitude” of _Loredan won a resounding victory over a large Venetian citizens and subjects, nam inter illos et ‘Turkish armada off the Gallipoli peninsula. nos eternum bellum maxima tnequaltate crudescit. We have a long account of the battle in a

The Turks were a terrible menace to all letter written to the Signoria by Loredan,

Christians who dwelt between the Black Sea who was wounded in action, describing how and the Adriatic. The Venetians knew it well the encounter began when the Venetians tried and, incedentes per vestigia progenitorum nostror'um, to put ashore at “la punta di Gallipoli” they stood ready always to join the Christian to get water which they needed badly, how princes in an expedition which would destroy many Turkish ships were captured and who took the Ottoman state and the very name of Turk.” them, and so on. A number of Genoese, The Venetians had, it is true, negotiated Catalans, Sicilians, Provengaux, and Cretans had with the Ottoman government general treaties fought on the Turkish side; most of them were (in 1403, 1406, and 1411) which had included killed in the battle, according to Loredan, an understanding with respect to both Negro- and those who fell into his hands were promptly ponte and Boudonitza,* but it had become put to death. The captain-general emphasizes at great length that the battle began with a

13 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. 67" [68°]; Ljubié, Listine, VI, curkish attack upon his vesse’s, and according

209-11; lorga, ROL, IV, 550, and Notes et extraits, I, 235. to im u e veneuan fleet ad won the great

On 10 September (1415) the Senate informed a delegation victory with almost pacific intentions. One sees from the Council of Constance “quod sumus certissimi toti. = ——————

mundo notorium fore et etiam suis paternitatibus et © Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fols. 93°-94" [94”’-95"]; Iorga, sapientiis [i.e., the envoys of the Council] clarissimum esse ROL, V, 562-63; Notes et extraits, 1, 247-48; Thiriet, quod inter alios Christicolas semper fuimus et sumus om-__ Regéstes, I, no. 1610, p. 143, the commission to Loredan, nium infidelium et potissime Teucrorum persecutores as- who was to patrol the northern Aegean from Negroponte sidui, et debeat . . . serenissimus dominus dux [the Doge _ .to Gallipoli: “Et ubicumque poteris offendere et damnificare

Tommaso Mocenigo] cum illis verbis que sue Serenitati Turchos tam in terra quam in mari debeas illud audacter videbuntur sustinere honorem nostri dominii et declarare _facere tam veniendo de Galipoli versus Nigropontem quam antiquam guerram et inimiciciam que continue fuit inter stando in partibus illis et aliter quocumque poteris, non nos et dictos Turchos. . . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. ponendo tamen galeas nec homines earum ad periculum, 68° [69°], with further reference to Sigismund and the excepto quod nolumus quod inferas damnum aliquod super deplorable fact “quod etiam scripserat per orbem dis- ducamine [the duchy of Athens] in casu quo loca ducaminis

famando nostrum dominium”). Cf., above, note 7. que sunt cum Turcho stent in pace et benivolentia cum There had been Turkish raids into Bosnia, Hungary, and nostra insula Nigropontis” (doc. cit., fol. 947 [95"]). The

Croatia in 1398, into Carniola in 1408 and 1411, and into vote in the Senate was: De parte 113, de non 0, non sinceri 2. Carniola, Styria, and lower Austria in 1415, after which the At the same time as Loredan received these instructions the Friulani never felt safe (Pio Paschini, “Primi Timori d’un’in- | Senate undertook to send an envoy to the Turks to make vasione turca in Friuli,” Memorie storiche forogiuliest, VIII peace if satisfactory terms could be arranged (see the docu-

[1912], 65-73). ments [including parts of Loredan’s commission] dated 2 4Cf. Thomas and Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-le- April, 1416, in Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, VIII [1970],

vantnum, II, nos. 159, 162, 164, pp. 290 ff. From 1413 to nos. 2,013-16, pp. 13-25). The truncation of many of 1416 Manuel II addressed several appeals and admonitions _Valentini’s texts, as that of Loredan’s commission (ibid., no.

to Venice against the Turks (Délger and Wirth, Regesten, 2016), makes them awkward to use and sometimes even pt. 5, nos. 3335, 3338, 3348, 3352, 3354-55, pp. 99-103). misleading.

8 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT clearly from this letter the restraint which the The sultan recognized Venetian suzerainty over everlasting caution of the Serenissima imposed _ thirty-eight castles and places identified by name,

upon her commanders. Despite Loredan’s including (among others) Candia, Santorin, orders to attack, he must not suffer loss through Astypalaea, Amorgos, Tenos, Mykonos, Andros,

defeat. Even in victory it must be clear that Negroponte, Pteleum, Nauplia, Argos, Modon, he had not risked the honor and resources Coron, Corfu, Lepanto, Durazzo, Scutari, and of the Republic in a doubtful engagement. Zara, together with “all those which raise the One must be sure of winning before making banner of S. Mark.”!”

an attack. Withdrawing to Tenedos, whence he ; ; had sailed a few days before, Loredan found The Turk would of course still bear watching,

. and he was well watched, as was everything else “of whom the greater will beempire well again,” a 8 Many hunae espart commercial in the Levant. that only 340 of his men had been wounded, that related to the well-being of the Venetian

and only a dozen had lost their lives, “of whom . ; a part were drowned, and may God grant them dreds of documents in the rich series of Senato

pardon.” Misti and Secreti,’® preserved today in the The uncertain relations, whether of war or Venetian Archives on ¢ he Cam po dei Frari, which led Loredan to send such a care- vouch for the unremitting vigilance exercised Fuleace. 1explanation : over eastern, byignoria theof Venice.” “most ducal to the homeaffairs government lasted Si Sy Theserene Senate passed resolu-

another three years. In November, 1419, ©.and . , fines, hfor tions relating to taxes, excises, duties, owever, Sultan Mehmed I swore to a treaty , ; , external relations and foreign exchange, with the Venetians by Allah, the maker of heaventhe use of state galleys, protection of fisheries, the pur-

and earth; the Prophet Mohammed; the seven chase of sugar. the sale of wine and meat copies of the Koran (li sette Mussaffi); the 124,000 Bars tne an , prophets, of whom the first was Adam and the the export of grain, and dozens of other matters ..by relating tosouls the economic life of.Venetian colonies last Mohammed; and finally the of his. . randfather and his father. A settlement was ‘ the Morea and the various islands. Members

;eclared ; ; of noble families, docile at home, of problems relating to by thenecessity captives NaPeer ;. could not escape the discipline of the Signoria taken by the Turks from Negroponte and by by going abroad, for when they put their own

the Venetians at Gallipoli, to the independent °” BONS , YP

position of the.Venetian Naxos, and "Th d Predelli, Diplomatarium, . omasduchy an ofredelli, Diplomatarium, II, no.1 179 » pp. to the mutual rights of each of the contracting 318 19. of Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, IV, bk. x1,

parties to trade in the other’s territories. jo, 25, p. 16, and Valier, Cron., Cod. Cicogna, no. 3631, fol. 263, who dates the peace on 26 September. Venice

—_— agreed to pay the sultan an annual tribute of one hundred 6 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. 107° [108"]; Iorga, ROL, 1V, ducats for Lepanto and two hundred for Alessio, Drivasto, 566-67; Notes et extraits, 1, 251-52; Thiriet, Régestes, 11, and Scutari. The picturesque words of the sultan’s oath are

no. 1622, p. 145, a letter of the Senate to Loredan, from the preamble common to such treaties, the same

dated 5 July, 1416: “Cum maxima animi iocunditate formula occurring in the famous treaty of 25 January, 1479,

literas vestras datas Tenedi die secundo mensis Junii elapsi_ which ended almost seventeen years of war between Venice

recepimus continentes felicem victoriam per vos obtentam and the Porte (on which see, below, p. 328, and cf. contra exercitum maritimum perfidorum Teucrorum. ...” Franz Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore e il suo tempo, Loredan’s letter of 2 June is given by Sanudo, Vite de’ duchti ‘Turin, 1957, p. 550); the formula also occurs in the Turco-

dt Venexa, in RISS, XXII, cols. 901-9, on which note Venetian treaties of September, 1430 (Thomas and Predelli, orga, loce. citt. Amadio Valier, Cron., in Cod. Cicogna, no. Dzpl., I, no. 182, p. 343), February, 1446 (see, below, 3631, fols. 261-62, incorrectly dates the battle of Gallipoli Chapter 3, note 51), September, 1451 (Dipl., H, no. 209,

onOn30 June. p. 382), and April, 1454 (Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS ; the general background, note Sathas, III, nos. 671—. XXII, col. 1154AB). The sultan cautioned Duke Antonio

72, pp. 118-20, docs. dated 30-31 August, 1415, and no. Acciajuoli of Athens, who had become a Turkish tribu679, pp. 125-27, dated 4 February, 1416 (Ven. style 1415), tary, to keep the peace which he had solemnly sworn with in which it is stated that the Turks had taken 1,500 captives Venice or suffer the consequences (Thomas and Predelli, from the island of Negroponte, and that the inhabitants Dipl., Il, no. 173, p. 320; Predelli, Regesti, IV, bk. x1, no. had just petitioned the Signoria for the right to become 26, p. 16): Although the Signoria had instructed its governtributaries of the Turks, which the Senate categorically ment in Negroponte to assist Antonio, the latter appears to rejected, quia hoc numquam consentiremus! (Misti, Reg. 51, fol. have given offense to the Venetian colony, possibly at the

94 [97], doc. cited above in note 8). On the Venetian direction of the Turks, who now commanded him to desist victory at Gallipoli, of. Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte (cf. Sathas, III, no. 743, p. 90, dated 5 January, 1419 des osmanischen Reiches, I ([Buda ]pest, 1827, repr. Graz, 1963), | [Ven. style 1418], from the Misti, Reg. 52, fols. 141-142).

368-70; N. lIorga (Jorga), Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, {I 8 In referring to these two series, I have commonly pre-

(Gotha, 1908), 371-72; Wm. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du _‘ ferred the Italian form Misti to Mixta and the Latin form

Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II (repr. 1967), 277. Secreta to Secreti.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 9 self-interest ahead of the common good, repri- ment of one colonial physician by another, mand was swift and the penalty might be heavy. the recruitment of bowmen and the purchase This was certainly the case when ambition of arms for defense, the salaries of officials or avarice manifested itself in the Levant. Thus in the islands, the terms and restrictions of in 1412-1413 Giovanni (Zanachi) Querini, their tenures, and hundreds of other details. soon after his appointment as rector of Tenos We can follow the construction of walls, a well, and Mykonos (in 1411), purchased the island and a windmill at Corfu, and the reconstrucof “Stampalia,” the ancient Astypalaea, between tion of the mole in the harbor of Modon; the Naxos and Rhodes. He assumed the title assignment of the revenues of the Latin archCount of Stampalia, and proceeded to populate _ bishopric of Corfu to the repair of the cathedral

his new fief, which had been deserted for church, que minatur ruinam, and to the purchase more than seventy years, by removing families of various ecclesiastical necessities; the limita-

from Tenos and Mykonos to his own island tion on the number of Greek priests to be

in vessels belonging to the Republic, “quod allowed in Negroponte as well as the imposts esset causa destructionis et depopulationis laid on the Jews of Negroponte, Corfu, and ipsarum nostrarum insularum.” The Senate elsewhere, and the services required of them; would not allow a citizen, however, to provide and, for a last example, the authorization to for the security and enrichment of his own the bailie and councillors of Negroponte to possessions at the expense of the state, and spend 125 hyperperi (already spent) for the

imposed on Querini a fine of two hundred entertainment of the Emperor Manuel I

ducats for each person thus removed and not Palaeologus when he landed at Negroponte immediately returned to the twin islands with early in the year 1415.9 Upon the emperor’s

all his property.” arrival in the Morea, however, the Signoria Leaving aside in the present context the hand-__ was careful to replace its Greek mercenaries at

some, wooden-bound volumes of the Senatus Coron and Modon with Latin soldiers for Secreta, we may note in the Misti (also hand- whom the imperial presence and _ personality some volumes and wooden-bound) the replace- would have no natural appeal,’* and after the construction of the Hexamilion the Vene-

——— tians declined to contribute to the expense of Misti, Reg. 49 [March, 1411-June, 1413], fol. 180°; maintaining watch and ward on the long wall. Sathas, IIT, no. 552, pp. 4—5, dated 18 May, 1413. On the They stated quite truly that, as Manuel knew,

complicated history of the Querini of Stampalia (and «e . Amorgos, which a later Giovanni Querini purchased in they were constantly under multe et intol-

1446), see R. J. Loenertz, “Les Querini, comtes d’ Asty- lerabiles expense . . . in diversis partibus et

_ » an esp. es uerim, comtes stypalee e 1 1

paige, 1at3— 1087 Oneonta Christiana periodica, XXX (969), locis,” owing to the treacherous attacks of the

seigneurs d’ Amorgos, M13 146. 1537" ibid. XXXII Turks upon their Possessions and the costly

(1966), 372-93, with corrections of the genealogical tables necessity of maintaining armed galleys for the

in Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 489, and of various notices defense of Negroponte.”

concerning the Querini in Hopfs other works. Note also Negroponte inevitably looms large in these Giuseppe Gerola, J] Monumenti medioevalt delle tredici Sporadi, documents, and Negropontine documents were

Bergamo, 1914-15, pp. 258-64, who gives an inscription themselves important. On 26 January, 1417, dated 30 March, 1413, commemorating the recolonization . . of Stampalia by “Count” Giovanni: “Johannes Quirinus the Venetian Senate passed a resolution to the

comes Astineai qui eo primus duxit accolas anno effect that, MCCCCXIII die XXX marcii translationis Sancti Quirini.”

Astinea (new town) is apparently a play on the name = ~~ Astipalia (Astypalaia, old town). 20 Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 18% [20%]; Sathas, III, no. 660, p. 110, The island of Stampalia had been sacked and depopu-_ dated 24 April, 1415. lated before 1341 by the Turks of the emirate of Aydin 71 Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 33° [35"]; Sathas, III, no. 664, p. 113, under the well-known Umur Pasha (on which see Cristo- dated 11 June, 1415 (misdated, loc. cit., by a typographical foro de’ Buondelmonti, Liber insularum Archipelagi [written error).

in 1420], ed. G. R. L. von Sinner, Leipzig and Berlin, 2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fols. 84Y-85" [85"-86"], dated 8 1824, p. 78, and cf. Paul Lemerle, L’ Emirat d’ Aydin, February, 1416 (Ven. style 1415), esp. fol. 85" [86"]; Paris, 1957, pp. 123-25). Stampalia was still uninhabited Valentini, Acta. Albaniae veneta, VIII (1970), no. 2,007, when the Capuan pilgrim Niccolé da Martoni landed there pp. 8-10, where the text is incomplete; Lampros, Palatoin July, 1394 (ROL, HI [1895, repr. 1964], 581-82): légeia kai Peloponnesiakd, U1, 129-31, esp. p. 131; and gf. “, . . applicuimus prope insulam que dicitur Stampalea,que Iorga, ROL, IV, 558, and Notes et extraits, I, 243; Thiriet, girat milearia XXX et alias fuit habitata, sed destructa Régestes, II, no. 1599, p. 140; Dolger and Wirth, Regesten,

a Turchis est inhabitabilis, vero apparet ibi castrum cum pt. 5, no. 3354, pp. 102-3; Zakythinos, Despotat grec de m{o Jeniis, et sunt in dicta insula animalia silvestria. . . .” Morée, l, 169; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 315-16.

10 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT since the chancellors of our bailie at Negro- Throughout this period the Venetian bailie

ponte . . . prepare many notarial acts for which they jin Constantinople, Fantino Viaro, had been

nal asked such I wills, notices or eee cecan kept so busy running back and forth between sales, and other pubic instruments, and have tormu- his house in the Venetian compound and the laries [protocolli] of these wills, charters, and in- imperial palace (and dealing als ‘th th

struments, as notaries do, in which they keep copies te P bl nich ie SO Wl e un-

which are considered in proper form—but [since] Pp easant problems WIC the citizens and submany of the chancellors keep their formularies on Jects of the Republic were then facing on the paper [in bombinico], so that in the process of time, Bosporus) that he had not been able to look to at the chancery of Negroponte, registers are found the badly needed repairs in the domus baiulatus, torn and worn out because of the fragility of the which was going to wrack and ruin for want of paper document, which results many times in the attention. The Senate had authorized Fantino to

greatest loss and damage to citizens there, spend one hundred ducats on the bailie’s house, the motion was made and carried “that hence- and now on 25 July, 1417, made the same sum

forth all chancellors should keep on parchment avarabie to his SUCCESSOR Giovanni Diedo to put

the formularies in which they will record [copies the house in order. of ] wills, notices, conditions of possession, and It was well for the bailies to make sure of a other such acts in the Venetian style, just as Of over their heads. ‘They were going to be in

all the notaries do here at Venice.’ Constantinople for a long time. Although John The records were carefully kept almost every- VIII, imperator iuvenis, and Theodore HU, where in the far-flung Venetian domain. Those despotus, had taken peasants and other persons relating to the Morea show that troubled land

to have been a constant concern to the sage §————

councillors who were daily to be seen entering in Sathas, I, no. 49, p. 67, dated 25 July), and tried at and leaving the palace on the Bacino di S$ the same time to stop the war (Sathas, I, nos. 50 and ff.). Marco. In March. 1416. the E M ; Owing to his fear of the Palaeologi, Centurione Zaccaria #1 March, ~? the Emperor Manuel had appealed to Genoa (his family was of Genoese origin), II left the Morea, whither his eldest son and which had been very disquieting to the Venetians, who co-emperor John VIII came some months later warned the Palaeologi of the possible introduction of the to join young Theodore II and assist him to Genoese into the affairs of the Morea and prescribed _ peace with Centurione as the best means of preventing it— rule the so-called despotate. The two brothers although if Centurione was disposed, as was reported, “to were soon engaged In VIgOrous warfare against place control of the principality in the hands of the

Centurione Zaccaria, the Latin prince of Achaea. Genoese,” the Venetians wished to occupy Navarino (ZonkThey also invaded Venetian territories, and an-__ !on) and two other places for the protection of Modon and swered a protest of the Signoria with the promise ©°T" and would favor acquisition by the Palaeologi tOher M 6 of as much of the rest of the principality as they could take spare ner oreote Possessions, et tamquam — (Sathas, I, no. 44, pp. 52-60, dated 31 March, 1416, and

propria conservarent,” which disarmed the ¢. no. 45, pp. 60-62).

Venetian castellans of Coron and Modon into 5 Misti, Reg. 52, fol. 37", dated 25 July, 1417: “Cum making no provision for the defense of Vene- _ @lias concessum fuerit nobili viro Ser Fantino Viaro, baiulo

tian subjects areas (in 1417): “but nostro Constantinopolis, posse expendere in aptatione et J . in" those reparatione domus baiulatus Constantinopolis que erat the men-at-arms of the aforesaid lords, the usque tunc in pessimo termino usque ad summam ducaemperor and despot, caring no whit for their torum C de pecunia nostri communis, et ipse Ser Fantinus promise, have been responsible for many wrongs per alias multas diversas occupationes quas habuerit non and losses. robberies and acts of incendiarism Pottetit facere fieri dictam reparationem itaque dicta domus

“na e eCOd oron Modan.A0con adhucagainst stat in valdeetpeiori perruitura, modum nisi In theth regions reparetur presto termino esset penitus vaditquod pars quod

our subjects and followers, treating them as if concedatur viro nobili Ser Iohanni Diedo, baiulo nostro they were public and manifest enemies. . . .”24 Constantinopolis, possendi facere dictam reparationem et

expensas ducatorumC. . . .” _3 That the Venetians were encountering serious difficulties Misti, Reg. 51, fol. 184” [187%]; Sathas, III, no. 709, in Constantinople, where they were always unpopular,

pp. 153-54, dated 1417 (Ven. style 1416). appears from a letter of the Senate to the Emperor 24 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. 154°; Sathas, I, no. 48, Manuel II, dated 11 March, 1418 (bid., fol. 80%): “Quod

pp- 65-66, resolution of the Venetian Senate, dated 25 July, —_ scribatur domino Imperatori Constantinopolis in hac forma:

1417, instructing the bailie in Constantinople to seek in- Per literas baiuli nostri Constantinopolis quas nuperime

demnity for the damage done. Cf. Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, — suscepimus, fuimus informati quod cives, subditi, et fideles in RISS, XXII, col. 916. Venice now made provision for _ nostri in civitate Constantinopolis existentes male videntur et

the defense of Modon and Coron (Misti, Reg. 52, fol. 35°, peius tractantur et eisdem multe iniurie et novitates inin Iorga, Notes et extraits, 1 [Paris, 1899], 267, resolution feruntur non solum reales sed personales . . . ,” and ¢f., dated 19 July, and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 6, fol. 154’, also ibid., fol. 111.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 1] captive in Venetian territory, and seized their sixteen years of age.*° Thomas was only a goods and animals, such was life in the Morea. boy at the time, but he soon proved to be There is no need to cite a dozen texts to il- restless. For some forty years the history of the lustrate the fact. Byzantine policy may have been Byzantine despotate was to be marked by

short-sighted, but the desire to expel alien Thomas’s efforts, often inept, to expel the intruders from the ancient homeland must have weaker Latin lords from the Morea and to ward

been very strong. The Albanians in the Greek off the Turks. Despite the truce arranged by “despotate” were hard to control, and the Vene- John VIII before his departure, Venice contian protests against their depredations were tinued to have trouble. Although the peace was largely in vain. Nevertheless, the Byzantines pretty well maintained in 1420, the Despot were anxious to maintain peace with the Re- Theodore II renewed his attacks upon Cenpublic. Two years before this, in July, 1415, the turione Zaccaria early in the following year, Signoria had given a very cautious answer to and his ill-disciplined forces were soon guilty the Emperor Manuel’s request that the Venetian again of violent trespass on Venetian territory.

governors of Coron, Modon, and Nauplia On 8 May, 1421, the Venetian Senate decided should help defend the recently built Hexa- ‘to send Benedetto Emo (Aymo) as envoy and milion against the Turks in times of emer- __bailie to Constantinople. gency.”’ As time went on, however, the Hexa- Emo’s first instructions were to stop off in the milion, expensive to build, proved expensive also Morea and make a formal (but courteous) pro-

to keep up, and Greek serfs were found to be test to the Despot Theodore: fleeing from the despotate to Venet tan [eT You are to explain to his Excellency that again and ritory to escape the general levy for its main- again we have written letters, and likewise our tenance, to which the Signoria declined to ¢astellans of Coron and Modon have sent mesmake any contribution in June, 1418, because sengers and written letters to his Excellency, deevery year, winter and summer alike, the Vene-_manding that, since many losses have been inflicted

tians bore exceptional costs in their ceaseless by his people upon our subjects of. Coron and opposition to the Turks “for the universal Modon, he be prepared to make restitution for these good and well-being of all Christendom, with- losses to our aforesaid subjects. Out tng issistance of any other ruler or govern- The despot’s troops had sacked four villages in yo ; the district of Modon, looting everything to such In August, 1417, John VIII's wife, the Russian ay extent that the poor inhabitants had lost princess Anna, died, and he withdrew from the “even their shirts” (usque ad camisiam). ‘The ReMorea the following summer.” Before leaving, public viewed this attack with grave concern, however, he concluded .a truce with Prince “hecause we hold the territories of Modon and Centurione Zaccaria. John was now replaced by — Goron no less dear than Venice.” The envoy was

a younger brother, Thomas, who was accom- tq make it clear to Theodore that the Venepanied to the Morea by the future diplomat tians would not tolerate such conditions and and historian George Sphrantzes, who was then uid carry the expression of their indignation and their insistence upon restitution to the most TT serene lord emperor of Constantinople—for :Ol. : cf ahd ‘ fols. 95°-97", doc. dated 11 June, 1418, and whatever good that would do, because envoys

27 Sathas, III, no. 668, p. 116, dated 23 July, 1415; Dolger from both the despot and the emperor had aland Wirth, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3351, p. 102. Actually, the ready complained in Venice that the castellans Venetians had no intention of defending the faraway of Coron and Modon had supplied the despot’s Hexamilion against the Turks (D. A. Zakythinos, Despotat enemies with arms, artillery, and even a galiot, grec de Morée, 1 [1932], 168-69), and refused directly on 8 quod non est verum, for it was the Republic’s February, 1416, to contribute to the defense of the Hexa- . er . we milion because of the “many and intolerable expenses” with intention to maintain a strict neutrality in these which the Republic was constantly faced in warding off

Turkish attacks, especially in Negroponte (Lampros, = ————_ Palarologere Peloponnesiakd, III [1926], 130-31, and ¢. 30Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Sphrantzes, Chron. minus *s 3 38) _ (Be ed. Gree 8); os, inkai Neos Hellenomn., 11 [1905], 461-67). I, (26—27 onn, p. > P.ed. 28 Sathas, III, no. 731, pp. 17480, diated 1] june, 1418; Grecu [1966], p. 248); cf. Ducas, chap. 20 (Bonn, p. 98),

ene Uae Asi a dr , ho.ca 2, ,cen . 26-32, where it isand inco ete. . G.nM ; ., p- 8). 1960, vol. IT), p. 79a.

29 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1027 C: ed. Grecu, _ schaften und Kimste, vol. 86 (Leipzig, 1868, repr. New York,

12 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT wars in the Morea. For whatever reason Emo’s | said that the ancient seers and astrologers had instructions were canceled, but the original form forecast that the city would fall in this very

of his commission is still preserved in the year on the day and at the hour of the final

register, and bears witness to the Senate’s utter attack (which came on 24 August). At the critical

lack of confidence in Palaeologian rule in the moment, however, there appeared the figure of

Morea." a woman clad. _.inbattlements purple, walking along the of the outer wall. The Turks saw

he enatey for porn Greeks and tins ‘her. Darkness and a storm descended upon of via th I ty b defen. n sinet the them. Fear and trembling entered their hearts. strike, was the e ot ey vk Sh oath c They fled awe-struck in breathless haste, and

B dnan® Fe to ° 4 a d ¢ oT the siege was over. Once again the Virgin had

M “a “? cede d hi “p th uv h y IL and saved her city.” Be this as it may, it was apparent

, ura 1 succeede rs aa er came ch aad to all Europe that a new day had dawned in

Cgan one chat ve to rue. - 7 “ost hou t Graeco-Turkish relations, and the significance “be vement the lat con leenzh ent wi Dur to the Greek world of Mehmed I’s death had aba “he I. t Omne ta a he et cen a hel already been well understood in the Morea.

We © 7s the co 4 t se tah, rr ; Oe ell The Despot Theodore was now willing to Ine at ong hy con th h "Ide, a ¢ hin e make peace, for a time at least, with Prince

a 4. en ler y ab. VEIT s oh ers © Fficiclly Centurione of Achaea. In late February, 1423, an ved a er John | > W Y 1491 D bit Y the Venetian government authorized the castelvwisel as wh, vkich _, J ities. hn a ted lans of Coron and Modon to arrange the details

che we y vd M et cee ho. Je n dtc he th of a one-year truce between Theodore and the ye Be er d ustata, oti nto M ° ae © Centurione, in which Carlo I Tocco, duke of son en On, aaa ton i ura ee" Leucadia (Santa Maura), count palatine of cession to the Uttoman throne. it was a ba Cephalonia and Zante, and despot of Ianina mistake. In retaliation the angry young sultan,

having dispatched -Mustafa, laid siege to Con- ~~ ha C De C -sopolk oa th

stantinople with a large, well-equipped army John Cananus, De Consiantinopo oppugnatapp. (in457the . Bonn corpus, following the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, (from 10 June to 6 September, 1422); it was 79), who dates the siege from 10 June to 24 August. Cf. Lyubi¢é, Listine, VIII (1886), 188. The pagan historian

—_——_——— Zosimus in the fifth century tells a similar story to the

31 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 11’-12¥ [12’-13"]; Sathas, effect that a vision of Athena Promachos, ranging the I, no. 75, pp. 109-12; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, X, walls of the Acropolis, frightened the Visigoth Alaric into no. 2,479, pp. 285-90. Although Sathas gives no indication sparing Athens although he ravaged the rest of Greece of the fact, the notation “Revocata” is written in the mar- (bk. v, 6, ed. Mendelssohn, pp. 222-23, and cf. K. M. Setton, gin of folio 11% of Emo’s first commission. The Senate Athens in the Middle Ages, London, 1975, 1, p. 179). The apparently believed it useless for another envoy to wait Venetians and Genoese were caught in the cross-fire between

upon the Despot Theodore II. On 23 May (1421) Murad II and the pretender Mustafa, who called himself a

Emo was directed merely to gather information from the son of Bayazid and so Murad’s uncle (cf. lorga, ROL, V, castellans of Coron and Modon, and (without going to 117-18, doc. dated 2 February, 1422, et alibi, and on the see the despot) to seek satisfaction directly from the several Mustafas who appear in the documents and the emperor in Constantinople (ibid., Reg. 8, fol. 13% [14%]): chroniclers, see zbid., p. 193, note 1). As of 26 August, 1422, “Cum castellani Coroni et Mothoni multotiens et modo _ the Venetian Senate was still uncertain whether Murad had noviter per suas literas scripserint nostro dominio de multis © made peace with the Byzantines or was still engaged in

novitatibus et damnis factis et datis fidelibus et subditis the siege (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 67 ff. [68 ff.]; Sathas, nostris dictorum locorum per subditos domini Despoti I, 120-21; Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1854, p. 197). Misistre et bonum sit pro honore nostri dominii providere As we might expect, the Byzantine historians describe the superinde, vadit pars quod committatur viro nobili Ser Turkish siege of Constantinople in 1422: Sphrantzes, Chron. Benedicto Aymo ituro baiulo nostro Constantinopolis minus (PG 156, 1029C-—1030A; ed. Grecu, p. 14), who supquod quando erit in partibus locorum nostrorum predic- plies dates (8 June—6 September) at variance with those torum debeat se informare a castellanis predictis de omni- given by Cananus, and cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, I, 30 [39]

bus et singulis damnis et novitatibus factis et datis (Bonn, pp. 116-17; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 120; ed. Grecu, ipsis nostris fidelibus novis et veteribus, et quando erit pp. 254, 256); Chalcocondylas, bk. v (Bonn, pp. 231-34); in Constantinopoli debeat cum nostris literis credulitatis, Ducas, chap. 28 (Bonn, pp. 183-88); cf. lorga, ROL, V, quas sibi fecimus exhiberi, comparere ad presentiam domini 124-26, 137-38; Notes et extraits, 1, 323-25, 336-37,

Imperatoris et exponere querellam de omnibus et singulis Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1 (1908), 379-81; Dolger and Wirth,

damnis predictis et procurare satisfationem omnium Regesten, pt. 5, nos. 3390-93, pp. 108-9; Hopf, in Ersch ipsorum damnorum cum illis verbis et modis que et qui and Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (repr. II),

continentur in commissione pridie sibi facta, captain hoc p. 8lb; and esp. Barker, Manuel I Palaeologus (1969),

consilio. De parte 93. De non 3. Non sinceri 1.” pp. 354-66, on the background and duration of the siege.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 13 (Arta), was also to be included.*® The Venetians government looked askance at accepting the had been trying hard for some time to introduce Hexamilion, which Theodore had offered to

order into the Morea. Almost a year before, on give up to the Republic, for of course he 2 April, 1422, the Doge Tommaso Mocenigo’ wished to retain Corinth. Even the more ad-

had issued a commission, with the usual sena- venturous members of the Senate would accept torial authorization, to Delfino Venier as Vene- the Hexamilion only if Venice might also re-

tian ambassador and provveditore to Modon, ceive, as necessary to its defense, a strip of Coron, and the Morea, whereby he was to territory one or two miles wide, along its inner investigate fully the damages and disturbances (south) side, and they would undertake to keep

caused to Venetian subjects and possessions up the wall and its fortifications only if the

by the Despot Theodore’s people. Armed with costs might be borne locally, |

the information thus obtained, Venier was to and to remove all cause for altercation, it may be go to the despot’s court and remonstrate with stated that our Signoria will pay one half the afore-

his Excellency—with the courtesy and gid expense for that part of the country which

firmness appropriate to an envoy of the Repub- _ belongs to our Signoria, and the lord despot should

lic—requesting full restitution for the losses pay the other half for his part of the said country, thus far sustained and the assurance of their notwithstanding the fact that the lord despot’s ter-

cessation for the future. Venier was to per- fitory is much better and more populous [than form various other duties and, if possible, to ours ]. exert his best efforts with the despot and his According to the proposal of 22 July, the envoy rivals, to effect a badly needed truce in the Wenier was to try to persuade Prince’ Cen-

Morea. ; ; turione Zaccaria to surrender the title, lands, On 22 July, 1422, further instructions were and castles of the principality of Achaea to prepared for Venier as envoy to the three Venice for their preservation against the Turks. Moreote princes. A number of senators were Centurione would retain his baronial rights over

now willing to extend Venetian authority inthe jhe Jands he held by inheritance from his Morea, although the government had previously parents, for which he should do homage and

refused certain offers of territory from the cweay fealty to the Republic. Venier was to go Despot Theodore, who might well express sur- next to the court of Carlo Tocco, and try to prise at this apparent change in Venetian induce him to give up Glarentza and his other policy: “. . . You are to reply that his Ex- jossessions in the Moreote principality, for cellency need not wonder about this, because nich the Signoria would pay 3,000 to 4,000 our Signoria is not ambitious nor eager to ex- ducats. Carlo Tocco had purchased Glarentza tend our dominion, but is content with the bound- in 1421 from an Italian freebooter named aries which the Almighty has given us. . . .” Ojliverio Franco, who had seized it from CenThe concessions which Venice would be seeking turjone in 1 418, when he had also forced the

from all three princes were motivated solely prince to give him a daughter in marriage. by fear lest the continuance of the conditions But if Carlo Tocco would not sell these places,

which then existed in the peninsula should the envoy was to seek an oath of fealty from

lead to its acquisition by the Turks. Despite him.35 I]luminating as this document may be, it marked differences of opinion in the Senate, Venetian policy was now as always to pick and choose among possible landed possessions. The _ gen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 63'-64' [64"-65*], doc. dated 22 July, 1422; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XI, no. 2,610,

pp. XXILL where _ fi"ulti” dol P.. \ ne18 snow pe 33 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 91'-92" [92'-93"], resolu. die XXII [not XX ol. les" - Pnere a brie

tions dated 24 and 33 February, 1423 Ven syle 1422), Summary In Thiriet, Reégestes, Il, no. 1849, p. 196. This Sathas, I, nos. 83-84, pp. 127-29; Valentini, Acta Albaniae resolution was submitted to the Senate for four successive veneta, XI (1971), nos. 2685, 2690, pp. 195, 200-2; and votes, as follow (fol. 64" (65")):

of. Thiriet, Régestes, II, nos. 1871, 1873, pp. 200-1; De parte 63 66 64 67 Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. 384-86; Zakythinos, De non 47 48 59 47 Despotat grec de Morée, 1, 180-86, 188, 191-92. Non sinceri 94 90 17 90 34 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 47 [48]; Thiriet, Régestes, II,

no. 1840, p. 194. When submitted to the Senate, the terms Since a majority of affirmative votes was not secured, and of Venier’s commission excited much discussion and pro- _ the successive items of the resolution lack the characteristic

voked some fifteen different votes. crosses (+) commonly placed in the left-hand margin to

14 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT was never officially sent to Venier, because the important city of Patras, which they had enough votes could not be secured by the mili- already administered for some years (1408tant party in the Senate to win its approval. 1413), by leasing it from Archbishop Stefano Another and much briefer set of instructions, Zaccaria under an arrangement whereby they however, was also prepared on the same day (22 had paid him an annual rent of 1,000 ducats.*”

July), and these comprise the mandate which Stefano, brother of Prince Centurione, had was sent to Venier, directing him to examine preferred the happy prospect of three years the Hexamilion and try to assess the cost of its at the University of Padua to the worrisome maintenance both in time of peace and in that of responsibilities of Patras, which was always sub-

war. He was also to investigate the resources ject to Turkish attack. Patras had been restored of the country and the probable cost of its to Stefano in 1413, when he had found himself

defense.*° This was all that Venier was _hard pressed by his brother Centurione as well authorized to do in the Morea, and doubtless as by the Turks and the Greek despot of the all he did—except for advocating peace wherever Morea, and so in 1417 he had renewed the

he went. previous agreement with the Venetians. In the It is clear that the more daring members of Curia Romana, however, Stefano’s attempt to the Venetian Senate were now ready to divide solve his problems looked too much like the the strife-torn Morea with the Greeks, willing to alienation of ecclesiastical property. The pope assume the obvious risks for the likely ad- had exercised a special surveillance over the see

vantages, but they could not persuade quite of Patras since the first years of the Latin

enough of their fellows to support their pro- conquest, and in the summer of 1419 the archposals. They had also wanted to get control of bishop was required to take back his onerous charge.*® Three years later he was apparently

, . ... trying to interest the Hospitallers of Rhodes denote items in a given resolution approved by a majority in the Morea, but on 10 May. 1422. the master

vote, it is more than doubtful whether this long mandate Oo 2 0 y> ? las ©

was ever sent to Venier. Indeed, a subsequent resolution of the Hospital sent an envoy to the archbishop sent as instructions to Venier, dated 22 October, 1422 (Sen. (and also to the Despot Theodore and Prince Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 79-80" [80’-81']; Valentini, deta Centurione) to explain that Turkish activity in Albaniae veneta, XI, no. 2,639, pp. 152-53), suggests that this the eastern Aegean rendered impossible the

mandate was inassumed fact notthat sentitto him, although “4M ffairs. Rhod have apparently was, following theall in-historians rders invoOrder's vement jin1Moreote altairs. odes complete and improper publication of the document by WaS in constant danger, and so were Chios Sathas, I, no. 78, pp. 115-19, inc. “Cum nobilis vir ser and Mytilene.*? If the Zaccaria brothers could

Delphinus Venerio. . . . Unfortunately the materials pub- not get along with each other, they managed lished in C. N. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs a Uhistoire still less well with the despot. who attacked de la Gréce au moyen-Gge, are sometimes misleading. Where . pot, W several documents relating to a particular problem or epi- the archiepiscopal see of Patras with the samc

sode exist in the Venetian registers, Sathas may omit alacrity that he employed against the Latin

some quite as important as those he supplies. Sometimes a principality. There were good reasons then for given text is incompletely published. He did not transcribe jhe Venetian anxiety to secure Patras. which these documents himself (and obviously did not supervise find clear! y d in the 1 ° d their selection very closely), but relied on paid copyists, W© nd clearly expressed in the long mandate

who could hardly be expected to serve his readers as prepared on 22 July for the envoy Delfino

well as Sathas might have done himself. Venier.*°

(according to Amadio Valier, Cron., Cod. Hoe, ne Venetian plans were usually far-reaching. In-

3051, fol. 275: “Anchora in questo tempo el dispoti de la ts ructions to envoys of the Republic commonly Morea volse donare la Morea ala Signoria de Venetia, et la Signoria non la volse acetare.” On the marriage of Oliverio reflected an effort to anticipate every eventu-

Franco to Centurione’s daughter, note Hopf, Chron. ality and to extract from a given situation gréco-romanes, geneal. tables, p. 502, and on his occupa- every advantage. Venier’s inquiries and cautious tion of Glarentza, cf. Sathas, III, no. 731, p. 177, lines 32-33, dated 11 June,’ 1418. See also Hopf, in Ersch and —_—

Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 37 Ernst Gerland, Lateinisches Erzbistum Patras, Leipzig, 79; Zakythinos, Despotat grec, 1, 193-95; Ant. Rubidi Lluch, 1903, pp. 162-71, doc. dated 20 August, 1408, and ef. ibid., Los Navarros en Grecia y el ducado catalan de Atenas, Bar- pp. 55 ff., with a full indication of the sources and his-

celona, 1887, pp. 420-21 (in the Memorias de la Real _ torical background.

Academia de Buenas Letras, vol. IV). 38 Gerland, pp. 9 ff., 62-63; Miller, Latins in the Levant,

36 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 62” [63°], resolution dated pp. 363-64. In March, 1421, Archbishop Stefano was try22 July, 1422 (but a separate action from the preceding), ing to negotiate the sale of Zonklon (Navarino) to the publ. by Sathas, I, 115, inc. “Per literas vestras. ...” Venetian Signoria (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 3° [4"]).

Cf. Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 942D, 943, 39 Gerland, pp. 63, 171-73. 962C, with reference to the wealth of the Morea, on which 4° See Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 63” [64%]; Sathas, I, no.

see also, below, p. 209. 78, p. 117.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 15 efforts to make peace at first found no favor Tocco, Centurione Zaccaria, and ‘Tommaso with the Despot Theodore. When the news ofthe Mocenigo, the doge of Venice.** Mocenigo Turkish threat to Constantinople reached the was given credit for arranging the truce which, Morea, however, the despot became frightened, the pope had been informed, was to last for

and quickly negotiated a six months’ truce a year and two months.*

with both Prince Centurione and Archbishop Truces were rarely adhered to at this period in Stefano Zaccaria.*! Pope Martin V, having the Morea, and some confusion attends their learned of this development, wrote immedi- history. In December, 1422, the envoys of the ately to the Emperor Manuel, on 5 July, 1422, Moreote princes assembled in Venice, accomexpressing the hope that the latter would add __ panied by Riccardo de Glemona, the chancellor .his imperial authority to the papal exhortation of Modon. The militant members of the Senate to Theodore to preserve the peace “which he has_ saw no prospect of realizing their desires, the recently made with our venerable brother Ste- feasibility.of which they had wanted Venier to fano, archbishop of Patras,” whose see had been investigate. They had to be satisfied therefore suffering severely from attacks, not by the with a one-year truce which the envoys generally neighboring Turks but by Theodore. The pope agreed to in late February, 1423,* but they hoped that this peace might be lasting. He found-neither their conferences with the represtated further that he had cautioned the arch- sentatives of the contracting parties nor subsebishop against any infringement of its terms, quent events in the Morea very reassuring. The and forbidden him recourse to arms without the following September we find the Senate urging special permission of the Holy See, “lest by maintenance of the truce upon Carlo Tocco, the this means his church, which is our particular Despot Theodore, and Centurione Zaccaria.” care, should suffer some injury.” The pope had also requested Theodore to maintain the peace 8 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 5: to Theoand asked him not immediately to wage war dore, fols. 170’-172' (also in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fol. in retaliation for any grievance, real or fancied, 84); to Stefano, fols. 172"-173" (also ibid., tom. 6, fols. which he might have against the archbishop, 106-107"); to Carlo Tocco, “dispoto de la Camna” but to send envoys and letters to Rome, where li.e., Ianina!], fol. 174° (bid., tom. 6, fol. 86°); to Cent justi Id be d d ‘sh t turione, fols. 175'—176' (ibid., tom. 6, fol. 88°); and to prompt Jusuce wou ¢ cone an punishmen Tommaso Mocenigo, fol. 176 (ibid., tom. 6, fols. 84¥—85"), meted out to any person guilty of offense an refs. being to the foliation by mod. stamped enumera-

against him.” tion. (Undated copies of two or three of these letters may century volume of Martin V’s briefs.)

are also extant, all dated 3 July, 1422—to the “4 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 5, fol. 176°: Despot Theodore, Archbishop Stefano, Carlo «+. | | placuit valde nobis quod nuper audivimus tua opera

——_—_—_————_- atque interventu inducias factas esse usque ad annum unum *! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 79’—80* [80’-81'], doc. dated et menses duos inter dilectos filios nobiles viros despotum

22 October, 1422, published by Sathas, I, no. 80, pp. Achaie ex parte una et principem Achaie, despotum de la 123-24 (with the date 27 October); Valentini, Acta Albaniae anna, ac venerabilem fratrem nostrum archiepiscopum veneta, XI, no. 2,639, pp. 152-53, in answer to a letter Patracensem ex parte altera, quarum beneficio induciarum dated 10 September from Venier in the Morea. Cf. Hopf, Patracensis ecclesia hoc tempore poterit ab assiduis labori-

in Ersch and Gruber, Encyél., vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 81a. bus et belli cladibus respirare.” #2 Martin V’s letter of 5 July, 1422, to Manuel II may be * Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 5 90*%-92" [91-93%], published in Sathas, I, nos. 82-84, [Martini V brevia, tom. IT], fols. 167"—168" (fols. 173.-174" pp. 125-29; Thiriet, Régestes, II, nos. 1868, 1870-71, by mod. stamped enumeration), “datum Rome apud S. Mar- _ 1873, pp. 199-201, docs. dated 4, 18, 24, and 28 February, cum, III non. Iulii, anno quinto.” This letter is published 1423 (Ven. style 1422). Cf. Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, with a somewhat different text by Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., XXII, col. 973D; Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine ad ann. 1422, no. 3, vol. XVIII (1694), p. 41, who does not, Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 81a; lorga, Gesch. d. however, give the date, which was lacking in‘the register he osman. Reiches, 1, 399. The “forma treugue” is given in the employed (Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fol. 17, later fol. 31, now Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 92% [93°], publ. by Sathas, I, fol. 51 by mod. stamped enumeration, the fly-leaf to which no. 84, pp. 128-29. register bears the interesting annotation: “Codex hic lauda- “6 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 123" [124°]; Sathas, I, no. 91, tur a Raynaldo, Annal. Eccl., ad A. 1422, n. 3 et alibi,” writ- pp. 151-52; Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1904, p. 209 (and note

ten in what appears to ve an eighteenth-century hand). Al- no. 1901), doc. dated 1 September, 1423. The Despot though tom. 5 in Arm. XXXIX is a seventeenth-century Theodore’s envoy had come to Venice with an insufficient register (and so considerably later than the copies of Mar- mandate. At the end of the month (30 September, 1423) tin’s briefs contained in tom. 6), it is especially valuable as John VIII Palaeologus confirmed a five years’ peace between preserving the dates of his letters (cf., below, p. 42, note 9).See Byzantium and Venice which had been negotiated in the

the following note, and cf. Parrino, Acta Albaniae Vaticana, doge’s palace on 25 July (Sathas, I, no. 92, p. 153, and I (1971), nos. 6-9, pp. 6-8, who does not date Martin’s Thomas and Predelli, Dipl. veneto-levantinum, U, no. 178, p.

letter of 5 July to Manuel more closely than “1422.” 341).

16 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Even the invasion of the Morea by the for- at least two months’ advance notification to the midable Turkish commander Turakhan Beg Venetian castellans of Coron and Modon. Tocco could not draw these self-seeking opportunists therefore promptly sent envoys to the Venetian together.*” The Venetians tried to be just and Senate, whose spokesmen wearily replied that reasonable, as shown for example by the fair- the Signoria had of course been distressed to

ness of their position in a jurisdictional dis- . learn that the truce (arranged by Delfino

pute with Centurione.* The latter, who was the Venier) had been taken so lightly, but now least secure among the greater personages in there seemed nothing more to be said. If Tocco

the Morea, was also the least wise. On 30 could make profitable provision for his own

December, 1423, the Venetian Senate notified state (presumably by attacking the Greeks), the castellans of Coron and Modon that Theo- Venice would have no objection, and would be dore was accusing Centurione of having broken quite content to watch the augmentation of his the truce, thus incurring an alleged penalty of power and well-being.*? | 5,000 ducats according to the terms of the agree- The Venetians were having their own difment.*? There was always trouble in the Morea. _ ficulties with the obstreperous Theodore, whose On 8 January, 1424, Archbishop Stefano Zac- attacks upon Coron and Modon had _ been caria died, and the Senate wrote Pope Martin continuous for some months. On 17 April, 1424, V, requesting the appointment of a Venetian to the new doge, Francesco Foscari, and the Senate

the see of Patras, which lay in the territory resolved to present their complaint directly to of the schismatic Greeks and was always ex- the “old emperor,” Manuel, as well as to his posed to the attacks of the infidel Turks.*° lieutenant (locum tenens) in Constantinople, The Curia Romana turned down the request, where there had also been attacks upon Venehowever, and the pope appointed Pandolfo tians. (The “young emperor,” John VIII, was at Malatesta, Theodore’s brother-in-law, the new this time in Italy, and Constantine was the archbishop. It was meant to be a gracious imperial lieutenant.) The Venetian bailie was digesture toward the Palaeologi, although they rected to request the punishment of the ofpaid little or no attention to their relation- fenders, especially one “Johannes Turchus,” as ship to the Malatesti.*' Pandolfo went into the an example to others. The Byzantine governMorea immediately, but proved no more able ment should see to it that such acts of violence than his predecessor to cope with the problems to subjects of the Republic ceased both in

of Patras. Constantinople and in the Morea. There must Although there was no end to the bickering be no repetitions. Otherwise the Venetians

and battling in the Morea, there must soon be_ would take such firm measures as to make their

an end to the space which we can allot to displeasure unmistakably clear to the Greeks. the subject. In June, 1424, Theodore II sud- Their captain-general of the sea was ordered denly descended on Centurione, took him cap- =—_____

: . , ys o arlo Tocco,

tive, and again plundered Venetian territory.” 53 Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 41° [42°]; Sathas, III, no. 844, pp. 267— Carlo Tocco was, quite understandably, con- 68; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XII (1971), no. 2,936, pp.

cerned by this flagrant violation of the truce, oa we hariet, Regestes, I» "to ee, P: ot Gated i duly, which should not have been broken without magnificus dominus despotus Arte: “Quod cum dominus

despotus Grecorum convenerit treuguis factis inter eum et — dictum dominum suum per medium nostri ambassiatoris 47 Turakhan Beg had entered the Morea on 21-22 May, _ et etiam aliis treuguis postea inter eos factis, placeat nostro

1423, on a terrifying razzia, laying waste the countryside dominio committere nostris castellanis Coroni et Mothoni and attacking Mistra, Leondari, Gardiki,and Tabia,onwhich quod ponant concordium inter eos, etc., respondemus quod

see below, p. 38, and for the sources, note 118. certe nostro dominio displicet audire quod treugue facte 48 Sathas, I, no. 93, pp. 154-55; Thiriet, Régestes, I1, primo per nostrum ambasiatorem nobilem virum Ser Del-

no. 1906, p. 210, dated 11 October, 1423. finum Venerio et similiter alie postea facte prout dicunt * Sathas, I, no. 98, pp. 159-60; cf. Thiriet, HI, no. nullam habuerint firmitatem. Et considerantes illud quod

1916, p. 212. de novo secutum est, quod dominus despotus Grecorum

© Sathas, I, no. 99, pp. 160-61; Thiriet, Régestes, II, ceperit principem, non videtur nostro dominio aliud dicere no. 1921, p. 213, dated 10 February, 1424 (Ven. style 1423), super hoc quia non esset cum honore nostri dominii and ¢f. no. 100; Iorga ROL, V (1897, repr. 1964), 167, ulterius aliquid querere super hac causa. Sed si domino

docs. dated 26 April, 1424. suo videtur aliquam provisionem facere pro bono et utile 51 Cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber, Encykl., vol. 86 (repr. et augmento sui status potest facere prout eidem placet, II), p. 82b; Gerland, Lateinisches Erzbistum Patras, pp. quia de omni re que redundabit ad bonum et utile et ad

64-65. augmentum sui status nostrum dominium *2 Hopf, II, 82-83. contentum.” , remanebit

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 17 into the area of Constantinople, and reparations The times were troublous, and lesser barons were demanded of the Byzantine government in the Morea had to take cover. The campaign

for the damages thus far sustained. of Turakhan Beg in the spring and summer of

The threatening stance of the Venetians 1423 had frightened every petty dynast in the apparently made little impression in either peninsula. In late February and early March, Constantinople or Mistra, although the Greeks 1425, some 25,000 Turks invaded the Morea

knew the Venetians too well to mistake for again, taking more than 1,260 prisoners

weakness the civility with which their protests from Venetian territory and about 6,000 Greeks were always made. Three months later, on 16 and Albanians, who were to be sold into slavery.®

July (1424), the Senate instructed the Venetian The Catalan family of the Caupenas turned

bailie in Constantinople to appear before the for protection to Venice, the chief Latin

“old emperor,” if he was in condition to receive power in Greece. On 6 March, 1425, the Senate

him (Manuel had suffered astrokeon 1 October, acted favorably on a petition from Alioto 1422), or before his lieutenant, to make clear II, lord of Aegina, and his brother Arnau, that Theodore’s unending depredations in the “at present governor of Piada,” who with their Morea were absolutely insupportable. He dealt Catalan and other adherents “have been of

with Venetian subjects as though there were service in the preservation of Argos and war between the Republic and the Greeks. Now Nauplia in emergencies against the Greeks and

the bailie was to state that he was making Albanians as well as against the Turks both by Venice’s last remonstrance to the Byzantine Aeaaraarn before retaliating with an armed II, no. 1919, p. 212. (No entries were made in this register offensive. on 13 January.) On the ninth the Senate limited John’s living allowance to eight ducats a day since too many people TTT were apparently passing themselves off as members of the *4 Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 17” [18”]. The Byzantines were to imperial entourage (Misti, Reg. 54, fol. 169", and cf. ROL, take care: “. . . quod ille Johannes Turchus et alii qui’ V, 152): “. . . Vadit pars . . . quod melius parabitur teminferunt novitates, iniurias, et violentias nostratibus sub- pore debito et modo suo si providebitur sibi de peccunia stineant penam et supplicium suorum delictorum ut aliis neccessaria et habili pro expensis, quod ducale dominium transeat in exemplum et quod eis placeat tam utilibus habeat libertatem limitandi et dari faciendi pro expensis et efficacissimis provisionibus mandare et ordinare quod _ dicti domini Imperatoris et familie sue id quod sibi vide-

tales novitates, violentie, et iniurie omnino cessent et damna__—ibitur non transeundo summam ducatorum octo in die

data per dominum despotum Misistre reficiantur et emen- donec stabit Venetiis” (by a vote of 142 to 3, with one

dentur et quod de cetero non fiant nec inferantur: neutral ballot).

que si facient, nobis summe placebunt. Si autem non facient, John was still in Venice on 17-27 January (see below, nostra diuturna tolerancia nos docet et inducit ut ad pro- note 81). The Venetians lodged him at the Benedictine visionem debitam et amplissimam transeamus sic quod sine abbey of S. Giorgio Maggiore (Predelli, Regestt det Com-

dubio ipsi sencient nos maximam et inextimabilem memoriali, IV, bk. x1, no. 136, p. 52; Iorga, ROL, V, 155; displicentiam habuisse et animos nostros multum esse Notes et extraits, 1, 354). From Venice John went to Milan; turbatos. Et cum his et allis verbis que tibi videbuntur he left there on 9 February, and was at Lodi on 17 debeas solicitare quod suprascripta nostra intentio habeat March (ROL, V, 162-63; Notes et extraits, 1, 361-62). He was

effectum, stando ibi per quatuor dies, quibus transactis back in Milan on 3 May (Délger and Wirth, Regesten, pt. postmodum habita vel non habita sua responsione debeas _ 5, no. 3417, p. 112; Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., III, 353), and ascendere in galeam et ire ad reperiendum capitaneum left some time thereafter for Hungary, where he conferred nostrum generalem maris. . . .” Iorga has published a _ with the Emperor Sigismund (on his itinerary see Gill, CounFrench summary of this document (ROL, V [1897, cil of Florence, pp. 38-39, and Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, repr. 1964], 166-67; Notes et extraits, 1, 365-66), as has pp. 377-79). John arrived back on the Bosporus on or about

Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1930, p. 215. 1 November, 1424, where he presumably received Filippo

55 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 162" [163"]; Valentini, Acta Maria Visconti’s letter of the sixteenth (ROL, V, 178-79; Albaniae veneta, XII, no. 2,940, pp. 115-17, summarized Notes et extraits, 1, 377-78).

by lorga, ROL, V, 171-72; Notes et extraits, 1 (1899), Contrary to the impression of Barker, Manuel II Palaeo370-71, and cf. Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1948, p. 219. logus, pp. 381-82, that the Venetians reserved the title of

The imperial locum tenens was at this time the young Emperor for Manuel (cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. Constantine [XI], whose brother John VIII was in Italy, 136% [137%], serenissimus dominus Imperator Constantinopolis seeking aid against the Turks. John is said to have-arrived senior), and withheld the title from his son and co-ruler John in Venice on 15 December, 1423 (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad VIII, the Senate regularly called John emperor: serenisann. 1423, no. 26, vol. XVIII [1694], p. 62a), and so had = simus dominus Imperator ...iunior (ibid., fol. 138% [139%]) been there for some time when on 8 January, 1424, the and serenissimus dominus Imperator Constantinopolis (ibid., fols. Venetian Senate agreed to make him a Joan of 1,500 ducats 136° [1377], 138% [139%], and 139° [140°], letter of the Senate

“ante recessum suum ab hinc” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, to their resident notary in Milan, Francesco della Siega,

fol. 138% [139¥]). This loan was, incidentally, made on the dated 17 January, 1424 [Ven. style 1423]). eighth, not the thirteenth as stated by both Iorga, ROL, V, 5° Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 978E; cf. 152-53; Notes et extraits, 1, 351-52, and Thiriet, Régestes, . lorga, ROL, V, 190, 192; Notes et extraits, 1, 389, 391.

18 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT land and by sea. . . .” Being uncommitted to bastard son and successor of Alioto II in the any other suzerain power or person, and being little seigniory. Although they sought the shelter moved (they said) by affection for and loyalty to of Venetian power and prestige, the Caupenas Venice, Alioto and his son Antonello together (like almost everyone else in the Morea) were with his brother Arnau humbly asked the Serene _ given to fighting among themselves. Owing to

Signoria to accept them and their heirs “as their contentiousness, Venice was to acquire the good and true friends of the friends, and as_ island of Aegina a generation later. enemies of the enemies, of the aforesaid illus- Nothing could keep peace in the Morea, trious ducal Signoria. . . .” The Caupenas also neither Venetian diplomacy nor the Turkish proposed that, if their house should die out. menace. In 1426-1427 Theodore II of Mistra (manchando 1 dicti signort e suo heriedi), Aegina, found himself embroiled with Carlo Tocco. The

Piada, and their other possessions should pass _latter’s purchase of Glarentza from Oliverio

into Venetian hands.*? Franco a half-dozen years before had given At this ttme Duke Antonio Acciajuoli was him a center for military operations in the

worrying about his stud farm, and on 6 Novem-_ peninsula, from which he had extended his ber, 1425, the Venetian Senate voted to allow sway southward over much of ancient Elis to him to transfer his horses and other animals the river Alpheus and Mount Pholoe. At first to Negroponte “in the event of sudden danger” ‘Theodore, having all he could handle in his (pro casibus novitatum ). The Senate declined his troubles with the Venetians and Centurione’s

request for a license to build two galiots, Navarrese (the remnants of Pedro Bordo de

however, and rejected a protest Antonio had San Superano’s old “Company”), was inclined

made with respect to the terms under which to recognize for the time being Tocco’s

Venice had taken the Caupenas under her wing: dominion of the territory he had overrun, Concerning the affair of the lord of Aegina, in whose seers "dD him primary an enemy of Cenisland the said lord Antonio [Acciajuoli] says that turione. During the late fall and early winter the wife of the lord of Aegina has her rights, of 1426, however, Tocco watched the Albanietc., we reply that should the situation arise that the Ms bringing their flocks and herds down from said lady has reason to press for her rights in the the highlands to the Elian plain, where they island, the lord Antonio must be certain that our were accustomed to pasture their animals Signoria will always do what is in accord with law during the cold season. By mid-winter, his

and justice.°° forces probably being short of food, Tocco be-

The “said lady” was Antonio Acciajuoli’s adopted 84” rounding up a great many of the Albanians

daughter, who had married Antonello, the horses, cattle, sheep, and pigs. The Albanians

were subjects of the Byzantine despotate, and so Theodore perforce went to war with Tocco. The

7 Sathas, III, no. 858, pp. 281-82; lorga, ROL, V, 191; Situation was sufficiently grave to cause the reThiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1973, p. 224; and cf. K. M. Setton, turn of the Emperor John VIII to the Morea

Los, Galalanes en Grecia, oer ase 49"), PP. re 16 to take command of an offensive against ‘Tocco, pp. 178-79, Thitiet, Régestes, II, no. 2007, p. 239. According whose city of ciarentza ne Prompt praced to Hopf, in Ersch and .Gruber’s Encyhklopadie, vol. 86 (repr. under siege. yzantine ships patrolle c Il), pp. 141b—142a, an adopted daughter of Antonio coast, trying to cut off the promontory of Acciajuoli married Antonello, the bastard son of Alioto Il, Glarentza from Tocco’s island domain of which seems to be the case (cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. Cephalonia and Zante. Tocco, however, put Iv [Bonn, p. 215; ed. Darké, I (1922), 202]). A later text refers together a fleet from the islands and from to Antonello as “filius naturalis domini Aleoti, qui natus fuit . a . ex una villana” (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senato Mar, Epirus; he was also joined by some ships, Reg. 1, fol. 12", doc. dated 17 January, 1441). The senatorial resolution of 6 November, 1425, however, suggests § ———————

that the “said lady” was married to Alioto himself: “. . . dicit 59 John VIII had expected a break with Carlo Tocco for dictus dominus Antonius [de Azaiolis] uxorem dictt domini Le- | some time, and had been arming ships and galleys against

gene ius habere. . . .” The genealogical table of the Cau- him from the early spring of 1426, as Tocco’s ambassador penas in Hopf’s Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 475, requires some informed the Venetian Senate on 3 June (lorga, ROL, V, rectification for the first members of the family who became 322; Notes et extraits, 1, 422). There is a brief sketch lords of Aegina, and the Venetian Senate itself was not of Venetian difficulties with and the Senate’s policy toward always fully informed concerning the family relationships the Albanians, especially in the Morea in the first half of

of the island dynasts as when on 12 June, 1461, we the fifteenth century, in Alain Ducellier, “Les Albanais

find Antonello’s uncle Arnau being identified as his brother! —__dans les colonies vénitiennes au XV° siécle,” Studi veneziant, (Mar, Reg. 7, fol. 21°). X (1968), 47-64.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 19 presumably merchantmen, from Marseille; and standing concerns the Venetians now added

over this motley armada he placed his bastard a short-lived but most important episode son Turno. John VIII gave the command of his_ in their history. Sultan Murad II, having failed

naval forces to one Leontarius. The battle in his summer-time siege of Constantinople in

took place among the “prickly isles’ of 1422, transferred his army and his ambition

Echinades (the Curzolari, where the famous to Thessalonica, the second city of the Byzantine

battle of Lepanto was later fought), and empire, which was in great danger of falling to Tocco’s fleet was badly defeated, many of his a serious assault. The walls of the city had not ships being captured. The Greeks took more been kept up, and its ruler, the Despot Andronithan one hundred and fifty prisoners, including cus Palaeologus, an ailing younger son of the one of Tocco’s nephews; many of the Latins were aged Manuel II, lacked both the means to hire killed, and Turno barely escaped from the fray soldiers and the ships to bring provisions into with his life.®° It was the last victory to be won the city. He saw only one way to save Thes-

by the Byzantine navy. salonica from the barbarians. He would give it _ The Turks were on all the roads and passes toe “Venetian Senate was in a more ad-

in the Balkan peninsula as well as on all the Venturous mood than it had been for some years. seaways of the Aegean. The Venetians were The cautious and conservative doge, Tommaso constantly worried about their command posts Mocenigo, had died on 4 April, 1423, and on and trading centers 1n Albania, at D uraZ7Z9 the evening of the fifteenth Francesco Foscari (Durrés), Scutarl (Shkodér), Alessio (Lezhe), was elected his successor. Foscari was leader

Drivasto (Drisht), Budua (Budva), Dulcigno of the war party (still a minority in the

(Ulcinj), and Antivari (Bar). There is an abun- Senate), which feared the advance of the Turk dance of documents concerning the defense pore than a temporary suspension of trade in of these places against the et urks and pro- the Levant.” It was under a new doge, then, Turkish Albanian chieftains.“ To these long- that the Senate considered the Despot An-

eT dronicus’s remarkable offer on 7 July, 1423. 6 The battle and the events which led up to it are Andronicus had first informed the colonial described in an anonymous Greek panegyric on Manuel II government of Negroponte of his willingness to

and John VIL (in a fifteenth-century MS. in the Bibl. tirn the city over to the Republic to secure its Apost. Vaticana, Cod. pal. gr. 226, fols. 110'—-111", pub- . lished by Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., I11 [1926], introd., pp. salvation from the Turks. On 2 June the of26-31, 195-97, on which cf. Zakythinos, Despotat grec de ficials of Negroponte had forwarded copies of

Morée, 1, 200-201). The admiral Leontarius of this en- the despot’s letters by armed brigantine to counter is presumably Demetrius Lascaris Leontarius (Leon- Venice. Andronicus was gravely concerned taris), well-known Byzantine soldier and diplomat, who died about “la extrema condition della terra de 29-94 (Bonn, pp. 118-21, 133-34, 139 ff.); Sphrantzes, Salonichi per la assedion de Turchi,” and in

on 6 September, 1431, on whom see Ducas, chaps. oa . 55 .

Chron. minus (PG 156, 1028; ed. Grecu, p. 10); Pseudo- his own name and that of the people of Sphrantzes, I, 28-29 [37-38] (Bonn, pp. 111 ff.; ed. Papa- Thessalonica he offered the city to the Venedopoulos, I, 115 ff.; ed Grecu, pp- 250 ff.); F. Miklosich tian Signoria, asking only that it should be aevi, III (Vienna, 1865, repr. 1968), 162, 172, 185; Iorga, 80Verned “according to its usages and statutes; Notes et extraits, I, 44, 49, 66, cited by Lampros, Pal. that the Orthodox metropolitan of Thessalonica kai Pel., I (1912), introd., pp. 47, 213-14; Hopf, in Ersch be confirmed in his ecclesiastical charge;® and Gruber, Encykl., vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 54b; Iorga,

and J. Muller, eds., Acta et diplomata graeca medi “ . . ”

Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 374, 376. On the Echinades, §=———--———

cf. John Murray’s Handbook for Travellers in Greece, Lon- ® Cf. Heinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, I1

don, 1854, pp. 89-90, 120b. (Gotha, 1920, repr. Aalen, 1964), 277-78, 331 ff., 354-56,

5! For the period 1421-1428 alone, cf. lorga, ROL, V, 634, on Venice and the occupation of Thessalonica. 111-13, 120-21, 126, 130-31, 135, 139-41, etc.; ibid., pp. The Venetian political background, as well as the naval

330-31, 335, 374-76, 382, 385. The Venetians were, how- _ operations of Venetian commanders in the Aegean throughever, quite capable of purchasing Turkish assistance against out this period, is explored in the old but excellent article

their own enemies in Albania (cf. Ljubi¢, Listine, VIII of Camillo Manfroni, “La Marina veneziana alla difesa di [1886], 3, 5-6, docs. of the year 1419). Various relevant Salonicco (1423—1430),” Nuovo Archivio veneto, XX (new ser.,

documents of this period may be found in Gelcich and X, 1910), 5-68. Thalléczy, Diplomatarium ragusanum (1887), esp. pp. 300 ff., §§ The Greek archbishop of Thessalonica proved a good

319, and see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 28” ff. [29 ff.], | friend to the Venetians, who appropriated fifty ducats on 35° [367], 50 [51], 51% ff. [52° ff.], et abi in this register 16 July, 1424, to send gifts to him (Misti, Reg. 55, fol. (1421-1424), as well as Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, 42° [43°]): “Quia per provisores nostros Salonichi multum

vols. X ff., passim. fuit persuasum dominio nostro quod mittantur et presen-

20 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that the Greek inhabitants should retain their Three weeks after the Senate voted to accept local rights of jurisdiction, be able to come Thessalonica if the Emperor Manuel would give and go as they chose, and have full disposi- his consent thereto, the Doge Francesco Foscari tion of their goods and properties; and, finally, issued to Santo Venier and Niccolo Giorgi that Venice should guarantee the proper de- (Zorzi), who had been appointed provveditori fense of the city against all aggressors, including to receive Thessalonica, detailed instructions as

the Turks. The Senate promptly instructed the to their procedure. Their commission is dated bailie in Constantinople to wait upon the Em- 27 July, 1423. Venier and Giorgi were to go to peror Manuel, if he was well enough to re- Negroponte, where they should receive some ceive him. The bailie was to inform the imperial further word from the Despot Andronicus, to government of the despot’s offer, which Venice whom the Senate had written of Venetian was prepared to accept if it was agreeable to willingness to accept Thessalonica on the terms

Manuel. The Venetian officials in Negroponte, he had outlined. In the event of a still

the duke of Naxos, the podesta and captain favorable reply from the despot, the provvedi-

of Nauplia, and the commissioner of Tenos tori were to continue with their projected

and Mykonos were to arm galleys and hold journey to Thessalonica, where they would give them in readiness to execute the Signoria’s the despot the most solemn assurance that the command, when it should come, to occupy Venetians would abide by the conditions under Thessalonica in the name of the Serenissima.** which he had stated he would relinquish the threatened city to the superior power of Venice, tentur aliqua dona reverendo domino Archiepiscopo Salonichi, ct quod “s tis parati dictam civitatem ac-

qui est fidelissimus nostri dominii, vadit pars quod possint cipere. ...

expendi usque ducati quinquaginta pro mittendo presen- Having taken over the city from the despot, tatum dicto Archiepiscopo in illis rebus que dominio nostro with all due formality, Venier and Giorgi were

mistakenly says five hundred ducats. . . : 64 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 110% ff. [111% ff.], dated 7 §arrison MW order, taking the necessary funds

videbuntnr Cf een ees II, no. 1947, p. 219, who tg provide for its defense and set the hilltop July, 1423, published in Sathas, Docs. inédits, I (1880, repr. from the citys revenues. They were also 1IT11972), no. 86, pp. 133-39; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, mediately to send letters to the colonial gov-

XI, no. 2,765, pp. 265-75; and ¢f. in general Amadio ernment at Negroponte which would straightValier, Cron., Cod. Cicogna, no. 3631, fol. 277; Hopf, in way forward them by brigantine to Venice.

Ersch andMiller, Gruber, vol. 86 (repr. II), one pp.oO82a, Thprovve f £ thitor) dj or 87-88: Wm. LatinsEncykl., in the Levant (1908), pp. ereaiter the two (it 394-95; lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1 (1908), 399 ff.; was to be Giorgi) was to go, when the time Const. D. Mertzios, Mvnpeta Maxedoruxis ‘loropias, seemed opportune, as an envoy to the Turks,

Thessaloniki, 1947, pp. 34-36 (Maxedovexn BiBrLobjKn,

vol. 7); and Paul Lemerle, “La Domination vénitienne a =————— Thessalonique,” in the Miscellanea Giovanni Galbiati, III civitatem accepimus ab illo qui erat verus dominus civitatis (Milan, 1951), 219-25 (Fontes Ambrosiani, vol. XX VII). predicte quam intromissionem non fecimus in vilipendium Most of the chroniclers notice the Venetian acquisition domini . . . [Turchi]” (ibid., fol. 150% [151*]), which is quite

of Thessalonica: Ducas, chap. 29 (Bonn, pp. 197-98); a different matter. This document makes no reference to Chalcocondylas, bk. tv (Bonn, pp. 205-6); and, of course, any purchase of Thessalonica, for there was none. The from the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, I, 17 (Bonn, p. 64; ed. text may also be found in Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, Papadopoulos, I, 69), and I, 31 [40] (Bonn, p. 122; ed. XII, no. 2,887, p. 55. Papadopoulos, I, 125; ed. Grecu, p. 260), comes the famous Actually the statement of the Pseudo-Sphranizes, I, 31, statement that Andronicus sold the city to Venice for that Andronicus sold Thessalonica to the Venetians for 50,000 ducats: éo0fev [1@ Seonétn Kip ‘Avdpovixm] 50,000 ducats was apparently copied from the sixteenthmodjoo Thy Seccadrovikny ry tov ‘Ever@v yepovoia century chronicle attributed to “Dorotheus of Monemvasia,” Su xpvoivovs xtadas mevTjKovTa. On the Venetian 68a prwpia xiduddes wevnvTa (Biblion hisiorikon, repr. 1743, chroniclers, cf. lorga, ROL, V, 141, note 2, and Hopf, II, p. 406, cited by R. J. Loenertz, Miscellanea Giovanni 87a, note 1. While it has often been assumed that Andro- Mercati, III [1946], 304, 306-7, in Studi e testi, no. 123, nicus did sell the city to the Venetians, Mertzios, Mnemeia, on which, however, see below, note 99), merely an indipp. 30-34, and Lemerle, Miscell. Galbiati, II, 222, quite cation of the fact that the Pseudo-Sphrantzes’ Chron. matus rightly dispute the assumption on the grounds that “il n’est is a late sixteenth-century compilation (from the 1570's). nulle part question de vente dans les documents jusqu'ici Here is also the evidence which Mertzios, Mnemeia, p. connus.” Cf. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 373-74, 34, needed to explain away the embarrassing text of the note. Although Iorga, ROL, V, 165, and Notes et extraits, Chron. maius, which he believed to be the authentic I, 364, summarizes the instructions given by the Senate to work of Sphrantzes. One is astonished to find Jean Tsaras, the Venetian captain-general of the sea on 17 April, 1424 “La Fin d’Andronic Paléologue, dernier despote de Thes(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 150—151* [151-152"]}), to the salonique,” Revue des études sud-est européennes, III (1965),

effect that “. .. Venise a acheté la ville 4 son vrai 419-32, referring on almost every page to Andronicus’s seigneur,” the document actually reads “. . . quia dictam _ sale of Thessalonica to the Venetians.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 21 “to state and explain that the illustrious lord The Emperor Manuel II did give his con-

despot of Saloniki has given to our Signoria sent, with whatever searchings of heart, to the the city of Saloniki, which for the love of God Venetian occupation of Thessalonica, where we have accepted. ...”’ The envoy was to Venier and Giorgi arrived in September, 1423. emphasize the friendship which had commonly A Turkish army of 5,000 men was laying siege existed between Venice and the Porte, express to the city, which is said to have had at this time the hope of its uninterrupted continuance, and a population of from 25,000 to 40,000 persons,

seek the safety of the roads for merchants. beset by famine and terrified at the prospect of The Senate had instructed the bailie in Con- capture by the barbarians. The Venetian fleet stantinople, some time before this, to enter into brought them both food and freedom. Soon a formal peace with the Turk, but no one knew the lion banner of the Evangelist was flying

yet in Venice whether this had been done. If from the acropolis. Later, presumably in

the envoy in question, however, knew that the February, 1424, Giorgi went to the Turkish bailie had not been able to conclude such a_ capital at Adrianople to try to fulfill the difficult peace with the Turk, he was to try to do so_ mission with which the home government had when he waited on him to explain the Venetian entrusted him and his colleague Venier. He

occupation of Thessalonica. This was an un- failed, of course, and as he was on his way

enviable assignment, as Giorgi was to find it. back to Thessalonica, Murad placed him under ‘The envoy was also to try to arrange peace arrest. What is surprising is that there should between the Turk and the Byzantine emperor, have been surprise in Venice when the news of because the Signoria loved them both as brothers Giorgi’s arrest arrived in early April in letters and friends. Reverting now to the despot, the =—________ doge’s commission to Venier and Giorgi pro- transcribed the Venetian authorization “ut ad omnem vided detailed instructions as to what to do in vestram requisitionem vobis mittere debeant ballistarios

; . . quinquaginta” (fol. 116° [117")).

the ae io das desp ots a ving changed a ‘The stradioti were usually recruited from the Morea,

mind. the espot required an income to live Albania, and Dalmatia. The term comes from the ancient on, the provveditori might promise him an an-_ Greek stratiotes, meaning “soldier” (in modern Greek nual pension of from 20,000 to 40,000 aspers, “wanderer, passer-by, itinerant peddler”); it may have sugto be paid from the revenues of Thessalonica. gested the word strata, “street,” the mounted mercenary If everything went well with their mission, being a frequent sight on the highways in the fifteenth Venier and Giorgi might direct the colonial «Cyttural Criteria for Western Borrowings from Byzantine government of Crete to send them fifty bal- Greek,” in the Homenaje a Antonio Tovar, Madrid, 1972,

. . - e . . century (see H. and R. Kahane and A. Pietrangeli,

listarii, if necessary for the defense of Thes- p. 212). oo salonica, and they might hire a hundred Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. 970CD, d stradioti. Vlach h 974BC, who says much the same thing as the Cron. mounte straatott, acns, or any other MeT- Zoncaruola, cited by Iorga, ROL, V, 141-42, note, and ¢f.

cenaries at the rate of two ducats a month § Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 400; Lemerle, Miscellanea G. per man, for four or six months, as should Galbiati, U1, 222. Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 39-44. Manuel seem advisable. The provveditori were supplied II’s consent to the Venetian occupation of Thessalonica with the necessary funds for their mission and 5 directly stated in the sno Michie’ wh by the Doge

‘thpresents ts for thefosultan. amo wih hichsucceeded rancesco Foscari FantinoasMichiel, when. theof latter wit » among Pietro to Loredan captain-general the were various bolts of cloth of Venetian, sea. Michiel was instructed, if he found himself in conFlorentine, and Veronese manufacture. The tact with the sultan, “quod dicto Turcho sive illis qui ad important enterprise on which they now em- dictam praticam mitterentur dicere et exponere debeas barked d in the Senate b t quod per nobilem virum Nicolaum Georgio militem, amar e was approve In ; € senate by a VO € bassiatorem nostrum quem ad presentiam sue Excellentie of eighty-six to eight, with ten uncommitted misimus, dici et exponi fecimus quod illustris dominus

ballots returned.© despotus Salonichi dedit nostro dominio civitatem Salonichi, quam nostra dominatio ob reverentiam Dei etiam de as-

To sensu serenissimit domini Imperatoris accepit et acceptavit, et Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 114¥—118" [115”-119"]; quia sentiebamus quod dictus dominus despotus, si dictam

Sathas, I, no. 89, pp. 141-50; Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. civitatem non accepissemus, illam volebat in manibus aliorum 1898, pp. 207-8; and cf. Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 36-39, who Christianorum non amicorum sue Excellentie ponere, ob also gives a poor facsimile reproduction of the document _hanc causam fuimus contenti illam potius habere quam ad

with no indication of its previous publication by Sathas. manus aliorum perveniret, quia sumus dispositi cum sua The facsimile (pl. DD’) shows Mertzios, p. 38, to be wrong Excellentia amicabiliter vivere et vicinare ...” (Sen. in stating that Venier and Giorgi might ask the govern- Secreta, Reg. 9, fol. 6” [7°]). This text also makes clear ment of Crete to send them 500 ballistari, and shows that — that the Venetians did not purchase Thessalonica “for 50,000 the copyist employed by Sathas, I, 146, has quite correctly ducats.”

22 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT from the colonial government of Corfu (dated The Senate had already provided for the

31 March).* armament of two more galleys and the election

The Senate hastened to replace the impris- of a captain of the Gulf, who should have oned Giorgi by naming another provveditore command of five or six galleys for the proas a colleague for the harassed Venier, and tection (custodia) of the Adriatic. He would serve soon decided to replace the latter also. Jacopo under Pietro Loredan, then captain-general of Trevisan and Fantino Michiel were appointed, the sea. Loredan himself was to proceed to but declined the charge, and presumably paid Thessalonica with all other available galleys. the fine customarily involved in such refusals; If he found Murad II in the area, he was to thereupon in May (1424) Bernardo Loredanwas_ do his best to secure Giorgi’s release (as appointed with the title of duke (of Thes- Venier was also being instructed to do), trying salonica), and Jacopo Dandolo with that of to purchase peace by the offer of an annual captain, showing the importance which the Si-_ tribute of 1,000 to 2,000 ducats, to be paid gnoria attached to its new possession. In the de introitibus Salonichi. If Loredan found, howmeantime the Senate had instructed Venier that ever, that the sultan had put Thessalonica Giorgi’s release must be sought; Sultan Murad under siege or that the sultan was not in the might be promised an annual tribute of 1,000 area, he was to sail for Gallipoli and attack to 2,000 ducats, to be paid from the revenues the Turks. He must try to prevent the passage of Thessalonica; and some 5,000 ducats mightbe of Turkish forces back and forth across the distributed among the sultan’s chief pashas to Dardanelles. He might also find it worthwhile to

enlist their aid in securing the desired peace stir up trouble for Murad in Europe and es-

with the Porte. At the same time Venice pecially in Asia Minor among the Turkish wished to receive the villages (casalia) around princes who were fearful of and hostile to the Thessalonica and the castle on the nearby height spectacular rise of Ottoman power.® of Kortiach (modern Khortiatis).©

——_ Before Bernardo Loredan’s election as duke, Jacopo 87 Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 15" [167], “MCCCCXXIIII, die XII_ ‘Trevisan, Sr., had declined the charge, and before Jacopo Aprilis:” “Cum pridie per litteras specialium personarum Dandolo’s acceptance of the captaincy of Thessalonica, habitas de Corphoy habuerimus nobilem virum Ser Nico- it had been refused by Fantino Michiel, Sr., Francesco laum Georgio militem ambassiatorem nostrum, qui ivitad Bembo, Marco Dandolo, Bartolommeo Morosini, and

presentiam Turchi, a dicto Turcho discordem recessisse Andrea Contarini!

et modo nuper per litteras regiminis nostri Corphoy datas 6° Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 15" [16°], and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8,

ultimo mensis Martii habuerimus dictum regimen per- fols. 150'—151" [151'-152'], with summaries in Iorga, sensisse per viam Ianine quod dum dictus Ser Nicolaus ROL, V, 163-66, and Notes et extraits, 1, 362-65, docs. dated

Georgio miles recessisset a dicto Turcho et reverteretur 12 and 17 April, 1424: “. . . Facta autem provisione

Salonicum, dictus Turchus eundem in itinere retineri fecit, |necessaria ad bonam custodiam et conservationem civitatis

et pro honore et fama nostri dominii neccessarium sit Salonichi si Turchus vel gentes sue essent contra dictam providere. . . .” Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 150°-151" — civitatem, in dimittendo ad custodiam dicte civitatis unam [151%-152"], doc. dated 17 April, 1424; Valentini, Acta vel duas galeas sicut vobis melius videbitur, volumus quod Albaniae veneta, XII, nos. 2,885 and 2,887, pp. 49-50, 51 cum residuo dictarum galearum ire debeatis quam celerius ff; Iorga, ROL, V, 164, and Notes et extraits, 1, 362-63; _poteritis intra strictum Romanie. Et st Turchus vel gentes Mertzios, Mnemeia, p. 45; Thiriet, Régestes, I1, no. 1929, sue non essent contra Salonichum, si ibi non foret necesse

p.68 214. ° dimittere galeam aliquam, volumus quod cum omnibus Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 156" [157], 158’-160"{159*°- _ nostris galeis intra dictum strictum ire debeatis ad damna,

161°]; Sathas, I, nos. 101-8, pp. 163-70, dated 21 May and _sruinam, et destructionem gentium et locorum dicti Turchi 28 June, 1424; Iorga, ROL, V, 168, docs. dated 19-25 a marina, ubi illos damnificare poteritis per omnes modos May, 1424, on the election of Bernardo Loredan and _ et vias vobis possibiles et ad obviandum quod per passus Jacopo Dandolo, and ¢f. pp. 169, 170, and Notes et extraits, Gallipolis et alios passus dicti strictus nemo transire possit I, 367, and cf. pp. 368, 369; Thiriet, Régestes, 11, nos. de Gretiain Turchiam et de Turchia in Gretiam . . . (Sen.

1933-35 ff., pp. 216 ff. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 150% [151%]). Ceterum relinquimus in

The record of the meeting of the Senate on 19 May _ libertate vestra tenendi praticam tam cum domino Theologi (1424) illustrates how the duke and captain of Thessalonica [Ephesus] et Palatie [Miletus] quam cum Caramano et aliis

were chosen (Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 24° [25']): “Volunt dominis de inde pro inducendo eos ad damna et novitates [Sapientes Consilii, etc.] quod eligi debeant per scruptintum contra dominum Turchorum predictum . . .” (ibid., fol. in isto Consilio [Rogatorum, i.e., the Senate] duo solemnes 151" [152°]).

nobiles quorum alter, scilicet ille qui plures_ballotas Pietro Loredan arrived at Gallipoli on 14 June (ROL, habuerit transeundo medietatem Consilii, habeat titulum V, 175); dated a letter there on 1 July (bid., p. 171); duche et secundus habeat titulum capitanei. ...”’ They and was still there, Niccolo Giorgi (Zorzi) being still in were to serve for two years and as much longer as it took danger, on the nineteenth (ibid., pp. 172-73). Loredan their successors to reach Thessalonica. The posts paid described his operations against the Turks at Gallipoli in 1,000 gold ducats in salary, but were obviously perilous. a letter which reached Venice on 12 September (given

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 23 Venice thus began her costly seven years’ oc- A few months later (on 2-4 April, 1425), cupation of Thessalonica (1423-1430), but her when Fantino Michiel replaced Loredan as

sons got little for their money and their captain-general, he was instructed to go to

trouble. Recent scholarship has even robbed Thessalonica, after attending to certain matters them of the credit for having built the famous at Coron, Modon, and Negroponte, and assure White Tower, which still stands on the shore as__ the archbishop and notables of Thessalonica of a sentinel of the past.”° Sathas, orga, Mertzios, Venetian determination to hold on to the city. Thiriet, Valentini, and others have published nu- Michiel was to try to secure Turkish recognition merous documents relating to the Venetian regime of his government’s occupation on the same in Thessalonica. The Senate made it abundantly terms as the Despot Andronicus had held the

clear “to the Turk and to all the world . . . that city. The sultan might retain his former rights we hold dear the city of Saloniki, and we do not to the salt flats of Thessalonica, provided the intend to give it up. . . .”7! On 30 October, trade routes were allowed to remain open; he 1424, the Senate passed a motion to send pro- would also receive the annual tribute of 100,000 visions, money, and one hundred and fifty to two aspers which Andronicus had paid the Porte. hundred foot soldiers to Thessalonicain answer ‘Turks in Thessalonica, however, would have no to an appeal from the city, then said to be in right to be judged only by a Moslem qadi or an “extreme condition and necessity.” It had kad: (as under the despot). The old customsbecome only too clear that there was not the offices were to be re-established at the city gates. slightest hope of reaching an agreement with Michiel might promise the grand vizir, Ibrahim the Turks. Venice was at war. On 13 January, Pasha, 15,000 to 20,000 aspers a year, to be sure 1425, the Senate voted to elect another captain- of a powerful friend at the Turkish court, and

general of the sea and to equip a fleet of distribute another 150,000 in gifts to Ibrahim

twenty-five galleys.” and other officials of the Porte. He was also to secure the release, if he could, of some 1,500

in the Cron. Zancaruola, fol. 360%, Venetian MS., quoted by Venetian subjects taken prisoner 10 the Turkish lorga, ROL, V, 175-76). Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, invasion of the Morea the preceding March. An XXH, cols. 975E—976, summarizes Loredan’s letter also, but effort was to be made to negotiate the renewal mistakenly says that he arrived at Nauplia in the Morea on off the last treaty between Venice and the Porte

14 June, whereas (according to the Cron. Zancaruola) (1419), with certain modifications, and even to

Loredan wrote, “Nuy zomzesimo ha Garipoli adi XIIII back £ he M Niccolé Zorzi th zugno. . . .” (The material found in Iorga’s article in the get back tor the rargrave NNICCOlO LOTZ1 the

Revue de VOrient latin [ROL], V, 163-76, may also be fortress of Boudonitza (which the Turks had found without change in his Notes et extraits, 1 [1899], held since 1414).” 362-75, and summaries of various relevant documents are

given in Thiriet, Régestes, II, nos. 1929 ff., pp. 214 ff.). —_—_— 70M. Kiel, “A Note on the Exact Date of Construction sarium sit providere de potenti armata pro honore nostri of the White Tower of Thessaloniki,” Balkan Studies, XIV dominii et pro bona executione agendorum nostrorum,

(1973), 352-57. The tower was built in 1535-1536, during vadit pars quod in nomine Jesu Christi et in bona the reign of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. gratia eligi debeat unus capitaneus generalis maris galearum 7! Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 15° [16°], doc. cited above, dated 12 _ vigintiquinque. . . .” Putting twenty-five galleys to sea in-

April, 1424, and rather incorrectly quoted by Iorga, ROL, volved a huge expense. There is a summary of the docuV, 164: “. . . Et ut appareat dicto Turcho et toti mundo ment in Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1965, p. 223. quod retentio dicti ambassiatoris [Nicolai Georgio] fuerit et 74Sen. Secreta, Reg. 9, fols. 5'-8" [6'-9°]; Valentini, sit nostro dominio gravis et molesta et quod habeamus Acta Albaniae veneta, XII, no. 2,958, pp. 135-47 (incomplete), caram civitatem Salonichi et non intendimus illam dere- Michiel’s commission as captain-general of the sea, dated 2 linquere et etiam, si possibile erit, devenire possimus ad April, 1425, with summaries in lorga, ROL, V, 192-96; pacem cum dicto Turcho. . . .” lIorga’s faulty transcrip- Notes et extraits, 1, 391-95; Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 66-67;

tion of the latter part of this text is preserved in the and Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 1980, pp. 225-26: “. . . Et

Notes et extraits, I, 363. In the tedium of copying docu- sumpta plena informatione volumus quod esse debeas cum ments I fear that we all make errors, large or small. I note domino Archiepiscopo et cum illis nobilibus et fidelibus that Valentini, whose later volumes appeared as the present nostris de inde de quibus bonum numerum facias conwork was being finished, omits the “etiam” in this passage -vocari et eis declarari quod dominatio nostra diligens

(Acta Albaniae veneta, XII [1971], no. 2,885, p. 50). bonum et comodum dicte civitatis et disposita eos tenere 7 Iorga, ROL, V, 178, and cf. pp. 180, 182, 183, 190, et conservare sub nostro dominio te misit ad dictas

and Notes et extraits, 1, 377, and cf. pp. 379, 381, 382, and 389. partes cum potenti armata nostra pro deffensione dicte 73 Misti, Reg. 55, fol. 80° [81'], doc. dated 13 January, civitatis et ad inpugnationem et ruinam volentium illam 1425 (Ven. style 1424): “Cum propter guerram quam _ opprimere, hortando eos ad bonam fidelitatem erga nostrum

habemus cum Turcho et pro securitate et defensione dominium cum illis pertinentibus verbis que tue sapientie

civitatis nostre Salonichi et aliarum terrarum et locorum videbuntur . . .” (fol. 5¥ [6¥]). If Michiel found, upon arnostrorum Levantis et pro aliis agendis nostris neces- riving at Thessalonica, that the Turkish pretender Mustafa

24 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Although the Greeks in Thessalonica were reached the Senate that he had taken the “turris not ungrateful to the Venetians, they could Cassandrie” as well as the seaport of Platamona not regard their new masters with unalloyed across the bay, and was negotiating with the happiness. The Despot Andronicus, after turn- Turks: 20,000 aspers a year had been promised ing the city over to the Venetians, is said to to the redoubtable Turakhan Beg in addition have gone to Mantineia with his son John, to the 20,000 which Michiel had been author“because of the mildness of the air.” According _ ized to offer the grand vizir, Ibrahim Pasha.” to Sphrantzes, however, Andronicus became a The Turkish siege of Thessalonica had been monk under the name Acacius, taking up resi- well maintained by land. The Venetians used dence in the monastery of the Pantokrator in the sea lanes, but were always hard pressed

Constantinople, where he died and was buried to import sufficient quantities of food. A near his father (in March, 1429).” In June, number of severe attacks upon the city were

1425, the Greek inhabitants sent an embassy to — successfully repulsed. The gates were locked,

Venice with a lengthy petition, urging that and few merchants ventured out upon the

the peninsula of Cassandra be fortified and the dangerous roads. At last, in April, 1426, it walls of the city itself strengthened against appeared that Michiel had negotiated a truce the Turks (subjects of rather frequent occur- with Khalil Beg, the governor (subashi) of Galrence in the documents), and containing some _lipoli, whereby Venetian dominion was recoginteresting information about local conditions in nized over Thessalonica, which was to pay the Thessalonica. We learn the names of some sixty Porte an annual tribute of 100,000 aspers. The Greek stipendiaries of the Republic, most of Turks were also to have the salt works. Financial whom are ranked as nobles, as well as the fact disputes among Turks might be settled by a that gentlemen, presumably Latins (cavalieri),in kadi, who would have no other jurisdiction.

the suites of the duke and captain had been’ Both sides were to restore fugitives. The city making themselves obnoxious to the citizens by gates were to remain open, and merchants might

their disregard of the rights and customs of the go to and fro as they had done “in the time city. The Doge Francesco Foscari and the Senate

tried to satisfy the Greek envoys’ requests .——W¥— (on 7-23 July),” and Michiel’s reports soon pats quod ipsis capitulis respondeatur. . . .” The three

ambassadors were Calojanni Radino, Thomas Chrysoloras oo (Crussulora, Chrussolora, Grusulora), and George Jalca and other dissident Turks were “prospering” and likely to (Mu@AKas). They presented twenty-one separate requests

be successful in their opposition to Murad, he was to reach (recorded in the Venetian dialect), to which the Senate an understanding with them. Otherwise he was to try to returned answers (in Latin); the record of concessions made make peace with Murad: “In isto casu apparet nobis quod was then incorporated in a ducal privilege, which was duly debeas sequi modum pacis cum Turcho et permittimus sealed and dated 23 July (“datum in nostro ducali palatio

in libertate tua querendi dictam pacem.. .” (fol. 6% die XXIII mensis Iulii, MCCCCXXV, indictione tertia”). [7"}). “Ceterum mandamus tibi quatenus perveniendo ad_ Cf. Hopf, II, 88b; Iorga, ROL, V, 199-200; Lemerle, pacem ut prefertur debeas solicitare et procurare, reducere Miscellanea G. Galbiati, WI, 222—23; Thiriet, Régestes, II, et includere nobilem virum Nicolaum Georgio militem cum no. 1995, p. 229; and esp. Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 46-61,

loco Bondinicie in pace predicta . . .” (fol. 8” [9°]). who gives a facsimile reproduction of the document as well 5 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1034D; ed. Grecu, as a detailed analysis of its contents. p. 26); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, I, 31 [40]; II, 3 (Bonn, pp. 122, 77 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 9, fol. 36°[37"], letter of the Senate 134; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 125, 137; ed. Grecu, pp. 260, to Michiel, dated 3 September, 1425, summarized in Iorga, 272, 274). Chalcocondylas, bk. tv (Bonn, pp. 205-6), sug- ROL, V, 208, and Notes et extraits, I, 408, and cf. ROL, V, gests that Andronicus died in the Morea, and for other 202, an excerpt from the Cron. Zancaruola, describing stories concerning Andronicus’s life and death after the Michiel’s capture of Cassandra and Platamona (“Platanea”), Venetian occupation of Thessalonica, see Mertzios, Mnemeia, which also appears in Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, pp. 95-97. In an unconvincing article (¢f., above, note 64) XXII, cols. 979D—980. Cf. the summaries of documents in J. Tsaras, “La Fin d’ Andronic Paléologue,” Revue des Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 62—63, from the Sen. Secreta, Reg. études sud-est européennes, I11, 432, comes to the conclusion 9, fols. 24%, 36%, 39% [25’, 37°, 40°], dated 23 July and

that “aprés la vente de la ville de Thessalonique aux (as just noted) 3 September, 1425: “. . . Continent etiam Vénitiens” Andronicus went to Mantineia, where he _ litere vestre predicte [Michiel’s letters to the Signoria dated

remained until his death. at Cassandrea, the ancient Potidaea, on 12 and 22 June

76 Misti, .Reg. 55, fols. 139'-142” [140'-143"], and 2 July] praticam pacis quam habuistis cum Turicham“MCCCCXXV, die septimo Iulii:’ “Cum ad presentiam bey et Bazarino [the latter being unknown] pro quibus nostri dominii accesserint tres spectabiles ambassiatores omnibus vestram sapientiam, diligentiam, et solicitudinem civitatis nostre Salonichi . . . et pro parte universitatis merito commendantes fidelitati vestre . . . respondemus civitatis predicte [i.e., the “municipal corporation”] por- quod multum etiam nobis placuit audire tractatum dicte rexerint quedam capitula ad que cum maxima reverentia et _ pacis quam libenter videremus ad perfectionem [Valentini,

humili supplicatione petant responsionem nostram, vadit Acta Albaniae veneta, XII, no. 3,002, p. 188, incorrectly

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 25 of the lord despot.””® Since the Porte would duke of the Archipelago (1418-1437), and his

5 po ;

not give up the peninsula of Cassandra and the _ brothers, lords of various islands in the Aegean, castle on Mount Kortiach, obviously not relaxing were to be included in the peace with the Turks.

its intention ultimately to seize Thessalonica, If such a peace still proved unobtainable,

Michiel’s negotiations had little immediate ef- Mocenigo was to attack the Turkish ships at fect, and hostilities continued between the two Gallipoli, even within the straits, but there rival powers, the presage of a vast struggle seemed to be some hope of peace, because which was to entrain the full strength of both Jacopo Gattilusio, lord of Lesbos (1409-1428),

later on in the century. “who is a friend of the said Turk,” was inIn the meantime, on 4 December, 1425, terested in helping to remove the causes of

Venice had finally joined Florence ina ten-year friction.*’ In August, 1426, the old despot of

alliance to halt the aggressions of Filippo Maria _

Visconti, the duke of Milan. Filippo Maria’s — gen. Secreta, Reg. 9, fols. 1417-142" [139'-140°],

conquests in the Romagna and Tuscany were Mocenigo’s commission dated 7 July, 1426, published in to go to Florence, those in Lombardy to Venice. Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, X11, no. 3,058, pp. 254-60, On 11 July, 1426, the new allies were joined and summarized in lorga, ROL, V, 324-25, and Notes et by Amadeo VIII of Savoy, who had also found extraits, 1, 424-25. By a slip of the pen Torga wrongly the Milanese dangerous neighbors.’ Like Gian — Gattilusio, an error which he repeats in Gesch. d. osman. Galeazzo before him, Filippo Maria now seems _ Reiches, 1, 403. Cf. Hopf, II, 150-51; Wm. Miller, Essays to have thought of making contact with the om” the Latin Orient, Cambridge, 1921, pp. 324-26; and Turks. lorga has published the first draft of esp. Geo. T. Dennis, “The Short Chronicle of Lesbos,” in 8 P! the nrst Cralt Ol 4 resbiaka, V (1965), 19-21 (pagination of offprint). In letter to one Federigo de Pettis, whom Filippo September, 1426, Mocenigo received further orders with Maria was planning to send to Sultan Murad; reference to the hoped-for peace (ROL, V, 328-29, 330; in this letter, dated at Milan on 24 July, 1426, Notes et extraits, 1, 428-29, 430). Filippo Maria refers to the. “desired destruction aan October, 20. theexpedition Senate was against sull contemplating 99 - ungarian alliance for a joint the Turksa of the trembling Venetian sheep’ (optata de- (cen "Secreta, Reg. 9, fols. 176"—177" [174*-175"], and of

. , 91: identifies the “lord of Mytilene” (Lesbos) as Francesco

Structio tremularum ovium venetarum).°° It is not fol. 178° [176"]; lorga, ROL, V, 334-35; Notes et extraits, 1,

clear that the Milanese envoy was ever sent to 434-35). Venice and the Emperor Sigismund, who was the Porte, but the Venetians were bent onending also king of Hungary, had long been at odds, as we have hostilities with the Turks if they could find some “tn: now: however, aac tg. of Savoy, whom isis way to do so and still keep Thessalonica. reconciliation between them, at Sigismund’s request. ElaboIn July (1426) a new Venetian admiral, An- rate plans for a Hungarian-Venetian alliance had already drea Mocenigo, “captain-general of the Gulf,” been formulated a year before, in October, 1425, but

. . mund had created duke in , was trying to effect a

was directed by the Senate to resume negotia- °thing had come of them (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 9,

tions with the sultan’s emissaries, not insisting fols. 45°—46" [46"—47"]; orga, ROL, V, 210-11; Notes et t Is time upon retention of Cassandra and the toward each other during these years continued to hamper castrum vocatum Cortiati,” “which castle the _ the efforts of both powers against the Turks.

his t; : . , extraits, 1, 409-10). The hostility of Hungary and Venice

said [Sultan] Murad Beg has been unwilli At the time of his mission to Venice, in December,

Nemes and J(cf. 1424 (f.note ab55), 55),thethyoung to allow to remain tos."5us.” Gi nni :1423, , and January, above, Giovanni II Crispo, Emperor John VIII had offered his services as mediator between Sigismund and the Signoria to help effect a

as formal peace. The Senate assured him “quod dominatio reads ‘prosecutionem’ ] deductam et speramus quod illam nostra semper fuit inclinata et prompta ad pacem et duxeritis ad complementum. -.. Et ultra promissionem bonam concordiam cum omnibus et precipue cum ipso factam Turichambey de aspris vigintimilibus annuatim de serenissimo domino Rege Romanorum et Hungarie.” introitibus Salonichi, que nobis placuit et placet, solicitetis Venice had tried constantly, through numerous envoys etiam cum Bassa [Ibrahim Pasha, the grand vizir] quod and embassies, to make peace with Sigismund, according ad conclusionem dicte pacis pervenire possitis, cui Basse to the Senate, “sed ipso domino Rege semper se retrahente etiam promittere possitis annuatim illud quod in vestra ad illam [pacem] nunquam potuimus pervenire, propter

commissione continetur .. .” (fol. 36” [37°]). quam causam nos vigilantes ad conservationem et bonum , Sen. Secreta, Reg. 9, fol. 109” [107"], doc. dated 20 status nostri devenimus ad confederationem et ligam cum April, 1426, published in Iorga, ROL, V, 317-18; Notes illustri domino duce Milani . . ., et in uno capitulo dicte

et extraits, 1, 416-18; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XII, _ lige continetur quod aliqua partium non possit ad tractatum

no. gs PP Thiriet,Mnemeia, Régestes,pp. ” no. 2018,Romanorum concordii etetpacis devenire dicto domino Rege pp. oo —35; andidcf.Men Mertzios, 67-68. Hungarie sinecum consensu et voluntate . Cf. Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, 11, 336-37. alterius partis... .” Thus they would have to wait for ’ Iorga, ROL, V, 326-27; Notes et extraits, 1, 426-27, on Filippo Maria Visconti’s assent before Venice could which see Manfroni, “La Marina veneziana alla difesa di authorize John to try to negotiate a peace with Sigismund

Salonicco,” Nuovo Archivio veneto, XX, 37-38. (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 136° [137"], doc. dated 30

26 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Serbia, Stephen Lazarevi¢, offered through his the city. A report of 8 December, describing adopted son and nephew George Brankovi¢ to _ these events, shows that the picturesque countrymediate with the Turks, to which the Venetians side around Thessalonica was swarming with

replied gratefully and courteously, acknowl- the sultan’s troops.® edging that possession of Thessalonica had cost Venetian efforts to make peace were as unthem much in money and effort, but asserting ceasing as they proved unavailing. War might be that they could not abandon the city. In anexciting and profitable game to the Turks, but

September and October the Turks of another it was a grim, costly business as far as the pretender named Mustafa, who also claimed to merchants of Venice were concerned. In be a son of Bayazid, and was stationed in November, 1426, Andrea Mocenigo succeeded, Thessalonica as an ally of the Venetians, made through the efforts of the Venetian notary large-scale and rather ill-advised sorties from John de Bonisio, in securing Sultan Murad’s general acceptance (on the twenty-eighth of the

——_—_— month) of the terms of the projected treaty of December, 1423; lorga, ROL, V, 151-52; Notes et extraits, the preceding April, which Mocenigo’s predeces-

I, 350-51; Thiriet, Regestes, II, no. 1915, pp. 211-12). ss sor ~Fantino Michiel had negotiated. Venice

rr;....

On 15asJanuary, 1424,intentions. John VIII hadmeantime renewedpromise his in-now ‘sedan| annua tributtl£ute 150.000 quiries to the Senate’s In the 0?

Filippo Maria’s response had come but, as the Senate aspers; she still claimed the peninsula of Caswrote their notary Francesco della Siega in Milan on sandra, but was willing to drop the matter of the seventeenth, “dicta responsio videtur nobis ambigua” Mount Kortiach. The other terms remained the (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 139° [140"]). Pending further 4146 except that Venice would distribute rather clarification of the Milanese position, however, which della i he P d ‘d Siega was asked to obtain, the Senate was willing to pro- greater argesse at the Forte an provi € more ceed. On the same day the Senate voted (de parte 127, in annual incomes for the sultan’s chief funcde non 0, non sinceri 0) “quod hortamur multum suam tionaries. On 24 July, 1427, the Doge Francesco Serenitatem [dominum Imperatorem Constantinopolis Foscarj issued an ambassadorial commission to

iuniorem, as John VIII is called in these texts] quod Benedetto Emo. h ful that he might secure

perseveret et sequatur suum bonum propositum in eundo 0 0, Hoperu . 8 c

in Hungariam ad presentiam serenissimi domini Roma- the Porte’s official ratification of the agree-

norum Regis pro bona et votiva executione eorum que ment.® sua Serenitas ... die Sabati [15 January] nobis exposuit . . .” (Reg. cited, fol. 138% [139%], resolution of the —=——————— . Senate dated 17 January, 1424 [Ven. style 1423]; lorga, 83 Jorga, ROL, V, 337-39; Notes et extraits, 1, 437-39, doc.

ROL, V, 153-54; Notes et extraits, I, 352-53; Thiriet, dated 8 December, 1426. On Mustafa, cf. Mertzios,

Régestes, 11, no. 1920, p. 213). Mnemeia, pp. 48, note, and 63-64. Fantino Michiel’s

At this session (on the seventeenth) the Senate also commission as captain-general of the sea, dated 2 April,

passed the following resolution: “Ad id autem quod requirit 1425, had contained the following instructions (Sen. Secreta, [imperator iunior] quod mittamus galeas nostras ad partes Reg. 9, fol. 5” [6%]): “Et quia rectores nostri Salonichi . . . Constantinopolis pro conforto civium et subditorum suorum nostro dominio scripserunt applicuisse in Salonicho quen-

et conservatione sui imperii, respondeatur quod, sicut sue dam Mustafa Turchum qui dicitur fuisse filius quondam Excellentie notum est, nos sumus missuri de brevi nostrum _ Baysit [Bayazid]: Si ita invenies esse veritatem propter generalem capitaneum [Pietro Loredan] cum armata potenti, informationem quam habebis a rectoribus nostris predictis

et si dicta armata non erit nobis necessaria in aliis et videres eundem habere sequellam aliorum Turchorum partibus, nos mittemus illam versus partes Romanie et dictarum partium, debeatis tu et rectores nostri predicti eundo dictam nostram armatam versus dictas partes, nos cum illis modis et viis qui et que vobis utiles videbuntur,

faciemus dictam armatam ascendere usque Constanti- mediante favore dicti Mustafe, providere ad damna et nopolim pro conforto illarum partium et subditorum ruinam dicti Turchi in illis partibus, sicut vobis melus

suorum et pro bono et conservatione pacifici status imperii _videbitur,” etc. Cf. Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XII, no. sui predicti” (tbid.). There is a careless transcription of this 2,958, p. 136. passage in Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XII, no. 2,840, p. 4. 84Sen. Secreta, Reg. 10 [1426-1428], fol. 65% [69%];

On John VIII’s venture into Italy and Hungary (he Sathas, I, no. 117, pp. 182-86; Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. returned to Constantinople on 1 November, 1424), see 2066, p. 245. Apparently a Byzantine envoy to the Porte, Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 375-79. I have excluded _ objecting to the Turkish peace with Venice, gave Murad the

from the text an account of the various efforts to recon- idea—after he had virtually accepted all the terms—that cile Sigismund with the Venetians, because they ended in’ the Porte should not make peace as long as Venetian failure, and Sigismund finally made a separate peace with ships rode at anchor off Gallipoli (lorga, ROL, V, 341). On the Turks, blaming the Venetians for the alleged necessity 28 February, 1427 (Ven. style 1426), the Senate decided to

of his doing so (see below, p. 28a and note 90). send an ambassador to the Porte, “quoniam, sicut refert 82 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 9, fol. 165” [163%], doc. dated 2 prudens vir Johannes de Bonisio notarius noster rediens a September, 1426, summarized in Iorga, ROL, V, 329-30, _presentia Morati Bey domini Teucrorum et sicut scribit and Notes et extraits, 1, 429-30. Brankovié succeeded capitaneus generalis Culphi [Andrea Mocenigo], videtur Stephen as despot of Serbia in July, 1427 (lorga, Gesch. quod idem Moratus inter cetera destiterit ratificare pacem,

d. osman. Reiches, 1, 394). quia vellet quod mitteremus nostrum solemnem ambaxi-

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 27 Conditions in beleaguered Thessalonica con- was not to mention these larger sums, for obstantly worsened. The inhabitants were gradu- vious reasons.*” Dandolo had no opportunity to

ally losing confidence in the Venetians’ ability speak of the larger sums. In fact the news to handle the Turkish problem. The shortage-of finally reached Venice that when poor Dandolo

food had made the winter of 1426-1427 along was ushered into the sultan’s presence, exnightmare for the Republic’s administrators in plained his mission, and presented his gifts, the city.> Months dragged on, and no treaty was Murad asked him: “Have you authority to give

made. The mounting Greek offensive in the me the land of Saloniki?” Dandolo acknowlMorea worried the Senate. Emo was replaced edged that he had no such authority; he was in August, 1428, by Jacopo Dandolo, who was _ dismissed, presently arrested, and on the sultan’s also unable to secure Murad’s final and formal _ orders confined to prison, never to be released.** ratification of the illusory peace.*® Dandolo had This was too much even for Venetian patience,

been empowered, nevertheless, to increase the and on 29 March, 1429, the Senate approved tribute to 300,000 aspers as well as to distribute a public declaration of war against the Porte, 10,000 to 15,000 ducats in gifts and to promise and decreed that three more light galleys annual pensions amounting to another 2,000 to should be armed in Venice and one in Zara. Of the chief officials of the Porte. For the peace- the three Cretan galleys in his fleet the captainable possession of Thessalonica, Cassandra, the general Mocenigo was to be instructed to choose

saltworks, and the neighboring lands and vil- the two strongest and add to their armaments lages Venice would pay even more, making an_ by stripping the third; this last galley was especial pecuniary allowance for the saltworks, to be replaced by a new one which the colonial but peace must be confirmed also with respect government of Crete was to arm.®*?

to Venetian possessions in Albania. Unless

Murad showed, however, a sincere disposition to ~~ ____ ae cae

yield to all the Venetian requests, Dandolo Sen. Secreta, Reg. 10, fols. 173¥—175', “die ultimo

Augusti,” Dandolo’s commission alluded to in the preceding

note; summaries of the document may be found in lorga,

-_-__ ROL, V, 380-81, and Notes et extraits, 1, 480-81; Mertzios, atorem ad presentiam suam ad confirmandum dictam Mnemeia, pp. 70-71; and Thiriet, Régestes, HI, no. 2111, pacem, et consideratis conditionibus temporis presentis ac pp. 253-54. novitatibus in quibus sumus cum duce Milani [Filippo 88 Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1004E— Maria Visconti, with whom the Venetians were also trying 1005A. Dandolo died in his Turkish prison (ibid., col. to settle their differences] et aliis multis negotiis occur- 1006B). On 13 August, 1429, his son Gerardo informed rentibus multum faciat pro factis nostris habere pacem the Senate that Dandolo (still alive and still in prison) had

cum dicto Morato” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 10, fol. 26” [30%}).. been condemned by the sultan to pay 4,000 ducats because

After Giovanni Giorgio and Tommaso Michiel declined to of the losses inflicted on the Turks by “our people” at accept the appointment as ambassador (on 6 March), Thessalonica: “. . . quod per dictos Teucros condemnatus Benedetto Emo (Aymo) was chosen on 2 April, and agreed — est ad solvendum pro damnis per nostros de Salonicho to go to the Ottoman court (ibid., and cf. Iorga, ROL, V, _ ipsis Teucris illatis ducatorum quatuor milia et ob hoc car349, 351, 362, and Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XIII __ ceribus miserabiliter est inclusus” (Misti, Reg. 57, fol. [1972], no. 3,097, p. 14). Emo was an old hand at 144” [148¥], and cf. lorga, ROL, VI [1898, repr. 1964], 63). Levantine affairs, having been the Republic’s bailie in 8 Misti, Reg. 57, fols. 86’—87" [90°—91"], “MCCCCXXVIIII, Constantinople a half dozen years before (¢f. Ljubi¢é, die XXVIIII Martii:” “Cum propter nova que senciuntur Listine, VIII [1886], 116-17, doc. dated 10 October, 1421). de partibus Romanie de mala intentione Turchorum et I assume this is the same Benedetto Emo who in 1429 propter retentionem viri nobilis Ser Jacobi Dandulo, qui

was the captain of Zara (ibid., 1X [1890], 37, 43). fuerat noster orator ad dominum Teucrorum, non sit Cf. Iorga, ROL, V, 336, 343, 346, 350, 353; Mertzios, amplius de pace sperandum, et proinde oporteat facere

Mnemeia, pp. 64—65. The shortage of food in Thessalonica bonam provisionem tam pro honore nostri dominii quam

persisted until the Turkish occupation of the city. pro salute, custodia et defensione terrarum et locorum *6 Misti, Reg. 57, fol. 29° [31°]; Valentini, Acta Albaniae nostrorum partium aliarum quibus iminet magnum pericu-

veneta, XIII, no. 3,168, pp. 81-82, resolution of the Senate lum nisi cito provideatur, vadit pars quod in nomine to send an ambassador to Murad, dated 17 August, 1428, Dei de presenti armari debeant in Venetiis galee tres with the note that “electus ambaxiator Ser Jacobus Dandulo — subtiles quanto celerius sit possibile per illum modum maior et acceptavit,” and cf. lorga, ROL, V, 379, doc. qui deliberabitur per Collegium .. ., et insuper etiam dated 31 August. The Greeks then held Patras under siege armari debeat una alia galea in Iadra. . . . Et ex nunc (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 10, fols. 172%-173% [176%-177°], docs. declaretur quod simus in guerra cum Turchis. . . .

dated 31 August). According to Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in “Insuper scribatur et mandetur viro nobili Ser Andree RISS, XXII, col. 1002E, Dandolo was elected ambassador Mocenigo, capitaneo generali maris, quod ex tribus galeis to the Porte on 7 August, an obvious scribal or typo- Crete secum existentibus debeat eligere et apud se tenere graphical error. His commission is dated the thirty-first illas duas que sibi meliores videbuntur . . . , et de alia (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 10, fols. 173%-175" [177°-179"]; tercia accipiat illos homines, arma, et res que sibi videbuntur Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XIII, no. 3,173, pp. 94-100). oportune ad ponendum illas duas bene in ordine ita quod

28 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT While the sounds of saws and hammers and against the infringement of their rights to leave

the shouts of workmen and sailors were heard the city and sell their goods as they chose, along the docks at the arsenal in Venice, since the Senate refused to relax the wartime members of the Senate continued to debate restrictions which had been imposed, lest the the many aspects of the Turkish problem from movement of people and property from the city

Durazzo and Alessio to Modon and Coron, result in its fall to the Turks: “. . . eadem Negroponte and Thessalonica. The Emperor [civitas] subito veniret ad manus perfidorum Sigismund had made a three years’ peace with Teuchrorum.” The Greeks wanted some positive

the Turks (in 1428), alleging that the Vene- action taken with respect to the always critical tians had virtually forced him into it by their state of the city’s grain supply, the still un-

hostility toward Hungary, a charge which the fortified condition of Cassandra, and the miserDoge Francesco Foscari indignantly denied in able plight of those refugees who wanted to a letter of 29 June, 1429, to Pope Martin V, return to the city, but whose houses had been recalling the Republic’s services to eastern or were being ruined in their absence. To all Christendom and their current war with the these requests the Senate gave reassuring anTurks. They had in truth been at war with swers. The envoys complained that the walls of the Turks for six years, ever since their ac- ‘Thessalonica itself were almost ready to fall ceptance of Thessalonica from the Despot down, especially on the sea side, and the Senate

Andronicus, which had proved a most un- promised to have them repaired every year.

satisfactory business. The Senate was informed that some of their On 14 July, 1429, the Senate gave formal soldiers were unreliable (even communicating

replies to a detailed petition presented by an with the Turks), and that certain officials, embassy representing the Greek population of especially the rectors’ chancellors, were guilty of Thessalonica, showing that the inhabitants had constant extortion. The envoys requested the re-

become disenchanted with Venetian rule as the newed confirmation of the privileges of the years had passed. The Greek envoys protested Orthodox archbishop, the right of asylum in the ancient church of S. Sophia, and a greater

—_—__——. respect for their churches and monasteries on

sint bene armate et in puncto, et quod illam terciam the part of the soldiers, who apparently em-

cum hominibus et rebus restantibus mittat in Candidam ad ployed them as barracks, and introduced prostidisarmandum. Scribatur quoque regimini nostro Crete quod . . . “14: de presenti provideat armare et armet unam aliam galeam tutes into the historic and holy buildings. The loco illius que venire debet ad disarmandum. .. .” This CNVOYS wanted also a general recognition of document is summarized in lorga, ROL, V, 388, and Notes ecclesiastical courts. To these and to three or et cxtraits, 1, 488, and in Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 2127, P. 258; four other requests relating to ecclesiastical

it is parti and somewhat careles ni ntini, :

Acta Mlbanian en a XL no. 3.208, eo ted ST. wen affairs the Senate Gave affirmative or Symipa"Sen. Secreta, Reg. 11, fols. 16°17 [17°-18"], with a thetic replies, but declined to recognize the archsummary in lorga, ROL, VI (1898, repr. 1964), 54-55: bishop’s jurisdiction over laymen.”!

“Quod summo pontifici scribatur in forma infrascripta [the Senate had to approve the text of the doge’s §=——————

letter]: Sensimus, beatissime pater, ego meaque com- 9! Misti, Reg. 57, fols. 129°-132" [133'-136"], munitas, vestre Sanctitatis filii devotissimi, serenissimum “MCCCCXXVIIII, die XIITI luli:” “Quod respondeatur

dominum Sigismundum Romanorum et Hungarie regem ad capitula porrecta pro parte communitatis nostre in detractionem honoris nostri et ad conflandum contra Salonichi in hac forma,” etc.; there are thirty-one articles nos odium nonnulla scripsisse Beatitudini vestre ac _ in the petition, on which cf. lorga, ROL, VI, 58-59; Notes quibusdam principibus Christianis, presertim quod cum sua __ et extraits, 1, 495-97; Lemerle, Miscellanea G. Galbjati, III,

Serenitate concordiam habere recusaverimus quodque ob 224-25; and Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 2149, p. 263. From

eam causam treuguas triennales cum ‘Teucris con-_ this long petition, of which the requests are given in clusit. . . .” Cf. lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 395-96. Venetian and the Senate’s answers in Latin, it may be well

In September and October, 1429, Gaspar Schlick, the to print the answers to the twelfth and thirteenth articles

chancellor of Bohemia, was trying to arrange an anti- _ relating to ecclesiastical affairs (fol. 130° [134¥]): Turkish entente between Sigismund and Venice (ROL, VI, “Respondemus quod non videtur nobis conveniens neque

66-67; Notes et extraits, I, 504-5), with small chance of iustum quod seculares subiaceant foro ecclesiastico, et

success. On Sigismund’s embassies to the Tatars, Greeks of | propterea volumus quod clerici subiaceant foro et iudicio Constantinople and Trebizond, the Genoese at Caffa, and domini archiepiscopi Salonicensis et seculares subiaceant

other possible anti-Turkish allies in the East, as well as his foro et iudicio seculari. Sed ad factum ecclesie Sancte relations with the Turks (and his attempts to form an Sophie respondemus quod sumus contenti quod franchisia eastern: alliance against them), see Wolfgang Freiherr dicte ecclesie observetur, et ita mandabimus quod obStromer von Reichenbach, “K6énig Siegmunds Gesandte in _ servabitur. Et volumus etiam quod ecclesie et monasteria den Orient,” in the Festschrift fiir Hermann Heimpel, 11 debeant gaudere omnibus introitibus et redditibus tam a

(Gottingen, 1972), 591-609. mari quam a terra et etiam illis quos habent in Cas-

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 29 The Venetians never made adequate provi- too obvious that the future did not hold the sion for the defense of Thessalonica against slightest prospect of diminished expenditure. the Turks. They had certainly expended large Andrea Suriano, a member of the war party, sums, as they constantly reminded the Greek _ stated in a most interesting speech in the Senate envoys, but they were always apprehensive of on 3 January, 1430, that Venice must prepare

the sultan’s refusal to recognize their title to a really powerful armada to force Murad into the city, and they had some reason to doubt their an acceptance of peace. For years money had ability to hold so important a place so close to been spent, and the Republic had achieved the Turkish capital of Adrianople. They always little or nothing. It was necessary to strike one found it difficult, therefore, to know whether great blow against the Turk, a decisive blow

they were spending too much or too little. to reduce the vast costs of holding ThesThe Venetians naturally looked around for salonica, “so that the Turk may either be re-

alliés whom they might oppose to the Gran duced to peace with our Signoria or be so Turco, finding the most likely in the prince damaged that he fears our power, and we are of Caramania, Ibrahim Beg (1423-1464), who not forever caught in these continuous exwas, it so happened, a brother-in-law of Sultan _penses.” Suriano stated that Venice had spent Murad. He was known as the “Gran Caramano,” on an average more than 60,000 ducats every but he feared his brother-in-law no less than year to maintain the city against the Turks. He the Venetians did. In August, 1429, we find introduced the resolution to arm a dozen galleys Venice trying to arrange an alliance with Ibra- and two large ships; of the galleys, seven were him Beg, to help achieve which they enlisted to be armed in Venice, three in Crete, and one

the good offices of King Janus of Cyprus, each in Zara and Sebenico.* Such an armada

who was reputed to maintain a “bona amicicia

cum magno Caramano.”” If the Venetians spent }=———————

too little on the defense of Thessalonica, they — ™ Misti, Reg. 57, fol. 179 [183], “MCCCCXXVIIII, die

had still spent a good deal. and it was onl tertio Januarii:” “Cum per reditum viri nobilis Ser Andree

P 8 , y Mocenigo, capitanei nostri generalis maris, videatur non —————— potuisse sequi pacem inter nostrum dominium et dominum sandra, et ita mandabimus quod dicti rectores debeant Teucrorum nec sperandum sit de pace ob nequiciam et

observare. Ad factum aptandi monasteria que ruine tradita__perfidiam ipsius Turchi, et neccessarium ac honor nostri sunt, respondemus quod pro presenti propter novitates dominii sit providere hostiliter contra Teucros et ad conguerre non est modus ad aptandum dicta monasteria, servationem navigiorum fidelium et subditorum nostrorum

sed cessatis istis novitatibus poterit postea provideri navigantium ad partes Romanie: . .. [in margin: Ser aptationi eorum prout videbitur fore opportunum. Ad Andreas Suriano:] Cum propter guerram quam habemus factum autem stipendiariorum qui habitant ecclesias et cum Turcho et pro securitate nostrorum civium et monasteria et destruunt ea, et in eis ducunt meretrices mercatorum navigantium per strictum neccessarium sit proet ibidem committunt multas inhonestates, respondemus_ videre de potenti armata que sit causa reducendi hunc quod nobis summe displicet audire tales novitates et in- dominum Turchorum, inimicum nostrum, ad bonam pacem honestates, sed mandabimus rectoribus nostris Salonichi cum nostro dominio attento maxime quod postquam quod debeant providere sub illis gravibus penis que sibi dominium civitatis Salonichi habuimus computato uno anno

videbuntur quod dicte novitates et inhonestates cessent.”. cum alio expendite fuerunt ultra ducatorum sexaginta Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. 72-86, has analyzed the whole’ milia in anno, que expensa continua corrodit nostrum document in detail and given a facsimile reproduction dominium, et non videtur quod aliquid fiat, nec aliquid

of92 Sen. theSecreta, text. magnificum demonstratur per quod detur causa huic Reg. 11, fols. 29’-3 1" [30"—32"]; Valentini, | Turcho timendi nostrum dominium [Valentini, Acta Albaniae

Acta Albaniae veneta, XIII, nos. 3,257-—60, pp. 179-85; lorga, _veneta, XIV (1972), no. 3,305, p. 9, reads ‘nomen dominii’ ]

ROL, Vi, 64-66; Notes et extraits, I, 502-4; Thiriet, aut veniendi nobiscum ad bonam pacem, ideoque neccesRégestes, II, no. 2160, p. 266, docs. dated 30-31 August, sarium sit uno ictu facere quod fiendum est ut ipse 1429. The Senate’s purpose was “ut refrenari valeat ipsius Turchus aut reducatur ad pacem cum nostro dominio aut Teucri rabies pro universali bono et sue Serenitatis [the ita damnizetur quod expavescat potentiam nostram et nos king of Cyprus] et nostro ac totius Christianitatis,” and continue non stemus in istis continuis expensis, vadit pars the Venetians hoped that an alliance with Ibrahim Beg quod in nomine Jesu Christi ad executionem predictorum might lead “ad ipsius Teucri damna et exterminium” armari debeant galee XII et due naves magne nostri

(Reg. cit., fol. 30° [317)). communis, quarum galearum septem armentur hic Venetiis,

King Janus had recently been captured by Egyptian tres in Creta, una in Jadra, et una in Sibinico.. .” forces in the Mamluk invasion of Cyprus (during the [de parte 32, de non 5, non sincerus 1, but Suriano’s summer of 1426); after eight months’ imprisonment in proposals all lack the cross in the left-hand margin of Cairo he was ransomed, and returned to Cyprus in May, _ the register, which indicates they were not accepted by the 1427. Depressed in spirit, weakened in health, and at the Senate, and were not put into effect]. The text is summa-

end of his resources, Janus could give Venice nothing rized in lorga, ROL, VI, 70, and Notes et extraits, I,

but information concerning his “friend” the Gran Caramano _ 508, and in Thiriet, Régestes, I1, no. 2175, p. 269, incorrectly

(cf. below, p. 45b, and Sir Geo. Hill, History of Cyprus, If dated 1429. Cf. Manfroni, “La Marina veneziana,” Nuovo

[Cambridge, 1948], 493-94). Archivio veneto, XX, 59-61.

30 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT was hardly large enough to serve the purpose Venice had other important possessions in the Suriano had in mind. Nevertheless, he could not Levant and other problems to worry about. secure the passage of his motion in the Senate. Durazzo, Scutari, and Antivari, Lepanto and A great blow was soon struck. It relieved Nauplia, Modon, Coron, and above all NegroVenice of the heavy expense of which Suriano ponte must not fall into Turkish hands. Still complained, but it was the Turk who struck mistress of the Aegean, Venice nurtured less the blow. Thessalonica was stormed’ on 29 anxiety about Crete and the Archipelago. As March, 1430, after a three-day assault, under for Thessalonica, few cities in the Levant have the watchful eyes of Sultan Murad himself. a more interesting history. Although subjected Most of the Venetians escaped in three galleys to a cruel sack upon its occupation by the Turks, they had in the harbor, but some important Thessalonica remained an important place. The personages were captured. Sanudo says that the surviving inhabitants were allowed to rebuild Republic had expended more than 700,000 ducats on the city, which would be almost —————— twice the sum named by Suriano in the Senate.*! — maris, scribatur in hac forma: Propter casum amissionis

: uam vobis dedimus circa factum pacis tractande cum

In any event the issue of Thessalonica was now Civitatis Saronic sicut considerare potestis, commissio definitely resolved, and the sage statesmen of Turcho non habet nec potest habere locum in illa forma the Republic gave no thought to the reconquest quam vobis fecimus. Nichilominus quia omnibus consideratis

of the city. Indeed, a month after they had vellemus devenire ad pacem cum Turcho, si possibile lost Thessalonica they informed their captain- foret, cum modis congruis et honestis, mandamus vobis general of the sea, now Silvestro Morosini, C™ Posi™s consillis Rogatorum et Additionis [the Senate that they were willing to cede their rights to the and the Giunta] quod si videbitis aliquem modum et viam

; y 5 ’ § per quam cum honore nostro veniri posset ad aliquam media que vestre sapientie videbuntur. Et ut —— informatus sitis de nostra convenientiora intentione et de conditionibus city for an honorable peace with the Porte.® praticam pacis, ad illam veniatis per illa meliora et

** Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1007E-—1008; cum quibus habere vellemus pacem cum dicto Turcho,

Amadio Valier, Cron., Cod. Cicogna, no. 3631, fols. 302-3, vobis dicimus et declaramus quod veniatis ad pacem 304; Ducas, chap. 29 (Bonn, pp. 198-201). John Anagnostes, _ predictam cum his modis et conditionibus, videlicet:

De Thessalonicensi excidio narratio, 13 (Bonn, with the “Primo quod si idem Turchus volet quod renuntiemus Pseudo-Sphrantzes and Cananus, p. 507), dates the Turkish omni juri et actioni quod et quam aliquo modo haberemus occupation of Thessalonica on 29 March, 1430, as does the — in dominio civitatis Salonichi et quod numquam nos im-

Cron. Morosint (on which cf. Lemerle, Muscellanea G. pediamus de recuperando et habendo ipsam civitatem, Galbiati, 11, 225). Some of the Venetian chronicles give the sumus contenti in casu quo aliter fieri non posset quod date inaccurately as 13 March (¢f. Iorga, ROL, VI, 73, hoc capitulum sibi promittatis in eo solum quod eidem note 1; Notes et extratts, 1, 511, note 1; and, zbid., II, 266,272). Turcho spectare posset. Verum debeatis procurare in

Chief among the Venetian captives were Leonardo pratica dicti capituli, si possibile est, quod viri nobiles

Gradenigo and Lorenzo Contarini (Sanudo, loc. cit., and Ser Leonardus Gradonico et Laurentius Contareno, filius Iorga, ROL, VI, 78, 79, and Notes et extraits, I, 516-17, viri nobilis Ser Pauli Contareno, olim duche Salonichi,

docs. dated 29 April, 1430). As late as 3 March the et alii cives et fideles nostri qui fuerunt capti a Teucris Senate was still instructing their new captain-general of the __ pristine libertati restituantur. Quando autem hoc obtinere

sea, Silvestro Morosini, to try to arrange peace through non possetis, concludatis ipsum capitulum, ut superius Byzantine mediation on the same general terms as the un- _—_continetur.”

fortunate Jacopo Dandolo had been directed to present to The Venetians were then held to pay the Porte an annual Murad (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 11, esp. fols. 86’-87" [87’-88"]; tribute of one hundred ducats for the castle of Lepanto lorga, ROL, VI, 76-77, Morosini’s commission from the (pro castro Nepanti) and two hundred ducats for Scutari, doge upon election to the captaincy-general). On the Turk- Alessio, and Drivasto. Now, however, they wanted the tribute

ish capture of Thessaionica, see Mertzios, Mnemeia, pp. reduced, “quia locus Drivasti non est amplius sub nostro 88-93, with a (Greek) translation and text of the pertinent dominio.” (Drivasto had been lost in 1419, on which see passage in the Cron. Morosint. The chroniclers give dif- Iorga, ROL, IV, 609, note, and Notes et extratts, I, 294, ferent figures for the costs of the seven-year Venetian note.) But if the sultan was prepared to guarantee the occupation of Thessalonica—the Cron. Morosini putting the — security of Venetian possessions in Albania, the captaincost at 740,000 ducats, “and I, Antonio Morosini, witnessed general Morosini might promise the Porte a tribute of up

this and have written with my own hand, and this is the — to five hundred ducats a year (doc. cit., fol. 101" [102°]). truth,” while the Cron. Zancaruola gives the figure as And, as usual in treaties with the Turks, the Senate wanted 502,000, and other chronicles put it at 300,000 and 200,000, freedom of trade and passage throughout the Ottoman for all of which see Mertzios, op. cit., pp. 98-99, who empire. Cf. the summaries’ of Morosini’s instructions in seems to have missed Suriano’s speech in the Senate (see orga, ROL, VI, 79-80; Notes et extraits, 1, 517-18; Thiriet, preceding note), the most important evidence of all. Régestes, I1, no. 2192, p. 273. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 11, fols. 101'-102" [102™-103°]; The fall of Thessalonica was known in Venice by 27 Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XIV, no. 3,355, pp. 64-68; April (1430), and caused the Senate promptly to take Iorga, ROL, VI, 79~80, doc. dated 29 April, 1430: “Quod _ steps for the safety of Zara, Sebenico, and Corfu (Misti, viro nobili Ser Silvestro Mauroceno, capitaneo generali Reg. 57, fol. 209% [213”]).

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 3] their lives as best they could, and the Greek while of becoming a monk and relinquishing fugitives were allowed to return to their homes. the rule of the Morea to Constantine, changed Turkish rule lasted in Thessalonica for almost his mind when the latter arrived in the peninsula five centuries, until October, 1912, when the in December, 1427, with their imperial brother

Greeks recovered the city and added it to the John VIII, who had approved the proposed growing dominion of the new Hellenic king- transfer of power. It was now that the diplomat

dom.” and historian George Sphrantzes returned to the Shortly after the withdrawal of Murad II’s

Morea in the service of the Palaeologi,”

troops from the siege of Constantinople in early . September, 1422, the old Emperor Manuel had Sphrantzes, chron. manus (PG De vk ee precns, ffered (on 1 October), affairs Boao ye in ee November, eee eae Or eon sulte ; ’a: stroke in September, 1427,and leftall Constantinople and of state had to be left in the hands of his arrived in the Morea with Constantine on 26 December son and co-ruler, John VIII, although the Vene- (the year 6936 of the Byzantine era ran from 1 September, tian documents suggest that from time to time, 1427 through 31 August, 1428); and ¢f. P seuco-Sparantzes, as his health permitted, Manuel still received C | (Bonn, pp. 125-24; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 126-27; ed.

. .s recu, p. 262); Chalcocondylas, bk. 1v (Bonn, p. 206). There

foreign envoys and made decisions. In July, jg a sympathetic sketch of John VIII’s career in Giil, 1425, Manuel died, and was buried in the capital Personalities of the Council of Florence (1964), pp. 104-24.

in the monastery of the Pantokrator. Six sons 99 Sphrantzes, loc. cit., and ¢f. Pseudo-Sphrantizes, H, l survived him, the last tragic actors in the Greek (Bonn, p. 124, lines 3-4; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 127, line 1; theaters of Byzantium and the Morea. Besides ed. Grecu, 262, lines 18-20). is an Important ° source for thep.Byzantine world Sphrantzes in the fifteenth century. the Emperor John VIII and the Despot Theo- Quite understandably, therefore, his “memoirs” have redore II, there were Thomas, then in the Morea; ceived much attention in recent years. Formerly called Constantine [XI] “Dragases,” ruler of Anchialus, “Phrantzes,” his name is now known to be Sphrantzes (see

Volume I, Chapter 13, note 206, of the present work). The Mesembria, and some other places the (sixteenth-century) Black F ; . . orm Sphrantzes appears in theon oldest

Sea; Andronicus, onetime despot of Thessa- MS. of the Chronicon minus (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. lonica; and Demetrius, who was still without an Ottobon. gr. 260) and also in the title of the printed assigned share in the imperial heritage.*” Of text in PG 156, 1025-26, 1025A, although the name is these Constantine, who was born in February given thereafter as “Phrantzes” (zbid., 1031B, 1058D). For . ; > the MSS. and various editions of the Chron. minus, see

1405, destined to Sphrantzes: catch the world’s attenVasi ; .: in “ . asile was Grecu, Georgios Memoru (1401-1477),

tion as the last emperor and the last defender gnexd Pseudo-Phranizes (cited above, note 2), pp. XIV—xvII.

of Constantinople against barbarian attackers, While there now appears to be no doubt that Sphrantzes a true martyr to the cause of Greek inde- wrote the memoir called Chronicon minus (ed. Jan Franz, pendence. It is at this time that Constantine 50 ware Angelo Mats Classic 15 80 IX [Rome, 1837],

his Pp first believes conspicuoushim appearance on the So epeeof 7 08: 025-80), no one any longer madePp to be the author the} Chronicon maius (ed.

stage. Imm. Bekker in the Bonn Corpus, 1838, repr. in PG 156, The Despot Theodore, having thought for a cols. 637-1022, the first two books being also available

in the better edition of J. B. Papadopoulos, I, Leipzig:

——_———— Teubner, 1935, and all four books in the [best] edition of

* On Thessalonica, see in general A. E. Vacalopoulos V. Grecu, Bucharest, 1966). MSS. of the Chron. maius range [Bakalopoulos], A History of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth and nineteenth 1963, and on Venetian-held Crete (historical sources and centuries (Papadopoulos, I, pp. x—xv). Working with the bibliography), about which I shall have little occasion to constant errors and peculiarities in the text, Papadopoulos speak in this volume, see M. I. Manussacas, “L’Isola di doubted whether Sphrantzes could have been the author of Creta sotto 11 dominio veneziano: Problemi e ricerche,” in the Chron. maius, to which one refers as the work of the Agostino Pertusi, ed., Venezia e il Levante fino al secolo XV, “Pseudo-Sphrantzes” (or less accurately the “Pseudo-

2 vols., Florence, 1973-74, I-2, 473-514. Phrantzes’”).

7 Ducas, chap. 23 (Bonn, p. 134); Chalcocondylas, bk. Fr. R. J. Loenertz, “Autour du Chronicon maius attribué iv (Bonn, p. 205; ed. E. Darko, I, 192); Pseudo- a Georges Phrantzés,” Miscellanea G. Mercati, III (Citta del Sphrantzes, I, 31 [40] (Bonn, pp. 121-22; ed. Papadopoulos, Vaticano, 1946), 273-311 (in Studi e testi, no. 123), I, 124-25; ed. Grecu, p. 260), on which note R. J. Loenertz, first proved decisively that Sphrantzes could not have in the Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati, III (1946), 287-88 written the Chronicon maius, and makes it clear that tHe (Studi e testi, no. 123), and the chronicle attributed to Chron. maius is the work of Macarius Melissenus, late Dorotheus of Monemvasia in Loenertz, ibid., p. 304. sixteenth-century metropolitan of Monemvasia, who has beSphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1031CD; ed. Grecu, p. 18), | come well known as a forger. Papadopoulos had already notes the death of Manuel II without giving the customary _ perceived the fact (¢f. St. Binon, “L’Histoire et la légende catalogue of his sons. Cf. Hopf, II, 81-82; lorga, Gesch. d. de deux chrysobulles d’Andronic II en faveur de Monemosman. Reiches, 1, 383-84; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, basie: Macaire ou Phrantzés?” Echos d’Orient, XXXVII

pp. 383-85. [1938], 274-304). The form “Phrantzes” occurs in all

32 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT especially attached to Constantine. Although lived happily with her,” according to ChalcoJohn Eugenicus had addressed a long and _ condylas. If the disappointed Constantine was wearisome oration to Theodore in commenda-_ to have lands in the Morea, they would have tion of his noble decision to enter a monastery,’ to be conquered for him. Theodore had already the despot yielded to the alleged entreaties of annexed most of Centurione’s so-called princithe local aristocracy, and continued his rule in pality to the despotate of Mistra, but Carlo Mistra. Having hitherto got on badly with his Tocco still held Glarentza, the “capital of Elis,”

Italian wife, Cleopa Malatesta, Theodore now to which John VIII now laid siege again. became reconciled with her, “and henceforth Carlo, badly defeated in the battle of the

Echinades the preceding year, decided to give

MSS. of the Ch h k up Glarentza,and his other possessions in the

of the Chron. maius (more than adoubt score areon known), area A marriage was between his an -error which shed some its genuineness. . ,arranged :

The compiler of the Chron. maius follows Nicephorus _ MIECE. Maddalena de’ ‘Tocchi, daughter of LeoGregoras up to 1360 and Chalcocondylas to 1402, butsome- nardo II of Zante, and Constantine, to whom times repeats the latter’s mistakes and even fails to under- Carlo now ceded as a dowry both Glarentza stand him; according to Loenertz, the compiler also em- and the rest of his fortified places in the Morea ploys the sixteenth-century chronicle attributed to “Dorotheus er 5} . 3 ¢ roy Mopé On 1M of Monemvasia.” Since Sphrantzes died about 1477-1478, (00a 07 Kat elxeV Els TOV opéeav). On ays he obviously did not use Dorotheus in the expansion of 1428, Sphrantzes occupied the castle of Glahis memoir (Chron. minus) into the general Turco-Byzantine rentza in Constantine’s name, and other officers

history which passed under hs name me Chron.Elizabet were dispatched maius. In anhas interesting article, however, . - os to take over the other places.’ Zachariadou, “An Italian Source of the Pseudo-Dorotheus At the beginning of J uly the three brothers for the History of the Ottomans” [in Greek], TeAozovynotwka, encamped before P atras, whither Maddalena

V (1962), 46-59, esp. pp. 47-48, has noted that the half- was brought. She married Constantine 1n the dozen passages which Loenertz, op. cit, pp. 296-309, Greek camp amid preparations for a siege of thought originated in the Pseudo-Dorotheus were actually the city, changing her name in Byzantine drawn from the Ecthesis chronica of about 1517. Obviously fashi to Theod A ‘n the harsh Sphrantzes could not have used a work produced in or about asmuion tO : co ora. ( ; pawn 1p € Nal's 1517, and Miss Zachariadou’s discovery only reinforces game of politics, she died some seventeen Loenertz’s argument. Cf. also her study of The Chronicle months later.) By this time the brothers were of the Turkish Sultans [Cod. Barberini graecus 111] and its quarreling among themselves, and Theodore Halian Original [wpérv7o] [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1960, pp. was quite sure he did not want to become Although the Pseudo-Sphrantzes or rather Macarius 4 monk. Working at cross purposes, they could

Melissenus, Chronicon maius, IV, 23 (Bonn, p. 453; ed. not take Patras, a papal fief then held (as Grecu, p. 590), ends with the statement that old age and we have seen) by Archbishop Pandolfo Mala-

extreme infirmity have prevented the author from covering testa, Theodore’s brother-in-law, but they did every aspect of his subject properly, and dates his conclusion succeed in capturing three fortified villages 29 March, 1478 (A.M. 6986), he has evidently forgotten . Pp 5 . & his references to the Turkish occupation of Zante and (KaoTEAAOTIOVAG) and exacting from the inCephalonia (in 1479), the siege of Rhodes (1480), the taking habitants of Patras the promise of an annual of Otrarito (1480), and the death of Mehmed II in May, tribute of five hundred gold pieces for Con1481, all this in book 1, chap. 23 (Bonn, pp. 94-95; ed. stantine. The campaign was over. John VIII

Papadopoulos, 98; but ed.most Grecu, p. 234). distra. df Mi C . too k hi Melissenus was a giftedI,stylist, of his sources eparte or onstantine 1S

(when imagination did not provide them) have yet to be bride to Glarentza; they occupied the old identified, and his work must be used with the utmost Villehardouin castle of Chloumoutsi. When a Se eO6) his as we have opserved above (vol eae.but 13,Melissurgus. little later John VIII to return home, note , his name was not Melissenus, ; s decided . He sought to glorify his family by assuming one of the Constantine joined him for some days at more distinguished names in Byzantine history (¢f. Chron. Mistra. Now four of the brothers were together,

maius, 11, 2 [Bonn, p. 132, lines 6-7, and p. 134, lines for Thomas was also-in the Morea, and in 3-4; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 134, line 11, and p. 137, lines October (1428) they all went to Corinth, where 1-2; ed. Grecu, p. 270, lines 8—9, and p. 272, line 6, and John took ship for Constantinople. Theodore

note 1, lines 25—26]). On Macarius’s family, see J. K. h d Mi - Th ‘ed Casiotes, Makarios, Theodoros and Nikephoros, the Meltssenot C 1en returned to Mistra; Nhomas accompamie

(Melissourgoi), 16th and 17th Centuries [in Greek], Thes- him as far as Kalavryta. Constantine went to saloniki, 1966. 10° John Eugenicus’s oration awpos tov dSeandrny Kup | —§=£————— @cddwpov tov Tlopgupoyévyvnrov was published by Lampros, 101 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1033D-—1034A; ed.

Pal. kai Pel., 1 (1912), 67-111, from Eugenicus’s autograph Grecu, p. 24); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 1-2 (Bonn, p. 128; MS. in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Cod. gr. 2075, fols. ed. Papadopoulos, I, 130-31; ed. Grecu, p. 266); Chalco-

199°—226. condylas, bk. rv (Bonn, pp. 239-40).

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 33 Vostitza, which Theodore had ceded to him Early in March, 1429, Constantine Dragases together with a number of other castles in resumed the siege of Patras, and on Palm Sunthe western part of the Morea extending all day his forces took their positions before the the way down south to Androusa, Nesi, and _ city gates. Some days later, after the celebration Kalamata. The faithful Sphrantzes took over of Holy Saturday (26 March, 1429) a sudden

the various castles in the name of his master sortie of the Patrenses from the “Jews’ gate” Constantine, whose vigorous presence was soon caught the Greek commanders in idle conversa-

felt everywhere in the Morea and seemed to tion in Constantine’s tent. In the skirmish betoken the beginning of a new era in Greek which followed, Constantine had his horse shot

affairs.’ from under him by an arrow. The attackers In the meantime, during June and July, 1428, pressed on to kill or capture him, but Sphrantzes

Archbishop Pandolfo Malatesta had been in stood by in defense of his master until the Venice, seeking aid for the threatened see and latter could extricate himself from the fallen city of Patras. The Senate, however, which had horse and escape on foot. Sphrantzes was himwarned the pope of the likelihood of the city’s self wounded, however, and taken prisoner, los-

falling into the hands of either the Greeks or ing his favorite horse in the fray. Chained

the Turks, was little disposed to intervene at and tossed into a dark dungeon in an abandoned this late and critical juncture of affairs. The granary, poor Sphrantzes spent a month conVenetians declared their affection for the great tending with ants, weevils, and mice. At length house of Malatesta, for Pandolfo’s father and © on S. George’s day (23 April), having prayed

sister. They granted him permission to purchase to his patron, the deliverer of captives, munitions in Venice for export to Patras, but Sphrantzes had his chains struck off, and his they saw no point in sending an envoy to the jailers explained that the miserable food they Greek government in the Morea, although they had been giving him was all they had. A day or held themselves ready to treat with the Greeks two later they asked him to communicate with

if the latter took the initiative.’™ Constantine about his release, and said he might

make preliminary arrangements for the sur-

—— render of Patras, provided Constantine would

’ » +Seudo- rantzes, , onn, . _ » ed. : :

04. 96h. Prende’Sohen minus ee 5 (Be 1034; O50 53° PP withdraw to Glarentza and wait until the end of Papadopoulos, I, 131-36; Grecu, pp. 966-270, with im. May. If Archbishop Pandolfo, who was seeking

provements in the text). Before his departure from the aid in Italy, had not returned by that time,

Morea John VIII confirmed the Platonic philosopher Geo. | Constantine would receive the surrender of the Gemistus Pletho in his possession of the manorial villages of city. The terms were agreed upon, and SphranBrysis and Phanarion by a chrysobull dated October, 1428 i765, more dead than alive, according to his own Pel., 111 [1926], 331-33). Pletho had been granted Phanarion @CCOUNt, Was greeted with Joy and relief by by Theodore the preceding November (ibid., IV [1930], 104- Constantine, who loaded him with gifts of hand5), and in September, 1433, Theodore was to guarantee the some clothes and other things. They returned succession of Pletho’s sons to these properties, Demetrius to Glarentza, waiting for May to pass. 104

[A.M. 6937, of the seventh indiction] (Lampros, Pal. kai : . .

Gemistus to Phanarion and Andronicus Gemistus to Brysis, at the request of their father, who is highly praised in| =—§=———————

the preamble to the document (an argyrobull, ibid., diplomacy to prevent the Greeks from taking Patras, which IV, 106-9). For the general history of these grants, see —_ was of course unavailing (lorga, ROL, V, 379-80, 385, 387;

Lampros, in the Neos Hellenomn., II (1905), 457-60. of., ibid., V1, 67, 73). Knowing that Constantine was not to Maddalena de’ Tocchi was the sister of Carlo II Tocco, be dissuaded from his designs upon Patras, the Venetians despot of Arta, etc. (1429-1448), on which cf. the genealog- _ spent little time and money on the effort. ical tables in Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, pp. 530, 536. Mad- 104 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1036, 1039; ed.

dalena-Theodora was buried, like Cleopa Malatesta four Grecu, pp. 30, 32, 36 ff.); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 3-4, 6 years later, in the Katholikon of the monastery of the (Bonn, pp. 137—39, 144-46; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 140-42, Zoodotes at Mistra, identified as the church of Hagta 147-49; ed. Grecu, pp. 280 ff., 288, 290), who adds to the Sophia, which apparently served as the palace chapel. Many __ fine clothes which Sphrantzes received from Constantine graves have been excavated here, but none has yielded any _ the further gift of 3,000 gold pieces.

evidence relating either to Theodora or to Cleopa. In the During this period the Palaeologi were clearly paying narthex of the Pantanassa at Mistra there is another more attention to the conquest of territory than to the grave sometimes identified as that of Theodora, but again governance of their possessions in the Morea, and even

without convincing evidence. a Greek magnate thought that conditions in the so-

103 Sathas, I, nos. 119-22, pp. 188-90, from Sen. Secreta, called “despotate” bodied ill for the safety of his property.

Reg. 10, fols. 152%—153', 156", 157% [156%-157', 160%, 161%], By a safe-conduct issued in the name of the Doge Fran-

docs. dated 14 June and 9-10 July, 1428. The Venetian —_ cesco Foscari, and dated 18 July, 1429, the Senate allowed

Senate, nevertheless, did try for a while by means of one Manoli Magaducha to deposit all or part of his

34 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Within a few days a messenger reached ation to the sultan. At Naupactus he fell in Glarentza from Sultan Murad II, forbidding with two Turkish envoys, one sent by the sultan Constantine to molest Patras since the city paid and the other by Turakhan Beg, to warn Con-

tribute to the Porte. Nevertheless, on 1 June stantine not to take over the city of Patras. (1429), since Pandolfo Malatesta had still not Soon Pandolfo Malatesta himself put into

returned from Italy, Constantine moved against Naupactus on a Catalan ship, having already the city. At the same time his brother Thomas heard of the Greek occupation of his city. He

was besieging nearby Chalandritza, the chief asked Sphrantzes to delay his northward stronghold left to Centurione Zaccaria. The journey for a day or so in order that they brothers joined forces for a show of strength might confer with each other. The Greek which helped them both to achieve their ob- diplomat and the Latin archbishop sat down jectives, although Sphrantzes feared they might together, Arcades ambo, each trying to learn the come to blows. On Sunday, 5 June, Constantine other’s intentions, with no success. Pandolfo,

was given the keys to the city of Patras in however, gave the Turkish envoys letters for the ancient church of S. Andrew amid the the sultan and Turakhan Beg, as Sphrantzes rejoicing of the populace. The streets were knew, and the latter would not rest until he strewn with flowers, and there was a holiday could learn their contents. He engaged the mood as the Patrenses passed again under ‘Turks in a drinking bout, and got almost as Greek rule for the first time since the Latin drunk as they did, but he managed to extract conquest in 1205. But the troops of Pandolfo their letters, which he read, copied, and reMalatesta still held the citadel and the archi- sealed. Thereafter Sphrantzes went on to the episcopal palace near it, refusing to surrender. Byzantine capital, where he was assigned Marcus

Although they shot at the merrymakers from Palaeologus Iagrus as a fellow envoy to the the high battlements of the citadel, they did Porte. Marcus proved less a help than a hinlittle damage, and on 6 June Constantine re- drance, and the two were told when they first arceived the homage of the citizenry in the church rived at the Ottoman court that Patras must of S. Nicholas. Sphrantzes was appointed gov- _ be restored to the Latins. But the wily Sphrantzes

ernor of Patras.!% told Ibrahim Pasha, the grand vizir, that he Sphrantzes had a mission to perform, how- dared not take back such a reply to the despot; ever, before he could take up his new office. he asked that a Turkish envoy might return

On 8 June he departed for Naupactus (Lepanto) with him to the Morea to inform the despot of on his way to Constantinople to report to the the sultan’s decision. There was nothing like emperor on the occupation of Patras,andthence prolonging the matter by an exchange of emto Adrianople to explain and justify the situ- bassies. In the following September (1429)

a Sphrantzes was on the road again, going this movable goods in Coron because of the insecurity of time to Trikkala or Larissa to see ‘Turakhan conditions in the despotate (Misti, Reg. 57, fol. 1077 Beg, with whom, he informs us, he “finally

[111"], apparently dated 31 May, 1429), “cum per literas straightened out the business about Patras.”! viri nobilis Ser Zanoti Calbo, castellani Coroni et Mothoni, Sphrantzes had done very well indeed, and informatt simus quod quidam Manoli Magaducha dictus po ndolfo Malatesta had already despaired of Protostratora, subditus domini dispoti Musistre, videns a ; y Pp malum dominium quod fit per Grecos, deliberaverit de- TCQalNung the city. On 18 October, 1429, the positare in loco nostro Coroni totum aut partem sui Venetian Senate passed the following resolu-

haveris requisiveritque quod sibi fiat salvusconductus ut tion, a brief but graphic chapter in the possit mittere ad ipsum locum nostrum vel ponere in eo history of Patras: suum havere vel partem ipsius. . . .” . ' Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1039D-1041B), Since the reverend father, the lord [arch ]bishop of where in col. 1040D the dates 4—5 January are an absurd Patras, has recently proposed to our government that,

error, which is corrected to 4—5 June in the better text of if ye wish, he is ready to put in our hands the

V. Grecu, ed., Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii (1966), p. 42; 1: . . .

Pseudo-Sphrantzes, 11, 7-8 (Bonn, pp. 146-48: ed. Papa- castle of Patras, which is still held in his name, and to dopoulos, I, 149-52; ed. Grecu, pp. 290, 292). The §——————— church of S. Nicholas, near the citadel, was destroyed in 106 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1041B—1042C; ed. 1811 by the explosion of a powder magazine. Famous as_ Grecu, pp. 44, 46): “. .. Kai Thy wept tHs Tlétpas one of the Franciscan centers in Greece, it appears often Sovdeav tedreiws StapOwoa” (opp. citt., col. 1042C; p. 46, in documents relating to the Latin dominion (see Gerland, _ line 32, reading S5ovAerév for SovAeiav, which appears in both

Lateinisches Erzbistum Patras [1903], p. 117, note 1). editions, but makes less sense); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 8-9 Sphrantzes says that he became governor of Patras in (Bonn, pp. 150-54; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 152—56; ed. Grecu, September, 1430 (Chron. minus, ed. Grecu, p. 50, lines 1-2). — pp. 292 ff.).

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 35 secure from the supreme pontiff [Martin V] permis- agree to the marriage of his elder daughter sion to recover the city from the hands of the Greeks Caterina to Thomas, who thus became his heir, and to hold it under our dominion, the motion is and after the wedding was celebrated at Mistra carried that he be answered in appropriate words that jy January, 1430," nothing remained to Cenit does not seem best to us, for good and proper tyrione but the empty title of prince and the

reasons, to become involved in this affair. barony of Arcadia (Kyparissia), the latter being

There were no dissenting votes.' an inheritance from his father. Centurione was Pandolfo’s garrison was still holding the castle a direct descendant of Benedetto I Zaccaria,

of Patras, which was not surrendered to Con- who had married a sister of the Byzantine stantine until May, 1430, when its defenders had Emperor Michael VIII, as weil as of the famous

been weakened by famine and the plague.'’® Martino Zaccaria, onetime lord of Chios, who Chalcocondylas says that Martin V sent ten gal- __was killed before Smyrna in January, 1345. He leys (Tpinpets) to try to regain the city. However was the last important member of his house, but

many galleys there may have been, they were in after years his bastard son, Giovanni Asan, manned by Catalans, who made no attempt to who was passed over in the settlement with retake Patras, but on 17 July (1430) seized Thomas, was briefly to reclaim the title of prince Glarentza, which they held for a while and then and plunge the Morea into turmoil (in 1454), sold back to Constantine, according to Chalco- as we shall have occasion in due time to note. condylas for 5,000 gold pieces and according In August, 1430, Thomas received the title of to the Pseudo-Sphrantzes for 12,000. Fearing despot from his brother John VIII. Two years that.Glarentza might again fall into Latin hands _ later Centurione died, and Thomas took over the from which he should not so easily recover it, barony of Arcadia. In March, 1432, Constantine Constantine is said to have destroyed the walls accepted Thomas’s castle town of Kalavryta in

of the city, famous in the annals of Frankish exchange for Glarentza, where Thomas now Greece for some historic meetings of the old took up his residence with Caterina. If Con-

high court of Achaea.!® stantine had destroyed the city walls, as the

In the meantime Thomas Palaeologus had be- Pseudo-Sphrantzes says, ‘Thomas may now have

sieged Chalandritza all through the summer of restored them. It was about this time also that 1429. In September he had finally forced Prince the Teutonic Knights lost their important fief of Centurione into a settlement which assured the Mostenitza and its dependent lands to the Palaeologi eventual possession of the sparse re- Greeks."** The Venetians still held Modon and mains of the old Franco-Navarrese principality Coron, Argos and Nauplia. The rest of the of Achaea. The prince had been obliged to Morea belonged to the Palaeologi. Theodore II, Constantine, and Thomas shared somewhat un-

107 Sathas, I, no. 124, p. 191; Valentini, Acta Albaniae easily the broad lands and bright honors of the veneta, XIII, no. 3,277, pp. 198-99, from Sen. Secreta, despotate. They had won out in the long struggle

Reg. 11, fol. 40” [41°]. with the Latins, but what would be the issue of - Sphrantzes Chron minus (PC i o 1043A; “ prec, their struggle p. with the Turks? Here their natural .Papadopoulos, ; Pseudorantzes, , onn, ed. : . : I, 67 58: ed. Grecu, p. 298); Chalco- ay might nave Deen the Venetians, with whom

condylas, bk. v (Bonn, pp. 240-41). The mid-fifteenth cy cle not get along very well, as we have

century Byzantine rhetorician John Docianus (Aoxetavés) observed, despite the fact there was little real lauds the acquisition of Patras in an encomium of Con- conflict of interest between the Venetians and stantine (Hope Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 251; Lampros, Pal. the Greek despots. Their failure to co-operate “109 Chalcocondylas, bk. v (Bonn, p. 241); Sphrantzes, had proved costly to them both, and the worst Chron. minus (PG 156, 1043A; ed. Grecu, p. 48); Pseudo- was yet to come.

Sphrantzes, II, 9 (Bonn, p. 156; ed. Papadopoulos, I, The stately registers of the Senato Secreti, 158; ed. Grecu, p. 298). Cf. Hopf, in Ersch and Gruber,

Encykl., vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 85; Gerland, Latein. Erzbistum TT Patras, pp. 66-67; Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. 388-91; 110 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1042C; ed. Grecu, Zakythinos, Despotat grec de Morée, I, 207-9. In December, _ p. 48, lines 5-7).

1430, an ambassador of Constantine was in Venice to "1 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1043B; ed. Grecu,

effect some kind of rapprochement with the Signoria, but __p. 48, lines 34—35); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 9 (Bonn, pp. the brief entry in the Misti, Reg. 58, fol. 18%, sheds little 154, 156; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 156, 158; ed. Grecu, pp. 296, light on his mission. Archbishop Pandolfo Malatesta died 298, 300); Chalcocondylas, bk. v (Bonn, p. 242); Hopf, II,

on 17 April, 1441, in his native Pesaro, where he was 86, and on the family relationships of Centurione Zaccaria, buried (Cronaca riminese, in L. A. Muratori, ed., RISS, XV _— Chron. gréco-romanes, geneal. tables, pp. 471, 502, 536;

[Milan, 1729], col. 939C). Zakythinos, Despotat grec de Morée, I, 210.

36 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Misti (to 1440), and Mar in the Venetian Past policy had doubtless been based upon the State Archives are full of letters to the _ difficulty of recovering either stolen property or

harassed castellans of Modon and Coron its value by any due process of law at the

throughout the fifteenth century. The distance despot’s court. The castellans of Modon and between the two stations was only about fifteen Coron obviously believed that only reprisals miles, some five hours’ ride for a mounted would encourage the officials at Mistra to exertroop. Although undoubtedly more heavily cise sufficient surveillance over their unruly wooded in those days than today, the road ran subjects to see that such infractions of the

over barren hills. It was a lonely route, and peace did not occur in the first place, and

danger kept pace with every step of those who — yet justice would have obliged every informed took it. The Greeks attacked Venetian territory Venetian to agree that such surveillance was quite often; Turkish raids were less frequent but, almost impossible along lonely roads, in secluded

when they came, were more severe. Expensive valleys, and on mountain passes in various gifts to Turakhan Beg seemed about the only parts of the Morea. There is a self-righteous means of preventing such raids. The Venetians tone to many Venetian documents (common to were themselves doubtless not without some re-_ the style of every chancery whose registers sponsibility for their troubles with the Greeks. might be opened for inspection), but the VeneOn one occasion an envoy of the Despot Theo- _ tians unquestionably did make better neighbors

dore complained to the Senate that the castel- than the despot’s Greeks and Albanians. By lans of Modon and Coron confiscated the money and large the Venetians had a good record

and goods of his subjects for the pettiest throughout the Levant. On 18-20 June, 1427, thefts. If a Moreote Albanian or Greek subject for example, the Senate finally rejected on the of the despot stole an ass, a pack animal, or second ballot, by a vote of forty-seven to forty,

a horse, the castellans should seek proper the petition of one Alvise Michiel to embark redress of the grievance. In such a case there upon a career of semi-privateering against the was no reason to confiscate the property of Turks and other enemies of the Republic.'* other subjects of the despot. The complaint Under the circumstances one might well have probably sounds more reasonable to us than it expected an affirmative vote on Michiel’s prodid to the Venetians. The machinery of justice _ posal. moved very slowly then (especially Theodore’s justice), and reprisal was almost universally €M- domino bonam vicinantiam et bonum tractamentum locis

ployed as the only effective means of recover- et subditis nostris, ut dictum est, vos abstineatis pro

ing the value of stolen goods and discouraging —huiusmodi causis levibus surreptionis unius asini vel unius

the repetition of such assaults upon the property qui et similium ipsos sequestros de cetero facere, sed (and the persons) of one’s own citizens and Gebeatis amicabiliter requirere satisfactionem damni, quam subjects. In the present instance, however, the ¢& subveniatis per viam iuris uti noveritis iustum esse. . . .” Venetian Senate agreed with the despot’s re- The despot’s envoy appeared before the Senate 14-16 monstrance, and directed the castellans to cease July, ree. There is a misleading French summary of this such retaliation and hi acta Satisfaction of me I, 497-98: “Les volés devraient tout d’ abord demander €Sspo S Bove nimenn » a Cas SO- ong as ; € satisfaction. Le sénat décide de délibérer sur ce point, qu’ i maintained a neighborly attitude in more im- approuve en principe (volvatur).” The document makes it

. . poteritis, tunc damna passo provideatis ott . + ocument in Iorga, , , —60, an otes et extraits,

portant respects."’? clear that it was the castellans who were to request

satisfaction of the Greek government in the Morea, not — “les volés;” the Senate reached a definite decision; and 112 Misti, Reg. 57, fol. 133" [137°], “MCCCCXXVIIII, volvatur means to turn the page, the resolution being

die XIIII Iulii:’ “. . . Vadit pars quod ipsis nostris continued on fol. 133” [137%]! There are some hasty sum-

castellanis [Mothoni et Coroni] scribatur in hac forma: . . . _maries of documents in Iorga’s articles in the ROL and in quia . . . orator [domini dispoti Amoree] nobis exposuit the Notes et extraits, but on the whole one can only admire

quod pro omni levi re, viz., si occurrit quod per suos both his industry and his accuracy. surripiatur de territorio nostro unus asinus sive sommerius 113 Misti, Reg. 56, fols. 103’-104" [105%-106"], and cf. aut unus equus et similia, vos ad requisitionem damnificati Iorga, ROL, V, 360; Notes et extraiis, I, 460; Thiriet, sequestrari facitis denarios subditorum ipsius domini qui Régestes, II, no. 2058, p. 243. Michiel proposed to arm a reperiuntur esse in manibus subditorum nostrorum government galley at his own expense: “. . . mi offerisso locorum vobis commissorum cum magno interesseetdamno de armar una galia a tute mie spexe a danno e deeorum quorum sunt denarii taliter sequestrati super quo —struxion de Moratbei [Murad II], turcho inimigo de la amicabiliter et instanter per nos provideri requisivit cum vostra Signoria e de chi altri la vostra Signoria mi comdispositio domini sui sit quod novitates predicte cessent’ mitexe. . . .” The vote on the second ballot was: De parte omnino. Volumus vobisque mandamus quod faciente ipso 40, de non 47, non sinceri 4.

VENICE AND THE OTTOMAN ADVANCE 37 It was the Turks who created the major In the treaties which Venice had made at problem which Venice faced in the Levant. As Adrianople with Mehmed I in November, 1419,

long as the Porte remained a great military and thereafter with Murad II in September, force, neither Venice, the papacy, nor any other 1430, she had included Giovanni II Crispo,

western power ever found an answer to the duke of Naxos, and his brothers, who held “eastern question.” The chief historical irony certain fiefs in the “Archipelago” (Egeopelaof Levantine history in more modern times is gus).1!5 Although in these treaties the sultans of course that the eastern question remained to had recognized the independence of the Crispi harass the chancelleries of Europe (and Russia) as subjects of Venice (in la obediencia de when Turkish military might declined so mark- Veniexia), and exempted them from “tribute and edly in the eighteenth century, and the Christian servitude,” fear of the Turk was vastly increased

statesmen who had been so exercised for cen- after the fall of Thessalonica. Already in July, turies to destroy the Ottoman empire now 1426, when the Venetians were hard pressed in schemed to keep it alive, lest their competitors the Thermaic Gulf, the Senate had voted to allow move into the important areas which the Turks Giovanni (and his brother Niccolé) to effect a could easily have been made to vacate. But “concord with the Turks as best he can for the this is a subject which lies quite beyond the preservation of his state, provided he does not scope of this work; we deal with a period of _ bind himself to give them shelter, neither to their ever-increasing Turkish strength when not only ships nor to their forces. . . .” Pietro Zeno, the Balkan but even the Italian peninsula it- lord of Andros, was granted the same consideraself was in danger of invasion. Turkish attacks tion with the same proviso.!"6 upon Venetian territories are too numerous to Giovanni hastened to make peace with Murad, mention, especially upon the Republic’s outposts after which he abandoned the practice he had in Albania. No Venetian stronghold in the Le- hitherto pursued of lighting beacons (quedam vant was secure from such attacks. On 22 April, signalia cum igne) to warn the Venetian author1428, for example, an armed brigantine arrived ities on Negroponte every time Turkish galleys

in Venice from Modon with news of a great or fuste were sighted off the shores of his Turkish naval assault upon Negroponte. The island duchy. Presently he was assisting the

Turkish fleet was large, variously reported as Turks in one way or another (what else could he containing from forty to sixty-five galleys and do?) “to the loss of our subjects on the aforefuste. Some seven hundred Venetian subjects said island.” On 3 March, 1430, six months

were said to have been captured and carried before the Venetian peace with Murad, the off into slavery. The torch had been set to Senate voted to write Giovanni, demanding vineyards and olive groves, causing severe that he stop thus aiding and abetting the Turks losses. The Turks disembarked next at Coron in their attacks upon Negroponte. Indeed, if and Modon, where they repeated the horrors of he wished to preserve his “neighborliness and their earlier visitation at Negroponte. Now they fraternity” with Venice, he must resume the

were said to be offshore at Glarentza, pre-

paring to do even worse on their return voyage. dj , ; a dere d

This was part of Sultan armata Murad’s repayment an MS Nostris a ovo honor sitet ey pro dominio be . .allsulncientl pro honore nostri domini bona to Venice for the attempted occupation of executione agendorum nostrorum, vadit pars . . .” [etc.], Thessalonica. According to Sanudo, fifteen gal- _ provision being made for the election of a captain-general

leys were armed in the arsenal at Venice, and of the sea and two supracomiti ad Culphum, while the immediately dispatched “to go and find the said colonial government of Crete was to be directed to elect two

. 9114 ore supracomitt them with two to NegroTurkish armada. ponte. The and date send of this document andgalleys Sanudo’s date for the arrival of the brigantine from Modon with the news of

TT the Turkish attack are the same (22 April, 1428). Cf. lorga, 414 Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), col. 999DE, ROL, V, 371; Notes et extraits, 1, 471; Thiriet, Régestes,

whose account differs slightly from the contemporary re- II, no. 2084, p. 248. ports neted in Iorga, ROL, V, 371, note 1. The Turkish "5 Thomas and Predelli, Dipl. veneto-levantinum, II, nos. attack left its impress upon the Venetian documents also 172, 182, pp. 319, 345; Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, (Misti, Reg. 56, fol. 182" [184™], “MCCCCXXVIII, die IV, bk. x1, no. 25, p. 16, and bk. xu, no. 140, p. 164.

XXII Aprilis in consilio C.”): “Cum propter nova que 18 Sathas, I, no. 116, p. 179; Thiriet, Régestes, Il, no. nuper habentur de potenti armata Turchi, que nuper 2026, p. 236. When Giovanni Crispo’s only galley burned, descendit ad partes insule Nigropontis, pro defensione et the Senate replaced it with another, requiring him to pay conservatione dicte insule et civitatis nostre Salonichi et for it over a period of five years (Sathas, III, no. 890, aliarum terrarum et locorum nostrorum Levantis et proaliis _p. 304).

38 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT wholesome practice of lighting the beacons to first appearance. in history.1!® The Hexamilion warn of the approach of the Turks.’ But he was partially rebuilt, but he came back in 1431, doubtless did not dare to do so, and asno more demolishing it again.”° Thenceforth, for almost warning fires were lighted along his shores, the four centuries the presence of the Turk was to lights burned longer into the night in the ducal _ be the dominant political fact in the Morea. For palace in Venice, where the Senate gathered another thirty years the Greeks were to exercise

almost daily to decide upon their next move some effort, to be sure, to maintain the sem-

against the Turks. blance if not the substance of independence,

In the meantime the Moreote Greeks had been and indeed under Constantine Dragases Palaefaring less well than the Venetians in Negro- ologus they were to make more than one effort ponte. The ambitions of the Palaeologi in the — to throw off fear of the Turk and even seek to distant peninsula had excited, for some years, extend their dominion northward into con-

the hostile attention of the pashas who gathered _ tinental Greece. The advantage lay increasingly at the sultan’s palace set amid the poplar trees’ with the Turks, however, as their pace of conat Adrianople. Fight years after the erection of | quest quickened, and success was in almost conthe Hexamilion, the Turkish warrior Turakhan _ stant attendance upon their arms. Beg, son of the well-known pasha Yigit Beg, had

destroyed it on 21—22 May, 1423, after which 956) and Chron. 5 4 31114931 (B 518 he made the terrible raid into the Morea to 256) and Chron. breve, ad ann. 6931 [1423] (Bonn, p. 518),

. which dates the defeat of the Albanians on 5 June.

which we have already alluded. He ravaged the — sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 970B, 975B, 978E,

land, and attacked the cities of Mistra, Leondari, says that from the year 1424 the Byzantine government Gardiki, and Tabia.!!8 This was Turakhan Beg’s paid the Porte an annual tribute of 100,000 hyperpyri for the Morea. There seems to be a reference to Turakhan’s

—_ razzia in J. A. C. Buchon, Nouvelles Recherches historiques, 17 Misti, Reg. 57, fol. 200" [204%]; Sathas, III, no. 960, II (Paris, 1845), Florence: doc. Liv, p. 272, and see R. J.

p. 372; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XIV, no. 3,330, p. 43; Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve moréote de 1423,” Mélanges

Thiriet, Régestes, II, no. 2184, p. 271. Eugene Tisserant, If (Citta del Vaticano, 1964), 434-35 (Studi 118 An undated Venetian report of late May or early June, _e testi, no. 232).

1423, fixes the date of Turakhan Beg’s assault upon the 19 Cf. Franz Babinger, “Turakhan-Beg,” in the EncycloHexamilion (lorga, ROL, V, 136; Notes et extratis, I, 335): paedia of Islam, 1V (1924-34), 876-78. Turakhan Beg is now

“, . . videlicet quod die XXI mensis Maii exercitus Teu- known to have been the son of the pasha Yigit Beg, who crorum, cuius est capitaneus quidam Turacham-bey, cum captured Usktib (Skoplje) in January, 1392, apparently decem M. equitibus, se presentavit ad muros Eximilli et while he was governor of part of Bosnia; the grand vizir

repertis illis destitutis omni custodia et defensione ... Ishak Beg was also a son of Yigit Beg, and so the

dicti Teucri sine aliquo strepitu intraverunt, incipientes brother of Turakhan. Cf. Gli§a Elezovic, Turski spomenici statim ruinare et destruere dictos muros .. . ,” etc. Tabia uu Skoplju [Turkish Remains in Skoplje], Skoplje, 1927 (cited (or Dabia) had already been sacked five years before by by Babinger), and N. lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1 the Navarrese under Prince Centurione Zaccaria in the war (1908), 382-83. with the Palaeologi (Chron. breve, ad ann. 6926 [1418], 120 Chalcocondylas, bk. vi (Bonn, p. 283), and ¢f. Iorga, appended to Ducas, Hist. byzantina [Bonn, p. 517]). On the — Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 409; Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 9

history of Tabia, note Sp. P. Lampros, in the Byz. Zeitschr., (Bonn, p. 157, lines 18—20; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 159,

VII (1898), 311-15, and in Greek in Lampros’ Mexrai lines 9-12; ed. Grecu, p. 300, lines 25-27), who refers to

Ledides, Athens, 1905, pp. 448—56. the plague in Patras, which the Chron. breve, ad ann.

Although Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1030BC; ed. 6939 [1431] (Bonn, p. 518), identifies as the ninth pestilence Grecu, p. 16), gives only a brief notice of the destruction since the Black Death in 1348, there having been visitations

of the Hexamilion, he says that “Turakhan ... killed of the plague in 1348, 1361-2, 1373-4, 1381-2, 1391-2, many of the Albanitae;” Chalcocondylas, bk. v (Bonn, pp. 1398-9, 1409-10, 1417-8, 1422-3, and 1431, all in the 238-39; ed. Darko, II-1, 16-17), also describes Turakhan’s Morea (ef. Sp. P. Lampros and K. I. Amantos, eds., defeat of the Albanians who attacked him as he was with- Bpayéa Xpovixa, Athens, 1932-33, pp. 36, 46-47, and esp. drawing from the Morea. Cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, I, 31 [40] _ Loenertz, “La Chronique bréve moréote,” Mélanges Eugéne (Bonn, pp. 117-18; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 121; ed. Grecu, = Tisserant, IH, 415-36).

2. MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV, CONSTANCE AND FERRARAFLORENCE, OPPOSITION TO MURAD II QO‘ MONDAY, 5 NOVEMBER, 1414, the Leaving Constance in May, 1418, Martin spent Council of Constance opened with a pro- some time in Geneva, Milan, Mantua, Ferrara, cession and a solemn high mass in the cathedral and finally in Florence, where the hostility of overlooking the western shores of the Bodensee. Braccio da Montone, a soldier of fortune who Its purpose was to end forty years of schismatic was all-powerful in Umbria, obliged him to strife, effect the suppression of heresy, and bring remain for almost two years. Until he made a about reform of the Church “in head and _ short-lived peace with Braccio, and the Neapol-

members.” Quite as notable as the Fourth itan troops of Joanna II had been cleared out

Lateran Council of 1215, it was an assembly of of Rome, Martin. had to delay his return to the

momentous importance. After three years of city. He finally made a memorable entrance

work and wrangling, setting aside the threecom- into Rome at the end of September, 1420. As peting popes (John XXIII, Gregory XII, and he began the decade of his rule and residence

Benedict XIII) and suppressing some of the in and about Rome (he died on 20 February, hostilities which divided them, twenty-three 1431), Martin had too many Italian and European cardinals and the thirty “co-electors” representing problems to worry about, to allow him much

the five “nations” at Constance entered the time or money for the affairs of the East. Few conclave in the Kaufhaus or Merchants’ Hall popes have begun their reigns with so much to during the evening of 8 November, 1417. In do and with so many obstacles in the way. The

the early morning hours of the eleventh (it years at Avignon and the Great Schism had

was S. Martin’s day) Oddone Colonna, cardinal wrought havoc both in the Church and in Rome.

deacon of S. Giorgio in Velabro, emerged as_ Martin had to begin rebuilding a city from the

pope. He took the name Martin V.’ lawless shambles into which Rome had declined, ee restoring the dilapidated and impoverished 1 Martin V described his election, which took place “hora churches, reforming the College of Cardinals

in a letter to the officials and citizens of Viterbo an oe . .

quasi decima” (between three and four AM. in November); and attending to the local clergy, regaining the Corneto (Augustin Theiner, ed., Codex diplomaticus domini recognition of papal suzerainty in the states of temporalis Sanctae Sedis, 3 vols., Rome, 1861-62, repr. —-————— Frankfurt am Main, 1964, III, doc. no. ctu, pp. 219-20, Wolfgang Miller, eds., Das Konzil von Konstanz: Beitrige dated 11 November, and cf. Ludwig von Pastor, Geschichte zu seiner Geschichte und Theologie, Freiburg im Breisgau,

der Papste, | [repr. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1955], 219, note). 1964; and Theodor Mayer, ed., Die Welt zur Zeit des The chief collections of sources for the Council of Constance Konstanzer Konzils, Constance and Stuttgart, 1965 (in the

are those of Hermann von der Hardt, ed., Magnum Vortrage und Forschungen des Konstanzer Arbeitskreises

oecumenicum Constantiense concilium [with alterations of fiir mittelalterliche Geschichte, vol. IX). On Martin V’s

title in successive volumes], 6 vols., Frankfurt and election, note K. A. Fink in Franzen and Miiller, Konzil Leipzig, 1697-1700, with a seventh (index) volume by _ v. Konstanz, pp. 138-51; on the expenses incurred at his Georg C. Bohnstedt, Berlin, 1742; J. D. Mansi, ed., election and coronation and during the first months of his

Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vols. pontificate, see Fink, “Zum Finanzwesen des Konstanzer XXVII-XXVIII (Venice, 1784-85, repr. Paris, 1903); and = Konzils,” in the Festschrift fiir Hermann Heimpel, UI Heinrich Finke, ed., Acta concilii Constanciensis, 4 vols., (G6ttingen, 1972), 727—51. Selections from three important

Munster in W., 1896-1928. literary sources relating to the Council have been translated On the history and background of the Council, see into English by the late Louise Ropes Loomis, The Council

especially H. Finke, Forschungen und Quellen zur Geschichte of Constance, eds. J. H. Mundy and K. M. Woody, New des Konstanzer Konzils, Paderborn, 1889; Chas.-Jos. York and London, 1961 (Records of Civilization, Columbia Hefele, Jos. Hergenroether, H. Leclercq, et al., Histoire University, no. LXIII)—i.e., selections from the Chronicle des conciles d’apres les documents originaux, 11 vols. in of Ulrich von Richental, a burgher of Constance, the diary

21 parts, Paris, 1907-1952, VII, pt. 1 (1916), whose of Cardinal Guillaume Fillastre, and the “Journal” of Jacopo treatment of Constance is largely concerned with the Cerretano. A summary of Cerretano’s journal is now avail-

condemnation of the heretical doctrines of John Wyclif and able in P. Glorieux, Le Concile de Constance au jour le jour,

the executions of John Hus and Jerome of Prague, with Tournai, 1964. The texts of the most important decrees and

almost no attention to the Greek missions to Constance canons of the Council [and in fact of all twenty-one (op. cit., pp. 215, 504-5); Noél Valois, La France et le oecumenical councils from Nicaea in 325 to the Second Grand Schisme d’Occident, 4 vols., Paris, 1896—1902, Vatican Council in 1962-1965] may be found.in the repr. Hildesheim, 1967, IV, 262—436, who also has little Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, eds. Jos. Alberigo interest in the Greeks at Constance; August Franzen and et al., 3rd ed., Bologna, 1973, pp. 403-51.

39

40 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Church, and frustrating the conciliarists at A Byzantine mission to the Council of the Council of Pavia-Siena (1423—1424).? It was Constance, headed by the influential diplomat necessary to combat the anti-papal sentiment Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes, had been present and legislation in Aragon-Catalonia, France, at Constance since March, 1416.2 The Greeks England, Germany, and elsewhere, the pope’s had declined, however, to discuss church union severest struggles being with King Alfonso V_ until schism had been eliminated from the Latin

of Aragon and Count Jean d’Armagnac. Even Church. It has indeed been suggested that to if the pope had not had so much to do in Italy, some extent Martin V owed his election to the Europe was in no position and no mood to Greeks, who did not conceal’ their impatience support an anti-Turkish crusade. The English with the slow pace of the conciliar proceedings. were fighting the French, the Spaniards were Martin was especially taken with the unionist fighting the Moors, and the Germans were assurances of Eudaimonoioannes, and on 6

fighting the Hussites. April, 1418, before the dissolution of the Council, he had written the six sons of the

. . Emperor Manuel II, expressing the bitterness Theiner, Codex diplomaticus, II, nos. CLII—CCXLVI, of heart which the devastation of the Greek

pp. 220-301, publishes more than ninety documents rld had d hi d ti h of

relating to the pope’s problems in Italy. On the struggle wo nad Causec Mit, and granting each oO to reassert papal control over the cities of Rome and the princes the right of Marrying (should any Bologna, the March of Ancona, Umbria and the Romagna, choose to do so) women of the Latin faith, the Patrimonium S. Petri in Tuscia, and the duchy of provided the latter were allowed to remain in Spoleto, especially against the enterprising condottiere ,)]] possession of their faith and in obedience Braccio da Montone, see Peter Partner, The Papal State he “ R . lis Ecclesia.” under Martin V: The Administration and Government of to the ‘sancta Komana et universalis Ecclesia. the Temporal Power in the Early Fifteenth Century, London, 1958, esp. pp. 42—94, and on the background of events in = =§©=————————

the first two decades of the century, note Karl Dieterle, 5 Before the opening of the Council, John XXIII was said to “Die Stellung Neapels und der grossen italienischen be eagertosee every effort expended to effect the union of the Kommunen zum Konstanzer Konzil,’ Romische Quartal- churches. He also hoped to see a crusade organized when schrift, XXIX (1915), 3-21, 45-72 (with some attention to the Council had done its work, in which connection King

the Turkish peril, pp. 56-58), whose study seems to be Sigismund wrote Henry IV of England some time after

unfinished. For Martin’s correspondence from 1418 (or 12 March, 1412, “[speravimus] quod ecclesia Greca reconrather almost entirely from 1421) to 1430, see K. A. Fink, _ siliaretur et reuniretur Romane ecclesie sacrosancte, quoniam

“Die politische Korrespondenz Martins V. nach den_ et sanctissimus dominus noster dominus Johannes papa Brevenregistern,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italien- vicesimus tertius libenter videret quod passagium fieret ad ischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XXVI (1935-36), 172-244. terram sanctam post concilii celebrationem” (Finke, Acta On the Council of Pavia-Siena, see Hefele and Leclercq, conciliit Constanciensis, I [1896], 91).

Hist. des conciles, VII-1 (1916), 610—45; Noél Valois, Le The University of Paris wanted the Greeks to send Pape et le concile, 2 vols., Paris, 1909, I, 1-93; and ‘“solempnes ambasiatores” to the Council, to which John especially Walter Brandmuller, Das Konzil von Pavia- XXIII readily agreed (Acta, I, 156), and for which Siena, 1423 -1424, 2 vols., Minster, 1968-74, of which the Sigismund constantly pressed, because ecclesiastical union

second volume contains the (Latin) texts of conciliar was going to be the prelude to a great crusade (zbid., I, decrees, papal letters, sermons, and the “protocol” or 233-37, 391-401)—“eo ferventiores etiam ceteri principes proceedings of the Council by Guillermo Agramunt. catholici redderentur,” as Sigismund wrote the Emperor After another break with Martin V, Braccio da Montone Manuel II in May or June, 1411, “ad succurrendum vobis lost the bloody battle of L’Aquila (on 2 June, 1424), was eoque libentius et cum maiori sinceritatis zelo contra Turcos severely wounded, and died on 5 June (see the detailed study —_ vos utique adiuvarent” (I, 394). Although a crusade would

of Roberto Valentini, “Lo Stato di Braccio e la guerra be almost impossible without the co-operation of Venice, aquilana nella politica di Martino V [1421-1424],” Archivio | Sigismund’s hatred of the Republic was such that in the della R. Societa romana di storia patria, LILI [1929], spring of 1412 he offered Manuel his assistance to enable the 223-379, with thirty-four documents from the Vatican Greeks to recover Modon and Coron (I, 398). Quite clearly, Archives, and cf. Partner, op. cit., pp. 74-79). Martin was whatever result the negotium unionis might achieve, it was thus rid of his most obstreperous enemy in Italy. The not going to be a crusade. If the enmity between Venice defense of L’Aquila against Braccio was celebrated in a and Sigismund was not enough to prevent the launching vernacular epic, written shortly after his death (ed. R. of an anti-Turkish expedition, the renewal of warfare beValentini, Cantari sulla guerra aquilana di Braccio, di tween France and England (in 1415) certainly was. anonimo contemporaneo, Fonti per la Storia d'Italia, Rome, *Georg Hofmann, ed., Epistolae pontificiae ad Concilium 1935), in which he and his followers were assailed as “worse _Florentinum spectantes, 3 pts., Rome, 1940-46, I, doc. no. 2,

than the Saracens,” myno che Sarracyny (ibid., Cant. vil, pp. 4-5 (Concilium Florentinum, Documenta et scriptores, 15, p. 136). Martin V is very sympathetically presented as _ ser. A, vol. I); Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1418, no. 17, vol.

fighting for the liberty of the Aquilani as well as for the XVIII (Cologne, 1694), pp. 10-11: “Martinus, etc., dilectis freedom of the Church (e.g., zbid., Cant. v, 35 ff., pp. 105 ff.). _filiis nobilibus viris, Ioanni, ‘Theodoro, Andronico, Constantino,

Florence, under the Albizzi, generally resisted Martin’s Demetrio, et Thomae, filiis carissimi in Christo filii Manuelis

efforts. imperatoris Constantinopolitani illustris, salutem,” etc.

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 4] And thus the way was prepared for the unhappy At the same time, perhaps, Pope Martin marriages of Sophia of Montferrat to John VIII addressed an encyclical to all grades of the and of Cleopa Malatesta to Theodore II, the Catholic clergy (from Florence on 12 July, 1420),

despot of Mistra. extolling the crusade against the Turks and The Greek envoys to Constance may have depicting its spiritual rewards, for the especial received insufficiently precise instructions. Very benefit of Sigismund, king of the Romans and likely, however, they went beyond the terms of Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, and Croatia.’ of their commission. They clearly created the The following month, on 21 August, he notified impression that, when the western schism had __ the archbishops and clergy of the three German ended, the larger division of Christendom would _ electoral provinces of Cologne, Mainz, and ‘Trier

also cease. When the integrity of the Holy See that he had appointed Pedro Fonseca, the had been restored, the Byzantine Church would Portuguese cardinal deacon of S. Angelo, as

submit to the papacy. The delegates of the papal legate to Byzantium. The Emperor University of Cologne wrote home from Con- Manuel and the Patriarch Joseph IJ had re-

stance in late March, 1416, that quested the legation. Declaring that the papal the ambassadors of Manuel, the emperor of Con- ee was Soy a trun, assessed f. ach ° tthe stantinople, have just arrived here, dilating on the three provinces 0, gol ors or t c CXdistress which [the Greeks] are suffering at the PCMSes of Fonseca’s MISSION, pro reductione

hands of the Turks and seeking the assistance of Grecorum ... ad unitatem et obedientiam Christ’s faithful, giving [us all] the assurance that .. . Romane Ecclesie.”*

with the mediation of our king [Sigismund] it may well come about that the Greeks themselves will * Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1420, no. 26, vol. XVIII, conform to the Roman Church in their rites and pp. 30-31, “datum Florentie, IV Idus Iulii, [pontificatus

articles of faith. nostri] anno III.” On 6 March, 1418, the Venetians had or sent an embassy to the newly elected pope at Constance

Although the Greeks had always insisted upon tg encourage his efforts to make peace between them and the acceptance of church union by an oecumen- the Emperor Sigismund and to inform his Holiness in some ical council, officials at the Curia remained detail of the Republic’s needs and expectations in Greece,

hopeful of progress, as negotiations with Dalmatia, and elsewhere (Ljubi¢c, Listine, VII [1882],

Constantin Ep Ot: 1d d 8 1419 q 243-55, 257, 258-59, 265-66, 268 ff.) opte conunue uring an 8 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 353 [Martinus V de

1420. According to Sylvester Syropoulos, Martin Curia, anno III-IV, liber III], fols. 19°, 21", and cf. fols. Vv granted the crusading indulgence to Latin 21'-22', partially given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

Catholics who would go into the tle 108 Topontificatus hr rane pp.nostri 31-32, datum “1 . Morea orentie and al. Septembris, anno IIT,” bY once k t “We cevene the Hexamvion age and now published in full by Hofmann, Epistolae pontificiae

the ue € also says that no Latins chose ad Concilium Florentinum spectantes [hereafter cited as to do so. Epistolae pontificiae], pt. 1, nos. 11-13, pp. 7-10. The

————- diocese of Liége was also assessed 4,000 florins to help pay (Martin’s letter names the six imperial brothers inthe order for Fonseca’s proposed mission to Constantinople (zbid.,

of their birth.) Martin was also attentive to Polish, pt. 1, no. 14, p. 11). An interesting register in the Vatican Russian, and Lithuanian affairs (zbid., nos. 18-20, pp.11—12, Archives (Reg. Vat. 347), containing selections from the

and cf. O. Halecki, “La Pologne et l’empire byzantin,” correspondence of several popes (especially of Urban VI) Byzantion, VIL [1932], 52-54). On the Byzantine missions _ gives a list of all the cardinals as of late November, 1420 to the Council of Constance, note also Franz Délger and (fol. 1", unnumbered), the name of “Petrus Sancti Angeli” Peter Wirth, eds., Regesten der Katserurkunden des being scratched out with the notation “mortuus” when he ostromischen Reiches, pt. 5 (Munich and Berlin, 1965), died at Vicovaro on 21 August, 1422. Pedro Fonseca had esp. nos. 3345, 3354-55, 3369, 3372, 3374, pp. 100 ff. been made a cardinal by Benedict XIII on 14 December, 5 Edm. Marténe and Urs. Durand, eds., Thesaurus novus 1412 (Conrad Eubel, WHierarchia catholica medi aevi, anecdotorum, II (Paris, 1717, repr. New York, 1968), col. 1 [1913, repr. 1960], 30, and II, 5). 1661. The letter is dated “on the morrow of the Annunciation Fonseca’s appointment to the Byzantine legation is dated

of the Blessed Mary” [25 March, 1416]. 27 March, 1420 (Eubel, II, 5, note 11). Relevant letters of °Vitalien Laurent, ed. and trans., Les “Mémoires” du Martin V are to be found in Reg. Vat. 353, fols. 9'~11Y, Grand Ecclésiarque de UEglise de Constantinople Sylvestre 23'-24", addressed: “Dilecto filio Petro Sancti Angeli Syropoulos sur le concile de Florence (1438-1439), Rome, diacono Sancte Romane Ecclesie cardinali in Constan-

1971, sect. II, chaps. 5-6, pp. 104, 106, 108 (Conc. tinopolitano imperio et nonnullis aliis partibus apostolice

Florentinum, Documenta et scriptores, ser. B, vol. IX). sedis legato.” The first is dated at Florence on 10 April, 1420 Laurent’s long-awaited edition of Syropoulus, needlesstosay, (“datum Florentie IIII Idus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno

renders obsolete the work of Robert Creyghton, ed. and _ tertio”), and the second on 26 August, 1420 (“datum trans., Vera historia unionis non verae inter graecos et Florentie VII Kal. Septembris, pont. nostri anno tertio”). latinos sive Concilii Florentinit exactissima narratio, graecé Martin was much more concerned, however, about the scripta per Sylvestrum Sguropulum ... , The Hague, 1660. affairs of Pedro de Luna “contra prefatum perdicionis

42 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT During the great Turkish perilin the summer to the palace of Blachernae on the sixteenth, of 1422, when Sultan Murad II laid siege to Antonio was received by Manuel, to whom he

Constantinople, the Curia Romana bestirred presented his letters of credence. He was

itself on the Greeks’ behalf. Pope Martin V wrote scheduled to set forth in detail the purpose of

the Emperor Manuel from Rome on 8 October his mission on 3 October, but by that time (1422) that he had addressed appeals to the Manuel had suffered a paralytic stroke, which Hospitallers, Venetians, Genoese, and Duke caused him to lose both the power of speech and Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan to send aid to the use of his limbs.'° Two weeks later (on the the beleaguered city, indicating also that the fifteenth) Antonio was granted a private audi-

surest road to safety from the Turks as well ence with the “young emperor” John VIII, to as from the dangers of schism lay through whom he presented nine arguments, observa-

reunion with the Roman Church. Martin had _ tions, or “conclusions” relating to the hoped-for already nominated the Minorite friar Antonio union of the churches. John said that Antonio da Massa as apostolic nuncio to Constantinople might expect his answer within a few days. On

(on 15 June, 1422) to lay the groundwork for 19 October the Patriarch Joseph II received the general council which (Martin apparently Antonio into the presence of the Holy Synod, believed) was going to declare the union of the probably in Hagia Sophia, and received him

churches.?® again the following day in the Church of S. Fra Antonio da Massa arrived at Galata with Stephen, where Antonio once more advanced

a half-dozen fellow Franciscans on 10 September, _ his nine “conclusions” before a public gathering

a mere four days after the conclusion of the of bishops, monks, priests, and laymen both Turkish siege. Conducted by the Venetian bailie Greek and Latin. Like the emperor, the patriarch

——-—____ promised his response “within a few days.”"

filium Petrum de Luna, Benedictum XIII in eius dudum As befitted an apostolic nuncio, Fra Antonio

obediencia nuncupatum, hereticum et scismaticum” (fol. 9°), made his prima conclusio a statement of Pope

than aboutprimary conditions in the Consequently, although Martin’ desire helm}tor des; ¢ . ato Fonseca’s mission wasLevant. supposed to be “pro artin s overwhelming union,

reductione Grecorum et Orientalium” (ibid., fols. 203", Celebrate this paschal feast of union, communion, 204”), by the letter of 10 April Martin sent him to Spain and peace . . . together with you Greeks.” His

“ad prosternendam audaciam temerariam ac damnatam second “conclusion” was that evils without

perfidiam ipsorum Petri de Luna ac fautorum -.. et Humber had come about as a result of the sequacium ipsius hereticorum ac Benedict; schismaticorum. . . .”4ItNehjGreeks Th kshad hadsuffere suffered or; IOSSES was well for Fonseca to try to deal with after SC7#SM. grievous

all, it was Benedict who had given him the red hat. Cf. of dominion, wealth, and population. They were Raynaldus, ad ann. 1420, no. 2, where the date “pontificatus even then being crushed by the enemies of the nostri anno II” is a typographical error for “anno III.” cross. Unless the schism was brought to an end, his return from Spain, Fonseca found that conditions . the Tatars and Turks would lord it over them inUpon Constantinople made a formal legation no longer appropri- € SW © ate. The Greeks wanted a council, and someone of less all; they would have to renounce the gospel of exalted rank than a cardinal would have to try toarrangethe Christ and become the slaves of Mohammed. hundred preliminary details with them. By September, 1421, As his third point Antonio insisted upon the clear Fonseca’s eastern mission had once more been postponed, and categorical assurances made to Martin V

and a papal letter now identifies him as legate in Naples, the by the Domini friar Theod Ch b “kingdom of Sicily” (Reg. Vat. 353, fols. 249°-251", y the Vominican Iriar codore UNrysoberses, “datum Rome apud Sanctam Mariam Maiorem undecimo 4 Greek convert to Catholicism and bishop of Kal. Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno quarto”). Cf. ibid. Olena in the Morea,” and by the lord Nicholas fols. 268'—-274’, 275-276", docs. also dated 21 September,

1421. On the whole the extant letters of Martin are of only —§ —————————

secondary importance for the history of eastern affairs. According to Sphrantzes, Chron. minus, 1x, 2, in PG ® Hofmann, ed., Epistolae pontificiae, 1, nos. 15-17, 156, 1030A, and ed. Grecu (1966), p. 14, “on the sixth day of pp. 11-14. Martin V’s letter of 8 October, 1422 (inc. “Iam the month of September in the year 6931 [i.e., 1422, Murad] pridem audiebamus”), is published by Hofmann, zbid.,no.17, left the City . . . without having accomplished anything.”

pp. 12-14, from the text of Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad He also dates Manuel’s stroke to 1 October (1422). ann. 1422, no. 2. The letter may be found in the Arch. " Relatio de ambaxiata facta ad Graecos, in J. D. Mansi, Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 5, fols. 168’-170", by ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, mod. stamped enumeration. It bears the date “datum Rome XXVIII (Venice, 1785, repr. Paris, 1903), cols. 1063-64. apud S. Marcum XVIII Idus [sic!] Octobris, anno quinto,” ” According to Jacopo Cerretano, Liber gestorum, ed. which is lacking in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fols. 50-51", the —_‘ Finke, Acta, II (1923), 266, 268, Andreas Lascary Goslawicki,

text transcribed by Raynaldus (see above, Chapter 1, bishop of Poznan (cf. C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica, 1 (1913, note 42). Another undated copy of this brief may be found _ repr. 1960], 408), spoke approvingly of “Frater Theodorus in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 4, fols. 120'-122*’, by mod. stamped _ ordinis Predicatorum in greco et sacris scripturis eruditus”

enumeration. in a sermon given in the cathedral of Constance “on

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 43 Eudaimonoioannes, the Byzantine envoy to _ the savage war of the Turks and because of their the Curia Romana, “that it was the wish of the passage from Asia to Greece.” And in Conmost reverend patriarch of Constantinople and _ stantinople there was still no sign of preparation

of the most serene emperor of the Greeks for the council. Obviously the legate could not [Romani | to effect and secure without deceit come under these circumstances.

or guile the most sacred union of the Greek with Antonio’s sixth point concerned himself. The

the Latin Church in that faith which the Holy pope had sent him as nuntius apostolicus to Roman Church holds and in obedience to the help pave the way for a council with full Greek

said Church of Rome.” representation, for the sad experience of Lyon

In his fourth observation Antonio dwelt on must not be repeated. In his so-called eighth Martin’s prompt appointment of Cardinal Pedro “conclusion” Antonio promised the assistance

Fonseca as papal legate to Constantinople of the kings of Aragon, Castile, and Portugal

because of Chrysoberges’ and Eudaimonoioannes’ if the Greeks embraced the union with sincerity

“promissa tam mirifica.” Fonseca’s arrival on of word and deed. Glib and _ self-assured,

the Bosporus had, to be sure, been delayed by Antonio did not make a very favorable imprescertain needs of the Church in Spain, whither sion upon the Greeks. His nine points possess he had gone, however, with the knowledge and no little historical interest for us, but they are approval of Eudaimonoioannes. Fonseca’s ap- repetitious and poorly developed. It is most

pointment had not come at a good time for unlikely that they were prepared in the papal

a voyage to Greece (TO6TE yap ovK HY Kaipos chancery or the Camera. The Greek version was emiTnoetos Tou mhéeww mpos THY ‘EAAaS6a). presumably hammered out in the Catholic

Furthermore, the necessary arrangements had convents of Galata.

not yet been made for holding the proposed With rigid courtesy the Patriarch Joseph II

council in Constantinople, and the Greeks had answered Antonio da Massa’s nine contentions,

made it clear that there could be no union’ one by one and at some length. He denied

without the council. Unfortunately a grave absolutely that Eudaimonoioannes’ commission illness had also detained Fonseca in Spain. But ‘had ever included any assurance that the Greek

when he was getting ready for the voyage to Church would submit to the disciplinary or Greece (says Antonio in his quinta conclusio) theological dictates of the Church of Rome. If Theodore Chrysoberges and many other per- Eudaimonoioannes ever gave the pope the sons had written that no assembly of Greek assurances which Antonio had just recounted, prelates was possible at the time “because of it was plain and simple calumny (ovKogartia aoapyns) of the Greek patriarchate and the Wednesday, 13 December, in the year 1415” [which date cpuren. es eed, every , - to th vos Ro of tre fell on a Friday, but no matter]. A letter of King Ladislas ure oO onstantinople to u at 0 ome, the of Poland, dated 29 August, 1415, recommends to the patriarch declared, had always insisted upon the Council in the highest terms “dominus frater Theodorus necessity of a truly oecumenical council to deal Constantinopolitanus vicarius generalis societatis ordinis with the thorny problem of church union. Such . . Predicatorum, vir catholicusperitus et devotus,inprout sua opera a councilydeomatibus would not be an asse manifeste ostendunt, greco, tartarico oormbly / pro forma et latino, ex litteris multorum principum christiane fidei to confirm the objectives of the Latin Church. nobis multipliciter commendatus . . .” (Finke, Acta, UI Disappointed by the patriarch’s response, An-

[1926], 281). tonio was certainly taken aback by that of the

There were three brothers Chrysoberges, all converts to emperor.” Andreas. The first was not active in the unionist negotiations = ~~~ of their time; Theodore and Andreas were, on which see ‘8 On Antonio da Massa’s mission to Constantinople, with especially R. J. Loenertz, “Les Dominicains byzantins the Greek and Latin texts of the pope’s “nine articles,” Théodore et André Chrysobergés et les négociations pour see Vitalien Laurent, “Les Préliminaires du concile de union des Eglises grecque et latine de 1415 a 1430,” Florence: Les Neuf Articles du pape Martin V et la réponse Catholicism and all Dominicans, Maximus, Theodore, and

Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 1X (1939), 5-61. Theodore _ inédite du patriarche de Constantinople Joseph II (Octobre

died in or shortly before 1429 (ibid., p. 47), and Andreas 1422),” in the Revue des études byzantines, XX (1962), about 1451, at which time he had been archbishop of Nicosia 5-60, with refs. Note also Syropoulos, Mémoires, I1, 10-11,

in Cyprus for about four years (ibid., p. 8, and C. Eubel, ed. Laurent (1971), p. 112; Joseph Gill, The Council of Hierarchia catholica, 11 [1914, repr. 1960], 202). Note also Florence, Cambridge, 1959, pp. 31-36, and Personalities of

M. H. Laurent, “L’Activité d’André Chrysobergés, O. P., the Council of Florence, Oxford, 1964, pp. 233-35; and sous le pontificat de Martin V (1418-1431),” Echos J. W. Barker, Manuel IIT Palaeologus, New Brunswick, @Onrent, XXXIV (1935), 414-38, and esp. Jean Darrouzés, N.J., 1969, pp. 327-29. Antonio da Massa presented a report

in the Arch. FF. Praed., XX1¥ (1951), 301-5. of his mission to the Council of Siena on 8 November, 1423.

44 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On Saturday, 14 November (1422), after tions. Some seven months or more after the further discussion with his advisers, John VIII conclusion of the Council of Constance, which replied to Pope Martin’s proposals. Although he was dissolved on 22 April, 1418, a Venetian had been informed, as John wrote the pope, ambassador was directed to remind Martin that that Nicholas Eudaimonoioannes and Bishop _ granting bishoprics and prelacies in commendam

Theodore of Olena had declared (at the Curia was a pernicious practice which should be Romana) that the Byzantine government wanted halted. The Republic had long observed the to see ecclesiastical union achieved secundum results in its possessions in Greece and the Ecclesiam Romanam, John denied that he or his islands. If bishops did not reside in their sees father had ever given Nicholas and Theodore and make clear the error of schism and provide authority to make any such statement. He had instruction in the Latin faith, the schism would always intended that the question of church soon embrace everyone in the Latin Levant (and

union should be dealt with by a general the Venetian hold upon Coron, Modon, Negrocouncil to be held in the hallowed tradition of ponte, and the islands would become more the sancta septem universalia concilia. The council difficult to maintain). It often happened that,

must be held at Constantinople, for John could owing to the absence of bishops and other not leave his capital in the then foreseeable prelates, Catholics died and were buried with future. All the Greek patriarchs and bishops Greek rites. Others were baptized by Greek must be in attendance at the council, for which _ priests. His Holiness must not allow the continu-

the papacy must pay the expenses. The imperial ance of this tragic neglect, but must strive to

treasury was exhausted. John wished that the see that Christianity increased rather than

council might meet immediately (hodie), but it decreased in the lands overseas. was unfortunately not possible, propter guerras The Venetians were more worried about the infidelium, to bring together the bishops either expansion of the Turks, however, than about

from Asia Minor or from Europe. When peace the extension of schismatic rites in their had been re-established, and some stability territories. As usual, the Italian states were introduced into imperial affairs, John would lacking in enthusiasm for a crusade, but in notify the pope promptly, and then the first March, 1423, Martin V sent the ever-ready steps might be taken toward assembling the Antonio da Massa to Venice, appealing for aid council. In the meantime he asked Martin for to be sent to the Bosporus “to rescue and defend an armed force to help defend his territories, the city of Constantinople, lest it should fall into

and requested the promulgation of a bull of the hands of the infidel Turks.” Fra Antonio

excommunicatio generalis, terribilis et insolubilis could inform the Senate in detail concerning against Latins who collaborated with the Turks conditions in the Byzantine capital, and he or who failed to help the Greeks defend them- evoked a good response from the Venetians. selves. Martin should send to Constantinople They expressed high praise for Martin’s concern a cardinal with full authority to act, atthe same with Byzantine affairs, which they urged him time presumably as he sent the men-at-arms, and __ not to relax, so that the Christian world might the unionis opus might begin from the very day of the cardinal’s arrival on the Bosporus." 45 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 7, fol. 50°, Although Martin V seems not to have been dated 29 November, 1418, from the commission issued in the offended at the emperor’s rather brusque reply, name of the Doge Tommaso Mocenigo to Lorenzo Bragadin, he was impeded in his desire to assist the Greeks who was being sent as the Venetian ambassador to Martin V:

by lack of funds. But Curia Romana In facto autem commendarum funtet et insulis dantur et . . the . specialiter deregarded episcopatibus existentibus in que locis the Greeks as schismatics, and the schism had postris partium Grecie similiter debeas iustificare rationes et political and social as well as religious implica- causam nostri dominii et precipue quia si episcopi earum ibi non residebunt, qui convincant sci{fs]ma Grecorum et

—_—_———— instruant in recta fide catolica, illud sci[s}ma in tantum 14Georg Hofmann, ed., Orientalium documenta minora, multiplicabitur quod omnes deinde fient Greci. Nam

Rome, 1953, doc. no. 1, pp. 3-4 (Concilium Florentunum, multociens occursum est quod propter absentiam episcoporum Documenta et scriptores, ser. A, vol. III, fasc. 3); Délger, et aliorum non facientium residentiam in prelaturis suis multi Regesten der Kaiserurkunden, pt. 5, no. 3406, pp. 110-11, catolici mortui sunt qui habuerunt sacramenta greca et sepulti with refs.; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1422, nos. 1-15, more Grecorum et multi pueri orti defectu prelatorum more vol. XVII (1694), pp. 40—45a. (Raynaldus is, as usual, well greco fuerunt batizati quod sua Beatitudo non debet velle informed, but he makes the error here [no. 5] of assuming _consentire per aliquam viam mundi cuius debet esse maxima

that Manuel II died of his stroke, as certain other older et precipua cura ut Christianitas augeatur et non minuatur writers have done.) per tales modos.”

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 45 know the supreme pontiff was ever on guard. unexpected disaster fell upon the Latin kingdom They believed that the Turkish menace might be of Cyprus. Having ravaged parts of the island removed, for some time at least, by a flotilla of in August, 1425, the Mamluks of Egypt returned ten well-armed galleys which should act in the following July, defeated and captured King unison with those of John VIII. Speedy action Janus, killed his brother Prince Henry of Galilee, was essential. A legate could be put in command took the capital city of Nicosia, and looted the of the ten galleys, of which the Venetians would island far and wide. For eight months Janus was supply three at their own expense, provided that kept in captivity in Cairo (until April, 1427), and other Christian states would supply the re- during this period the woeful affairs of Cyprus mainder. There can be no question either of distressed both the Curia and the Italian states."° papal or of Venetian sincerity in these expressed But there were other distractions in Italy, the

desires to assist the Greeks in Constantinople, _

but it was no easy matter to recruit galleys from Tshéques avant la chute de Constantinople,” Byzantino-

other western powers.’® slavica, XIV [1953], 158-225, and Antonin Salaé, “Con-

Actually Martin already had his hands full. des stantinople et Prague en 1452: Pourpariers en vue gune : . union Eglises,”’ Rozpravy Ceskoslovenské ademie It was the era of the Hussite crusades: Vid, LXVIIL [1958], L-til, aith texts [and facsimiles]

Bohemia was ablaze . with religious revolt; oF the important documents).

Czech valor crowned with victory every Hussite F, M. Barto’, “A Delegate of the Hussite Church to Concampaign against the Catholics.‘7 And now _ stantinople in 1451-1452,” Byzantinoslavica, XXIV (1963), 28792, and XXV (1964), 69-74, has tried to show that the mys-

TT terious Constantine Anglicus was the Czech Hussite diplomat 16 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 8, fol. 98" [99"], dated 31 March, 1423; Matthew of Hnatnice, who became known as Matthew Giuseppe Valentini, ed., Acta Albaniae veneta saeculorum English, owing to his connection with the Wycliffites. XIV et XV, XI (1971), no. 2,708, pp. 218-19, summarized in BartoS believes that he received the name Constantine, N. lorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a Uhistotre des “unknownin Bohemia,” when he was received into the Greek

croisades au XV® siécle, 6 vols., Paris and Bucharest, church. A number of Czech scholars have tried to identify 1899-1916, I, 332-33, and cf. pp. 336-37, 352-53, reprinted Constantine Anglicus. Their efforts have been more ingenious

from Revue de UOrient latin (abbr. ROL), V (1897, repr. than convincing.

1964), 133-34, 137-38, 153-54; F. Thiriet, Régestes des 8 Sir Geo. Hill, A History of Cyprus, II (Cambridge,

délibérations du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, 1948),471-—95. Nevertheless, on 9 December, 1425, Martin V II (1959), no. 1876, p. 201. Documents relating to Antonio — granted the Venetians a license to trade with the Egyptians.

da Massa may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. The customary prohibition of dealing in such articles of

Vat. 354 [Martini V de Curia, anno IV-VI, liber IV], contraband as arms, metals, timber, etc., was imposed, of

fols. 90¥-91", 190°. course, but was often evaded (cf. R. Predelli, Regesti det

17For a succinct account, see F. G. Heymann, “The Commemoriali, 1V [1896], bk. x1, no. 199, pp. 66-67). The Crusades against the Hussites,” in K. M. Setton and archival copy of the pope’s licentia to trade with Egypt may H. W. Hazard, eds., A History of the Crusades, HI (1975), be found in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 356 [Martini 586-646; and at longer length, Heymann, John Zizka and V Bullar. secret. tom. VI}, fols. 11%-12", “datum Rome the Hussite Revolution, Princeton, 1955. The Czechs and the apud Sanctos Apostolos, V Idus Decembris, pontificatus Greeks, in their common antipathy to Rome, were inevitably nostri anno nono.” On the Cypriote disaster of July, 1426,

drawn together in consultation. Although John Hus had — see the contemporary report in Gelcich and Thalléczy, declared in 1404 that “Greci sunt extra ecclesiam Romanam, Diplomatarium ragusanum (1887), no. 203, p. 321, dated 12 extra quam nemo Salvatur, quia non recipiunt papam cum December, 1426, and cf. pp. 323-24, 325.

cardinalibus” (Opuscula, I1, 113), his break with the Curia In a letter, the preamble to which obviously rehearses Romana led him and the later Hussites to take a more King Janus’s own account of the Egyptian invasion of conciliatory attitude toward the Greeks. The evasiveness and Cyprus, Martin V’s successor Eugenius IV granted Janus intransigence of the Curia in dealing with the Hussites, an assessment on all ecclesiastical benefices in the Spanish especially after the apparent union of the Roman and _ kingdoms, France, England, and Viennois, to help relieve Byzantine Churches (as declared at Florence in July, 1439), his distress and that of his subjects, observing “quod led to a Czech mission to Constantinople at the turn of the | soldanus Babilonie cum magna infidelium comitiva regnum

years 1451-1452, when the envoy, one “Constantine tuum Cypri manu armata violenter invasit, necnon terras Platris Anglicus,” was received into the Greek Church by dicti regni spoliavit et devastavit nonnullosque utriusque Gennadius (George Scholarius) and the anti-unionists. sexus fideles eiusdem regni incolas gladio crudeliter interemit:

Anglicus assailed the pope in a public discourse, and necnon te eorum nequitie fortiter resistentem cum magna received a letter signed by seven anti-unionist dignitaries _ fidelium multitudine captivavit captumque abduxit et tandem (including Gennadius and Sylvester Syropoulos, the historian _pro tua liberatione a te maximas pecuniarum quantitates

of the Council of Ferrara-Florence), addressed to the exegit pro qua partim exsolvenda magnam partem introituum Czechs, inviting their adhesion to the Orthodox Church. _ regni tui diversis creditoribus pignori obligare ac quosdam Anglicus and certain of the Utraquists in Prague presumably ex _tuis subditis pro parte restante obsides in captivitate looked upon his mission as the beginning of another “union,” dimittere miserabiliter coactus fuisti . . .” (Arch. Segr. this time an unlikely alignment of the anti-Roman Hussites Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fol. 199). Eugenius also had and the anti-Roman Greeks (see the knowledgeable but dis- _ to protect Janus from the usurers who sought to profit from cursive study of M. Paulova, “L’Empire byzantin et les his misfortune (zbid., fols. 199%—201’).

46 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT northern and central states being much dis- to promote the crusade or to relieve the Turkish turbed by the war which Duke Filippo Maria was _ pressure on Constantinople. He was as likely to

fighting with the Florentines (1422-1428) and ponder the broken fortunes of King Janus and

finally with the Venetians (1426-1428). The the humiliation of the Latin Christians in latter carried off the palm of victory, and much Cyprus as to worry about the well-being of the increased their strength on land by pushing their Greeks and the future of the Palaeologi. westward frontier beyond Brescia and Bergamo.

Well might the pope rejoice when peace was In the middle ages as in modern times the made on 19 April, 1428.'° Despite the troubles jure of the East drew many Europeans as of these years, the pope had pursued plans for travelers and even residents into the Levant. a council which might re-unite the Greek and Often piety or curiosity attracted them to Latin Churches. ‘The Greek Dominican Andreas religious or historical sites, and natural beauty Chrysoberges, Theodore’s brother, had been captivated the merchant as well as the poet. But

active as an envoy between Rome and Con- there were dark sides to life in the Levant. The stantinople from June, 1426, and in 1430 modern historian, who dwells on the inconstancy Martin V reached an agreement with the and self-seeking of the Greeks in the fifteenth Byzantine’ court whereby the: Emperor John century, must also take account of the undoubted VIII, the Patriarch Joseph II, and the other cruelty of the Turks and the cynical greed of three patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Latin Christians who made what they could of Alexandria with their attendant high clergy immoral opportunities in distant lands, anxious should come “to some coastal city of Calabria as__ to profit in ways they would never have tolerated

far [north] as Ancona, which the emperor of at home, where such practices would have enthe Greeks shall choose.” The Holy See would tailed obloquy and penalties. There was no Turk

pay the expenses for the four heavy galleys so lecherous that the Christian slave trader

required to bring to Italy a Greek delegation would not sell him a beautiful girl or a handsome

of up to 700 members. It would also pay for boy. As the captives of many eastern nations the maintenance of two light galleys and 300 were assembled in the Genoese marts at Caffa crossbowmen for the defense of Constantinople and elsewhere, healthy youngsters and strong men

during the emperor’s absence. If by some brought a good price. The aged and infirm mischance, quod absit, union should not be were not salable; physicians’ services and

achieved, the Greeks were nevertheless to be medicines were expensive; and thousands of conveyed back to the Bosporus “at the expense persons were left to die (and encouraged of the Latin Church.’”! This was the agreement, thereto) by traders who regarded them merely and from 1430 the Greeks always insisted upon as undesirable items on the debit side of the the fulfillment of its terms. Martin was certainly ledger. The papacy was the conscience of willing to do so, and more, but during the last Europe. More than one conclave was marred years of his reign he could do little or nothing by simony in the fifteenth century, and the

ee Curia was not without its sly politicians. The 7 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 5, fols. papacy was still the conscience of Europe,

331¥-334", by mod. stamped enumeration; Raynaldus, however, and it spoke out against those aspects Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1428, nos. 2-4, vol. XVIII (1694), of the slave trade which were offensive to the PP. 08 0s P en ey Regesti det Commemoriali, IV, bk. fifteenth century. Slavery as such was part of the 20 Hofman, Pe pistolae pontificiae, I, nos. 23-25, pp. 17-19; SCial fabric of the age, accepted by almost everyLoenertz, “Les Dominicains byzantins Théodore et André ONC. There were few propagandists for abolition. Chrysobergés,” Arch. FF. Praedicatorum, 1X (1939), 49 ff. On 3 June, 1425, Martin V declared anathema " Epistolae pontificiae, 1, no. 26, p. 20, and ¢f. nos. 66, those miscreants who sold their fellow Christians

75, pp. 67, 75-76. The offer Martin V made to the Greeks to the Moslems. who often made them abjure was generous, for at this very time (1429-1430) a commission : . , of cardinals asked him to reduce the overgrown staff of their faith, treated them harshly, and employed clerks in the Camera Apostolica to its erstwhile number of | them for immoral purposes.”

four, “which was sufficient when the Camera had more than Christian captives already in Turkish and three times [its present income!],” . . . qui sufficiebat cum Egyptian hands were naturally a problem

camera in triplo plus habundabat . . . (Johannes Haller, ed.,

Concilium Basiliense, 1 [1896, repr. 1971], 168, on which work =—§ ————————

see below, note 37). I owe this reference to Dr. Peter Partner. 2 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1425, no. 19, vol. XVHI Allusion has already been made to this text atthe beginning (1694), pp. 79b-80a, “datum Rome apud SS. Apostolos,

of Chapter 1. tertio non. Iun., [pontif. nostri] anno VIII.”

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 47 which concerned the Holy See, for they often “in medio Christianitatis barbaros ipsis barbaris exchanged the worst miseries of their lot for crudeliores,” but the Genoese government could conversion to Islam (and the assumed loss of supply the proofs of his innocence, and asked salvation). Many such converts to Islam were to the pope to send him the necessary bulls. The be found among Serbian and Balkan slaves government also wrote the young King Henry and captives in the Ottoman empire. There were VI on Vernazza’s behalf, declaring that his Cypriote and other former Christians in Egypt. calumniators had taken advantage of his vulnerOn 19 February, 1429, Martin V proclaimed an _ ability as a foreigner to level false charges indulgence with full remission of sins for those against him, and asking the king’s intervention who, contrite in heart and by confession, should “for God, for justice, and for truth.”?4 It is have made themselves worthy by ransoming’or _ pleasant to note that Vernazza was rescued from otherwise redeeming such captives from the his predicament, and was subsequently employed torment to body and peril to soul which captivity (in March, 1431) by the Genoese on another

had brought them.” mission of mercy and diplomacy to Tunis, where

One wonders of course what effect papal he was again to secure the release of captives, pronouncements had upon slave traders. Al- and to introduce some order into the Genoese though ransoming Christian captives from the colony there, pending the arrival of a new infideis had long been recognized as a good consul who was being sent from Genoa.”° work, we must not fail to mention at this point Popes might come and go, but the problems the unusual efforts of one Pietro da Vernazza, faced by the Curia tended to remain the same. a Genoese, who almost came to grief in the self- Consistent policies were easily pursued from one

sacrificing pursuit of a noble enterprise. On reign to the next. After Martin V we find his 12 March, 1428, the Genoese government wrote successor, Eugenius IV, in communication with

Martin V of the singular example of Christian the Genoese government on the question of charity provided by Vernazza, who had long slavery in the Levant. On 13 February, 1434, before abandoned the petty pomp and circum- the Genoese wrote Eugenius, acknowledging stantial comforts of life to aid the poor to the the reverent receipt of a papal letter, informing fullest extent of his own slender resources. them that they were being held up to opprobrium Learning that there were many Christians held for shipping Christian slaves from their Black captive in the kingdom of Tunis, Vernazza had Sea port of Caffa to Egypt and other infidel made his way into the Libyan desert where the _ states. The government strenuously denied the king of Tunis was then encamped, ransomed charge, claiming that Caffa had in fact become as many captives as he could, and repaired to a “pillar of the Christian faith.” Colonial officials the Holy See, where he had obtained bulls of in Caffa were bound by treaties with neighboring indulgence. Collecting more money, he sailed lords not to export slaves outside the Black Sea back to Africa, where again he ransomed many __ region except on Genoese vessels which put into

Genoese captives. Moved by the sufferings ofthe the port of Caffa itself. Here before their enslaved of every nation, he returned to Rome embarkation the slaves were counted, and a and obtained a new set of indulgences. Soon he _ special tax (vectigal) levied on them. Then the undertook a voyage to England, “that is, to the bishop, accompanied both by religious and by far corner of the North, . . . in order that he laymen, came aboard the vessel on which they

might collect in that most wealthy island as were to be exported. He called to each slave much money as would suffice forthe redemption in turn, asking to what nation he belonged,

of so many unfortunate captives.” Poor Vernazza, whether he was a Christian, and (if not) whether

who had impoverished himself to help others, —_

had been charged in England with employing 24 Arch. di Stato di Genova, Litterae comunis Janue, Reg. forged bulls, had been imprisoned, and might 3/1779 (1427-1431), nos. 184, 191, fols. 73, 76, summarized have lost his life but for the intervention of in lorga, ROL, V, 369-70, and Notes et extraits, I, 469-70. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, who had had _0%22 October (1428, the Genoese government wrote agai confidence in his innocence. Vernazza had Clemente on Vernazza’s behalf (Litterae, ibid., nos. 307-8, found, like many a man before and after him, _ fols. 124-25; ROL, V, 382-83), and on 23 November thanked Humphrey of Gloucester for the protection he afforded rs73Genoese citizens (Litterae, ibid., no. 324, fol. 131; ROL, Raynaldus, ad ann. 1429, no. 21, vol. XVIII, pp. V, 383). 75b—76a (sic, by error in pagination), “datum Rome apud > Iorga, ROL, VI (1898, repr. 1964), 100, and Notes et SS. Apostolos, XI Kal. Martii, [pontif. nostri] anno XII.” extraits, I, 538.

48 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT he did not wish to adopt the Christian faith. manifested by Mehmed II the Conqueror in his Any slave thus converted was removed from the constant campaigns). Christians were allowed to

vessel and sold on land to a Christian purchaser. continue in their faith and preserve most of

This procedure, the Genoese government their local customs and practices with little piously informed the pope, resulted in con- hindrance or oppression so long as they paid versions. But for such treaties as those which _ the poll-tax or kharaj levied on non-Moslems (the

controlled the slave trade in Caffa, it was said, raya). In addition every landholder paid a tax, one would have seen ships loading slaves from according to the number of his sheep, goats, Trebizond, Tana, Vosporo, Phasis, and other cattle, and oxen, and a tithe was levied upon ports on the Euxine for transport to Egypt. The every harvest. The animus with which modern

Genoese therefore deserved praise rather than Balkan peoples recall the long period of

censure, and the government reminded the pope Ottoman hegemony is partly the consequence

that these statements could easily be verified, of the corruption of Turkish officialdom in because Caffa was a frequent port of call.” the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In the age of the conquest there was a good deal of By March, 1431, when Gabriele Condulmer, integrity at the sultan’s court although in the

cardinal-priest of S. Clemente, succeeded Martin chapters which follow we shall note some apallV as Pope Eugenius IV, the Turks had extended ing examples of cruelty, especially on the part

their sway throughout much of the Balkans. of Mehmed II and his chief officers.?” In many During the fifteenth century, however, they areas, nevertheless, the native populations subprobably did not bear as heavily upon the native jected by the Turks may not have found them Christian peoples as has commonly been assumed much worse than their previous masters.

(except, as we shall see, for the brutality As Bulgarian, Serbian, and Byzantine re-

sistance was beaten down, the Turks are alleged

2 orga, ROL, VI, 128, and Notes et exiraits, 1, 566. ‘© have taken over (or imitated) ‘lly th, Byzantine The Genoese assertions are borne out by the provisions institutions, retaining especially the military composed in Genoa for a treaty between the Republic and fiefs. From the end of the fourteenth century the soldan of Egypt (ibid., 1, 533-36, doc. dated 1-3 the Ottoman government had been establishing vebruary, eb On me srave trade, sre m general Charles great fiefs which were conferred upon the erlinden, “Esclaves du Sud-Est de !Est en beys or begs of the border, margraves.of. proven Espagne orientale a laet fin dueuropéen moyen age,” Revue historique i.

du Sud-Est européen, XIX (1942), 371-406. As Caffa on the faith, in whose families they became hereditary, Black Sea was a center of the Genoese slave trade, so Tana and in Bosnia, southern Serbia, Macedonia, and

on the Sea of Azov supplied quantities of slaves to Thessaly such feudal families were to remain in Venetian merchants (cf. Verlinden, La Colonie vénitienne possession of large estates almost until our own

de centre deStudi la traite des esclaves XIV° et au dav. h the Turksdestroye dest d a large du Tana, XV° siécle,” in onore di GinoauLuzzatto, 11 début [Milan, ay.Alth thoug € turks Se Pppro1950], 1-25). See also the excellent article by Verlinden,

“La Créte, débouché et plaque tournante de la traite des = ~_____ esclaves aux XIV® et XV® siécles,” Studi in onore di 7 D. Angelov, “Certains Aspects de la conquéte des peuples Amintore Fanfani, 111 (Milan, 1962), 591-669, and note Helga _ balkaniques par les Turcs,” Byzantinoslavica, XVII (1956),

Kopstein, Zur Sklaveret im ausgehenden Byzanz, Berlin, 220-75, has described the undeniable destructiveness of the 1966, esp. pp. 87 ff. (Berliner byzantinistische Arbeiten, Turkish invasions of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries

no. 34). with a sense of almost personal outrage. The Genoese were among the most conspicuous slave *° Cf. Franz Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore e il suo

dealers of the fifteenth century, handling for the trade tempo, Turin, 1957, pp. 56~57 and 29: “. . . but the history Tatars, Russians, and Circassians from the Caucasus; Greeks, of these fiefs can be placed in a clearer light only when the

Bulgarians, Serbs, and Albanians from the Balkans; and oldest Ottoman tax records are accessible, and studies are Arabs, Moors, and a few blacks from North Africa. See made of the fiefs in Rumelian territory.” It is easily possible Domenico Gioffré, Il Mercato degli schiavi a Genova nel secolo to exaggerate the extent to which the Porte borrowed from XV, Genoa, 1971, whose work makes clear (esp. pp. 39 ff., | Byzantium at the time of the capture of Constantinople and 126) that Christians were indeed held as slaves, especially if to draw specious parallels between the Byzantine and the their conversion occurred after their captivity. Slaves were Ottoman empires (cf, ibid., pp. 171-72), but on the Turkish employed in commerce, industry, and agriculture as well as _—témar (fief), in some respects like the Byzantine pronoia,

in domestic service, concubinage, and prostitution. In Genoa’ ¢f. the suggestive but rather diffuse article of J. Deny,

females brought a much better price than males; they Encyclopaedia of Islam, IV (1924-34), 767-76. In the

usually cost from about 70-80 lire to about 250 or so. On ‘Turkish National Archives are registers which go back to the the whole 150-160 lire was a high price, but the cost of slaves | time of Mehmed the Conqueror, and at least one important rose in the last two decades of the century. The Genoese _ register of the fiefs going back to his father’s time (1431sold slaves for export, the Catalans being among their best 1432), on which see the interesting article of Halil Inalcik,

customers. “Timariotes chrétiens en Albanie au XV¢° siécle d’aprés un

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 49 registre de timars ottoman,” Mitteilungen des Oster- of a Greek state than as the establishment of a Byzantinereichischen Staatsarchivs, 1V (Vienna, 1951), 118-38. As Turkish empire, which alone could meet the needs of an

indicated by the title, the register dating from 1431-1432 epoch which had seen the dissolution of the Greek, relates to Albania: After the Turkish victory on the river Latin, and Slavic states throughout the Balkan peninsula. Viyosa (Vijosé) in the fall of 1385 ¢f N. Iorga, Geschichte Under the Ottomans a new Pax Romana was eventually

des osmanischen Reiches, 1 [Gotha, 1908], 255, 261), the to extend from the Danube to the Nile and from the Christian lords of Albania apparently recognized the Adriatic to the Euphrates (¢f., ibid., II, 196-97, et passim). suzerainty of the sultan, and some of them were enrolled as__ Iorga was less interested in the history of the Turkish fief-holding vassals (timariotes), becoming sipahis (cavalry- people than in what he conceived to be the historic men) in the Ottoman service. In some cases their sons were mission of the Ottoman empire, which fulfilled (in collec-

educated (as hostages) at the Ottoman court, and their tive fashion) for the peoples of the Balkans and the families tended gradually to be islamized. Although fiefs whole Levant the same functions as the absolute monarchies

(timars) might be granted to a Christian, the latter’s were discharging in western Europe. Cf. in general Maria involvement in the Ottoman feudal nexus often resulted in M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, “N. Iorga, historien de |’empire conversion to Islam. Inalcik later published this document ottoman,” Balcania, VI (Bucharest, 1943), 101-22, and D. M.

in Turkish, Hicri 835 tarihli stret-i defter-i Sancak-i Pippidi [lorga’s son-in-law], ed., Nicolas Iorga, Vhomme et Arvanid [Copy of the Register for A.H. 835 for the Sanjak Uceuvre, Bucharest, 1972, esp. pp. 175-86. of Albania], Ankara, 1954, with a number of plates of pages Iorga emphasized that the catastrophe of 1453 merely of the MS., full indices, and a detailed map of Albania in destroyed in the Greek areas the dynasty of the Palaeologi

1431 (=a.H. 835). and the pre-eminence of the archontic class, but that ByzanThe further publication of Ottoman documentary records _ tine civilization as such survived in the Ottoman state,

will elucidate many doubtful points in the institutional which means the whole social fabric of Orthodox

history of the Turkish empire. Ottoman “feudalism” appears Christianity, Graeco-Roman law, Greek literature, and by and large to have been a continuation of the Anatolian various fundamental political and economic institutions. He Seljuk (“Selchtikid”) system, itself allegedly preserving older denied that the Ottoman Turks introduced basic changes

Turkish traditions as well as borrowing from Byzantine, into the life of the Balkans and most of the Levant, Arab, and Persian practices. The question, however, of “ainsi que le prétend un nationalisme turc d’origine Byzantine influence upon Ottoman institutions remains trés récente,” as he states in the preface to his book nebulous and controversial; modern Turkish scholars usually on Byzance aprés Byzance, Bucharest, 1935, in which he deprecate or try to minimize it, insisting upon the antediluvian explored the survival of Byzantine civilization and especharacter of Turkish traditions. Considering that Anatolia and cially Byzantine political ideals in the Balkans, from the

Rumelia, former Byzantine territories, became inasensethe mid-fifteenth to about the close of the eighteenth century “homelands” of the Osmanilis, it would seem a priori difficult when he would date the “passage du byzantinisme au to escape the conclusion that there must have been a good deal _nationalisme” (zbid., p. 243).

of such influence, but up to now the problem of the Byzantine Although the bibliography is far too extensive for serious

impact upon Ottoman ideas and institutions has usually consideration here, we may note that the Anatolian and been discussed with more subjective rationalization than Rumelian backgrounds are explored in Speros Vryonis, objective documentation. On the question of feudalism, see Jr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asta Minor and the illuminating study of Mehmed Fuad KOprilti, Alcune the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Osservaziont intorno all' influenza delle istituziont bizantine Fifteenth Century, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, sulle istituztont ottomane, Rome: Istituto per POriente, 1953, 1971, and Franz Babinger, Beitraége zur Frithgeschichte der pp. 6-12, 64—89, who denies altogether “la pretesainfluenza Tiirkenherrschaft in Rumelien (14.-15. Jahrhundert), Munich,

bizantina” (p. 86), believing that “possiamo affermare 1944 (Siidosteuropdische Arbeiten, no. 34). The instrucdecisamente che il sistema ottomano dei timar non fu preso _ tive article by Halil Inalcik, “Ottoman Methods of Conda Bisanzio, né anteriormente, né posteriormente alla quest,” Studia Islamica, II (1954), 103-29, deals chiefly conquista di Costantinopoli, ma rientrava nell’eredita tra- with the fifteenth century. Various aspects of Ottoman mandata dai Selgiuchidi d’Anatolia” (p. 89). The common domination in the Balkans and elsewhere are illustrated Turkish word for fief (timar) is apparently of Persian origin; by P. Karlin-Hayter, “La Politique religieuse des conthe Greek work vuzdptov is said not to occur before the quérants ottomans dans un texte hagiographique (a. 1437),” sixteenth century; the Turkish word for feudatory orcavalry- Byzantion, XXXV (1965), 353-58; J. Kabrda, “Les Probman (stpaht) is also of Persian origin (K6épriilii, op. cit., lémes de létude de histoire de la Bulgarie a l’époque pp. 86-87, note, and cf. Serif Bagstav, Ordo Portae, de la domination turque,” Byzantinoslavica, XV (1954), Budapest, 1947, pp. 29-35). There were three general grades 173-208, and “Les Sources turques relatives a l'histoire of Ottoman fiefs (hass, zi‘amet, and timar, ranging from _ de la domination ottomane en Slovaquie,” Archiv orientalni,

highest to lowest); for these and various other kinds of XXIV (1956), 568-80, who ranges over several centuries; Ottoman fiefs, see H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen, Omer Litfi Barkan, “Les Déportations comme méthode Islamic Society and the West, I-1 (London, 1950, repr. 1963), de peuplement et de colonisation dans l’empire ottoman,”

pp. 39-56, 69-70, 144-60, 235-58, and cf. pt. 2 (1957, Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques de Univer-

repr. 1965), pp. | ff., the whole forming an instructive _ sité d’Istanbul, XI (1949-50), 67-131, apparently unfinished;

presentation of Ottoman feudalism. Barkan, “Essai sur les données statistiques des registres de It may not be amiss to take notice of the thesis which recensement dans l’empire ottoman aux XV® et XVI®

underlies the Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, 5 vols., siécles,” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient,

Gotha, 1908-1913, of the great Rumanian historian, I, pt. 1 (1957), 9-36, and cf, ibid., pt. 3 (1958), Nicolas (Neculai) Ilorga (1871-1940), who was sometimes 329~—33; Bernard Lewis, “Studies in the Ottoman Archives” intoxicated by the grandeur of his own historical concepts, _ [on Palestine in the sixteenth century], Bulletin of the School

but whose work is always illuminating. Iorga saw the Otto- of Oriental and African Studies, XVI (1954), 469-501; man conquest of Constantinople less as the destruction H.-J. Kissling, “Militarisch-Politische Problematiken zur

50 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT portion of the ruling families in the territories had been crowned Emperor in Rome by Eugenius which they conquered, and left the Serbs, Bulgars, a few days before (on 31 May).** Venice also

Greeks, and others without leadership at the appropriated 10,000 ducats as a subsidy for highest level, they usually respected the urban Sigismund, taking measures on 1 July to raise dwellers’ and small landholders’ rights to private the money for him.*? Despite the various property. The near obliteration of the ruling expenses accruing because of Sigismund’s corfamilies in most areas caused a cultural but not onation journey, the Senate sent 2,000 ducats to an economic stagnation. Indeed, the wide extent the pope to help him meet the heavy costs of of Ottoman rule in the Balkans and Asia Minor, maintaining the imperial guest, who had arrived the pax Ottomanica, eventually brought political at Viterbo and gone on to Rome with four stability in a. new order of social stratification, hundred horse. The Senate then paid another with the pashas, begs, and members of the 2,000 to those who had arranged the truce and military class (‘askeri), administrators and intel- general agreements with the impecunious Sigislectuals, merchants and artisans all resting onthe mund,®* whose need for money (as Europe had

firm foundation of a peasantry (Aéylii takimi) observed for almost fifty years) was exceeded protected from external invasion. Troublesome only by his love of it.

groups were removed from one part of the While the Venetians were thus preoccupied, empire to another by deportation (siirgun). life in Greece was being disrupted. by the petty Peace made possible the agricultural surplus lordlings within as well as by the Turks from which bound the village to the town, whereinthe without. In the early summer of 1435, after the

fifteenth century at least goods were freely death of the half-Florentine Duke Antonio |

exchanged, although as in the Byzantine empire Acciajuoli of Athens, his Greek wife (whom there might be embargoes on the export of food-

stuffs. Merchants accumulated capitalinanopen ———— 7 market. Conditions were far from ideal, and the personal mediation of Pope Eugenius IV.” Cf., ibid., Turkish rule might be oppressive, but food was nos. 192, 195. Two years later, on 31 August, 1435, 8 © OPPIcssive, 00C Ws Sigismund and Venice negotiated a ten years’ alliance against grown, cloth was woven, houses were built, Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan (ibid., bk. xm, no. 1,

money was made, and life went on. pp. 201-2, and cf. nos. 25-26).

The accession of Eugenius lV had little effect Despite Timur the Lame’s defeat of Sultan Bayazid I at on the Levant. The same risks and fears and Ankara in 1402 and the subsequent strife among the latter’s

dangers . d f continued Th h S0ns; byyear. 1415 Turks raids into year alter rougthe Carniola andwere Styria,carrying threatening their the patriarchate of much of 1431-1432, however, the Venetians Aquileia. In 1420 the Venetians took over Friuli, and the were distracted from both Turkish and Greek ad- Turkish peril had come close to home (see Pio Paschini, vances on the continent and in the Morea by the “Primi tmori d'un’ invasione turca in Friuli,’ Memorie storiche forogiuliest, VIII [Udine, 1912], 65-73). threatening attitude of the Genoese, who were 31 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1433, no. 14, vol.

preparing for a full-scale war against their old XVIII (1694), pp. 113-14; Joseph [von] Aschbach, Geschichte rivals.22 The Venetians could find no allies, Kaiser Sigmund’s, 4 vols., Hamburg: Perthes, 1838-45, repr.

but at last on 4 June, 1433, they finally con- Aalen, 1964, IV, 114 ff. . ; cluded a five years’ truce with Sigismund,®° wh 32 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Misti, Reg. 58, fol. 216” y Sigismund,” WNO wWGCCCXXXIIL, die primo Iulii”); “Cum captum et

——_— deliberatum sit per istud consilium dandi ducatorum Tiirkenfrage im 15. Jahrhundert,” in Bohemia: Jahrbuch decem M. serenissimo domino Imperatori, et sit providendes Collegium Carolinum, V (Munich, 1964), 108-36, and dum de recuperando illos cum quam minori gravedine “Die tiirkische geographische Nomenklatur auf dem Balkan __fieri possit . . . ,” etc., details following for a duty on all als Erkenntnismittel fiir die Sidosteuropaforschung,” merchandise imported into Venice. Zeitschrift fiir Balkanologie, 11 (Wiesbaden, 1965), 126-42; 33 Misti, Reg. 58, fol. 224% (““MCCCCXXXIII, die tercio and Kemal Karpat, An Inquiry into the Social Foundations of | Augusti”): “Cum iam diu stipendiariis nostris solutum non

Nationalism in the Ottoman State: From Social Estates to fuerit, et hoc quia imposita non fuit impositio aliqua, et Classes, From Millets to Nations, Princeton, N.J., 1973 (Center sit neccessarium ad hoc providere quia quotidie congruunof International Studies, no. 39), with extensive citation of _ tur, sit insuper etiam providendum habendi denarios pro

the recent bibliography. ambaxiata mittenda Bononiam ad serenissimum dominum

®lorga, ROL, VI, 108-15, and Notes et extraits, 1, | Imperatorem pro associando suam Maiestatem per territoria 546-53; F. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de domini Marchionis et nostra et faciendo ei expensas ac

Venise concernant la Romanie, \11 (Paris and The Hague, _ etiam dare summo Pontifici ducatorum duos mille pro parte

1961), nos. 2227, 2229, 2232, 2237, 2241-42, 2249-50, nos tangente pro expensis factis predicto domino Imperaetc., 2405, pp. 10 ff., 50, on the Venetians’ difficulties tori de mense ITulii et alios ducatorum duos mille pro with the Genoese, who then lay under Milanese domination. dando illis qui procurarunt conclusionem treuguarum 30R. Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, IV (1896), bk. prout captum est per hoc consilium, nam summus Pontixu, nos. 189-90, p. 177; the truce was arranged “with fex accepit illos quos miseramus. . . .”

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 51 the Pseudo-Sphrantzes identifies as “Maria in others might have preferred Greek to Melissena”) tried to secure-the duchy of Athens Latin rule, but actually it could have made little

and Thebes for herself and her kinsman, the difference in their way of life, for by now the Athenian George Chalcocondylas. The latter is “Turks were everywhere and disposed of all described by his son, the historian Laonicus, as__ things.

one of the chief figures in the ancient city. The The diplomat George Sphrantzes, who was a widowed duchess sent Chalcocondylas to the participant in the events which followed the Ottoman court well equipped with funds to death of Antonio I of Athens, gives a different persuade Sultan Murad II to recognize their account from that of Chalcocondylas, who had authority over the hitherto Latin duchy. After doubtless received his information from his Chalcocondylas’s departure from Athens, how- father. Sphrantzes does not mention the joint ever, the Florentine party lured the duchess’ effort of the widowed duchess and the Chalfrom the security of the Acropolis, where they cocondylae to seize control of the duchy although installed as duke the late Antonio’s young cousin — he was probably well acquainted with conditions

and adopted heir, Nerio II, driving the in Athens, having been sent there by his master, Chalcocondylae and their supporters from the Constantine Dragases, then one of the despots

citadel. The Florentine party then arranged of the Morea, on an embassy to Antonio the

Nerio’s marriage with the enterprising widow, year before the latter’s death. In Sphrantzes’ installed themselves on the Acropolis, expelled account of what now transpired we find one the Chalcocondylae from the city, and drew in’ more effort of Constantine Dragases to build

the reins of government. In the meantime up the Moreote domain and to extend the

George Chalcocondylas himself had arrived at political cause of Hellenism.® Here is the fuller the sultan’s court, where he was imprisoned, and__ version of this account, given in the so-called despite his offer to the Porte of 30,000 gold Pseudo-Sphrantzes’ Chronicon maius (the much-

pieces for the duchy, he was ordered to give expanded version of Sphrantzes’ Chronicon

up all claim to Attica and Boeotia. He had minus, prepared by the “forger” Macarius already heard, moreover, that the sultan had Melissurgus alias Melissenus in the 1570’s),

sent an army to occupy Boeotia and take over which as usual contains apparently irresponsible the city of Thebes. He now managed to escape changes as well as some interesting information

from the Turkish court to Byzantium, where not to be found in the shorter text, although he took ship for the Morea, but the crews of of course the question arises as to Melissurgus’s

vessels belonging to the Florentine party in sources:

Athehs boarded the one on which he was travel At the beginning of the summer of the year (of ing. Chalcocondylas was seized, put in fetters, Creation) 6943 [1435] there died the ruler of Athens and sent back to Sultan Murad, who merely and Thebes, the aforesaid lord Antonio de’ Acciajuoli

pardoned and released him, bearing him no ill Comnenus, and by request of his widow Maria will for his unceremonious and unauthorized Melissena, daughter of Leo Melissenus, first cousin departure. Chalcocondylas, however, was asked of Nicephorus Melissenus, . . . I was sent with a

for the 30,000 gold pieces, which he said he sworn argyrobull and many soldiers to take over could no longer pay, and the land he had Athens and Thebes, for which I should give her

aspired to was ravaged by the Ottoman forces another place in the Peloponnesus, in the region of in Thessaly.** The Greeks in this region as —=———— nepos civitatem Athenarum, et denique ex matrimonio TT secuto in pace et concordia remanserunt.” The Signoria’s *“ Laonicus Chalcocondylas, bk. vi (Bonn, pp. 320-22); officials in Negroponte were to try to secure recognition

ed. E. Darko, II-1 (1923), 93-94. The Venetian govern- by Nerio II and his newly acquired wife of Venetian ment instructed its officials in Negroponte not to interfere suzerainty over the Athenian duchy, which the Duke whether Athens was occupied by the Turks or by the Antonio had acknowledged in his lifetime. (The docuheirs of the late Duke Antonio Acciajuoli (cf. C. N. Sathas, ment here referred to, of October, 1435, exists only in ed., Documents inédits relatifs a Vhistoire de la Gréce au moyen the rubric, the scribe lamenting that it had not been

age, 9 vols., Paris, 1880-90, repr. Athens, 1972, I, no. 131, copied in the folio and might be lost, “ut multe alie p. 199, dated October, 1435). That Antonio’s widow [was que [sic] scribere non potui,” but it seems to have been she really a “Maria Melissena”?] actually married Nerio I] merely repetitious of the second document cited, that of 5

appears from Sathas, III, no. 1020, pp. 427-28, dated 5 September, 1435.) September, 1435, to the bailie and captain of Negroponte 35 Sphrantzes, Chronicon minus (PG 156, 1044A-—1045A,

(f. Thiriet, Régestes, 111, no. 2396, p. 48): “Scripsistis nobis and ed. Vasile Grecu, Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii [1401 quod post mortem magnifici domini Antonii de Azaiolis 1477), in anexd Pseudo-Phrantzes: Macarie Melissenos, Cronica

eius uxor introivit castrum [the Acropolis], et eius [1258-1481], Bucharest, 1966, pp. 50, 52, 54).

52 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Laconia, near which she had properties from her Before his elevation to the papacy Eugenius paternal inheritance and dowry, which were the [VY had become well known in Italy as the lands, cities, and villages herewith listed— Astron, “cardinal of Siena.” Able and austere, he S. Peter, S. John, Platamonas, Meligon, Proasteion, was elected on 3 March, 1431, and crowned on

Leonidas, Reontas, and Sitanas. And soaI nephew . , : theKyparissia, eleventh of the month. A Venetian,

should give her place near ofwith suchhersize and eC XIIa good d d friend of the th sort as should seemabest to me andthese accord 2 regory » and friend or

wish and preference. But Turakhan got the start of Florentines, Eugenius found a ready-made me and invested Thebes, which he captured after Cnemy In Filippo Maria Visconti, the duke of some days. I returned from the Isthmus with nothing Mulan, who was always an opponent of Venice

accomplished, for such were my instructions, and and was again at war with Florence. Filippo arrived at Stylaria, where my lord the despot Maria invaded the states of the-Church, and was [Constantine Dragases] then was, waiting for the soon supporting every anti-papal activity at the Venetian merchantmen in order to go to the city Council of Basel, where statesmen, scholars, and

lof Constantinople]. Alas for my failure! schemers, men of vision, orators, and short-

h We got on board the Venetian ships, and when we sighted opportunists were gathering to reform ad reached Euboea [Euripos, Negroponte], my lord he Church ke their £ decided to send me to Turakhan, who was still at the Church or make their ortunes. Eugenius s Thebes, in order to explain to him the negotiations early years as pope were as difficult as Martin’s. with respect to Athens. When I was ushered into he world fell to pieces around him. Expelled his presence, he received me with expressed delight, from Rome by a popular revolution (on 29 May,

and assured me with an oath: 1434), he fled to Florence, where like Martin he

“If I had known about this before leaving home to resided in the Dominican convent of S. Maria come here, I could have gladly done what you ask Novella. The conciliarists at Basel were apbecause of my love for the despot and my knowledge proaching the height of their influence. From of you, for I have done this without any command 1434 to [437 they prepared long and detailed from the great lord [the sultan]; therefore if I were documents on plans for a western subvention

only at home, I could find many excuses [for the £ the Greek b £ 700 b hich Greek occupation of Athens], but now I have no of the PEEK embassy O members, WhC

excuse.” should include both the emperor and the Having shown me much kindness and honor, he Patriarch of Constantinople, to come westward

brought his sons to greet me, and recommended and discuss church union in an oecumenical them to me and to my lord. One of them is now council. To the ambitious fathers assembled at a famous and powerful commander [ayfpys, ob- Basel this meant of course their own council.*” viously Omar Beg]. And so I took my leave of them, returning unsuccessful. Since the people in Euboea, §——————— anticipating trouble, had reluctantly raised the bridge __ Berlin, 1958, I, 391; K. M. Setton, Catalan Domination of on 29 August, we spent that night among the rocks Athens, 1311-1388, Cambridge, Mass., 1948, and 2nd ed., outside by the bridge. We suffered many hardships London, 1975, pp. 202-6. The passages referring to the

that night both from cold and hunger and the Melisseni and their properties are lacking in Sphrantzes, harshness of the rocks, as well as from fear of being added by Macarius Melissurgus-Melissenus, who as robbers and Turakhan’s troops. The horses we had usual glorifies the family of the Melisseni (see above,

borrowed df trom hethecity [of Thebes? ] Chapter 1, note 99). _ _ city Lo ebesr | were strange to 37 Cf. J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima

us, which became a by-word for trouble at a later time collectio, XXYX (Venice, 1788, repr. Paris, 1904), cols. 92-

among those who were then with me. In any event 9g, 121-37. As was to be expected, the conciliarists we got on board ship the next morning, and on 23 quickly met papal opposition to their plans for dealing with September of the year (of Creation) 6944 [still 1435] the Greeks (ibid., cols. 171D ff., 285-313, 322C ff., 445D

we arrived at Constantinople.*® ff., et alibi, and note cols. 617E-618, 627-29, 649-50,

651-65; also vol. XXX [1792, repr. 1904], cols. 848D-—849, ———— 871 ff., 890, 922-23, 934 ff, 965D-966, 1033 ff., 36 Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Chron. maius, II, 10—11 (Bonn, pp. 1094D ff., 1121-22, 1136C ff.; and vol. XXXI [1798,

159-61; ed. J. B. Papadopoulos, I [Leipzig, 1935], 160-62; repr. 1906], cols. 197 ff., 248-72). Martin V had died on ed. Grecu [1966], pp. 302, 304). Since the new annus 20 February, 1431, and Eugenius I'V was elected at Rome on mundi began in September, the parts of both the years 3 March (cf. Eugenius’s announcement of Martin’s death 6943 and 6944 to which reference is made fell in the year and his own election in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. A.D. 1435. An argyrobull is a document with a silver seal. 359, fols. 59Y-60', letter dated at Rome on 12 March, On the historical background, cf. Wm. Miller, Latins in the = 1431).

Levant, London, 1908, pp. 404-6; D. G. Kampouroglous, Besides the materials assembled for the history of the The Chalkokondylai [in Greek], Athens, 1926, pp. 32-34, Council of Basel in Mansi’s collection, reference should be 94 ff.; D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, 2 made to the Monumenta conciliorum generalium secult decimi vols., Paris and Athens, 1932-53, repr. London, 1975, 1, — quinti. . . . Concilium Basileense . .. , 3 [actually 4] vols., 204-13; Gyula Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica, 2 vols., 2nd ed., | Vienna and Basel, 1857—1932, which contains the histories

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 53 To have drawn the Greeks to Basel and got between Constantinople and Basel. In the end credit for an act of union would have enhanced the Greeks were dismayed by the conciliarists’ the conciliarists’ prestige immensely. But the apparent drift toward schism. If the majority Greeks found the Council more difficult to deal in the Council would not work with the pope with and less reliable than the pope, who was’ except on their own impossible terms, and the unreliable only when he dealt with the concili- Latin Church was itself divided, how could they

arists. Until the year 1436 the conciliarists ever achieve union with the Greek Church? In

had made few mistakes, and Eugenius had made _ the past, Byzantine emperors and patriarchs had

many, but their success made many of them always dealt with the popes on unionist issues. reckless, and the pope had learned caution from John VIII and the Patriarch Joseph II could not his setbacks. The Council finally became divided conceive of an oecumenical success without the into two fiercely inimical factions over the ques- presence of the Roman pontiff. tion whether union must be discussed at Basel, When a minority in the Council at Basel, who at Avignon, orin Savoy, or whether the members regarded themselves as the sanior pars, were

might remove to an Italian city to meet with driven by the intransigence and hostility of their the Greeks, who steadfastly refused in any event more numerous colleagues to make peace with to go to Basel, Avignon, or Savoy, the places the Curia Romana, and were also joined by

upon which the majority finally and foolishly the Greek envoys to Basel, they all found insisted.** Several embassies were exchanged Eugenius in a conciliatory mood, as he had

been for the past two years. In May, 1437, the of the Council by the conciliarists John of Ragusa and envoys and t he rep resentatlves of the conciliar John of Segovia, and also to the work of the late Johannes minority waited upon him at Bologna, whither Haller (1865-1947) et al., eds., Concilium Basiliense: Studien und he had moved with the Curia the preceding Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel, 8 vols., Basel, year. He agreed fully to abide by the agreement 1896—1936, which contains letters, tracts, memorials, ex- which the Greeks had negotiated with Martin V pense accounts, day-to-day records (protocollt) of events and 1430 d this th Tari Basel had proceedings, diplomatic correspondence, and the sources re- In t% (an IS the concillarists at Dasel ha lating to the Basler embassy to Constantinople in 1437 to consistently declined to do). Much encouraged, fix the site of the unionist council at Avignon or Basel Eugenius acted with great dispatch. He arranged (vol. NL See Pp. 5 ape). con of the Council of Basel lease of fourof Venetian t the eighteenth general session of for thetheCouncil Basel,galleys, ; of which

held on 26 June, 1434, the assembled fathers renewed the ne appointed his nephew pte Condulmer decree of the fifth session of the Council of Constance (of Me captain-general on 6 July (1437), to convey 6 April, 1415, for which see von der Hardt, Magnum the Greek delegation of 700 members from

oecumenicum Constantiense concilium, 1V [1698-99], 98a; Constantinople to Italy. Florence had been dis-

Gesta, in Finke, Acta, II, 28), declaring that a general coun- sessi f the C ‘1 which to be “t

cil derived its authority directly from Christ, and was supe- ons Oo € Vounch, which was to ; € tansrior to all persons of whatsoever rank or dignity, includ- ferred from Basel, and the Florentines were ing the pope, in matters concerning the faith, the extir- willing to provide the Greeks with both money pation of heresy, and the reform of the Church, on which = and transport. Filippo Maria Visconti was note Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII, pt. 2 (Paris, forever opposed to the Florentines. however

1916), 849 ff., and Mansi, XXIX, col. 91CD. In the fall of t both is E a "Charlee 1439 the Dominican Juan de Torquemada assailed the 4! oth the mperor Sigismund and Charles

Basler allegation of conciliar supremacy over the pope, inhis VII of France objected to the removal of the Oratio synodalis de primatu, ed. Emmanuel Candal, Rome, Council to Italy (for it would clearly lead to 1954 (Concilium Florentinum, Documenta et scriptores, “schism.” as it did). It was therefore decided

ser. B, vol.the TV, fasc. 2).the that the new location would 38 During years that Council of Basel was of at .the onoCouncil e wvounch’ woubc its height, its members were in close and amicable con- designated only upon the arrival of the Greeks tact with the Emperor John VIII and the Patriarch “ad partes Italie.”*? Eugenius soon announced,

Joseph II (Hofmann, Orientalium documenta minora [1953], nos. 3-5, 8-19, pp. 6-10, 12-25, dated from October, — ————————

1433, to March, 1436). The conciliarists refused to hold the — pp. 26-28, dated 11 February, 1437). They also rejected unionist council in a locus maritimus easy of access to the Avignon asa site for the council (no. 26, p. 30). Cf. Délger, Greeks, as Martin V had agreed to do (and the hard- _Regesten, pt. 5, nos. 3437-40, 3443-52, 3454, 3466, pp. 116 pressed Eugenius said that he was even willing for it to be __ff., and Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2418 (an appeal of the

held in Constantinople, on which see, ibid., no. 8, pp. conciliarists at Basel for Venetian co-operation to convey 12—13). Some place on or near the Adriatic was neces- John VIII westward, dated 28 June, 1436), 2435, 2445, sary for Joseph II, qui est senex et continua infirmitate 2461-62, 2472-73, pp. 53 ff. gravatus (no. 14, p. 20). The emperor and the patriarch 39 Epistolae pontificiae, 1, nos. 66-86, pp. 64-88, esp.

categorically refused to go as far as Basel (nos. 22-23, pp. 67, 69, 71-72, 75-77, 83; Hefele and Leclercq,

54 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT however, that Ferrara was to be the site of the grew with each passing year of Eugenius’s Council, for which he issued a salvus conductus pontificate. For four centuries Trevisan has been generalis on 17 September (1437),4° with the wrongly known as Lodovico Scarampo, and is so intention conceivably of seeking the occasion of called by Pastor and other modern historians.

transferring it to Florence, where he felt at Some word concerning Lodovico’s career up to home among the Medici, whose money and _ the year 1440 seems in order, because we shall banking facilities he doubtless assumed he was find him very active in the affairs of the Curia

going eventually to need. for many years. Under Calixtus III he will be

a conspicuous figure in the Levant (in 1456While the contending orators at Basel disputed 1458) as commander of a papal fleet sent on

the location of the forthcoming council of a crusade against the Turks.

union, Eugenius could see a steady improvement Lodovico was born in Venice in November,

in his affairs in Italy. After his arrival in 1401, the son of a physician named Biagio

Florence in June, 1434, the pope had remained ‘Trevisan. Having himself studied medicine as there for some time, on good terms with the wellas the liberal arts at Padua, Lodovico became

Albizzeschi at first and then with the Medici. physician to Cardinal Gabriele Condulmer He showed little inclination to leave, although shortly before the latter’s election as pope. meanwhile his doughty legate Giovanni Vitel- Lodovico was made a papal chamberlain

leschi restored order in Rome and the states of (cubicularius), and appears to have abandoned the Church. Vitelleschi was titular patriarch of the practice of medicine, from which clerics Alexandria, archbishop of Florence, and a_ were debarred by canon law. He was now emcardinal from August, 1437; more condottiere barked on a distinguished ecclesiastical career, than cleric, he fell from power in the early becoming a canon of Padua before April, 1435. spring of 1440, and was rather mysteriously put Although his advancement was not particularly to death. He was replaced as legate in command _ rapid at first, it was certainly steady. He was of the papal troops by Lodovico Trevisan, the appointed bishop of Traut (modern Trogir) on patriarch of Aquileia, and here was indeed a_ 24 October, 1435, but remained papal chamberremarkable man, whose wealth and influence lain and administered his see through a local vicar. On 6 August, 1437, he became the archHist. des conciles, VII-2 (1916), 939-40. On the tangled bishop of Florence,” being by this time one of relations of Eugenius IV, the Greeks, and the conciliarists the most influential figures at the papal court. at Basel, see, ibid., VIU-2, 673-74, 684, 688-89, 697, 699, Interested 1n classical antiquities, Lodovico was 705. 13”. voseph and csp. pp. 87° Florence, and__ the friend of Niccolo Niccoli, Francesco Barbaro, bridge, 1959, pp. 46-84. Although the conciliarists at and Ciriaco of Ancona. An adept politician, he Basel also sent galleys to Constantinople to convey the was also close to Co simo de’ Medici. Through Greeks westward, John VIII refused to embark in them, these years the Curia Romana was, for the most and accepted the papal galleys, because Basel had not kept part, established in Florence where, as we have

Im less deta, JOSE lik, é ouncil O orenceé, am- 1 st1C7

faith him as to the site of the unionist coun!) noted, Eugenius IVex lived at thevestra convent.of. S. et inwinaluis QUampluUrimIS non ODservatumMm parte

(Orientalium documenta minora, no. 25, pp. 99-30, dated 25 Maria Novella. In Sep tember, 1437, Lodovico October, 1437). went on a papal mission to his native Venice,

1 Epistolae pontificiae, 1, no. 87, pp. 89-90, in which the tO deal (among other matters) with the location pope expresses the hope “quod per operam Altissimi, cuius of the forthcoming unionist council. The Venecausa agitur, concilium Basiliense transferetur de proximo ad tians had preferred Bologna or some other civitatem Ferrariensem pro tractanda in €o et occidentalis et or” Jace in the papal states as a site for the council entalis ecclesiarum unitate, pro reformatione universalis ecclesie, . . oe Christiane fideiaugmento et pace fidelium. . . ."TheCoun- OF indeed some city in the Veneto for the honor cil of Basel was finally and formally “translated” to Ferrara and advantages which would have accrued to by the bull Pridem ex tustis promulgated from Bologna on the Republic. But they were content to accept

30 December, 1437, its work to be resumed, according J odovico’s explanation of the reasons for the to the bull, on the following 8 January (zbid., I, no. 108, ; pp. 110-12), when in fact the first Ferrarese session was POPS preference for Ferrara, and they would held (Gill, Council of Florence, pp. 94-95). Eugenius arrived =———————

in the city toward the end of the month, at which time 41. On 11 August (1437) the Venetian Senate wrote Lodo(on 24 January) the recalcitrant conciliarists at Basel de- __vico to congratulate him upon his promotion from the see clared him suspended from office and deprived of all of Traut to that of Florence (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, spiritual and temporal authority (John of Segovia, Historia Sen. Secreta, Reg. 14 [1436-1439], fol. 50’). gestorum generalis synodi Basiliensis, x11, 7, in the Monumenta ‘42 Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi di Venezia, in L. A. conciliorum generalium secult decimi quinti, III [1886], 25-30). | Muratori, ed., RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1043B.

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 55 show their acquiescence in the pope’s decision by gave up the archbishopric of Florence. By a themselves requesting safe-conduct for those bull of 11 January, 1440, the Patriarch Lodovico attending the council from their neighbor, the was next appointed papal treasurer, camerarius.* Marquis Niccolo III d’Este. As they reminded He distinguished himself as a commander of the Lodovico, they had willingly allowed his Holiness papal troops in the battle of Anghiari on the to arm his galleys in Venice as well as recruit upper Arno (on 29 June, 1440), when the pope’s crossbowmen in Venetian territories to reinforce Florentine allies defeated a Milanese army of the defenses of Constantinople during John invasion under the condottiere Niccolo Piccinino

VIII’s absence from the Bosporus.” and that of the anti-Medicean Florentine exiles

When Eugenius IV appointed “monsignor under Rinaldo degli Albizzi. The Venetians were Lodovico Trevisano” to the patriarchate of of course delighted by “this happy news of the Aquileia (on 19 December, 1439),** the latter victory obtained against Niccold Piccinino.”* In

es recognition of his signal services to the Holy See, 43 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 14, fol. 55°, dated 10 September, Lodovico was made a cardinal on | July, 1440, 1437: “. . . Respondeatur [reverendo patri domino archi- with the title of S. Lorenzo in Damaso. Not episcopo Florentino] . . . quod, ut novit Beatitudo sua, nos yet forty years of age he had achieved a great ut veri et devotissimi filii Sanctitatis sue et dispositi ad reputation in Ital Th fter h k ea que grata forent Beatitudini sue fuimus contenti ei com- putatlon it Atay. ere eT he was KNOWN as placere quod armaret hic eas galeas quas armari fecit ac the cardinal of Aquileia,” as he is usually called quod de terris nostris ballistarios haberet ad eius stipendia =§=————————

mittendos ad custodiam civitatis Constantinopolitane. . . . sixteenth century, Lodovico has been restored to the family

Et fuit nostra intentio, quaemadmodum Sanctitati sue de- of Trevisan by Pio Paschini, “La Famiglia di Lodovico clarari fecimus, quod concilium celebraretur in Bononia vel cardinal camerlengo,” in L’Arcadia, V (1926), 91 ff.; “Da

aliis terris Sancte Ecclesie aut in terris nostris, nam si Medico a patriarca d’Aquileia, camerlengo e cardinale di in terris nostris celebraretur, Beatitudo sua ample cognoscit 5S. Romana Chiesa,” Memorie storiche forogiuliest, XXIII (1927),

honores et commoda que nostre reipublice pervenissent. 1-56; “Lodovico cardinale camerlengo e i suoi maneggi Sed nunc intellectis causis que Beatitudinem suam moverunt _ sino alla morte di Eugenio IV (1447),” ibtd., XXIV (1928),

ad celebrandum concilium suprascriptum in civitate Ferrarie 39-72, and XXVI (1930), 27-74; and “Prelati e curiali di dispositi ob filialem reverentiam et sinceritatem nostram Casa Scarampi,” Rivista di Alessandria, XLV (1936), 362-66. ad omnia commoda sue Beatitudini contenti remanemus, For Lodovico’s career in general I have depended on Pasquod in dicta civitate Ferrarie celebretur predictum con- chini’s biography of Lodovico Cardinal Camerlengo (+1465), cilium ac si celebraretur in terris nostris, et parati sumus Rome, 1939, in Lateranum, new ser., V-1, Facultas Theologica pro Beatitudine sua a . . . domino marchione petere sal-- Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis. Ernesto Pontieri, Alfonso vumconductum, ut requirit Sanctitas sua.” On Lodovico’s il Magnanimo, re di Napoli (1435-1458), Naples, 1975, pp. mission, cf. also, ibid., fols. 57’-58" and ff., 79, 83", 84°, 94, 269-70, 323, 362, still calls Trevisan “Scarampo.”

93", 94°-95, ef alibi, and Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, Whatever lies behind the erroneous assignment of the

XXII, col. 1043B. surname Scarampo to Lodovico, he had close relations with

“4 Andrea Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII various members of this family; cf. the letter of Pius II (1733), col. 1105, another indication that Lodovico was a to Lodovico, dated 9 August, 1460 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Trevisan and not a member of the family of Scarampo- Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 136%): “Audivimus que nomine Mezzarota (on which see below, in this note). Eugenius tuo retulit nobis dilectus filius Nicolaus Scarampo, scutifer had already sent an envoy to Venice to sound out the Senate _tuus, super negotiis terrarum abbatie Montiscasini. . . .”

on their acceptance of a certain Venetian, obviously Lodo- Cf., ibid., fol. 137". Lodovico Trevisan in fact made this vico, for papal nomination to the lucrative patriarchate Niccolo and Lodovico Scarampo his heirs, having brought

of Aquileia. Motions to assure Lodovico an annual them up almost from boyhood, although Paul II did not income of 4,000 ducats, however, and to assign him recognize Trevisan’s facultas testamenti, and claimed most of

Aquileia, S. Vito, and S. Daniele in temporalibus et his vast possessions for the crusade (after his death on 22 spirittualibus were defeated in the Senate on 14 December, March, 1465), thus depriving the Scarampi of their 1439 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fols. 2-3"), but after Lodo- legacy but leaving them nonetheless considerable property, vico’s victory at Anghiari over the condottiere Niccolo Pic- on which see Paschini, Lodovico Card. Camerlengo, pp. cinino (which we shall note in a moment) and his eleva- 208-10. Since it was well known that Lodovico had left tion to the cardinalate, the Senate was ready to add some- most of his estate to the Scarampi, a fact widely pubwhat to his territorial jurisdictions and to offer him 5,000 _licized by Paul II’s intervention, it was natural for later ducats a year (ibid., fol. 77, docs. dated 10 and 29 April, writers to assume that he must have belonged to this 1441). But by this time Lodovico’s emissary to the Senate _ family.

proved so demanding that “vadit pars quod in futurum non * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 382 [Eugenii IV possit poni per aliquem in isto consilio de dando pecunias, Officior. tom. IT), fol. 111°, paying especial tribute to Lodoloca, aut aliquid aliud ultra ea que capta sunt et oblata vico’s experiencia in agendis rebus. Cf., ibid., fols. 144”—145°.

nisi istud consilium congregatum fuerit numero C .. .” *° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fol. 28%, doc. dated 3 July, 1440. (fol. 79°, and ¢f. fol. 86’), and on 21 September, 1441, On the political importance of Anghiari to Eugenius IV, the Senate informed Lodovico directly of the limits of their see Gill, The Council of Florence, pp. 320-21.

offer when he was himself in Venice (fol. 97°, and ef. “7 Cf. Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15,

fols. 112%, 113", 115). fol. 33", doc. dated 8 August, 1440, and, zbid., fols. 42, Known incorrectly as a Scarampo from about the mid- 43', 77, 79°, 86°, 97°, et alibi.

56 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the Vatican registers. If Cardinal Vitelleschi When Prince Centurione Zaccaria died in fell from power with the suddenness of Sejanus, 1432, the last remnants of the old Frankish Lodovico had all the pride and love of luxury _ principality of Achaea disappeared, and the proof Lucullus, becoming known in fact as the tection of the Morea against the Turks devolved

“cardinale Lucullo.”* upon the Palaeologian despots. Through the remaining years of Greek independence these

*° Cf. Paschini, Lodovico Cardinal Camerlengo, pp. 7-51, were, as is well known, Theodore II and Con103, 115-16, 136, 208 ff.; on Lodovico’s command of the Stantine, — Thomas and Demetrius, brothers papal troops, see Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, 1V Of the reigning emperor John VIII. The only

(1896), bk. xu, no. 66, p. 226, dated 21 March, 1440, one of them who showed much ability was and nos. 147-48, 156, and ¢f. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Constantine, known as Dragases after his

Vat. 382, fols. 162”’-163%, dated 1a September, and . fols. 204"—206°. mother Helena, daughter of 1442, Constantine

Various chronological data relating to Cardinal Lodo- Dejanovic (of the Serbian house of Dragas, vico’s career may be found in a slender but most im- which ruled in eastern Macedonia).*® Despite portant register in the Vatican Archives (Arm. XXXI, tom. the signal successes achieved by the Turks in 52), to which Ludwig von Pastor called attention many years the fourth decade of the century, Constantine ago (Hist. Popes, 1, 392-93, and Gesch. d. Papste, I [repr. .

1955], 815-16). Since in fact numerous chronological Was to try to bring together both the Morea and data will be found to depend on this volume for almost continental Greece under the unified rule of the half a century, I think that some description, of it at this Moreote despotate. Before John VIII had de-

point will be worthwhile. parted for Italy on 27 November, 1437, to

The original lettering the of spine the volume has attend the Council of Ferrara-Florence (he been preserved (the on back theoforiginal binding being :. glued into the present inner cover), identifying it as Littere arrived In Venice on 8 February, 1438), Sacri Collegii Federico 3. Imperatore: Quietantie varia: Bulla Constantine had left the Morea for ConEugenit pro Camerae clericis: 2611: De officio et potestate stantinople to serve as regent during his Camerarit S. Collegui: Computa et res spectantes ad Sacrum imperial brother’s absence,*° and from the shores Collegium. Despite the various titles, the volume actually contains detailed notes relating to the Consistory from 1439 =§=———————-

to 1486 (fols. 48"-104", by mod. stamped enumeration; et consensu admisit et constituit me Ieronimum Iunium fols. 15'-71” by an earlier numbering), and may be re- decretorum doctorem, canonicum Florentinum, in clericum garded as one of the earliest in the valuable series of _ ipsius Sacri Collegii, et iuravi in manibus ipsius reverendissimi Acta Consistorialia. The (first) writer identifies himself as domini Gulielmi secundum constitutiones ipsius Sacri Jacobus Radulphi, “. . . et sic michi Jacobo Radulphi, Collegii in presentia domini Gabrielis Rovira, alterius clerici, clerico dicti collegii, retullit idem dominus . . .” (fol. 53", de quibus rogatus fuit dominus Johannes Fortini, notarius and cf. 57"). This Jacobus wrote also some Ephemerides camere apostolice.” Cf., ibid., fol. 71. Such glimpses behind sacri consistorit, which were used by Domin. Georgius in his _ scenes in the Curia are always interesting.

Vita Nicolai V, Rome, 1742, but Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, is not The first entry in this register of Acta Consistorialia is the work to which Georgius alludes (¢f. Pastor, Hist. Popes, also important as marking the first appearance of the Greeks

I, 393). Pastor believed the Acta “to have been extracted Isidore “of Kiev’ and Bessarion of Nicaea as cardinals,

from a larger register,” which is possible. They form, how- both of whom were long to serve the Latin cause in the East

ever, a week-to-week report of both secret and public (fol. 48"): “Anno incarnationis dominice MCCCCXXXIX, consistories (note the partly marginal addition of 13 October, die Sabbati XVIII mensis Decembris, pontificatus domini 1469, to an entry dated 13 November, 1467, on fol. 69"), | Eugenii anno nono: Sanctissimus dominus noster divina proviespecially the cardinals’ participation in the communia et dentia [Eugenius] papa quartus Florentie assumpsit [MS. assupminuta servitia, of which the camerarius or treasurer of the msit!] ad cardinalatum XVII dominos cardinales, videlicet:” Sacred College kept record, commonly passing the informa- [seventh in the list stands “dominum Isidorum, archiepition on to the clerks of the College, who kept the “acta” pre- scopum Russensem,” and eighth “dominum Bissarionem,

served in this register. archiepiscopum Nicenum.”] It was a historic consistory at

At the beginning of the year 1468 appears the note (Arm. which these elevations to the cardinalate were announced, XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 70°): “Mutatur annus MCCCCLXVIII§, but the notice in the Acta is at least deficient to the expontificatus S. D. N. domini Pauli anno quarto, inceptus per tent that in 1439 the eighteenth of December fell on Frime Ieronimum Iunium die XXVI. Aprilis—ex libro domini day, not Saturday. Selections from the register (Arm. XXXI, Gabrielis Rovira clerici collegii” (the first entry for this year, tom. 52), beginning with 22 January, 1440, are given in is dated 10 January). Junius was elected one of the twoclerks Conrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medit aevi, II (1914,

of the Sacred College on Saturday, 23 April, as he records repr. 1960), 26 ff. himself in the register (fol. 70%): “Creatio mei Ieronimi #9 Constantine Dejanovic was killed in the battle of Rovine Iunii in clericum Collegii reverendorum dominorum car- in May, 1395, when Mircea the Elder of Wallachia, assisted

dinalium: Die sabati XXIII. Aprilis, anno et pontificatu§ by the Hungarians, tried in vain to halt the Turkish quibus supra [1468], reverendissimus in Christo pater et advance into the Dobruja and over the Danube (ef. dominus, dominus Gulielmus, episcopus Ostiensis cardinalis G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, Oxford, 1956, Rothomagensis [Guillaume d’Estouteville], Sacri Collegii pp. 489-90, and Iorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 275 ff.). reverendissimorum in Christo patrum dominorum S.S.R.E. °° According to Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1045D—

cardinalium camerarius de ipsorum omnium voluntate 1046A; ed. Grecu, p. 56), Constantine left Patras on 5 Sep-

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 57 of the Bosporus he could see from month to Hungary during the preceding summer.” The month the northward extension of Turkish king of Poland was accused of giving aid and

arms. counsel to the Turks. An extremely important This was a very depressing period for Balkan letter, however, of one Jodocus de Helpruna Christendom. Before the Council of Ferrara- written from Vienna on 11 September, 1438,

Florence had assembled, the Emperor Sigismund to an official of the Council of Basel describes died in December, 1437. He was succeeded by the recent Turkish attacks upon Siebenburgen

the Hapsburg Albert [II] of Austria, his (Transylvania) and the “Wurzland:” the sultan

daughter Elizabeth’s husband, who now became himself had led the expedition, and carried off king of Hungary and Bohemia. In March, 1438, 80,000 persons into slavery, not counting the Albert was also elected to the imperial throne many priests and others who were killed. The (or, to be more precise, was elected king of the city of Muhlenbach (modern Sebes) in Transyl-

Romans), beginning that almost continuous’ vania was entirely destroyed, and the territory succession of Hapsburg rulers which was to last roundabout thoroughly pillaged. The Turks as long as the Holy Roman Empire. Sultan had had about a thousand camels bearing their Murad II took advantage of Sigismund’s death — tents and other equipment. The sultan was said to

to launch attacks upon Transylvania and have employed as his guide none other than Hungary. We are well informed concerning Vlad II Dracul, the voivode of Wallachia, an the events of 1438.° Gustav Beckmann’s_ imperial vassal, upon whom Albert had in fact careful edition of the Deutsche Reichstagsakten depended for the defense of the eastern of this year contains the most detailed reports marches.**

of a wide range of imperial problems and Among those carried off by the Turks at this affairs. Here documents are givenin abundance time was George of Siebenbturgen, whose capdepicting the rival claims of Eugenius IV and _ tivity lasted about twenty years (1438-1458), but the conciliarists at Basel, details relating to who returned to write the valuable record of his

church union and the forthcoming Council of long residence among the Turks. His account Ferrara, the views of German princes and cities, was to have a wide circulation in both Latin and ambassadors’ instructions and their speeches German.” In the following year (1439) the sultan

replete with biblical and classical allusions, notarial instruments, proposed reforms and 53 Beckmann, op. cit., no. 370, p. 729; cf. Ladislas’s retaxes, military preparations, and even an ex- joinder to the pope, dated in February, 1439 (bid., no. change of letters between the Byzantine Emperor $75, p. 747); and note A. Sokotowski and J. Szujski, eds., John VIII and the German electors.*” Actually Codex epistolaris saecult decimi quinti, I, pt. 1 (Cracow, there are surprisingly few references tothe Turks 1876, repr. New York and London, 1965), nos. xciv—

in this material. although in late “7? "2 © PP: 88 ff. (Monumenta > _ torica resNovember, gestas Poloniae illustrantia, tom. medi II). aevi his:

1438, Albert II in a letter to the pope (denounc- 54 Beckmann, op. cit., no. 283, p. 525; note also, ibid., ing King Ladislas III of Poland) does dwell on no. 399, p. 839; cf. Iorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I,

the fearful depredations of the Turks in 419-20, and Aurel Decei, “Deux Documents turcs concernant les expéditions des sultans Bayazid I** et Murad

II dans les pays roumains,” Revue roumaine d'histoire, Oo XIII-3 (1974), 395-413, esp. pp. 403 ff. Muhlenbach tember (1437), went to Negroponte, and thence to Con- (Sebes) was not “entirely destroyed,” as Jodocus says stantinople, where he arrived on the twenty-fourth (cf. (Mulenbach civitas totaliter est destructa), on which note Radu

Pseudo-Sphranizes, II, 12, ed. Bonn, pp. 162-63; ed. J.B. Florescu and R. T. McNally, Dracula: A Biography of Papadopoulos, I [Leipzig, 1935], 164; ed. Grecu, p. 306), Vlad the Impaler (1431-1476), New York, 1973, pp. 34 and which is in general accord with the information supplied 188, note 13. The Turks invaded Siebenbiirgen in 1395by the Venetian government to the pope (Iorga, ROL, VI, 1396, 1420-1421, 1432, 1434, 1438, 1440, 1442, and fre389, doc. dated 22 October, 1437). On the circumstances quently thereafter (Gustav Giindisch, “Die Tirkeneinfalle and chronology of John VIII’s voyage to Venice, see in Siebenbiirgen bis zur Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts,” lorga, ROL, VI, 391-92, note; 398-99, note; and Gill, Jahrbiicher fiir Geschichte Osteuropas, 11 [1937], 393-412,

Council of Florence, pp. 88-90, 98. and Gundisch, “Siebenburgen in der Turkenabwehr,

*'Cf. in general the Venetian Sen. Secreta, Reg. 14, 1395-1526,” Revue roumaine d'histoire, XII1-3, 415-43). fols. 109 ff., 149” ff., and von Aschbach, Gesch. Katser 55 After his escape from the Turks, George of Sieben-

Sigmuna’s, IV, 396 ff. burgen (or Georgius de Hungaria) joined the Dominican

*? G. Beckmann, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Konig Order. He wrote a well-known work entitled Tractatus Albrecht II., pt. 1, Gottingen, 1957, nos. 121, 128, pp. 184, de moribus, condicionibus et nequicia Turcorum, which first 195 (Deutsche Reichstagsakten, XIII), dated at Veniceon 25 appeared in Rome in 1480, although the authorship of the February, 1438, and at Frankfurt between 11 and 19 March _ work long remained rather foggy. George died in Rome at

of the same year. the age of eighty on 3 July, 1502. He was buried near

58 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT led another great offensive, this time into In the meantime the Council of Ferrara-

Serbia; captured Semendria (Smederevo), the Florence had met, with remarkable results. capital of the Balkan despotate, in August after According to George Sphrantzes, Manuel II had a three months’ siege; and reduced to servitude once told his son John VIII that the Turks lived all but the province of Novo Brdo in southern — in constant fear of a Graeco-Latin alliance, which Serbia, which held out for two more years. Novo — they knew could only bode ill for them. When-

Brdo was rich in gold and silver mines, and ever John had need, therefore, of putting fear one of the largest cities in the Balkans. At the in the infidels’ hearts (6Tav Exys xpeiav tie end of October (1439) Albert II died unex- goBnoat tovs dceBeis), he should entertain the pectedly; competitors struggled for his dangerous proposal for a council to effect the union of the crowns, and the Turks availed themselves of the churches. But since Manuel could see no hope

ensuing anarchy. The roads of the northern of the Greeks’ ever finding spiritual peace and Balkans were full of refugees, harried andlooted understanding with the Latins, John should

by Turkish soldiers. From April, 1440, Murad’s _ never risk the parlous venture into actual union, forces laid siege to Alba Greca (Belgrade), atthe for it would prove impossible, and “I fear lest

confluence of the Sava with the Danube, and an even worse schism may result—and then devastated the country over a wide area. The look! we have left ourselves uncovered to the stalwart garrison at Belgrade held out, however, infidels’ [attacks].”°7 Whether or not this was and in September Murad was obliged to raise the good advice, we need not try to say. At all siege. By now Albert had been succeeded as king events it was not the spirit in which John and of the Romans by his distant cousin Frederick the Greek delegation had come to Italy,°* and III [IV] of Hapsburg, who was to be the last (as manya schoolboy knows or used to know) the emperor crowned in Rome (in 1452). During union of the churches was in fact proclaimed, his long and dreary reign of more than half a and with rare unanimity.°® century Frederick built up the fortunes of his house, but never distinguished himself by his and Lhotsky, “Kaiser Friedrich III.: Sein Leben und seine

efforts against the Turks. Personlichkeit” [reprinted from the Kaiserresidenz Wiener Neustadt}, in his Aufsdtze und Vortrége, 5 vols., Munich,

————_————— 1970-76, II, 119-63. Fra Angelico in the church of S. Maria sopra Minerva 7 Sphrantzes, Chronicon minus, in the Patrologia graeca

“cum maxima populi frequentia per triduum,” although the [PG], vol. 156, cols. 1046D-—1047A; Vasile Grecu, ed., site of his interment is no longer identifiable. See J. A. B. Georgios Sphrantzes, Memorii (1401-1477), in anexd PseudoPalmer, “Fr. Georgius de Hungaria, O. P. ... ,” Bulletin Phrantzes: Macarie Melissenos, Cronica (1258-1481), Bucha-

of the John Rylands Library, XXXIV (Manchester, 1951), rest, 1966, Mem., xxi, 5-6, p. 58; and cf. Pseudo-

44-68. Sphrantzes (“Phrantzes”), Chron. maius, II, 13 (Bonn, 56 lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 417-20, 422-25; pp. 178-79; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 177-78; ed. Grecu, Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore (1957), pp. 40-44, 618. p. 320). This text is often referred to (cf. Gill, Council of

Novo Brdo was occupied by the Turks in 1441, re- Florence, p. 30; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, pp. 329-30; covered by the Serbs, and reoccupied by the forces of V. Laurent, in Revue des études byzantines, XX, 14).

Mehmed II on 1 June, 1455. On the Turkish exploita- 8 In actual fact Syropoulos, Mémoires, IX, 15, ed. Laurent tion of the mines, see Nicoara Beldiceanu, Les Actes des (1971), p. 448, represents John VIII as telling the Greek premiers sultans . . . , I: Actes de Mehmed II et de Bayezid delegation at Florence that his father Manuel had favored ll... , Paris, 1960, docs. 3-6, pp. 68-73, with refs., and church union, and worked toward it. Since Manuel was not vol. II: Réglements miniers, 1390-1512, Paris, 1964, pp. able to bring it about, however, he had bequeathed the 53-55, 85-87, 103, 148 ff., 161 ff., and docs. 9, 10, 16, task to John for fulfilment: “Ot« év@ace Se€ ideiv

19, esp. 20, 22, 25, and 26-28. tavTny [rTnv Evwow] TeTeXeopévynv, 50 Kai ETTAYKE pot Many of Frederick HII’s activities both as king of the iva rekeew@ow airhny, Kai Eott TO Epyov Exeivov Kai as

Romans and as emperor may be followed, almost from day am’ Exeivov mpatTw TovTo Kai abros.”

to day, in Joseph Chmel, Regesta chronologico-diplomatica °°'The major sources for the Council of FerraraFriderict IV. Romanorum regis (imperatoris HI.), Vienna, Florence have become fully available only during the last 1838, repr. Hildesheim, 1962. Among the almost 9,000 generation, in excellent editions prepared by Frs. Georg documents summarized by Chmel (largely dealing, to be Hofmann, Emmanuel Candal, Joseph Gill, Bernard Schultze, sure, with the internal affairs of the empire) there are Vitalien Laurent, and others, in the Concilium Florentinum, surprisingly few concerned with the Turkish peril, the most Documenta et scriptores, published by the Pontifical Inimportant being nos. 2232, 3009, 3175, 3356, 3369, 3535, stitute of Oriental Studies, Piazza S. Maria Maggiore, 3689, 3699, 3781, 3857, 4490, 4739, 5031, 6177, 6336, 6431, Rome. Reference is made to the individual volumes where

7468, 8001, and cf. nos. 3706, 3711, 3721, 4542. the need to do so occurs. The old work, however, of Frederick was always far less concerned with the Turken- Eugenio Cecconi, Studi storict sul concilio di Firenze, I, frage than with the aggrandizement of his family. On his Florence, 1869, with some 200 documents, still remains very reign, see the various essays and bibliographies by Alphons _ useful.

Lhotsky, Hermann Wiesflecker, Hanna Dornik-Eger, et al., Of the abundant secondary literature relating to the Friedrich LI., Kaiserresidenz Wiener Neustadt, Vienna, 1966, Council, mention should be made of the following: Georg

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 59 After being sumptuously entertained in Venice, to give the kings and princes of Europe an which he had reached with the Greek delegation opportunity to send their delegates to the on 8 February, 1438, the Emperor John VIII Council. The condottiere Niccolo Piccinino, in went on to Ferrara, where the Council had been Milanese employ, seized Bologna in late May in session since 8 January. He arrived on 4 (1438), and July and August brought the plague March in a driving rain. The Patriarch Joseph II, to Ferrara. There were rumors that a massive aged and ailing, entered the city four days later. Turkish attack upon Constantinople was imAccording to a papal letter of 9 April (when the pending. A few states sent representatives to Council became “oecumenical” with the advent Ferrara, but in the Pragmatic Sanction of of the Greeks),“ the Holy See had already Bourges (in July) Charles VII, while leaning expended 80,000 ducats on the Greeks’ behalf toward Basel, made France neutral in the conbesides the then current cost of 5,000 ducats a_ tinuing conflict between the pope and the month for their support and forthe maintenance conciliarists. Ihe German electors persisted in of the 300 crossbowmen and the two light the expression of a favorable attitude toward galleys which the pope had added to the defense Basel, but they too adopted a neutral stance.

of Constantinople.” The doctrine of purgatory was debated in private

Although he was paying the piper, Eugenius' meetings in June and July (1438) without reachIV found it hard to call the tune. The Latins ing a satisfactory settlement of opposing views. reluctantly agreed to a four months’ postpone- The Ferrarese fathers began the formal discusment of any serious discussion of the chief sions of their dogmatic differences as late as differences which divided the two Churches (the 8 October with the thorny question of the Latin procession of the Holy Spirit, the use ofleavened addition of the filioque clause to the Nicene or of unleavened bread [ta &{vpa] in com-_ creed. The controversy dragged on, with displays munion, the Latin doctrine of purgatory, and of ingenuity and learning, through fourteen or the perennial question of papal supremacy), fifteen sessions (until 13—14 December), by which time the colossal financial burden of

—______ supporting the Council had already turned Hofmann, “Die Konzilsarbeit in Ferrara,” Orientalia Chris- Eugenius’s eyes toward Florence, where the tiana periodica, III (1937), 110-40, 403-55; “Die Konzilsar- Medici were waiting to receive the pope and the beit in Florenz,” wid., IV (1938), 157-88, 372-422; and = Curia, the emperor and the patriarch, the con-

Papato, patriarcato —1439): Teologi e delidi divi and hej atten . d d ants, beraziontconciliarismo, del concilio di Firenze, Rome,(1438 1940; also V. tending divines, their notaries Chiaroni, Lo Scisma greco e il concilio di Firenze, Florence, and the hangers-on who flocked to councils. 1938; Jean Décarreaux, Les Grecs au concile de union Ferrare-Florence (1438-1439), Paris, 1970, which brings toe =———~—————

gether articles published in the Revue des études italiennes, 63 Louis Petit and Georg Hofmann, eds., with an introduc1961-67; Ivan N. Ostroumoff, The History of the Council of tion by Jos. Gill, De purgatorio disputationes in concilio Florence, trans. Basil Popoff, Boston, 1971; and Stephan Florentino habitae, Rome, 1969 (Conc. Florent., Docc. et Mosl, Das theologische Problem des 17. okumenischen Konzils _ scripp., ser. A, vol. VIII, fasc. 2). The title of this work von Ferrara-Florenz-Rom (1438 —1445), Innsbruck, 1974 (Stu- can be misleading; the debates on purgatory were held dien und Arbeiten der Theologischen Facultat, Universitat in Ferrara. On the doctrinal differences between the Greek

Innsbruck), which is concerned, so to speak, with the and Latin Churches, note Fantino Vallaresso, Venetian aggtornamento of the work of the Council. A good deal of _ bishop of Crete (d. 18 May, 1443), Libellus de ordine relevant bibliography is collected in Angelo Mercati, “Il generalium conciliorum et unione Florentina, ed. Bernard Decreto d’unione del 6 luglio 1439 nell’Archivio Segreto Schultze, Rome, 1944, pp. 20 ff. (Conc. Florent., Docc. et Vaticano,” Orient. Christ. pertodica, XI (1945), 5-44. For scripp., ser. B, vol. IH, fasc. 2). general accounts of the proceedings and conflicts at Ferrara- *t Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VUI-2, 967-87; Florence, see especially Joseph Gill, The Council of Florence, Gill, Council of Florence, pp. 117-25, 145-69. On the pro-

Cambridge, 1959, with a French translation by M. Jossua, posed transfer of the Council to Florence for financial Tournai, 1964; Personalities of the Council of Florence, reasons, see Gill, ibid., pp. 174-76. An unknown member Oxford, 1964; and Constance et Bale-Florence, Paris, 1965, of the Council of Basel, when it still seemed possible

pp. 119 ff. (Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, vol. 9). to attract the Greeks to a site of the conciliarists’ 6° Georg Hofmann, ed., Fragmenta protocolli, diaria choice, had estimated that the costs of their transport, privata, sermones, Rome, 1951, no. I, pp. 3-6 (Conc. maintenance, and various miscellanea, plus the necessary Florent., Docc. et scripp., ser. A, vol. III, fasc. 2). reinforcements to the defense of Constantinople would S!'Ten sessions of the Council had been held before amount to about 186,000 to 200,000 ducats if their par-

the enrollment of the Greeks (cf. the Fragmenia protocollt, ticipation in the Council lasted for about a year. The no. 10, p. 24, dated 3 April, 1438, and cf. pp. 29-30). known expenditures which Eugenius had to meet and the ® Iorga, Notes et extraits, Il, 351-52, citing the Arch. known sources and assumed amounts of his income, all Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 370, fols. 211-12; Epistolae the data being quite incomplete, are explored in an pontificiae, II (1944), no. 150, p. 48; cf. Gill, Council of article by Gill, “The Cost of the Council of Florence,”

Florence, pp. 108-9, 174-75, 299-300. Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXII (1956), 299-318.

60 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT After the Council was transferred from Ferrara theological debates with the Latins, eight public to Florence by papal decree (dated 10 January, sessions were devoted to discussions concerning 1439), its members met from February, 1439, the procession of the Holy Spirit (from 2 to 24

to April, 1442, although John VIII and the March, 1439). Giovanni di Montenero, the

Greek ‘delegation left the banks of the Arno _ provincial of the Dominicans in Lombardy, in late August, 1439, and returned to Con- certainly seemed in the opinion of all the Latins stantinople by way of Venice. The Council and most of the Greeks, including Bessarion, brought profit as well as prestige to the Floren- Isidore of Kiev, and George Scholarius (until tines, and so quite appropriately the Signoria after his return home), to have swamped by his

met some of the costs of transporting the learning and the acuity of his reasoning the Greeks from Ferrara to Florence and maintain- stubborn repetitiveness of Marcus Eugenicus,

ing them after their arrival. Despite the re- the Greek metropolitan of Ephesus and the luctance of the Greeks to participate in formal Kopugaios of the Greek theological chorus.® Many of the Greeks had a ready command of 6 Epistolae pontificiae, 1, no. 160, pp. 60-61, the reason the theological clichés formulated in more than given for the translatio concilii being the pollution of the three centuries of unionist disputation, but this air in Ferrara (and of course the plague might return with was not enough. They feared the Latin employ-

the spring) and the greater convenience and healthful- ment of the syllogism, and distrusted the

ness of Florence (for Eugenius could not acknowledge holasti lat; f . that without the financial backing of the Medici the Council] 5C/!0 astic solution oO theological problems. The

could hardly go on). debates at Florence made manifest once more "Cf. lorga, Notes et extraits, II, 33, a text interesting the superiority of the western university training enough to cite (from the Florentine series of “Uscita,” Over the rather haphazard study of Scripture Reg. 268, fol. 35, and very similar to numerous entries in and tristic lit t “nth 3 hool the accounts of the Camera Apostolica for this period): “Adi patris C ilerature in € Monastic SCHOOIS XVIII di maggio [1439]. A Chosimo di Giovanni de’Medici of Constantinople. After more than two months

e Llorenzo e ciaschuno di loro, in tutto. Per ispese per of confusion and altercation among themselves, loro fatte del mese di febraio prossimo passato, per chamino although most of the uninformed Greek clergy € per vivere de’ Greci, della venuta loro della citta di were probably not entirely sure of what they Ferrara alla citta di Firenze, fiorini mille dugiento di do; h did ; fF he ] Chamera, e per le spese fatte a detti Greci nella citta di WET€ Going, they did in e ect accept the longFirenze, per primo e sechondo mese, chomincato adi XV del controverted filioque clause. Bessarion had mese di febraio prossimo passato, a ratione di fiorini already urged them to do so, in all sincerity, in

1,700 “ Chamera “per caschun meses tutto noon:sette, a longsoldi Oratiodieci dogmatica quatromile secento di Chamera, a fiorini . 69 which he delivered on auro pro cento, 4,945 di sconto,—fiorini 4,600 di Camera 13 and 14 April, 1439." In a tense and eloquent

[the last words are erased ]. ——_ “Alloro detti e a ciaschuno, in tutto fiorini per le °7 The Latin doctrine of the twofold procession of the

spese per loro facte nella citta di Firenze a detti Greci, per Holy Spirit was the chief stumbling block to the Greeks’ lo vivere per terzo mese, inchomincato adi XV d’aprile reunion with the Latin Church. Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. prossimo passato, a ratione chome di sopra, fiorini mille des conciles, VII-2, 988-95, have most unaccountably conseicento [sic] di Chamera, e fiorini sette, soldi dieciauro pro fused Giovanni di Montenero with the Basel conciliarist

cento, di sconto, 1,827, grossi [?] due, soldi due, denari John of Ragusa, as noted by Gill, Council of Florence,

quattro, — 1,700 di Camera [last words erased]. Confessati pp. 194-226, who has given us an excellent summary of per detto Chosimo. Pagha netti fiorini 6,300 di Chamera.” _ the debate and of its immediate aftermath. On Montenero

The papal, Florentine, and other financial accounts and his confréres, see G. Meersseman, “Les Dominicains would seem to belie, to some extent at least, the charge often présents au concile de Ferrare-Florence jusqu’au deécret repeated by Syropoulos, George Scholarius (Gennadius), d’union pour les Grecs (6 juillet 1439),” Archivum Fratrum John Eugenicus, Amiroutzes, and others that the Latins Praedicatorum, 1X (1939), 62-75. Until the Latins dropped sought, more or less, to starve the Greeks into acceptance the filioque clause from the creed and gave up the use of

of a decree of union (cf. Jos. Gill, “The ‘Acts’ and the unleavened bread (the azyma) in the mass (let alone the Memoirs of Syropoulos as History,” Orientalia Christiana different Latin views and practices as to baptism, the

periodica, XIV [1948], 331-340). eucharist, and purgatory), Marcus Eugenicus could not

Some idea of the financial importance of the Medici to consider ecclesiastical reunion as doctrinally tenable. He is Eugenius IV, the Greeks, and the Council of Florence may — the subject of two recent monographs (N. P. Basileiades, be got from the Epistolae pontificiae, 1 (1940), no. 68, Marcus Eugenicus and the Union of the Churches [in Greek], pp. 70—71; II (1944), nos. 138, 194, 221, pp. 32-33, 86, Athens, 1972, and C. N. Tsirpanlis, Mark Eugenicus and 120-21; III (1946), no. 246, p. 23, and from the Acta the Council of Florence, Thessaloniki, 1974). Marcus Eugenicus camerae apostolicae (1950), nos. 59, 60, 69, 71, 72, etc., | was withal a valiant as well as a learned man. pp. 48-49, 50 ff., 59, 61, 63, 67-68, 69, 76-77, 78-80, 88 Cf. Syropoulos, Mémoires, X, 28-29, ed. Laurent (1971), 83-84, 90-91, 99, 101, 102-3, 106, 109. The Medici con- __ pp. 516-20. tinued as papal bankers throughout Eugenius’s reign (¢f. B. 6° Emmanuel Candal, ed., [Bessarionis Nicaeni) Oratio Krekic, Dubrovnik [Raguse] et le Levant au moyen age, Paris dogmatica de unione, Rome, 1958, pp. 10-15 and ff. (Conc.

and The Hague, 1961, no. 1097, pp. 346-47). Florent., Docc. et scripp., ser. B, vol. VII, fasc. 1).

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 61 discourse George Scholarius, then a judge and_ churches was announced on the forenoon of a layman, implored his fellow Greeks to accept 6 July, 1439, in a long session over which union with the Latin Church. Indeed, he said that Eugenius himself presided in the cathedral Latin learning had demonstrated they could do of S. Reparata, now S. Maria del Fiore, where so in all conscience. The Latins would helpthem a huge crowd had gathered to witness the defend Constantinople against the Turks, who colorful ceremony. Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini (it was said) had already laid siege to the city read the Latin text of the decree; Bessarion, or would soon be doing so.” Isidore of Kiev the Greek; and both Eugenius and John VIII was no less strong an advocate of union, urging with their respective clergies made _ public the reverend fathers at the Council to have done acknowledgment of their assent. It was a with their contentiousness, for they could find memorable day, a Monday. All the shops in nothing more that might assist them in the vast Florence were closed, just as though it were theological heritage which their forebears had Sunday. It was a proud day indeed for the

left.” Florentines, who knew that history was being The last obstacles to union or at least to the made in their city.” declaration of union were removed during the month of June, 1439. The differences relating The church councils of the fifteenth century to the eucharist, purgatory, and papal supremacy all required extensive advance planning. They were resolved by the Greeks’ giving way to caused the descent upon Pisa or Pavia, Siena or compromise, fatigue, and ignorance, and by the Florence, Constance or Basel, of hundreds and Latins’ contenting themselves with some measure (in some cases) even of thousands of persons, of ambiguity and by not making too rigid issues many of whom required appropriate housing

of them.” On 5 July the higher clergy of both and all of whom required food. Inevitably Churches signed the Greek and Latin texts of lodgings became scarce, and the costs rose the decree of union (writtenin parallelcolumns). despite the imposition of ceilings on rents. The Greeks, however, were not unanimous in Foodstuffs became more expensive. Exchange their subscription. As Gregory the Protosyn- rates fluctuated to the usual advantage of the cellus, who represented Philotheus, the patriarch bankers. Merchants and artisans prospered from

of Alexandria, wrote the latter shortly after- the concentration of customers, but they were wards, all the Greek prelates had accepted the also impeded by the financial stringency which union except two, “[Marcus Eugenicus,] the resulted from the fact that ecclesiastical revenues metropolitan of Ephesus, who is certainly a were rarely equal to current expenses or at any

learned man, and the completely ignorant Bishop [Isaias ] of Stauropolis, for whom nothing —=————

makes sense” (metropolita Effesinus, homo certe “ The decree or bull of union of 6 July, 1439, may be eruditus, vir ad omnino literarumecclesiarum found in A. Theiner and F. Miklosich, eds., Monumenta . ageet Stauropolitanus, 73 . pectantia untonem graecae et romanae, Vienna,

nescius, cut nihil constat). Although ignorant, 1879, pp. 46-56, and in G. Hofmann, ed., Documenta

Isaias was presumably not stupid; he had quietly concilu Florentint de untone orientalium, 1: De untone Graeslipped away, and doubtless saved himself much corum .. . ,Rome, 1935 (Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana,

embarrassment later on. The union of the Textus et documenta, ser. theologica, no. 18). Hofmann’s

text is better. The original still exists in the Biblioteca

——_—_——_— Medicea-Laurenziana, in the Cassetta Cesarini, no. 1, which Geo. Scholarius, “De pace deque adiuvanda patria is now “on exhibition under glass,” as Hofmann notes in adhortatio,” in Jos. Gill, ed., Orationes Georgi Scholar in the Epistolae pontificiae, Il (1944), pp. vii—viu. Cf. Délger, concilio Florentino habitae, Rome, 1964, esp. pp. 12-18 (Conc. Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3486, p. 126. According to the Acta Florent., Docc. et scripp., ser. B, vol. VIII, fasc. 1). Cf., graeca, ed. Gill, II, 471-72, the Greeks (and Latins) signed

ibid., pp. 40 ff., 62 ff. five more copies of the decree on 20 and 21 July (1439);

™"G. Hofmann and Em. Candal, eds., Isidorus arch. Syropoulos, Mémoires, X, 25, ed. Laurent (1971), pp. 510,

Kioviensis et tottus Russiae, Sermones inter concilium Florentinum 512, says that the pope wanted five copies, but the Curia

conscripti, Rome, 1971, pp. 54-80, esp. p. 70, Isidore’s settled for four. Actually hundreds of copies were pre“Exhortatoria oratio ad concilium” (Conc. Florent., Docc. et pared and distributed unsigned or with signatures added

scripp., ser. A, vol. X, fasc. 1). for the record. On 2 August, 1439, Francesco Condulmer, ” Cf. Hofmann’s essay on Papato, conciliarismo, patriarcato, the cardinalis camerarius, ordered the payment of nineteen

Rome, 1940. florins to the notary Arnoldo “pro trecentis decem copiis 8G. Hofmann, ed., Orientalium documenta minora, Rome, __decreti sanctissime unionis Grecorum factis pro mittendo ad 1953, no. 34, p. 44 (Conc. Florentinum, Docc. et scripp., nonnullas mundi partes” (Acta camerae apostolicae [1950], no.

ser. A, vol. III, fasc. 3). The original Greek text of this 82, p. 71). Hofmann, Epp. pontificiae, U, pp. vi—1x, has letter breaks off in the middle; the Latin version, which identified eighteen copies with subscriptions, autograph or

seems to be contemporary, is complete. otherwise.

62 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT rate they were rarely available when needed to _ tained largely at his own expense, a fact which,

pay bills. As one stood on a street corner, a_ if true (and it was not), would have endeared social panorama of the times passed before his him to Pope Eugenius IV, who was constantly eyes. The councils attracted pimps and pros- pressed for. money. Papal income had declined titutes as well as those who sought benefices, markedly since the period of the Great Schism, privileges, or the resolution of legal or admin- and now the conciliarists at Basel were impeding

istrative problems at the Curia. the flow of funds to the Curia Romana. Many Most of the texts relating to the Council of of the larger accounts settled by the papal

Ferrara-Florence are of a formal nature, show- treasurers during the years 1437-1439 repreing the participants in full dress, more rarely sent the repayment of funds disbursed for the en déshabillé. The minor records, however, are Holy See by the Florentine bankers Cosimo often as interesting, if not so important, as the and Lorenzo de’ Medici.” theological and other arguments which finally Among the Florentine expenditures on behalf led to the solemn decree embodying the best of the Greeks are two items published by lorga efforts of the assembled intelligence of Chris- on which he makes no comment, but to which

tendom. we must call attention here:

Sylvester Syropoulos, for example, relates m [31 July, 1439:] A Francescho di Ghuccio, maziere his account of the Council how, in April, 145 8, de Singnori, grossi quaranta, per ispese per lu Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini invited Bessarion, fatte e che ara affare di mandare a Prato e a Pistoia George Gemistus Pletho, and George Amiroutzes_— e¢ innantri luoghi chollo ’nperadore de Greci e cho

to dine with him for the discussion of philo- messere Agnolo Acciaiuoli.” sophical problems.” If this is an attractive [30 September, 1439:] A Francescho di Ghuccio, picture, we may contrast with it Syropoulos’s maziere, per resto di spese per lui fatte innandare description of Amiroutzes during the eleventh 4 Prato e a Pistoia, chome ser Angnolo Acciaiuoli, session at Ferrara (on 18 November, 1438), when quamdo achonpangno lo ‘nperadore de’ Greci,

he stood with a companion in a far corner, 8'SS! quattordict p.

*...e-

facing the intractable Marcus Eugenicus, but —=—-———— out of sight of the concillar fathers, surrepti- a lorga, Notes ei extraits, U (Paris, 1900), 1-20 (to the tiously jeering and making funny faces at the year 1440). orga has published here many orders (manEphesian to distract him from the defense of Stato di Roma, Mandata, Regs. 828-30). Fr. Hofmann has

. . . ata) on the papal treasury (preserved in the Arch. di

Orthodoxy.” followed the payment of these orders in the accounts of Almost eighty years ago Iorga published in the | papal income and expenditure (Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

second series of his Notes et extraits dozens of inrottus et exitus, Regs 402, ae 400, 308, 3) nis

financial accounts relating to Greek affairs from ments already: available FA lorga have been republished the early 1430's, paid by the Camera Apostolica together with a number which the latter had missed. for the expenses of Greek ambassadors and of The Metropolitan Isidore had left Moscow with more other officials and agents “going into Greece on than a hundred persons in his suite on 8 September, the business of our lord, the pope, and of the 1/437. On his journey to Riga and thence through a dozen

Church.” Drafts were drawn in. .favor of shipGerman cities, Trent, to Ferrara, which he entered on 18 August, 1438, seeand JanPadua Krajcar, “Metropolitan owners and landlords, copyists and couriers. Isidore’s Journey [KhoZenie] to the Council of FlorThe benches necessary for public disputation ence . . . ,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXXVIII (1972), in the church of S. Francesco in Ferrara cost 367-87. Isidore arrived back in Moscow on 19 September,

. 1440. In this connection see also Krajcar’s study of “Simeon

three florins. One day paper cost the treasury of Suzdal’s Account of the Council of Florence.” ibid., ten florins, and on another more than 80 florins XXXIX (1973), 103-30. Simeon’s account, which survives were spent on Malmsey, confections, spices, and in three recensions, is historically worthless, but became wax for the Russian ambassadors, who were _ politically influential in Russia as an anti-Latin tract.

: . 78 lorga, Notes et extraits, 11, 34, from the “Uscita,”

heade rod We may taping that move was spent Reg. 269, fol. 49’, not in Hofmann. The Greek Acts of the on Malmsey than on confections. In any event activities of the Emperor John, mention no events between Isidore, soon to become the “Ruthenian cardinal,” 21 July and 13 August, and so contain no reference to rode into Ferrara in an entourage (it iS said) ot this trip to Prato and Pistoia (Jos. Gill, ed., Quae supersunt 400 horsemen. whom he is stated to have main- actorum graecorum Concili Florentint, Conc. Florent., Docc.

, Council of Florence, which give some information on the , et scripp., ser. B, vol. V, fascs. 1-1 [Rome, 1953], HJ, 471-72).

TO 79 longa, Notes et extraits, II, 34, from the “Uscita,” Reg. V, 3, ed. Laurent (1971), p. 258. 270, fol. 38, not in Hofmann. The sign p. I take to mean 675 Syropoulos, Thid., Mémoires, V1, 42, p. 338. di picciolt.

MART

_phese entriescleare , IN V AND EUGENIUS IV Guetio. a groats were nid on 1) On 31 July, — O 63

other ; to P erce ; i, findi 7 nl

penses »_Mm mace-bearet of the Sic e Francesco di di Tacos twenty-seventh da Pistoia and rred by him in g conto for ex- hour oF di Latino de’ nhs et 1439, I, Giovanni Greeks and with paces with the emperor ¢ and of Peretola, saw little before, in tie myself, at the

following 30 S ngelo Acciaju oli or of the Messer Angelo oming along the r public square

groats, the a, september, Francesc 1. 2) On the servants.22 He v di Jacopo 3 the roae from Prato

. ncurred 1 . or the not nocked se . of the ch . the emperor when he o and.Pistoia cong and i what he NP ° him and askedat B that it was : oindcaajuell t afaticul Ge Greeks. accom indtpanied mv of th he an active Havi ‘.ynted inquirin the, .if prior if .was . Having k I com g. He ansv he did at Ferrar iguing partCi aken such estoia from Pistoi aand In the . empero and Pvered Ne. me: not eae behindbei himis dus et VIII oun Pistoia TOF Constantinople whe in the suitetoof the usiness last d 4: , allthat Was assi ehis Girdle ofur OuLad wanted ;sion ing 22 ay of ssigned to sui go seeI atoJuly), heehad gone oO hour 1si is late f ybythe Signori * and to Pr conciliar the hour suite the Si y at Prato,” Who andwith Pistoi n But an €xc tor us tosignoria. Andecause b went hi a. whyhediisur-tirisetired and get to Flor These im?: In whwas y didgo: he >the Up in tk sick, as youk ence to eat,*4 are atc chu > you know, I »* and we can re On which, as ondition was he? I replied to hin untl this evenin wanted to put him

he had i alance owed him f o received 14 Peretola, and k vent up to the door oli with some

with Angelo A in going to Prat expenses doi opened, I went veral times. Seein urch of

textcontained swer. Our info ,iasiniormation a matter of fa house “Messer, 5 ct,should j; bem:ade , atI am; home

al eca M uscr you tha : t ple a lord now part of the Bi agliabecchiana i re from the fo t there is nothing: ou but I must

the oldBibliot Bibli in aniguing intrigui comes would give th quateve to recel one. If our manfrom ; d ityou the utmos so great

I .e — ibli := in e or :ur.walls at om Warn ;1.4.

‘ 39). The t fols. 108” ior Nazionale Centrale cle Se eae eee house.” e except beds and notes oratic anuscript is a misc . Cl VI, num of Messe a either to th ‘oe have the intenti even acipe recifor,maki ands various 1 etters, that s rdo, of Antonio items, including * ser Riccardo, oF fo or yourtohouse, ut cons! , son 195paper andfolio r mating wine cueing friends, I was not be mposed pos small 1 white in vellum, 1 . Written gj going re toshould this priest.” ed upon

; ions. and ellany of | ser Ricciard e house of nuion

iovanni de’isPiwrt written ins fhegives incivitthe of tt date (1 one Gi s, and m, it1conta

mid-fifteen f mentary i . Lampros is title of; items . teenthptoritman and y isisinaccu notes that F and

years in the ; a Pigli, who ke nN the hand of vonaneren of the are | ee for 1439) both in hi of liter 1 century a ny and does not } rate, but his hat Ferrato’s bri The text wit ary and historical int a beehive tes which f indude the * ferences eiv is also very slight

memorand whichpr were a erest.®° the e: published efrom he ven above“Usci to the e ,” ndum concerecording pens Signoria’s Florentine

of wh prepared by Gi rned is a es on the payments f ne “Uscita,” his ware was probably the rn iovannithe as aaccount record re-edited by Seiton, in S (oXX Pistoia and PThe the emperor's reer. How ost exciti ,in Speculum, rato. text wéex;

read and diiscussed many later event of de’f Pigli gi gives of the emper n, XXXIIT, F was Giing generations . 4 gli some Ors day in 225-26. P : ollowing

one cann iovanni’s of Pighi places of buri notes on memb eretola, Giovanni

oe detfull say, but this mem great experience ® Angelo i acc, 110 ff.). ers of his family and their tion of day inay (and a dL of Antonio LA diFlorenti Donato Acciajuoli j rmemorancum quaint d gives . . 1435) cciajuoli, 1 was a se

John V y 11) the lif ) eScrip- Antoni ’ and a first Hy orentine d cond

est of Flo and and Pall nia in 1433 edici, and

Joan alt mie nenorthwest at Peretola, about a the Emperor Sennexiled ae ilettoesCephaloni c was a foll of Dukes Athens iles three Albizzi lower of theNelo. Medici and

. nuenta . 5, Berh ques - 1 out

oo rence:™ of Florence Chas. tla had forced C when Rinaldo degli

Cf. the I ; noscritti ou connue Hopf, Chroni Osmo de’ Medici 1, 1900) dell in “nye Domi evant, Lond » p- 476; Wm . es inédites X®(Forl rt 134 det mapeu “ays the L n, 1873 gréco-romanes inédi

analyzed. I am gratef . where the conte biblioteche d'Italia omination of Athens, 1 ae P- 400; K eee The Latins

me get dacomplete eful to microfilm Dr. Ce ntsor of assistin the MS , esser 205, 208). C ., Cf. 1-1388 K. M. Setton, Cataloe f th Agnol as}ano da; Bisticci on,Lond 1975 81toThis sare Olschki fpp. 5. are vita di M Vespasia , rev. ed.,

Relazione was fi of MS. g vol. IV gnolo icci,italiano Comm f Gio was first ipublish ;the , pt. (184 oli, in. the Archivi dell , ;i .Ciouaan Peret F tro Ferrat §1OSs diplom : .Acciaiuoli, 9-61 (wh 3entario rico dell’imperad vanni de’Pigli da ed by Pietro F Angelo’s di 3), pp. 33 rchivio storico italiano, fto nel 14 aun 1 srrato, episode) . es, Vesere: much 1S made of from which it«didCostantinopoli fa otaviag intorno of this epi aticbut activiti i 2 pros, “Mia hué with a G gna, 1867) 83 A ap. xxx, ed. Plinti © Machiavelli cw nothing

’ , l~y turn + .?ens,Fl1 rescoe ~ frorentin s the C (1439

ey IlepeToX -? TooKavyns,” ta NEPA Twavvov , reektov translati ; At the D . linio Carli I 1, 1927), storie25. é, E6@vod0 7D THs ‘E Il 1i0n byoly the Girdl H ; uomo in Prat (Florence, YtRKNS ’ 1S, AeAti ~ aXatoro oO may still , ), 997-29 351-57. Bei Tatptas THs *TOPLKHS ATLOV TS Kat Io 2nhoyon Donatel ill be tl aaf : . bein b NS offopeni the 1e fby : eft ello and Mi neseen Pulpit still faulty It gEAAgSo subsequently furni s, VI, Ins (Ath i with aisle t ichelozzo °

sn on en, 180," Reierencer othe Enger Shape ofthe Holy Cid ens, 1926), 327 39 never oyera Kat GillhSwT as dates 29 Ap a) of 417, the10Poor neath appear crovmouané, THT (Athens, 0 apparently saw une Grock Acts (Pratitie) of the Council —29, where »peradica €d., Acta and of Flor e Christ. XIV. 414, wna par 1439 (Jos. ? 313 4,ril 315, 345). . Gill, in Orient.

€ ” print d it i . arentl . in th e ,

64 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT He thanked me profusely, and agreed to bring him and had me kneel at the feet of the emperor. He to our house, saying: “I do not want you to go to expressed thanks through his interpreter for the any expense beyond the use of your house. The honor which I had done him in receiving him into

Commune is paying his way.” my house, and having made me the offer that, if I

He went back toward Prato, where he met the should ever get to his country, he would do me the emperor on the road, and brought him straight to honor, etc., he took my name, how it was said, where our house. He appeared with forty to fifty knights, he had stayed, and had note made of these things. in good order, and with his many barons, lords, and __ I answered his Majesty something that occurred to me,

gentlemen. And because he had lost the use of his and having kissed his foot, I withdrew from his' legs, he came right into our hall on horseback, presence. The horsemen were already in the saddle, without anyone’s seeing him dismount except hisown and most of the barons mounted, in the meadow, gentlemen and servants. I had had prepared for him when everybody left the hall, except for a few. The the bed of the chamber to the left of the entrance emperor’s horse was led into the hall, the door was into the hall with the bedding which was there,a green _ shut, he mounted his horse, and they took the road to coverlet and a pair of white sheets. But the emperor, Florence along the Arno. Afterwards in commemoraas I understood, did not want to go into the bedroom; tion of these events, we had his arms painted over instead he had a sort of couch made on two benches _ the door of the hall, as may still be seen.

with a little mattress and with a rug, by the door of the hall to the left of the passageway in, under The Patriarch Joseph II had departed this life the arbor, and there he slept until his people produced jy an odor of Latin sanctity on 10 June, 1439; someting for him to eat. When food was provided, he was buried in Florence, in S. Maria Novella, e had a small table placed before his couch. I found here hi b ‘Ib hn VIII lef him some white table cloths, and then he ate alone; where his tomb may still be seen. Jo n ert the others, his barons and lords, [ate] under the arbor Florence on 26 August and, with a brief Stop at both outside and inside, like a soldiers’ mess. And the Bologna, returned to Venice on 6 September. rest, the servants, after the lords had eaten, had their Here he encountered numerous delays, includ-

own dinner in the same place. And note, the first ing a fire in the Arsenal, and so he took the food the emperor ate was a salad of purslain and opportunity to indulge his passion for hunting parsley, with some onions, which he himself wished to by a two days’ jaunt into the region of Padua.

clean. After that there were chickens and pigeons, He seems, therefore, to have recovered “the boiled, and then chickens and pigeons quartered and use of his legs.” ‘The imperial party set sail for fried in the frying pan with lard. As the dishes came, home on 19 October, and by way of Pola, Corfu,

they were all placed before him, and he took what he Mod C N dL h

wanted, and sent them along to the others. His last odon, oron, Negroponte, and Lemnos they dish was eggs thrown on hot bricks where the other made their way to the D ardanelles, where the

things were cooked. And they set them before himin ‘Turkish governor of Gallipoli sent John a coura bowl with many spices; I cannot imagine how they teous greeting. In the early morning hours of

were done, but such is the fact. ] February, 1440, the Despot Constantine Messer Angelo and I, with his servants, went todine Dragases, accompanied by Genoese and Vene-

at the house of Antonio, son of Messer Ricciardo, tians as well as by many archonies, boarded a where the. latter's wife had cooked for us the galley and went out to meet him.* John had been chickens and pigeons which had been sent there atthe absent from the capital for twenty-six months. expense of the aforesaid gentleman, the mace-bearer yj. effort seemed to have been worthwhile. On

of the Signoria. Next, when we felt he had dined .

d 7rested October, 1439, Eugenius IV had and enough, we left for my house, andaddressed we - or . tc a found the emperor playing backgammon [giuchare a bull to all Christians, soliciting financial aid pro

tavole| with one of his barons. Some of his people tuitione et custodia ipsius civitatis Constantistood watching; others were going for a walk in the nopolitane.” Two days later, practicing what he garden; and others were sleeping throughout the bed preached, Eugenius arranged through the chambers, very much at home. Messer Angelo and Medici bank in Florence to send 12,000 florins Ciriaco of Ancona, a man most learned in Greek and to the imperial court for the defense of ConLatin, and I stood there all day in the hall, the - stantinople.®” emperor always playing backgammon and _ joking

with his people.” 86 Syropoulos, Mémoires, XI, 4, 12-23, ed. Laurent, pp.

In the evening, at the twenty-third hour [about 594-44, and of. Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2507, 2510-13, 8:00 P.M. in July], or perhaps later, Messer Angelo pp. 76-78. asked me to go into the garden with the gentlemen, 87 Epistolae pontificiae, 11, nos. 220-21, esp. pp. 119-21. The 12,000 florins were “pro solutione ibidem [in Con-

ee85 This stantinopoli] fienda certis balistariis ad custodiam dicte charming picture of the Emperor John VIII is at civitatis pro certo tempore deputandis.” Cf. in general variance with the rather harsh and prejudiced account we Raymond de Roover, The Rise and Decline of the Medici

have of him in Syropoulos’s Memoirs. Bank, 1397-1494, New York, 1966, pp. 124, 194, 212-13, 217.

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 65 The Greek acceptance of the filioqgue clause in Constantinople.” John was in favor of union;

meant a good deal to Eugenius and the Curia. it was militarily advisable. The pope’s crossThe conciliarists at Basel had lost prestige in bowmen were still walking the walls of his the pope’s success. Union with Rome was now capital. When in early May, 1440, Metrophanes, affirmed by Armenian envoys (on 22 November, the metropolitan of Cyzicus, became patriarch

1439)8* and thereafter by the Copts in Egypt of Constantinople, he wrote the Greek com(on 4 February, 1442).°° Despite the astonishing munity at Modon (on 10 June) that “what the outcome of his unionist efforts, however, Latins now say about the procession of the Holy Eugenius still faced disquieting uncertainties. Spirit was and is the word and doctrine of our own France and Germany continued their “neu- _ blessed saints and teachers.” Furthermore, he astrality,’ and seemed still to lean toward the sured them, their rites and the “symbol” of their conciliarists at Basel, who elected Amadeo VIII faith remained absolutely unchanged, @s kat of Savoy as Pope Felix V (on 5 November, mpozepov, ovdév 76 civodov éEvadrdrAdEavtes.”?

1439).°° Eugenius also had to face for some time The Patriarch Metrophanes [II] persisted in the unabated hostility of Filippo Maria Visconti his unionist activities, as did his successor of Milan and Alfonso V of Aragon-Naples; Gregory the Protosyncellus, but the monks, most although he finally managed a modus vivendi with of the clergy, and the masses of people would both of them, the latter’s price being his recogni- have none of it. The historian Ducas relates that

tion as king of Naples (on 14 June, 1443).* when the Greek delegation to Florence had Although Eugenius IV’s position in Italy disembarked from the galleys (on 1 February, gradually improved, his expectations of union 1440), the inhabitants of the capital went down with the Greeks proved disappointing. He had to the docks to welcome them: “How did your been informed that, as the imperial party made efforts fare? How did the synod go? Did we its way back to the Bosporus through “Modon, win our cause?” The clergy answered, “We have Coron, Negroponte, and the Peloponnesus,” sold our faith overseas, we have exchanged piety the Greeks had accepted news of the union “with for impiety, we have forsaken the purity of the great alacrity.” Cristoforo Garatone, his nuncio ‘sacrifice,’ and become azymitai!”** If Ducas’s to Constantinople, whom he had made bishop account is not to be taken literally, it is ben of Coron, had apparently written him to this ¢rovato. Bessarion and Isidore of Kiev were made

effect. Now, however, as Eugenius wrote cardinals in December, 1439, which rendered Garatone from Florence on 25 August, 1440, them suspect in Greek eyes. Besides, Bessarion Marcus Eugenicus, “ille Ephesinus,” was spewing forth his poison, “and yet if the emperor had }=—W\—W—— agreed that he should be punished as befitted =” Epistolae pontificiae, III, no. 243, pp. 17-21. On Garahis offense, . . . you would have had far fewer tone, who had served as chancellor of the bailie in the dversaries.” The emperor had so far neglected ou" Venetorum in Constantinopoli G. M. Thomas and daversarles e empero ld sO Tar Nesiec R. Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, II [1899, repr. to publish the decree of union, as he should 1965], no. 178, p. 341, doc. dated 30 September, 1423), have done, if he had been properly mindful of _ see the excellent study of Luigi Pesce, “Cristoforo Garatone his duty. This had caused doubt and confusion trevigiano, nunzio di Eugenio IV,” Rivista di storia della

Chiesa in Italia, XXVIII (1974), 23-93. As a consequence of

at least a half dozen years’ residence on the Bosporus

————— (1423-—1428/29), Garatone had acquired an excellent knowl8 Epistolae pontificiae, I1, no. 224, pp. 123-38; Gill, edge of Greek and an important collection of Greek MSS.,

Council of Florence, pp. 306-8; note also G. Hofmann, et al., especially of classical authors. He served the Holy See long eds., Ortentalium documenta minora, Rome, 1953, nos. 29-31, and well. Eugenius employed him on six missions to Con-

35, pp. 32-36, 45. stantinople—in 1433, 1434, 1435, 1436, and 1437, after °° Epistolae pontificiae, III, no. 258, pp. 45-65; Gill, which he returned to Italy with the Greek conciliar dele-

Council of Florence, pp. 325-26; and on the background, _ gation early in 1438, and then went back with the Greeks see Hofmann, Orientalium documenta minora, nos. 39, 41, 43, (as papal nuncio) on their homeward voyage in 1439-1440.

pp. 53 ff. Garatone was also sent on a mission to Basel in 1435, and

*° If he did not repent (and he did not), Felix V, who is _ was assigned the task of papal collector in Crete in 1444. He called “Amadeus antichristus,” was to be condemned and __ wenton fourcrusading missions to Hungary— in 1442, 1443,

punished with all his adherents as a schismatic, blasphemer, 1446, and 1448, when he was present at the battle of heretic, and traitor (Epistolae pontificiae, II, nos. 238-39, Kossovo (17-19 October, 1448), where he was killed. On

pp. 4-13, dated 23 March and 27 May, 1440). the pope’s letter of 25 August, 1440, cf. Pesce, op. cit.,

5t Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1443, nos. 1-5 and ff., pp. 78-79. vol. XVIII (Cologne, 1694), pp. 273-75 and ff.; Pio %° Orientalium documenta minora, no. 36, pp. 45-47; Gill,

Paschini, “Lodovico cardinale camerlengo e i suoi maneggi Council of Florence, pp. 350-51. )

sino alla morte di Eugenio IV (1447),” Memorie storiche 4 Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 31 (Bonn, pp. 215-16), and

forogiuliesit, XXIV (1928), 62-63. ed. Grecu (1958), pp. 269, 271.

66 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT went to live in Italy, and Isidore traveled Every day through the last years of his life

interminably and ubiquitously, George Schol- John VIII had to raise his tired eyes above the arius, the most learned Greek layman of his time, theological strife and ecclesiastical slander that

had subscribed to the union at Florence, but filled his capital, and watch the movement of a few years after his return home, he became ‘Turkish troops beneath his very walls as well as

an anti-unionist, following in the hallowed on the more distant horizons. From 1440 on, footsteps of his old friend and teacher Marcus the intrepid John Hunyadi, voivode or ruler of

Eugenicus. Indeed, Scholarius, under his mo- Transylvania, won a number of much-heralded nastic name Gennadlius, became the first patriarch victories over the Turks, and inspired both of Constantinople after the fall of the city tothe central Europeans and Greeks with the resolve Turks, at which point (as far as the Greeks were to try to halt the Ottoman advance. The Venetian concerned) the union had ceased to exist.” Senate observed his success with silent approval. For the time being, however, they intended to

——————— keep out of the fray, as they told Niccolo da ** On Isidore of Kiev, see above, Chapter I, note 5; on §_ Severino, who had come to the lagoon as envoy

Bessarion, who is the subject of a large literature, see Ki i Polan H rv.2? Th

Ludwig Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist or Li aes of dy a “ane unga . h c

und Staatsmann, 3 vols., Paderborn, 1923-42, repr. Aalen =; epuodlic nad a rea y pal a Cavy price, they and Paderborn, 1967. Mohler, I, 56—191 and ff., has dealt informed the disappointed Niccolo (on 17 at length with the Council of Ferrara-Florence and its after: December, 1440), in blood and gold, defending

math. “ Cennadius Scholar 4 the Christian faith against the Turks. UnC. J. G. Turner, “Scorge-Gennadius Scholarius anc’ fortunately Venice had been obliged to carry on

the of Florence,” The Journal of was Theological Studies, j le byy flerse’, h if d had newUnion ser., XVIII (1967), 83-103. Gennadius born the unequa struggie an abcen

about 1403. He had learned Latin well at a fairly early age, forced into making peace with the Turk. That and was quite at home in Thomist theology before the peace had been—and was being—scrupulously Council of Ferrara-Florence. He defended Aristotle against ~(Gbhcserved by both sides. Venice could not break

the Platonist George Gemistus Pletho. Scholarius is a proper ‘t without i rri dishonor d courtin

name, not a title. See Turner, “The Career of George- 1 With , Incurring shonor an 5 Gennadius Scholarius,” Byzantion, XXXIX (1969-70), 420- disaster. “But in the process of time matters 55. The events of 1438-1439 at Ferrara and Florence might be so arranged that we could do what we have impact century upon pro- (¢f. and ante activities want, and have done in the past, for the wellinto had the an present Ihorunionist Sevéenko, “Intellectual . 2998

Repercussions of the Council of Florence,” Church History, being of Christendom. XXIV [1955], 291-323). The religious fortunes of the Greeks in Italy from Venice to the Terra d’Otranto, —_———_____—_.

Sicily, and Malta over a period of some eight centuries are — Controversies among the Greeks at Venice toward the End of

explored in more than fifty articles in La Chiesa greca in the Fifteenth Century” [in Greek], Thesaurismata, VIII Italia dal? VIII al XVI secolo: Atti del convegno storico inter- (Venice, 1971), 115-87, with several (Venetian) documents

ecclesiale [held at Bari from 30 April to 4 May, 1969], 3 concerning Plousiadenus. vols., Padua, 1972-73 (Italia sacra: Studi e documenti di 87 After the death of Albert II, king of the Romans and

storia ecclesiastica, vols. 20-22). of Hungary, Ladislas III of Poland was elected king of When the Orthodox clergy returned home, they had a Hungary on 6 March, 1440, as he informed Eugenius IV

good deal of explaining to do, and public repentance was — on the following day (Codex epistolaris, I-1 [1876, repr.

presumably in order for a score or more of Greek ec- 1965], no. cx1, pp. 119-21). The Turco-Hungarian wars

clesiastics who had signed the Florentine decree of union. during Ladislas’s brief reign (1440-1444), especially the Cf. N. G. Polites, “The Repentance of Sylvester Syropoulos” Turkish siege of Belgrade in 1440 and the Hungarian

fin Greek], ‘Evernpis ‘Eratpeias Bulavtwev Xaovdov, “long campaign” in 1443 (f. above, note 54, and below, XXXIX-XL (1972-73), 386-402, who identifies the textof note 134), are the subject of an old but still very useful one “repentance” (metanoia) as that of the memorialist article by Alfons Huber, “Die Kriege zwischen Ungarn und Sylvester Syropoulos, who had signed the decree “unwill- den Tiirken, 1440-1443,” Archiv fiir ésterreichische Geingly with his hand and not his heart” (@#AA@ Kat — schichte, LXVIII (1886), 159-207. Venetian documents &kwv wvréypapa €v 7 Exeioe ovvTePevTt Spw XeEtpt relating to the plans and activities of the European

Kat OV yv@pEN). powers contra Teucros hostes crucis during the years 1443-

In after years John Joseph Plousiadenus (1429?-1500), 1444 are now conveniently available in Valentini, Acta

Greek bishop of Modon (from 1492), defended the union Albaniae veneta, XVUII (1974), who covers a much wider of Florence both among the Greeks on his native island of — area than the title of his work would seem to indicate.

Crete and among the Greek refugees in Italy. On his Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15 [1439-1442], fols. 56-57" career, see especially M. Manoussakas, “Recherches sur la [57¥—58"]; Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XVI (1972), no.

vie de Jean Plousiadénos (Joseph de Méthone) . . . ,”Revue 3,945, pp. 130-31: “. .. Ad factum Teucrorum dici-

des études byzantines, XVII (1959), 28-51; Manuel Candal, mus, .. . ut notorium est toti orbi, quod pro Christiana

“La ‘Apologia’ del Plusiadeno a favor del Concilio de fide longissimo tempore cum multa nostra gravedine et

Florencia,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXI (1955), 36-57; expensa ac nostrorum civium et subditorum clade et efand Fane Mavroeidi-Ploumidi, “Documents Relating to the —fusione sanguinis guerram Teucro fecimus sine alicuius

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 67 The coming months, as the Senate soon Romana in Florence. The Senate seemed taken learned, increased the danger to which Hungary aback to learn of the extent of the danger in was exposed. Conditions were no less desperate Hungary, and took note of the provisions which elsewhere. Bosnian and Byzantine envoys ap- the emperor considered essential “for repressing peared in Venice (in February, 1442) to warn the madness and evil disposition of the Turk.” the Senate of the despair which existed in these The whole matter was certainly of the highest

quarters. The king of Bosnia requested per- importance; the Senate must take counsel;

mission to transfer his movable property into Torcello should go on to Hungary, thereafter to Venetian territory if the situation worsened, and Eugenius; “and afterwards let him come back to to come himself with his family into the domain us.” The Senate would then be better able to of the Republic, “and he offers us that kingdom decide what Venice could do, for Torcello himto rule in our own name, openly or secretly as_ self would be in a better position to report at we choose, and [in the meantime} he would have _ first hand on conditions in Hungary and on the

arms and other materials of war from our pope’s intentions. In the meantime, the Senate towns.” The Senate declared that the Bosnian piously concluded, “we shall always be of that envoy could return home and state that sincere disposition, which we have ever main-

we are entirely willing that his serene Highness ina ov doing orang that seems ne

should feel free to send his property and also ate Inobis convenientia} tor the good of the personally to seek refuge with his family in this our city Christian religion and the increase of our sacred

[of Venice] or in any other of our cities which he may _ faith. |

prefer, . . . and we shall be prepared, as often as his Eugenius IV now appointed Giuliano Cesarini, Highness may wish, to furnish him with our safe- cardinal-priest of S. Sabina, called ‘the cardinal conducts, letters patent, and all those guarantees of S. Angelo, as papal legate to the kingdoms [cautiones] which his Highness may find desirable. ... of Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland (on 22 As for the offer of the kingdom of Bosnia, the February, 1442). He was to receive his share of the

Senate solemnly expressed heartfelt thanks, phe a trom the cay of _ departure from ne realizing (they said) that it proceeded from his ~UT14 Wich was sul at florence, to the day MO Highness’s esteem for Venice and from his faith as neck Ia vesarin left Florence on 14 March.

in the Republic, but the Senate thought it better week later he was in Venice, where he ex-

that he retain the kingdom. They fervently P. ained his mission to the Doge Francesco

hoped that he could do so, “and from now on Foscari, who transmitted the information to the we are willing that he should be entirely free Senate. Cesarini spoke of the pope’s desire for to export from this our city [of Venice] the munitions he needs, and have them taken into ® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fol. 112% [113%], docs. dated 21 his kingdom, in order that he may be able to February, 1442 (Ven. style 1441). Cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, no.

defend his aforesaid kingdom and maintain his 3494, p. 128; Thiriet, Regestes, HI, no. 2568, p. 92. The

dominion.” Doge Francesco Foscari had received the two envoys th tiume th €£envoy C separately on 20 inthe theSenate Collegio, . €At same trom ConstanandFebruary, reported on presumably their missions to on the

tinople, of whom we shall see more presently, following day. Giuseppe Valentini, “La Crociata da Eugenio described to the doge the “mala conditio regni IV a Callisto III (dai documenti d’archivio di Venezia),” Hungarie et Christianitatis ac mala dispositio 47hivum historiae pontificiae, X11 (1974), 91-123, esp. pp. 95—

Teucri.” The envoy. one Zanachio or John 110, has prepared a most useful regesto of Venetian

Torceio, 1] 1a; dth hi documents relating to the crusade from February, 1442, explalne the measures which John jg August, 1458. He has also published the two documents VIII believed must be taken to safeguard in question (of 21 February, 1442) in his Acta Albaniae

Hungary. Torcello said that he was going from veneta, XVII (1973), nos. 4,002—3, pp. 174-77. Venice to Hungary and thereafter to the Curia In August, 1442, Fra Jacopo de Primaditiis, a Franciscan, was in Venice as an envoy of John VIII, seeking three armed galleys, que ad custodiam ipsius civitatis [Constantinopolis |

——_—_——— stent pro hac hyeme. Since Fra Jacopo was also going to subsidio vel favore, et tandem videntes nos solos esse Florence to appeal to Eugenius for aid, the Senate post-

quasi coacte devenimus cum ipso Teucro ad pacem que per _poned any decision until they could learn “what he shall utramque partem peroptime extitit observata, cui cum have received from his Holiness” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, honore et sine nostro multo preiudicio et damno con- fol. 135% [136"]). Cf. Délger, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3495, p. 128; travenire ad presens non possemus. Sed in processu Thiriet, Régestes, III, no. 2588, p. 96. temporis res taliter dirigi possent quod possemus pro 10 Hofmann, Fragmenta protocolli, diaria privata, sermones, salute Christianitatis facere de his que optamus et per pp. 44-45; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52,

elapsum fecimus.” fol. 16, ed. Eubel, Hierarchia, 11 (1914, repr. 1960), 27, no. 29.

68 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT political stability in Italy, and said that he was revenues and those of the Church,” in order to going as legate to Hungary to try to make _ keep him available for the papal service at all peace “inter regem Polonie [Ladislas] et reginam _times.'°> Now Eugenius was, going to need Hungarie [Elizabeth ],” and to take such steps as_ Torcello. On 8 May, 1443, he appointed he could for the safety of their fellow Christians Francesco Condulmer, cardinal-priest of S.

and for the obstruction of the Turks. The Clemente, as apostolic legate in Greece. In the

Senate bade him Godspeed, and hoped that he _ bull of nomination Eugenius stated that, since could allay the discords which beset the turbulent his chief desire (to see the Greeks and “orilords and barons of the realm.’*' Shortly there- entales populi” united with Rome) had been after another Bosnian delegation arrived on the so happily fulfilled, he now wanted most of all lagoon to ask the Senate to send an ambassador to see the East freed from the foul tyranny of to Sultan Murad II, but despite the sengularis the Turks. God was showing the clearest signs benivolentia which the Venetians entertained for of his clemency, “for last year in Hungary, the king of Bosnia, whom they would assist in’ Poland, and Wallachia a small army of the all possible ways, such an embassy seemed im-_ [Christian] faithful defeated a huge multitude practicable, “considering that the emperor of the _ of infidels in repeated engagements, [and] not

Turks has now gone with his army toward withouta vast slaughter of the infidels. . . . We Hungary, and that our ambassador could not are also striving, to the extent of our resources, reach him without the greatest danger because of the upheavals of war, the perils of the journey, and a . ” . 103 F'histolae pontificiae, 11, no. 206, pp. 97-98, and note the suspicion of the Hungarians. so Seeking Iorga, Notes et extraits, 11, 365-66. Torcello is referred to in a more secure base for operations, the king of this document as a “young lord from Crete” (domicellus Bosnia had proposed the exchange of a Venetian —_Cretensis). He was probably not very young, because in 1433

fortress town in Dalmatia for one of his own he had served as consul for the Catalans and Sicilians in cities in Bosnia. To this proposal, however, the Constantinople (Const. Marinescu, “Contribution a lhistoire Senate replied that Venice was bound bv the des relations économiques entre l’empire byzantin, la Sicile c Pp ; Yy et le royaume de Naples de 1419 a 1453,” Studi bizantini e most solemn undertakings not to alienate her _ necellenici, V [1939], 211-12, 217). Some thirty years later Dalmatian possessions, non dare nec alienare Torcello was quite old (in hac sua senecta), and had lost unquam illas (civitates | alicui ullo modo, but the king everything mn the fall oO Constantinop’e to the Turks. ve

could rest assured if he soughtemperor. refuge in Be served as faith tuny as nepassed nae} Popeby ane me . . oethat yzantine By aVenice special “grace” the any Venetian stronghold in Dalmatia or else- Venetian Senate on 27 August, 1467, Torcello, his sons, where, he would be as safe and secure as in and legitimate descendants were granted the right to hold any place of his own.!"2 Since it was doubt on the office and fiefs on the island of Crete (Arch. di Stato di

latter score which had led the king to make his Venezia, Senato Mar, Reg. 8, fol. 138%): . blypresumably found smallnobilium assurancenostrorum Constat peramplo testimonio notabilium request,hhe egregium militemcomplurium dominum Johannem to rest upon in this response. Torcellum, fidelem civem nostrum Cretensem, continue ab The imperial envoy John Torcello was as well ineunte etate fideliter et honorifice se gessisse in rebus known at the Curia Romana as in Constantinople. dominii nostri studiosissime in vigilando amplitudini et

About th or £ before this berore (on 20 .dignitati status nostri ubique et presertim temporeConquo ou ree four years erat in serviciis quondam serenissimi Imperatoris August, 1439) Eugenius had made him a stantinopolis, et imprimis quando classis nostra bello member of the papal household (famiglia) with — genuensi prefecto quondam nobile viro Ser Silvestro all the honors and privileges thereto appertain- Mauroceno ivit contra civitatem Pere, cuius opera dicta

ing. He also grante d Torcello an “annual classis in summa necessitate sua habuit subventionem ion” of 400 “from our P2mis, 2*migerorum et pecuniarum, et ipsemetnostro, ducebat provision oO Id§9florins quoddam tractatum dande ipsius civitatis dominio quod fuit detectum cum maximo damno, viz., ultra

—_— ducatorum duo milia et periculo vite ipsius dicti Johannis, 101 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fol. 116" [117°], doc. dated 26 et ut senciat aliquod premium fidei et laboris suorum in

March, 1442. The text may be found in Aug. Cieszkowski, hac sua senecta, amissis presertim omnibus facultatibus suis ed., Fontes rerum polonicarum e tabulario reipublicae venetae, in casu Constantinopolis, et vivere possit cum filiis suis

ser. I, fasc. 2 (Poznan, 1890), no. xxvu, pp. 61-62. On sub umbra nostri dominii, vadit pars quod auctoritate the purposes of Cesarini’s mission, see Domenico Cac- — huius consilii ipse dictus Johannes cum suis filiis et legitime

camo, “Eugenio IV e la crociata di Varna,” Archivio descendentibus participare possit de officiis et beneficiis della Societa romana di storia patria, LXXIX (3rd ser., X, Crete, sicuti plerisque aliis concessum fuit per gratiam,

Rome, 1956), 45-46. consulentibus et suadentibus sic dictis omnibus nobilibus

102 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fol. 117° [118]; Valentini, nostris. De parte 89, de non 9, non sinceri 8.” The motion Acta Albaniae veneta, XVII (1973), no. 4,015, pp. 186-88, was passed, and a scribal note adds: “'Pars] facta in litteris

doc. dated 5 April, 1442. die ultimo August.”

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 69 to build a fleet so that this sacred task may be While John Hunyadi stood out as the antibrought to a successful conclusion, in accord Turkish champion in the north, Constantine with our heart’s desire, by Catholic power both Dragases began to play a similar role among the on land and at sea.”!®4 Francesco Condulmer was Greeks. On 1 March, 1443, Constantine received

the pope’s nephew, vice-chancellor of the from his brother John VIII the city of Selymbria Church; he was put in command of the fleet, on the Sea of Marmara. Sphrantzes informs which was to correlate its movements with those us that he was himself sent there as governor.

of the army, to which Cesarini would be Early in the following summer, however, an attached as the crusading legate in central emissary arrived in Constantinople, sent from

Europe.’ the Morea by the Despot Theodore II, offering On 6 July (1443) Eugenius wrote John VIII to exchange the Moreote despotate for Selymbria.

that he had been glad to see John Torcello, Regarding himself as the heir apparent to the “nuntius tuus,” who had presented him with

an imperial letter. Upon his return to Con- —————— stantinople, Torcello would inform the emperor Broquiére for the guidance of Philip the Good of what was being accomplished “in materia ex- Burgundy. According to Torcello, the Grand Turk could

dition: lassis ad T »» put into the field about 100,000 hommes de cheval. Some

pecitionis et app aratus Classis a Versus * CUCTOS. 20,000 of them were mercenaries, apparently always on call

Although acting as John VIII's envoy, Torcello to arms, of whom 10,000 were well armed, the rest being was apparently still serving as a papal agent, and _ without arms except for shields, swords, and bows and three days later (on 9 July) Eugenius, recalling arrows. The Turk also had 10,000 gens de pié, who lacked his lovalty and devotion at the time of the @™™5 ©*¢ePt for swords and bows and arrows; some of

y . y £ . these had shields also, but others did not. Such was the total

negouations — or umon at Ferrara-F lorence, force which the Turk could muster—“c’est cy toute la

made him a “papal knight” (miles apostolicus). He _ puissance du Grant Turc”—break it, subdue it, and in less directed Torcello, who is described as a “citizen than a month Christendom could conquer “la saincte Terre

of Constantinople,” to swear an oath of fealty to 4 Promission.” ,

Condulmer in the usual fashion.!°* And, to be To defeat the Turk, according to Torcello, one would ; . - need 80,000 combatants, and the best approach to Ottosure, Condulmer might well find him useful 1 man territory would be through Hungary by way of the the East. Torcello had attracted some attention Danube. The Christian forces should be assembled in three at the Council in Florence by his plans for q armies, of which the largest (of 50,000 men) would cross

crusade. 1° the river at Vidin, andshould a second army (of 20,000 men) cross at Belgrade. The Christians had more than ample manpower: [Not counting Hungarians, Poles, and TT others,] the ruler of Serbia, “qui est tributaire au Turc,” 104 Fpistolae pontificiae, III, no. 264, esp. pp. 78-79, and could provide 40,000 combatans a cheval; the Albanians, note the Codex epistolaris, I-1, nos. cxvi, Cxx, and cxxm1, 20,000 horse; the Greeks in the Morea, another 15,000; and

pp. 127 ff. The last text is a letter dated 27 April, 1443, 50,000 Christian subjects of the Turk would rise in revolt in which Ladislas states that the pope had promised him once the crusaders appeared on the scene to assist them. thirty-eight galleys for service against the Turks, and he The army which crossed the Danube at Vidin would head expected twelve galleys from the Venetians, ten from the for Adrianople, “le principal si¢ége du Turc,” a distance king of Aragon, six, from the duke of Burgundy, eight _ of fifteen days for mounted men, etc., etc. And Torcello from the duke of Milan, and two from the master of could cap his exposition with the assurance to the conciliar Rhodes (bid., p. 137). Rhetoric was replacing reality. fathers at Florence that “en tenant ceste manieére, le 105 Fpistolae pontificiae, III, nos. 265-66, pp. 80-84, esp. Turc seroit perdu et tres-brief.” For Torcello’s text and de p. 81, dated 28 May and 13 June, 1443. The Curia was la Broquiére’s comment on it, see Chas. Schefer, ed., Le then at Siena. Cf. Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2607-8, p. 102. Voyage d’Outremer de Bertrandon de la Broquiére, Paris, 1892,

106 Fpistolae pontificiae, III, nos. 267-68, pp. 84-85. For pp. 263-74. De la Broquiére is not uncritical of Torcello’s “Ebrcellus,” read “Torcellus” (¢f. lorga, Notes et extraits, II, | views, concluding with the observation “quant a la conqueste

397-98, and Ddolger, Regesten, pt. 5, no. 3504, p. 129). de la Terre Saincte de quoy Messire Jehan Torzelo met At the same time Torcello, orator serenissimit d. imperatoris en son advis qui se feroit ung mois par apprez, il me Grecorum, received 100 gold florins from the Camera “pro samble que la chose n’est pas si legiére a faire, au moins sua subventione” (Iorga, II, 22, and Hofmann, Acta camerae_ par terre comme le dit Messire Jehan .. .” (2bid., pp. apostolicae, no. 143, p. 110, dated 9 July, 1443). On 27 273-74). In fact, any talk about recovering the Holy Land November, 1444, the Camera reimbursed the Medici bank was nonsense. thirty gold florins for payment made to Torcello, now For further notices concerning Torcello, see Franz Badescribed as orator apostolicus pro factis sanctissimi domini binger, “‘Bajezid Osman’ (Calixtus Ottomanus), ein

nostri pape (Notes et extraits, IH, 23). Vorlaufer und Gegenspieler Dschem-Sultans,” in Aufsatze

107 On Monday, 16 March, 1439, between the sixth and und Abhandlungen xur Geschichte Stidosteuropas und der

seventh sessions of the Council at Florence, Torcello, Levante, I (Munich, 1962), 305-8 [reprinted from La

“chevallier, serviteur et chambellan, comme il dit, de l'em- Nouvelle Clio, III Brussels, 1951], and “Veneto-kretische pereur de Constantinoble,” had advanced plans foracrusade Geistesstrebungen um die Mitte des XV. Jahrhunderts,” which were later assessed by the traveler Bertrandon de la Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LVII (1964), 73-75.

70 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT imperial throne, for he was older than Con-_ the walls has been restored, and the fatal Isthmus stantine, Theodore thus undertook to secure his again fortified with turreted ramparts, he will then right to the succession. The exchange was - lead his. forces through the Megarid and all Achaea. effected. Constantine, who was in the capital He has recently received the city of Thebes in at the time. returned to the Morea in October surrender, and will attack with separate detachments

aa . -. of troops Livadia, sacred Daulia at the foot of Mount idence in Selymbria in December.' The two or cng call free dete Pon oahte fone the harhaien Presider y -T. of God will free them honorably from the barbarians.

Theodore withdrew from Mistra to take up his p d the city of Delphi. and with the aid brothers had got along very badly in the Morea, But in the meantime after I had arrived at Euripean

but now Constantine held chief sway in the Chalcis,!° the renowned city of Euboea, to sail the peninsula, and the internal strife which had been more safely to your royal city, on 26 February I dissipating Greek strength was largely ter- boarded a Euripean trireme under the command of minated. The third brother Thomas occupied Maffio Molin, a Venetian noble, and we have begun to

an inferior position. The unstable Demetrius 4!!—his purpose being to free the Aegean of the had been rendered hors de combat as a result of oublesome Catalans and pirates, mine to explore an ill-advised revolt against John VIII during sacred Delos along the way and the other Cyclades

the summer of 1442 .,scattered through the sea, and then from Chios to take care to come to Constantinople more safely on

Encouraged by Hunyadi’s successes, Con- 4 royal ship of your own. . . .1”° stantine Dragases soon made his presence felt in continental Greece as well as in the Morea.

In February, 1444, he launched an attack which _ oe

brought him wide recognition north of the “Y Ciriaco writes, “. . . cum Euripeam Chalcidiam insig. . nem Euboeae civitatem advenissem. . . .” Eurtpea is a Latin Isthmus of Corinth. A letter written to J ohn Vil adjective derived from the Greek Eipimos (Evnpos), by the famous antiquarian and scholar Ciriaco meaning strait or channel, and denoting especially the chande’ Pizzicolli of Ancona informs us of the _ nel between Boeotia and Euboea. From Evripes come the situation as it existed early in this year when ™odern names Egripo and, by prefixing the final “n” of the Constantine was embarking on his ambitious Greek article in popular pronunciation to the proper name, j Ing — Negroponte (eis tov Eipuzrop, eis ton Evripon ). program of expansion. Ciriaco wrote his inter- 110 Francesco Pall, “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la crociata contro i esting letter on shipboard at Oreos in northern Turchi,” Bulletin historique de UAcadémie roumaine, XX Euboea about the beginning of March, 1444: (Bucharest, 1938); 60-61 (Latin text), and ¢f. pp. 24-25;

Oskar Halecki, The Crusade of Varna, New York, 1943, p. 84

. . . When I had got to the Achaean or Pelopon- (with the same text). This letter, written by Ciriaco from nesian city of Patras, I immediately wrote to your Oreos in Euboea some time after 26 February, 1444, has most illustrious brother Constantine, and on this been regarded by most scholars as the first installment of very subject [of an expedition against the Turks] Iset 4 long letter finally sent to John VIII on 24 June after

forth what seemed important. And when I had gone winiaco had reached Pera. ;

from there to Corinth, we learned from Demetrius ctually, however, the letter from Oreos is apparently the Asanes, his lieutenant, that he had recently gathered of the group addressed to John VIII. It seems best to large forces from everywhere in the Peloponnesus, identify these six texts, long cited as a single letter to the and was coming with his worthy brother Thomas emperor, in.connection with the present reference to the from Lacedaemonian or Spartan Mistra with the first of them (the others are employed below in their army to the Isthmus. When the long bulwark of chronological order). The second (Pall, op. cit., pp. 61-62)

a. , first in a series of six texts, and appears to be the only one

was probably written to Ciriaco’s friend, Andreolo Giustinas108iani-Banca, from Adrianople about 12 June, 1444 (the Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1049CD; ed. Grecu, addressee being unidentified and the letter undated); with

p. 66); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 18-19 (Bonn, pp. 195-96; _ this letter there went as enclosures (the third and fourth ed. Papadopoulos, I, 193-94; ed. Grecu, pp. 336, 338); texts of the series) copies of King Ladislas of Hungary’s cf. Zakythinos, Despotat grec de Morée, 1, 216-17. Whether in letter of 24 April, 1444, to Sultan Murad II (bid., Selymbria or the Morea, Constantine Dragases’ ultimate goal pp. 62-63) and Murad’s reply thereto dated 12 June was Constantinople and the imperial throne, which he (bid., pp. 63-64). The fifth and sixth texts of the series are finally attained (¢f. H. G. Beck, “Reichsidee und nationale _ two letters, dated 12 June and 24 June, 1444 (bid., pp. 64— Politik im spatbyzantinischen Staat,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 65, 65-66), which Cirtaco sent, possibly together on the

LIII [1960], 86-94, esp. pp. 89-90). On Constantine’s latter date, to John Hunyadi, with whose exploits against aggressive policy after his return to the Morea, note Wm. the Turks we shall soon be concerned. Miller, The Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 409 ff. This division into six parts of the so-called letter of He seized Veteranitza (on the north shore of the Gulf of | “24 June” to John VIII, I take from Halecki, Crusade of Corinth) from the Venetians, to whom the Turks had given Varna, pp. 79-82, who has thus, in my opinion rightly, the town. His action produced a protest from the doge and__ corrected some aspects of Pall’s valuable account (Bull. Senate locum nostrum predictum .. . rectori nostro Nepanti hist. Acad. roum., XX, esp. pp. 34—36) of the Hungarianrestituere (Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XIX [1973], no. Turkish peace negotiations of 1444, to which we shall also

5,090, pp. 54-55, dated 20 April, 1445). come shortly.

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 71 We shall have occasion more than once in the . mand of Greek and Latin would have made him

following pages to speak of Ciriaco of Ancona, well suited. Ciriaco may indeed have been traveler and diplomat, archaeologist and linguist. constrained on various occasions to furnish He was born about 1391; made his first visit information to the Porte concerning Italian to Constantinople in 1418; his second in 1425, affairs, but he obviously never deserted the

and a number of other visits in later years. Christian cause for that of the Turks. UnCiriaco was a good friend of Pope Eugenius IV, doubtedly he employed his knowledge of

who as papal legate in the March of Ancona had Turkish affairs to gather information which he known him in 1420~—1422. During the fourth made available to the western powers. After his decade of the century Ciriaco’s travels took him final sojourn in the East he appears to have

into Dalmatia and Epirus, continental Greece returned to spend his last days in Cremona.’ and the Morea, Chios, Rhodes, and Cyprus, Asia Ciriaco may have died as early as 1452.‘ His Minor and Egypt; he visited the courts of Carlo

II ‘Tocco at Arta, the Palaeologi at Mistra, —————_Nerio II Acciajuoli at Athens, and Murad II at 12 Cf. Franz Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore e il suo Adrianople and elsewhere.!!! Always dedicated mpo, trans. Evelina Polacco, 1957, pp. 729-32; E. Jacobs,

to the id £ ch h . d th d “Cyriacus von Ancona und Mehemmed II,” Byz. Zettschr., o ; € Ideas of C ure! union an : € crusade = xxx (1929), 197-202, on which however see Babinger,

against the Turks, Ciriaco had been in Florence “Notes on Cyriac of Ancona and Some of his Friends,” during the months of the Council in 1439 when, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXV (1962),

as we have seen, in late July he had accompanied 321—23. -iaco's death he. G. Patrinel

John VIII on the excursion to Prato and Pistoia. ,,,._ OP the date of Cirtaco oscd see Chr. ‘ ratnine ee His k ledge and opinions of Levantine affairs Cyriacus of Ancona: His Alleged Service at the Court 0 IS KnNOWwicage and opin Of Leva the Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror and the Time of his were much valued by Greek, Latin, and even Death” [in Greek], ‘Evernpis ris ‘Eratpeias Bulavriwvov Turkish rulers. Some scholars have claimed that 2ovdav, XXXVI (Athens, 1968), 152-60. Ciriaco’s last Ciriaco was in close contact with Murad’s son years are shrouded in obscurity, and the date of his Mehmed IIL the. Conqueror latter’s death remains uncertain. Babinger, Mehmed der Er. oberer,after undtheItalien,” Aufsdtze und Abhandlungen, 1 II., (1962), (second) accession to the Ottoman throne in 175-78, thinks he may have lived until 1455 (this article February, 1451. It has even been asserted, quite .was first printed in Byzantion, XXI [1951]). According to erroneously, that he was in the Turkish camp Jacopo de’Languschi, as quoted by the Venetian chronicler before Constantinople fifteen months later, 2Z0FZ0 Dolfin, Assedio e presa di Costantinopoli nell’ anno 1453,

. he c; ‘th the Turks. I > inserted in the latter’s Cronaca delle famiglie nobili di

entering the city with the turks. it seems most Venezia, ed. G. M. Thomas, in the Sitzungsberichte d. k. unlikely, however, that he ever had any change bayer. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu Minchen, philos.-hist. K1.,

of heart concerning the “barbarians.” Emil 1H (1868), 5-6, in the year 1452 Mehmed II, “aspiring to Jacobs believed Jacopo de’ Languschi’s statement, a glory like that or exander ot Macedon, every aay has which Zorzo Dolfin incorporated in his chronicle, [°° ™StOTl€S OF Tae Komans and of others reac’ to him by

i . . a companion, Ciriaco of Ancona and another Italian—

that Ciriaco was reading certain Greek and he has them read Laertius, Herodotus, Livy, Quintus Roman historians (and western chroniclers) to Curtius, as well as chronicles of the popes, the emperors,

Mehmed II shortly before the siege of Con- the kings of France, and the Lombards:” Languschi’s stantinople. It has also beén alleged, quite reliability has been questioned, and the source of his . ly. that Cirj d h ’ | ; information is unknown. In 1452 Languschi (or de improperly, tat Uilaco serve as t € sultans Langusco) was in the papal service (see Walther von

secretary, for which, to be sure, his €asy COM- Hofmann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen Behérden vom Schisma bis zur Reformation, 2 vols., Rome, 1914, II, 111). TO It has, however, been further alleged that Ciriaco was 111 Cf. Roberto Weiss, “Ciriaco d’Ancona in Oriente,” in _ still alive early in 1454 on the basis of a letter which

Agostino Pertusi, ed., Venezia e V’'Oriente fra tardo medioevo e Francesco Filelfo addressed to Mehmed II, presumably Rinascimento, Venice, 1966, pp. 323-37. Bernard Ashmole, from Milan, on 11 March of that year. Filelfo sought the “Cyriac of Ancona,” Proceedings of the British Academy, release of his mother-in-law Manfredina Chrysolorina and XLV (1959), 25-41, with sixteen plates, has shown that the — her daughters, for whom he offered to pay a ransom if the

sketches of antiquities in the Hamilton Codex in Berlin, sum required was not beyond his means, in which conattributed to Ciriaco, can hardly be drawings from his own nection Mehmed’s secretary, grammateus Kyrizis, could pro-

hand. Note the references to his travels in a letter which vide whatever further information might be necessary. Cirtaco wrote on 13 April, 1442, to the Veronese scholar Babinger accepted P. A. Dethier’s conjecture “dass sich hinter

Martino Rizzoni and the laudatory appraisal of Ciriaco’s Kyrizes der Name des Kyriakos von Ancona verbirgt” antiquarian studies in a letter of Martino’s brother (Aufsdtze u. Abhandlungen, I, 177-78, with refs., and cf. Giacomo, dated on 6 May of the same year—for the texts Maometto, p. 731), which seemed very unlikely, and has now

see Gian Paolo Marchi, “Due Corrispondenti veronesi di been disproved: Patrinelis, art. cit., pp. 159-60, has shown Ciriaco d’Ancona,” Italia medioevale e umanistica, XI (1968), that, while Kyrizis was indeed Mehmed’s secretary, he was

317-23. in fact Demetrius Apocaucus Kyritzes, and not at all un-

72 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT career requires further investigation; the chro- years’ persistent and successful opposition to the

nology of his travels still contains many Porte, making Scanderbeg a legend even in his uncertainties. Despite numerous studies con- own day."” His name figures prominently in cerning him, no scholar has yet written a many contemporary documents, and his career

satisfactory biography.'™ has often been dealt with by modern historians,'”® As Ciriaco has informed us, Constantine to whose works the reader must turn for detailed Dragases secured possession of Thebes early accounts of his rule in Albania. A few months

in the year 1444. He also gained suzerainty after his occupation of Croia, an Albanian over the Athenian duchy of Nerio II Acciajuoli, league was formed at a congress of the chiefwho was thus forced from his Turkish allegiance, tains in the Venetian-held city of Alessio now paying his tribute to Constantine rather (Lezhé). Scanderbeg was now elected captainthan to Sultan Murad. Encouraged by his general of Albania, and his annual income from success, Constantine pushed northward to the Epirote sources is set at the unlikely sum of

115 ‘ :

Pindus range; was recognized by the Vlachs of morethan 200,000 gold ducats by his biographer the region as their ruler; and succeeded in Barletius,'*” who elsewhere notes, however, that

occupying Zeitounion, Loidoriki, and some other towns. The Turks were having their "17 On the occasion of the fifth centenary of Scanderbeg’s troubles, and being assailed on all fronts. A new death (on 17 January, 1468), the Albanians themselves and formidable opponent had suddenly ap- _ paid tribute to their national hero by devoting both issues peared against them in Albania, George Castriota, of Studia Albanica to his memory. On the Scanderbeg known by the Turkish name of Scanderbeg. egend note Androklk Kosta a Figure de Skanderbeg 8oN b 1443. Scanderbhad had«Skanderbeg ans la littérature mondiale,” ibid., and Johannes Irmscher, On 2 overmber, » scanderbeg und Deutschland,” V-1 (1968), 191-215,

gained from the Turks by a ruse the important 217-33, as well as Nicolas Ciachir, Gelcu Maksutovici, and fortress of Crolia (modern Krujé), once the Dumitru Polena, “La Personnalité du héros albanais Georges possession of his father.14® With this episode hid V2 (1968) 12 Sans quelques ouvrages roumains," began a truly remarkable career of twenty-five 18 Scanderbeg is the subject of a large literature, many important titles having been added in the last few decades,

on which cf. George Chr. Soulis, “More Recent Reknown (f. G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli, eds., Diplo- searches on George Castriotes Scanderbeg” [in Greek], matarium veneto-levantinum, II [1899, repr. 1965], nos. 199, ’Eaernpis tis ‘Etatpeias Bulavtivayv Yoovdav, XXVIII

202, pp. 369, 371; lorga, Notes et extraits, II1 [1902], (1958), 446-57. Jovan Radoni¢ has collected the major 212-13, on which note Patrinelis, loc. cit.). It still remains to documentary and literary sources concerning Scanderbeg in

be shown that Ciriaco lived beyond the year 1452, which his very convenient work Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg 1

is the date given for his death by a MS. in the Bibl. Arbanija u XV veku [George Castriota Scanderbeg and Ambrosiana in Milan, Trotti 373, fol. 41°: “Kyriacus Albania in the Fifteenth Century], Belgrade, 1942. On Anconitanus Cremone moritur anno domini MCCCCL conditions in Albania from the late fall of 1441, see secundo .. .” (Fr. Edw. W. Bodnar, who examined the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 15, fols. MS., informs me that the word secundo is written over 102", 116%, 129, 131¥-133", 134, 154’, and zbid., Reg. 16, an erasure). fols. 9°, 10, 15°, 24°, et alibt. 114 The late James Morton Paton left behind at his death 119 Barletius, Vita, Ist ed., Rome, 1509, bk. un, fols. an unfinished edition of Ciriaco’s letters (the typescript is xvi, x1x; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 35, 40; Giovanni Musachi,

now in the Houghton Library, Harvard University). Breve Memoria de li discendenti de nostra casa Musachi, in 115 Fugen (Jeno) Dark6, Laonici Chalcocandylae historiarum Ch. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 274;

demonstrationes, 2 vols., 1922-23, II-1, 91-92; ed. Bonn, cf. Giammaria Biemmi (but see below), Istoria dt Giorgio pp. 318-19. In his edition of Chalcocondylas, Dark6 Castrioto detto Scander-Begh, 2nd ed., Brescia, 1756, bk.

gives marginal references to the Paris edition (1650, re- 1, pp. 30-38, who supplies the date of the congress of

printed in that of Venice, 1729) as well as to the Bonn Alessio, “ch’era pei due di Marzo” (p. 30); Hopf, “Griechenedition (1843, reprinted in Migne, PG 159). Cf. Chronicon land im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit,” in J. S. Ersch breve (following Ducas in the Bonn Corpus, pp. 518-19); and J. G. Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1049D-1050A; ed. (repr. New York, 1960, vol. II), p. 123b, who places it in the Grecu, pp. 66, 68); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 19 (Bonn, pp. summer of 1444, being followed by Babinger in the first 196-97; ed. Papadopoulos, I, 195; ed. Grecu, p. 338); Sp. edition of his life of Mehmed II (Mehmed der Eroberer

P. Lampros, “The Walls of the Isthmus of Corinth” und seine Zeit, Munich, 1953, p. 56), on which note

[in Greek], Néos ‘EAAnvoprjpowr, II (1905), 477-79, aletter Soulis, op. cit., pp. 454-55, but the general criticism which of congratulation from Bessarion to Constantine, containing Soulis directs at Babinger is actually applicable to Hopf. Of both encouragement and advice; and E. W. Bodnar, “The _ the older sources relating to Scanderbeg, the “Anonymous

Isthmian Fortifications in Oracular Prophecy,” American of Antivari” is a fraud, and therefore Biemmi (who “dis-

Journal of Archaeology, LXIV (1960), 165-71. covered” this source) is to be used with extreme caution or 116 Marinus Barletius, Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi, _ rather not to be used at all.

Epirotarum principis, 1st ed., “impressum Romae per B. V.” For the career of Scanderbeg, Barletius is a valuable {Bernardinus Venetus de Vitalibus], ca. 1509, bk. 1, fols. source, but he also should be used with extreme caution. vur'—1x"; bk. xu, fol.. cLrx; ed. Zagreb, “typis Ioannis Quite apart from his constant exaggerations and chrono-

Baptistae Weitz,” 1743, pp. 14-17, 372. logical errors, Barletius (being a good humanist who liked

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 73 the chieftains used to say in jest that enemy the best-known biographers of Scanderbeg, territory was Scanderbeg’s treasury.'”° Barletius wrote fiction in the early sixteenth

Francisc Pall has shown that most accounts century, and Biemmi perpetrated an entertainof Scanderbeg’s career during the years 1443-— ing fraud in the eighteenth. In June, 1444, 1444 owe far more to fancy than to fact."7! Of Scanderbeg is alleged to have scored his first important victory over a large Turkish army,

; which he caught in the narrow valley of

literary speeches and letters) the invented the correspondence Torviolli in the 1 Dib Deb .and between Scanderbeg and Ladislas Jagiellonian in 1443 orviol in the lower ADT a (De er) region,

(Francisc Pall, “Les Relations entre la Hongrie et Scander- the astonished Hungarians are said to have sung beg,” in Revue historique du Sud-Est européen, X [Bucharest, his praises and immediately to have urged him 1933], 121-26). He also invented a correspondence be- to join the alliance of Hungary, the papacy, and tween Scanderbeg and Sultan Mehmed II to fit his interpre- Burgundy against the Turks. i22 tation of events in 1461—1463 (Vita, Ist ed., Rome, 1509, : ; : bk. x1, fols. cxxxiv'—cxL’; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 312-26). During the preceding winter, as we shall see, Marinus Barletius (1450?—1512?) was a native of Scutari the Hungarians and Serbs had concluded a

(Shkodér) in Albania, perhaps of Italian origin, and victorious campaign against the northern outposts served as a Catholic priest at Scutari until the Turkish Of the Ottoman empire. Sultan Murad II found occupation in 1479 (cf. Gazmend Shpuza, “La Lutte pour. . . . la défense de Shkodér dans les années 1474 et 1478-1479,” it advisable to enter into negotiations for peace in Studia Albanica, V-1 [1968], 181-90). Thereafter Barletius With them at Adrianople in June, 1444. Although

resided in Venice and Rome. He wrote an account of the the sultan could not yet know how serious siege of Scutari (De obsidione Scodrenst first printed at Scanderbeg’s revolt was, Constantine Dragases’ (first printed at Rome about 1509-1510). For his life, of daring enterprise was undoubtedly an important which very little is known, his works, etc., see Pall, factor in disposing Murad to peace with the

Venice in 1504) and the famous life of Scanderbe . . .

“Marino Barlezio: Uno storico umanista,” in Mélanges d’his- northern powers, for little could be done about torre genérale, ed. Const. Marinescu, II (Bucharest, 1938), (Constantine’s pretensions in the Morea and his

135-315; for the sources employed by Barletius in his bold incursion into continental Greece until account of Scanderbeg, esp. 177-86,223-28. and for‘ura the Murad his 1 dine diff, general reliability of thenote work, pp.pp. 199-202, ad sett had c Is led long-stan Hung | erences

Giammaria Biemmiz, a priest of Brescia, pretended to have with the Hungarians and Serbs either by making discovered a Latin incunable written by an unknown author peace with them or by defeating them decisively

pte Antvar! (4 storia alleged Standeregi {ana (berhard quendamRatdolt enough to at keepVenice them from: unsettling his Albanensem, rinte :. on 2 April, 1480), which he aims to have used in his northern frontiers by annual invasions. Istoria di Giorgio Castrioto detto Scander-Begh, Brescia, 1742

(2nd ed., 1756). Of course no such incunable was known Constantine’s attempts to reconstruct Byzanto G. R. Redgrave, Erhard Ratdolt and his Work at Venice, tine authority in Greece were merely part of a concon: Bibliographical Society, 1894, repr. 1899; . Kurt uch larger Christian effort to dismantle the R. Janin, in the Echos d’Orient, XXXVII (1938), 210-11; Turkish regime in Europe. In this connection and Willy Steltner, “Zum Geschichtsbild des albanischen attention tends to be concentrated, quite under-

y, in the Gutenberg Jahrbuch, Mainz, 1933, pp. 53-61; . . . . .

Nationalhelden Georg Kastriota genannt Skanderbeg,” Zert- standably , upon the papacy and Venice, Hungary schrift fir Geschichtswissenschaft, IV-5 (1956), 1035-38. and Serbia, and even Byzantium, but there were Biemmi alsoon forged two “early” chronicles Brescia, h Kagusa . lved.(mo R dernDub and was at work a third when death overtook him ot er of States Involved. Vu rovin 1778 (Pall, op. cit., pp. 201-2, note, who properly nik), for example, had been anxiously following observes that Biemmi had a talent for scholarship worthy for generations the westward march of Turkish of more honest application). Biemmi worked very hard to conquest. Never so prominent Or powerful as

ensure that modern‘ scholarship should find workhas worth.. Jb . ; Venice, thehiscity a proud ess. Alessandro Serra, “Relazioni del Castriota con il Papato

and rather neglected

nella lotta contro i Turchi (1444—1468),” Archivio storico past.

italiano, CXIV (1956), 713-33, and vol. CXV (1957), pp. Ragusa has been aptly called the step-daughter 33-63, had not yet discovered that Biemmi’s life of Scander- of the Adriatic. But as the historian makes his

beg was based upon a fraudulent source. Serra has done ' .

somewhat better in his essay L’Albania e la Santa Sede ai way, however idly, through the documents relat

temjr di Gliorgio| C[astriota] Scanderbeg, Cosenza, 1960. ——_——— 120 Barletius, Vita, Ist ed., Rome, 1509, bk. tv, fol. 122 Pall’s articles should be read before Barletius, Vita, 1st xLv'; ed. Zagreb, 1743, p. 97b: “. . . joculariter saepe ed., Rome, 1509, bk. un, fols. xxu—xxvul; ed. Zagreb, 1743, vicini principes aerarium Scanderbegi agrum hostilem appel- pp. 47—57, who was followed by Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad labant.” ann. 1443 [sic], no. 21, vol. XVIII (1694), pp. 285-86;

** Pall, “Les Relations entre la Hongrie et Scanderbeg,” Biemmi, bk. 1, pp. 42-55, 59-60, who supplies 29 June, Revue historique du Sud-Est européen, X (1933), 119-27; 1444, as the date of Scanderbeg’s first victory over the “Skanderbeg et Janco de Hunedoara (Jean Hunyadi),” Turks (p. 54). The spurious correspondence of July and Studia Albanica, V-1 (1968), 103-7; and “Skanderbeg et August, 1443, between Ladislas and Scanderbeg (made up Ianco de Hunedoara,” Revue des études sud-est européennes, by Barletius, who should have assigned it to the year 1444)

VI (1968), 6-9. is reprinted in Radonic¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. 5-7.

74 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ing to the Mediterranean in the fourteenth and In 1440-1441, to be sure, Ragusa was obliged fifteenth centuries, he is constantly struck by to conclude a “good peace” (bona paxe) with the the importance of this city in the affairs of the Ottoman government, agreeing to pay the Balkans. In 1358 the Ragusei had accepted the sultan, the pasha of Romania, and the vizirs mild hegemony of King Louis the Great of 1,000 ducats a year, and providing in addition Hungary when the Venetians were forced by the gratuities (certae simoniae) to the extent of 400 treaty of Zara (18 February) to yield all claim ducats a year to make certain that officials of to Dalmatia, including the important ecclesi- the Porte were sufficiently attentive to the comastical, military, and commercial centers of mercial and other interests of the republic.'*4 Nona (Nin) and Zara (Zadar), Scardona (Skradin) The future of Ragusa obviously had its preand Sebenico (Sibenik), Trau (Trogir) and carious aspects, but her enterprising merchants Spalato (Split), as well as Ragusa itself. The acquired freedom of trade throughout the wide peace of Zara had brought to an end some years _ territories of the Ottoman empire and its various of warfare and negotiation between the Vene- _ satellite states. The Ragusei continued to recog-

tians and the king of Hungary. Oddly enough nize the suzerainty of Hungary, to which they in March (1358) the Ragusei had ordered from looked for protection from time to time against Venice a standard and banners for their galleys the Bosnians and the Turks. A letter to John and other ships “with the arms of our lord, the Hunyadi, the regent of Hungary, a decade later lord king of Hungary.” A little later,on 27 June, describes the situation of Ragusa amid the the final agreement was reached at Visegrad movements of the greater powers as “like a ship between King Louis and Archbishop Giovanni _ tossed by fortune in the midst of the sea.”!”° Saraca of Ragusa whereby Hungarian sovereignty Important events were in the meantime taking

was recognized in the city instead of that of place in Hungary. Young King Ladislas the Venice, but the Ragusei were left largely totheir Jagiellonian of Poland had been called to the own devices. The local nobility continued to rule Hungarian throne (1440-1444) by a dominant with little interference from the royal court at faction of the Magyar nobility anxious to escape Buda, where schemes were constantly enter- the rule of a woman and an infant king, Ladislas tained for a crusade against schismatic Serbia, ‘“Postumus.” The latter was the son of Albert II less strongly defended after the death of the of Hapsburg and Elizabeth of Hungary, daughter great Stephen Dushan. For Ragusa the peace of _ of Sigismund, whose lands and titles Albert had

Zara had meant an escape from the domination acquired in 1438, as we have seen. Ladislas of Venice, a superior rival. The Ragusei had been happy to acknowledge the suzerainty of —————— . Louis of Hungary, whose kingdom was not q_ ‘d'Italia, Studi e documenti, VIII, Rome, 1938), pp. 367-71. naval power, an d with whom they could have Also see, above, Volume I, p. 228. On the appearance of littl fi f i Ad +f walled Ragusa, cf. Luk&a Beritic, Utvrdenja grada Dubrovittie conilict OF interest. epot in transit fOr nike [The Fortifications of Dubrovnik], Zagreb, 1955, and the exchange of goods between Italy and the see in general the rambling but interesting lectures of N. Balkans, a center of banking and diplomatic lorga, “Raguse,” in the Bulletin historique de UAcadémie intrigue, Ragusa maintained her virtual inde- "0¥maine, XVHI (Bucharest, 1931), 32-100. Present-day

rr Ragusa (Dubrovnik) dates largely from the period after the

pendence and reared her stone buildings all earthquake of 1667

through the Quattrocento. 24 Torga, Notes et extraits, Il, 371-74, 376-78, and esp. pp. 381-84, 386. The difficult negotiations with the Porte

——_———— were finally concluded by the Ragusan ambassador Nicholas

123 The text of the famous treaty of Zara (18 February, de Simon de Goze, but the Ragusei continued to have 1358) may be found in Sime Ljubi¢, Listine, in the trouble with Turkish officials (bid., pp. 395, 412). On their Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, WI economic relations with the Turks in Serbia, Albania, (Zagreb, 1872), 368-71, with accompanying instruments, Bosnia, Greece, Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Anatolia at this and cf. J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, Diplomatarium time, see B. Kreki¢, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au ragusanum, Budapest, 1887, nos. 1 ff., pp. 3 ff. On the moyen age, Paris and The Hague, 1961, nos. 958, 962, treaty and its consequences, cf. Sam. Romanin, Stora 964-66, 969, 972, pp. 323 ff. The Ragusei had extensive documentata di Venezia, III, 200-6; Giuseppe Gelcich, Dello consular privileges and legal exemptions in the kingdom of Sviluppo civile di Ragusa, Ragusa, 1884, p. 44; Luigi Villari, Sicily (Naples), for which see Ljubi¢, Listine, IX (Zagreb,

Republic of Ragusa, London, 1904, pp. 103-6; H. Kretsch- 1890), 36-37. mayr, Geschichte von Venedig, 11 (Gotha, 1920, repr. 1964), 5 Jovan Radonic, ed., Acta et diplomata ragusina, I, pt. 2 217-18; Louis de Voinovitch, Histotre de Dalmatie, I (Paris, (Belgrade, 1934), no. 231, p. 518, doc. dated 28 January, 1934), 451-54; and Balint Héman, Gli Angioini di Napoli 1451 (Fontes rerum slavorum meridionalium, ser. I); Gelcich

in Ungheria, 1290-1403, trans. from the Hungarian by and Thalldéczy, Dipl. ragusanum, no. 285, p. 477: “. . . come

Luigi Zambra and Rudolfo Mosca (Reale Accademia la nave agitata da fortuna in mezzo pelago. . . .”

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 75 Postumus, born after his father’s death, could tempora inauditum, Eugenius issued a universal only assert the Hapsburg claim to Hungary from appeal from Rome on 1 January, 1443, for the the safety of Vienna, where he lived as a ward defense of the Christian East against the Turks,

of his father’s relative and successor Frederick whose atrocities he rehearsed with an angry III, duke of Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola (and rhetoric. He imposed a special tithe on “all the

crowned king of the Romans in February, 1440). world,” and declared his intention of spending

The small Ladislas’s cause was supported in a fifth of the chief revenues of the apostolic Hungary by his mother Elizabeth and by Ulrich, treasury to equip a fleet and an army.””° Eugenius

count of Cilli. For good reasons the Magyar made a special alliance with Ragusa, whose barons wanted none of a “king in his cradle.” statesmen foresaw an easier future in Turkish They needed a leader against the Turks, who defeat,’° despite the “good peace” they had were able, however, to profit from the anarchy concluded with the Porte. The pope’s correcaused in Hungary by the three years’ war of spondence reveals an anxious desire to launch a

succession which was now waged against the crusade, but except for Hungary, Poland,

Jagiellonian by the legitimist party.”° Neverthe- Wallachia, and Burgundy, Christendom gave a less, John Hunyadi’s victories seemed to show poor response to his appeals for war against the that it might be possible to drive the Turks back enemies of the faith.*** into Asia Minor.’*7

Hunyadi served as general of Ladislas the —————_ | | Jagiellonian, who became leader of the crusade, ™ Hofmann, Epistolae pontificiae, III, no. 207, PP. 69-75:

in eastern Europe when he became king of °° Mctpientes ano b, 'Psis, Omnium 3e o conner et ‘el an dHunyadi diol dacreat ex communibus et annatis ad cameram Hungary. Ladislas planned aproventuum sreat — anostolicam spectantibusservitiis partem quintam ad eundem usum

expedition for the summer of 1443. They could classis et exercitus fidelium deputamus .. .” (p. 75). of course depend upon Pope Eugenius IV, who (Cf., tbid., nos. 264-65, etc., also the notices in Sanudo, was winning his prolonged struggle with the Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. 1106, 1109B,

battled fath t Basel. E us had b 1110AB, 1114C. Eugenius IV’s crusading encyclical is misem at Cc alhers a asel. ugenius a Cen dated 1442 in Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1, 325, but given corplanning for some time to senda fleet intoeastern — rectly as “zu Anfang des Jahres 1443” in the last edition

waters against the Turks, but its organization was of his Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 333. Note also

proceeding slowly. Already on 8 August, 1442, lorga, en ee OO 130 88 ob one orc and Notes

the Venetian Senate had complained ina letter % @7@US: os Delft, (ee fe, 207 af, Otc. Kugenius an Cardinal Giul; C oni that th the Venetians generally did not see eye to eye, and the to ardinal Sslullano Wesarini C at the pope Was latter continued to complain about the financing of the making inadequate financial provision for arming fleet and the unsettled conditions in Italy (Sen. Secreta, the fleet which the Senate was ready to provide. Reg. 16 [1443-1445], fols. 9°, 11%, 12-13", 13, 14%, 26",

Eugenius had so far imposed the crusading tithe 30'~31", 37, 61, 87", 95"—96", and 116"). . lv in Fl d Ven; “and other fund 8° Cf. lorga, Notes et extraits, Il, 403, 417; cf. Krekic, only in Hlorence and Venice, ana other funds — pybsrounik (1961), nos. 1054, 1097, pp. 339, 346.

he employs elsewhere;” the tithe did not yield 131In a letter to Eugenius, dated 13 April, 1443, the much, and would prove hard to collect under Doge Francesco Foscari expressed the pleasure of the the circumstances.!28 But Eugenius soon did Venetian Senate in the receipt of a letter from Giuliano much better. Still rejoicing :publicly in the union C°S47™) cardinal of S. Angelo, explaining “quam bene preparantur res Christiane religionis quaamque omnes populi of the Churches, beneficium et usque ad nostra ijlarum partium ad repprimendam infidelium rabiem ferventissime disponuntur” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 5Y; lorga, Notes et extraits, III [Paris, 1902], 121). In central 6 Cf. lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 423~25, and D. Europe at least there was still a willingness to proceed Caccamo, “Eugenio IV e la crociata di Varna,” Archivio against the Turks. Cf. Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XVIII della Socteta romana di storia patria, LXXIX, 43-45. Albert (1974), no. 4,805, p. 20, whose reading of the doge’s letter

died on 27 October, 1439; Elizabeth on 19 December, differs from mine.

1442. On 3 May, 1443, the doge reported to the Senate on ”7The Hungarians had been particularly successful the mission of a Byzantine envoy, one “Theodorus

against the Turks during the latter half of the year 1442 Carastinus” (6 €x Kaptovov ?), who had just stated [in the (cf. Ilorga, ROL, VII [1899, repr. 1964], 78-79, and Notes Collegio] that the Turks were not observing the peace they et extraits, III [Paris, 1902], 105-6, doc. dated 30 October, had made with the Emperor John VIII, “et tandem dicit 1442, and Iorga’s note on the document). For this period, condictionem Teucrorum et quam facile expellerentur de see Francisc Pall, “Le Condizioni e gli echi internazionali Gretia, sed neccessarie essent galee et ob hoc videt penitus della lotta antiottomana del 1442-1443, condotta da Gio- _necessarium esse ut per nos fiat provisio galearum et vanni di Hunedoara,” Revue des études sud-est européennes, habet in mandatis eundi aut scribendi summo pontifici et

III (Bucharest, 1965), 433-63. illustrissimo domino duci Burgundie ut pecunias nobis con-

8 Torga, ROL, VII, 73, and cf. pp. 98, 100, 377, and _tribuant pro armamento galearum predictarum et petit Notes et extraits, III, 100, and cf. pp. 125, 127, 136. consilium et parere nostrum, asserens in mandatis habere in

76 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Plans for the Hungarian expedition were carried son, Mehmed Chelebi (“the Gentleman”), the through, nonetheless, and by July, 1443,the news future conqueror of Constantinople, had just of the Christians’ southeastward advance had joined him at Adrianople. Mehmed was beginning reached Sultan Murad II’s court at Adrianople. to play some part in the affairs of state, and the Murad had just returned from Anatolia, where events of the next few years undoubtedly made he had diminished for a while the ambition of _ a deep impression on him.!? his brother-in-law, Ibrahim Beg, the ruler of ‘The crusaders pressed onward under Ladislas Caramania (il Gran Caramano), who had been and Hunyadi, accompanied by Cardinal Cesarini. flirting for some time with King Ladislas the The Serbian despot George Brankovié was with Jagiellonian, Pope Eugenius, and the Venetians. them too, now a landless fugitive, who (like For more than twenty years (until his death in John VI Cantacuzenus a century before) had early August, 1464), Ibrahim Beg was to be the derived no profit from marrying his daughter to an chief eastern enemy of the Ottoman sultans. Ottoman ruler. The Christian army, containing More than once he entertained the idea of an some 25,000 mounted men and archers (accordalliance with the western powers. The Venetians ing to Ducas), including about 8,000 Serbs, both were to send several embassies to him through horse and foot, met up with Turkish troops the years, but no effective results ever came of between the castle of Bolvani and the city of them, and the Ottoman armies were never caught NiS (Nish) in early November, 1443. The cruin a pincers’ movement of simultaneous attacks saders defeated them easily and went on to take from Caramania and the West. Now, however, Sofia, whence on 4 December Cesarini wrote the having held his eastern enemy in check, Murad Venetian government of the excellens et gloriosa prepared to deal with the Hungarians. His young _ victoria which God had granted them.**? Brankovic, old campaigner in the Balkans, knew every

oo path and pass through the Haemus range. The hoc sequendi parere nostrum.” The Senate voted to inform crusaders dragged along 4 heavy (and yet inthe envoy “quod fecit apud nos fieri sufficient) baggage train for provisions, anda as instantiam ut summus decem pontifex hic posset armare galeas et nos, qui PASS Age a Pp 2)

sequentes vestigia predecessorum nostrorum semper they got into the region of the Maritsa, they comodum et utile Christianitatis quesivimus, fuimus con- found the enemy’s resistance much increased. tenti el corpora ipsarum galearum accomodare et sue requisitioni de armando hic eas consentire. . . .” Cardinal 9 ——W—————

Cesarini had been urging Pope Eugenius to provide the *? On the background, see Bistra Cvetkova, “Analyse funds necessary to arm the ten galleys which Venice was’ des principales sources ottomanes du XV¢° siécle sur les prepared to make available to the crusading fleet. There campagnes de Vladislav le Varnénien et Jean Hunyadi en must be no delay (res hec in longum non est ducenda). 1443-1444,” Studia Albanica, V-1 (1968), 137-58. Ibrahim Theodore should go to the Curia Romana (ad pedes Beg, the ally of the Byzantine Emperor John VIII, was apostolicos) to request dispatch of the money to Venice, under the protection of the Timurid ruler Shah Rukh, who but he should write Eugenius before going. The Senate was especially feared by the Ottomans (see Halil Inalcik, also advised Theodore to write the duke of Burgundy “Byzantium and the Origins of the Crisis of 1444 under before leaving Venice, but to say nothing of his willingness the Light of Turkish Sources,” Actes du XII® Congres to wait upon the duke in person unless he found support international d'études byzantines [Ohrid, 1961], II [Belgrade, at the Curia and had the time and means to undertake such 1964], 159-63). Cf. also Gyula Razs6, “Una Strana Alleanza:

a distant journey. “. . . Verum cum, ut intelligere potuit, Alcuni pensieri sulla storia militare e politica delres Italie in non parva sint confusione, hortamur ut l’alleanza contro i Turchi (1440-—1464),” in Vittore Branca, suadere debeat prefato summo pontifici et supplicare cum ed., Venezia e Ungheria nel Rinascimento, Florence, 1973, instantia ut pro etus officio, quia caput Christianorum est, pp. 79-100, whose article begins with a wrong reference,

taliter operari et providere dignetur quod ipse res Italie misquotes a line from Pius II (which he attributes to taliter cum securitate componantur quod ad hoc sanctum et —_Calixtus III), and thereafter perpetrates in his notes a series

utilissimum opus vacare possimus ut optamus. De parte of mangled Latin texts. omnes alii, de non 2, non sinceri |” (¢bid., Reg. 16, fol. 7°; 33 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 73'—'74'; Valentini, Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XVIII [1974], no. 4,807, Acta Albaniae veneta, XVIII (1974), no. 4,925, pp. 129-34, pp. 22-23; lIorga, Notes et extraits, III, 122-23; and note doc. dated 6 March, 1444, by which time the Senate

the summaries of documents, ibid., pp. 125 ff.). knew that Cesarini and Ladislas had returned to HunTheodore “Carastinus” did in fact venture into the duchy gary, “[illos] cum exercitu Christianorum retrocessisse et in

of Burgundy, where Philip the Good received him at Hungariam remeasse bonis necessariisque causis,” and see Chalon-sur-Sa6ne: “. . . vint illec ung ambaxadeur de par _ Ducas, chap. 32 (Bonn, pp. 217-18), and the account given lempereur de Constantinoble devers ycellui duc, nomme_ by Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II, in a Theodore Crystins, lequel ledit duc recheupt moult hon- letter apparently dated 13 January, 1444, to Giovanni nourablement . . .” (Jehan de Waurin, Recueil des cron- Campisio (Rudolf Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas iques d’Engleterre, VI, 1, 6, ed. Hardy, vol. V [1891, Silvius Piccolomini, in the Fontes rerum austriacarum, I. repr. 1967], p. 20; for the full citation of this edition, see, Abteilung, Diplomataria et acta, vol. 61 [Vienna, 1909, on below, note, 134). Philip assured him of Burgundian which edition see, below, note 149], Ep. 117, pp. 281-83, help against the Turks (tbid., p. 22, and cf., below, note 135). dated 15 January in Wolkan, p. 278).

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 77 The Turks had blocked the approaches to If the expedition had not entirely merited Adrianople and Constantinople, felling trees to hymns of triumph, it had been successful, and build barriers all along the ancient military road had impressed Murad II, who was also impressed from Belgrade to the Bosporus. To the enterprise by the unrest in the Balkans and in Greece, as of the Turks was now added the severity of the well as by the renewed hostility of Ibrahim Beg winter. Meeting determined opposition, suffering of Caramania. To prepare for another war with

from the cold, and lacking sources of supply, the Gran Caramano the sultan wanted peace the crusaders began their return in late December, with King Ladislas, and directed his efforts hard pressed by the Turks, whom they repulsed toward this end during the spring of 1444. The toward the end of the month in a battle near Sultana Mara, daughter of George Brankovic, Sofia. Although the crusaders had to continue assisted in the negotiations which seemed to their withdrawal, they defeated the Turks again, promise her father some restoration of his lost in early January, 1444, between Pirot and Nis, power. Brankovic’s two sons, Gregory and taking a number of important captives. They were Stephen, whom their brother-in-law Murad II had little disposed, however, to follow Brankovic’s — seized and blinded a few years before, were also

bold advice to entrench themselves tn winter to be restored to their father.

quarters in Serbia in order to resume their march Pope Eugenius IV had constructed one of those in the spring. They wanted to go home and they _ perennial anti-Turkish alliances, this time comdid so, the army arriving in Buda on 2 February, prising Hungary, Venice, Burgundy, and Ragusa; worn by cold and hunger: “Clutching in emaci-_ the Burgundian adherence proved to be more ated hands,” says Babinger, “the banners of the than a mere gesture of good will. Philip the Good infidel, which they had taken as the spoils of war, wrote encouraging letters to the Venetians,

they returned to their own country amid the promising subsidies for the proposed maritime jubilation of the population of the Hungarian expedition against the Turks. He was willing to

capital, singing hymns of triumph.”'** outfit and arm four galleys in the Venetian

Arsenal. The Senate (having made the offer) was

——__— prepared to do so without compensation for the ‘* Babinger, Maometto (1957), p. 56, and cf. Babinger’s hulls of the galleys in the event of loss or damage, article “Von Amurath zu Amurath: Vor- und Nachspiel der which was more than generous.!> One could not printed in his Aufsdtze und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte be sure to what extent Philip would exert himself

Schlacht bei Varna (1444),” Oriens, III (1950), 229-31, re- “1° :

Siidosteuropas und der Levante, 2 vols., Munich, 1962-66, I, 128-29. See Ladislas’s own account of the expedition of }§—=————————

1443 in his letter of 2 July, 1444, to the Florentine honor nostri dominii est congratulari cum reverendissimo priors and gonfalonier of justice in Iorga, Notes et extraits, domino Cardinale Sancti Angeli ac serenissimo domino II, 404, and Aeneas Sylvius’s letter to Leonhard Laiming, rege Polonie, qui nobis scripserunt de victoriis obtentis, ex the bishop of Passau, dated 28 October, 1445, in Wolkan, nunc captum sit quod mittatur unus noster secretarius ad Briefwechsel, op. cit., vol. 61, Ep. 192, pp. 565-66; Raynaldus, presentiam prefati reverendissimi domini cardinalis et Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1443, nos. 15-19, vol. XVIII (1694), serenissimi domini regis ac etiam magnifici domini Iohannis, pp. 282-84; lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 433-36; and _vayvode transsilvani, ad congaudendum de victoriis supra-

cf., in general, ROL, VII, 80 ff., 387~88, 398-401, and scriptis et persentiendum de novis et progressibus ChristiaNotes et extraits, III, 107 ff., 146-47, 157-60. The campaign norum .. .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 57%, and see fol. of 1443 is described in detail and with some confusion by 58%). But if Ladislas and Cesarini were not going to Jehan de Waurin, Recueil des croniques et anchiennes istories follow up their victory by another campaign in the late de la Grant Bretaigne, a present nomme Engleterre, V1,1,5,7-8, spring and summer of 1444, other plans would have to be

eds. Wm. Hardy and E. L. C. P. Hardy, 5 vols., London, made for the galleys which the Venetians were preparing 1864-91, repr. Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1965-72, vol. V, pp. for themselves and for the pope “ut infidelibus Teucris

15-19, 25-30 (Rolls Series). There is an account of the impediretur omnino transitus de Asia in Europam et

“langer Feldzug” of 1443 in L. Kupelwieser, Die Kampfe Un- __ econverso . . . quoniam si aliter esset, frustra esset ac-

garns mit den Osmanen bis zur Schlacht bei Mohdcs (1526), cessus galearum predictarum.” The Senate therefore Vienna and Leipzig, 1895, pp. 68-79, with sketch maps of | sent Giovanni de’ Reguardati as an envoy to Ladislas and the Turco-Hungarian engagements near NiS (up to 3 Cesarini for information on this score (ibid., fols. 73°~74", November, 1443) and at the foot of Mount Kunoviza in doc. dated 6 March, 1444; cf. orga, Notes et extraits, II, early January, 1444. Although he was a professional 155; Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, 1-2 [1890], no. soldier, Kupelwieser, p. 69, believed that Murad had xxxix, pp. 79-85; and Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, 150,000 men under his command during the campaign. XVIII, no. 4,904, pp. 93-94, and no. 4,925, pp. 129-34). Halil Inalcik has devoted much attention to the decade 85 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 81, dated 23 March, 1444,

preceding the fall of Constantinople in his volume of the Senate to Philip of Burgundy, and note fol. 91°;

Fath deuri uizerinde tetkikler ve vesikalar [Studies and Documents cf. Jehan de Waurin, Recueil des croniques d’Engleterre, V1,

on the Period of the Conqueror], 1, Ankara, 1954. 1, 6, ed. Hardy, vol. V (1891, repr. 1967), pp. 19-23, A resolution of the Venetian Senate, passed on 15 Jan- and _ Thiriet, Régestes, II, nos. 2597, 2603, 2639, 2645,

uary, 1444 (Ven. Style 1443), provided that “. . . quia pp. 98 ff.

78 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ) for the Christian cause, but in fact his galleys aid from the West, and (after some wavering) he were to see effective service under Geoffroy de was now determined to keep that promise.’ Thoisy and Waleran de Wavrin at Rhodes, in Letters of Ciriaco of Ancona, who was at the the Bosporus, and along the Danube (in - sultan’s court during the critical weeks of May and 1442-1445).° The Ottoman emissaries, sent to June, 1444, inform us of the events which now the court at Buda, had their difficulties, although took place at Adrianople. On or shortly before 12

Brankovic himself urged peace upon the Hun- June, Ciriaco wrote to a friend, probably his garian diet in April, 1444. Now that he was patron, the rich Genoese Andreolo Giustinianisupposed to recover most of Serbia, Brankovi¢ Banca of Chios:

was anxious halt plans forI the of ; for 137 . . .to moreover, when had continuance made preparations

the crusade. al £hearthat Adrianopl €or Ladislas and Cesarini nothing of poofrom in eedd eee ae a 5 ¢ Byzantium, wewould learned the envoys Hungary peace, however, and in letters of 25and 28 April, would get here very soon to see the sultan himself.

1444, the latter answered inquiries from the And as I had decided to wait for them, we wit-

Venetian Senate with the unequivocal assurance _ nessed the arrival a few days later of the four en“that, yes, the most serene lord king has firmly voys, accompanied by some sixty horsemen—the decided and sworn in my hands—together with first being Stojka Gisdani¢, from the illustrious King the barons and other lords and primates of this Ladislas of Poland and Hungary; the second Vitislao,

realm—to march with a powerful army against rom the eminent commander ne fear and had made th; th the fifteenth at the diet of silver-rich Moesia and the Serbian province, one

the perfidious Turks this very summer!”!* Ladislas ‘7° Temamung two trom Secorge Lerankovicl, Cespo

; Bud: © Ss oath on the Aiteen th at tae let of whom was the venerable Metropolitan A[thanasius in Buda. ‘The Senate received Cesarini’s letters fyazak of Semendria], and the other indeed the with transports of joy. They could continue with chancellor [of Brankovié, whose name was Bogdan]. their plans for the fleet, which would very shortly And when after two days they betook themselves to be ready to sail for the strait of Gallipoli.’ Asa the august presence of the sultan—the royal envoy matter of fact the fleet was ready. It would soon _ going first, then the representative of the despot, and sail, and in the following chapter we shall follow _ finally the one from the doughty John [Hunyadi] —

its course. As for Cesarini, he was a militarist they gave the great prince their letters of credence,

at heart. His determination to suppress the resent 4 aun Cree and Serbian, and each one

Hussite heresy by “crusades” had provided clear PFe®enie® Bs OWN Thoth Bie evidence of the fact. He had, however, no choice After some days of discussion as to the return of but to march against the Turks. Eugenius IV had towns which had been occupied by the Turks, who promised the Greeks that, when they returned wanted especially to retain Golubac on the Danube, to the bosom of the Church, they would receive _ the sultan gave way on all points, and arranged to

—____—_—— send Suleiman Beg and a Greek named Vranas

"8 Waurin, Croniques, VI, 1, 9, 11, 14-19, vol. V, pp. 30- to Buda as his envoys to conclude a ten years’ 41, 44-51, 58-119, and note Richard Vaughan, Philip the peace with King Ladislas and his followers.!*! Good: The Apogee of Burgundy, London, 1970, pp. 270-72. Waleran de Wavrin was the nephew of the chronicler Jehan de Waurin (Wavrin). There is a miscellany of notes §©=——————~

and a half-dozen texts relating to the Burgundian “em- 140T). Caccamo, “Eugenio IV e la crociata di Varna,” prises” against the Turks from 1443 to 1466 in N. Iorga, Archivio della Societa romana di storia patria, LXXIX, 35-87, Les Aventures “sarrazines” des frangais de Bourgogne au XV°_ esp. pp. 77-78.

stécle, Cluj, 1926. 4417. A. Fabricius, Bibliotheca latina mediae et infimae 137 Torga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 438-39. aetatis, VI (Padua, 1754), Addenda, p. 13; Francesco

138 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 91; Valentini, Acta Albaniae [Francisc] Pall, “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la crociata contro 1 veneta, XVIII, no. 4,962, p. 174, doc. dated 12 May, 1444,the Turchi,” Bulletin historique de VAcadémie roumaine, XX (1938),

Senate to Cesarini, repeating and adapting the latter's own 61-62, and cf. pp. 32 ff., with refs.; Halecki, Crusade of words, “. . . videlicet, serenissimum illum dominum regem Varna (1943), pp. 86-87. Some five months after the omnino firmiter statuisse ac iurasse in manibus vestris una disaster at Varna, Andreas de Palatio wrote Cardinal cum baronibus et aliis dominis ac primatibus regni illius Lodovico Trevisan from Poznan on 16 May, 1445, that

adversus perfidos Teucros hac presenti estate potenti Brankovi¢ and Hunyadi had carried on the negotiations

exercitu se transferre. . . .” with Murad without consulting Ladislas, which seems to be 139 Thid., Reg. 16, fol. cit., from the letter referred tointhe Polish propaganda: “Sed non potuit [i.e., rex Wladislaus ]

preceding note: “Intelligit itaque reverenda vestra paternitas in termino constituto delectas ad hoc copias aggregare [i.e., Cesarini] quale ad rem hanc sit ardens desiderium neque cum ipsis omnibus transfretare Danubium propter nostrum et quam potens maritima classis in brevissimo tractatum pacis, quem illustris Georgius despotus Rascie

spacio strictum Galipolis petitura sit,’ and note fols. eiusdem regis subditus ac magnificus Johannes de Huniad

95-96", doc. dated 25 May, 1444. wagewoda Transsilvanus eciam inconsulto rege habuerunt

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 79 We have the text of Murad II’s letter, dated a week later (on 18 June) Ciriaco sent his friend 12 June, to Ladislas, ending with the Turkish Giustiniani his own pompous version of the understanding “that we should have a good and form in which the Latin translator should have solid peace with your Excellency without any cast Murad’s letter to Ladislas, of which, as we reservation or fraud for ten years, and for this have seen, he had secured a copy.’*® we send our noble and distinguished subject, That Ciriaco did not expect the peace to be Suleiman Beg, that your Excellency should be observed is clear from the important letter he willing to swear in person, truthfully and faith- wrote, certainly to Hunyadi, from Pera in fully without any reservation, that you will keep Constantinople on 24 June: He had already written

a good and solid peace with us through ten as much as he had dared from Adrianople

years.”)? [on 12 June]—but for fear of the Turks he would There has long been some dispute whether have discussed conditions at greater length, and the Christian disaster at Varna in November, especially the peace which the envoys had forced 1444, was the consequence of a broken pledge to on the sultan (coacta pax), which Ciriaco believed

Murad II. On the whole it seems reasonable to the latter had accepted merely to protect Thrace

assume that neither Murad nor the Christians against attack while he was absent in Asia intended to keep the peace “sine aliquo dolo vel Minor. The Turks were not relying very heavily fraude usque ad annos decem.” On the very day on this peace, however, for thoroughly frightened, of Murad’s letter to Ladislas (12 June, 1444), as Hunyadi’s people would bear witness, they

Ciriaco of Ancona wrote an admiring letter, were hastily repairing the walls and fortifying

undoubtedly addressed to John Hunyadi, tothe the towers of Adrianople, while at the same time effect that the latter would soon know what equipping their soldiery “for flight rather than for had been done at Adrianople both from his own fight.” ‘The war against the Caramano would be legation and from the sultan’s letter,and he, King pressed, but when Ibrahim Beg had been subLadislas, and Brankovié would know what todo: dued, pacified, or driven out of Konya, the sultan “For you, therefore, and for the honored and would come back over the Hellespont, bringing noble religious expedition of the Christians we with him a still greater army, and invade Moesia hope that all things will turn out ever better and and Hungary again: “He will strive with all his more favorable.”!*? Ciriaco was well informed. might to avenge the past and recent harm that He had met the Hungarian and Serbian envoys, you have done him!” To Ciriaco the ten years’ but was obviously still thinking in terms of a peace wasa monstrous device of the sultan to gain crusade against the Turks. Three weeks before time (pax haec tmproba et penitus execranda . . . pax

(on 21 or 22 May) the sultan had admitted him maligna). Hunyadi and the members of the to an audience with Francesco Drapperio, Christian alliance should move against Thrace Genoese envoy and proprietor of rich alum mines and the Hellespont: “Come, great princes,

at New Phocaea on the Anatolian coast.'44 About declare a war worthy of the Christian religion, and may you never cease to carry on the sacred

OO i, and glorious expedition, already begun under beet ecodem Theucrorumed., principe Omorathhappy auspices, to thedecimt conclusion egha .. .”magno (A. Lewicki, Codex epistolaris saecult /..we. long for!”!“° guinti, IL [Cracow, 1891, repr. New York and London, mn this life-and-death struggle which was to settle 1965], no. 308, p. 460). On the importance of this text for the fate of the Balkans for four centuries, neither Ant. Prochaska, who claimed that Ladislas did not ratify the side was to be bound by scraps of paper, for

6 ff., 17-18, 20. a peace, see Jan Dabrowski, L’Année 1444, Cracow: Académie

polonaise des sciences et des lettres, 1952, p. 3, and cf. pp.

12 Murad II’s letter to Ladislas is given in Pall, Bull. hist. roum., XX, 25, 56-57; Halecki, Crusade of Varna, p. 86. Acad. roum., XX, 63-64, as well as Ciriaco’s own “stylized” There are numerous references to the commercial activities version of the same text (bid., pp. 57-58); cf. Giov. Targioni —_ of “Ser Franzesco di Drapieri dal bancho” in Umberto Dorini

Tozzetti, Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della and Tommaso Bertelé, eds., Il Libro dei conti di Giacomo Toscana, V (Florence, 1773, repr. Bologna, 1971), 422; Badoer (Costantinopoli 1436-1440), Rome, 1956, pp. 34, 45, 70, Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 88-90; Babinger, Maometio, 73, 90, 91, 94, 99, 102, et passim (Il Nuovo Ramusio,

pp. 62-63. vol. EI).

143 Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, 64—65; Halecki, Crusade > Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni, V, 422; Pall, Bull. hist.

of Varna, pp. 90-91. Acad. roum., XX, 58; Halecki, Crusade of Varna, p. 91.

44 Ciriaco, Ep. xvu, in Cod. Palat. Florent. 49 (Serie 146 Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, 65—66; Halecki, Crusade Targioni), fol. 19° (earlier enumeration, 71"), letter dated 22 of Varna, pp. 91-92. This letter could not have been written,

May, 1444, to Andreolo Giustiniani-Banca; Targioni Toz- as commonly supposed, to the Byzantine Emperor John zetti, Relaztont d’alcuni viaggi, V, 422; Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. VIII (see above, note 110).

80 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT each adversary knew well what the other thought, receiving further currency in the works of Filippo and knew that in this game there were no rules. Buonaccorsi (Callimachus) and the Polish historian

Some animus has been engendered among Jan Dtugosz.'** Although the nations of western historians, nevertheless, by the highly controverted problem of whether Ladislas did or did not ~9—-————

ratify the treaty of Adrianople (of 12 June) by See Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 67-75, and Jan an oath taken at Szeged toward the end of July, Dabrowski, Wtadystaw Jagiellanczyk na Wegrzech (1440-

1444. We have already alluded to this dispute. jyackiy inno Boosaterrsi (14374496), cllet “Call

. . y ; pute. — Halecki). Filippo Buonaccorsi (1437-1496), called “Calli-

The Polish historians Antoni Prochaska and machus,” was a native of San Gimignano near Florence. As Oskar Halecki have tried to exonerate the young a young man he joined Pomponio Leto’s Roman Academy, crusader of Varna from the charge of perjury. and got caught up in the “conspiracy” against Paul Il. When In defense of their position it may and be asked (even me Academy was suppressed in 1468, Buonaccors! to . ; aples, thereafter to Crete, Cyprus, Chios, and Hed Conthough an oath given to the infidel would lack stantinople, and found refuge in Poland, where from the canonical sanction anyway), why should Ladislas _mid-1470’s he embarked on an influential diplomatic and bother to sweartoa treaty that he knew he would _ political career, which took him to Venice, Constantinople, denounce a week later? He could not have ratified 274 other centers of power. He is well known, in the . present context, for his Historia de rege Viadislao seu clade the treaty before 26 July; he swore to conunue Varnenst. Upon his death in 1496, he-was buried at Cracow with the crusade on 4 August. However baffling ., J. A. Fabricius, Bibl. latina med. et infim. aetatis, 1 such inconsistency may now appear, Pall has _ [Florence, 1858], 300, and see the brief account of his life, advanced strong arguments to show that Ladislas_ with an excellent bibliography, by Domenico Caccamo, in

; | 147 the guilty Dizionario biografico degli italiani, XVbeen [1972], of 78-83). was nevertheless There N ar . ; . ot enamoredofofit.'*7 either the Poleshad or the Hungarians in

course no need of Ladislas’s taking the oath. The 1445, Aeneas Sylvius discusses their affairs in numerous device of pretending to make peace in June in letters (Rudolf Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas order to mislead Sultan Murad [I had already Siluius Piccolomini [1431-1454], 4 vols., Vienna, 1909-18, in : : . . . the Fontes rerum austriacarum, 11. Abteilung, Diplomataria served its purpose (insofar asit had in fact misled 7 vols, 61-62, 67-68, Epp. 170, 172-74, 186-89, etc. him). If Ladislas did, however, fail to ratify the In a very abusive letter to the chancellor of Queen Sophia treaty which his plenipotentiary Stojka GisdaniC (Sonka) of Poland, the mother of Ladislas III the Jagielhad negotiated with Murad at Adrianople in June, lonian, written in the summer of 1445, Aeneas explicitly he broke the promise explicitly given inthe letter accuses Ladislas of having broken his pact with the Turks

. . . (ibid., 1 [1909], Ep. 175,24 p. 519): “Nec enim federa tenentur of: credence (dated the preceding April) with ; os ;; . . i. cum infidelibus concussa, nisi consensus apostolice sedis which he had furnished Gisdanic¢ as the latter got —interveniat, qui hic non fuit, sed legatus apostolicus [Cesa-

ready to go on his mission. !48 rini] ea omnino scindi mandavit.” A staunch defender of the

In any event, as we know, the charge of perjury Hapsburg claims to Hungary, Aeneas was nevertheless not against Ladislas appears as early as 1445 in two whollygulfed unsympathetic to the catastrophe whichinduttarum had enthe Jagiellonian “quamvis federa essent letters of the youthful Mehmed [IT] and, More juramento firmata” (Ep. 179, p. 530, dated 13 September, significantly, in some letters of the humanist 1445). Alluding again to the broken peace in a letter of Aeneas Sylvius (also written shortly after Varna), 28 October, 1445, to the bishop of Passau, Aeneas blames Cesarini, “qui treugas nullius momenti fore dicebat,” etc.

———— (Ep. 192, p. 566). Although at this time inclined to spare 147 Pall, “Autour de la Croisade de Varna: La Question the pope in his letters (for good reasons perhaps), in de la paix de Szeged et de sa rupture,” Bull. hist. Acad. 1458 when he wrote his work De Europa, 5, in Opera roum., XXII (1941), 144-58, and “Un Moment décisif quae extant omnia, Basel, 1551, repr. Frankfurt a. M., 1967,

de histoire du Sud-Est européen: la croisade de Varna’ p. 397C, Aeneas holds both Eugenius IV and Cesarint (1444),” Balcania, VII (Bucharest, 1944), 102-20; cf. also responsible for forcing the Jagiellonian to break the ten Babinger, “Von Amurath zu Amurath,” Oriens, III (1950), years’ peace he had solemnly sworn with the Turks: 239-42, reprinted in his Aufsatze und Abhandlungen, I “Induciae belli in decem annos dictae iusiurandum per sua (1962), 136-38. D. Caccamo, “Eugenio IV e la crociata di sacra ambae partes praestitere, Despoto Serviae quae bello

Varna,” Archivio della Societa romana di storia patria, LXXIX amiserat reddita. . .. Iuramenta remisit .. .” [at the (1956), 78-79, simply says that “giunto a Szeged non dopo _pope’s command]. There are other pertinent references in il primo agosto, il re ratificava il trattato. . . .” Caccamo Aeneas’s works, but these should suffice to illustrate his rehearses briefly the bibliography of the controversy, which point of view, held over a long period of years, conhas been explored at some length by Dabrowski, L’Année cerning the broken treaty which preceded Varna.

1444 (1952). The chronicler Jehan de Waurin, writing probably in

148 Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. rowm., XX, 62-63; Halecki, Cru- 1446, “while the facts and impressions were fresh in the sade of Varna, p. 85: “Et quidquid ipse Stoyka, noster memory” (according to his editor Wm. Hardy, Croniques, I fidelis, cum vestra magnitudine disposuerit et concluserit, [1864, repr. 1972], introd., pp. xli—xlii), also believed fidem et vinculum quodcunque volueritis, promittimus . . . “que le roy et les seigneurs furent contentz de rompre la vestris nuntiis dare et conferre” (from the letter presenting paix quilz avoient faite avec le Turcq, et ledit cardinal

Gisdani¢é to Murad II). ; [Cesarini} leur donna absollution de leurs sermens et

MARTIN V AND EUGENIUS IV 81 Europe were protected in their political and victim of Varna, however, was widely believed cultural development, from the later fifteenth in the generations which followed his death to century to the seventeenth, by the Poles and have suffered divine judgment for his broken Hungarians, Serbs and Wallachians, modern — pledge. Whether the lie was spoken at Adrianople

historians have subjected to much adverse in mid-June or at Szeged in late July seems criticism some of those (including Ladislas the unimportant. The lie was clearly spoken by a Jagiellonian) who in their time defended European much _ harassed, confused, and overwrought culture and Christianity against the Turks. The young man who took hard the grave responsibility which destiny had placed upon his shoulders. As

TT . great events in the north moved toward their promesses” (tbid., VI, 1, 10, in vol. V, pp. 41-43). Waurin, final resolution. the fate of both Greek and however, revised the(zbid., last part of his work between 1471 Latin states ing thein Levant hungbalance. in the bal and 1474 I, xiviii, note). an the Later on, Erasmus, who had a fair knowledge of eastern AS Ladislas and Hunyadi disputed the future of affairs, blames the pope for the violation of the ten years’ the Balkans with Murad, they were determining

truce, which he says that Murad had sought and obtained also the future of the enfeebled empire of ( reisgau, Utilissima consultatio de bello Turctsfols. inferendo, Freiburg-1mByzantium and. the 1530, unnumbered 8", 10% = signatures A-8, . “ despotate” of the Morea, B-2). He seems to have got his information from Aeneas the Venetian colonies in Greece and the Aegean,

Sylvius. and the Florentine duchy of Athens.

3. THE CRUSADE OF VARNA AND ITS AFTERMATH (1444-1453) To HE EVIDENCE of Ciriaco of Ancona’s had much to talk about, and the coming months letters is particularly valuable in help- were to supply all Europe and the Levant with ing us to assess the events which led to Varna. a topic for conversation, the Christian defeat

The Anconitan moved among the Greeks, at Varna. Genoese, Venetians, and even the Turks It is well known that the young Ladislas of with surprising ease. Interested in diplomacy Poland and Hungary is accused of having as well as in archaeology, he copied docu- signed a peace treaty with Murad II as a prements with the same avidity as Greek in- lude to making war upon him. We cannot be

scriptions. On Wednesday, 15 July, 1444, Ciriaco much concerned here with the justice of this was a member of a large hunting party which charge of perjury. The historian need not be left Constantinople for Thrace. The party was accused of undue cynicism who would take a joined by Boruele Grimaldi, Genoese podesta generous view of tactics in both love and war

of Pera, and a group of his countrymen; in the fifteenth century. The opinions of the

from Constantinople many Venetians came also, canon lawyers are quite clear concerning the headed by the young Niccolo Soranzo, son of inadmissibility of oaths given to the infidel to the bailie Marino. ‘The masters of the hunt were the disadvantage of Christendom. The crusade the Emperor John VIII and his brother Theo-_ was the last hope of saving Constantinople from dore, formerly despot of Mistra and now lord of the Turks. The fall of the Byzantine capital Selymbria. They pitched their camp first at the would inevitably inspire the Turks with the ancient Thracian city of Aphamnia, “rising likea ambition completely to occupy continental beautiful fountain,” and later went on to Mylia- Greece and the Morea. We must acknowledge, dema (undique collapsa vetustate), where they saw however, that Ladislas had a flair for dramatic

long, crumbling lines of walls and the remains of confusion. At the diet of Buda on 15 April, great temples. Although there were many 1444, he had sworn in the presence of Cardinal Venetian and Genoese nobles in the company, Cesarini to renew the war against the Turks durthe emperor paid especial attention to Ciriaco, ing the coming summer, and yet on the twentywhom he had known for some years, and who fourth he dispatched his agent Gisdani¢ with undoubtedly informed him in complete detail of full and binding powers to treat with the Ottothe peace negotiations at Adrianople and the man government. He assured the Venetian amagreement reached on 12 June.’ Obviously they bassador Giovanni de’ Reguardati that he was

going to war.” On 2 July he informed the

' Ciriaco, Ep. xxix, in Cod. Palat, Florent. 49 (Serie Florentine priorate that the object of his strugTargioni), fol. 26 (earlier enumeration 79), dated “Ex §=—--————— Bizantio XIIII K1. Sextilis. Euggenii pp®. A. XITII” [19 July, XIII, pp. 704-7), dated at Mistra on 30 July, is a poor 1444]; Giov. Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi, Latin translation of an authentic Greek text. In this letter V (Florence, 1773, repr. Bologna, 1971), 66-69; L. T. John urges Ladislas not to make peace with Sultan Murad II,

Belgrano, “Seconda Serie di documenti riguardanti la although “it has come to our attention that the Despot

colonia di Pera,” in Atti della Societa ligure di storia patria, George [Brankovic] and your Serenity have begun and XIII (1877-84), 977-79, incorrectly dated 18 July. The actually carried through certain treaties of peace with the said hunting party began on 15 July, a Wednesday (ad Iduum Murad, and that the latter is sending his envoys to your Quintihum serenum et gent nostri tocundissimum diem). Cf. Excellency to conclude and confirm the agreements.” This

Francisc Pall, “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la crociata contro i is obviously a reference to the pact of Adrianople of 12

Turchi,” Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX (1938), 42-43. According June, although Pall (op. cit., p. 43, note 3) may be correct

to Oskar Halecki, The Crusade of Varna, New York, 1943, in rejecting Mistra as the place from which John sent the pp. 26-31, the information which Ciriaco gave the Emperor letter. John VIII on this occasion caused the latter to hasten directly ? Reguardati’s commission, dated 6 March, 1444, is pubto the Morea (reaching Mistra in about two weeks) in order _ lished in Aug. Cieszkowski, ed., Fontes rerum polonicarum e

to confer with his brother, the Despot Constantine. tabulario retpublicae venetae, ser. I, fasc. 2 (Poznan, 1890), Halecki thinks that the Latin letter addressed to Ladislas no. xxxrx, pp. 79-84. He was given further instructions of Hungary, and ascribed to John VIII (given in Jan on 23 March (ibid., pp. 84-85). Cf, above, Chapter 2, Dtugosz, Historia polonica, bk. xu, Leipzig edition, 2 vols., note 134. The documents of 6 and 23 March have been 1711-12, I, cols. 790-93, and ed. I. Z. Pauli, vol. IV, in republished by Giuseppe Valentini, ed., Acta Albaniae veneta Alex. Przezdziecki, ed., Joannis Dlugosz Sentoris, canonici saeculorum XIV et XV, XVIII (1974), nos. 4,925, 4,933, Cracoviensis, opera omnia, 14 vols., Cracow, 1863-87, vol. pp. 129 ff.

82

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 83 gle for peace in Hungary had been to embark A contemporary Serbian annalist says that in person upon the holy war.* Again, on the George Brankovic made a separate peace with twenty-fourth, he wrote the king of Bosnia that the Porte on 15 August, 1444,° which obviously he was setting out to encompass the destruction means that he ratified for himself the treaty of of the accursed Turks.* Only the next day, Adrianople of 12 June after Ladislas’s declara-

however, he left Buda for Szeged to meet tion of war on 4 August. The Serbian defection Suleiman Beg and Vranas and apparently to was serious. Brankovic, landless in 43, had still sign the treaty of peace (on 1 August?) which supplied 8,000 fighting men, one-third of the they had brought from Sultan Murad. But on 4 army which had campaigned successfully in that

August, at Szeged, Ladislas finally took the most Sotemnn vow wit his cher nobies to orive me Historia polonica, bk. xu, ed. I. Z. Pauli, vol. IV [=Opera

: ps y . omnia, ed. Alex. Przezdziecki, XIII], Cracow, 1877, pp.

standing any treaties or negotiations whatso- 79g_11, and ed. Leipzig, 1711—12, II, cols. 794-96, to

ever . . .” (non obstantibus quibuscumque tractatt- whom we owe our fullest and earliest literary account of bus aut praticis seu conclusionibus aut capitulis the meeting at Szeged. The documentary source for the

treuguarum factis vel fiendis cum imperatore Proceedings or 13 August Ngo. the Vv eran P an

h °° TheRegesti die wasdet cast. It rolled IV to pcg ase bk. IVTx11, Set no. oe Sed RT Ture orum) Commem., (1896), 264,on pp.ORE 286-87.

Varna. Cf. Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 35-50, but see also Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, 28-41, 44, and Franz Babinger,

—_—_—_——_———— Maometto il Conquistatore e il suo tempo, Turin, 1957, pp.

3N. Iorga [Jorga], Notes et extraits pour servir a histoire 66-67. des crotsades, II (Paris, 1899), 404-5, letter of 2 July to the Halecki, op. cit., has attempted to show that Ladislas Florentines, and see Pall, in Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, did not ratify the treaty of Szeged, a view which the Polish 27-31, with refs. A dispatch from the Venetian Senate historian Prochaska had previously advanced. Halecki’s dated 9 September, 1444, to Alvise Loredan, captain of the book is very interesting (and has stimulated discussion) papal fleet in eastern waters (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, although the apparent inaccuracy of this particular conSenatus Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 119’~-120', published by tention has aroused considerable opposition, on which note Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, 1-2, no. LV, pp. Fr. Pall, “Autour de la Croisade de Varna: La Question de 129-31, and by Sime Ljubi¢, ed., Listine, IX [Zagreb, la paix de Szeged et de sa rupture,” Bull. hist. Acad. roum.,

1890], 212 [in the Monumenta spectantia historiam XXII (1941), 144-58, and “Un Moment décisif de

slavorum meridionalium, vol. XXI}), states that letters of 12 histoire du Sud-Est européen: la croisade de Varna (1444),”

and 14 August just received in Venice from Cardinal Balcania, VII (1944), esp. pp. 108-18; see also in general Cesarini and Reguardati contained the assurance that they Fr. Babinger, “Von Amurath zu Amurath: Vor- und had kept Loredan fully informed “de nonnullis praticis | Nachspiel der Schlacht bei Varna,” Oriens, III (1950), esp. habitis per imperatorem Teucrorum tam cum serenissimo pp. 239-42, and Maometto, pp. 65-67. Both Pall and domino rege Hungarie et Polonie quam etiam cum _ Babinger believe that Ladislas did in fact sign the peace illustrissimo domino despoto quas tamen nescimus si locum _ treaty of Szeged, and (as noted in the preceding chapter) so

habiture sint cum idem reverendissimus dominus legatus does Domenico Caccamo, “Eugenio IV e la crociata di Sancti Angeli [Cesarini] ac secretarius noster [Reguardati] Varna,” Archivio della Societa romana di storia patria, LXXIX

nobis scribant serenissimum dominum regem predictum (3rd ser., X, 1956), 35-87, esp. pp. 78-79. For details of ac barones Hungarie, predictis non obstantibus, promisisse the fatal campaign of 1444 and for the bibliography in velle procedere exercitualiter anno isto ad ‘exterminium _ general, see Caccamo’s article and Dabrowski’s monograph Teucrorum .. .” (fol. 119%). Loredan was directed to on L’Année 1444 (1952). The latter also has no doubt that proceed with his commission if King Ladislas and the Ladislas broke the pledge of Adrianople and Szeged.

Christian army took the offensive against the Turks, “ut Works published before Pall employed the letters of

ex Grecia expellantur,” but if they abandoned the enterprise, Ciriaco of Ancona to depict the background to the peace

the Venetians should not try to fight the Turks alone, and of Szeged are inevitably limited in their scope (ee. g., Loredan should refrain from attacking territories belonging David Angyal, “Le Traité de paix de Szeged avec les

to the sultan. Turcs [1444],” Revue de Hongrie, VIL [1911], 255-68, * Ragusan ambassadors at the court of Bosnia reported to 374-92; Angyal, “Die diplomatische Vorbereitung der the home government, in a letter which reached Ragusa Schlacht von Varna [1444],” Ungarische Rundschau, II

on 15 August, 1444, “haver vista una lettera del serenissimo [1913], 518-24; and Rudolf Urbanek, Vladislav Varnenéik:

ré de Ungaria, fata in Ungaria alle XXIIII del passato, Skuteénost i legenda [in Czech, with a French summary], la qual scrive al deto ré de Bosina, digando chome de _ Prague, 1937, pp. 43-94). T. V. Tuleja, “Eugenius IV presente se mette in ordene per andar alla destrution delli and the Crusade of Varna,” Catholic Historical Review, XXXV

maledeti Turchi . . .” (lorga, Notes et extraits, II, 407). (1950), 257-75, believes that Halecki’s Crusade of Varna

Cf. Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, 37-39. “completely destroys the traditional interpretation of the

°Iorga, in ROL, VII (1900, repr. 1964), 423-24, and Varna crusade,” which is hardly the case. Notes et extraits, III (Paris, 1902), 182-83, publishes an ® Cf. Franz Babinger, “Von Amurath zu Amurath: Vorextract from the “manifesto of Szeged;” the text may be und Nachspiel der Schlacht bei Varna (1444),” Oriens, found in Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, I-2, no. III (1950),. 240, 242-43, reprinted in his Aufsdtze und LV, pp. 119-25; and note its citation by the contemporary Abhandlungen zur Geschichte Siidosteuropas und der Levante, Polish historian Jan Diugosz (well-known canon of Cracow), 2 vols., Munich, 1962-66, I, 137, 138-39.

84 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT year. Hope of a victorious crusade must have _ ships may also have joined the armada. Venice depended largely upon the continuance of the had contributed eight galleys, and Ragusa very unusual Hungarian-Serbian alliance. ‘The Serbs . cautiously, two. Two Byzantine vessels were also

were to be sorely missed on the battlefield of to be added when the fleet had finally reached Varna. It is not strange that the Turks almost its eastern destination. It was a sizable fleet, hastened to restore to Brankovic the territories probably large enough for its purpose of holdthey had seized from him,’ including his capital ing the Dardanelles and the Bosporus against city of Semendria (Smederevo), Novo Brdo, and _ the Turks.

even the fortress town of Golubac on the A year earlier than this, before the first

Hungarian-Serbian frontier.2 The old despot expedition of Ladislas and Hunyadi, the Venehad good reason to confirm the peace. The tian government had advised the pope (in May, negotiations at Adrianople appeared to have 1443) that a fleet of sixteen to twenty galleys been for his benefit, which has made it easy would be required to patrol the straits against for the Polish historians Cieszkowski, Prochaska, the Turks when a plan was envisaged very like and Halecki to insist that Ladislas never did that now to be attempted. Twenty galleys would ratify the treaty of Adrianople, which provided be preferable, of course, the pope had been chiefly for his erstwhile enemy Brankovic.’ told, “ut cum securitate res fieri valeat,” and Hunyad?’s interest in the negotiations had been in addition there might well be a transport to twofold, to encourage Murad to proceed against carry food and munitions. The Senate had in-

the Gran Caramano in Asia Minor, which dicated at the same time that it would cost

would much increase the Christian chances of Venice more than 20,000 ducats to prepare the success against the Turks in Europe, and to gain ten galleys as such (corpora galearum), which

time enough to be sure that the allied fleet the pope was supposed to arm at his own ex-

was really going to set out for the Bosporus, pense. These ten galleys were to fly the standard for without the Christian naval armament the — of the Church. Since the duke of Burgundy was land army was not likely to achieve a victory. also asking for four galleys, Venice was being

Soon there was little doubt that the fleet put to further expense, it was said, and while

would sail eastward, and that the crusade would _ the Senate was willing to supply these galleys with actually begin on the sea. Some two dozen galleys the necessary rigging and cordage (corredz), the

under the command of the cardinal legate pope and the duke would have to arm them.”

Francesco Condulmer, Eugenius IV’s nephew, |

with Alvise. (Luigi) Loredan serving as captain, _——— |

sailed from Venice to the Dardanelles in two proclaimed at Florence. The pope also sent Cesarini or three different squadrons. The pope had assurance that plans were going forward for sending into . . the Levant a papal fleet to be commanded by his nephew, armed ten galleys in the Venetian arsenal, Cardinal Francesco Condulmer, tituls Sancti Clementis and Duke Philip of Burgundy, four; Philip had presbyterem Cardinalem Sancte Romane Ecclesie vicecancellarium,

sent letters of exchange to Venice amounting for service against the Turks (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg.

(© 3,500 ducats to arm these four galleys, Yat $82 fol. 200" toe) “datum Rome apud, Sanctum over which Waleran de Wavrin was set." Other pontificatus nostri. anno XIII”). cf J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, Diplomatarium ragusanum, Budapest, 1887, nos. _7 Later 268, 270, pp. 448 ff., and no. 273, pp. 457-59, which on, the Venetians congratulated Brankovi€ upon last document, dated at Ragusa on 31 July, 1444, credits

receiving the news “vestram inclitam magnificentam the pope with eight galleys; Venice with five; and the duke terras et loca sua recuperasse et in dominio suo restitutam of Burgundy, four; and acknowledges the Ragusan esse,” and sought to settle some differences with him (Sen. _ contribution as two (cf. B. Kreki¢, Dubrovnik [Raguse] et le Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 139-140", doc. dated 17 January, Levant au moyen age, Paris and The Hague, 1961, no. 1060, 1444 [Ven. style 1443]; Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, _p. 340).

I—2, no. Lx1, p. 140). 1 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 9Y-10°; Iorga, ROL, VII, 8 On the strategic importance of Golubac, see Dabrowski, 98-99; Notes et extraits, III, 125-26, letter of the Senate to L’Année 1444, pp. 22-24. Leonardo Venier, Venetian ambassador to the papacy, ° Cf. Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 54-57. dated 10 May, 1443. A year later, on 23 March, 1444, the

10 Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in L. A. Muratori, ed., Venetians informed the duke of Burgundy that fourteen RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1114D. On 12 February, galleys would suffice to guard the straits (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 1444, Pope Eugenius wrote Cesarini that the Christian 16, fol. 81, dated by a scribal error “MCCCCLXIIII{!], die successes in central Europe betokened the coming liberation XXIII Martii;” ROL, VII, 403). The following May, however, of those parts of Greece and Europe which were occupied __ it was reported in Venice that the duke was arming at Nice three

by the Turks, so that the Greeks and other easterners more galleys and a galiot, as well as another vessel which was would soon enjoy the fruits of the union of the Churches _ being prepared elsewhere for naval combat (Sen. Secreta,

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 85 In March, 1444, Cardinal Cesarini had been (1444) the Senate wrote Cesarini of Francesco’s informed that the fourteen galleys which the Re- departure on 22 June “with. his last galley:” public was supplying at the request of the pope now the pope’s ten galleys and the eight sup-

and the duke comprised almost a quarter of plied by Venice were on the sea. The duke of

the total number of which the Venetians could Burgundy’s four galleys were expected to leave

dispose.” in two or three days. The Venetians were urging By early June, 1444, Cardinal Francesco’s Cardinal Francesco to send, upon his arrival

fleet had at length been got ready. Some galleys at Gallipoli, eight or more galleys into the Black

had already set sail. It had taken months of Sea and even up the Danube as far as Nicopolis diplomatic effort, to be sure, to get the pope toto establish contact with the Hungarian army meet the costs of the galleys which had been’ when it should reach that area. Francesco could prepared for him.’* Now, however, after the thus assist the army to cross the Danube, and settlement of a score of problems, the Senate victory in this glorious enterprise would lie issued its instructions on 17 June, 1444, to in the army’s getting across the river successAlvise Loredan, who, besides being captain of fully.” the pontifical fleet, had eight Venetian galleys under his direct command. Loredan was toserve —__ under Cardinal Francesco. He was to avoid any divino opere contra perfidos Teucros exerceantur. .. . encounter with the Egyptian fleet and also to Verum quia galee predicte hic armate nomine summi steer clear of Rhodes. His mission lay on the pontificis solummodo pro agendo contra nequissimos Teucros parate et expedite sunt, sicut diximus reverendissimo Dardanelles and the B osporus.” On 4 July domino cardinali legato et sicut ipse nobis amplissime

14 parate et exp ,

promisit se facturum, declaramus tibi quod si forte alique ——_ galee sive fuste aut alia navigia sive armata sultani [the

Reg. 16, fol. 917; ROL, VII, 408, “MCCCCXLIIII, die XII “soldan”] se repperirent in mari seu exirent de terris et

Maii, reverendissimo domino cardinali sancti Angeli legato __locis sultani pro tempore quo stabis extra, nostre intentionis apostolico”). For the two galleys supplied by Ragusa, see _ est et volumus quod nullo modo aliqua novitas eis inferratur,

lorga, Notes et extraits, II, 403, 407, 412, and cf. p. 417, and immo volumus quod ab ipsa armata, fustis, aut aliis Gelcich and Thalléczy, Diplomatarium ragusanum, nos. 268, navigiis sultani galee hic armate se allonginquare debeant

270, pp. 448 ff., letters dated 17 December, 1443, and et ab omni molestia et novitate penitus abstinere. Volumus 10 February, 1444; and BariSa Krekic, “Dubrovnik’s quoque quod Rhodum nullo modo cum galeis predictis te Participation in the War against the Turks” [in Serbocroatian, conferas nec etiam pacto aliquo permittere quod aliqua de with English summary ], Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta, _ predictis galeis Rhodum se conferrat . . .” (fol. 100). The

IT (1953), 145-58. Senate wanted no disruption of the still profitable commercial

2 Torga, ROL, VII, 400, and Notes et extraits, III, 159, runs to Alexandria and Beirut and no embroilment with the letter of Cristoforo Cocco to the cardinal of S. Angelo Hospitallers, with whom for generations the Venetians did

(Cesarini), dated 15 March, 1444: “. .. quamvis ... not get along very well.

aerarium ... nostrum non parum exhaustum sit con- 1S Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 103"; Valentini, Acta Albaniae tinuis bellis, tamen triremes XIIII scite factas ex LX eligi veneta, XVIII, no. 4,996, pp. 213-15; Iorga, ROL, VII, 417, ilussimus. . . .” The Genoese petitioned the pope that their and Notes et extraits, 111, 176, letter of the Senate to Cesarini, clergy be exempted from the ecclesiastical tithe which was dated 4 July, 1444: “. . . Commemoramusque et hortamur

being levied to support the fleet (ROL, VII, 382, 388; suam reverendissimam paternitatem [Cardinal Francesco

Notes et extraits, III, 141, 147). Condulmer] ut cum erit in strictu Galipolis, communicata re Cf. lorga, ROL, VII, 99-100, 101-2, 107, 376, 377, ista cum capitaneo galearum summi pontificis cui etiam nos 379-80, 386-88, 389-90, 391, 393, 397-98, 400-1, 403-4, scripsimus opportune, mittat pro meliori executione facti

408~—11, 413-17, and Notes et extraits, III, 126-27, 128-29, utque potentius fiant quecunque fienda sunt, octo vel plures

134, 135, 136, 137-38, 145-47, 148-49, 150, 152, 156-57, galeas cum illo ordine qui videbitur opportunus que per 159-60, 162-63, 167-70, 172-76. The overall problem was Danubium usque Nicopolim seu quo opus erit vadant ad

that the hulls and basic equipment of the galleys were omnem favorem possibilem impendendum ut exercitus costing the Venetian government 2,000 ducats apiece, and Christianorum Danubium transire possit, in quo transitu while Venice had done its part, the pope was (owing to other _—_consistere videmus victoriam illius gloriose impresie. . . .”

commitments) unable to meet the costs of arming his ten Note also Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. galleys for some months. The financing was finally arranged, 1106C, 1109B, 1114, who is not far wrong in placing the

however, largely from Venetian sources. departure of the fleet on 21 June (1444). Cf. Marcantonio Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 100'-101°; Valentini, Acta Coccio Sabellico, Historiae rerum venetarum (ed. Venice,

Albaniae veneta, XVIII, no. 4,983, pp. 195-99; Iorga, 1718), decad. HI, bk. vi, pp. 654-55; Raynaldus, Ann.

ROL, VII, 414-15, and Notes et extraits, III, 173-74, doc. eccl., ad ann. 1444, nos. 1-4, vol. XVIII (Cologne, 1694),

dated 17 June, 1444: “Quod fiat commissio viro nobili pp. 289-91; Alberto Guglielmotti, Storia della marina Alvisio Lauredano procuratori ecclesie S. Marci, capitaneo pontificia, II (Rome, 1886), 158 ff.; N. Iorga, Gesch. d. galearum nomine summi pontificis hic armatarum: . .. In — osman. Reiches, I (Gotha, 1908), 436 ff.

bona gratia et victoria vadas capitaneus presentium On 4 August (1444) the government of Ragusa wrote

galearum que iuxta promissiones nostras nomine Romani their envoys at the Bosnian court “chome le quattro galee pontificis hic armate sunt ut in strictum Galipolis in tam del ducha de Bergogna zonsino qui alle 22 del passato bene

86 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The extent of Venice’s investment in the cru- the straits of Gallipoli. Sultan Murad II had sade of 1444 has probably not been sufficiently already crossed over into Asia Minor on the appreciated, perhaps because the fleet achieved campaign against Ibrahim Beg of Caramania, so little in the end. In view of the constant and Cardinal Francesco and Loredan were suprumors of a Turco-Hungarian peace Loredan posed to prevent his re-entry into Europe by was inclined to be cautious, and it must not holding the straits against him. be forgotten that Cardinal Francesco was also Many of the Hungarian magnates had opa Venetian. In the meantime, however, on4 July posed the plans for another expedition against (1444) the Senate wrote their envoy in Hungary, the Turks. For the time being they were conthe secretary Giovanni de’ Reguardati, directing tent with the success achieved by Christian him not to conceal the fact that Venice had arms in the five months’ campaign from Sepspent some 30,000 ducats on the Christian fleet. tember, 1443, to the following January. As we She had provided the pope with eight [or ten?] gal- have seen, however, the Holy See was comleys and the duke of Burgundy with four. More- mitted to a crusade against the Turks. The over, the papal galleys had been armed largely by future of church union as well as the safety of the tithe imposed on the Venetian clergy and Constantinople seemed to depend upon an ear!

p SY a p Pp P y

(to a much lesser extent) on the Florentine victory. There was also a war party at the clergy. These “twelve” papal and Burgundian gal- Hungarian court. Eugenius IV and the Veneleys were all manned by Venetian crews, and _ tians had financed a fleet. On 15 March, 1444,

Venice had decided to send another six to eight Eugenius had also instructed Andreas de galleys into the east “sub nostro nomine et cum __Palatio, cubicularius ac in Polonie et Bohemie nostris propriis banderiis.”** By mid-July the regnis nuntius noster, to turn over to Ladislas

fleet was at Modon," and soon sailed on to (to assist his preparations for the crusade)

all the funds to be collected in: Poland and the

,; - Polish dependencies under the name of “Peter’s et triumfevelmente armate, et alle 23 del detto se partirno ”¢ F £ per seguir l’armata che era passata avanti. .. .” Three pence or two years Irom the date of the papal galleys of the king of Aragon had arrived at Trani, and letter.'® Philip the Good of Burgundy had four others were expected, but “a che intentione, per ora) made a sizable contribution to the crusade. non savemo” (lorga, Notes et extraits, II [Paris, 1899}, Cesarini was unrelentin in his insistence

405-6). On 20 August the Ragusei informed the envoys dh ful 5 lit , “che per tuto lo mexe de luyo debiano esser arivate et an € was a powerlul personally. . zonte nel streto de Galipoli...a numero pit che Doubt as to the advisability of the expedition

XXV [galee]” (ibid., II, 406, and cf. Krekié, Dubrovnik was not confined to the Hungarians. On 26 [Raguse | et le Levant, nos. 1060-61, 1066, pp. an. tia90 August, 1444, a Polish diet meeting at Piotrkéw, Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, 1-2 (1890), southwest of Warsaw, set forth the dangers no. Li, pp. 110-14, p. 112;Reg. Ilorga, ROL, VII, 418, and b .ern Ladislas’ 1dd Notes et extraits, III, 177;esp. Sen. Secreta, 16, fol. 104. esetting adIslas S nort reaim, andhurge On 28 August (1444) the Venetians informed the pope that him to accept the incredible terms of peace they had spent more than 40,000 ducats on the fleet (ROL, which Murad II was said to have proposed. VII, 425-26; Cieszkowski, op. cit., no. Lv1, p. 127; Sen. Conguievitque et cessavit furor ille barbaricus, quo

Secreta, fol. 116%). Lessthe than two weeks later, sunt - = M Nura d hadad offered however,Reg. on 916, September, when possibility was con-loriati. groriay sunT eucrl. oltere(th ne

sidered in Venice that Ladislas might make peace with the Poles believed) to Bive up the realm of Serbia,

Turks, whom the Venetians did not wish to fight alone, surrender the Turkish dominion in Albania, Loredan was instructed to inform the sultan (in the eventof restore the occupied parts of Hungary, and peace) that the galleys belonged to the pope, who had release the captives he was holding. He was

armed them expense, it Teady, was necessary d ditpacis . nunquam for us to obey sinceathehis is theown supreme lord in ourand faith, “whom andwe @!SO offerens con uliones could not do otherwise” (ROL, VII, 427-28; Cieszkowski, op. credibiles, tO pay an indemnity of 100,000 ducats

cit., no. LVI, pp. 129-31; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. and to provide Ladislas with 25,000 armed

119”— 120). . men “for any war of your Highness’s choice.” Iorga, ROL, VII, 421, 425, and Notes et extraits, III, 180, 184. The Poles’ und tandi f these term

The latter reference is toa letter of the Venetian Senate to the c oO“ nders ancing O ; © terms Was

pope, dated 28 August, 1444 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 116”): derived “from your Highness s own letters and

“. . . Significamus . . . reverendissimum dominum cardi- statements” (prout haec omnia ex litteris et innalem vicecancellarium legatum apostolicum cum triremibus —fimqtione vestrae Serenitatis accepimus). The Turk-

sue rev. dominationi commissis ac cum aliqua parte galearum ish peace et fustarum nostrarum ad hoc opus sanctissimum dessignatarum P y(they wrote) would enable Ladislas die XVII Juli preteriti Mothonum incolumen [sic] attigisse 9 ——-————

indeque ipse die XX discessit ut accessum suum Deo auspice 18 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1444, no. 1, vol. XVIII

persequeretur in strictum. .. .” (1694), pp. 289-90.

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 87 to return to Poland, where the raids of the Skiathos, and Skopelos should be enlisted in the Tatars (and the negotiations for peace with enterprise.” them) were only one of the problems being faced Ciriaco ended his letter with a postscript, by his people, and to re-establish peace and dated 19 September, informing Cesarini of the security in the kingdom.” But neither Hun- potable victory of the Hospitallers of Rhodes garian doubt nor Polish remonstrance could over the Egyptian fleet. The Knights had reslow the gathering momentum which would pulsed a strong assault upon their walls (on 10 lead the Christian forces to the field of Varna. September), taking six emirs (admirati) and kill-

There were disquieting reports of a Hun- ing or capturing some 9,000 Moslems. On the

garian-Turkish treaty, a copy of which Turkish following day, the twentieth, Ciriaco left Conofficers were said to have shown Waleran de stantinople with the Byzantine admiral Alexius Wavrin, when the Christian fleet reached Gallip- Dishypatos on another antiquarian tour of the

oli. Cardinal Condulmer soon received as- seq of Marmara. On the twenty-fourth they

surance, however, from his fellow legate Cesarini janded on the island of Marmara (the ancient

in Hungary that no such peace Was 1D the Proconnesus), and on the twenty-seventh

offing.*” Another letter from Cesarini brought ;eached Lampsacus. On the opposite shore, at the same news to Constantinople on 5 September Gallipoli, the crusaders’ fleet rode at anchor. when Ciriaco of Ancona, after an excursion Cirjaco crossed the strait and discussed the war

on the Sea of Marmara, happened to be at with the commander Loredan. He soon dethe imperial court. In a letter to Cesarini, parted, however, going on with Dishypatos the dated 12 September, Ciriaco states that he had game day to the island of Imbros, whence the read the cardinal’s letter to the Emperor John _ Jatter left for Lemnos while Ciriaco went sightVIII, as well as letters from Ladislas, Hunyadi, seeing on Imbros on the twenty-eighth, having

and other leaders of the crusade. He had in ag his guide Michael Critobulus, who later fact translated them from Latin into Greek for rote the life of Mehmed the Conqueror: the benefit of the Byzantines, who were over-

joyed by the news, as were the Genoese at On 28 September on the eastern Shore of Pera. Anxious to share the good news with Bros we C ed ey and hes horses Nae aarig western Christendom, Ciriaco sent copies of the COTUS Michact Mritobulus, a learned’ “nbrrote nome,

lett to Alf V and the N lit to the western part of the island, to ancient € rers tO OnsSO an co vcap outan no- Imbros, once an important city and of great antiq-

bility, whom he hoped to see jom the expedi- uity, and through high hills we reached the plain

tion. “And to say no more,” Ciriaco con- py the city where we found at the height of the

cludes, citadel Manuel Acanius, a noble from Byzantium, be assured that this great emperor and his illustrious and worthy governor of the island for the Emperor John Palaeologus, and we learned that brothers are employing every effort andfrom resource to ; ;he, ; . had recently built the citadel two earlier promote this undertaking and to increase the fleet arts. Here indeed we saw the remains of a ver of triremes havewall already They from have age. pars:. .. .ae ; . orthey ancient whichprepared. had collapsed

also seen to it that not only the imperial city but all the Aegean islands, Lemnos, Imbros, Skyros,

71 Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 68, 92—93 (Ciriaco’s letter

to Cesarini, 12 September, 1444).

19 A. Sokotowski and J. Szujski, eds., Codex epistolaris 72From the small volume (a copy) of Ciriaco’s Comsaeculi dectmt quinti, I-1 (Cracow, 1876, repr. 1965), no. mentarii odeporict, in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. lat. cxxv, pp. 140-44; cf. Dabrowski, L’Année 1444, p. 21, and 5,250, fols. 11"-11": “Ad IIII Kal. Octob. ex orientali

on the Tatars, note O. Halecki, “La Pologne et empire Imbre littore una viro cum docto et Imbriote nobili

byzantin,” Byzantion, VII (1932), 62-63. Hermodoro Michaeli Critobulo ad occidentalem eiusdem 7° Jehan de Waurin (Wavrin), Recueil des croniques et insulae partem, ad Imbron antiquam insignemque olim et anchiennes istories de la Grant Bretaigne [see above, Chapter 2, _ vetustissimam civitatem terrestri itinere equis devecti, et

note 134], VI, 1, 11, eds. Wm. Hardy and E. L.C. P. Hardy, arduos per colles et prope civitatem planiciem venimus, vol. V (1891, repr. 1967), pp. 45-46, and cf. N. Iorga, ubi ad summam civitatis arcem Manuelem Acanium, virum La Campagne des croisés sur le Danube, Paris, 1927, pp. 30-31. ex Byzantio nobilem, et eius insulae pro Johanne Palaeologo

The reference is presumably to the preliminary peace of | Imperatore benemerentem praesidem, quem et arcem ipsam Adrianople (12 June, 1444). The sultan was said to have a duabus iam ex partibus noviter condisse comperimus. “bonne paix au roy de Hongrye,” as the Turks could show Ibidem vero longe antiqui et vetustate collapsi muri by “les lettres du traitie,” on which cf. Halecki, Crusade vestigia vidimus, et hic nonnullam e moenibus partem extare of Varna, p. 68. The chronicler Jehan, as we have already pulcherrimae suae architecturae ordine conspicuam vidimus, observed, was the uncle of the Burgundian commander _ et ingentes ad portum antiqua ex mole lapides, et nonnulla

Waleran de Wavrin. marmorum statuarumque fragmenta, bases, et vetustissimis

88 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Ciriaco’s letters show that he entertained beginning its march to the Black Sea to make much hope of a Christian victory over Islam. contact with the Christian fleet. Throughout the It was not an entirely vain hope. There was’ weeks of the Varna campaign Eugenius IV conreligious dissension in Adrianople, where a_ tinued his efforts to assist Ladislas, Hunyadi,

member of the Shiite Persian sect of the and Cesarini, imposing another tithe “pro apHurtfis, who allegedly sought the reconciliation paratu et expeditione maritima adversus Teuof Islam with Christianity, caused havoc among _cros.”*> On 4 October (1444) Eugenius released

the Turks.” Shortly afterwards the janissaries the Albanian chieftain George Arianiti Topia embarked on a riotous demand for more pay, “Comnenus,” lord of Cerminitza and Catafigo, and burned a good part of Adrianople. And from the peace he had made with and the oath now, on 20 September (1444), the army of he had sworn to the Turks, “since it is absurd Ladislas and Hunyadi crossed the Danube,” that the religious observance of good faith and an oath, which should be reserved for the honor

—_—_—_— of God, should redound to the detriment of

characteribus epigrammata....” A different text was the faith and result in offense to God.’2® transcribed by G. B. de fol. Rossi thecolumn Schede De Rossi The Ott tablish t in E Cod. Vat. lat. 10,518, 2°,inleft (from theinc the . oman establishment i urope was “Schede epigrafiche relative a Ciriaco d’Ancona e notizie clearly in some danger. intorno ad esso”). The same text, in less good form, appears

also in Cod. Napol. lat. V. E. 64, fol. 2. In Adrianople Mehmed Chelebi, later the Much the same account is also to be found in a letter which Ciriaco addressed on 29 September to George Scholarius, § ————————

who later took the monastic name Gennadius, and became _ scribit, Christianorum exercitum in felici omine Danubium patriarch of Constantinople under the Turks (publ. by Erich __ traiecisse die XX Septembris nuper decursi ut ad exter-

Ziebarth, “Cyriacus von Ancona in Samothrake,” in the minium perfidorum Teucrorum procederet” (Sen. Secreta, Mitteilungen des k. deutschen archdaol. Instituts, Athen. Abteilung, Reg. 16, fol. 126’, with a faulty transcription in Cieszkowski,

XXX [1906], 405-6, and cf. Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, Fontes rerum polonicarum, I-2 [1890], no. Lyin, p. 132, 46-47). Critobulus’s famous work on Sultan Mehmed II was” and ¢f. no. Lix, p. 134, and Valentini, Acta Albaniae first discovered by Constantin Tischendorfon 19September, _veneta, XVIII, no. 5,036, pp. 266-67). 1859, in Istanbul in the Library (Kittiphane) of Ahmed IIT; °° Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1444, nos. 6-10,

it survives in a unique copy, apparently the most important vol. XVIII (1694), pp. 292-97. On 4 October, 1444, of an alleged 5,000 MSS. in the collection (f Adolf Eugenius sent a brief of condolence to Lodovico II [IIT] Deissmann, Forschungen und Funde im Serat, Berlin and Gonzaga, consoling him for the death of his father Gian

Leipzig, 1933, pp. 28, 43-44). Francesco, first marquis of Mantua (Arch. di Stato di

The siege of Rhodes by the Mamluks, referred to in the Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834), and six weeks later, text, lasted forty days. Their fleet of seventy-five vessels on 16 November, informed him that he was sending one appeared offshore on Monday, 10 August, 1444. The Jacopo de Cortonio to Mantua to see to the collection Mamluk forces broke camp on 13 September, and the fleet of the crusading tithe (ibid.): departed on the eighteenth. The main assault took place on “Dilecto filio nobili viro Carolo de Gonragha [!], marchioni Thursday, 10 September. The chief contemporary account Mantuano: Dilecte fili, salutem et apostolicam benedicis a poem in Catalan, in 240 rhymed verses, by one Francesc tionem. Pro executione litterarum nostrarum dudum Ferrer, Romang dels actes e coses que Varmada del gran solda promulgatarum cum istic tum in quampluribus partibus féu en Rodes, which has been published by L. Nicolau orbis super solutione unius integre decime pro apparatu et d’Olwer, “Un Témoinage catalan du si¢ége de Rhodes en _expeditione maritima adversus Teucros et alios barbaros 1444,” Estudis universitaris catalans, XI1 (1927), 376-87. Christiane fidei hostes indicte, prout in nostris litteris inde Ferrer was present throughout the siege, and gives us a confectis plenius continentur, mittimus dilectum filium

chronology of events. Magistrum Jacobum de Cortonio utriusque iuris doctorem

23 Babinger, Maometto, pp. 69-71. The episode of the in nostro registro supplicationum presidentem. Quocirca Persian preacher must have become widely known in _ nobilitatem tuam pro nostra et Apostolice Sedis reverentia Europe (cf. Sanudo, Vite de’ducht, in RISS, XXII [1733], in domino requirimus et hortamur quatenus pro efficatiori

col. 1116); see also the extract from the Cronaca Zancaruola, et magis celeri executione huiusmodi mandatorum nostrorum ed. Babinger, in Oriens, III (1950), 244-45, and on the — eidem Jacobo faveas et assistas consiliis, auxiliis et favoribus

doctrine of the Hurifis, ibid., pp. 245-48; reprinted in oportunis prout de tua prudentia et devotione erga nos et Babinger’s Aufsdize und Abhandlungen, 1, 139-43. Earlier in sedem predictam specialem in domino fiduciam obtinemus.

the century a dervish named Mustafa, who is said to have Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub anulo nostro come from Samos, had also preached the spiritual amity of | secreto die sextadecima mensis Novembris pontificatus nostri Moslems and Christians (Ducas, chap. 21 [Bonn, pp. 111-15], | anno quartodecimo. A. de Florentia.”

on which see H. I. Cotsonis [Kotsonis], “Aus der Endzeit 76 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1444, no. 6, vol. XVIII von Byzanz: Birkliidsche Mustafa,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, (1694), pp. 292—93, and on Arianiti, one of whose daughters

L [1957], 397-404). married Scanderbeg, see Franz Babinger, Das Ende der

24On 19 October, 1444, the Venetians wrote the pope, Ariantten, Munich, 1960, pp. 9~—27 (in the Sitzungsberichte “|. . Ecce mittimus Sanctitati vestre copiam unius capituli d. bayer. Akad. der Wissen., Philos. -Hist. KI., 1960, Heft 4), literarum nobis scriptarum per unum ex secretariis nostris ‘and cf. Francisc Pall, “Skanderbeg et Ianco de Hunedoara,” [Reguardati] ex Buda, datarum VI presentis, per quas nobis Revue des études sud-est européennes, VI (1968), 7, 9.

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 89 Conqueror, ruled for his father, but he wasa boy, After crossing the Bosporus, Murad hastened at odds with his chief counsellors, and Sultan to Adrianople, where he found much to depress Murad II was still in Asia Minor. Fortune was _ but nothing to detain him. Soon he was leading

not on the Christian side, however, for after thousands of soldiers along the roads to the

two months of waiting for the army of Ladislas Black Sea. The crusaders under Ladislas and and Hunyadi the crusaders’ fleet had become Hunyadi, delayed on their eastward march, had short of food and water. Murad had been able not crossed the Danube until 20 September,*°

to bring the Caramanian war to a successful as we have just noted. According to the eyeconclusion. Ibrahim Beg, the Gran Caramano, witness account of Andreas de Palatio, the papal

who is believed to have been allied with collector, there were hardly 16,000 men-at-arms Ladislas,*” had reached an agreement with the sultan MOre quickly than public opinion Januensium infamia in Europam venit, nam et quedam

had thought likely. With some 30,000 to 40,000 Januensium naves prebuisse transitum illis [centum milibus men Murad crossed the Bosporus above Con- _ virorum, si vera est fama] referebantur” (Rudolf Wolkan, stantinople in late October, under the shadow ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvtus Piccolomini, in the of Bayazid I’s castle of Anadolu Hisar, where Fontes rerum austriacarum, II. Abt., vol. 61 {Vienna, 1909], . h Ep. 192, p. 566). Thirteen years later Aeneas noted in his Europe and Asia come closest together. The tract De Europa, 5, in Opera quae extant omnia, Basel, 1551, Christian fleet was stalled by adverse winds and _yepr. Frankfurt a. M., 1967, p. 398A, that si vera est fama, by the cautious policy of the Venetians; having 100,000 Turks were transported across the Bosporus by

prevented Murad’s return to Europe across the “Genuenses quidam” ar a ducat a nea. worenzo aren Dardanelles, its commanders made no effort to COM Ann. ad ann. 1444, in RISS, (Milan, 1732),

. . . . . col. 152D, says that Murad hired Genoese to assist in the

impede his crossing of the Bosporus. Attributing transport of 70,000 Turks “from Asia into Greece;” Paolo this failure to incompetence (negligentia), the Petrone, Miscellanea, in RISS, XXIV (Milan, 1738), col. humanist Poggio Bracciolini was to claim later 1128A, states,“Avvisandovichenon .. . traditori Cristiani,

that it ruined all the crusading plans of 1 quali furono Veneziani e Genovesi .. . [the text is

1444.28 Th | ‘d d corrupt] segretamente LXXX mila Turchi, che ne guadaa ere was alsO a widespread rumor gnarono un ducato per testa d’uomo.” (Petrone wrote in the

at the time that Genoese merchants and sailors _ mid-fifteenth century.) From this text it would appear that had accepted Murad’s money to assist his west- members of the Venetian colony in Constantinople as

ward passage.”® well as the Genoese of Pera took Turks across the straits for a ducat each, the same price as Aeneas gives. The latter

—— was well informed, being close to the Emperor Frederick III, *7 Cf. in general Halil Inalcik, “Byzantium and the who had made him “poet laureate” on 27 July, 1442 (Jos.

Origins of the Crisis of 1444 . . .,” Actes du XH® Congres Chmel, Regesta chronologico-diplomatica Friderict IV. Romaninternational d’études byzantines, II (1964), 159-63 (referred to — orum regis [imperatoris III.], Vienna, 1838, repr. Hildesheim,

above, Chapter 2, note 132). 1962, no. 801, p. 93, and no. 17, p. xx1x).

78 Tn his funeral oration on Cardinal Cesarini, killed at See also Jehan de Waurin (Wavrin), Recueil des croniques Varna, Poggio writes: “. . . Neque eventus consiliis de- d’Engleterre, VI, 1, 11-12, ed. Hardy, vol. V (1891, repr. fuisset si classis, que summa cura a summo pontifice 1967), pp. 46-47, 49-50; Wavrin, ed. lorga, La Campagne Helesponto ad id parata erat, Teucros aditu Europe [MS. des crotsés, Paris, 1927, pp. 32-36; Babinger, “Von Euripi] prohibuisset. . . . At vero Teucrorum imperator, Amurath zu Amurath,” Oriens, III (1950), 251-52, reprinted qui id temporis erat in Asia, contractis plurimis copiis et in Aufsatze und Abhandlungen, I, 145-46. Laonicus Chalcoauxiliis undique a finitimis accitis, cum XXX milibus condylas, bk. vu (Bonn, pp. 330-38; ed. Darké, II-1 [1923], hominum in Europa [transivit] per negligentiam classis, 102-9), gives a rather detailed account of the battle of que aditum illum prohibere debebat . . .” (lorga, ““Noteset Varna, to which George Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, extraits,” ROL, VIII [1900-1, repr. 1964], 271).Cf. Mehmed _1050AB; ed. V. Grecu, Georgios Sphrantzes: Memorii [1401 ~ II’s account, at least as reported by Ducas, Hist. byzantina, 1477], in anexd Pseudo-Phrantzes: Macarie Melissenos: Cronica

chap. 34 (Bonn, pp. 239-40), of his father Murad’s [1258-1481], Bucharest, 1966, pp. 66, 68), merely alludes in crossing the Bosporus, and on the Turks’ subsequent moves, _ passing. The “Pseudo-Sphrantzes” (Macarius Melissenussee the Ragusan documents of 10 and 20 October (1444), | Melissurgus), Chron. maius, II, 19 (Bonn, pp. 197-200; ed. in V. V. MakuSev, Monumenta historica slavorum meridionalium Grecu, pp. 338, 340), had read Chalcocondylas and other vicnorumque populorum deprompta e tabulariis et bibliothecis sources.

italicis, II (Belgrade, 1882), 81-84. °° So the Venetians had informed Eugenius IV on 19

*9 Already on 7 October, 1444, Eugenius IV had con- October, 1444 (see above, note 24, and cf. Iorga, ROL, VIII, demned those Christians who were supplying “arms, iron, 1, and Notes et extraits, I11, 188), and Loredan on 9 November food, and other kinds of assistance to the Turks” (letter (C. N. Sathas, Documents inédits, 1 [Paris, 1880, repr. Athens, given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1444, no. 8, vol. 1972], no. 140, p. 209). Cf. Ljubié, Listine, IX (1890), 212,

XVIII [1694], p. 294). The Genoese were especially and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 129%. Ladislas sent an indicted for such dealings with the Turks (cf. Guglielmotti, | urgent appeal to the Venetians “ut provideamus quod galee

Storia della marina pontificia, I1, 160). Aeneas Sylvius tam nostre quam armate per summum pontificem perPiccolomini wrote the bishop of Passau on 28 October, severent in strictu [Gallipolis] contra Teucros” (ibid., fol.

1445, that “. . . magnus Teucer ... non sine magna 131°).

90 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT or “knights” (equztes) in the army of the cru- had prepared the way for the fall of Jerusalem saders, whose baggage train consisted of more to Saladin two and one-half centuries before, than 2,000 wagons (currus), “not only loaded so Varna was the prelude to the Moslem ocwith supplies, but with gold and furniture and | cupation of Constantinople in 1453.

other things which are part of the accoutre- For weeks, even months, after the battle the ment and make for the dignity of knights.”*! fate of both King Ladislas and Cardinal

In the area of Nicopolis they were joined by Cesarini remained uncertain. From Cracow as Vlad, the voivode of, Wallachia, qui et Dracula late as May or early June, 1445, Queen Sophia dicitur, or by his sons, with some 4,000 Vlachs. of Poland wrote a diet of Hungarian prelates Vlad wanted to make amends for his erstwhile and barons that she had reliable evidence that pact with the Turks. Ladislas, Hunyadi, and the her son Ladislas had not fallen at Varna. In

crusaders had hardly reached Varna when _ fact a merchant from the domain of her other Murad overtook them. By this time the Turkish son Casimir, grand duke of Lithuania, had army may have contained 60,000 men (probably assured the latter of his brother’s continued Murad himself did not know how many he had), existence and safety. Sophia was confident almost outnumbering the Christians by three “quod vivit quodque sanus est cum multis suis to one. The crusaders’ fleet, largely manned _ fidelibus,” and begged the Hungarian estates not

by Venetians, did not venture into the Black to proceed to the election of a new king with Sea. The battle of Varna took place on 10 undue haste, unmindful of the great services November, 1444. If a miracle was required for her son had rendered their realm “contra a Christian victory, a miracle almost hap- barbaricam rabiem:” pened. Had Brankovic and his 8,000 Serbs ang although he had regarded it as a salutary

been present, victory would probably have [move] to preserve the peace and agreement made attended the tattered Christian banners, rent by with the Turks, in accordance with the advice and the terrible windstorm that swept the battle- pleas he had heard from the prelates and barons of field. As it was, the crusaders beat off the first the kingdom of Poland, nevertheless he then preassaults of the Turks, who sustained severe ferred to hearken to your wishes, and for your losses. Christian strength and heroism almost safety and peace of mind to set at naught his own

made up for lack of men. The struggle was a reputation and his life [famam et vitam negligere}. desperate one, and its issue undecided for contro i Turchi, de’quali furono morti 80,000 [!]. Fu morto

hours. il Re, e Giuliano cardinale legato, et molti vescovi.” Murad is said to have contemplated flight at Cf, ibid., col. 1117AB. A Greek poem on the battle of

one point, janissaries restrained him. yarn {ed oyu Moravesik, Budapest, of more 1 ;buttt the ingulstic tnan Nistorical importance, records tnat a19°), Janlssar

Hunyadi displayed those qualities of courage, 13 yond true” threatened to kill Murad if he attempted to caution, and leadership which had made him flee from the field of Varna (ibid., pp. 36, 37, from Bibl. one of the foremost soldiers in Europe, but the Nat., MS. Coisl. gr. 316, verses 299-307, on which ¢f. young Ladislas lost his life, apparently seeking Robert Devreesse, Catalogue des manuscrits grecs de la

glory in areckless charge. Hishead was mounted Sidi Nem oe ca ar Pours 2a ona pole (it was said), a shim sight which help ed from the Library of the Topkapi Seraglio, Istanbul, MS.

to destroy the crusaders’ morale. When night Ser. gr. 35, verses 302-10, on which cf. Deissmann,

fell, both sides moved off to their camps, but Forschungen u. Funde im Serai [1933], pp. 71-72, attributing

the Christian army had suffered beyond re- ne Poem to George Argyropoulus, this MS. being dated COVETY > and IS frightened members now began A etailed account of the campaign of 1444 may be to flee in all directions. Turkish casualties were guing in L. Kupelwieser, Die Kampfe Ungarns mit den so heavy that it took Murad three days to be OQsmanen bis zur Schlacht bei Mohdcs (1526), Vienna and sure that he had won.*? As the battle of Hattin Leipzig, 1895, pp. 83-103, who provides a good map, with the stages dated of Ladislas’s march from Orsova (near as31 Andreas the “Iron Gate”), where: he crossed the Danube on de Palatio, in a letter dated at Poznan on 20 September, to his arrival on the field of Varna (9-10 16 May, 1445, to Lodovico Trevisan, the Cardinal Camer- November) as well as a map of the battlefield to the northlengo (A. Lewicki, ed., Codex epistolaris saeculi dectmi quintt, west of the walled city. Kupelwieser’s account is readable, II [Cracow, 1891, repr. New York and London, 1965], no. and rich in topographical detail, although he seems to believe

308, p. 461, in the Monumenta medii aevi historica res _ that the Christian fleet consisted of 120 galleys (p. 91), and

gestas Poloniae illustrantia, XII). that Murad’s army contained about 100,000 men (p. 96).

32 The battle of Varna was apparently reported in Venice 33 Codex epistolaris, 1-2, no. 11, pp. 4—5. In Cracow, as of as a Christian victory (Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, 24 August, 1445, one still knew nothing of Ladislas’s fate,

col. 1113B): “Ancora Ladislao Re di Polonia ebbe vittoria “et dolemus quod de vita et sanitate ipsius domini nostri

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 9] The -uncertainty attending Ladislas’s death In retrospect it seemed to good Christians quickly produced the legend of a penitent king, that the disaster at Varna was divine retribuwho having expiated the sin of perjury, would tion for breaking the pledge of Szeged. The some day return to the throne and do justice Polish historian Jan Diugosz (1415-1480) says

to the oppressed peasantry.** clearly and categorically —temerato iuramento,

As for Cesarini, the humanist Aeneas Sylvius rupto foedere Turcis promisso—that Cesarini had Piccolomini wrote Filippo Maria Visconti, duke declared null and void the oath which Ladislas

of Milan, from Wiener Neustadt on 13 De- had sworn and the peace he had made with the cember, 1444, that although Cesarini’sdeathhad Turks.*® There can be little doubt that been reported, there was also a rumor of his the agreement made at Adrianople was conescape, “which I could readily wish, but his firmed at Szeged. It is not enough to say, death seems more probable to me, because he as Halecki does, that Dtugosz’s explicit refer-

was not fortunate in his wars.’** Nineteen ences to the ‘violated oath, the broken years later, Aeneas in alluding to Varna states peace” merely reflect the conciliarists’ hosthat Cesarini “was wounded by three arrows and tility to Cesarini, whose abandonment of the in his retreat fell from his horse in a marsh’ extremists at Basel had helped diminish the where he breathed out his noble spirit.” prestige of the council. Dlugosz was, to be sure, Poggio Bracciolini celebrated Cesarini’s “martyr- the devoted friend, secretary, and servitor of dom” in a jejune oration unworthy of its sub- Bishop Zbigniew OleSsnicki of Cracow, who was

ject. Hunyadi escaped to Wallachia, where the a strong conciliarist and an opponent of the treacherous voivode Vlad Dracul, never his Prussian policy of Ladislas’s brother and sucfriend, held him captive for a while but later cessor, Casimir 1V. Dtugosz began his history in

released him.*” 1455, the year of OleSnicki’s death; he had known everyone of importance at the Polish

regis non potuimus ad hanc diem aliquem audire cer- court for years, and had direct access to those

titudinem” (ibid., 1-2, no. v, p. 10, from a letter of Who had witnessed the events at Szeged as Zbigniew OleSnicki, bishop of Cracow [Krakéw], to Matthias, well as to the diplomatic correspondence of bishop of Vilna [Vilnius] in Lithuania). Ladislas was succeeded _ his time. While he may be accused of prejudice,

a year later by his brother Casimir IV (cf., bid. , no. v1, p. 12). he was not ‘given to calumny, not in any event

34 R. Urbanek, Vladislav Varnenéik of (1937), pp. 167 ff.,king 223- .who 24. to blacken the memory the young 35 Rudolf Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius had died fighting the archenemy of the faith—

Piccolomini, in the Fontes rerum austriacarum, ul. Abteilung, whose own mother stated that he had set at vol. 61, Ep. 167, p. 490: “. . . quod magis optaverim, naught his reputation as well as his life.*°

sed mors suaHe mihi probabilior est,toquia non fuitunsuccessful in bellis Th f€the Christi defeatGe had fortunatus.” alludes of course Cesarini’s news 0 € rstlan : ahardl ardary

role in the Hussite wars; four of the five anti-Hussite reached the West when the Venetians and the “crusades” (1420-1422, 1427, and 1431) had ended in pope began wrangling over who should assume disaster. Aeneas reports also that Murad II had crossed the the responsibility for the sailors’ unpaid wages.

Bosporus with 40,000 men (p. 489), and gives a vivid Euyoenius was unwilling to do so because of description of the of battle of Varna, bloodiest hefavure di 1 fail thefeet fl do within the: memory our fathers.” Cf.“the N. Iorga, Notesencounter et C € dismal oO fthe to Oj its part

extraits, 1V (Bucharest, 1915), pt. 1, no. xvi, pp. 36-37, letter against the Turks. He held the Venetian high of Cardinal Archbishop Dionysius Széchy of Gran to Frederick command to have been at fault, and charged

III, dated “in campo” 30 November, 1444, and Jehan de that Loredan had wasted twenty-five entire

Waurin, Recueil des croniques d’Engleterre, V1, 1, 14, ed. Hardy, vol. davs searching for provisions between Tened

V (1891, repr. 1967), pp. 54-57, and Iorga, La Campagne des y § O pro Ss Detwe enedos

croisés, Paris, 1927, pp. 38-41. We do not lack for con- and Constantinople. The pope finally agreed, temporary accounts of the battle, among the most notable being that contained in Andreas de Palatio’s letter of 16 May, §£—————_

1445, to Cardinal Lodovico Trevisan (see above, note 31), in 38 Diugosz, Hist. polonica, bk. xu, ed. Pauli, [V, 708, and

the Codex epistolaris, II, no. 308, pp. 459-69. cf., ibid., p. 704; ed. Leipzig, 1711-12, II, cols. 793-94, and 86 Pius II, Commentari, Frankfurt, 1614, bk. xu, p. 326, cf. col. 790. lines 5—6, and Engl. trans. F. A. Gragg and L. C. Gabel, in 39 Cf. Dabrowski, L’Année 1444, pp. 35, 38-40, against Smith College Studies in History, XLIII (1957), 797-98. On — Halecki, Crusade of Varna, pp. 71 ff. Cesarini’s career see Roger Mols, in the Dictionnaire d’histotre * lorga, ROL, VIII, 8 ff., and Notes et extraits, 111, 195 ff.,

et de géographie ecclésiastiques, XII (1953), cols. 220-49. docs. dated 29 January to 15 February, 1445, from the Sen. 37 On Varna, cf. also Iorga, in ROL, VIII (1901, repr. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 142° ff., 146%. The Venetians expressed

1964), 4—6, note; Notes et extraits, II] (1902), 191-93, disappointment in the pope’s attitude, claiming that their note; Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I, 440-43, with refs. to the sailors were sometimes reduced to the consumption of bread

sources; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 74-77. with salt water, that the cold had been unbelievable in

92 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT however, to pay 10—12,000 ducats by Genoese against the Turks (at least so the pope was letters of exchange to be drawn on Pera, which to be informed), although the island of Rhodes brought the prompt response from the Senate was now believed to be in especial danger, for

that payment should be made directly to the soldan of Egypt had prepared a fleet to

Venice or the letters of exchange be negotiable send against the Hospitallers.* In urging the at Negroponte or Constantinople. The Venetian pope to pay the “subvention” which he still owed ambassador in Rome, Andrea Donato, informed on his galleys, the Senate wrote Giustinian (on

his government that the pope had had letters 26 April, 1445), instructing him to tell his read in consistory relating to the defeat at Holiness

Varna and we the see death ofweight Cesarini. Blame forthe . , ,Turk has . . that the of war with the disaster was being put upon the fleet been lef rel hould , h tj batur defectustus galeis). And so itlord wentemperor een left entirely upon our shouldersthe since the most (et_ umpone § * serene of Constantinople, Genoese,

Affairs had been in a bad way in Hungary and other peoples [nationes] neighboring upon the since the young king’s death. On 12 March, Turks are at peace with them, but for the longest

1445, the Venetian Senate claimed to have re- stretch of territory in Dalmatia, Albania, and Greece ceived no news from the East for two months.*! we have borders contiguous with those of the Turks, Shortly before, upon the appointment of a new who have already invaded some of our lands in AI-

Venetian ambassador to the Holy See, Orsato bania and Greece, and carried off a considerable Giustinian,” the Senate had instructed him to number of people from the island of Negroponte. inform the Pope, if the latter complained of the The fleet remained in the East,*> until Cardinal Turks crossing over from Asia into Europe be- Francesco and Alvise Loredan finally returned cause of the failure of the Venetian galleys to tg Venice on 10 January, 1446, the cardinal intervene, that Loredan was in no way culpable, departing for Rome four days later, allegedly and that the Republic had not only made great _ fy]j of plans for another expedition in the spring sacrifices for the expedition, but had thereby “to drive the Turks out of Greece.”* provoked Turkish attacks upon the island of

Negroponte, Panta, and other venetian Pos- No Latin resident in the Levant was more The exit ah 7 Ww tte d cen yl continuing. saddened by the Christian defeat at Varna The sailors had suffered severe ved a an than Ciriaco of Ancona, who continued his manders wupraconit) nad been i mec y we" scholarly journeys through wide areas of both

as ree citizens of good con he voole Greek and Turkish territory. He visited Thrace,

was, however, willing to continue the struggle Mount Athos, and Aenos, the Cyclades and Crete, Asia Minor and Lesbos. No man of his the straits during the winter, men having their limbs time traveled so indefatigably in the interests frozen; that many Venetians had been killed, etc. The letter of archaeology. On one occasion, in late Deof 15 February, from the Senate to Andrea Donato, the cember, he revisited “snowy Paros,” which he Venetian ambassador to the Curia Romana, is given in felt he had to see again, “for it is not enough Cieszkowski, Fontes rerum polonicarum, I-2 (1890), no.

Lx, pp. 141-45, and in Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, to have seen once the famous and noble

XIX (1973), no. 5,063, pp. 17-19, who also gives the text monuments of its precious antiquity, but one of the Senate’s deliberations on 29 January (zbid., no. 5,057). must linger there.” The lord of Paros, Crusino

41 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 148” and 153; Iorga, ROL, I m ° . . : .

VIII, 9-10, and Notes et extraits, III, 196-97, docs. dated So maripa, himse't opvious'y a anuquarian, 22 February and 12 March, 1445. Through Andrea Donato, #CCOMpamie Iriaco as he sought out various

Eugenius IV asked the Venetian Senate for advice: Should

the crusade be continued, another appeal sent to the —=————— principes mundi, a cardinal legate sent to Hungary? To this #8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 158’-159'; Iorga, ROL, the Senate replied, “Sed ei [i.e., summo pontifici] denotamus VIII, 10-11, and Notes et extraits, HI, 197-98, from the quod iam duobus mensibus preteritis novum de partibus addenda to Orsato Giustinian’s commission, which was Romanie non habuimus ita quod ei sufficienter consulere hammered out in the Senate on 16 and 18 March, 1445 non possemus, sed in dies nova habere expectamus, quibus (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 156—59). Cf. also, ibzd., fol. 162%,

habitis fidelissime iuxta requisitionem sue Beatitudinis ei a letter to Giustinian, dated 3 April, which was never sent,

dicemus id quod honori suo cedere sentiemus, et sua and note Babinger, Oriens, III, 257, reprinted in his Sanctitas eius infinita sapienta determinare poterit ut ei Aufsatze u. Abhandlungen, I, 150.

placebit” (fol. 153%). Eugenius finally sent 12,000 ducats for 44 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fol. 171.

the sailors’ wages in August, 1455 (ROL, VIII, 15-16, and Cf., ibid., fols. 168°, 174, 179, 180°-181" and ff., Notes et extraits, III, 202-3). 2117-212",

42 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 16, fols. 146", 150°, docs. dated 11 and 6 Iorga, ROL, VIII, 19, note; Notes et extraits, III, 206,

26 February, 1445 (Ven. style 1444). note; and cf. Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1, 446-47.

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 93

r is time Crusino . . , ,

marble treasures that he knew from an earlier Snowy Paros, of white marble gleaming . . .

showed him ancient marblethat busts and bodies ;in . ;the é . pleasant reminders life went on which had recently been excavated. Crusino ; ae .archaeologist, Levant despite Christian defeats and. Turkish was a generous and apparently ; ; . victories. Boatstoran from island island, gave some of his finds Ciriaco, whotocon: .and stay on Paros, but, better still, this tme Crush The wanderings of Ciriaco furnish us with

Dns to . . .his .. Greeks, Latins, and Turks extended their cludes a letter _.. ,.hos.. ; se ; pitality tofriend wearyAndreolo travelers.Giustiniani-. Archaeologists like

Banca with the words: “Receive from thewere bearer, . , the Crusino Sommaripa already making A. Galafato, one marble head, and oneits leg, ;; .. .. ;; ara ; rockywas soil Greece give up classic etc.” Cirlaco so of impressed by his gracious ; , treasures, and antiquarians like Ciriaco and his host that he composed a sonnet, described by ¢.: eee ee ee ., “ , > friend Andreolo Targioni as a “miserabile sonettoGiustiniani pedantesco, copied inscriptions,

beginning: .

, ;gg read the ancient authors, wrote poetry,, ?and in praise of two Paros Crusino Sommaripa, ; of (these at and least) enjoyed the friendship Pope Eugenius IV. Andreolo, however, was no ee better a poet than Ciriaco, as shown. by some ‘’ Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni, V (1773, repr. 1971), fourteen pages of verse he composed on the

423-24; Cod. Vat. lat. 10,518 (“Schede epigrafiche relative Venetian attatk upon Chios in 1431.48 Andreolo

a Ciriaco d’Ancona e notizie intorno ad esso” [from the was a member of one of those one hundred Schede De Rossi]), fol. 98, where the of entire poem is vs .had . taken transcribed): and twenty families Chios which

Nivea Paros di marmor candente the name Giustiniani. While the world around

Cycladum decus aequoris Egei Chios seemed to be going up in smoke, aes on herot magni Pt cen sc Andreolo was collecting a large library and

teen’ MoneLatins Or te st sprendentes corresponding with. .literati both in Italy and the Cf. Wm. Miller, intathe Levant, London, 1908, pp. .

429-93, 605. Fast. Latins resident in the East had undoubtedly

After the death of Andrea Zeno, lord of Andros, in 1437, become quite accustomed to living in an atmospossession of the island had been disputed (cf. Miller, phere of political and military tension, and they Latins in the Levant, pp. 604—5). The case was brought before Could take in their stride even the bad news the Venetian Senate, which by a decision of 22 December, £V

1439 (published as a ducal privilege on 5 January, 1440, Of Varna. Ven. style 1439), awarded Andros to Crusino I Sommaripa, The defeat at Varna gave a hollow sound to son and heir of the late Maria Sanudo, rightful possessor the ecclesiastical union of Florence. Papal efof the island by reason of the feudal grant ‘made to her forts to defend the Greeks against the Turks

by theoflate dalle (Sen. Carceri, whoeewas had failed. M d as it doug! th h the her timebrother, “true duke theNiccolo Archipelago” Secreta, soreatan more t seemed

Reg. 15, fols. 3, 4-5", 7). Crusino was supposed, however, ONly divine intervention could save Constantito give up the islands of Paros and Antiparos, which the nople. Scanderbeg was still to enact the great Senate had granted to his mother in 1423 in compensation Albanian epic of resistance to the Turks, but for her having been unlawfully deprived of Andros, to which the Bulgarians and Wallachians had already sucthe Senate had right, butfol.could not give €her bed. The Serb . 38 the island, “quia nonrecognized erat in manibusher nostris” (ibid., 4%), CUumDed. oerps, overcome In 1389, wouid Obviously Crusino had not given up Paros, where he was still lose the last vestige of their independence in pursuing his archaeological interests. The background of 1459. The Turks were to take over Bosnia in

Maria Sanudo’s litigation (with Pietro Zeno [d. 1427], 1463. as we shall see. and the Herzegovina in

father of Andrea) may be studied at length in the Sen. 1489. The Greek “d tate” of the M Secreta, Reg. 8, fols. 51° [527], 80% [81°], 86" [87°], an € ce espo ate 0 c orea, 102*-104" [103'-105"], 106" ff. [107° f£.], docs. dated With its small but brilliant capital at Mistra,

1422-1423. could not long survive the effects of Varna,

Crusino’s rights to Andros were contested by Petronillan and the Venetian fortresses at Negroponte, 198° [199°], doc. dated 2 July, 1453; ibid., Reg. 6 fol. go" Nauplia, Argos, Coron, and Modon, as well as

daughter of the late Andrea (cf. Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. :

[81°], dated 28 July, 1458, and fol. 120° [121°], dated 28 ——————— April, 1459). The case dragged on until 1462 when Crusino Mehmed II’s seizure of Constantinople. The Senate granted

paid 5,000 ducats to settle the claims of Petronilla, who him leave to return to Andros to look to his istand posseswas then living in the convent of Santa Croce on the Giudecca, sions (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 197% [198°], doc. dated in Venice (F. Thiriet, Délibérations des assemblées vénitiennes 30 June, 1453).

concernant la Romanie, 11 [Paris and The Hague, 1971], *8 Andreolo’s poem was published by Giulio Porronos. 1478, 1609, and 1613, pp. 195, 232, 234, docs. dated Lambertenghi, “Relazione dell’attacco e difesa di Scio nel 14 March, 1453, and 22 February and 1 June, 1462, and 1431 di Andreolo Giustiniani,” Miscellanea di storia italiana, cf. D. Jacoby, La Féodalité en Gréce médiévale, Paris and The VI (Turin, 1865), 543-58; and on the event itself, see Hague, 1971, pp. 282-83, 304-5). Incidentally, Crusino Philip P. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by ‘the Genoese, was in Venice defending himself when the news arrived of — I (Cambridge, 1958), 176-87.

94 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT those in the islands, were obviously imperiled. _latter’s father Murad pursued a life of ease and

Turkish control in the Balkans was not yet pleasure for about a year and a half at Magabsolute, however, and according to the Vene- _ nesia, where he received Ciriaco of Ancona and

tian annalist Stefano Magno (d. 1572), Con- his friend Francesco Drapperio in his private stantine Dragases received 300 men-at-arms quarters on Easter Sunday of 1446 (17 April), from Philip the Good of Burgundy to continue as Ciriaco has recorded in a letter sent to his the struggle against the Turks.*® Dum vivitur, friend Andreolo Giustiniani-Banca three days speratur. Despite past failures, the papacy re- later.” mained the cynosure of Christian hopes in the In Adrianople, however, the ambitious and Levant, especially Latin hopes, and the papacy willful young Mehmed, who may not yet have and Venice were drawn more closely together. added to his ample resources the art of decepNow more than ever Hungary had become the _ tion which he was afterwards to cultivate with con-

chief Catholic bulwark against the Turks. The — sistent success, worried his older and wiser popes and even the Venetians would try to help ministers, especially Khalil Pasha, the grand

the Hungarians, who were to find stalwart vizir, who appealed to Murad to return to

leadership for a while in Matthias Corvinus, Adrianople and resume the government of the the son of John Hunyadi. Varna had been Ottoman state.®** A half-century or so later the primarily a Hungarian defeat, however, and the _ historian Giovanni Maria degli Angiolelli of

future looked grim. Vicenza, who lived for years as a “slave” Shortly after his victory at Varna, Sultan at the court of Mehmed (and knew him well), Murad II, a fat voluptuary, renounced the wrote that he was planning an attack in 1445— Ottoman throne (in December, 1444, or the 1446 upon Constantinople, which would have

following January). He withdrew to Asia Minor, been no inconsiderable undertaking for a boy of spending a short while in his favorite city of fourteen.°* Whatever the reasons, Murad set out Brusa (Bursa) before going on to more distant Magnesia (Manisa), where he built himself a records the treaty; the preamble is much the same as that palace. The thirteen-year-old Mehmed Chelebi, employed in Mehmed I’s peace with Venice in 1419 (see Mehmed II, succeeded him; coins were issued above, Chapter I, note 17): in Sanudo’s text, however, in the new sultan’s name. which was also Mehmed IJ is represented as swearing by the 124 prophets

: . . ” 50 of Islam instead of 124,000, the copyist having overlooked

included in th c Friday prayer. The Venetians a superscript M (=milia) in the Latin version (on the oath thought it wise to make peace with the Turks, see J. Pedersen, quoted by Babinger in Or. Christ. period., both the young sultan in Europe and his father, XV, 286-87, note 51). The treaty is given in its entirety, the “sultano d’Asia.” Despite papal hostility in the Venetian dialect, by G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli, to the idea, the Venetians negotiated a treaty Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum (1300-1454), IT (Venice,

‘th Meh d I Adri | 1899, repr. New York, no. 198, III pp.(1902), 366-68; orf peace wit ehme at Adrianople ON Ror VIII, 23-28;1965), Notes et extraits, 210Iorga, ff.; and

Wednesday, 23 February, 1446. An original Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, 1V (1896), no. 289, p. 296 text of this treaty, in a rather ignorant form (from Comm., Reg. 13, fol. 190, and ¢f. fol. 198). Although of demotic Greek but written in a practiced hand, the Venetian text is dated Wednesday, 25 February, the is still preserved in the Venetian State Archives twenty-fifth fell in onLouis a Friday in 1446 (the calendar is given correctly de Mas Latrie, Trésor de chronologie,

(among the Pacta secreta, Ser. 2, no. 230), Paris, 1889, repr. Turin, 1962, col. 448, but incorrectly in probably the only such state document surviv- A. Cappelli’s popular Cronologia, etc., 2nd and 3rd edd., ing from the first reign of Mehmed II].*! The Milan, 1952, 1969, p- 88, where both 20 and 21 February are given as Sunday!). In his Venetian version of the Turco-Venetian treaty of April, 1454, Sanudo (op. cit., col.

TT 1154AB) also does violence to the Islamic oath, reporting 4° Stefano Magno, Estratti degli Annali veneti, ed. Chas. Mehmed II as swearing “ne’ventiquattro Profeti d’Iddio o {Karl] Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, repr. pit. 0 meno.” Brussels, 1966, p. 195: “1444: Constantino Peloponnesi 52 Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni, V, 450, and cf. Cod. Vat. despotae trecenti milites e Burgundia auxilio missi sunt, qui lat. 10,518, fols. 97'-98" (from the Schede De Rossi), for martio vel aprili anni 1445 in Peloponnesum venere.” the portions of the letter omitted from Targioni’s transcrip°°See in general Babinger, Oriens, III, 254-56, and _ tion, but not relevant to our present interest. On Drapperio,

Aufsdize u. Abhandlungen, 1, 147-49. cf. Babinger, Oriens, HI, 233-34, 259, and Aufsdize u. 5t The Greek version of the Turco-Venetian treaty has Abhandlungen, I, 131-32, 152, and see above, Chapter 2, been edited with a full commentary by F. Babinger and note 144. F. Délger, “Mehmeds II. friihester Staatsvertrag,” Orientalia 53 Ducas, chap. 32 (Bonn, pp. 220, 222); Chalcocondylas, Christiana periodica, XV (1949), 225-58, reprinted in Délger’s — bk. vii (Bonn, pp. 352-53).

Byzantinische Diplomatik, Ettal, 1956, pp. 262-91, and ef. 54 Giovanni Maria degli Angiolelli (Anzolelli), Historia Babinger, Oriens, II, 258-59, and Aufsdtze u. Abhandlungen, turchesca, 1300-1514, ed. Jon Ursu [who has erroneously I, 151-52. Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1120, attributed the work to Giovanni Maria’s friend, the Venetian

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 95 from Magnesia on 5 May, 1446, with some 4,000 dreolo Giustiniani.” Ciriaco thought that Murad

men. Ciriaco and Drapperio went with the great was returning to Europe at the request of his

Turkish entourage to a point beyond Per- son Mehmed, but it is clear that Ciriaco was gamum, after which Murad and his followers not acquainted with the facts, which were obturned northeast toward Brusa while Ciriaco viously kept from public knowledge.

and his friend continued on to New Phocaea, Murad made a most leisurely advance to whence the antiquarian addressed another letter Adrianople, apparently stopping for some dated Wednesday, 11 May, to his friend An- months at Brusa where on 1 August, 1446,

—_—_————_ he made his will, providing detailed instrucDonado da Lezze (1479-1526), under whose name he has tions for his burial when death should come to

published it], Bucharest, 1909, p. 15. Ursu has derived his him. It is difficult to say whether or not text of the Historia from an Italian MS. in the Bibliotheque M d ted hi turn to the court at Nationale in Paris (no. 1238, fols. 1-120), dating from about ura expecte IS retur the year 1600. See the rather too imaginative book of Adrianople to be opposed by Mehmed, who J. Reinhard, Essai sur G. M. Angiolello noble vicentin descended from the throne peacefully, however, (1452-1525), premier historien des Ottomans (1300-1517) etdes and withdrew in his turn to Magnesia, always

Persans (1453-1524): Sa vie, son ceuvre, Angers, 1913, and harboring thereafter a strong resentment of storico G. Maria Angiolello (degli Anzolelli), patrizio Khalil Pasha, who had thus contrived his loss vicentino (1451-1525),” in the Archivio veneto-tridentinon, V Of sovereignty. Murad resumed control over

the valuable study of N. Di Lenna, “Ricerche intorno allo . . .

(Venice, 1924), 1—56. the Ottoman empire in late August after some Considering the historical importance of Giovanni Maria’s twenty months of semi-retirement.°6

Historia turchesca, some facts concerning him will not be out Al th Ciri £ Ancona of place. He was born of patrician parents in Vicenza in ways on te move, “irlaco Of Anco

1451 or 52. Leaving Venice in 1468 with his elder brother Spent part of the summer of 1446 in ConFrancesco, a captain of infantry in the service of the Republic, stantinople, and at the beginning of the next he was present at the siege of Negroponte, of which he has year embarked on a new voyage archéologique in

left us a valuable account (¢f. Ursu, introd., p. x, and the Aegean. From New Phocaea he wrote his

Di Lenna, op.assigned cit., pp.to 10-11), whereIIhis was friend Andreol 1447. killed. Being Sultanand Mehmed as brother a slave on rien Nn reo Oo on13 ; c!Feb ruary, » Olofa

13 July, 1470, when he was eighteen years old (hence our three days’ visit to Gallipoli where he sought, conjecture as to the date of his birth), Gianmaria is found = ag always , the remains of antiquity. Here he two years later (1472) in the service of Mehmed’s second son had an anguished sight of the Turks driving Mustafa, then in command of part of the Ottoman troops a lon itiabl lum £ Greek and other later to march against Uzun Hasan, the ruler of Persia. Gian- ng, Pillable column oO CK a

maria was to write Uzun Hasan’s life in after years Christian prisoners in chains to the slave marts

(Breve Narratione della vita et fatti d Ussuncassan Ré di Persia, of Gallipoh, long a center for the trade, and ed. G. B. Ramusio, Navigationt et viaggi, II [ Venice, 1559, across the Dardanelles into ASIla. From the

and later editions], fols. 66—78, trans. Chas. Grey, Italian . . :

Travels in Persia in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Conturies, prisoners Ciriaco learned that on the preceding Hakluyt Society, London, 1873, and on the first printing of 13 December (1446) Murad s forces had dethe Breve Narratione, see Gotthold Weil, “Ein verschollener Stroyed with heavy artillery most of the HexaWiegendruck von Gio. Maria Angiolello,” in Fritz Meier, milion, which the Despot Constantine Dragases ed., Westostliche Abhandlungen: Rudolf Tschudi zum siebzigsten Jad so carefully restored about three years

Gi ;, before. The army Turks then ianmaria was in the Ottoman during had Mehmed II’s oe devastated the

Geburtstag wberreicht . . ., Wiesbaden, 1954, pp. 304-14).

campaigns against Uzun Hasan in 1472-1473 (see, below, Peloponnesus. Ciriaco could hardly bear to hear p. 316). After the young prince Mustafa’s death (in 1474)he the weeping voices tell the dismal tale of Turkish passed into the sultan’s own service, and participated in the § ————_—___—

Turkish campaigns against Stephen the Great of Moldavia year 1524 (Ursu, introd., p. xv, and Di Lenna, op. cit., (1476), against Matthias Corvinus in Bosnia (1476-1477), pp. 25-26, 36-39). Some scholars have believed that and against the Venetians in Albania (1478), being in the Gianmaria translated the Koran (from Turkish!), a distinc-

sultan’s retinue in fact at the time of the latter’s death tion which can hardly be claimed for him. He did,

(on 3 May, 1481). however, follow his biography of Uzun Hasan with one of Finding the Porte less congenial under Sultan Bayazid Isma‘il, shah of Persia (1502-1524). Gianmaria’s chief work, II, Gianmaria made his escape in 1483 or 1488-9, returning and a most important one, is the Historia turchesca, the

to Vicenza, where he must have supervised in 1490 the content and sources of which Di Lenna has analyzed printing of the first edition of his Breve Narratione ... di (pp. 44 ff.). On Donado da Lezze, see Ursu, introd., pp. Ussuncassan (“impressum Vincentiae per magistrum Leo- xvi ff., and cf. Franz Babinger’s notice of Gianmaria in the nardum de Basilea MCCCCLXXXX die primo mensis Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 111 (Rome, 1961), 275—78.

Septembris”). Going back to the East later on, Gianmaria *° Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni, V, 453; and cf. Cod. Vat. seems to have spent the years from 1507 to 1514 in Persia. lat. 10,518, fols. 102'-102°, for omitted portions of the

The facts of his career are far from certain, but he text, which are not relevant to our present subject.

apparently resided in Vicenza from 1514; in 1517 he was 6 Babinger and Délger, in Orientalia Christiana periodica, appointed president of the Vicentine College of Notaries, XV, 227, and Babinger, Maometto (1957), pp. 85-86; which office he held until his death about the end of the Oriens, III, 259-62; Aufsatze u. Abhandlungen, I, 151-54.

96 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT success, and he reflected grimly on how, but a_ high; he was well served both in continental

short time before, the Turks had been almost Greece and in the Morea. In 1445 he had cleared out of Thrace, Macedonia, and all appointed John Cantacuzenus the governor of Greece, and driven into Asia and Lydia. But Corinth;*® John was an old friend of Ciriaco now, with the withdrawal of the western and of Ancona, whom he entertained at AcroHungarian forces, fortune had lifted Murad up, corinth in April, 1448.59 On 22 June, 1446, made him daring, and, aided indeed by the in order to recognize and repay “our beloved slothful inattention of the princes of Europe, son, the noble Constantine Cantacuzenus Palaeallowed him to invade the noble and once _ ologus,” the son of John Cantacuzenus, Pope powerful Greek state in the Peloponnesus. Eugenius IV had appointed him count palatine Alas, the enormity of it all! “For I believe of the Lateran, one of those Roman honors that such a lamentable blow to Christendom— accorded the Greek nobility which were to prove

this miserable slaughter which the Turks have so valuable to them after the fall of the perpetrated upon this people, even though they “despotate” of the Morea to the Turks. Conare Greeks and deserving of some measure of stantine Cantacuzenus was to take the oath of punishment—cannot be thought of except asa __ fealty to the pope at the hands of Niccold Progrievous loss to our own religion and as a_ timo, the Latin archbishop of Athens.

vast dishonor to the Latin name.”°? Counts palatine of the Lateran were of no The expedition which the Turks sent into the avail, however, when Sultan Murad himself Morea in 1446 had been provoked by Con- descended from Macedonia into Greece with a stantine Dragases’ attacks upon the Turkish great army which Constantine Dragases and his

commandery in Thessaly and upon the Latin brother dared not meet on the continent,

duchy of Athens, which latter Duke Nerio II _ believing it wiser to withdraw behind the Hexa-

had restored to Turkish suzerainty after the milion. It was an imposing line of defense, battle of Varna. Constantine had been riding and Murad was discouraged by the sight of it,

—___ chiding Turakhan Beg for urging him to attack 87 Ciriaco, Ep. 1v, in Cod. Palat. Florent. 49 (Serie such a bulwark so close to the winter season. Targioni), fols. 7-9" (earlier enumeration, 59-61"); co But the old warrior, who had already deTargioni Tozzetti, Relaziont, V, 441-45, ex eodem novo stroyed the Hexamilion twice before (in 1423

Phocarum emporio,contra eo quovidimus ad ipsum venimus dieordine Id. Febr. d 1431 he G id flce “. . . Nunc equidem barbaros longo an ),[1447]: was certain the. ree Sk wou

preda nostre quoque religionis homines et potissimum Graia before they would fight. The historian George ex natione captivos miserandum in modum ferreis sub Sphrantzes informs us that Murad was halted by catenis ad eiusdem civitatis emporium [Gallipoli] atquelitora. the wall from 27 November to 10 December per Hellespontum in Asiam transvecturos, quorum et a

miseris nonnullos pientissimo ab ore certius intelliggmus —§=————————

Murath Begh, superbum Theucrorum principem, Pelo- 58 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1050D; ed. Grecu, ponensiacum Isthmon ingentibus admotis copiis hostiliter p. 68); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 19 (Bonn, p. 200; ed. J. B. Idibus Decembribus [1446] invasisse, turritis ibidem paulo Papadopoulos, I [Leipzig, 1935], 198; ed. Grecu, p. 342); ante menibus a Constantino Spartano rege curiosissime cf. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, geneal. tables, p. 536, and D. restitutis, arto tandem milite superatis et magna ex parte Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de Morée, 1 (1932, repr. 1975), machinarum vi disiectis et solo convulsis, ac inde sparto 228, 231.

milite regionem late populatum esse. 59 Remigio Sabbadini, Miscellanea [Antonio] Ceriani, Milan,

“Quibus flebilibus auditis vocibus scis, vir clarissime, 1910, pp. 230-31 (see below, note 64). quantum non egre molesteve ferre non potui audire trucem °° Georg Hofmann, ed., Epistolae pontificiae ad concilium et pernitiosum illum Christiane religionis hostem, quem hac Florentinum spectantes, III (1946), no. 285, p. 109, and N. tempestate vel vix anno peracto nostratum armis religioso lorga, Notes et extraits, II, 418. This Constantine does not

vel milite superatum fugatumque et penitus e Thracum appear in Hopf’s genealogical table of the Cantacuzent in Macedonumdue regnis simul et tota vel e Grecia pulsum et the Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 536; Francesco Cerone, “La tergiversatum in Asyam atque Lidiam putabamus. Nuncvero Politica orientale di Alfonso di Aragona,” Archivio storico ignava quadam nostratum incuria principum, nostris et per le province napoletane, XX VII (1902), 597, assumes him to

Pannonum paulisper abmotis et retractis viribus, tantum be a relative of the Manuel Cantacuzenus, lord of Maina, eum fortunam elatum atque audentem fecisse ac sibi who was proclaimed despot by the Albanians in the Morea in Peloponensiacum tam nobile et olim potentissimum Grecie 1453 (see, below, pp. 147—48), which was close to the mark. Fr.

regnum invadere licuisse. Proh scelus! et heu prisca Hofmann seems to have missed the text of Ciriaco of Ancona nostrorum generosissime gentis nobilitas! Nam et illatam which identifies him as the son of John Cantacuzenus, huic genti miserabilem a barbaris cladem, tametsi Grecos © governor of Corinth (1445-1453), for which see Sabbadini, in homines et penas quodamodo dare merentes, non sine Miscellanea Certani (1910), pp. 230—31. On Nerio II’s return

gravi tamen nostre religionis iactura et magna Latini of the Athenian duchy to the status of a Turkish satellite nominis indignitate, tam lachrymabilem Christicolum cala- state and the resumption of his tribute to Sultan Murad, see mitatem existimandam puto . . .” (MS. cit., fol. 8 [60)]). Chalcocondylas, bk. v1 (Bonn, p. 320).

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA | 97 (1446).® In any event several days’ cannonading so (apparently in April, 1447) we find the ail-

prepared the Hexamilion for the assault in ing Emperor John VIII inquiring with feigned which a young Serbian janissary distinguished solicitude about “the health of my brother, himself by being the first to go over the top. the most illustrious Great Emir [Murad ].”® Turakhan Beg had been right. ‘The Greeks A little later, in July, 1447, Ciriaco himself abandoned their positions under the twin pres- went into the Morea, where he appears to sures of fear and force despite the best ef- have remained until April, 1448. In an account forts of Constantine and Thomas to hold them of 30 July (1447) he tells of going from Leonon the endangered rampart. Finding the im- dari to the court of Constantine Dragases at petus of battle running against them, and dis- Mistra, which he had already visited ten years trusting their Albanian contingents, the imperial before, apparently to see the Platonic philoso-

brothers also fled, making their way to the pher George Gemistus Pletho, whom he had southern extremity of the Morea, whence fur- probably known at the Council of Florence. ther flight would be possible if it should prove At Mistra Ciriaco also met the youthful to be necessary. Turakhan Beg followed Nicholas (Laonicus) Chalcocondylas, who later them for a while in a destructive razzia_ became the chief historian of his generation. while Murad moved along the northern coast of | Laonicus was the son of Ciriaco’s friend George

the Morea, capturing and burning Basilicata Chalcocondylas, an important member of one of (the ancient Sicyon), Vostitza, and the lower the few medieval Athenian families known to town of Patras, extending his devastation as_ us. With Laonicus as his guide, Ciriaco went,

far as the promontory of Glarentza. When on 2 August, the few miles from Mistra to

Murad withdrew from the Morea at the onset Sparta to see the sparse remains of celebrated of winter, he left Constantine the vassal ruler Lacedaemon.™ The following year (1448) he of a ruined country, his continental conquests went to Epirus, arriving in the capital city of all lost, and 60,000 of his Peloponnesian Arta in October. The ruling family of the Tocchi subjects reduced to that slavery which Ciriaco was interested in literature and antiquarian could not bear to contemplate.“ Now there pursuits; Ciriaco had found various members of

was nothing for the Greeks to do but seek the family very congenial on earlier visits a to cultivate good will at the Ottoman court, and dozen years before. But on 30 September,

61 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1051B; ed. Grecu, 8 The letter is dated “in the month of April of the tenth p. 70); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, II, 19 (Bonn, pp. 202-3; ed. indiction” (1.e., 1432 or 1447), the latter date being preferred

Papadopoulos, I, 200; ed. Grecu, p. 344). by F. Babinger and F. Délger, “Ein Auslandsbrief des

6&2 Chalcocondylas, bk. vir (Bonn, pp. 341-50; ed. Dark6, Kaisers Johannes VIII. vom Jahre 1447,” Byzantinische

II-1, 112-19), indicates that upon Murad’s arrival in Zeitschrift, XLV (1952), 20-28, reprinted in Babinger’s Thebes, Duke Nerio II Acciajuoli of Athens joined him with Aufsdize u. Abhandlungen, 11 (Munich, 1966), 162-69. N. A.

an armed force (otparév &yépevos did "AOnvev). Ducas, Oikonomides, “On the Date of John VIII’s Letter to Saridja chap. 32 (Bonn, pp. 222-23), informs us that Murad carried Beg,” Byzantion, XXXIV (1964), 105-9, believes the letter off 60,000 Christians into slavery (thus giving the same figure = was written in April, 1432.

as Cirlaco of Ancona), but places Murad’s expedition and 6 The text has been published by Remigio Sabbadini, destruction of the Hexamilion (which he says Constantine “Ciriaco d’Ancona e la sua descrizione autografa del had rebuilt “four years before,” apo teaoadpwv xpovwv) Peloponneso trasmessa da Leonardo Botta,” in the Miscellanea

after Hunyadi’s defeat at Kossovo in October, 1448, an [Antonio]Ceriani, Milan, 1910, pp. 203-4: “. . . Ad antiqua obvious error. The Chronicon breve, ad ann. 1446 (Bonn, _ et celeberrima illa spartanae civitatis monumenta revisenda

following Ducas, pp. 519-20), says that Murad arrived at venimus: cum nec equidem vidisse semel satis fuerat, the Hexamilion on Saturday, 3 December. Cf. Stefano iuvabat sed usque morari . . .” [cf Vergil, Aen., VI, 487]. Magno, Estraiti degli Annalt veneti, ed. Hopf, Chron. The historian Laonicus Chalcocondylas, who later lived and greco-romanes, p. 194, and Ioann. Cartanus, Anthos, ibid., | wrote in Athens, and the humanist Demetrius Chalcocondylas,

p. 267; also Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. who later lived in Italy, were not brothers, as Lampros, 411-14; Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX (1938), 50-51; Sabbadini, and others have assumed (with Antonius Babinger, Maometto, pp. 90-92; and esp. Sp. P. Lampros, Calosynas, whose biographical notices on Laonicus and Neos Hellenomn., I1 (1905), 479-84, who collects the sources, Demetrius represent them as brothers, for which see and shows that the (Bonn) editors of the Chron. breve have _ Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 244, and cf. p. Xxx). Actually

misread the text: the chronicle actually states that Murad _ they were cousins, Laonicus’s father being named George, took the Hexamilion on Friday, 9 December, 1446. Note also and Demetrius’s father Basil (George and Basil were Edward W. Bodnar, “The Isthmian Fortificationsin Oracular _ brothers); see Dem. Gr. Kampouroglous, The Chalkokondylai

Prophecy,” American Journal of Archaeology, LXIV (1960), [in Greek], Athens, 1926, pp. 104 ff., 123, 171 ff., and 165-71, to whose work we shall return in the last chapter of Giuseppe Cammelli, I Dotti bizantini e le origini del-

our third volume. Pumanesimo, II1: Demetrio Calcondila, Florence, 1954, pp. 4—5.

98 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1448, the Despot Carlo Il Tocco had died at in conclave at the Dominican convent of S. Arta,® being succeeded by his son Leonardo III, Maria sopra Minerva elected Tommaso Paren-

and there were doubtless other topics for dis- tucelli, the cardinal of Bologna, as Pope cussion than the latest finds of antiquities. Nicholas V, and his coronation took place on What was to be Leonardo’s future as the Turks the nineteenth of the month.® With surprisscored victories everywhere on the long front ing skill and swiftness Nicholas V_ restored from Varna to the Morea? Very likely some _ order in the states of the Church, which had Byzantine priest at Arta had already read the been harassed by mercenary troops and freefuture in the past, perceiving in the wisdom booters for a full decade. He reasserted the of Ecclesiastes (2:14) “that one event happeneth papal authority in Bologna, where for five to them all.” Leonardo was to wait thirty years the eminent Cardinal Bessarion fulfilled years for the final event as the Turks occupied, a difficult legatine mission to the general satisfirst, his mainland possessions and finally his faction of the Bolognesi. Urbane and usually

island dominions of Leucadia (S. Maura), genial, the new pope was harsh in his punishCephalonia, and Zante (in 1479), after which ment of dissension or rebellion in his temporal he was to seek refuge in the kingdom of domain. He did encourage unrest elsewhere in

Naples.®® We shall return to Leonardo Tocco Italy, however, doing little to forestall the hosin a later chapter. Actually he was to be more tile moves of King Alfonso of Naples against fortunate than most of the many refugees of the Florentines, but (quite reasonably) opposing his generation; he was to receive the lordship Alfonso’s assumed desire to take over the duchy of

of Calimera, in the Greek-speaking area south Milan after the death of Filippo Maria Visof Mileto in the region of Calabria. But even conti in mid-August of 1447.7° Although the assurance of this haven, could they have Nicholas took some satisfaction in the Italian

known this much of the future, would have wars, so long as they left him at peace to brought small solace to the Tocchi and their establish his control over the states of the learned guest during their conversations in Church, he had no intention of allowing Alfonso

the autumn of 1448. There was a sense of

impending doom in the East, prelude to an ~~ . . . even greater disaster than any that had yet ” Cf. Aeneas Sylvius, Oratio Fred. IH, in RISS, I11-2

happened 1734), 893-97; Raynaldus, Ann. ad ann. ppenee. (Milan, 1447, nos. 15 cols. ff., vol. XVIII (1694), pp. 336eccl., ff.; Mandell The Byzantine Emperor John VIII died on Creighton, History of the Papacy, 11 (London, 1882), 274 ff.; 31 October (1448), and was buried the next day _ Ludwig von Pastor, History of the Popes, II (7th ed., London,

in the monastery of the Pantokrator. Like 1949), 5-31, and Geschichte der Papste, 1 (12th ed., Michael VIII before him, he had remained true Freiburg im Breisgau, 1955), 372-94. On 27 November,

h .union he had ‘ated withwit R OM€, 1444,Thomas Eugenius IV had to t © he na negotiate de Sarzana, to appointed the bishopricParentucelli, of Bologna, butcalled since and like Michael he was buried without the the city was then in revolt against the Holy See, his last rites of the Greek Church.6* He was _ occupation of the cathedra was long delayed (cf. Pastor’s succeeded by his ablest and his favorite brother, Gesch. d. Papste, 1, 383, and his Acta inedita, 1 [Freiburg,

Constantine 1904], ad no.ann. 16, pp. 28-29). TheSegr. Acta Vaticano, consistorialia (1439-— Onstanune XI.8 A+. 1486), 1447, in Arch. Arm. XXXI,

tom. 52, fol. 52%, places the election of Nicholas V on

About 10 o’clock in the morning of 6 March, 6 March “hora nona vel quasi,” which is reckoning the 1447, on the third scrutiny, eighteen cardinals first hour from midnight or 1:00 a.M., although the customary Italian practice of the time was to reckon the first

———_—_—— hour from sundown, about 7 to 8:00 p.m. in March, on which 65 The date, furnished by Ciriaco, corrects the genealogical see B. M. Lersch, Einleitung in die Chronologie, 2nd ed.,

table in Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 530, as noted by 2 pts., Freiburg, 1899, I, 9. Contemporary reports place

Pall, Bull. hist. Acad. roum., XX, 52. the election at the sixteenth or seventeenth hour, which 66 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fols. 34”-35"[44%-45"],a Venetian would be between 10 and 11:00 a.m. (cf Lersch, loc. cit.,

document of 7 September, 1479 (and see below, Chapter and note Pastor, I, 378, note 2). 10, p. 341, and Chapter 17, pp. 514-15), and cf. Stefano ” Gian. Manetti, Vita Nich. V, u, in RISS, WI-—2 (Milan, Magno, Estratti degli Annali veneti, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco- 1734), cols. 943-46. Nicholas did, to be sure, formally urge

romanes, pp. 201, 208. peace upon the Florentines and Alfonso (cf. Raynaldus,

67 Cf. Joseph Gill, The Council of Florence, Cambridge, 1959, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1448, no. 8, vol. XVIII [1694], p. 351). pp. 370-71, and “John VIII,” in Personalities of the Council See in general Luigi Rossi, “Niccolo V e le potenze d'Italia

of Florence, Oxford, 1964, esp. pp. 123-24. dal maggio del 1447 al dicembre del 1451,” Rivista di 68 On the reasons for designating Constantine the XIthand _ scienze storiche, III-1 (Pavia, 1906), 241-62, 392-429, and

not the XIIth, note Franz Délget, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LIL ibid., WI-2 (1906), 22-37, 177-94, 225-32, 329-55, (1959), 445, in his notice of Joan M. Hussey, The Byzantine 385-406, with a series of appendices containing forty-four

World, London, 1957. documents, of which the last is dated 17 November, 1451.

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 99 to put into effect the designs of a Hohenstaufen. Hunyadi had been able, however, to reach an And Alfonso lacked the power to do so anyhow. understanding with Scanderbeg, whose reputaThe early years of Nicholas’s pontificate were most tion was already challenging his own, and who

successful, witnessing the final defeat of the con- was to keep the Turks at bay in the rugged ciliarists at Basel and Lausanne, and winning highlands of Albania for a quarter of a century the recognition of France, Germany, and indeed (1443-1468). In September and October, most of Europe except Bohemia. But the major 1448, the impatient Hunyadi marched through

problem of this period was the advance of Serbia, burning and pillaging as though

the Gran Turco, and it can hardly be claimed Brankoviێ and the Serbs were his enemies for Nicholas that he appreciated the full extent instead of the Turks. On 17 October he reached

of its gravity. the historic “Field of the Blackbirds” at Kossovo,

The advance of the Turk in the Balkans where in June, 1389, Sultan Murad I had lost might be slowed, but apparently it could not his life, and his son Bayazid I had secured be stopped. Whatever hope of liberation the both the Ottoman throne and one of the more Greek and Latin inhabitants of former By- resounding victories ever gained by the Turks zantine territories had, lay in the north. John over Christendom. Hunyadi had not been able Hunyadi, who served as regent of Hungary to wait for Scanderbeg and the Albanians, from 1446 through 1452, watched with anxious for the advance of Murad II to meet him had eyes the constant deployment of Turkish troops been too rapid. His army, the last hope of Hun-

on his borders. The defeat at Varna, which garian ascendancy in the struggle, was reinhad tarnished his hard-earned fame in Europe, forced by a large Vlach contingent together

could be redeemed only by victory. The despot with some Germans and Czechs. It was conof Serbia, George Brankovic, however, had _ siderably smaller, however, than the army which learned much from Varna by not being there, Murad II had assembled at Sofia, and which and obviously believed that his country could had reached Kossovo shortly before the Chris-

better withstand the hostility of Hungary tian host. The young Mehmed II had accomthan that of the Turk.” Venice had renewed her commercial relations with the Porte (on 23... ——W—— February, 1446) 7 and was unwilling to jeop- declare himself the protector of both the Hospital of Rhodes

di het em b core f th Horces di and the kingdom Cyprus. He sent two or three fleets ardize y Joining wi unyaCl, into the of Levant (in 1450 and 1451-1453) against the whose bellicose intentions were well understood Mamluks, who had destroyed the Hospitaller castle on the at the Ottoman court in Adrianople. Alfonso _ island of Castellorizzo (Castrum Rubeum, Castelrosso, the

V, king of Aragon, Naples, and Sicily, would modern Kastell6rizon) at the time of their attack upon not risk an expedition against the Turks, even Rhodes (in 1444). Alfonso’s admiral Bernard of Villamarina

h hh €‘ned the j the ‘ble d (Vilamari) rebuilt castle,ofrenaming it “Castel Alfonsi, thoug entertaine Irresponsible GreaM to the the annoyance Jean de Lastic, grand master of the of re-establishing the Latin empire of Con- Hospitallers, on whose behalf Bernard had been sent eaststantinople, with himself as emperor. Nicholas — ward. V responded to Hunyadi’s appeals with little Alfonso had sought and obtained authorization from th ritual t and th Nicholas V to occupy the island, “cuius edificia . . . per more an spiritual support an e sonorous Theucros et Sarracenos . . . dirruta et solo equata sunt,” preachment of another crusade (on 8 April, which was granted on 6 October, 1450, lest the Mamluks

1448).%8 take over the island and use it as a base against Rhodes

(Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 392 [Nich. V Secret. tom. TT VIII], fols. 102'-103'; Sebastiano Paoli [Pauli], Codice "In fact Chalcocondylas, bk. vir (Bonn, p. 355, lines diplomatico del sacro militare ordine Gerosolimitano, 11 [Lucca,

10~—13), states that George Brankovié warned Murad II of | 1737), no. cx, p. 130). While in eastern waters Bernard of Hunyadi’s forthcoming expedition (¢f., tbid., p. 356, lines _-Villamarina raided the coasts of Egypt and Syria, disrupted

17-22). commerce, and brought Jean de Lastic almost as much

” Thomas and Predelli, Diplomatarium veneto-levantinum, trouble as assistance, on which see Const. Marinescu, II (1899, repr. 1965), no. 198, pp. 366-68, where the date “L’Ile de Rhodes au XV° siécle et ’Ordre de Saint-Jean 25 February is wrong; Babinger and Dolger, “Mehmeds II. de Jérusalem d’aprés des documents inédits,” Miscellanea frihester Staatsvertrag,” Orientalia Christiana pertodica, XV, Giovanni Mercati, V (1946), esp. pp. 388-95 (Studi e testi,

225-28, on which see above, note 51. no. 125).

3 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1448, nos. 6-7, vol. The Spanish traveler Pero Tafur sailed past Castellorizzo XVIII (1694), pp. 350-51. As for Alfonso V, he enjoyed on his way to the Holy Land in 1436, and stopped there posing as a Christian champion against the Moslems, and during the course of his return journey the following year. since Albania was Naples’s first line of defense against the He has left us a brief description of the place seven Ottoman threat to the Adriatic, he was generous (as we shall _ years before its destruction by the Mamluks (Malcolm Letts,

note) in his support of Scanderbeg. Although contemporaries trans., Pero Tafur: Travels and Adventures, 1435-1439, expected more of Alfonso than he ever delivered, he did New York and London, 1926, pp. 53, 106).

100 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT panied his father to Kossovo, and now witnessed gain his freedom, he had no intention of ad-

his first major encounter, stationed with the hering to it, and the pope soon released him Anatolian troops on the right wing of the from a promise made under duress.” Turkish army (where he was also to place them In the spring and summer of 1448 Murad II

in the assault upon the landward walls of Con- had led a large expedition into Albania and cap-

stantinople almost five years later). The second tured the fortress of Sfetigrad on the lower battle of Kossovo was hard fought for almost Dibra after a siege of some three months.” Two three days. On 19 October, while the issue years later Murad II returned to Albania with was still undecided, the Vlachs deserted the his son Mehmed, who seems to have divided Hungarians, fearful of the outcome, and Hun- his time between his retreat at Magnesia and yadi had to retreat under the cover of German the court at Adrianople. Their objective was and Czech gunners. He made his way back the most important fortress in Scanderbeg’s through Serbia, but just before he could reach _ possession, Croia, whose defense the Albanian the Danube, he was captured by Serbian peasants leader had placed in charge of loyal comrades,

and taken to Brankovic. Hunyadi got back to who had a garrison of 1,500 men.” In midSzeged at the end of the year only by accept-

ing a harsh treaty dictated by Brankovic to Reports reached Venice from Durazzo at this time that govern the future relations of Hungary and Scanderbeg’s preparations were really intended for an attack Serbia.’“* While Hunyadi signed the pact to upon the Venetian-held coast of Albania, and so the Senate

took appropriate action (Sen. Mar, Reg. 3, fol. 82 [83°], doc.

TT dated 6 October, 1448): “Quoniam per ea que habentur per 74 The second battle of Kossovo and its aftermath are litteras noviter habitas ex Durachio Scanderbegus solicite described in great detail, some of it obviously imaginary, by _parat potentem exercitum suum pro veniendo ad illas partes

Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, pp. 355-77); cf. lorga, Notes contra terras et statum nostrum ... , vadit pars quod et extraits, IV, pt. 1, no. 20, pp. 41-42; Gesch. d. osman. au[c]toritate istius consilii scribatur et mandetur vicecapitaneo Reiches, 11 (Gotha, 1909), 450-52; and esp. “Du Nouveau Culphi quod cum duabus galeis sibi commissis remaneat in

sur la campagne turque de Jean Hunyadi en 1448,” _ illis aquis Durachit pro hortamine locorum et subditorum Revue historique du Sud-Est européen, III (1926), 13-27; Fr. nostrorum. . . .” Cf. Valentini, Acta Albaniae veneta, XX Pall, “Les Relations entre la Hongrie et Scanderbeg,” ihid., (1974), no. 5,397, p. 58. X (1933), 127-31; Gelcich and Thalléczy, Diplomatarium * Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1450, no. 7, vol. XVIII ragusanum (1887), nos. 279-82, pp. 466-70; and Babinger, (1694), pp. 366-67, doc. dated 12 April, 1450, in which the Maometto, pp. 93-100. Iorga discounts the presence of the | pope summarizes the terms of the pact. In June, 1450, the Germans and Czechs (mentioned by Aeneas Sylvius) in city of Ragusacongratulated Hunyadi upon his making peace

Hunyad1’s army. with Brankovic (Gelcich and Thalléczy, Diplomatarium

Scanderbeg intended to go “personalmente” with anarmy ragusanum, no. 283, pp. 471-72; Jovan Radonic, Acta et to assist Hunyadi (S. Ljubié, Listine, 1X [1890], p. 283, doc. diplomata ragusina, 1, pt. 2 [Belgrade, 1934], no. 222,

from Commemoriali, Reg. 14, fol. 79, dated 4 October, pp. 499-501, and cf nos. 231-33 [in the Fontes rerum 1448; Giunio Resti, Chronica ragusina, in Monumenta spectantia slavorum meridionalium, ser. IJ).

historiam slavorum meridionalium, vol. XXV: SS., I [Zagreb, 76 Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, pp. 350-51), who calls 1893], pp. 295, 298; and Antonio Bonfini, Historia pannonica, Sfetigrad Xperia, passage reprinted (with several mistakes Cologne, 1690, decad. III, bk. vu. p. 339AB), but was in the Greek accents) by Radonic¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg

prevented from doing so by Brankovic, whose lands he (1942), p. 220, from E. Darko’s edition, vol. II (1923), ravaged as punishment for the Serbian desertion of the — pp. 119-21. Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1449, no. 10, Christian cause (Marinus Barletius, Historia de vita et gestis vol. XVIII (1694), pp. 359-60, after Barletius, Vita, Ist ed., Scanderbegi, 1st ed., Rome, 1509, bk. u1, fols. xxvu’—xxvir'; Rome, 1509, bk. v, fols. L11’-Lxi1v; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 58-59, who puts these events under 115-42. The Venetians had been encouraging the Turks to the year 1444!), on which note Francisc Pall, “Skanderbeg overrun Albania “ad ruinam illius Scandarbeghi perfidi” et Ianco de Hunedoara,” Revue des études sud-est européennes, (from the commission, issued on 27 June, 1448, to Andrea

VI (1968), 10-14. Murad II had cut short his Albanian Venier, who was being sent on a mission “ad partes campaign of 1448 and a siege of Croia in August in order Albanie,” of which the text may be found in the Sen. to march against Hunyadi, as shown by Ljubic, op. czt., YX Secreta, Reg. 18, fols. 14™—15" [16'—17'], published by (1890), 283-84, from the Venetian Sen. Secreta, Reg. 18, Ljubi¢, Listine, IX, 269 ff., and reprinted by Radonié, fol. 52 [54], doc. dated 10 October, 1448. The documents of. cit., pp. 10-13). Cf. Ljubi€, op. cit., IX, 274-76, 282-85,

of 4 and 10 October, 1448, are reprinted in Jovan 289-90. There is a brief sketch of events in Giuseppe Radoni¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg 1 Arbanija u XV veku, Capra, “Skanderbeg nel quadro della politica pontificia,” Belgrade, 1942, p. 16, and cf. Riccardo Predelli, Regesti det _‘Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata, XXII (1968), Commemoriali, V (Venice, 1909), bk. xtv, no. 31, p. 16. There 71-84.

is a spurious exchange of undated letters between George 7 Gelcich and Thalléczy, Diplomatarium, no. 284, p. 473,

Brankovi€é and John Hunyadi (clearly of seventeenth- dated 13 August, 1450, reprinted in Radoni¢, Djuradj

century origin), on which see Fr. Pall, “Preteso Scambio di Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. 19-20. If the garrison maintained lettere tra Giorgio Brankovich, principe diSerbia,eIancude its courage and kept faith, it was believed that Croia could Hunedoara (Hunyadi) a proposito del pericolo ottomano _ hold out against the Turks. Cf. Gelcich and Thalloczy, Dipl., intorno al 1450,” Revue des études sud-est européennes, XII no. 286, p. 485, and Radoni€¢, Acta et diplomata, I, no. 234,

(1974), 79-86. p. 525 (see, below, note 81). Cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. vir

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 101 May (1450) Murad II arrived with his army In early October Scanderbeg, who had grown under the walls of Croia. He had cannon cast discouraged, offered Croia to the Venetians, of metal he had brought in his baggage train; threatening to cede it to the Turks if they at least two cannon were employed against the did not accept it. Toward the end of the month, fortress walls, the larger of which could shoot however, Sultan Murad raised the five months’ stone balls weighing 400 pounds.’”* The cannon _ siege, doubtless fearing the advent of winter,

did their work well, but the Turks could not and began his eastward march toward Adria-

penetrate the battered walls. Scanderbeg and a__nople. The Senate finally decided upon a reply determined force of some 8,000 men, among to Scanderbeg. Affirming their affection for him whom were Slavs, Italians, Germans, and others, and their desire for the independence of his kept descending from the nearby heights he _ state, the Venetians proposed to send an envoy

knew so well, making day-and-night attacks to Murad to try to arrange a “concord” beupon the Turks. While the Venetians of Scu- tween Scanderbeg and the Turks. The Senate tari sold food to the Turks, those of Durazzo had been overjoyed to hear that the sultan

aided the Albanians.” had raised the siege re infecta; as for the offer of Croia, however, they thanked Scanderbeg,

(Bonn, p. 354); Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu (1909), but they preferred that he keep the fortress. p. 16. Having made his peace with the Venetians, Scanderbeg Venice had more than enough territory alwas seeking their assistance against the Turk in the spring ready.*° of 1449, offering to pay the Republic the annual census of 6,000 ducats which he had to pay the Porte, but the —=——————

cautious Senate declined “to separate him from the Croia under siege in 1450 was of course a very different adherence and recommendation of the Turk” (Ljubic, affair, but we may nevertheless note here that a few years Listine, 1X, 302, and Radonic, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, later, on 26 February, 1455, King Alfonso V of Portugal pp. 18-19, doc. of 21 April, 1449, from Senato Mar, Reg. 3, received papal permission to trade in foodstuffs and other

fol. 1117 [112°]). wares with the Saracens, subject to the customary prohibition

8 Gelcich and Thalléczy, Dipl., no. 284, pp. 473-74, dated on “ferramenta, lignamina, funes, naves seu aliquarum 15 August, 1450; Radoni¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. armaturarum genera” (Reg. Vat. 440, fols. 22'—23°). 19-20. Barletius says that the sultan had ten cannon cast, Numerous grants of such permission have been published of which four were capable of hurling stones of more than _(e.g., lorga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 1, no. 19, pp. 38-40, 600 pounds (Vita, lst ed., Rome, 1509, bk. vi, fol. Lxxm; confirmation by Nicholas V on 10 May, 1447, of such a

ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 161-62). concession made by Martin V to the Genoese “usque ad 79 On the Turks’ receiving flour and fresh bread fromthe centum annos’”).

“count” of Scutari, a Venetian official, see Sime Ljubi, 8° Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 227; lorga, Notes et extraits, III, Commissiones et relationes venetae, | (Zagreb, 1876), no. 1, p.4 260, doc. dated 23 November, 1450; “Ser Augustino de (in the Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridi- _Renerio, provisori Dagni: Recepimus literas vestras datas

onalium, vol. VI), reprinted in Radoni¢, Djuradj Kastriot die XIIII Octobris et per eas intelleximus quid vobis dici Skenderbeg, no. 35, p. 20; lorga, Notes et extraits, III, 260-61, fecit Scandarbegus per illum abbatem de volendo dare note, extracts from Stefano Magno’s Annali veneti. There was nobis civitatem Croye quodque nisi eam acceptemus,

always a fair amount of trade with Moslems, especially necesse’ erit quod ipsam det in manibus Turchi, etc., the Egyptians. Trade with the Turks also was probably volumus igitur et vobis cum nostro consilio Rogatorum inevitable in military contraband as well as in foodstuffs and _[i.e., the Senate] respondentes mandamus quatenus si ad vos luxuries. Although Scanderbeg had until lately been hostile —_ redierit vel suprascriptus abbas vel alius nomine predicti to Venice as a result of a war he had waged with the Republic Scandarbegi pro tali materia sibi dicere debeatis quod queover the territory of Dagna (Danja), peace was now supposed —_cunque vobis dici fecit intelleximus et sicut per experientiam to obtain between him and the Venetians, who had promised _ potuit intellexisse sincere amavimus ipsum Scandarbegum et

him an annual pension of 1,400 ducats in return for his _ status sui conservationem caram habuimus paratique eramus

cession of Dagna to them (Ljubic, Listene, IX, 282-83; mittere ad presentiam Imperatoris Turchorum pro conRadonic, op. cit., pp. 15-16, Pax cum magnifico Scanderbego et cordando eum cum sua Excellentia et omnia facere pro

als dominis Albanie, dated 4 October, 1448). With Croia paterna nostra affectione que statui suo et conservationi under siege, it would seem to have been very poor policy for _ eius expedientia esse credebamus quodque quando sensimus

the Venetians in Scutari to supply food to the Turks. They Turchum ab obsidione Croye re infecta se levasse

were doubtless well paid for it. According to Barletius, Vita, plurimum letati sumus, quia non dubitabamus ipsum Ist ed., Rome, 1509, bk. vi, fol. Lxxvu’; ed. Zagreb, 1743, p. Scandarbegum dominium suum recuperaturum esse, debere

175, “. .. multitudo ingens mercatorum ex proximis et per consequens sibi non debere deficere aliquam bonam Venetorum oppidis cum annona, vino, oleo, et omnis concordiam et compositionem cum predicto domino Turgeneris cibariis in castra [i.e., Turcica] quotidie confluebat.” chorum. Occasionally papal licenses were granted to trade with the “Ad oblationem vero quam nobis facit de loco Croye, ei infidels (especially for foodstuffs) as when on 8 May, 1451, — plurimum regratiamur et dicimus quod re vera ad huiusmodi

Pope Nicholas V, granted two merchants of Barcelona the rem nunquam ullam inclinationem sive intentionem haburight to trade in Saracen ports, but excluded arms, iron, _imus nobisque gratius est quod ipse eam teneat et possideat wood, and similar materials from the permitted objects of | quam nos qui nunquam res alienas desideravimus, sed nobis

trade (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 396, fol. 248). nostra satis superque sunt. Et eum hortamur ad viriliter Supplying flour and fresh bread to the Turks while they held agendum et manutenendum civitatem illam sicut hucusque

102 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Croia had been saved. The Turk had left none Scanderbeg had fought bravely and emerged too soon. Scanderbeg was absolutely atthe endof from it all brilliantly. His heroism caught the his resources. The independent Albanian high- imagination of Europe. Ambassadors and assistlanders, who resented Scanderbeg’s efforts to ance were sent to him from Rome and Naples,

achieve some measure of centralization in the Hungary and Burgundy. Croia was rebuilt,

country (at their expense, to be sure), had made Christians everywhere looked upon its lord as accords with Murad as though he were their their champion against the Turks. Scanderbeg deliverer from oppression. After the Turkish now entered into especially close relations with withdrawal the highland chiefs continued their King Alfonso of Naples, who still talked of a opposition to Scanderbeg’s resumption of crusade; he recognized the king’s suzerainty over

authority over Albania. Their chances of suc- Albania in a treaty dated at Gaeta on 26 cess looked good. He had lost all the country March, 1451." They got along very well toexcept Croia, and now lacked even the means =—W-H— to maintain the loyal garrison which had kept — subvenir el detto Schandarbegh.” The text has been printed the fortress from the invader. While the high- again by Radonic, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, p. 21. The land chiefs looked forward to his ruin. Scander- 24gusam documents are also given in summaries (régestes)

bcSRwent d with ? i] in B. Kreki¢, ed., Dubrountk (Raguse) et le Levant, Paris and to Kagusa, armed wit papa etters The Hague, 1961, this one being no. 1209, p. 370. urging the rector and the council of the city The pope had just granted the plenary indulgence of the to help him, and the following February jubilee to Ragusei, who (fulfilling the spiritual conditions)

(1451) the Ragusei informed Nicholas V that Would give to the Knights of Rhodes one-third of what they by their financial assistance Scanderbeg had weeks in Rome to visit the four principal churches at least

. . . would have had to spend by remaining the required two

been enabled both to hold Croia and even once daily (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 392, fols.

to regain a good part of his territory. 98'- 103", esp. fols. 98’-99, dated 6 November, 1450). Since the privilege covered Ragusei dwelling in the entire

———— Levant, the sums would probably be great. The purpose of

fecit, quoniam nos omnes eius statum et bonum rerum the Ragusan embassy to Nicholas V was to have the grant suarum successum iocundissime et leto animo audiemus. to the Knights revoked and to secure it for the defense of

“Vos vero, provisor noster, in omnem eventum non Ragusa itself, but the pope was offered a fourth of the impediatis de occurentibus inter dominum Turchum et pre- amount in question. In this connection the ambassador was dictum Scandarbegum, sed neutralis stetis sicut hucusque to inform the pope of the multiple expenses which Ragusa fecistis: De parte 90, de non 7, non sinceri 5.” There is a _ had to undergo against the Turks (subsidies to Hungary, careless transcription of this text in Valentini, Acta Albaniae _ the subvention of Scanderbeg, their own fortifications, etc.).

veneta, XX (1974), no. 5,634, pp. 272-73. On Scanderbeg’s success against Murad II, cf. also

As early as 12 September (1450), when it appeared likely | Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, pp. 351, 353-55), who thinks

that “concord” would be re-established between Scanderbeg the siege of Croia in 1450 preceded the second battle of and the Turks, “quia dictus Imperator [Turchorum] non _ Kossovo in 1448; Barletius, Vita, Ist ed., Rome, 1509, bk. posset habere Croyam,” the Venetians had become anxious’ vi, fols. LxxN—Lxxxiv; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 161-91, that peace should be made rather “by the intervention of our where Murad’s death is erroneously placed during the siege Signoria than otherwise” (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 8%). of Croia: Croia morte Amurathis tune nobilior quam Argos olim 81 Gelcich and Thalléczy, Dipl., no. 286, p. 485, and =P yrrhi morte reddita! (edd. citt., fol. Lxxx1v; p. 191). Raynaldus,

Radonié, Acta et diplomata, 1, no. 234, p. 525: The Ragusan Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1450, no. 15, vol. XVIII (1694), pp. ambassador, sent to Pope Nicholas V on 27 February, 1451, 370-71, follows Barletius; K. Hopf, “Griechenland im

was to inform his Holiness that “. .. a questo anno’ Mittelalter,” in J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, eds., proxime passato [1450], siando venuto el dicto Turcho et Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (repr. II), p. 125; F. S. Noli,

el suo fiolo sopra el dicto Schanderbegh et soi colligati Geo. Castrioti Scanderbeg, New York, 1947, pp. 42-44, cum potentissimi exerciti et aparati de guerra, et siando 199-200, an odd but useful book; Babinger, Maomettio, accordati col detto Turcho li detti colligatide Schandarbegh, pp. 105—6; and see esp. Pall, “Marino Barlezio,” in Mélanges

habiando esso Schandarbegh perso tutto lo suo paese, salvo d'histoire générale, ed. Const. Marinescu, II (Bucharest, che la citta de Cruya, la qual esso Turcho non poté vincere 1938), 208-9, where most of the relevant sources are per l’asperita de monti et fortezza del dicto luogo et per la collected for the five months’ siege of Croia in 1450. Unfidelita delle persone che erano in essa, che se portono fortunately Athanase Gegaj, L’Albanie et [invasion turque au virilmente, se deliberd el dicto Turcho levarse dalla dicta XV® siécle, Louvain and Paris, 1937, pp. 77-80, had not citade de Cruya. E cosi, siando levato et partito dalle parte discovered that the “Anonymous of Antivari” was an invend’Albania, dubitandose esso Schandarbegh, si per la tion of Biemmi, nor had Noli even by 1947. rebellion delli soi subditi, si per l’'accordio delli soi colligati ® Francesco Cerone, “La Politica orientale di Alfonso di Arafatto col detto Turcho, non poter tegnir et conservar la gona,” in Arch. stor. per le province napoletane, XXVIII (1903),

dicta citade de Cruya et rehaver el suo paese, maxime 171-81, and cf. Radoni¢c, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, nos. perché non haveva con che substentar le guardie et diffese, 37-38, pp. 22—24. Besides Alfonso V’s assertion of suzerainty

poste per lui in la detta cittade, se parti esso Schandarbegh over Scanderbeg and the latter’s father-in-law George da casa sua et venne ala detta citta de Ragusa cum _ Arianiti Topia Golem Comninovic, whom we have already lettere della vostra sanctitade, per le qual essa sanctitade noted as one of the most important of all the Albanian exhortava el rezimento della detta cittade ad aiutar et chieftains (see above, note 26), Alfonso also gave recogni-

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 103 gether as lord and vassal, and two years after a close his reign of thirty years. Both Ducas the king’s death Scanderbeg described to Gio- and Chalcocondylas have paid tribute to his vanni Antonio del Balzo Orsini, prince of love of peace and justice, indicating that his Taranto, supporter of the renewed Angevin victories had been virtually thrust upon him by claim to Naples and archenemy of Alfonso’s Christian treachery and provocation,** an apson Ferrante, the great benefits he had received _praisal one need hardly accept, but certainly

“from that holy and immortal king of Aragon, Murad II was less cruel and cold-blooded whom neither I nor any of my vassals can than his more famous son, Mehmed II, who recall without tears . . . , because you must assumed control of the Ottoman empire for remember that the counsels, subsidies, favor, the second time. And now Mehmed’s elders

and holy works of that angelic king were and advisers were no longer in a position to what preserved and defended me and my restrain his ambition to attempt the conquest vassals from the oppression and cruel hands of Constantinople.

of the Turks, our enemies and those of the Whatever the hopes and fears of leaders

Catholic faith. . . .”8 and lesser folk in the East, there was as yet | a normality to the routines of life. One still

Although Europe did well to honor Scander- made the pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulcher

beg, one of the greatest soldiers and most in Jerusalem. A French noble, for example, honorable men of his time, his. exploits were a subject of good King René [of Naples, duke but an assurance of things hoped for, and for of Anjou], wanted to make the pilgrimage, but

generations no one was to see the diminution he had arrived in Venice with six or eight of Turkish power in the Balkans. The worst companions some six days after the departure was yet to come. On Wednesday morning, of the regular pilgrim galley. After a long 3 February, 1451, Sultan Murad II died of wait on the lagoon, he addressed a petition apoplexy in a drunken debauch, bringing to to the Senate, which responded favorably to his request on 21 September, 1450. The un-

—_————— named noble was allowed to sail with the Beirut tion as vassals to the Ducagin family, to Simon Zenevisi, galleys, which were leaving shortly for the and to some of Simon’s subjects in 1454-1455 (Const. Levant. The skippers of the galleys were

Marinesco, Alphonse V, roi d’Aragon et de Naples, et di d ‘de hj th « l’Albanie de Scanderbeg,” Meélanges de I’Ecole roumaine en irected to provide him with passage at a

France, Paris, 1923, esp. pp. 48-53, 83-84, 88 ff., and reasonable price, as has often been done for

, note enealogi e , . - :

of. pp. 112-13). On the family of the Arianiti, besides F. similar persons in the same situation.”®

1960, note the genealogical table in Hopf, Chron, gréce. ne Beirut galleys went by way of Modon romanes (1873), D535. On 13 April, 1451, Pope Nicholas Vv (or Coron), Crete, and Cyprus. Their route granted Scanderbeg the plenary indulgence of the jubilee lay beyond the usual reach of the Ottoman year in a special bull honoring his heroic services to arm during this period. The Venetian Archives,

Christendom and taking some account of the needs of however, also take us to the sultan’s court,

atl Ar Sep Vaan, Beg Va S97 fol 65 as when on 8 July, 1451, the Doge Francesca 83 V. V. Makuéey, in the Monumenta historica slavorum Foscari issued a commission to Lorenzo Moro, meridionalium, I1 (Belgrade, 1882), p. 121, reprinted by who was being sent as an envoy to Mehmed II. Radoni¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, p. 120, doc. dated at Moro was instructed Croia on 31 October, 1460. The letter was written to

Prince Giovanni of Taranto in answer to a letter which that since one of our citizens, Alemanto, a factor Scanderbeg had received from him dated 10 October of the nobles, the late Francesco and his brother (MakuSev, II, 118-20, reprinted by Radoni¢, op. cit., Marco Ruzini, has had to do with the magnificent Peae protesting against the aramonese Angevin was lord Nerio Acciajuoli, who is should lord of Thebes and rendering to Ang *errante © Tas “An " Athens, from whom the Ruzini receive a

1459-1464) for the throne of Naples (cf. Pastor, Hist. ; ;

Popes. Ill (Sth ed., London, 1949], me 120-23, 338, ree 1 of we ah as you wi he my id

and Gesch. d. Papste, 11 [repr. 1955], 60, 95-97, 262). mt | oresal Scanderbeg says he will stand by Ferrante, who will win in lord Nerio is a subject of the . . . most serene the end, his affairs being far less grievous than those of }§~=————————

Scanderbeg himself when in 1450 the Turks besieged *4 Ducas, chap. 33 (Bonn, p. 228); Chalcocondylas, bk. Croia, “la quale hogi € de Casa de Aragona et de Soa _ vii (Bonn, p. 375); cf. Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII

Maesta” (Makusev, op. cit., IH, 122). Prince Giovanni's (1733), col. 1137E; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 107-8; and protest was directed against Scanderbeg’s sending an Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches,

Albanian cavalry force into southern Italy in September, I (repr. Graz, 1963), 489 ff.

1460, on which see below, Chapter 8, p. 231. 85 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senato Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 3°.

104 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT emperor of the Turks, you should make every is ordered that they must observe it and have it possible effort both with the most serene emperor observed inviolably.™

himself and in other quarters, as shall seem advisable ; . . ; to you, to see that the said lord Nerio or his Despite the inevitable fact of change, the social heirs, if he is not alive, should pay this debt to our Process varied little from earlier generations. aforesaid nobles and make them quiet and content, The pilgrim galleys still sailed to the Holy as is just and proper. And, in short, you must Land, the Latin lordlings in Greece did not pay give them all possible assistance to achieve the their debts, and the Greek peasantry resisted

settlement of this debt. manorial service to absentee landlords in Venice. This text provides a glimpse into the affairs ae junas had often invaded the Morea, but

of Nerio II Acciajuoli, duke of Athens (1435- . y ha or yet conquered It. e “Aegean

1439, 1441-1451), who may or may not have islands had been harried since long before been dead by July, 1451. If he was, it seems un- ae memory of anyone (hen myn» put the likely that his widow Chiara Giorgio (Zorzi) and sameness to life in the Le nt cre G as ke her lover Bartolommeo Contarini,®” Venetians and Latins Turks and Maral, a , f as ht with both, were any more concerned than Nerio had one another. and went their own ways. wi

been to to make a “justNicholas and proper” settlement of ,also. , ; ys.It .is the debt the Ruzini V went his own way pointless to defend him against the charge Another document from the Venetian series that through most of his reign he neglected

Senato Mar gives us some insight into conditions the well-being of eastern Christendom in his pre-

in the south Moreote village of Xereni, where ©CCupation with his own affairs and those of

the serfs were obliged to serve the Correr Italy. In 1450, to be sure, he welcomed at the

secundum leges et consuetudines despotatus. In re- Curia an Ethiopian embassy, of which little cent years we have been cautioned to regard '8 known, although its purpose may have been the term “despotate” as denoting the dignity ‘© effect “une entente avec les chrétiens d’Oc-

of an office rather than the territorial circum- cident “+ + €n vue de SE retourner contre scription ruled by a despot. Nevertheless, a ’ennemi commun: I'Islam. Certainly there is resolution of the Senate (dated 10 June, 1452), something to be said on Nicholas’s_ behalf. which takes us to within a year of the fall of The Greeks remained obdurate schismatics. Constantinople—the great tragedy of Nicholas here was little or no co-operation, against V’s reign—shows us that by now “despotate” the Turks, between the imperial government had come to mean a Greek principality, in Of Constantinople and the corrupt court of this case the principality of the Morea: the “empire of Trebizond,” with which the Genoese had been at constant odds for more . . . The nobles Pietro Correr, son of the late Ser than thirty years.°? Although the policy of the Giovanni, and Filippo Correr, son of the late Ser government in Constantinople was cautious and Paolo, procurators, possess in the dependencies of conciliatory, even in the capital itself the Grand

Coron and Modon a certain village [caxale] called Xereni, the inhabitants of which, as serfs [pariche, mapo.xot], are held to serve our said nobles, and ® Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 128" [129"], doc. dated 10 June, because they do not obey [these manorial dictates], 1459. On the title “despot,” see Lucien Stiernon’s review our Signoria wrote on 17 July of last year to the of Bodidar Ferjanti¢, Despoti u Vizantiji i juinoslovenskim government of Modon and Coron that they must force Zemljama [Despots in Byzantium and the Lands of the South

the . . . serfs to serve the said nobles according to Slavs], Belgrade, 1960, in the Revue des études byzantines,

the laws and customs of the despotate. And yet, XXI (1963), 291-96. oo, ;

because the said letter was not written by this *° C.-M. de Witte, “Une Ambassade ethiopienne a Rome council [the Senate], it has not been put into due ‘£” 1450,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, XXII (1956), 286-98,

effect. The motion is [therefore] carried that the and in this connection note Lucas P. Desager, “Lettre

aforesaid letter must be sent again to the inédite du patriarche copte Jean XI au pape Nicolas V

Salc 8 ~ * * * (1450),” in the Mélanges Eugéne Tisserant, II (1964),

authorities of Modon and Coron and to their suc- 41_53 (Studie testi, no. 232). cessors, and by the authority of this council it Iorga, Notes et extraits, 1, 243-44, 268, 272 ff., 304,

464, 476-77, and III, 68, 132, 216-18, 234-36, 245-47, oo 259; Wm. Miller, Trebizond, London, 1926, pp. 77-80, 86 Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 67" [68"]. , 91-94; Nicolas Banescu, “Le Conflit entre Génes et I’ empire

87 Cf., K. M. Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens, 1311— de Trébizonde 4 la veille de la conquéte turque (14181388, rev. ed., London, 1975, pp. 209-10, and Los 1449),” Studi bizantini e neoellenici, V (1939), 4-10 (Atti del Catalanes en Grecia, Barcelona, 1975, pp. 181-83, 195-96. — V Congresso internazionale di studi bizantini [Rome, 1936}).

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 105 Duke Lucas Notaras, one of the most upright imexpediency of promulgating in Constantiand distinguished of the Byzantine grandees, nople the Florentine decree of Union (of 6 was alleged to entertain a preference for “the July, 1439). In firm but courteous tones the

Turkish turban to the Roman tiara.”*! pope remonstrated with Constantine for the

Even on the verge of disaster, however, the failure publicly to announce and to abide by pope seems to have been almost as much con- the decree. “Receive, then, my dearest son,

cerned about the petty lapses of the Latins what we are about to say as from a loving resident in Greece as he was about the whole heart . . . addressing you truly and freely.” freedom of Orthodoxy from the oncoming Stressing the necessity of ecclesiastical unity Turkish tide. On 6 September, 1448, the pope and authority for salvation and peace among wrote the Dominican inquisitor and the provincial Christians, the pope said there was one Church,

in Greece: of which Rome was the head: “Outside the It has come to our attention that in places which ohurel there Is no Salvation: he wo 1 not

are subject to Catholics in Greece, many Catholics I NOANS at d DEMISE BE ENE NOOR under pretext of the Union [of 1439] are improperly Turkish depre ation and domination in Greece going over to the Greek rites. We have been Were the judgment and visitation of God for the

most astonished at this, and do not cease to be SM of schism, “which arose In the time of

so, not knowing what it is that has shifted them Pope Nicholas I and of which Photius was the from the custom and rites in which they were born author” [in the ninth century]. According to the and brought up. Although the rites of the Eastern pope, this schism had now endured for almost Church are laudable, it is not permissible to inter- five centuries,®* and during all this time the mingle the rites of the Churches, and the sacro- Church of Constantinople had failed in its

sanct Council of Florence has never permitted it. . to Rome. All the world had watched ; obedience

Therefore we, in whom despite our unworthiness C tantine’s broth the E hn VIII God has placed the care of all such things, desir- OnSstal Sha rotner, the mperor Jo n ,

ing to provide a quick remedy lest the evil keep @CC€Pt by his signature and by his presence spreading, do strictly enjoin upon each and both of the decree of Union at Florence. Now a dozen you... that by the apostolic authority you entirely | years had passed; the union had not been put forbid the commingling of rites in all the afore- into effect; and the same excuses were always said places when you visit them in accordance with advanced to explain the unwarrantable delay. your duty, and if it should be necessary, you are “The Greeks cannot really assume that the Roto summon the secular arm to assist you.”

Ina most interesting and revealing communi- 83 Nicholas V was separated from the time of Photius by cation to the Emperor Constantine XI, dated almost six centuries, and his interpretation of the Photian 97 Ss b 1451. schism was acurrent simplification ofthe history had been eptem er, SI, thethpope acknowledged in the West from close of which the eleventh century. the receipt of a letter from the emperor and Throughout the later years of his reign Pope Nicholas commended the Byzantine envoy who had __ I (858-867) refused to acknowledge the imperial deposition brought it. The issue was the difficulty and of the Patriarch Ignatius in Constantinople and the elec-

tion of Photius as his successor in November and December, 858 (see J. B. Bury, History of the Eastern Roman Empire, 1 Ducas, chap. 37 (Bonn, p. 264): “xpetrrérepov éottvy London, 1912, chap. vi, esp. pp. 192—99). Subsequently, in eidévar év péoy TH TOdAEL YaKLOrALOY Baciievov Totpxwy a reversal of political fortune, Photius was condemned at q KadvoTTpav Aariwixyv.” The traditional rendering of the — the fourth (pro-Ignatian) Council of Constantinople (869-

quotation is misleading. Cf. H. Evert-Kappesowa, “La 870), the decrees of which were later rejected by Pope Tiare ou le turban,” Byzantinoslavica, XIV (1953), 245-57: John VIII (880) when Rome and Constantinople became “Je préfererais voir régner dans cette ville le turban _ reconciled after Photius’s second elevation to the patriarchal

du Sultan a la tiare du Pape” (ibid., p. 245). Notaras’s al- throne. Toward the end of the eleventh century, howleged statement means, however, that he would prefer tosee ever, the anti-Photian council of 869-870 became recognized

a wearer of the turban dominant in Constantinople rather as oecumenical in the West, largely by accident, because than one who wore a western “hat;” use of the word “tiara” certain of its canons condemning simony and lay interimplies an anti-papal sentiment which Notaras doubtless felt, | ference in ecclesiastical affairs were very useful to the but which Ducas does not specifically attribute to him. It Gregorian reformers, and by this time there was renewed is unlikely that Notaras made any such statement although | schism between Rome and Constantinople (from in fact

it presumably represents the view of some of the anti- 1009). After the council of 869-870 had been recog-

unionist party in the capital. nized by Rome as the Eighth Oecumenical Council, there

2 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1449, no. 10, vol. XVHI developed the western “legend” of the second Photian (1694), p. 359. On 2 October, 1457, Calixtus III was to schism (according to Fr. Francis Dvornik, The Photian appoint Simon de Candia, a Dominican, as inquisitor Schism, Cambridge, 1948, passim, esp. pp. 309-49), but Phoheretice pravitatis in provincia Grecie (Reg. Vat. 449, fols. tius seems to have remained in communion with Rome

163-164", by mod. stamped enumeration). throughout his second patriarchate. .

106 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT man pontiff and the whole Western Church . . . of Hungary were kept in mind, and a special are so bereft of intelligence as not to realize indulgence was proclaimed for the archbishops, why in this delay the excuses keep coming— bishops, abbots, and other prelates, the barons, they understand, but they bear with it... .” knights, nobles, and lesser folk of the kingdom,

There was no alternative, it would seem, to with special mention of John Hunyadi. hey the Greeks’ observing the full import of the were dispensed from the visit to Rome and Florentine decree (to which they had given the principal basilicas of the city to earn the an almost unanimous acceptance in 1439). “But plenary remission of sins, because they had to

if, however, you refuse to maintain this decree defend the country against the Turks, “so among your people,” the pope informed Con- that the rest of its inhabitants . . . might be stantine, “you will compel us to make provisions able to live in sweet security without fear and

which look both to your salvation and to our peril. . . .”%

honor.”

It was an unfortunate answer, but its lack of }_———— charity must be set against the background of from Rome, see the latter work, I, 445, and of. the English centuries of embittered relations between the dition, II, 86-88; note the Ann. Forolivienses, ad ann. 1450, Greeks and Latins. Nicholas V could not know in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 223E; on the jubilee,

TECKS oe ; . cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1450, nos. | ff., vol. XVIII

that the Byzantine empire was now to survive (1694), pp. 363 ff.

no longer than its emperor, whose days were, _™ Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1450, no. 6, vol. XVIII severely numbered. The pope had had problems (1694), pp. 365-66, bull dated 12 April; Pastor, Hist.

- . Popes, 11, 244, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 597-98. and aspirations, fears hopes own. 4,indulgence é .and e Hungarians couldof gainhis the benefits of the

On 19 January, 1449, he had proclaimed a by paying a three days’ visit to the cathedral church of

jubilee for the following year,”° when untold —Grosswardein (Hungarian Nagyvarad, Rumanian Oradea; thousands of pilgrims flocked to Rome, to be ¢., below, Chapter 5, note 44) as well as to certain other decimated by a violent outbreak of the plague designated churches and by contributing one-half the sum

dt tO t the pope’s timorous which theinjourney Rome and required and WITNESS POPpeflight s— (on 5 residence the citytowould havethecost them.fifteen Theredays is no 15 July) from the city whither he had called _ statement in the bull that the sums thus paid by the faithful them.®*® During the jubilee, however, the needs in Hungary would be used for the crusade. The bull is contained in one of the many registers in

-_* Raynaldus, the charge of Pietro da Noceto (Petrus de Noxeto), who was Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1451, nos. 1-2, vol. a nobilis et notabilis persona in his time (see the Sen. Secreta, XVIII (1694), pp. 375-76, where the letter is dated Reg. 19, fols. 92, 94°, docs. dated 10 and 12 November,

11 October (1451); Hofmann, Epistolae pontificiae, 111 (1946), 1451). Pietro da Noceto was the secretary of Nicholas V no. 304, pp. 130 ff., who dates the letter 27 September, and = and _ Calixtus III, and good friend and correspondent of prints the Greek version from Sp. P. Lampros, Palatologeia Aeneas Sylvius. On 14 November, 1451, Pietro, “papal kai Peloponnesiaka [in Greek], IV (Athens, 1930), 49-63, secretary and citizen of Venice,” was granted a letter patent where it is dated (p. 63) “the fifth day before the Kalends (from the Doge Francesco Foscari) according him and his

of October” [27 September]. On the background see Gill, brother Jacopo the right to purchase Venetian state The Council of Florence (1959), pp. 377-80, and note bonds and to own property in Venice (R. Predelli, ed., Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 248-51, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1 Regesti dei Commemoriali, V [1901], bk. x1v, no. 210, p. 66).

(repr. 1955), 601-3, who approves of the pope’s reply. Pietro was living in the Vatican palace in December, 1453 Cf. Nicholas V’s later recollection of his (sparse) assistance (Eugéne Mintz, Les Arts a la cour des papes pendant le XV° to the emperor after Constantinople had fallen, as given by _ et le XVI® siécle, 3 vols., Paris, 1878~82, I, 131).

Manetti in the so-called “testament” of the pope (Viia For the bull in question, see the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Nich. V, ut, in RISS, W1-2, col. 953); Ducas, chap. 36 (Bonn, Reg. Vat. 391, fols. 252-254": “Indulgentia pro nobilibus pp. 252-53); Critobulus, De rebus gestis Mechemetis II, 1, 39, et prelatis Regni Hungarici . . .” [in margin of fol. 252%]:

ed. K. Miller, FHG, V-—1 (Paris, 1870), 84a, and ed. “... pro parte ... nobilis viri Johannis de Hunniad,

V. Grecu, Bucharest, 1963, p. 109, who says the pope had — gubernatorisacrectoris . . .” [fol. 253]. A special bull dated

planned to send thirty ships. According to Critobulus, 12 April, 1450, was sent to honor Hunyadi and extend to him loc. cit., Nicholas did send three galleys (see, below, pp. 117-18), and his family “omnium peccatorum suorum remissio which arrived in Constantinople on 20 April, and made their _ plenaria” under the same conditions as those noted above way heroically through the Turkish blockade (forthe sources _(ibid., fol. 249). (The enumeration of folios in this register see Miiller, loc. cit., note). In Reg. Vat. 393, fols. 124"-125", is somewhat confused, owing to corrections having been I find a reservation to the church of Coron made in favor made at several points.) The registers of Nicholas V contain

of the eleven-year-old Venetian Antonio Andrea Venier, a number of such special letters of indulgence for the dated at Rome on 29 April, 1450, which was hardly the jubilee (¢f. those to King Casimir IV of Poland in Reg. Vat. way to provide for the Latin Church in Greece, and cf. 393, fols. 17'-18', dated at Rome, 7 December, 1450; to

fols. 125"'—127%. Queen Margaret of England, zbid., fols. 122”—123*, dated at

® Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1449, no. 15, vol. XVIII Assisi, 5 October, 1450; and to Duke Philip of Burgundy,

(1694), pp. 362-63. ibid., fols. 360°-361°, dated at Rome, 1 February, 1451, % Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 74-104, much revised in Gesch. “anno, etc., MCCCCL, Kal. Februarii, [pontificatus nostri]

d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 433-62; for the flight of Nicholas V_—_ anno quarto”).

THE CRUSADE OF VARNA 107 A dilettante rather than a scholar, petulant accomplished a remarkable amount of building sometimes and irritable, Nicholas V was withal in the time at his disposal, ridding Rome of an honest man. Fair-minded in his dealings with hundreds of thousands of tons of rubble and others, devoted to his friends, and a great lover débris, and unfortunately pillaging the Collof fine books and fine buildings, he was a gen- seum, the Forum, and other ancient sites for

erous and appreciative patron of the arts, blocks of marble and travertine as if they

who spent the great sums which accrued from were mere quarries. He helped destroy the old the jubilee of 1450 in beautifying the city of Rome as he began the creation of a new one. Rome and stocking his newly founded Vatican Nicholas V stands at the close of the middle Library with hundreds of manuscripts in hand- ages and the beginning of a new era. In the some bindings, often of crimson velvet with silver abdication of Felix V (on 7 April, 1449), clasps. The munificence of his gifts to Giannozzo_ the conciliarists’ candidate for the papal Manetti, who wrote his biography,® as well as to throne, Nicholas triumphed over the last of Niccolo Perotti, Francesco Filelfo, Lorenzo _ the anti-popes. With his own hands he crowned Valla, Poggio Bracciolini, Pier Candido Decem-_ Frederick HI of Hapsburg emperor in an brio, and other devotees of humanism evoked — elaborate ceremony in S. Peter’s, the last of the the admiration (and the ire) of the Christian imperial coronations in Rome (on 19 March,

world. 1452). After a half-dozen years of satisfying One of the favorite popes of Gregorovius, achievement as pontiff and as patron of Nicholas V’s love of learning has endeared him scholars, painters, and architects, however, to most scholars who have studied his career. Nicholas found the year 1453 beginning badly

Always shrinking from physical violence and for him with the revelation of. a reckless timid of the hurly-burly of life, Nicholas conspiracy against his authority engineered by showed himself during the eight years of his Stefano Porcari, who was put to death with pontificate one of the boldest planners and most some of his followers in January.*® The conindefatigable builders in the long history of spiracy made a profound impression upon the

Rome. He restored many famous churches pope as it did upon all Italians; he was

and palaces, rebuilt the Acqua Vergine and saddened by the event, made rather moody

improved the city’s water supply, repaired and and suspicious; he suffered a good deal from

fortified the bridges over the Tiber, rebuilt the gout, and was often unable to grant authe walls of the Aurelian circuit, and finally diences for weeks at a time. He was illproposed under the influence of Leone Battista prepared, mentally and physically, for the blow

Alberti a stupendous reconstruction of the which was about to fall. Leonine City with a new S. Peter’s, a vast

papal palace, ecclesiastical and other residences, 99 Pastor. Hist. Pobes. IL. 218-39. and a 19 broad squares, streets, colonnades, porticos, 16. oD an F it opes, 1, 218-39, a append. nos a and shops—a complete renovation of the Vati- 974-91, and append., nos. 43-49, pp. 832-40. On the can. Although these last projects awaited the coronation of Frederick III, see Franz Wasner, “Tor der papacy of Julius II, with other ideas and other Geschichte: Beitrage zum papstlichen Zeremonienwesen im architects, for their partial fulfillment, Nicholas 3 Jogrhundert, Archiwum historiae VI (1968), ~—53, with the text (of thepontificiae, papal ceremonial diarist)

—_ describing the event, and on Frederick’s career, Alphons %° Cf. Francesco Pagnotti, “La Vita di Niccolo V scritta) Lhotsky, “Kaiser Friedrich III.: Sein Leben und seine da Giannozzo Manetti,” Archivio della R. Societa romana di PersOnlichkeit,” in his Aufsaftze und Vortrage, II (1971), 119-

storia patria, XIV (1891), 411-36. 63, cited above in Chapter 2, note 56.

4. THE SIEGE AND FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (1453) FrROM THE TIME of his second accession to Toward the end of June (1451) the Venetian the throne of his fathers in February, 1451, Senate was itself preparing to dispatch two Sultan Mehmed II set about the fulfillment of embassies to the East. Lorenzo Moro was going his dream of conquering Constantinople. The as the Republic’s envoy to Mehmed II, and

extent of his ambition was not yet clear, Francesco Venier as envoy to Ibrahim Beg, the

however, and his personality still remained an Gran Caramano in Asia Minor, the chief Levan-

enigma to his contemporaries. In April the tine enemy of the Ottomans. Ibrahim Beg

Emperor Constantine XI sent one Andronicus thought he saw an opportunity in Mehmed’s Leontaris on an embassy to Venice, Ferrara, accession, and was already endeavoring to stir Rome, and Naples, to seek assistance against the _ up trouble in Germiyan and the coastal emirates

new sultan whose youth, it may have been of Aydin and Menteshe.? Lorenzo Moro was, assumed, would provide both Greeks and Latins however, to console Mehmed for the loss of his

with an opportunity to proceed against the father and to congratulate him upon his attainTurks. By early June (1451) Leontaris had ment of the sultanate. He was also to preach reached Venice, where one of his objectives peace to Mehmed, especially in Bosnia, and becomes clear when on the eleventh the Senate (among other assignments) to press for payment

declined to accept an impost which the emperor of the debt which Nerio II Acciajuoli (a wished to impose on merchandise as well as a Turkish subject for all that he was dominus Stives restriction which he proposed to place on the et Sitines) owed the commercial firm and family export of hides from Constantinople.’ There is of the Ruzini. Upon leaving the Ottoman court, no word of emergency in the documents, and Moro was to proceed to Constantinople, where Leontaris apparently brought no warning of he was directed to lodge a vigorous remonstrance

especial danger to the enfeebled Byzantine against the unlawful activities of Constantine

“empire.” XI’s brothers in the Morea. The Despot Thomas —_—_— Palaeologus had occupied plura territoria in the

‘Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senato Mar, Reg. 4, fol. region of Modon, as the Despot Demetrius 58° [59°]. Nau prea, N ores “ucharest, extrails pour a Uhistoire croisades © stécle, , ho.315), XXVII, p. des had done in that of Nauplia, Venetian territories 46, gives Constantine xr's letter, dated 10 March, 1451 of cour se, and the numerous protests of the recommending Andronicus Leontaris to Borso d’Este, Signoria had never produced anything but marquis of Ferrara. On Leontaris’s mission to Rome, see “bona verba sine ullo effectu.” Moro was to make Joseph Gill, The Council of Florence, Cambridge, 1959, pp. it clear to the emperor that Venice would no 377-80, and on Constantine XV’s desire to tax foreign longer tolerate the occupation of lands and the

merchandise (the sansaria or sensaria), note Iorga, Notes et . . . .

extraits, ILI (Paris, 1902), 254-55. usurpation of rights belonging to her citizens

2 After the departure of Amadeo VI of Savoy in June, and her subjects. Furthermore, since Moro 1367 (see above, Volume I, Chapter 13), the Byzantine would doubtless reach Constantinople before government gradually lost its tenuous hold upon the south- Andronicus Leontaris’s return home, Conwestern shore of the Black Sea until, during (and even stantine might ask him about the Venetian duced almost to the city of Constantinople. Byzantine YeSPponse to the requests which Leontaris had authority extended northward again, however, as a result made to the Signoria in the emperor's name. of the territorial concessions made to Manuel II by the Emir If this should happen, Moro was to reply in Suleiman and thereafter by Sultan Mehmed I, Bayazid’s the words of the senatorial resolutions (of 11 and sons, aswhich one followed result the of Turkish the civil wars of the Ottoman which h to. , succession defeat at Ankara in June), of whic €12 was£given a Copy, late July, 1402. From the time of Mehmed I’s final victory the effect that the emperor’s proposals were not

efore) the reign of Bayazid I, the “empire” was re- . .

(in 1413) until the beginning of the year 1453 the in accord with the “antiquissima amicicia et

Byzantines seem to have remained in precarious and

intermittent control of the coastline of the Black Sea as far §=————————

north as Mesembria, and of the northern shore of the Sea of 3 For whatever his evidence may be worth, note the account

Marmara as far west as Heraclea. The subject is ob- in Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 34 (Bonn, pp. 233-37; ed. scure, and the sources are sketchy, but see the attempt at Vasile Grecu, Ducas, Istoria turco-bizantina [1341-1462], clarity in A. Bakalopulos, “Les Limites de empire byzan- Bucharest, 1958, pp. 291, 293, 295), of the attempts by the tin depuis la fin du XIV® siécle jusqu’a sa chute (1453),”. Gran Caramano and even of Constantine XI to profit by

Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LV (1962), 56-65. Mehmed’s accession to the throne. 108

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 109 benivolentia” which had long existed between seemed hardly more of a problem than they had

the Palaeologi and the Republic.* been for decades.

Francesco Venier was to begin his eastward All the while, however, Mehmed II was voyage, along with Moro, in the galley Bar- nurturing the passion of his boyhood—the badica, which would take him to Candia in taking of Constantinople—which was to win Crete. Another galley would convey him to him the title of Conqueror (Fateh), and make Cyprus, to the court of King John II, who had _ him the outstanding prince and the pride of the

been at bellicose odds with the Gran Caramano. house of Osman. It was incumbent upon Venier was to learn the details of the “differentiae Mehmed, as a warrior for Islam (ghazi), to begin

et discordiae existentes inter [Johannem] et his reign with a victory over the infidel

dictum Caramanum,” and thereafter make his Christians. What worse enemy was there than way into Caramania to try to. make peace the Greek emperor and the Greek metropolis, between Ibrahim Beg and the Cypriotes. On his now set in the very midst of Ottoman territory, return journey he was to report the extent of the cynosure of Orthodox churchmen, Frankish his success (or failure) to John in Cyprus. By crusaders, and Latin merchants? When he bethe end of December, 1451, Venier was still came sultan, Mehmed could pursue his ambition somewhere in Caramania or Cyptus (orenroute without let or hindrance from anyone, including home), and the Senate wrote the colonial the grand vizir, Khalil Pasha, who was reputedly government in Crete to locate him and speed a friend of the Greeks. For months the attention him on his way to the Adriatic “et inde ad of Europe now became fastened on the shores presentiam nostram.” Hard pressed by both the of the Bosporus, and indeed few events have Caramano and the soldan of Egypt, John had caused more contemporary excitement or subbeen unable to pay his debts to Venice and to sequent speculation than the Ottoman siege and various Venetians. Peace with the Caramano seizure of Constantinople.

would free John from one source of expense Another Byzantine embassy was sent to

and apprehension, and then perhaps he would Venice, Florence, Rome, “et ad alias potentias settle some of the claims against him. This Italie,” but now with solemn warnings of the was the purpose of Venier’s mission, as far extent of Turkish preparations. The Venetians

as the documents reveal it.» His commission agreed to send supplies to Constantinople, contains no reference to the Turks. If Ibrahim but they wanted to see what the other powers Beg suggested that Venice make a move against would do before promising the Greeks armed Mehmed II, Venier very likely replied that he assistance. They reminded the ambassador that was without authority to deal with the proposal, the war in Lombardy, to which we shall come

but he would convey to his government any in the next chapter, restricted their earnest message that Ibrahim Beg might wish to send. desire to help the threatened city. They adAs far as Venice was concerned, the Turks dressed strong pleas, nevertheless, to Pope Nicholas V and the Curia Romana for quick *Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fols. 67'-68" [68'-69'], Moro’s action agains t the Turk, promising to make commission dated 8-9 July, 1451, and cf. fol. 58” [59%]. every contribution they could to such an

The instructions which Moro received with reference to enterprise. The Senate voted to send appeals also Leontaris’s embassy were couched in the following terms: to the Emperor Frederick III as well as to the “Verum si forte per eius Majestatem tibi fieret ulla mentio kings of Aragon and Hungary, imploring their

de capitulis que a nobisAndronicus petit pro parteLeondari sue Serenitatis aidsuus, as necessary spectabilis dominus orator . «ee f for the salvation of Con-

volumus ut responsiones per nos factas capitulis antedictis stantinople, informing them furthermore of et unicuique eorum honestare et iustificare debeas cum the provisions that we have taken on our part, illis verbis que in predictis responsionibus, quarum copiam —_ and stating that these are by no means sufficient

tibi dari fecimus, continentur, et aliter sicut prudentie for so great a crisis.’ tue expediens visum fuerit, procura[re] que animum suum

contentum et satisfactum reddere’” (ibid., fol. 687 [69*]). > On Venier’s embassy to the Gran Caramano in 1451, see 6 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 19 [1450-1453], fol. 122", dated 14

Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fols. 53” [54%], 54° [55"], 60° [61°], February, 1452 (Ven. style 1451); ibid., fol. 170°, 16

66" [67°], 68 [69], 98" [99°], and Sen. Secreta, Reg. 19, fol. November, 1452; fol. 184%, 4 February, 1453 (Ven. style

50". Cf. Louis de Mas Latrie, Documents nouveaux servant 1452), a letter of the Senate to Nicholas V; and fol.

de preuves a Vhistoire de Vile de Chypre (from the Mélanges 187°, 24 February, 1453 (Ven. style 1452). These documents

historiques, vol. IV [Paris, 1882]), Famagusta: Editions are all published in Enrico Cornet, ed., Giornale del-

Oiseau, 1970, p. 370, and Geo. Hill, A History of Cyprus, lassedio di Costantinopoli di Nicolo Barbaro, P.V., Vienna, 1856,

III (Cambridge, 1948), 508-13. append., pp. 67-73. The original numbering of the folios

110 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT During the spring and summer of 1452. gathering together a great army and a fleet. Mehmed II built Rumeli Hisar (the “Rumelian According to Sphrantzes, he formally declared Castle,” as it was later called) on the European side war on Byzantium as early as June, 1452, when

of the Bosporus across the strait from Anadolu he sent an army to invade the environs of Hisar, where the ruins of the older fortress of _ the city, capturing the suburban residents. After Bayazid I “the Thunderbolt” still stand. At this the completion of Rumeli Hisar on 31 August, point Europe is less than half a mile from Asia. he left there and himself appeared under the Here the two castles have stood as guardians of the _ walls of the Greek capital on a tour of inspection

seaway for more than five centuries, great of its fortifications, departing thence for Adristretches of walls and towers still remaining of anople on 3 September.® The imperial governRumeli Hisar (restored in 1953), which the ment in Constantinople spent the winter taking sultan’s forces constructed in a mere three or such measures as it could to prepare the city four months, “the most heavily fortified castle for the coming assault. Walls were strengthened,

in the world,” says Critobulus, “and the most and at least one abandoned foss or moat resecure and famous.”? Mehmed spent months in opened from the Golden Horn.

One Niccolo Barbaro, a Venetian ship’s in this important register corresponds to the modern physician or surgeon, who got caught in the city

enumeration. during the siege, has left us a full account of During the course of the siege the Venetian Senate the disaster in the dated, day-to-day entries in authorized issuance of a commission to Bartolommeo . . :

Marcello (on 8 May, 1453) to go to Constantinople to his diary. Aid came to the city, as Barbaro

confer with Constantine XI and with Mehmed II “ut per =—=————————

omnem modum procuremus pacificare Teucrum cum sua_ capable of shooting stone balls weighing more than 600

Serenitate [imperiali] et ponere statum suum in tranquilo pounds, and garrisoned with a troop of 400 men “all et securitate . . .”. (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 187 [188], pub- within four months.” Actually 5,000 workmen built the castle

lished by Sime Ljubié, Listine, X [Zagreb, 1891], 7). The from 15 April to 31 August, 1452 (cf. F. Babinger, Venetians claimed “iura et iurisditiones” in the Greek Maometto il Conqutstatore, Turin, 1957, p. 128), on which capital, as indeed they had, and Marcello was to explain to note the Ottoman historian Khoja (Sa‘d-ad-Din) Efendi, Mehmed: “Deliberavimus armare aliquas galeas et naves in N. Moschopoulos, “Le Siége et la prise de Constannostras et eas mittere Constantinopolim non pro inferendo — tinople selon les sources turques,” Le Cing-Centieme Anni-

guerram vel novitatem sue Excellentie sed ut associent versaire de la prise de Constantinople (in L’Hellénisme con-

galeas nostras Romanie et ipsam civitatem tanquam rem temporain, 2 ser., VII, 1953), pp. 31-32, and E. J. W. nostram deffendant et conservent, quod cum omni iure Gibb, trans., The Capture of Constantinople from the Taj-utet honestate facere possumus .. .” (Reg. cit., fol. 187" tevaritkh |“The Diadem of Histories” ], written in Turkish by [188%]). Marcello’s mission was quite impossible. He did go Khdja Sa’d-ud-Din, Glasgow, 1879, p. 12.

to Constantinople later on, however, as we shall see, but There is a brief account of the siege by Admiral Luigi under very different circumstances. Cf. in general R. Guil- _ Fincati, “La Presa di Costantinopoli (Maggio 1453),” in the land, “Les Appels de Constantin XI Paléologue 4 Rome et Archivio veneto, XXXII (1886), 1-36, old but still useful, anda A Venise pour sauver Constantinople (1452—1453),” Byzan- recent book on the subject by Sir Steven Runciman, The tinoslavica, XIV (1953), 226-44, who adds little new, and Fall of Constantinople (1453), Cambridge, 1965. An invaluable

M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, “L’Action diplo- anthology of the sources, with Italian translations and matique et militaire de Venise pour la défense de Con- extensive notes, has lately been published by Agostino stantinople (1452-—1453),” Revue roumaine d’histoire, XIII-2 Pertusi, La Caduta di Costantinopoli, 2 vols., Verona, 1976:

(1974), 247-67. I, Le Testimonianze dei contemporanei, and II; L’Eco nel 7 Michael Critobulus, De rebus gestis Mechemetis H, 1, 11 mondo. Professor Pertusi’s introductions to the wide range of

(ed. K. Miller, Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum [FHG], (often improved) texts he has selected for inclusion are V-1 [Paris, 1870], pp. 60b—62a; ed. V. Grecu, Critobul din most useful. I want to thank him for sending me these two Imbros: Din domnia lui Mahomed al H-lea, anu 1451- volumes, for although this chapter was written long before 1467, Bucharest, 1963, pp. 53, 55). Laonicus Chalco- their publication, I have had time to study them and make condylas, bk. vit (Bonn, pp. 380-81; ed. E. Darké, H-2 appropriate additions to the notes before the present volume [Budapest, 1927], 147), says the castle was built in three went to the press. months. Both Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 34 (Bonn, pp. 8 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1060C; ed. Grecu, pp. 241-46), and the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, pp. 94, 96); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, pp. 234-35; ed.

233-34; ed. V. Grecu, Geo. Sphrantzes ... in anexad Grecu, pp. 378, 380); cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. vu1 (Bonn, Pseudo-Phrantzes . . . , Bucharest, 1966, p. 378), describe p. 381, lines 10—11; ed. Dark6, II, 147, lines 18-19). the armed conflict with the Greeks while Rumeli Hisar Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 2; ed. Dethier, pp. was being constructed. Cf. Geo. Sphrantzes, Chron. minus 695-96, says that Mehmed II came with 50,000 men. I have (PG 156, 1060BC; ed. Grecu [1966], p. 94), and Barbaro, of course followed Sphrantzes’ Chron. minus rather than Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 1-2, also published by P. A. the Chron. maius of the Pseudo-Sphrantzes [the late sixDethier, in Monumenta Hungariae historica, XXII, pt. 1 (1872), teenth-century compiler Macarius Melissenus-Melissurgus],

pp. 694-95; and for other sources, see Miiller’s notes, op. which dates Mehmed’s departure from Rumeli Hisar on cit., pp. 60-61. Ducas, chap. 34 (Bonn, p. 246, lines 20-21), 28 August and his withdrawal to Adrianople on 1 states that the castle was erected, mounted with cannon September.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE lil indicates, haphazardly and even unintentionally, Toward the end of January the Genoese

with the arrival of some Venetian, Genoese, and_ soldier Giovanni Giustiniani-Longo arrived Cretan ships, mostly merchantmen. Among the with two large galleys. He had on _ board defenders whom chance thus brought to the 400 men in armor (KaTaéypaxrot) enrolled in scene were Gabriele Trevisan, commander of Genoa, besides his sailors, and had recruited two light Venetian galleys, and Giacomo Coco, skipper of a Venetian galley from Trebizond, gata erant de apparatibus sue Serenitatis [i.e., Mehmed both of whom were to play important roles in {Jj terra marique ad expugnationem civitatis Constantino-

the coming struggle. With the approach of politane . . .” (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 187" [188%], the

winter Isidore of Kiev, the “cardinal of Rus- commission issued to Bartolommeo Marcello and then can-

sia,” arrived on the Bosporus with two hundred celed, referred to above in note 6). ,

cunners and crossbowmen. both There would seem to have been eight Venetian galleys Men,‘ncluding NCUaING Ft ? participating in the Christian operations against the Turks. to defend the city and to commemorate the Nevertheless, Critobulus, I, 24, 3 (ed. Miiller, p. 73b; ed. union of the Churches, as was done on 12. Grecu, p. 85), says there were six galleys (he calls them December (1452) in a ceremony which, to triremes, i.e., ships with three lengths of oars). A ninth the disgust of :the Constantine ponetan ship escaped from the city under skipper : .anti-unionists, a iero Davanzo on 26 February, 1453 (Barbaro, ed.itsCornet, XI attended in Hagia Sophia. The beginning pp. 13-14; ed. Dethier, pp. 717-18). According to Barbaro of Barbaro’s diary is full of these matters, (see below), there were three Cretan ships in the harbor of with a record of the men and vessels available Constantinople, as the Pseudo-Sphranizes, III, 3 (Bonn, for defense when the Turks closed in upon p. 238; ed. Grecu, pp. 382, 384), also notes in his “catalogue

he city? of ships:” “Thereone were theIberian following vessels—three from the city. Liguria [Genoa], from Castile . . . , [one] from Provence, and three from Crete, one coming from the city

oo of Candia [Chandax] and the other two from Cydonia, all ® The sources differ as to the number of western ships well equipped for warfare. . . .” (There were more than still in the harbor of Constantinople by the spring of 1453 three Genoese ships in the harbor.) Leonardo of Chios, (cf. Miiller’s note to Critobulus, I, 24, 3, in FHG, V-1, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II, 89, also mentions three

p. 73). In any event Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. Cretan ships. All ships being requisitioned by the 3—4; ed. Dethier, pp. 698-99, shows that two large emperor, their departure required a special license, which

Venetian galleys from Caffa got safely through the narrow he would not grant. In November, 1452, however, eight

strait under Rumeli Hisar despite cannonading from its Cretan ships engaged in the wine trade had come to walls, and under Girolamo Morosini arrived on 10 Novem- Constantinople, six of which set sail with a northeast ber, 1452 (E. Pears, The Destruction of the Greek Empire, wind under cover of night on 26 February (1453), when London, 1903, p. 217, is quite wrong). Three large Vene- Piero Davanzo made his own illegal exit from the harbor.

tian (merchant) galleys under Alvise Diedo also came Barbaro says that by the defection of these seven ships from Tana to Constantinople, where their escort of two 700 men were lost to the defense (ed. Cornet, p. 13). light galleys, commanded by Gabriele Trevisan, had al- On 26 January, 1453, Giovanni Giustiniani-Longo arrived ready put into port from Venice with orders to return home — in Constantinople with two Genoese ships, while the pre-

within ten days of the arrival in Constantinople of a vious October Isidore of Kiev, cardinal of Sabina, had galley coming from Trebizond (Leonardo of Chios, in arrived in the city with his two hundred men, intent Philip Lonicer, Chronica turcica, 11 [Frankfurt am Main, upon church union (Barbaro, ed. Cornet, p. 3; ed. Dethier,

1578], 91, mentions the five galleys [he calls them p. 698). While Barbaro puts the unionist ceremony in

triremes] of Diedo and Trevisan). On 4 December, 1452, Hagia Sophia on 13 December (1452), Ducas, chap. 36 the galley from Trebizond sailed safely into the harbor (Bonn, p. 255), dates it on the twelfth, as do Isidore ‘of Constantinople under Giacomo (or Jacopo) Coco, who — and Leonardo of Chios.

was to play a heroic role in the defense of the city Isidore was accompanied by Archbishop Leonardo of My(Barbaro, ed. Cornet, p. 4; ed. Dethier, pp. 699-700). tilene, a native of the island of Chios; both Isidore Although the Venetian captains and merchants were and Leonardo of Chios are important sources for the anxious to depart, the Emperor Constantine XI detained siege and fall of Constantinople. They had come in a them to help defend the city, in which he was aided by Genoese ship, which had waited at Chios for another the intelligent and courageous Venetian bailie, Girolamo ship on its way to Caffa, both ships being comMinotto, who in mid-December won over the majority of | mandeered by the Byzantine government (cf. Ducas, chap.

the influential members of the Venetian colony in Con- 36, ed. Bonn, pp. 252-53). Barbaro mentions them tostantinople, at a meeting of the Council of Twelve gether several times. Leonardo’s account of the siege (Conseio di Dodexe) in the church of S. Maria, on which and fall of Constantinople (in the form of a letter dated see Barbaro, ed. Cornet, pp. 8 ff. Trevisan was especially 16 August, 1453, to Pope Nicholas V) has also been

hard toconvince. A literal-minded seaman, he had his orders, published in the Patrologia graeca, vol. 159 (1866), cols. and was going to obey them, but he had to yield toa decision 923-41. It became widely known through the Italian of the leaders among his compatriots in the city. According version in Francesco Sansovino’s Historia universale delto the Venetian Senate, in a statement of 8 May, 1453, Vorigine et imperio de’ Turchi (1568) as well as in his Annali they had recently been informed “quod galee nostre viagii turchescht (1571-73), which latter work is the basis of the Romanie simul cum duabus galeis nostris subtilibus “anonymous” Greek chronicle (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. rettente fuerunt in Constantinopoli propter ea que divul-, Barberini gr. 111) published by G. Th. Zoras, Chronicle

112 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a number of others in Chios and Rhodes, Genoese soldier was put in general charge of the making his total force about 700 men. Critobulus city’s defense, receiving the rank of protostraior.

reports a rumor that Giustiniani had been On 2 April the great iron chain set in wooden invited to come to Constantinople by the blocks was extended across the mouth of the emperor, who was said to have promised him Golden Horn to prevent the entry of enemy the island of Lemnos if the Christians proved _ ships into the inner harbor.’ The young sultan

successful in their opposition to the Turks. and the Ottoman army were just reaching the Ducas describes the splendid reception accorded environs of the capital.

Giustiniani, and adds that the cession of Lemnos Mehmed II is said to have left Adrianople was guaranteed by a chrysobull."° The hardy for the shores of the Bosporus on Friday, 23 March; Critobulus states that the march took of the Turkish Sultans . . . [in Greek], Athens, 1958, pp. ——————— 79 ff., and cf. Zoras, On the Conquest of Constantinople tables). On his arrival in Constantinople, see the preceding

lin Greek], Athens, 1959, pp. 105 ff. On this so-called note and Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, chronicle, note Gyula Moravcsik, in the Byzantinische II, 87. While Critobulus, loc. cit., states that Giustiniani Zeitschrift, XLIV (1951), 430-34, and Byzantinoturcica, arrived with 400 men in armor, Leonardo says there were 2 vols., Berlin, 1958, I, 296-99, and see esp. Elizabeth only 300 Genoese with him on the landward wall on the A. Zachariadou [now Mrs. N. A. Oikonomides], The Chronicle last day of the siege (op. cit., p. 93, and Pertusi, Caduta of the Turkish Sultans (in the Barberini Greek MS. 111) and the di Costantinopoli, I [1976], 148), although he had earlier Italian Original [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1960. Miss Zacharia- stated that Giustiniani had come “cum . . . armatis circiter dou’s book cleared up a long-lived puzzle as to the date (after | quadringentis” (ibid., p. 132).

1573) and the major source (Sansovino) of the Greek The Longhi were a separate branch of the Giustiniani, chronicle. Although a better (but incomplete) text of the latter being actually an association of families (alLeonardo of Chios, with an Italian translation, is now avail- _bergo) formed in March, 1364, which had adopted the able in Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 (1976), 120-71, family name of the Giustiniani for various political and

it has seemed best to retain the references to the edi- social reasons. Such an alliance or union of families, tion in Lonicer’s Chronica turcica, and check the latter which enabled the smaller to compete with the larger text against that given by Pertusi. Likewise I have re- kinship groups, was a peculiarly Genoese institution (cf. tained the references to Cornet’s edition of Barbaro’s Philip P. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by the Genoese, diary of the siege, Marténe and Durand’s edition of I (Cambridge, 1958], 134, 332-34). At one time or another Tedaldi, etc., and checked these and other texts against there were 120 families in the albergo of the Giustiniani those in Pertusi, adding occasional references to the latter. (Argenti, ed., Hieronimo Giustiniani’s History of Chios, Cam-

Barbaro (ed. Cornet, pp. 20, 36) indicates that nine or _ bridge, 1943, p. 387). ten of the larger ships in the harbor guarded the iron "! Chalcocondylas, bk. vin (Bonn, p. 384, lines 6-13; ed. chain stretched on buoys across the mouth of the Golden Dark, II, 150, lines 10-17); Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, Horn. Of these ships five were Genoese, three from Crete, p. 15; Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, p. 268, lines 2-6); one apparently from Ancona, and one belonged to Con- Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, p. 238, lines 6-8; ed. stantinople. Barbaro also states that there were seventeen Grecu, p. 382, lines 26-28); Sa‘d-ad-Din, Taj-ut-tevarikh, ships in the inner harbor (ed. Cornet, p. 20). An exact count trans. E. J. W. Gibb, p. 24. The chain was employed only

of the vessels available for the defense of the harbor five times as part of the city’s defenses (in 717-718,

and city is impossible (the emperor had at least five galleys). 821, 969, 1203, and 1453); see the detailed account of

Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 91, line R. Guilland, “La Chaine de la Corne d’Or,” in the 22, says there were thirty ships in the harbor; Jacopo ’Emernpis ‘Etatpeias Bulavria@v Xrovdav, XXV (1955),

Tedaldi, a Florentine merchant who was in the city through- 88-120. The well-known Turkish traveler Evliya Chelebi

out the siege, gives thirty-nine (Edm. Marténe and Urs. (d. 1669) wrote an account of the siege and fall of Durand, eds., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, I [Paris, 1717, Constantinople in his Seyahatname, vol. I, chap. 10, which is

repr. New York, 1968], cols. 1820-21). On Tedaldi (or _ less interesting as a historical source than as a record of Tetaldi), note the rather speculative article of M.-L. Con- the later Turkish tradition (and of Evliya’s imagination).

casty, “Les ‘Informations’ de Jacques Tedaldi sur le There is a French translation of the text by H. Turkova,

siége et la prise de Constantinople,” Byzantion, XXIV (1954), “Le Siége de Constantinople d’aprés le Seyahatname 95-110. Tedaldi’s text may also be found in P. A. Dethier, d’Evliya- Celebi,” in Byzantinoslavica, X1V (1953), 1-13, and

ed., Monumenta Hungariae historica, XXII, pt. 1 (Istanbul, ibid., XVII (1956), 125-27. On the Turkish historians 1872), pp. 891 ff. For the opening of the foss or moat from and (it would appear) their rather limited value for evithe Horn, see Barbaro, ed. Cornet, p. 15; ed. Dethier, dence on the siege and fall of Constantinople, see Alessio

ibid., pp. 721-22. Bombaci, La Letteratura turca, 2nd ed., Florence and Milan,

10 Critobulus, I, 25 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 74; ed. 1969, esp. pp. 351 ff., and Pertusi, Caduta di Costanti-

Grecu, pp. 85, 87); Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 265-66); = nopoli, I (1976), pp. xtv—xix, 304 ff., and II, 254 ff.

Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 13; ed. Dethier, p. 717, Feridun-Bey, Miinsaat-i-Selatin, 1 (Istanbul, 1848), p. who indicates that Giovanni Giustiniani’s whole force 239, cited by A. D. Mordtmann, Belagerung u. Eroberung amounted to 700 men; Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, Constantinopels durch die Tiirken im Jahre 1453, Stuttgart pp. 241-42; ed. Grecu, p. 386). Giovanni was a member and Augsburg, 1858, p. 44, and K. Miller, note on Critoof the family of the Giustiniani-Longhi, long resident on bulus, I, 23, 1, in FHG, V-1, p. 71. The texts of Critothe island of Chios (cf. Ch. Hopf, Chroniques gréco- bulus and Sphrantzes (see the following notes) are better romanes, Berlin, 1873, repr. Brussels, 1966, p. 517, geneal. reconciled, however, if we assume that Mehmed left

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 113 ten days; and Sphrantzes gives 4 April as the number of batteries along the landward or west

date of his arrival.’ Barbaro informs us that walls. He pitched his own tent opposite the

on 5 April, between eight and nine o’clock in “military” Gate of S. Romanus [now Sulukule the evening, Mehmed encamped with 160,000 Kapisi],’® as the old Pempton (“fifth military men two and one-half miles from the western, gate”?) was apparently called during the period landward walls which went in a majesticlinefrom of the siege. It is located in the valley of the the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmara. On river Lycus. The janissaries were for the most the sixth he came to within a mile of the walls; | part encamped between the sultan’s tent and the

it was a Friday, and after the prayer the siege walls, opposite the northern stretch of the

began.’® Mesoteichion (“middle wall’), the most vulnerThe taking of Constantinople by the Turks able part of the whole range of the westward is one of the notable events of the fifteenth fortifications. Details of the siege, as given in the century, and Mehmed II’s eight-week invest- contemporary accounts, are sometimes not easy

ment of the city is one of the most famous to reconcile with the topography of the area. sieges in history. It marked also the startofanew The “Mesoteichion” was apparently well to the

era in warfare, for the Turks employed huge south of the Gate of Charisius [the modern

cannon on a more extensive scale than that to Adrianople Gate, Edirne Kapi]; at its northern which Europeans had hitherto been accustomed. end it descended into the Lycus valley at the Mehmed began operations by establishing a Pempton, to which the name of S. Romanus seems to have been given by the time of the

Adrianople on 25 or 26 March. Details of some importance siege. The Gate of S. Romanus, properly so are provided by a rather late Russian account, Povest’ named, Was a civil gate a bit farther south [now 0 sozdanu 1 o vziatit Tsaregrada, first published by I. I. Top Kap or “Cannon Gate ]. It took its name Sreznevskii, and translated into French by Ph. Ant. Dethier, from a nearby church. The landward walls as the “Anonymus Moscovita,” in the Mon. Hung. hist., contained both “civil”? and “military” gates

XXII, pt. 1 (1872), Ppp. 1053-1122. Used freely by Ith h thi di ti ti . tt b . an . ’ Chedomil Mijatovich, Constantine [XI], London, 1892, pp. altnhoug IS GISUNCHON 1s NO O be ound in

150 ff., 233-34, the text has been reappraised by N. the fifteenth-century texts. The civil gates, used Iorga, “Une Source négligée de la prise de Constanti- by the public in time of peace, led into and out

nople,” Bulletin historique de VAcadémie roumaine, XIII (Bucha- of the city over bridges which were removed

rest, 1927), 59—128, in connection with a Rumanian version upon the likelihood of attack. The landward

of the eighteenth century, and cf. Pertusi, Caduta di Costan- . .

tinopoli, Y (1976), 261 ff. approach to the city was protected by a high 18 Critobulus, I, 23, 1 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 71b; inner wall (the wéya retxos) and a lower outer

aratephrantzes, pp- 89, 85). aus (PG. 156, ed. G wall (the zporetxtopa). Outside theshielded lower wall Giron. minus , » 1060D; ed. LTecu, was a broad walkway (zepiBodos), b p. 96, lines 10-11), and cf. the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, lated yk aA os); he f y 3 (Bonn, p. 237, lines 7-9; ed. Grecu, p. 382, lines a crenelate parapet, eyon which lay the ross

10-11), who gives 2 April as the date of Mehmed’s OF moat some sixty feet wide and twenty feet arrival, and also reckons the beginning of the siege from deep. The double walls and foss ran from the this date since he represents the Emperor Constantine

as saying, on the evening of 28 May in his final address =————————

to the army and the Byzantine court, that Mehmed had '® Critobulus, I, 23 (ed. Muller, FHG, V-1, pp. 71b-72a; then maintained his day-and-night investment and bombard- ed. Grecu, pp. 83, 85); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn,

ment of the city for fifty-seven days (ibid., III, 6, p. p. 237, lines 9-10; ed. Grecu, p. 382, lines 11-12);

273, lines 8-11; ed. Grecu,.p. 416, lines 15-17). (Since | Chalcocondylas, bk. vit (Bonn, p. 385, lines 3-5; ed. Darko,

my references to the Bonn edition of the Pseudo- [I-2, 151, lines 5-7). Ducas, chap. 37 (Bonn, p. 263,

Sphrantzes precede those I give to Grecu’s edition, — lines 2-3), says that Mehmed pitched his tent opposite the I have retained the chapter numbers in the Bonn edi- Gate of Charisius (see below); from the rise on which the tent tion, which Grecu has unnecessarily altered—the present was placed it might in fact be described as “over against reference, for example, appears in the latter’s edition as__ the Gate of Charisius” (kavévavtt rns wbANS TOV Xapicod).

bk. u1, chap. 8.) Sphrantzes’ date (4 April) is in accord with For topographical details of the city, see the excellent

that of Barbaro (cf. the following note). work of R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine, 2nd ed., Paris,

'® Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 18; Ducas, chap. 36 1964; the course of the siege can be followed on the large (Bonn, p. 263, lines 8-10); Muller, note to Critobulus, plan (no. 1) in the portfolio of maps at the end of Janin’s I, 23, 1, in FHG, V-1, p. 71; and cf. Leonardo of volume. Smaller plans are easily accessible elsewhere (ee. g., Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II, 86. According to in Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire, opp. p. 335; Steven Barbaro, Mehmed encamped at the first hour, which in Runciman, The Fall of Constantinople [1453], Cambridge, late March and early April began between eight and nine 1965, opp. p. 89; and Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, P.M. Jacopo Tedaldi says that Mehmed came up to the city I [1976], pp. 332-33). Other sources indicate that the on 4 April, and that the siege began on the fifth (Marténe sultan’s tent—and his heaviest cannon—were set opposite and Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, I, cols. 1819 ff.). the Gate of “S. Romanus” (see below).

114 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sea of Marmara north to the Golden Horn, a _ too large. But the size of Mehmed’s cannon was distance of four miles, but the great inner wall more fearsome than the numbers of his army. was in some disrepair. The outer wall, which ‘Three cannon seem to have been especially

was protected by the parapet and foss, had formidable, of which one had been cast at been kept up, and so the emperor and hisGreek Adrianople by a Hungarian or Rumelian advisers decided to concentrate upon the founder named Urban, who had first offered defense of the outer wall, as had been done in_ his services to the Byzantine government.” 1422 when Murad II had attacked the city." In February and March; 1453, this cannon had They lacked sufficient forces to man both walls.’* been drawn from Adrianople to Constantinople The sources give us various estimates of the _ by sixty strong oxen yoked to thirty wagons with size of Mehmed’s army, ranging from Chalco- 200 men on either side to steady the huge gun condylas’s figure of 400,000 to Niccolo Barbaro’s (7% ywveia) lest it fall. Fifty artisans went before of 160,000,"* and even the latter figure is doubtless the wagons with 200 workmen to construct or

—-_— strengthen bridges and level off the roads, the ‘7 Chalcocondylas, bk. vii (Bonn, p. 384, lines 21-24; whole operation requiring two months.”! The ed. Darko, II-2, 150-51). On Murad I's siege in the ~awe-struck Critobulus has described in detail the

summer of 1422, cf. above, p. 12, and Chalcocondylas, bk. v thod ) d bv the f, ders in casting the

(Bonn, pp. 227-33; ed. Dark6d, II-1 [Budapest, 1923], Mewnod’s emp oye DY tire Foun ers Hh Castings 6-12); C. N. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs a Vhistoire de large cannon—“this is a new invention of the la Gréce au moyen age, 1 (Paris, 1880, repr. Athens, 1972), Germans or the Celts,” he says, “about a hundred no. 79, pp. 120-21, 122, dated 26 August, 1422; and Ducas, and fifty years old or a little more, a very

chaps. 28 (Bonn, p. 189, lines 20-23), and 29 (p. 197, ingenious and well-contrived weapon.””2 Acline 5). Murad II had also employed cannon against the di Barb dL do of Chi h city, but they did not achieve the devastating results of COPOIN§ to Barbaro an conan 00 los the

1453. On the westward wall, see Ernest Mamboury, Istan- largest cannon, whether Urban’s or not, shot a bul touristique, Istanbul, 1951, pp. 430-31, and especially stone ball 1,200 pounds in weight.* Such cannon Janin, Constantinople byzantine (1964), pp. 265—83, and¢f. pp. balls more than seven feet in circumference are

347, 406, 420-21, where no mention is made, however, of till to b ‘n Istanbul h th ined

the fifteenth-century confusion between the Pempton and suit to be seen i Astanoul, where be rune

the “civil” Gate of S. Romanus. walls in the area between the so-called palace 8 Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 93, Of Porphyrogenitus or Tekfur Saray (Tek95, who believed that more effort should have been made to fursarayi)** and the Gate of Charisius, at the rebuild the damaged parts of the higher, inner wall, which = .._ a] ed S. Romanus Gate (the old Pempton) he’?says ought to have been made a second line of defense... he L T d he Tr; “third Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, p. 383, lines 13-15; in t € ycus va ey, and near the Triton (“thir ed. Dark6, H-2, 149, lines 21-22): A€yerau Kr.; Barbaro, military gate”?) bear witness to the places where Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 18: “. . . fo Turchi zerca zentoe Mehmed concentrated his heaviest artillery. sesanta milia.” Cf. Critobulus, I, 23 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, Tedaldi states that the Turkish cannon (bompp. 72b-—73a; ed. Grecu, p. 85), 300,000; Ducas, chap. 39 bardes) “fired from one hundred to one hundred 38, p. 267, lines 6—7) says that eyewitnesses placed the and twenty shots each day, and [the siege] lasted number at more than 400,000. Leonardo of Chios, in fifty-five days; since one reckons that they used Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 86, informs us that there were g thousand pounds of gunpowder every day, in

(Bonn, p. 283), over 260,000, but elsewhere Ducas (chap. .

more than 300,000, among whom were 15,000 janissaries. Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1060D; ed. Grecu, p.. 9 —————

96, line 14), puts the Turkish land forces at 200,000, but 2° Ducas, chap. 35 (Bonn, pp. 247-49); Chalcocondylas, the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, p. 240, lines 16-17; — bk. vir (Bonn, pp. 385-86; ed. Darko, II, 151~—52). ed. Grecu, pp. 384, 386), at 258,000. Isidore of Kiev sets 1 Ducas, chap. 37 (Bonn, p. 258). According to Chalcothem at 300,000 (Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], condylas, bk. vin (Bonn, p. 382, lines 20—21; ed. Darko, I,

68, 88, 94, 108), as does Henry of Soemmern (ibid., 149, lines 6-8), the large cannon had to be drawn by Ii, 82; lorga, Notes et extraits, III [1902], 310). seventy yokes of oxen and two thousand men. On the size The author of the Threnos (“Lament”) for Constantinople, of the various cannon, note Pertusi, I, pp. xxlI—xxIII, ed. Adolf Ellissen, Analekten d. mittel-und neugriechischen LXXIV~LXxv, 229, and II, pp. 82, 84.

Literatur, III (Leipzig, 1857), pp. 208-12, verses 749-79, 2 Critobulus, I, 29-30 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. 76a—gives a total of 217,000 men (147,000 from Europe, 70,000 78b; ed. Grecu, pp. 93, 95, 97). The Greek historians, like from Asia), among whom were 15,000 janissaries (cited all their contemporaries, were stupefied by Mehmed’s and correctly reckoned by Miller, note to Critobulus, cannon, which they call by various names (é€A€zoAts, FHG, V-1, p. 73). Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, snd&«Bodos, weTpoBddos, Bovp7rapsdn, etc.). Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1820AB, states that Mehmed 3 Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 21; ed. Dethier, p. had 200,000 men; Adam de Montaldo, ed. Karl Hopf, in) 736; Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II, P. A. Dethier, Monumenta Hungariae historica, XXII, pt. 88; see also Miiller’s notes to Critobulus, in FHG, V-1, 1 (1872), pp. 46-47, gives the total of Mehmed’s forces pp. 76-77, and cf. p. 70. Urban’s cannon is said to have “on land and sea” as 240,000. Cf. Feridun Dirimtekin, [stan- exploded, killing its founder, and required recasting, but the

bul’ un fethi [The Conquest of Constantinople], Istanbul, sources are inconsistent in their reports. 1949, pp. 64-72, and Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopolt, 1 24 Tekfur means kyrios, “lord,” and was the title by which

(1976), pp. XIX—XxXI, LXXIII. the Turks referred to the Byzantine emperor.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 115 fifty-five days they used up fifty-five thousand Mehmed’s constant cannonading of the Meso-

pounds, and there were also ten thousand teichion, and says that he filled the foss with

culverins.”"*> The informed visitor to Istanbul stones, wood, earth, and other débris to facilitate can easily reconstruct in his imagination some the approach to the great breaches appearing

of the major episodes of the siege from the in the walls.?” Barbaro locates for us the four present-day condition of the landward walls. chief batteries which were established before One may walk along the walls today from the Tekfur Saray on the north, the Pegé (modern fortress of the Seven Towers (Yedikule) on the Silivri Kapi) on the south, and the Charisius south to the palace of Porphyrogenitus on the and S. Romanus Gates in the center; it is clear north in less than three hours even as he that both sides centered their best efforts on the pauses to consult notes, to take photographs, §. Romanus, “la pit debel porta de tuta la or in the mind’s eye to repeople with the tera.”?® Here Mehmed placed the cannon which attackers and defenders of five centuries ago =————_—

what were empty fields and sparsely settled Asia Minor, Thrace, and Pontus some 250 vessels (which he areas until the recent, rapid growth of the Calls fustae), including sixteen regular galleys (trtremes) and

population of Istanbul. seventy light fustae), thefustae remainder beingbanchotrue fuste . . with a single bank ofgalleys oars, (reliquae unius During the first days of the slege Mehmed emis (Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 136). Henry assigned his commanders to their posts—Zagan of Soemmern informs us that Mehmed’s fleet was made up

Pasha of PeraNotes and the eastern of 220 “galeae, inter pa] eae CNap. (ibid., it, 8 hor to-Kthe.region h lorga, et extraits, ; . UVucas,

, de of ine ocen Horns “Che Beg, Ga . (Bonn, p. 268, lines 1-2), believed that the Turkish

andward walls north or the arisius Gate, fleet consisted of 300 triremes (galleys), biremes (fuste), and Ishak Pasha and Mahmud Pasha, the latter of transports. The fusta was a long, fast galley-like vessel whom was soon to become the grand vVizIr, with about two dozen oarsmen (see above, Volume I, to the walls between Top Kapi the Pp eae nore “4, with wels.) It iswas oftena caled PY : : . ‘and e Greek historians. The parandaria heavya bireme transport, Marmara. Mehmed took his stand with Khalil and the brigantine a light, fast boat, in larger models a Pasha at the northern end of the Mesoteichion favorite of the corsairs. It is interesting to note, howopposite the so-called S. Romanus Gate, against ever, that the Turkish historian ‘Ashik-Pasha-Zade says which three chief in cannon were usually mat Mehmed II had only seventy (N.de Moscho: ‘ the h poulos, Czng-Centieme Anniversaire de laships prise Conear eg as provab'y m c weakest section of t © stantinople (L’Hellénisme contemporain, 2nd ser., VII, 1953], p.

Walls. € Uttoman leet under the buigarian 28). In one passage Tedaldi gives the size of the Turkish renegade Balta-oghlu kept a watch along the sea feet as about 110-128 galleys, galiots, fuste, and other walls from the Golden Gate (at the south end _ vessels (Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I,

of the landward walls) all the way along the ol. 1820C), and elsewhere as 240 “sup (nefs), galleys, Marmara coast to Neorion at the entrance to the and galiots (tbid., I, 1823DE). Althougt Tedaldi $ account

. . is useful, as that of an eye-witness, it is confused and

Horn, where he was to break, if possible, the confusing, as are the wildly differing estimates of the size iron-and-wooden boom and force his way Into of the Turkish fleet given in the various sources (Perthe harbor.”® Critobulus attests the success of _ tusi, I, p. Lxxvi). 27 Critobulus, I, 31 (ed. Miiller, FHG, V-1, p. 79; ed.

_—_ Grecu, p. 99). The cannon were doing so well that Mehmed ° Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thesaurus novus anec- _is said to have stopped his engineers’ efforts to cut pas-

dotorum, I, col. 1820BC. sages under the walls as a needless expense (on the success

7° Critobulus, I, 27-28 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. of the cannon, cf. idem, I, 34, ed. Miller, pp. 80a—81b; 75a—76; ed. Grecu, pp. 89, 91), who gives the fullest ed. Grecu, p. 103). The mining operations continued, howaccount of the disposition of the Turkish forces; Ducas, ever (Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3, ed. Bonn, p. 244; ed. Grecu, chap. 37 (Bonn, p. 263); Chalcocondylas, bk. vi (Bonn, p. 388). Barbaro speaks of them in the Gzornale almost pp. 383-84; ed. Darko, II, 149-50); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, to the very'end of the siege (cf. Giornale, ed. Cornet, III, 3 (Bonn, pp. 237-38; ed. Grecu, p. 382); and cf. N. _ p. 41; ed. Dethier, pp. 782-84). The mines were dug, as Iorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 (Gotha, 1909), 19-21. Leonardo of Chios tells us, by “fossores, quos ex Novo The sources vary concerning the size of Mehmed’s fleet Brodo [in southern Serbia] conduxerat magistros . . . no less than of his army, from well over 400 ships to [Theucrus, t.e., Mehmed II]” (Pertusi, Caduta di Costan145, the smallest figure given by a western source again tinopoli, 1 [1976], 132, 134, and cf, ibid., p. 394 [note 10]). being that of Barbaro (the sources and figures are col- Seven mines were discovered between 16 and 25 May. lected in Miller, note on Critobulus, I, 22, 2, in the 28 Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 21. The identificaFHG, V-1, p. 71). Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 21; tion of the Gate of S. Romanus, where the final break ed. Dethier, pp. 737-38, says: “La dita armada del Turco was to come, has caused some difficulty. In the siege of 1453 fo vele cento e quaranta cinque fra galie e fuste e parandarie one is chiefly concerned with three civil and two military e bergantini, ma ne iera galie dodexe compie, fuste grose ne gates. The civil gates are: 1) the Charisius or modern iera da setanta in otanta, parandarie da vinti in vinticinque, Adrianople Gate (Edirne Kapi); 2) Top Kapi or “Cannon tuto el resto si iera bregantini.” Cf., ibid., ed. Cornet, p. Gate,” which had been commonly known as the Gate of S.

24;.ed. Dethier, p. 743. Romanus until some time before the siege; and 3) the According to Leonardo of Chios, Mehmed assembled from _ Pegé (IIny# or Gate of the Springs, now called the Silivri

116 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT shot stone balls weighing twelve hundred The emperor and Sphrantzes concealed the

pounds. results of the census, which would have been

On the other side the Emperor Constantine damaging to morale.*° Subsequent reinforceXI and Giovanni Giustiniani also took their ments may'have increased the number of the position at the Gate and Tower of S. Romanus. city’s defenders to about 6,000 Greeks and Against the masses of Turks, among whom were almost 3,000 Latins: these at any rate are the

some 12,000 highly trained and determined figures given by Leonardo of Chios.*! There janissaries, they had discouragingly few men for was probably little need to conceal the census service on the walls. Early in the siege the computed by Sphrantzes. The empty stations on emperor ordered a survey made of all the man-__ the walls could speak for themselves, and the power and equipment available in the city. All Florentine merchant, Jacopo Tedaldi, who witlaymen and monks capable of bearing arms were _ nessed the siege, observed that there might be to be included in the census. When the records 6,000 or 7,000 soldiers in the city but no more.” of the local commanders and municipal authorities were turned in, the emperor gave them —- The Greeks and Italians behind the ancient

to the historian Sphrantzes to compute the walls of Constantinople fought with a heroism totals quietly in his own home. It was a sad and endurance worthy of a happier result than report that Sphrantzes had to make: there were they were to experience. Niccolo Barbaro’s about 4,773 Greeks and about 2,000 foreigners diary records three large-scale attacks by the

in the city who could be employed for its Turks, who tried on 18 April, 7 May, and defense. Some nobles and commoners had fled — the city before its investment, but not very the population of Byzantium never exceeded 400,000 as an many. The population within the walls at this absolute maximum. time was probably between 40,000 and 50,000.29 °° Actually Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1060D; ed.

Grecu, p. 96, a better text), gives the number of Greeks as

—_———— “4,773 without the foreigners, of whom there were scarcely Kapi). The military gates are: 1) the Pempton and 2) the an additional 200” (,doy’ dvev trav Eé€vwv ports brvTwv

Triton. When Barbaro, loc. cit., refers to the Pegé, he o' % ptxpov tt mpos), where 200 has presumably been seems to mean the Triton, which shows the effects of — read for 2,000 (8). The text of this passage in the Chron.

severe bombardment. minus appears in PG 156, 1060D, precisely as it does in the Although there is no question that the present Top Kapi first edition of Angelo Mai, Classicit auctores, IX (Rome, had long been called the Gate of S. Romanus, both the 1837), ad finem, p. 65. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, Greeks and the Italians appear to have transferred this name __ pp. 240-41), gives 4,773 Greeks and some 2,000 foreigners

to the military gate of the Pempton when as a civil (bid., p. 240, lines 19-20; ed. Grecu, p. 386, lines 2-3), gate the Top Kapi was closed before the siege began— which latter figure I have retained in the text. Cf. Ducas, the Pempton seems very clearly to be the gate called S. chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 275-77), on the paucity of men, Romanus in the sources (for which see the references par- _ the ruined walls, and the despair of the city. On the distially collected in Miller’s note in FHG, V-1, pp. 72-73, position of the Christian forces, at the gates and along but the reader should be guided in his interpretation of | the walls, to repel the Turkish attacks, note Pertusi, the texts by Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire, pp. Caduta di Costantinopoli, I (1976), pp. LXXI-LxxIl.

238-45, 429-35). For the sources relating to the num- Sphrantzes’ Chron. minus (PG 156, 1061; ed. Grecu, p. 96) ber, location, and size of the Turkish batteries, see Miller, records nothing that happened in Constantinople from

op. cit., note on p. 79. the time of his reckoning the totals of the Greek forces 9 See A. M. Schneider, “Die Bevélkerung Konstantinopels _ until the capture of the city by the Turks on 29 May (1453),

im XV. Jahrhundert,” in the Nachrichten der Akademie der leaving a gap which Macarius Melissenus-Melissurgus, the Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philol.-Hist. Kl., UX (1949), “Pseudo-Sphrantzes,” has filled in from whatever source or

233-44, esp. p. 237. The population of Byzantium at its sources (in the Bonn edition this added material extends height has doubtless been much exaggerated. The area from pp. 240-41 to p. 288 and in Grecu’s edition from within the Theodosian walls had never been entirely — p. 386 to p. 430). occupied. There were extensive open spaces throughout 31 Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II], 93, and in the twelfth century. Besides the dwellings of the masses of _ Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 (1976), 146.

the inhabitants, much land was taken up by the imperial 32 Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecpalaces and those of the aristocracy, quarters forthe soldiery, dotorum, I, col. 1820F: “En icelle cité ly avoit entour de

public squares and public buildings, the hippodrome, trente a trente-six mille hommes, et six a sept mille numerous churches, monasteries, vineyards and grain fields, | combattans, et non plus.” Tedaldi’s text is also given in

warehouses, magazines, barns, and stables, open cisterns, Dethier, MHH, XXII-1, no. 9, p. 896. Ducas, chaps. orchards, vegetable gardens, and other open and cultivated 38 (Bonn, p. 266, lines 13-14), and 39 (p. 286, lines fields, the vineyards always being conspicuous within the 7-9), says the defenders of the city were outnumbered city walls. In a learned and sensible article David Jacoby, twenty to one, and that all together they did not exceed “La Population de Constantinople a l’époque byzantine: 8,000 (chap. 39, p. 287, lines 15-16), which is of course Un probleme de démographie urbaine,” Byzantion, XXXI___ not consistent with the figures he gives for the Turkish (1961), 81-109, has sought to show that even at its height army, but would fit Barbaro’s figure of 160,000 Turks.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 117 12 May to force their way into the city through Critobulus says that minor assaults were a daily the gaps their cannon had made in the walls.** —_routine.** The defenders also had some cannon,

ee but their largest one exploded when it was first 33 For these three attacks, see Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, fired. The bombardier was suspected of collu-

pp. 22-23; ed. Dethier, pp. 739-41 (on 18 April), Cornet, sion with the Turks, and subjected to a judicial pp. 36-37; Dethier, pp. 771-73 (on 7 May), and Cornet, inquiry for treason, although the charge was

p. 39;entirely Dethier, p.consistent 777 (on 12 May). diarysources is Gismissed for Miiller’s lack of evidence. not withBarbaro's the other (see ; : In any event

note in FHG, V-l, p. 81). Critobulus, I, 35-36 (ed. the Greeks and Italians found they could not Miller, loc. cit.; ed. Grecu, pp. 103, 105), and the Pseudo- use cannon safely. The recoil shook the Sphrantzes, II, 3 (Bonn, pp. 246-47; ed. Grecu, pp. walls and caused damage, proving in fact to be 390, 392), both seem to be describing the Turkish attack of a greater danger to those who fired the cannon

18S.April, which came fire after of the an Tower he Turks.2®> N h ?dh of Romanus by cannon (tothe the destruction sultan’s amazement, to t c .th UPKS. ow t ere occurre Ow-

says the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Giustiniani restored the essen- C€VET, a thrilling and heartening episode, which

tial fortifications in a single night). The Turks had also must have seemed to the besieged inhabitants built a tall wooden turret which they pushed up against Jike an answer to their prayers for deliverance we wall at the place where the Tower of S. Romanus from the terror which beset them.

ad been destroyed, and the besieged are said to have . . .

burned this turret during the night. Three large Genoese ships and an imperial

Several such turrets were set against the walls of the city grain transport from Sicily or the Morea,*® the in the course of the siege. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes calls former having been delayed for weeks at Chios this one a “taker of cities” (€A€7roAts). He very definitely by northerly winds, sailed into the Marmara one places this attack just before the naval battle of 20 April ‘cht. On the follow; . 90 April. the; (see below) when an imperial grain transport and three "™!S§ t. On the folowing morning, AAprH, their Genoese ships entered the Golden Horn in the face of the approach was reported by Turkish scouts. whole Turkish armada. Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. Mehmed’s entire fleet left its base at Diplokionion 26-27, however, places the destruction of the Tower of S. (the modern Besiktas), on the western shore of

Romanus (and repair andouter the building a palisade to the Bos above Pera, .to;go in pursuit of replace theitsruined wall)of on 21 April, atporus which time the Turks would have been successful (he says) if they them. The four ships made steadily for the great had attacked “with a mere ten thousand men.” On 22 boom across the Golden Horn, where the Greek April, according to Barbaro, Mehmed decided to have re- and Italian vessels on guard were prepared to course to his naval force (of 145 vessels), which was sta- assist them. The hopeful eyes of thousands tioned at the Two Columns (Diplokionion), at the northern hed f£. h lls of the ci h £ entrance to the Golden Horn, and there followed the drag- watche rom the walls o t € city, the roo -tops, ging of seventy-two Turkish fuste overland into the harbor and other heights. The wind unexpectedly died under the fortifications of Pera (to which we shall come down, however, probably when the ships had shortly) — within the iron-and-wooden boom which hadbeen yeached the turn under the walls of the ancient

stretched across the entrance to the harbor. . . . All this is quite at odds with the account in the Pseudo- acropolis (Seraglio Point, Sarayburnu). For two Sphrantzes, who represents Mehmed as up bright and early OT three hours the Genoese and Greeks fought the day after the attack (when the Tower of S. Romanus off from their tall vessels the unremitting attacks

is whole passage in the Pseudo-Sphrantzes , 3, pp. .

collapsed); ready to renew iis attempt to ea 3 city. of a sea full of Turkish ships (in one another’s 244-47; ed. Greeu, pp. 388, 390) certainly suggests the way) uneer the ouganian agmira Balta-oghlu, Turks’ building (and the Christians’ destroying) a great W110 tlaG already Tailed im a cost Y attempt to wooden turret, which Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. Enter the Horn, and knew that his life might 42-43; ed. Dethier, pp. 785-88, dates to 18 May (cf. depend upon the outcome of this battle. The the Anonymus Moscovita, chap. 11, in Dethier, MHH, Turks had begun the attack with every conXXII-1, pp. 1086-88; Zorzo Dolfin, Chron., ibid., nos. 58, . . 61, pp. 1011, 1013; and Tedaldi, ibid., no. 14, p. 898, also dence of victory. Sultan Mehmed himself in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1821C). A. G. Paspates, Siege and Capture of Constan- —————— tinople [in Greek], Athens, 1890, repr. 1939, pp. 133-34, and 34 Critobulus, I, 36, 2 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 81b; Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire, pp. 192-94, have ed. Grecu, p. 105), especially against the places where the employed the Pseudo-Sphrantzes text in this connection, walls were broken down.

actually assuming a gross error in his chronology, which 3° Chalcocondylas, bk. vit (Bonn, p. 389; ed. Darko, II, is probably the case. (Incidentally Barbaro, loc. cit., does 154). not mention the burning of the turret, which he calls a 36 The imperial government in Constantinople purchased bastion, and seems to imply that it stood during the a good deal of grain from Sicily (cf. Const. Marinescu, remainder of the siege, which is in accord with the ac- “Contribution 4 lhistoire des relations économiques entre count of Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus Empire byzantin, la Sicile et le royaume de Naples de anecdotorum, I [1717, repr. 1968], cols. 1821C and 1823A, 1419 a 1453,” Studi bizantini e neoellenici, V [1939], where “le chastel be bois” is mentioned in the last 209-19, from the Atti del V congresso internazionale di

assault of 29 May.) studi bizantini [Rome, 1936]).

118 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT watched the contest from the Pera (Galata) west into a small bay, which Critobulus calls shore of the Horn. In fact, the four ships were Cold Springs (€v 7@ K6A7w Tov Voxpav drifting toward him as those aboard fought for ‘Yéatwy Kkadovpéve@), in the modern district of

their lives. Just when it seemed that Turkish Kasim Pasha just across from the midway point expectations of success were justified, the south between the ancient Byzantine acropolis and the

wind returned in splendid gusts, fillmg the Palace of Blachernae. It was all done, says the Christians’ sails and moving their harassed Pseudo-Sphrantzes, “in a single night;” if so, it vessels under the protective walls of the acropolis. bespeaks the vast manpower which the sultan

To the fury of the sultan, who shouted directions had brought to the siege.*® Mehmed had and imprecations from the shore, Balta-oghlu entered the inner harbor of Constantinople by ordered the northward withdrawal of his ships. the back door; secured his lines of communicaThat night the four vessels were brought within — tion with the Diplokionion and Rumeli Hisar; the chain, with the aid of Gabriele Trevisan and exposed the northern wall of the besieged city to his two light galleys, and Constantinople had attack; and thoroughly intimidated the Genoese more men and supplies and additional units in well-fortified and independent Pera. This was

for guard duty along the boom.*’ a development which the Greeks and Italians in

The exasperating failure of his fleet tocapture Constantinople, says Critobulus, “could never the four Christian vessels on 20 April may well have anticipated, and they were frightened out have hastened somewhat the execution of a plan which Mehmed had been entertaining for some 28 Critobulus. L 49-43 (ed. Miller. FHG. Vl 86h time. This was to transport a .sizable parted. of his Cnitobulus, I, 42—43 ¥oiy 67 PP. ships; OOD” or 88b; Grecu, pp. 115, 117), (ed. saysMuller, there >were fleet from the base of Diplokionion on the Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 27-28 (see above, note Bosporus overland to the Golden Horn. Accord- 26), 72 fuste; the Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, pp. ing to Barbaro, this remarkable feat was accom- renner ed. Grecu, pp. nes se), comments on the diver piisiee on 22 April. Mout seventy vesse’s were ships overland. and is forced to admire the vemarkable auied On various rollers and ghaers over a “strategem;” Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 970-71), 80 “bicarefully prepared roadbed from a place near remes” (fuste), and who ever saw or heard of such a thing? Tophane (south of Diplokionion) up the eastern making the land as navigable as water; Chalcocondylas, slope of the hill of Pera and down again on the bk. vi (Bonn, p. 387; ed. Darko, IH, 153), 70 ships;

re : sity of the equipment use the Turks in transporting the Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, I1, 89, seventy

——_——— biremes; Henry of Soemmern, ed. Iorga, Notes et extraits,

37 The naval battle of 20 April is described by II (1902), 310, seventy naves; and for additional sources

Critobulus, I, 39-41 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-t, pp. 84a— see Miiller’s notes to Critobulus, foc. cit. A. D. Mordtmann, 86a; ed. Grecu, pp. 109, 111, 113); Barbaro, Giornale, Belagerung u. Eroberung Constantinopels (1858), pp. 57-60, ed. Cornet, pp. 23-25; Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 268-___ rightly follows Barbaro amid the disagreement among the 70); Chalcocondylas, bk. vi (Bonn, pp. 389-90; ed. Dark6, sources. Sa‘d-ad-Din, trans. E. J. W. Gibb (1879), pp.

HI, 154-55); Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. 24-25, says that the ships were moved over the hill (of

turcica, 11, 90-91; and Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, Pera) on greased wooden rollers. Cf. lorga, Gesch. d. osman.

pp. 247-50; ed. Grecu, pp. 390, 392, 394). Reiches, 11, 25-26.

The usual discrepancies appear in these sources. Chalco- According to Tedaldi, Zagan Pasha had “seventy to condylas says that two Christian ships were involved, one’ eighty galleys as well as other armed fuste” dragged Genoese and the other Byzantine; Critobulus, three large overland from Diplokionion into the inner harbor of the merchantmen (oAKd&des) “from Italy,” sent by the pope Golden Horn, which he calls the mandraquin, i.e., in Greek [Nicholas V], and does not mention the Byzantine grain mandraki (enclosure, harbor), “which is between the two transport; Ducas, one Byzantine grain ship from the Pelo- cities” of Pera and Constantinople (Marténe and Durand, ponnesus and four Genoese merchantmen; Pseudo- Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1820D). When put together, Sphrantzes, three Genoese ships, which after leaving Chios the Turkish and Christian naval forces did not amount to met a Byzantine ship from Sicily; and Barbaro, Pusculus, seventy to eighty actual galleys. The galley was a very

and Leonardo of Chios say much the same thing. heavy and very expensive vessel, as scores of Venetian

Barbaro, p. 24, says the actual fight lasted close to three documents constantly remind us. Nevertheless, we are inhours. Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire, p. 258, in- formed by one Samile, who calls himself a “Bladick oder

correctly identifies Leonardo as “archbishop of Chios:” Bischoff,” in a letter dated 6 August, 1453, to Oswald, Leonardus Chiensis was the archbishop of Mytilene (Lesbos); burgomaster of Hermannstadt (Rumanian Sibiu, Hunaccording to Eubel, II, 198, he died before 3 December, garian Nagyszeben, the capital of Transylvania), Mehmed’s 1459, and was succeeded by one Benedetto, O.S.B. With forces “dragged with their own hands two hundred galleys some inaccuracy G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine over land for a distance of about two miles, and then

State, trans. Joan Hussey, Oxford, 1956, pp. 506-7, let them down in that part of the sea which lies be-

has written: “The Golden Horn was barred by a heavy chain — tween the two cities [of Pera-Galata and Constantinople]” which all Turkish efforts had failed to break, and it was as_ (the German text in Iorga, Notes et extraits, IV [1915], 66,

a result of such an attempt that a naval battle broke out with an Italian translation in Pertusi, Caduta di Costanon 20 April in which the imperial fleet won the day”[!]. tinopoli, 1 [1976], 229).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 119 of their senses by the unexpectedness of the thunderous blasts of Turkish cannon. Coco’s sight, and lapsed into depression and a feeling ship was immediately hit twice, and the second of utter helplessness, not knowing what to do time she went straight to the bottom with all

from now on... .”°9 aboard, “in less time than it would take to say Something had to be done. Niccolo Barbaro ten paternosters,” quanto che saria a dir diexe describes a council of war held by the Venetian paternostri.° If we may believe Barbaro, all leaders in Constantinople on 23 April, at which Coco’s crew were drowned.

Giustiniani was probably present although Barbaro In the meantime the Venetian captain Gabriele

makes no mention of him. Various plans were ‘Trevisan, in charge of one of the galleys, had discussed for destroying the Ottoman fleetinthe been advancing slowly and cautiously. Baffled by

cove on the northern shore of the Horn where the sudden explosions, he did not know what the Turks; even though they would notcome out had happened. It was impossible to see, for and fight, were a menace to the Italian and _ visibility was impeded not only by the darkness Greek ships behind the boom or “chain,” for but also by the clouds of smoke issuing from they might emerge at any hour. We have already the Turkish cannon and billowing from the noted that Barbaro says the Turks had seventy- cotton and wool on the transports which had two fuste in the cove. Ducas says eighty. It was also been hit. Trevisan’s uncertainty was quickly finally decided in the council that Giacomo resolved when his own ship was struck. She did not

Coco, master of the Venetian galley from sink, however, and the crew finally managed to Trebizond, should try to burn the Turkish fleet get her back to her anchorage. The Turkish in a nocturnal attack. The bold Coco, who had fleet now joined the fray, all seventy-two fuste volunteered to do the job, wanted to get at it says Barbaro, trying to capture the two transimmediately, but when the Genoese in Pera ports, but the men aboard them prevented their learned about it, according to Barbaro, they seizure by fighting off the attacks for an hour said they wanted to participate in the under- and a half in a contest “that was truly like hell

taking. Their request was granted. They took itself.” It had been a costly venture. The

several days to get ready (24-28 April). It is Christians had lost one or two ships and perhaps strange that the Genoese in Pera should have some eighty men, and had managed to destroy learned about the plan so quickly, even though only one Turkish ship. they were doubtless in constant touch with their The Turks had captured a number of Italians compatriots in Constantinople. The Venetian and Greeks who had swum to the Pera (Galata)

Barbaro, who hated the Genoese and dis- shore, some of them presumably from Coco’s honestly magnifies the part played by the Vene- fusta). When morning came, we are told, tians throughout the entire siege, charges that Mehmed had forty of them put to death in the podesta of Galata revealed the impending plain sight of their relatives and companions attack to Sultan Mehmed, who prepared a hot who watched from the city walls. By way of

reception for his assailants. recompense the Emperor Constantine ts alleged

In the early morning hours of 28 April, before to have ordered that two hundred and sixty it was light, two heavy transports, loaded with ‘Turkish prisoners then held in the city should bales of cotton and wool (to break the impact of | be hanged from the defense towers on the walls. the stone cannon balls if they were hit), pulled The sources tend to agree that the Genoese in

out of the harbor near the northern end of the Pera had in one way or another warned the iron-and-wooden chain. They were to serve asa Turks although the story told by Barbaro in buffer for two large galleys and three swift fuste this regard is extremely suspect. We can imagine which followed with a number of smaller boats, that the Venetians were not slow to charge their called brigantines, full of gunpowder, pitch and other incendiary materials, including Greek fire. "This expression is not to be regarded merely as Their quict progress c oward Cold Springs was picturesqueness of speech (Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. too slow for the impatient Coco, who pulled out 31; ed. Dethier, p. 760); it actually denoted a means of

of line in his fusta, anxious for glory, SayS reckoning brief periods of time. Medical recipes were in Barbaro. As Coco prepared to launch his attack, fact prepared in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries however, the silence was sudd enly broken by the by boiling the ingredients or letting them stand or applying

a caustic to a wound for the space of so many paternosters

————_———— or avemarias (cf. D’Arcy Power, Treatises of Fistula . . .

°° Critobulus, I, 43, 1 (ed. Muller, FHG, V-1, p. 87b; ed. by John Arderne, London, 1910, p. xxix, in Early English Text Grecu, p. 117). ' Society, no. 139).

120 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ancestral enemies with treachery. On the other The last days of Constantinople present a hand the Genoese declared that the whole affair historical drama of great poignancy, in which the had been badly managed from the start. The chief actors on the Christian side inevitably evoke trouble was that the Venetians simply lacked a warm sympathy and admiration because of

the acquaintance of the Genoese with such ——-__—

7 oF ways open to question.

matters (so the jibes of the Genoese are re-_ ness to gloss over Latin misdeeds, and his sources are alported); Giacomo wc had not known what he Although Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 277-79), appears to was about; the rest o the Venetians had displayed be alluding to the nocturnal attempt of Giacomo Coco, the same lack of experience; and here lay the whom he does not name, to burn the Turkish fleet, for cause of the disaster. On one occasion, however, he says that “the Genoese of Galata, learning of what before there was an exchange of blows, the Was being done, informed the Turks” (p. 277, lines 13-

emperor is said to have hurried.to. the scene re Ae as dated the yevouévns whole episode on 4 May, since on g day, hjuépas oby (p. 278, lines of the quarrel, and succeeded in making a sort 7_8), the Turks sank by cannon-fire in the harbor of of peace between the two groups: “I beg you, Galata a Genoese merchantman loaded with cargo and my brothers, remain at peace. The war outside preparing to leave for Italy (cf. Pseudo-Sphranizes, ITI, the walls is enough for you. Do not fight among 4, ed. Bonn, p. 259; ed. Grecu, p. 402), an event which

| for the10 mercy God!?"4! Barbaro, pp.Ducas 35-36; next ed. Dethier, pp. yourselves, y ° of 769-70, informs usGiornale, occurreded.onCornet, 5 May. describes

——_—_—_—_————— the building of a bridge, which Barbaro places on 19 May.

*! Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 28-33; ed. Dethier, | Ducas seems in fact to be concerned (as he says) with an pp. 754-63; Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, attempt of the Genoese Giustiniani on the Turkish fleet, and

II; 91-92, whose account is rather like that which appears so is Critobulus, I, 44 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 88; ed. in the Pseudo-Sphranitzes, III, 4 (Bonn, pp. 256-58; ed. Grecu, pp. 117, 119), who says that Giustiniani tried to Grecu, pp. 400, 402), who has added details. In the confine the Turkish ships in the cove of Cold Springs by present context, cf. Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, arraying a heavy transport and three triremes (galleys) in Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1821AB, and Chalco- battle order, but lost a trireme to the Turkish cannon, condylas, bk. vi (Bonn, pp. 387-88; ed. Darko, II, 153). and had to withdraw the other ships to a safe distance. Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in L. A. Muratori, ed., RISS, Actually, however, if we are to take Critobulus literally, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1149B, says that thirty-three men this trireme was lost on 25 or 26 May, for he goes on to were executed by Mehmed. Barbaro’s account is very hostile say (I, 45, 1) that “during these same days . . . three or

to the Genoese throughout; his charge of their treachery four days before the battle” (kata 5€ Tas abtas

might be discounted but for other evidence. Almost two ‘fpépas.... IIpo yap tptwv H tTeTapwv huEepov Tov years later, however, in a letter to Philip the Good of modéov. . . .) certain portents of disaster occurred in the Burgundy, Isidore of Kiev put in a good word for the city. Genoese as having aided the defenders of Constantinople Since Critobulus is generally well informed, it would seem

throughout the siege (see the text in Pertusi, Caduta di that he is not here describing the events of 28 April. This Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 108, letter dated 22 February, 1455, passage of Critobulus has often been used as a source for

and cf., below, note 95). these events, as by A. G. Paspates, Siege and Capture of

Ubertinus Pusculus (Pusculo) of Brescia, the epic poet of | Constantinople [in Greek], Athens, 1890, repr. 1939, pp. the siege. (Constantinopoleos libri IV), reports that, as the 119-23, who shows, however, considerable facility for Christian ships first began to move toward their objective, misreading texts. Paspates, for example, after actually quota light flared from atop the Tower of Galata, apparently ing a sentence from Ducas’s description of Giustiniani’s

as a signal to the Turks (bk. rv, vv. 585-88, 610 ff., attempt on the Turkish fleet (op. cit., p. 120, note 19),

ed. Ad. Ellissen, Analekten, III [Leipzig, 1857], Anhang, pp. _ which he attributes to “Phrantzes,” states that no author ex72-73). Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire, p. 260, says cept Critobulus mentions Giustiniani in this connection (p. that “Critobulus and Pusculus each affirm that Mahomet 121, note 20). L. Bréhier, Le Monde byzantin, I: Vie et mort

had information from Galata;” but he gives no reference de Byzance, Paris, 1947, p. 520, also assumes that when to Critobulus, for there is none to give, and Critobulus Critobulus says Giustiniani, he means Coco, having obviously says no such thing (see below). The Pseudo-Sphrantzes, acquired this impression from Pears and from G. Schlum-

III, 3 (Bonn, pp. 256-58; ed. Grecu, pp. 400, 402), berger’s Le Siége, la prise et le sac de Constantinople,

says nothing of Genoese treachery, and attributes the Paris, 1914, pp.179-—80, whose book is largely based upon Christians’ failure to bad luck and God’s punishment for that, of Pears. The latter, however, has taken pains with their sins (he notes that they destroyed only one Turkish _ the chronology, and places Critobulus’s portents of disaster trireme), but Leonardo of Chios (in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, just before 26 May (op. cit., pp. 296-97). II, 88, 92), who was a Genoese, seems to hint at treachery One need not be surprised at Barbaro’s failure to mento the Christian cause from Galata: ““O Genuenses iam _ tion Giustiniani’s action against the Turkish fleet. He conquodammodo cicurati, sileo ne de meis loquar, quos externi __sistently deprecates the contribution of Giustiniani and the

cum veritate dijudicant. . . . Sed quid dicam, beatissime Genoese to the siege (which exceeded that of the Venepater [Pope Nicholas V]? accusarene quempiam licet? tians), and actually states that the Venetians were posted at silendum mihi est.” The Genoese Adam de Montaldo, ed. _ the critical S. Romanus gate, which we know was deHopf, in Dethier, MHH, XXII-1, no. 16, p. 48, denies fended by Giustiniani and the Genoese. It must be noted, there was any treachery. The evidence in Ducas and Crito- however, that Giustiniani also took part in the attempt to bulus may be more difficult to use than Pears suspected. burn the Turkish ships on 28 April (cf. Leonardo of Chios, The Pseudo-Sphrantzes is not without a certain willing- in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, Il, 92, and in Pertusi, Caduta

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 12] their determination to fight on in the face of cristianitade.” Although the Genoese community hopeless odds. Some time after about half the in Galata professed neutrality in the struggle

Turkish fleet had been drawn over the peninsula and even friendship for the Turk,* their of Pera from the Bosporus to the Golden Horn, sympathies were entirely with the besieged. Mehmed II constructed a bridge across the Horn Their countryman Giustiniani was the very heart

near the northern corner of the city walls (below of the Christian defense. The fate of Galata the Byzantine region of Cynegion, the modern seemed clearly bound up with that of ConAyvan Saray), thus exposing the whole range of _ stantinople. As the Venetians resisted the Turks

the city’s weakly defended fortifications along from the walls of the Greek capital, however, the Horn to the constant danger of direct some of them doubtless regarded themselves as assault.” The bombardment of the landward fighting for the preservation of Galata. This walls was incessant, with its deafening roar of was an awkward position for Venetians to be in; explosion and the sickening crash of the huge it must be admitted that they fought rather for stone balls as they struck the ancient walls and their lives than for the preservation of the city; the hastily improvised palisade which Giustiniani and yet no one should disparage the valiant

had thrown up before the threatened gate of effort of Coco and Trevisan to destroy the S. Romanus. All day long the Turks shot at the Turkish ships in the harbor. The Venetians

walls, and all night long the Greeks and Italians probably had just cause for complaint against

struggled to repair them. the Genoese, whose merchants from Galata

traded with the Turks by day and the Christians

If the Venetian commanders and their sailors by night. Of course they did it for profit, but had been most reluctant to remain in the city they gave information picked up in the Turkish in the days before the siege began, as the early camp to the Christians as they sold them badly portions of Barbaro’s diary make only too clear, needed supplies. Mehmed knew what was going

they were making up for it now in their fight on, but much preferred the alleged neutrality of “prima per l’amor de Dio e poi per honor de la __ the Genoese to their armed opposition on behalf

—__—— of Constantinople. Also some of them were very

di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 142, and cf. pp. 354-55). useful to him, for it seems most probable that Pusculus, bk. Iv, vv. 606-7, ed. Ellissen, p. 73, places him he farst learned of the projected Venetian on one of the transports in Coco’s brave fiasco, but I sus- . . . pect that Critobulus may be describing and Ducas allud- attack upon his ships in the Horn, planned ing to another (and later) offensive against the Turkish for and attempted on 28 April, from a Genoese ships in which a different strategy was employed. Ducas source. Security was poor on both sides, for accuses the Genoese of treacherously informing the Turks Tedaldi states that Christians in the Turkish or Giustiniant’s attack, which is clearly a con- armyfleet. shot notes over the walls to inform usion with impending Coco’s attempt upon Mehmed’s In fact thecity . es confusion of the sources makes certainty of detail impossible. the Greeks and Italians of the decisions taken at * According to Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. the last meetings of the Ottoman high command

prac, HT, 8980. ot 30 nade pp. before the great assault —92; ed.the Grecu, . , ne ,an3 (Bonn, usculus, Constantino1 ¥on the walls on 29 May.** polis, bk. iv, wv. 579-73, ed. Ellissen, p. 72, the bridge was oo De interesting to prow ow aoe

built after the transport of the Turkish ships to the Horn Lote! - Bal ,

(which happened on 22 April, according to Barbaro). other Christians, especially technicians, were Cf. Critobulus, I, 27, and 43 (ed. Miiller, FHG, V-1, pp. serving in Mehmed’s army and in his fleet. >. 88; ye Grecu, pp. 8, a1 TTD. spaicocondylas, Not all Christians were laboring “for the honor 153, lines 25 ff.), places the construction of the bridge after of God and Christendom. . the Venetian failure to burn the ships (which happened on On 3 May at midnight the Venetians had 28 April, according to Barbaro); Barbaro, Giornale, ed. dispatched a small, swift vessel with a dozen Cornet, pp. 43-44; ed. Dethier, pp. 788-89, dates the men aboard, disguised as a Turkish corsair,

. onn, p. , lines ed. Darko, ; . 9

bridge to 19 May; and Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, p. 279, lines according to Barbaro, to find the Venetian fleet 11-12), places it after the Turkish sinking by cannon- : fire of the Genoese merchantman on 5 May (another date under the cap tain-general Jacopo Loredan and fixed by Barbaro). Ubertino Pusculo (Pusculus), cited above and elsewhere —=———————

in this chapter, was an eyewitness of the events he de- “Cf. Ducas, chap. 38 (Bonn, pp. 278-79), to which scribes in his Constantinopoleos libri IV, which he dedicated to _ other references could easily be added; the quotation comes

Pope Nicholas V. He had been living in Constantinople from Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 5; ed. Dethier, p. 702, for some time before the siege. A native of Brescia and _ et alibi. utriusque linguae doctus, Pusculo later taught Greek in the city 44 Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anec-

of his birth. dotorum, I (1717, repr. 1968), cols. 1821E—1822AB.

122 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT carry to him the last appeal of an empire hostility between Greeks and Latins, Genoese now gasping for breath. Twenty days later, on and Venetians. Always on hand somewhere were the twenty-third, the men came back, ran the the Grand Duke Lucas Notaras, Cardinal Isidore Turkish gauntlet through the Marmara, and _ of Kiev, Archbishop Leonardo of Mytilene, the

were admitted within the boom to report their historian George Sphrantzes, the Venetian sad failure to locate the fleet. Their return, physician Niccolo Barbaro, and dozens of others

possibly to death, shows something of the spirit whom the contemporary records have identified which now existed within the walls of the be- as active participants in the defense of the city, leaguered city, inspired by the heroic examples and with every century that has passed since then of Constantine XI and Giustiniani, whose tasks the pious labor of historians has dutifully

were made the more difficult by the endless recalled their names to the readers of later quarrels among the defenders, the results of times. Worthy as that task may be, however, it fatigue, strained nerves, and generations of is not the one which we have set ourselves in this volume, and some interesting episodes in ‘8 Barbaro. Giornale. ed. 34-38 46-47: ed the siege must be:omitted from these pages. arbaro, Giornale, ed.CCornet, pp. 34-35, 46-47; ed.

Dethier, pp. 766-69, 794-95. Since under his entry of 3 On 1 May and ~ m de te twelfth, "7 we have May Barbaro mentions both the dispatch of the men to search noted, the Lurks made heavy assauits on the for the Venetian fleet and their return to Constantinople landward walls, but the defenders repulsed the twenty days later, it is clear that his diary was later re- attacks,4® and day after day thereafter they cast. In his entry under 12 April he knew the siege would = discovered and destroyed tunnels which the end on 29 May Cornet, 22). All through diary dicoi d the th lis. These his comments make(ed. it clear that, asp.the defense continued the UrkS were Turk Cigging under walls. from week to week, the author knew that the city was Mining Operations were concentrated, as Bargoing to fall. Barbaro undoubtedly kepta sketchy diary from baro informs us, at the northern end of the day to day, but wrote up the account we now have after westward fortifications, in the area of the Gate his return to Venice. Although the introductory paragraph of Cali garia (now Egri Kapi), near the Comneof the diary is obviously a later addition, it sets the tone . 1 Blach h h of the whole work, a sketch of the siege of Constantinople Tan palace o ace nae, where t cre was ho “dal principio fino al finimento del aspra e passionevole foss or outer wall.*” And so the grim contest

presa soa.” | dragged on to its inevitable conclusion, because, Although on 3 May the Venetians in Constantinople 4. Barbaro says more than once. “God wanted where in the Aegean (since Barbaro says so), Loredan’s ‘° protons Me taking of the city. commission as captain-general of the sea is dated 7 May, Sultan Mehmed II received reinforcements 1453, by which date he had not left Venice (Sen. Secreta, from Asia. Every day seemed to increase his Reg. 19, fols. 193%—194%): “Nos Franciscus Foscari Dei strength and redound to his advantage. The

doubtless sent out a small vessel to locate the fleet some- t | the taki f the cit os

gratia dux Venetiarum, etc. Committimus tibi nobili viro . . -—

Jacobo Lauredano dilecto civi et fideli nostro quod .. . pagat of the besieged Brew WOTSE. The dis

vadas et sis . . . capitaneus noster generalis maris cu- 4 ected and disgruntled murmured in the

ramque et gubernationem totius classis nostre, quam ob_ Streets and squares of the city, according to reverentiam Dei, honorem Christianorum, et conserva- the Pseudo-Sphranizes, even maligning the tionem civitatis Constantinopolis paravimus, prudentie et emperor, and doubtless the sultan had not fidei committimus. . .(1902), .” Note Iorga’s summary of the; |the kevalue d thofi fa colwithin thi text in tue his Notes et extraits, III 283-85; Thiriet, OVETIOOKE a thfifth column Régestes, III (1961), no. 2922, p. 185; and cf. Sanudo, the crumbling walls. On 24 May the knowledge Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), col. 1148, and Pastor, became general in the city that Mehmed was

ons),; co. i, pel 62, and Gesch.it“ was Paps, hat aa planning an all-out attack(on on the twenty-ninth —11. Actually almost a month later wets

3 June) before the Venetian fleet, with Loredan aboard, both by land and by sea. Giustiniani embarked

had even reached Negroponte, where the first Venetian refugees from the sack of Constantinople were already =——-——— arriving (Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, I (1976], 348 *6 Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 36~37; ed. Dethier, pp. 771[note 29]). Cf. Zorzo Dolfin, Assedio e presa di Costantinopoi, 73 (on 7 May), and Cornet, p. 39; Dethier, p. 777 (on 12 ed. G. M. Thomas, in Sitzungsber. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissen. May). On 20 May the bombardment of the walls was zu Munchen, I (1868), 36: “Le gallie tre de Romania et le very heavy, and on the twenty-first the Turkish armada at

do gallie sotil . . . tirate fuora del porto circa a mezo di _Diplokionion made an ineffective attempt on the boom {i.e., about midday on 29 May] feceno vela et in 4. zorni across the harbor (op. cit., ed. Cornet, pp. 44—45). [ie., on 3 June] perveneno a Negroponte dove trovono 47 Cf. Janin, Constantinople byzantine, p. 283. The name M. Jacomo Loredan capitano zeneral cum otto gallie che Caligaria is said to have been derived from a manufacaspettavano tempo de andar a dar soccorso a Con- tory of military boots (caligae) located in the area. Accordstantinopoli, et per quella sapeno Constantinopoli esser ing to Tedaldi, Turkish miners dug fourteen tunnels under prexo dal Turco adi 28. [stc!] Mazo 1453 al levar del the walls (Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I,

sole. . . .” Dolfin’s source is Jacopo de’Languschi. col. 1821 BC).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 123 upon a last, incredible spurt of energy. He crossroads. He is also said to have been worried requested the Grand Duke Notaras to give him __ by the appearance of certain celestial phenomena the cannon which were mounted onthe northern which he superstitiously interpreted as signs of walls along the Golden Horn, where they were adverse fortune. A council of war was summoned doing little good, so that they might be employed at which the question was discussed of a great

on the palisade before the S. Romanus gate attack or the abandonment of the costly siege. where. the chief attack was expected. Notaras Khalil Pasha, the grand vizir and the most refused to give up his cannon, however, on the notable figure in the army after the young grounds that he needed them where they were, sultan, had apparently never approved of this and in the heated altercation which followed, vast undertaking against Constantinople, for Giustiniani called him a useless oaf, an accursed fear that it might bring about a coalition of fool, and the enemy of his own fatherland, to western powers which would drive the Turks

which Notaras replied in kind. Again the from Europe. He urged withdrawal from the

emperor had to calm ruffled spirits and restore Bosporus, lest something worse than the failure peace before the two leaders would go about of the siege should happen. But Zagan Pasha, their business. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes, who tells the rival and enemy of Khalil Pasha, argued this story, pays the highest tribute to the in- otherwise, saying that Alexander the Great (all domitable Giustiniani, who alone in that last this according to the Pseudo-Sphrantzes) had

week caused fear in the Turkish ranks and conquered the world with a smaller army than inflicted losses on them. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes Mehmed now had before Constantinople. He is pro-Latin, and (like Sphrantzes himself) is did not believe that any fleet was coming from the hostile to Notaras. Nevertheless, whatever hope West, where political dissension made united of ultimate safety there was in the city was action almost impossible. Even if a fleet actually

placed in Giustiniani. In these last daysa rumor should come, the sultan’s army would still spread through the Turkish camp that a fleet outnumber the westerners by more than four was on its way from Italy to Constantinople, and to one. Mehmed, who is said to have been much even that John Hunyadi was coming witha great encouraged by Zagan Pasha’s stand, directed

Hungarian army to break the siege. Now him to go among the troops and sound out their Mehmed II became the object of muttered abuse attitude, which he did, and when he returned,

among his forces on the part of those who he reported that they were eager to fight.*° believed the reports, which of course proved

ase for no Christian prince, as the good It was now the evening of 27 May, and phrantzes himself later complained with under- Sultan Mehmed II ordered that all th h th

standable bitterness, sent either a foot-soldier a meeane OFreere aa Prous © or a farthing to assist the Greeks and their night and the following day fires should be

Lat; des ininCConstantinople. nople.48 lighted, and the army should fast. On the atin comrades Mehmed II, having been informed that a

squadron of Italian ships had already reached Chios,” realized that he had reached the 50 Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 4 (Bonn, pp. 264-68; ed.

———_————. Grecu, pp. 406, 408, 410, 412), who also reports that “8 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1063AB;ed.Grecu, p. Khalil Pasha secretly informed the Emperor Constantine 102), who notes that the Serbs sent both men and money _ what had gone on in the council of war, and encouraged him

to assist the Turks; Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 4, and IV, 2 to hold out, because the fortune of war was always (Bonn, pp. 261-64, 326; ed. Grecu, pp. 404, 406, 408, doubtful (ed. Bonn, p. 269; ed. Grecu, p. 412). Leonardo of 472); and cf. Lodrisio Crivelli (Cribellus), De expeditione Chios (in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 95-96) says the same Pu papae secundi in Turcas, bk. 1, in RISS, XXXIII (1733), _ thing, and is doubtless the Pseudo-Sphrantzes’ source. The

cols. 49-50, and ed. G. C. Zimolo, in the new Muratori, charge of treason against Khalil Pasha appears to be true; RISS, XXXIII, pt. v (1948-50), pp. 49-50, on Giustiniani’s _ three days after the taking of Constantinople, Mehmed II quarrel with Notaras, which became widely known. Leo- had him imprisoned; and he was executed at Adrianople

nardo of Chios (in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, Il, 94-95) on 10 July, 1453 (Sa‘d-ad-Din, trans. E. J. W. Gibb

states that, after Giustiniani’s attack upon Notaras, the [1879], p. 35; Babinger, Maometto [1957], pp. 145, 164latter became more remiss in his efforts for the city’s 65, and cf. pp. 84-87). At the time of his execution Khalil defense, and that the Greeks resented the fact the Latins Pasha had been the grand vizir of the Ottoman empire

would get the credit if the city were saved. Paspates, (the sixth to hold the office) for some years, having Siege and Capture, p. 136, has garbled the quarrel of been appointed by Murad II before 1443. He belonged

Giustiniani and Notaras. to a family which had entertained close relations with the *8 Critobulus, I, 47 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 89b; ed. Byzantine court (Encycl. of Islam, I [1908], 834, under

Grecu, p. 121). Cendereli, and esp., ibid., II [1965], 445, under Djandarli).

124 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT evening of the twenty-eighth™ he called together forces. The admiral Hamza Beg, who had all his officers and subalterns both in the army replaced the unfortunate Balta-oghlu, was to and in the fleet to encourage them to do their harass the sea walls along the Marmara, land best in the great assault which was to come on menon the shores, and try to scale the walls with the following day. Critobulus gives us the fullest ladders. Zagan Pasha was to attack the wall

version of his supposed speech. Mehmed re- along the Golden Horn, using the seventy

minded his men of the fabulous wealth of the ships or so within the harbor. Karaja Beg was city they would conquer the next day. There to attack the northern part of the great landwere vast treasures awaiting them, he said, in ward walls where they were in ruins; Ishak the palaces, the homes of the nobility, and above Pasha and Mahmud Pasha, the long southern all in the many churches; aristocratic men and _ section where less damage had been done boys to be enslaved; beautiful women tobe taken through the weeks of bombardment. The old as wives, enjoyed as slaves, or put up for sale; Khalil Pasha, the grand vizir, and Saruja Pasha and handsome buildings, houses, and gardens_ were to attack, on either side of the sultan, the in the city which they could look forward to ruined area of the Gate of S. Romanus, where securing for themselves. “Now I give over to you Giustiniani’s palisade was not expected to withfor rapine and plunder this great and populous _ stand an assault in mass. “And now go back to city, the royal capital of the old Romans, which your tents and your divisions. Good luck! Have has advanced to the height of prosperity, good something to eat and get some sleep”!*? Although fortune, and fame, and has become the head of the points which Critobulus emphasizes in this

the civilized world. . . .” As they could see for long speech were probably those which the themselves (ws 6pare), the foss before the para- sultan made in his appeals to the army, the pet had been all filled in, and the landward walls form of the speech is as un-Moslem as possible. had been broken down in three places, through Critobulus knew his Turks; he was writing for which not only the heavy infantry but even the western readers. The brief address which the cavalry could easily pass. The besieged were few Pseudo-Sphrantzes puts in the sultan’s mouth

and badly armed. Two or three men were has a much more Moslem cast, and promises a guarding a tower. A single man had to protect three days’ sack of Constantinople. Whatever three or four crenelations (€7d@\€ets). The the nature of the sultan’s speech or speeches to Italians were unlikely to fight very long or hard, his men, the hour of decision was past, and he said, to defend a city and property that that of action had come. belonged to others. The Turks would attack in On the eve of the last assault the Emperor relays, always fresh; the defenders would be Constantine delivered his final address, an fighting continuously without food, drink, or oratio imperi funebris, to the nobility and the

rest. Mehmed urged the officers to be cou- soldiers who had participated in the last rageous and obedient. He would himself leadthe Christian procession in the city. The Turk had attack (according to Critobulus), and would see had them under siege for fifty-two days, he said, what each of them did. Then dismissing them, and had battered their walls with cannon. They

he kept their leaders longer to explain his were not to yield to fear, however, and should detailed plans for the disposition of their put their trust in God’s protection, their own strength, and their drawn swords. The Turkish a horde would attack with barbarous screams 51 Cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 5 (Bonn, p. 269, lines 6-13;

ed. Grecu, p. 412, lines 10-16); Tedaldi, in Marténe and 9————— Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1822BC. Barbaro, *? Critobulus, I, 48—51 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. 89b—

Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 48-49; ed. Dethier, pp. 798-99, 92a; ed. Grecu, pp. 123 ff.). The speech is imaginary, mentions the constant Turkish bonfires which almost turned modeled after Thucydides, of whom it contains at least two darkness into daylight from the first hour of the night of (he | reminiscences. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 5 (Bonn, pp. says) 26 May “to encourage the people in the camp.” The 269-70; ed. Grecu, pp. 412, 414), has composed a briefer weird Turkish cries could be heard as far as the Anatolian speech, with a picture of the Moslem heaven which awaited

shores, “che sun mia dodexe luntan dal campo” (according those who lost their lives, and indicates that the sultan to him). He also says that on the twenty-eighth Mehmed promised the army on oath that Constantinople would be ordered “a son de trombeta” all his commanders to their — plundered for three days, and that every soldier could keep posts for the whole day under pain of death, “e questo his own spoils. Chalcocondylas, bk. viii (Bonn, pp. 392-93; perche ... el signor Turco vuol dar doman la bataia ed. Darko, II, 157), also reports a speech to the janissaries, zeneral a questa dolente cita.” Oddly enough, Tedaldi says promising rewards for victory; cf. the poet Pusculus, bk. the Turks had no trumpets, but used “tambours,” drums _ tv, vv. 819-55, ed. Ellissen, pp. 77—78, and Leonardo of

(op. ctt., I, 1822C). Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 96-97.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 125 under a cloud of arrows. They were wild made of wood or of stone, he could not have beasts, but the defenders were men, and if they avoided grief.” About midnight of 28-29 May fought with courage, the beasts would be re- the emperor rode out from the palace to inspect

pulsed. The Turk had surrounded Galata with the landward walls. The defenders were all a pretext of peace. Now he threatened “to take at their posts that night on the walls and in the city of the great Constantine, your ancestral _ the towers. The gates were locked. It was imposhome, the refuge of Christians, the bulwark of _ sible to enter or leave the city. We are informed all Greeks, and to profane God’s sacred churches that Sphrantzes went with the emperor. When by stabling his horses in them.” With a special they returned to Caligaria, at the first cockcrow,

appeal to the Genoese and the Venetians, they dismounted and went up into a tower. They Constantine turned to the soldiers, “And you, were in the northwest corner of the city, between my fellow soldiers, obey your commanders. Blachernae and the “palace of Porphyrogenitus” Understand that this is the day of your glory. (Tekfur Saray). Below them could be heard with If you shed your blood, you will win the crown _ frightening distinctness the noise of the Turks of martyrdom and everlasting reriown!’*? But preparing for the attack. The men on the walls God seems to have been on the side of the waited in silence. Leonardo of Chios, who was heavier battalions,** unmoved by the sad cere- probably somewhere nearby, mentions the mony in Hagia Sophia on the evening before the sounds of cannon being made ready, the city’s fall.*> Only the alert angel of death heard rumbling of carts, and the racket of those

that litany of heroic sacrifice to freedom. moving the scaling ladders into prescribed

When the Greeks and Italians took their stand positions. The guards in the tower told the upon the enclosure (7epiBodos) between the emperor that the noise had been going on all (lower) outer wall and the exterior parapet, night. The shores were full of a like activity. they locked the gates leading into the city. About the sound of the second cockcrow, with

There was to be no retreat. The outer wall no sign of a signal being given, the attack and Giustiniani’s palisade would stand or began. The start of this day was like that of

they would fall with it. They could only suc- many others during the weeks now past, but the ceed or die.5® From Hagia Sophia the em-_ end was, alas, to be very different. At this point

peror had returned to the palace of Bla- Sphrantzes is said to have left his beloved

chernae, where with grave courtesy he asked master, probably never to see him again.°’ forgiveness of all who were there. Some of those

: . «6 , seudo-Sphrantzes, III, onn, pp. ~81; ed.

present are said to have been overcome with 51 Pecudo hrantzes, HL, 7 (B 979-81: ed

emouon by the scene: “Even if a man were Grecu, pp. 499. 424), whose source one would give much to

TT know; cf. Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 53 Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, HW,97-98; II, 98. Both Pseudo-Sphranizes, loc. cit., and Barbaro, GiorPseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 6 (Bonn, pp. 271~79; ed. Grecu, _nale, ed. Cornet, pp. 49 ff.; ed. Dethier, pp. 799 ff., pp. 414, 416, 418, 420, 422), reports a longer and yet very indicate that, after the preparations of 27-28 May, Mehmed similar speech, but refers to the fact that the “sultan has _ II launched the final attack upon the city in the early mornhad us under siege for fifty-seven days.” (Although Grecu ing hours of the twenty-ninth. According to Critobulus, I, has numbered the books in his edition of the Pseudo- 54 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 92b; ed. Grecu, p. 133), a signal

Sphrantzes as in the Bonn edition, he has numbered the for this attack was given by trumpet blasts on (Monday) chapters differently, on which see above, note 14.) afternoon, 28 May, when the Turks had the western sun 4 Cf. Critobulus, I, 46 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 89; ed. at their backs and the besieged had it shining in their Grecu, p. 121); Pusculus, bk. Iv, v. 1024, ed. Ellissen, eyes. Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 282-83), says that Mehmed p. 81: “. . . Auxilium deus ipse negavit.” At the conclusion began the attack on Sunday evening, 27 May, giving the of his epic Pusculus added these verses concerning him- besieged no rest that night, and continued his harassment, self (the scansion needed a little more attention): but rather less severely, until the following afternoon (the Brixia me genuit civem: Ubertinum Puscula honesta twenty-eighth) when he deployed his troops for the kill,

Gens tulit—haec ausus talia qui cecini. giving the signal in the evening at the second hour, which Me Constantini studiis urbs dulcis habebat, would appear more or less in accord with Critobulus. Cum cecidit bello: barbara praeda fui. Here, however, it seems better to follow Barbaro, who was

55 Cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 7 (Bonn, p. 279; ed. Grecu, _ in the city throughout the siege, in placing the last assault p. 422); Anonymus Moscovita, in Dethier, MHH, XXII-1, | inthe early morning hours of the twenty-ninth. The Pseudo-

p. 1113. Sphrantzes says much the same thing (III, 8, ed. Bonn, p. *> Andrea Cambini, Commentario . .. della origine 288, lines 17-19; ed. Grecu, p. 430, lines 22—24), although

de’Turchi, et imperio della casa ottomanna, ed. 1538, bk. u, _ he also regards the attack as beginning in a general way on fol. 20°, lines 16-20; cf. Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Sunday, the twenty-seventh, observing that the enemy finally

Chron. turcica, 11, 98: “. . . valvis urbis, ne quisquam retro- took Constantinople “on the third day.” On the events

cederet, clausis. . . .” which led up to and included the fall of the city, from

126 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sultan Mehmed began by sending against the arrows, stones, crossbow bolts, and cannon balls.

landward walls his poorest troops, the expend- Over the foss they charged, many of them able masses of bashi-bazuks, among whom were carrying ladders which they placed against the large numbers of Christian irregulars who _ parapet. They attacked on a broad front from the hoped to share in the rich pillage which victory palace of Porphyrogenitus to the region south would bring.*® Both Barbaro and the Pseudo- of the S. Romanus gate, where Giustiniani and Sphrantzes note that the purpose of this motley the Genoese fought valiantly to hold the palisade horde was to tire the defenders (and diminish against the undisciplined but strong attacks.

their supplies of ammunition), and yet there The bashi-bazuks were driven on by Turkish was nothing for them to do but expend the troops drawn up behind them. Maiming or strength and ammunition necessary to stop the death awaited them whether they ventured too

wild onset. The bashi-bazuks came on by the far east or west of the foss. They tried to thousands, their approach covered by volleys of climb the parapet on ladders and on one another’s shoulders. The ladders were pushed backwards from the parapet, and crashed to the 27 May to about noon and somewhat later on the twenty- ground amid the screams of the attackers and ninth, see Barbaro, ed. Cornet, pp. 49-57; ed. Dethier, pp. the triumphant shouts of the defenders, who 799-821; and cf. Critobulus, I, 54-68 (ed. Miller, FHG, threw stones down upon therr assailants, so that

y i" pp. 935 8b ed. Grecu, pp. on ffs Pseudo- few of those who reached the walls escaped with 492-32): Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 282-96); and Chal- men lives. ¢ was still he car oe horn ca ¥ cocondylas, bk. vur (Bonn, pp. 393-99; ed. Darké, II, € roar oO cannon, t € Drare Of horns an

phrantzes, III, 7-8 (Bonn, pp. -~90; ed. Grecu, pp. “7 I learlv.

158-63). Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1061AB; ed. trumpets, the screeching and cursing of men, Grecu, pp. 96, 98), says suspiciously little about the siege of the bells ringing the alarm on the walls and which he was an eyewitness; one would like to believe at jn the nearby churches, all caused a fearful din. or redactor of Pseudo-Sphrantzes’ text, had access to an After some two hours of vigorous, ever cou expanded memoir of Sphrantzes, the emperor’s friend and Tageous assault, more than once involving hand-

this point that Macarius Melissenus-Melissurgus, the author , . 7

last companion. to-hand fighting, the bashi-bazuks were allowed In this last connection, see Margaret Carroll, “Notes on to withdraw, their numbers decimated and their the Authorship of the ‘Siege’ Section of the Chronicon .

Maius of the Pseudo-Phrantzes, Book III,” Byzantion, XLI ardor jupdued. h here nae pen Tigatenes (1971), 28-44, and XLII (1972), 5-22, who believes that aggar Ss among t em, ut they a serve we

Macarius Melissenus (or rather Melissurgus) did in fact have their purpose of tiring the bodies, daunting

a more detailed version of Sphrantzes’ memoir in hand the spirits, and disordering the ranks of the when he produced the Chronicon matus. She makes capital of intrepid Greeks and Italians on the broken walls.

the strange omission from both the Chronica minus and Bef the defend Id der; h

maius of any mention-of the several embassies exchanged 2etore € cetenders cou erive = muc

between Constantine XI and Mehmed from the latter’s Satisfaction from their successful repulse of the accession in 1451 to March, 1453, although we find one bashi-bazuks, Mehmed ordered out the more

or more of these embassies referred to by Leonardo of determined and disciplined troops of his

Chios,an Critobulus, Ducas, and Chalcocondylas, . ses . : ee ; Anatolian division, whichwhom had Macarbeen stationed

ius used in his description of the siege. Mrs. Carroll also . h h

dwells on the hostility shown by Sphrantzes in the Chronicon through most of the siege on the sout ern minus for Lucas Notaras, which animus receives even more (right) end of the Turkish lines, opposite the extensive expression in the Chronicon maius, although Ma- Gate of Regium (or of “Polyandros,” the carius could hardly have entertained any personalenmity for modern Yenimevlevihane Kapi). The Anatolians

Notaras a century and a quarter after the events he moved northward over the hills into the Lycus describes. Macarius’s account contains many convincing, ove ortnward ove em y

note 206. I :

circumstantial details which it is hard to believe he could Valley, poised for attack against the northern have invented unless he were a novelist of immense talent. Mesoteichion. The great cannon was directed On Macarius, see the first volume of this work, Chapter 13, against the palisade, causing it severe damage.

58 According to Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 51-52; c was f, ot el light. The aan bells a fece far tre schiere de le sue zente, a cinquanta millia posts. Women, children, and the aged carried persone per schiera; una schiera si iera de Cristiani stones to the defenders. The Anatolians made ed. Dethier, p. 805: “Questo Signor Turco [Mehmed II] si ringing trantica Yo summoning ali men tot err

[the bashi-bazuks!], i qual steva per forza in nel campo; la _ their way in large numbers to the parapet,

seconda schiera si iera delazente menuda . . .si [the jacing ladders Anatolian division]; terza schiera iera tutitheir ianizari . . against . . . . it, and trying to

homeni zernidi e valenti a la bataia, e driedo questi ianisari climb up and over it. Their best efforts were si iera tuti i subasi, e driedo questi si iera el Signor Turco.” not enough; the Greeks and Italians drove them

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 127 back to the foss.®® The besieged had exerted an Ottoman attacks. Now it was time for the élite almost superhuman effort, and now the force of corps of heavy infantry and especially for the the Anatolians’ attack was spent. The hours had _ redoubtable janissaries.™

been full of terror and passed slowly for those Mehmed sent the janissaries into the attack

in the city. with chosen infantrymen, bowmen, lancers, and

More than once Barbaro observes that the members of his own bodyguard without allowing continuous bombardment of the landward walls the besieged a moment’s respite. They came, was like “something from the other world,’ says Barbaro, “not as Turks but as lions,” with una cossa de laltro mondo.® The city had also terrible cries and trumpet blasts. This also was been under constant attack elsewhere, however, like “something from the other world,” the as Critobulus emphasizes in his biography of noise being heard as far as the shores of Anatolia, Sultan Mehmed. The Turkish admiral, Hamza _ which Barbaro says were a dozen miles from

Beg, was ranging the Marmara walls, shooting the Turkish camp. Terror gripped all the at them from the decks of his ships, looking inhabitants of the city. The bells were ringing, for a weak spot to exploit. Zagan Pasha had __ both those in the churches and the special alarms

crossed the bridge over the Golden Horn to on the walls. Prayers were addressed to God to attack the city’s northern walls from the harbor. spare Constantinople the rule of pagans. The While his infantry climbed up toward the walls great Turkish cannon which shot stones weighalong the Horn, archers and fusiliers covered ing 1,200 pounds was still directed at the palisade them with a barrage from his ships which sailed before the S. Romanus gate. The janissaries

back and forth in the Horn, doubtless well attacked in a fury, especially in this area, and protected from the Christian vessels in the “the fierce battle lasted until daybreak.” Barbaro harbor by the Turkish cannon mounted on the improperly assigns the spirited defense of

Galata shore. Zagan Pasha’s men, however, were the S. Romanus gate and the palisade to the quite unable to scale the city walls. Inthe mean- Venetians, but every eyewitness saw Giustiniani time Karaja Beg’s division had struck across the and the Genoese repelling the Turks at this focal

foss at the northern stretch of the landward point of attack. “It was of no avail, however,” walls between Tekfur Saray and the Gate of says Barbaro, “because the eternal God had Charisius or Adrianople, where previous can- already rendered his judgment that this city nonading had made a serious breach, but they — should pass into the hands of the Turks.” were vigorously opposed by a Genoese contingent At an hour before dawn, which would be about under the three brothers Bocchiardi. Ducas says 4:00 A.M., the great cannon was fired again, with that fifty Turks got into the city at this point, but’ a foul abundance of powder, which sent black his account is not without some measure of con- smoke billowing around the battered palisade, fusion.*' The defenders had done incredibly — part of which now came down. Dust rising from

well, and Critobulus reports that Mehmed was the débris mingled with the smoke, and “one indignant at the failure of the successive could hardly see a thing,” qguaxi non se vedeva nula. The heavy infantrymen and janissaries 59 Pears, Destruction of the Greek Empire (1903), p. 338, says plunged through the smoke, and about three that in the attack of the Anatolian division 300 Turks climbed hundred of them cut and thrust their way into

over the parapet into the peribolos (near the S. Romanus the enclosure behind the parapet, deniro dai gate). He is confusing this attack with that of the janissaries and heavy reserves, which came later: Barbaro, —————— Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 52; ed. Dethier, p. 807, specifically ® Critobulus, I, 56-57 (ed. Muller, FHG, V-1, p. 93; ed. says that the Anatolian troops, whom he identifies only as__Grecu, pp. 135, 137); on Zagan Pasha, cf. Barbaro, Giornale,

“la segonda schiera,” did not succeed in penetrating the ed. Cornet, p. 56; ed. Dethier, pp. 817—18; on the Genoese

walls, e non poder [intra]. brothers Paolo, Troilo, and Antonio Bocchiardi,¢f. Leonardo

6° Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 50; ed. Dethier, p. 801. of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, H, 93. According to ? According to Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 282, 285-86), Barbaro, loc. cit., the Turkish armada under Hamza Beg

just before the Turks finally broke through into the city in raised anchor at Diplokionion and sailed at “one hour before mass, they effected an entry by an unguarded postern . daybreak” (daybreak would come about 5:00 a.m. in May) gate, known as the Circus Gate (Kerkoporta), which was toward the boom or “chain” across the entrance to the harbor, below one end of the palace of Porphyrogenitus (Tekfur — which they found well guarded by the ten Christian ships sta-

Saray), on which cf. Miller’s note to Critobulus, I, 60 tioned there. Troilo and Antonio Bocchiardi [Buciardi,

(FHG, V-1, pp. 94-95); Pears, Destruction of the Greek Buzzardi] were still active in February, 1461 (R. Predelli,

pp. 282-83. no. 73, pp. 142-43).

Empire, pp. 341—44; and esp. Janin, Constantinople byzantine, ed., Regesti det Commemoriali, V [Venice, 1901], bk. xv,

128 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT barbacani, but in a fierce struggle the Greeks and As usual in most matters relating to the siege, Italians on the peribolos closed in on them and __ our authorities differ concerning the details of

killed most of them. While the exhausted Giustiniani’s fateful withdrawal from the pal-

defenders were congratulating themselves on isade. According to Leonardo of Chios (and the this success, the monstrous cannon spoke again, Pseudo-Sphrantzes), Giustiniani quietly aban-

belching forth black smoke, under the conceal- doned his post when he was injured, in a ment of which the Turks charged again, “like strange reversal of his previous steadfastness. dogs . . . all of them mad.”® They pressed so He wanted a physician, and left the scene of hard upon one another that within a quarter of combat without a word of reassurance to those an hour, we are told, more than 30,000 Turks with him and without turning over his command had climbed the parapet (dentro dai barbacant), toa lieutenant, who might have tried to prevent

and soon there were 70,000 of them in the the panic which ensued as a result of his enclosure, presumably in the long section of the departure. The Emperor Constantine is said to

peribolos before the S. Romanus gate. (Both have been in the peribolos at this time and, figures are absurd.) Although many Turks had learning the cause of the too obvious consternabeen killed by the stonesthrown uponthem from tion, apparently hurried after Giustiniani: “My above, there was no halting the onslaught once _ brother, why have you done this? Return to your

they had reached the upper level of the station. This wound is but a trifle. Go back, for

enclosure. now there is the more need of you. The city is The stars were fading in the heavens, says depending upon you for salvation!” The Pseudothe Pseudo-Sphrantzes, and it was becoming Sphrantzes says that Giustiniani made no reply lighter. In the east was seen the reddish glow to the emperor’s remonstrance, but left the of morning. As night gave way to day, the walls, and made his way to Pera (Galata), where Christians had so far managed to drive back the he died in the bitterness of self-reproach and

first attacks. As Leonardo of Chios puts it, the scorn of others. The fame which he had

“Tenebrosa nox in lucem trahitur, nostris vincentibus,”™ but now “our men” were no longer

winning. The attacks of the janissaries, ready back of the hand. Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, p. 395, «cs ” lines 2—3; ed. Darko, II, 159, lines 11—12), also says he was and rested, were too heavy, and our m en. were wounded in the hand, and Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, weary beyond endurance. At this critical point Chron. turcica, I, 98, places the wound sub asella, “below in the battle Giustiniani was wounded, apparently the armpit.” In any event it seems unlikely that all the three

by an iron or lead bolt from a _ crossbow. hundred Genoese stationed at the palisade with Giustiniani

Critobulus says the bolt throughofhisChios, could have withdrawn him “armor all.” Cf., . .went eonardo ibid., II, 93:with “Iuxta ergo and se eodem breastplate; he fell in his tracks, and Was capitaneo [lustiniano] cum tercentis commilitonibus Ge-

promptly removed to his tent in serious condi- nuensibus posito, splendidis refulgentibus armis . . . circa tion (KAKWS EXD). His men were. stunned the illam parter murorum Sancti Romani ' magisbyurgebat pugna, Imperator stetit.”reparatorum, ubi

blow, and thought only of getting him aboard oF Pcoutto. Sphrantees, int 7 (Bonn, pp. 283-84; ed. one of his galleys and clearing out themselves. Grecu, p. 426). For material relating to the Latins, the The Emperor Constantine tried to dissuade Pseudo-Sphrantzes (or rather Macarius Melissenus-Melisthem from leaving the walls, but they went — surgus) drew heavily upon Leonardo of Chios’s letter to anyway, armor and all, hurrying to put Giustini- Pope Nicholas V. Leonardo was a Genoese of Chios, like

ani on one.of65 theatter’s galleys and seeking safetyfrom piustimant, but speaks in “Inter obvious disapprobation the withdrawal the palisade: haec malo of urbis

aboard ship themselves. fato, heu Iohannes Iustinianus sagitta sub asella configitur:

qui mox inexpertus iuvenis sui sanguinis effusione pavidus

OOO perdendae vitae concutitur. Et ne pugnatores qui vulneratum °’ Barbaro, Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 54, ed. Dethier, p. ignorabant virtute frangantur, clam medicum quaesiturus ab 810: “. . . come ccani . . . tutiin furia. .. .” acie discessit. Qui si alium suo loco surrogasset, salus

** Pseudo-Sphranizes, III, 7 (Bonn, p. 281, lines 4-7; ed. _ patriae non periisset. Pugnam inter haec arduam comGrecu, p. 424, lines 4—5); Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. mittunt. Imperator ut vidit deesse capitaneum ingemiscens turcica, II, 98. (In Constantinople on 29 May the sun rose quo scilicet ierit percunctatur. Nostri ut se vident sine duce at 6:23 a.m.) Cf. Pusculus, bk. rv, v. 889, ed. Ellissen, p. 78. __resilire e locis incipiunt. Teucri convalescunt, horror nostris

® Critobulus, I, 58 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 94b; ed. incutitur,” etc. (in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 98-99, with a Grecu, pp. 137, 139). The sources contain their usual slightly different text in Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, variations. Pusculus, bk. 1v, v. 975, ed. Ellissen, p. 80, says I [1976], 160, and on the whole episode see, ibid., pp. that Giustiniani was wounded in the upper arm (percussus 362-63). In a well-known address delivered before Alfonso glande lacertum); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 7 (Bonn, p. 283, V of Aragon in Naples in late January, 1454, Niccold lines 17-19; ed. Grecu, p. 426, lines 9-10), in the right Sagundino says that Giustiniani was wounded twice, foot; Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, p. 284, lines 14-15), in the duobusque acceptis vulneribus (Pertusi, II, 134).

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 129 gained by fortitude, observes the Pseudo- the defense. Exhausted men left their posts on Sphrantzes, he thus lost by cowardice.” the walls and fled. Almost everyone thought of According to Ducas, however, Giustiniani the ships in the harbor as the only remaining

could not bear the pain and told the emperor means of escape. The Emperor Constantine was that he was going to one of his ships for killed, as were most of those who stood by him treatment, and would return with all speed.® to the end.” Leonardo of Chios, who gives us a full account

of Giustiniani’s leaving the palisade, informs us Now the Turks got into the city, especially

that he answered the emperor’s appeal to through the little gate which had been opened

remain with the request, “Give my man the key to permit Giustiniani’s withdrawal.” Soon they to the gate.” It was opened, and Giustinianiand were streaming in by the thousands, intent upon a number of his followers crowded through it: pillage, through the Gate of Charisius as well

“The captain fled to Pera, and afterwards as that of S. Romanus, killing all whom they sailed to Chios, but departed this life in- encountered. According to Ducas, the Turks

gloriously as a result either of his wound or of slew about 2,000 men. They had believed that grief.” Giustiniani’s departure was the end of the defenders of the city numbered at least

eS 50,000, but if they had realized that this number The Pseudo-Sphrantzes reports the emperor’s speech to Was in fact only about 8,000, they would not have

Giustiniani from Leonardo, loc. cit., “At ille salutis, gloriae, killed any one.

suique oblitus, uti altam quidem primo magnanimitatem, ita ; . posthac pusillanimitatem ostendit. Debuit enim, si poterat, For this people is so avaricious that if a father’s

vulneris dolorem sufferre, non recedere: si vir erat a seipso, murderer fall into their hands, they release him vel saltem alium qui stetisset, loco sui surrogare,” etc. Cf.

Adam de Montaldo, ed. Hopf, in Dethier, MHH, XXII-1,.. ——_

pp. 49-50, 55. Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. della nave del tempio in una sua capella nella quale avanti

novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1822F, notes that at the time of the — la presa dell’Isola si vedea la sua sepultura, in marmore

final Turkish attacks the city had placed its hope in elevata, con questo epigramma: ‘Hic iacet Joannes JustiGiustiniani’s valiance. Pusculus, bk. 1v, vv. 976-78, ed. nianus, inclitus vir ac Genuensis patricius Chiique maunensis,

Ellissen, p. 80, says that Giustiniani left his post after being qui in Constantinopolis expugnatione a principe Tur-

wounded, either from fear of the Turks or because of the chorum Mehemet, serenissimi Constantini Orientalium ultimi

acuteness of his pain: Christianorum imperatoris magnanimus dux, lethali vulnere

Ac se subripuit pugnae, navesque petivit, icto interiit, anno a partu Virginis M.IIII V [sic], VIII Sive metu Teucrum seu vulnere abactus acerbo, Kal. Augusti.’” S. Domenico, later called S. Maria del

Deseruitque locum. .. . Castello, was within the precincts of the castle of Chios; after

87 Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 4 (Bonn, p. 263, lines 17-18; the Turkish occupation, in 1566, it was converted into a

ed. Grecu, p. 406, line 32). mosque. On the Latin churches and monasteries in the *8 Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, p. 284, lines 17-20), who also —_ Castro, cf. Aimilia K. Sarou, To Kaortpov ths Xtov, Athens,

declares that Giustiniani was on shipboard when he learned 1916, pp. 46, 93 ff., 100, 104-5. Giustiniani’s inscription is

of the Turkish entry into Constantinople and of the — no longer extant (cf. F. W. Hasluck, “Latin Monuments of emperor's death (zbid., pp. 295-96). The dishonest Barbaro, Chios,” Annual of the British School at Athens, XVI [1909Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 55; ed. Dethier, p. 813, says that 1910), 155; Argenti, Occupation of Chios, I [1958], 203, note;

Giustiniani fled to his ship, broadcasting the fact that the 368; 559). Turks had entered the city: “Vedando questo [the Turkish © Critobulus, I, 60 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 95b; ed. penetration of the parapet in force], Zuan Zustignan, Grecu, pp. 139, 141); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, zenovexe da Zenova [actually he was from Chios], se 1061B; ed. Grecu, pp. 96, 98); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 9 delibera de abandonar fa sua posta [per esser ferito de (Bonn, pp. 290-91; ed. Grecu, p. 432); Ducas, chaps. 39 freza is written by a later hand in the margin of the MS.], (Bonn, pp. 286-87, 296), 40 (p. 300); Chalcocondylas, bk. e corse a la sua nave, che iera sta messa a la cadena... .”. vir (Bonn, p. 395; ed. Dark6, II [1927], 159-60); Barbaro, Cf. Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anec- Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 57; ed. Dethier, p. 820; Leonardo of dotorum, 1 (1717, repr. 1968), col. 1823A, who says that Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, H, 99; Pusculus, bk. rv, wv. Giustiniani was “blechié d’une couleuvrine, s’en partipourse 1007-16, ed. Ellissen, Analekten, III, Anhang, p. 81; Tedaldi,

faire mediciner, et bailla sa garde a.deux gentils hommes in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. Jennevois,” but that the men on the walls fled before the 1823C. Sa‘d-ad-Din, trans. E. J. W. Gibb (1879), pp. 30-31,

Turkish attack, “et ainsi les Turcs entrerent en Con- has no difficulty imaging an unworthy end for the last stantinople a l’aube du jour, le XXIX jour de May.” Byzantine emperor, “that monarch of evil custom;” his

69 Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, I1, 99. Giustiniani account of the decapitation of the emperor, however, is was buried on the island of Chios in the church of S. _ rather like that of Pusculus. Domenico (in the Castro). His funerary inscription is ap- 7! Critobulus, I, 60-61 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 95b; ed. parently known only from Hieronimo Giustiniani’s History Grecu, pp. 139, 141, 143), and cf., below, the letter of of Chios [Istoria di Scio, scritta nell’anno 1586 |, edited from Angelo Giovanni Lomellino, podesta of Pera, to his brother; the MS. in the Archivio di Stato di Roma, Fondo Giustiniani, G. M. Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ion Ursu, Bucharest, Busta 130, fasc. 3, by Philip P. Argenti, Cambridge, 1943, 1909, pp. 19-20; and Sp. P. Lambros [Lampros], Ecthesis

p. 418: “Fu sepolto [il Giustiniano] in la chiesa di Santo chronica, London, 1902, pp. 12-16, a sixteenth-century Dominico a man sinistra intrando appresso nella gran porta _— source.

130 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT for gold—how much the more, then, one who has_ well as Christians were slain, and the bodies were

done no injury, but has himself been injured by the thrown into the Marmara where they floated, Park After the war I talked with many Turks who says the Venetian diarist, “as melons float 0 d me how in fear of Mose an me non ranks we through the canals.” stew Hose whom we met, but it we had known there The Byzantine historians found in the fall of

was such a dearth of men inand thethe city, we end would have ;.; : 172 Constantinople tragic of the empire

sold them all like cattle! .; :; ;

a subject worthy of their pens, and in the fulsome

The Turks immediately began their frantic tradition of Byzantine rhetoric they dilate upon search for gold, jewels, and other valuables. the atrocities of that ghastly morning of 29 May. Ducas indicates that among the first monasteries Critobulus declares that the Turks killed the to be looted were those of S. John the Baptist inhabitants of the city in a senseless slaughter,

called the “Petra” and of S. Salvator in Chora venting their rage upon defenseless men, (Kariye Jami), which lay just within the Gate of women, and children for the hardships of the Charisius.”* It was now about 6:00 a.m. or shortly siege and the insults which had been hurled at

thereafter, and some two hours later the Turks them from the walls. The treatment of the reached the fora of Taurus and Constantine.’ women was appalling, and the old men, boys, The imperial and Latin standards had been priests, and nuns were savagely manhandled and lowered, and the banner of the crescent raised dragged off into slavery, while “ten thousand over the captured towers and over at least other crimes were committed” (G@AAa popia one of the historic columns in the city. As the eipyaopéva dSeuvé&:).”© The churches were robbed terrified inhabitants fled before them, the victors of gold and silver chalices, precious reliquaries, broke into all the monasteries and the shops, look- and robes embroidered with gold, jewels, and

ing for loot. ‘The women, including nuns, were _ pearls. The holy tables were wrenched from rounded up, and loaded on the Turkish ships or their foundations and overturned. Relics were dragged off to the camp outside the walls for desecrated. Even the graves of those long dead

safer keeping. To stake out a house and its were opened in the expectation of gain or contents as his possession, a Turk would raise his _ the desire for ghoulish sport. Critobulus informs banner (bandera) over it, and “as other Turks saw — us that sacred and divine books, as well as those that banner raised over it,” says Barbaro, “noone on profane learning and philosophy, were con-

of them would think of entering the house, but signed to the fire, trampled under foot, or sold

went on looking for a house which had no_ for a song as a gesture of contempt for their banner. . . .” Banners were also raised over the contents.”" According to Ducas, books without monasteries and churches, according to Barbaro,

and “I think that throughout Constantinople =——-W¥ there would have been found 200,000 [!] such daily access to good sources of information. On the whole banners over all the houses. . . .’” Turks as his figures are rather less fantastic than those of most of our other authorities, but in the present passage of course he has

40,000 more banners flying than his previous estimate of

TT the size of the Turkish army (160,000 men). On the Con” Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 287-88; ed. Grecu [1958], | queror’s grants of houses to Turks, Greeks, and others, and

p. 361). his imposition of rents on “state-owned” land and proper3 Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, p. 288, lines 3-6). ties, see Halil Inalcik, “The Policy of Mehmed II toward Cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn, p. 397; ed. Dark6, the Greek Population of Istanbul and the Byzantine

II, 161), who says there was a Greek legend that, when Buildings of the City,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XXUIinvaders reached the Forum Tauri, they would be driven XXIV (1969-70), 231-49. back, and Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 289-90), who tells a 6 Critobulus, I, 61 (ed. Miiller, FHG, V-1, p. 96a; ed.

similar story. Grecu, pp. 141, 143). Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. 75 Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 57; ed. Dethier, pp. 819-20. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1823B, says that the Turks “mistrent

Dethier is unduly harsh in his judgments on Barbaro, for a mort tout ce qu’ils faisoient a eulx resistance.” On the whom he entertained an almost personal antipathy. Un- ‘Turkish desecration of crosses torn from the walls of doubtedly Barbaro makes a number of ridiculous state- churches, violation of women, mocking of the Christian faith, ments, and his misrepresentation of the facts is sometimes _ etc., see Leonardo of Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II, 100.

scandalous, especially in his denigration of the Genoese 7 Critobulus, I, 62 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 96b; ed. and in his mendacious accounts of Venetian exploits. Asa = Grecu, pp. 143, 145). The Franciscans lost their library in

physician on a Venetian galley in the harbor, Barbaro was Constantinople, and Leonardo of Chios, archbishop of probably not in the city very much. Nevertheless, he re- Mytilene, bought two of their missals, a breviary, and some mains our best source for the siege of Constantinople, other books from the Turks! (Pastor, Hust. Popes, II, especially for the chronology of events. He must have append., no. 22, pp. 524-25, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1 [repr. treated many a man injured in action, but oddly enough he 1955], append., no. 55, pp. 843-44), a fact which Leonardo never once refers in his entire diary to his activities as a does not mention in his letter to Nicholas V on the fall of physician. He was a person of some consequence, and had Constantinople.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 131 number were loaded on carts and scattered to them. Words fail the eloquent Ducas as he recalls the east and west. Ten books were sold for a_ the dreadful scene. The gold and silver vessels single nomisma—Aristotles, Platos, the theo- were stolen, the icons and holy table desecrated,

logians, and every kind of book. Gold and and the famous church stripped bare. Here was silver bindings were torn from the most the fulfillment of the prophecy of Amos (3:15), beautiful gospels, which were then sold or “And I will smite the winter-house with the thrown away.”® The Turks searched in the summer-house; and the houses of ivory shall churches and shrines, old vaults and tombs, _ perish, and the great houses shall have an end, underground porticos, cellars, and cisterns, saith the lord.’’®° hidden retreats and caves, and in every place When it was clear that the Turks had captured where valuables might be concealed or people the city, Angelo Giovanni Lomellino, the

hiding.” There was no escaping. Genoese podesta of Pera, closed the gates of

In those first hours of peril and horror the Galata on the harbor side. In doing so, he shut poor inhabitants of the city thought only of in Alvise Diedo, Venetian captain of the galleys celestial aid. Men and women, monks and nuns, from Tana; Bartolo Furian, armorer of the

fathers and mothers carrying infants flockedinto same galleys; and the diarist Barbaro, el miedego the great church of Hagia Sophia. The portals de le galie, to whose partisan account we owe a were locked against the invading infidel. Now good deal of our knowledge of the last days and only a miracle could save those who sought hours of Byzantium. The Venetians had gone refuge in the church which they had called over to Galata to consult with the podesta when

“but yesterday and the day before a pit and there was no longer any hope of the city’s

altar of heretics,” the resort of unionists and withstanding the attacks of the early morning Catholics. For the pro-Latin historian Ducas the hours of the twenty-ninth. Barbaro as usual plight of the populace was the judgment of accuses the Genoese of treachery, saying that God being rendered on those who had been say-__ they intended to turn over the Venetian galleys

ing only a few days before that it would be and their cargoes to the Turks. Diedo talked “better to fall into the hands of the Turks than _ his way out, however, and he and his companions those of the Franks.” Shortly after 7:00 a.M., the rejoined their ships, which were already under

Turks reached Hagia Sophia in their wild sail, preparing to leave without the captain.

career of carnage. They:broke open the locked Breaking the iron-and-wooden chain with axes, doors with axes, entered with drawn swords, and _ they sailed into the Marmara and anchored near

enslaved the multitude like so many sheep. Diplokionion, where the Turkish fleet had itself Beautiful nuns, the mistress with her maid- been stationed only hours before. They waited servant, the master with his slave, the archi- a little while for any Venetian merchant who mandrite with his doorkeeper, young men and _ might reach them, but Barbaro says that none nobly born girls—all were dragged off to places managed to do so. The Florentine merchant of safekeeping by the plundering Turks, who Jacopo Tedaldi, however, who has also left us returned a second and even a third time to get a brief account of the siege, reached the Venemore of this human booty, with none to gainsay tian ships, presumably before they had passed beyond the chain. Having been fighting on the a78wall near where the Turks entered the city, Ducas, chap. 42 (Bonn, p. 312). After his escape to Tedaldi succeeded in escaping to the shore, Candia on the island of Crete, Isidore of Kiev discussed the removed his clothes, and swam out to the galleys, literary losses with the Venetian humanist Lauro Querini which took him aboard.®! (Quirini), who wrote Nicholas V from Candia on 15 July

(1453) that 120,000 Greek manuscripts (librorum volumina) = ~~ of works both sacred and profane were destroyed in the 8 Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, pp. 289-93); cf. Leonardo of sack of Constantinople (Agostino Pertusi, “Le Epistole Chios, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, I1, 100, who is briefer but storiche di Lauro Quirini sulla caduta di Costantinopoli e no less rhetorical than Ducas; Critobulus, I, 66, 2 (ed. Miller,

la potenza dei Turchi,” in P. O. Kristeller, K. Krautter, FHG, V-1, p. 98a; ed. Grecu, p. 147); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, A. Pertusi, G. Ravegnani, H. Roob, and C. Seno, Lauro’ III, 8 (Bonn, pp. 289-90; ed. Grecu, pp. 430, 432); Quirint umanista: Studi e testi, Florence, 1976, p. 227, cited Chalcocondylas, bk. vin (Bonn, p. 397; ed. Dark6, II, 161). by Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 381 [note 25]). Cardinal Isidore of Kiev also wrote a Lamentatio on the fall

* Critobulus, I, 66 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 98a; ed. of Constantinople, which has been published by P. A. Grecu, p. 147). On the Turks’ desecration of the tombs in Dethier, in the Monumenta Hungariae historica, XXI, pt. 1

their search for plunder, note the address (in 1455?) of (1872), pp. 687-95 (cf., below, note 95). Giacomo Campora, bishop of Caffa, to Ladislas Postumus of 1 Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus anecBohemia and Hungary, in Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopol, dotorum, I, col. 1823CD: “Les gallées Venitiennes de voyage

I (1976), 192, 194. de Romanie et de Trapesonde demourerent la jusques a

132 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT At midday Diedo set sail with the Tana Genoese galleys that Giustiniani lay, wounded galleys. Girolamo Morosini followed in his galley. and heart-broken, dying upon arrival at Chios.

Then the Trebizond galley got under way, but The battle for Constantinople had lasted from she had trouble because she was short 164 men, _ well before dawn until about noontime, after who had been drowned, killed by cannon-fire, which the Christians were generally imprisoned

and otherwise lost in the fighting. Gabriele rather than killed. According to a note added

Trevisan’s light galley sailed; he was left behind _ to the text of Barbaro, “sixty thousand prisoners

as a Turkish prisoner. A galley from Candia were taken, and the Turks found infinite

under Zaccaria Grioni also set out, but was _riches.”®? Leonardo of Chios states that, after the

quickly captured by the Turks. Three other

vessels from Candia, armed merchantmen, a sailed off with the Venetians, and with a favor- of Crete to assist him to pay his debts to certain Jews,

. who must not be allowed more than ten per cent interest

able (north) wind passed through the Dardanelles (Thiriet, Régestes, HI [1961], no. 2950, p. 193). Three years to safety, arriving 1n Crete a month later. The _ later (on 16 November, 1456) Antonios Philomatis (Filomati)

crews of the Turkish ships were sharing in the and his brother Markos were authorized by the Senate to pilla ge of the fallen city. “Within the harbor purchase 40,000 measures of wheat in Apulia for shipment there remained fifteen ships of the Genoese, the yyy no. 3096 p. 214) emperor, and the Anconitans, including all five Giornale, ed. Cornet, p. 59; ed. Dethier, p. 825. The galleys of the emperor, which had been dis- Venetians’ losses alone were 200,000 ducats, to which must armed, all Candia the other vessels in theDolfin, harbor pe Assedio added another 100,000 di ducats lost by their compatriots . .and . of (Zorzo e presa Costantinopoli, ed. remained there, both ships and galleys, which G. M. Thomas, in Sitzungsber, d. A bayer. Akad. a. Wissen could not get away, all being captured by the 5, Miinchen, I [1868], 37; Sanudo, Vite de'duchi, in RISS,

. . to Crete, where there was a very serious shortage (zid.,

Turks.” Besides these fifteen, however, seven XXII, col. 1151A; W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant

Genoese ships, which had been near the chain, 4 moyen-age, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II [Leipzig, 1886, did escape, as well as another from Pera, setting "CP" 1967], 308-9). Tedaldi, Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col.

‘lin th . h fter the hastv d > ~—s«1823E states, “On estime que le butin de Constantinople

sall in the evening, ; ours after the Nasty depar vault aux Turcs quatre millions de ducas. . . .” Tedaldi, ture of the Venetians, whose valor the loyal however, sets the Venetian loss at 40—50,000 ducats; that Barbaro praises from one end of his diary tothe of the Florentines, 20,000; that of the Anconitans, more

other.®2 It must have been in one of these seven than 20,000; while the Genoese loss was beyond calculation

(cf. Heyd, loc. cit.). Some forty-seven Venetians were killed

rs or captured (cf. Sanudo, op. cit., col. 1150B, and the lists of midy, attendans pour sauver aucuns Chrestiens, dont iien names appended to Barbaro’s diary, which present problems est venu ung, entre lesquieulx fut cestuy Jacques Tedaldy, qui _ that need not be considered here). On the captives and the

estant sur le mur en sa garde de la part ot entrerent les casualties, however, see Pertusi, I, 405-6, and on the Turcs, senti leur entrée bien deux heures aprés. Ainsi _ losses sustained by the Italian states, ibid., pp. 413-14. gagna la mer et se dépouilla et entra jusques aux gallées, According to A. D. Mordtmann, Belagerung u. Eroberung qui le receurent.” Since the Turks entered the city at Constantinopels (1858), pp. 95-96, the Turks used to say of a various places, after breaking through at the Gates of S. rich man, for many years after the fall of the city, that he Romanus and Charisius, it would be hard to say where was “at the sack of Constantinople.” Chalcocondylas, bk.

Tedaldi was stationed on the walls. vil (Bonn, pp. 398-99; ed. Dark6, II, 162-63), speaks of the 82 Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 57—59; ed. Dethier, pp. 821-— _ wealth that fell into Turkish hands. Anti-Greek sentiment in

24; cf. Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus the West gave rise to some tall tales of Constantinopolitan anecdotorum, 1, col. 1123D, and Ducas, chap. 39 (Bonn, p. avarice in the face of danger, such as that the city fell 297). Zaccaria Grioni was ransomed from the Turks in — because the Greeks were unwilling to hire troops although July, 1453. On his way back to Crete he was detained one woman was later found to be hoarding 150,000 ducats’ for debts by the Genoese at Chios (see M. Manoussakas, worth of jewels, silver, money, and clothes, and a man was “Les Derniers Defenseurs crétois de Constantinople d’aprés _—_ concealing 80,000 ducats (Cronica di Bologna, ad ann. 1453,

les documents vénitiens,” Akten des XI. Internationalen in Muratori, RISS, XVIII [1731], col. 701D; Corpus chrontByzantinisten-Kongresses [1958], Munich, 1960, pp. 333-34). —corum bononiensium, in the new edition of the RISS, XVIII,

The masters of the other three Cretan vessels were pt. I, tom. 4, pp. 187a, 188b). Cf. L. Crivelli, De expeditione Greeks (Peter Sgouros, whose uncle George owned the ves- Pu papae secundi in Turcas, bk. 1, in RISS, XXIII (1733), sel; Antonios Yalinas [‘YaAtvas]; and Antonios Philomatis), col. 55, and in the new RISS, XXIII, pt. v (1948-50), while the ship of another Venetian, Giovanni Venier, 59-60; note also the addendum to Niccolo Barbaro’s diary, appears also to have got away safely (¢f. Manoussakas, made by Marco Barbaro (Giornale, ed. Cornet, pp. 65-66). art. cu., pp. 335-39, and R. Browning, “A Note on the S. Antonino of Florence relates that, while Constantinople Capture of Constantinople in 1453,” Byzantion, XXII was beset by the Turks, the Greeks sent envoys to Pope [1952], 381-84). Besides these, other vessels also escaped Nicholas V, imploring him for aid in men and money, which

the Turks (Pertusi, Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 368 he refused, believing it unfair to burden Italy, already [note 180]). Yalinas, notabilis homo maris, lost almost all his exhausted by wars, with further taxation to help the Greeks, possessions in the fall of Constantinople. On 26 December whom he knew to have plenty of money to hire mercenaries, (1453) the Venetian Senate directed the colonial government but who were devoid of all patriotism and so intent upon

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 133 city had been subjected to pillage for three days, in the city. Bitter memories and recriminations the booty was carried off to the Turkish camp, long outlived those who had been involved in

and that 60,000 Christians had been put in_ the disaster. The Grand Duke Lucas Notaras, fetters.** Critobulus reports that some 4,000 first minister of the Byzantine state, who had Greeks and foreigners (€€vor) lost their lives been opposed to the union of the Churches, during the entire siege and final assault on the emerges a villain in our largely pro-Latin city, and that rather more than 50,000 persons sources. Leonardo of Chios charges him with were taken captive, including 500 from the trying to curry favor with the young sultan by

defending army. The population of Con- accusing the Grand Vizir Khalil Pasha of stantinople, however, was probably closer to treasonable correspondence with the Emperor

40,000 than to 50,000 in the mid-fifteenth Constantine. In fact Notaras is said to have

century. turned over to the sultan some of the letters The Turks had emptied the city and largely which the grand vizir had sent, thus destroying destroyed it. According to Critobulus, even the Greeks’ one influential friend in the Ottoman Mehmed II was moved to tears: “What a city, camp. Leonardo adds, however, that Notaras

he said, we have given over to pillage and paid the price of his wickedness. Having lost desolation!’®* There were probably almost as his two elder sons in the siege, he now saw a many personal tragedies as there were people third, a youngster, slain before his very eyes,

after which he was himself beheaded with some

, oo . . Other Byzantine nobles. The Venetian bailie in preserving their private wealth that they lost everything, in- C . le L d . Girol

cluding freedom: after the siege great private treasures were onstantinop €, Leonardo continues, Girolamo

found, but the Greeks had been blinded by avarice (see Minotto, and his son were both executed.

Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1453, no. 1, vol. XVIIJ Catarino Contarini, vir humanisstmus, and another {[Cologne, 1694], p. 404). Undoubtedly the Greeks tried to six Venetian nobles would also have been done concea’ wealth, as the Pseudo-Sphrantzes accuses Notaras of to death if they had not man age d to assure the pp. 432, 434), but it is surprising to find Pastor, Hist. Popes, Turks of 7,000 gold ducats Transom. The II, 274, and Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 621, being taken Aragonese-Catalan consul was killed with two

oing (III, 9, ed. Bonn, p. 291, lines 15-20; ed. Grecu, ,

in by this anti-Greek propaganda. _ members of his staff or of his family.®’ As Although Zorzo Dolfin says that after the fall of the city

Nicholas V ordered five galleys to be armed in Venice a sue =—§ ————————

spese against the Turks (ed. Thomas, op. cit., p. 38, and ed. 87 Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, II, 100-101, and Dethier, MHH, XXII-1, p. 1046), a Venetian document of PG 159, col. 943AB; cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 9 (Bonn,

10 April, 1453, shows that the pope had been trying to arm p. 293, lines 13-14; ed. Grecu, p. 434, line 33), who his five galleys for some time before that date (Sen. Secreta, says that the Catalan consul’s two sons were executed with Reg. 19, fol. 192, and G. B. Picotti, “Sulle Navi papali in him. According to our other sources (see the following note),

Oriente al tempo della caduta di Costantinopoli,” Nuovo Notaras also had two sons who were put to death with Arch, veneto, n.s., XX [1911], 420-21, 438-39). Dolfin also their father. Cf. Crivelli, De expeditione Pii P. I, bk. 1, in observes that Nicholas V offered a plenary indulgence to RISS, XXIII (1733), col. 55; new edition, in RISS, XXIII,

whoever took up arms against the Turks, “ma é pocho pt. v (1948-50), 60, on Notaras; Critobulus, I, 76 (ed.

soccorso in tanto bisogno.” Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. 103b-—104a; ed. Grecu, p. 167), on

84 Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, 11, 100: “Traduci- Khalil Pasha; Zorzo Dolfin, Assedio e presa dt Costantinopolt,

tur ad papiliones omnis substantia et praeda, vinctique from Dolfin’s Cronaca, ed. G. M. Thomas, in Sitzungsber. omnes ad sexaginta milia -funibus Christiani captivantur.” d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissen. zu Miinchen, II (1868), 32-33

Sa‘d-ad-Din, trans. Gibb, p. 31, reports that “for three days (also in Dethier, MHH, XXII, pt. 1), who had read and nights there was with the imperial permission [of the | Leonardo of Chios.

sultan] a general sack; and the victorious troops, through The Venetian Senate believed the bailie Girolamo (or the richness of the spoil, entwined the arm of possession Geronimo) Minotto to be alive on 17 July, 1453, when the round the neck of their desires. . . .” Following Runciman, following resolution was passed (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 201” The Fall of Constantinople (1965), p. 148, however, Inalcik, | [202°]): “Cum omnibus notus sit miserabilis casus nobilis viri “The Policy of Mehmed II . . . ,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, | Ser Jeronimi Minoto, qui erat baiulus Constantinopolis, qui

XXII-XXIV, 233, believes that Mehmed “put an end to — sicut habetur ductus est captivus in Turchia cum uxore et

the pillage on the evening of the first day.” uno filio et perdidit omnem facultatem suam, et unus eius

* Critobulus, I, 67 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 98b; ed. _ filius deliberaverit ire ad procurandum redemptionem et

Grecu, p. 149). The Chronica bononiensia, ad ann. 1453,inthe __liberationem suam et sit res pia dare sibi omnem favorem

new RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, tom. 4, pp. 186a, 187b, state et comoditatem possibilem, considerato hoc miserabili casu, that “. . . furono morti da tre milia homini de amedoe le __ vadit pars quod filius dicti Ser Jeronimi vadat pro ballistario parte,” according to a Franciscan report received in Bologna super hac galea subtili cuius est patronus nobilis vir Ser (Cron. di Bologna, in RISS, XVIII [1731], col. 701B, and Petrus Arimundo in numero duorum balistariorum ordinari-

cf. Dethier, MHH, XXII-1, p. 940). orum qui accipi debent pro dicta galea: De parte 163, de

8° Critobulus, I, 68 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 98b; ed. non 0, non sinceri 0.” On 28 August, however, having

Grecu, p. 149). learned that Minotto and one of his sons had been put to

134 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT for the proud Notaras, who can say what the addressed his plea to avenge the terrible injuries

, ; , ers

truth may have been? Ducas and Chalcocondylas inflicted upon the Christians by the Turks.*°

tell a moving story of Notaras’s boldly refusing The Turkish occupation of Pera is vividly to surrender the younger of two surviving sons’ described in a letter written by the podesta to Mehmed’s abnormal lust, preferring death Angelo Giovanni Lomellino to his brother on for himself and his family to Turkish infamy. 23 June, 1453, less than a month after the fall Mehmed ordered the immediate execution of of Constantinople:

88 . .

father and sons.” Very likely Critobulus was Noble and most dear brother: If I have not written right when he affirmed that the siege and sack before this, and do not herewith answer the lett of Constantinople were more terrible than those | pave received from you, do pardon me, because of Troy and Babylon, Carthage, Rome, and | have been.and am unceasingly in such melancholy

Jerusalem.” and so preoccupied that I prefer death rather than The podesta of Pera, Angelo Giovanni _ life. I am certain you have learned before this of the

Lomellino, had reason to be frightened. He sent unexpected fall of Constantinople, taken by the lord messengers to Sultan Mehmed to offer him the Turk on the twenty-ninth of last month, a day that keys to Galata. The sultan accepted them and_ We had been looking forward to with keen anticipareceived the inhabitants of the Genoese colony tion, because it seemed to hold certain victory for us.

as his subjects. Mehmed appointed a Turkish teeronts, lord [Turk] gave all nightat and all and he was metbattle courageously everyonpoint.

governor, confiscated the property of those who To put it briefly, however, in the morning Giovanni had fled, and ordered the demolition of the Giustiniani . . . left his gate, withdrawing to the sea, towers and landward walls of Galata. The in- and the Turks entered by that very gate, where no

habitants obeyed and accepted the status of resistance was offered—indeed, in this miserable slaves, writes Leonardo, for safety’s sake, dis- fashion not even a village should have been lost! regarding their instructions from Genoa (what- I want to believe this comes of our sins. Considering ever they may have been), and now the sultan my nature, just imagine how I am now. God give “is pulling down the tower, at the height of which ™e patience. [The Turks] gave the city over toa three stood the cross of Christ, from which it took days’ sack. You have never seen such suffering. They its name.” Those who had been free and kept took an inestimable booty. I sent in defense of the the peace were now slaves. Their future lay “YY all the mercenaries from Chios and all those sent with Pope Nicholas V, to whom Leonardo wrote burgesses from here [Galata] and, what concerns us his long letter on the fall of Constantinople and more at this point, our [nephew] Imperiale and our

© P . Y from Genoa as well as a good many citizens and

family retainers. For my own part I have done as much as I could, God knows, for I have always recognized death by the Turks, the Senate voted the dead bailie’s mat if Constantinople were lost, we should lose this daughter a dowry of 1,000 gold ducats if she married or piace too. . . .

300 if she entered a convent. His other children and his The podesta notes that some of the Genoese

wife—she must have escaped or been ransomed—were had dth ] bv flicht. Others had b each to receive a pension of twenty-five ducats a year (Iorga, ad saved themse ves DY Mg nt. thers had been

Notes et extraits, III [1902], 289, and note Pertusi, Caduta captured on the palisades. The rest had been

di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 369-70). obliged to remain in Galata, because the captains chsalcocondylas, pucas,, chap. 40 MBean at sength ane—3; of the ships had been unwilling bk. PPvu wie (Bonn, pp. ed. Darko, I, ary: to wait for

164-66); see also Critobulus, I, a (ed. Muller, FHG, V-1, people who wanted to escape: When I Saw, p- 102; ed. Grecu, pp. 159, 161, 163); Pusculus, bk. tv, vv. however, that things had reached such a pass, 1070-74, ed. Ellissen, p. 82; Leonardo of Chios, loc. cit.; I preferred to lose my own life rather than to Adam de Montaldo, ed. Hopf, in Dethier, MHH, XXII, leave this land. If I had gone, this place, thus

. ; cf. Babinger, Maometto ; . —95, an a ”

P eee “Loukas Notaras” hn Greek in Aktines, ne i36 abandoned, would have been sacked.” The

(Athens, 1953). According to the poet Pusculus, bk. 1, vv. £=———————

434-439, ed. Ellissen, p. 21, Notaras was not of noble birth % Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, I, 101-2, letter

as commonly stated: “. .. olim pisciculos vendebat dated at Chios on 16 August, 1453; on the surrender of

avus. . . .” Two Cantacuzeni were also executed after the Pera, cf. Tedaldi, in Marténe and Durand, Thes. novus Turkish occupation of Constantinople (D. M. Nicol, The anecdotorum, I, col. 1823B; Critobulus, I, 67 (ed. Miller, Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos [Cantacuzenus| ca. 1100- FHG, V-1, p. 98a; ed. Grecu, p. 149). L. T. Belgrano 1460, Washington, D.C., 1968, nos. 68-69, pp. 179-81). reprints Leonardo’s letter to Nicholas V, from Philip 89 Critobulus, I, 68 (ed Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 99; ed. Lonicer’s Chronica turcica [1578], in the Atti della Societa ligure

Grecu, pp. 151, 153). On the fortunes of “Istanbul” during di storia patria, XIII (1877-84), no. cL, pp. 233-57. An the half century or so following the conquest, see the improved text, with an Italian translation, is given in Pertusi,

article of Inalcik referred to above in note 75. Caduta di Costantinopoli, 1 (1976), 124-71.

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 135 podesta sent ambassadors to Mehmed II with consequence of the capture of Constantinople handsome gifts, the keys to Galata, and a_ that it seems he will soon make himself master request that the peace which obtained between of the whole world, and states publicly that in

the Turks and the Genoese might be observed. less than two years he plans to come to There was no immediate reply. Inthe meantime Rome... .”! the frantic podesta tried to maintain quiet in Sultan Mehmed had provided, at the beginning the terrified colony, and implored the skippers of June, 1453, for the Genoese community of [patron] of the ships to remain all the next day, Galata by a firman which spared the town because he was sure that, if the sultan was not (ka@o7pov), and permitted the inhabitants to provoked, he could secure the desired peace retain their homes, shops, and warehouses, vinefrom him. The skippers were unwilling to take yards and mills, merchandise and ships. Their

the chance, and sailed at midnight. wives and children were not to be taken away,

their sons being made exempt from the devshirme

When in the morning the lord [Turk] received oy tribute of boys for the service of the sultan. the news of the departure of the ships, he nformed The residents of Galata could also keep their my ambassadors that he wanted an unconditional churches, but were forbidden to build new ones, ly dour personal property_—for he said that 224 aS usual they were prohibited from ringing we did everything possible to save Constantinople, church bells. No Turks, however, were to live and that we were the reason why the Turks had not 11 Galata except officials of the Porte. The

surrender [terra libera|—-we could scarcely save a Ls

ourselves and our personal property ; taken the place on the first day. Certainly they spoke residents were to have freedom of trade, and the

the truth. We were in the gravest danger. Genoese ready access to their erstwhile colony. They were to be free of corvées, but had to Despite the extreme difficulty peace was made pay the poll-tax (kharaj) exacted of non-Moslem

with the Turk in the name of the burgesses subjects of the Porte. Although they could elect of Galata. The podesta now kept behind the a sort of chairman (protogeros) of their local

scenes, possibly in order not to appear to board of trade, Galata had become a Turkish commit Genoa to the terms imposed by the town, and Genoa had no prospect of recovering sultan. The podesta did, however, pay a visit it.% to the sultan, who entered Galata twice; ordered

most of the defenses, including the Tower of 9! This letter was first published by the orientalist Silvestre Santa Croce, to be demolished; took all the de Sacy, “Piéces diplomatiques tirées des Archives de la cannon; “and he intends to take allthe munitions République de Génes,” in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la

and all the arms of the burgesses.” Bibliotheque du Roi et autres bibliothéques, XI (Paris, 1827), 75— Mehmed also had an inventory made of all the 0. atthe wasMonumenta later republished by P. A.historica, emer and »Mee Hungariae pt. in ’.

goods and property of the merchants and 647-55, and by LT. Belgrano, in the rit belle BP.

burgesses who had fled. If they returned, figure di storia patria, XIII (1877-84), no. CXLIX, pp. 229-33. their possessions would be restored; if not, they Angelo Giovanni suggested to his brother that an embassy would be confiscated. The fugitives, who seemto be sent from Genoa to deal with the sultan. His nephew have congregated at Chios, were notified of Imperiale was captured in Constantinople, but he had been this fact. Mehmed had just withdrawn to Adri- unable to secure his release, “quia dominus [Mehmed] vult ‘ ; habere aliquos Latinos in curia sua” (an interesting fact on anople, whither he had had Khalil Pasha sent, hav- which Babinger, Maometto, p. 171, comments). He had not ing taken his wealth from him (Khalil was to be _ yet written to the doge, “non habendo animum.” On Angelo executed on 10 July). The Venetian bailie and Giovanni Lomellino [not Zaccaria], note Pertusi, Caduta di

his son had.been beheaded text along of withthe seven oeenopolisI (1976), 355the (noteedition 75). 7 . e Greek firman given,39-40, after

other Venetians; so had the Catalan consul with by Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, in F. Miklosich and J.

another five or six Catalans. “Just think whether Miller, eds., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi, III (Vienna,

we have been in danger.” Mehmed had placed 1865, repr. Aalen, 1968), 287-88, and by Belgrano, in one of his men (Angelo Giovanni calls him a Atti della Societa igure, XII, 226-29; there is a Venetian . . translation in Zorzo Dolfin, Assedio e presa di Costantinopoli,

sclavus) over Galata, and a subashi and a hadi ed. G. M. Thomas, in the Sitzungsber. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. with about 1,500 janissaries In Constantinople. Wissen., II (1868), 34-36, and cf. J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. He was said to be demanding the kharaj Or poll- osman. Reiches in Europa, 11 (Gotha, 1854), 26-28.

tax levied on non-Moslems (carrachium) from An original Greek text of the firman of 1453 is preChios. Caffa. and other Genoese possessions. He served in the British [Museum ] Library (MS. Egerton, no.

a. . . 2817), where it has been hanging framed on the wall of one

was making claims on the despot of Serbia. of the exhibition rooms for more than sixty years. It is

“Finally he has achieved such arrogance as a_ dated 1 June a.m. 6961—a.p. 1453, and bears the sultan’s

136 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In retrospect perhaps no event in the history been expanding, their influence extending, of the fifteenth century seems more certainly throughout the entire Balkan peninsula. Over inevitable than the Ottoman occupation of the _ the years tens of thousands of Turks had moved Greek capital on the Bosporus. In 1453 the city into southeastern Europe, where they fought

had stood as a tiny island in an Ottoman sea. and won, went about their daily affairs and

For a full hundred years, ever since the Turks died, leaving their impact upon the life, language, had seized Gallipoli in 1354, their power had and literature of the Balkan peoples. The latter took their revenge of the invaders by reviling official signature (tughra) at the top, with the signature of them in folk songs of lament and heroism, Zagan Pasha at the bottom. Being the first treaty made by prophecies, chronicles, and lives of saints and the sultan with an Italian state after the conquest of Con- princes. In the popular as well as in the learned stantinople, the grant of privileges to the Genoese of Galata literature of the later fifteenth century (and is Most In fact ittherea waster) to the constitute hf. for amore thanimportant four centuriesdocument. the juridical foundation fall of Constantinople was always upon which were to be built the rights enjoyed by Roman a pre-eminent theme.” Catholics in the Ottoman empire, forming the major prece- In the meantime, however, except for the sad dent for later treaties between the sultan and the Christian Jot of the inhabitants of the fallen city, most powers, especially France, which from 1536 (as we shall see | tj d thei | humd li £ in the next volume) became the chief protector of Roman people continue their usual hum PUI VES O

Catholics under the Porte. hardship and of want. The fortunate discovery

The firman of 1453 was formally renewed for the first by Jean Darrouzés of eight letters dated from 29 time, with some modifications of content, in March, 1613, by July to 13 December, 1453, provides us with a

Sultan Ahmed I. For re-editions of the Greek text and ‘fleeting glimpse into the affairs of the Greeks in commentaries, see N. Iorga, “Le Privilege de Mohammed . II pour la ville de Péra (l-er juin 1453),” in the Bulletin the months that followed the Ottoman occupation historique de l' Académie roumaine, II (Bucharest, 1914), 11-32, of Constantinople. The chief actor in the petty where a number of other Ottoman-Christian treaties are also lay and ecclesiastical dramas depicted in these

republished, and E. Dalleggio d’Alessio, “Le Texte grecdu Jetters is an otherwise unknown Nicholas

traité conclu par les Génois de Galata avec Mehmet I], le Isid h ‘no Mehmed II Greek

ler juin 1453,” ‘EAAnvexa, XI (1939), 115-24; “Traité entre asl orus, who Was serving enme . aS a OTE les Génois de Galata et Mehmet II,” Echos d’Orient, XX XIX judge (Kpi7ns) in the erstwhile Ottoman (1940), 161-75; and “Listes des podestats de la colonie capital of Adrianople. The requests made of him génoise de Péra (Galata) ee e ? Revue des études byzantines, by his Greek correspondents, however, make

re (1969), of the af- described (jaar that they were seeking his airs of 151-57. GalataTheisTurkish ratherdisposition inaccurately by Pears, . -financial .

Destruction of the Greek Empire (1903), pp. 371-72, but see assistance and the employment of his influence Heyd, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II, 310-13, with refs., and rather than the exercise of his authority (if any)

the works cited by Dalleggio d'Alessio. as a judge, whatever krités may have meant in the The Genoese community was located not only in Pera, present context. While it was hard to find the

but (after 1475) also in the area of Salma Tomruk, called f, : bei held b & il “Kaffa Mahalessi,” when Mehmed II settled the inhabitants ransom ‘Or a captive eins c ya mere! SS of Caffa near the Adrianople Gate (Edirne Kapi) in the and ‘unyielding Moslem” (MovoovApavos . . : northwestern part of Istanbul. The community developed aviens Kal aovyKaTaBaTos), and there is

into the “nation latine de Constantinople,” under the more than one reference to the fall of Conreligious authority of the Apostolic Delegation. num-mid-nineteenth stantinople in ‘these letters, most of .them ered almost 14,000 persons by Itthe century, ... but had fallen to about 3,400 by 1927, when it was sup- illustrate the dreary continuance of life and its

pressed as a sort of juridical entity (see Dalleggio d’Alessio, problems as being much the same after as before “La Communauté latine de Constantinople au lendemain de la conquéte ottomane,” Echos d’Orient, XXXVI [1937], 309—

17, and in general cf. Ernest Mamboury, Istanbul touristique, §

Istanbul, 1951, pp. 92-101). % Cf. I. Dujcev, “La Conquéte turque et la prise de

Some twenty-five years after the Turkish occupation of | Constantinople dans la littérature slave contemporaine,” in the city there were, according to the census of 1477, some Byzantinoslavica, XIV (1953), 14-54; ihd., XVI (1955), 8,951 Moslem households in Istanbul proper and 535 in 318-29; and, ibid., XVII (1956), 276-340; V. Grecu, “La Galata; 3,151 Orthodox-Greek households in Istanbul and Chute de Constantinople dans la littérature populaire rou592 in Galata; and, all together, 3,095 households of maine,” tbid., XIV (1953), 55-81; J. Irmscher, “Zeitgen6sArmenians, Latins, and Gypsies (Inalcik, “The Policy of | sische deutsche Stimmen zum Fall von Byzanz,” ibid., XIV, Mehmed II... ,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XXITI-XXIV, 109-22; A. Vaillant, “Les Langues slaves méridionales et la 247). According to “Bishop” Samile’s letter of 6 August, conquéte turque,” ibid., XIV, 123-29; G. Th. Zoras, “Ori1453, to Oswald, the burgomaster of Hermannstadt (see _ entations idéologiques et politiques avant et apres la chute above, note 38), Mehmed had already by that date trans- de Constantinople,” L’Hellénisme contemporain, 2nd ser., VII ferred 30,000 persons by sea to Istanbul and the arearound- (29 May, 1953), 103-23, esp. pp. 108 ff.; G. Megas, “La Prise about (lorga, Notes et extraits, 1V [1915], 67; Pertusi, Caduta de Constantinople dans la poésie et la tradition populaires

di Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 230, and cf., ibid., p. 426). grecques,” ibid., VII, 125-33. .

THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 137 “the seizure of the wretched city” (7 @Awous Mehmed had returned to Adrianople, which had

THS AOALas TONEwS).*4 been the Ottoman capital for almost a century, Constantinople was wretched, but Mehmed II _ he would soon be establishing his court and his

was not. He seemed to have climbed to the top government in the newly acquired city. Conof the world in two months. He had realized — stantinople, however, was no longer the city of the ancient Moslem ambition of conquering the Constantine. It became Turkish Istanbul, a city greatest city in the Levant. He was soon to set of oriental bazaars, grey domes, and white about repopulating it. There can be no doubt minarets, tombs, little cemeteries, black cypresses, that he aspired to world domination, as Angelo and turbanlike vines growing atop crumbling Giovanni had informed his brother; Leonardo walls. of Chios warned Pope Nicholas V that Mehmed was boasting that he would soon be appearing —————— in the Adriatic on his way to Rome. Jacopo side of the head; and gives a dramatic picture of the siege and Tedaldi al ks of his desire to rule the sack of Constantinople), as well as for the letter of lamentaCCalal alsO Speaks O s Cesire to ru tion addressed to Christendom at large (universis et singults world, and notes that he fed his ambition by Christi fidelibus, dated 8 July), and the letters to Francesco reading the histories of Alexander and Caesar, Foscari (26 July) and to Philip the Good of Burgundy (from and was full of inquiries about Venice, Rome, Rome, dated 22 February, 1455), see Pertusi, Caduta di and Milan, “et d’autres choses que de guerre Costantinopoli, 1 [1976], 58—111. In the letter to Philip, Isidore 1 "96 Alth h after hi . again states that Mehmed had assembled 300,000 men and ne parle. . . . though after nis great VICLOry 990 vessels for the siege of Constantinople. He also defends,

TTT the siege.

as stated above in note 41, the conduct of the Genoese during

%4J. Darrouzés, “Lettres de 1453,” Revue des études 9° Mehmed’s ambition and his interest in Italy are well byzantines, XXII (1964), 72-124. George Scholarius, thenthe known, but Tedaldi’s text is interesting (Marténe and monk Gennadius, is mentioned in one of these letters Durand. Thes. novus anecdotorum, I, col. 1824AB):“. . . cou-

(ibid., pp. 101, 122-23). rageux et ardant de seignourer et converser tout le monde:

** Leonardo, in Lonicer, Chron. turcica, I1, 101. After his voire plus qu’Alexandre, ne César, ne aultre vaillant qui flight from Constantinople, Cardinal Isidore of Kiev took ait esté allegué qu’il a plus grande puissance et seignourie refuge for a while on the Venetian island of Crete, from que _nul d’eulx n’avoit: et tousjours faisoit lire leur histoire, which in July, 1453, he addressed letters to Nicholas V_ demande ot: et comment est posé Venise, combien loing de

(lorga, Notes et extraits, Il, 522-24), Cardinals Bessarion terre ferme, et comme on y puet entrer par mer et par

and Capranica, the Doge Francesco Foscari, and the Floren- terre. . . . Pareillement demande de Romme ot elle est

tines (for references to the texts see Georg Hofmann, _ assise, et du duc de Milan et de ses vaillans: et d’autres “Quellen zu Isidor von Kiew als Kardinal und Patriarch,” choses que de guerre ne parle. . . .” Tedaldi offers a Orientalia Christiana periodica, XVIII [1952], 143-48, who program for the expulsion of the Turk from Europe (ibid.,

gives the text of Isidore’s letter to the Florentines, dated cols. 1824-25). 7 July, with a brief description of the horrors of the Turkish When Cardinal Isidore returned from the East, he resack of the city, and cf. F. Babinger, “Veneto-kretische ported that Mehmed seemed more powerful than Caesar, Geistesstrebungen . . . ,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, LVII Alexander, “or any other prince who has ever aspired to

[1964], 70-71). dominion over the world.” His treasure in coined money

For good texts, with Italian translations, of Isidore’s letters | was immense; he had 230 ships, and could build as many to Nicholas V (from Candia in Crete, dated 6 and 15 July, more as he chose; he also had 30,000 horsemen and many 1453) and to Bessarion (also dated 6 July, in which he in- _ footsoldiers, with apparently no limit to possible additional forms Bessarion that he had arrived on the Bosporus on __recruitments. See the dispatch dated 22 November, 1453, of 26 October, 1452 [cf., above, note 9]; declares that Mehmed Leonardo de’Benvoglienti, Sienese envoy to Venice (in had had an army of 300,000 men and a fleet of 220 vessels, Pastor, Hist. Popes, II, 288-89, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, I

as he also says in his letter of 15 July to Nicholas V; _ [repr. 1955], 634, with addenda to the note), who says that reports that he was himself wounded by an arrow on the left Mehmed “intende presto venire in Italia.”

5. PERILS AND PROBLEMS AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (1453-1455) ‘HE FALL of Constantinople seems to have doge of Genoa, Pietro di Campofregoso, and the

made as great an impression both in “officials of Romania” of the news which they

Europe and in the East as the fall of Rome had had just learned at the ducal palace in Venice.

almost a thousand years before. The news During that very hour a grippo had arrived

reached Venice on Friday, 29 June, while the from Corfu with (they'said) two letters, one from Grand Council was in session. A fast vessel, the castellan of Modon and the other from the

a grippo from Corfu, bringing letters from bailie in Negroponte. On 28 May, or so they Lepanto, put in at the wooden landing-stage on informed the doge, the sultan had taken Pera

the Bacino. People were standing by their by force of arms at about eleven o'clock in

windows and on the balconies, “waiting between the morning, killing everyone except the hope and fear to learn the import of the news, children. On the twenty-ninth he had captured whether of the city of Constantinople or of the Constantinople, and again he had slain everyone. galleys of Romania.” They were anxious fornews ‘Two large Venetian galleys and a light galley of a father, a son, or a brother. The letters were had escaped miraculously with all aboard, but presented to the Signoria, presumably inthe Sala the letters from Modon and Negroponte con-

del Collegio. The word spread immediately tained no word of the Genoese ships in the

through the Grand Council that Constantinople Golden Horn. The Venetians were in such utter had been taken, and that everyone above six despair that Battista de’ Franchi and Piero Stella years of age had been killed. All balloting in the had not yet ventured to ask for copies of the Council was postponed. There were cries and letters.’

groans, wringing of hands and beating of breasts. As one wept for the assumed death of =_____

a relative, another lamented the loss of his 2 Arch. di Stato di Firenze, Dieci di Balia: Carteggi, property on the Bosporus. When silence was _ Responsive, Reg. 22 [old classification: Classe X, dist. 2, achieved by order of the Signoria the secretary no. 22], fol. 261: The letter was written “ex Venetiis .adi

XXVIIII a hore XIIII” [on 29 read June, 1453, at about 11:00 of the‘ .Ten, Lodovico adStella alta vocewith . , an . . — A.M.]. BattistaBevazan, de’ Franchi and Piero began

(presumably in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio) apology for the lamentable news which their letter would a letter from the colonial government of Corfu, bring to Genoa, “. . . perche noi vi facciamo noto come “lq qual avisava haver per lettere da Nepanto nella presente hora cé venuto grifo da Corfu mandato pel exaudito Constantinopoli esser prexo.” Lamen- bali di decto luogo a questa illustrissima Signoria con due tauon gave way to recrimination, and everyone Negroponte, le quali contengono questo effecto: El signore

. oe . d lettere, una del castellano di Modone et laltra del bali di

accused the Signoria and the Collegio of de’Turchi adi XXVIII di Maggio avendo avuto Pera per negligence, and blamed “those who had written forza alle XIIII hore et amazato ogniuno et maschi et falsely from Constantinople that the Turkish femine excepto che i fanciulli piccoli, et adi XXVIIII del

t 14COMmIng. decto mese avendo avutoogniuno. Costantinopoli et nel de medesimo army Was not . . . modo amazato Due galee grosse Venitiani On the same day, at about 11:00 4.M.,acertain — et una sottile miracolosamente fuggirono quasi con tutti gli Battista de’ Franchiand one Piero Stella wrote the huomini fediti. Delle navi nostre non cé nessuna mentione. Questa cipta [citta] € in maximi lamenti, et non abbiamo

TT avuto ardire de cercare le copie delle lettere, per la quale * Zorzo Dolfin, Assedio e presa di Costantinopoli, ed. G. M. cosa non piglino admiratione le Signorie vostre se abbiamo Thomas, in Sitzungsber. d. k. bayer. Akademie d. Wissenschaften _scripto confusamente et maximamente essendo in tanta

zu Miinchen, II (1868), 36-37, also in P. A. Dethier, ed., | angustia et dolore, non avendo provato mai simili cose per Monumenta Hungariae historica, XXII, pt. 1 (Istanbul, 1872), cagione del damno cosi publico come privato nella roba pp. 1043-44; Marino Sanudo, Vite de’duchi,in L.A. Muratori, — et nelle persone. . . .” Cf., ibid., fol. 263, a letter of the Florened., RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1151A; Ludwig von — tine ambassador Niccolo Soderini to the Florentine Dieci, dated Pastor, History of the Popes, U1, 271-72, and Geschichte der at Genoa on 8 July, 1453, alluding to this letter.

Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 619; F. Babinger, Maometto il Soderini had written the Signori Dieci on 29 May [!], 1453, Conquistatore, Turin, 1957, p. 159; and cf. N. Iorga, Gesch. that Constantinople appeared likely to fall to the Turks d. osman. Reiches, 11 (Gotha, 1909), 39 ff. On the “incredibilis (fol. 249”). On 10-11 July he informed his government dolor” in Venice, see Giov. Simoneta, Res gestae Fr. Sfortiae, that many persons in Genoa were unwilling to believe that

bk. xXx, In RISS , XXI (Milan, 1732), col. 645AB, and the Turks had actually taken Constantinople and Pera, and ed. Giovanni Soranzo, in the new Muratori, RISS, XX1, pt.2, that the news which came his way was still too confusing

pp. 378-79. to allow him to reach a conclusion as to what had 138

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 139 The next day, on 30 June, the Venetian On 18 July (1453) the Venetian Senate notified

government wrote Pope Nicholas V the papal legate, Archbishop Jacopo of Ragusa,

although we assume, most blessed father, that both who ih i pusy wien the shel nea of a crusade, by letters of the reverend father, the lord archbishop that their Greek an evantine p vrtaries of of Ragusa [Jacopo Venier of Recanati], your papal which had enjoyed upwards of two centuries o legate here, as well as from other sources your Peace [!], were neither fortified nor equipped Holiness has probably been able to learn before this to face the great peril in which they found of the horrible and most deplorable fall of the cities themselves, and that, if they should be lost, the

of Constantinople and Pera.’ Turk would have no difficulty entering Apulia.® Actually the pope had not yet been informed. About the same ume (on 19 July) Cardinal

d’Estouteville wrote Francesco Sforza, The news reached Bologna on4 4Guillaume July,* Rome : duke of Milan, thatand the latter knew of course

on the eighth. The popular preacher, Fra

Roberto da Lecce, made the announcement to ye

the people. Rome was for weeks the scene of Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 19 [1450deep lamentation as well as of rumors that 1453], fol. 205", doc. dated 18 July, 1453. The Venetians Constantinople had not fallen or that the the legate: “. . . Verum dicimus quod quoniam preteritis Turks were already preparing for an attack on mensibus ante casum urbis Constantinopolis hinc ex-

P . claimed to be very sympathetic to the representations of

Rome.® pedivimus non nullas galeas nostras pro favore et succursu urbis eiusdem, misimus etiam cum eisdem galeis unum

rs oratorem nostrum ut proficisceretur ad dominum Teucrum really happened. Couriers had reached Genoa about ut se interponeret et operaretur quicquid boni posset pro

5:00 p.m. on the eleventh, a hore XX, from Venice and _ concordia facienda inter serenissimum dominum imperafrom Naples, each bearing letters confirming the Turkish torem Constantinopolitanum et ipsum Teucrum, et etiam victory. It was still some time before the facts were given ut si quid per nos agendum esset cum Teucro ob favores credence in Genoa, where there was much wishful thinking, datos Constantinopoli per galeas nostras Romanie et aliter partly occasioned by Genoa’s difficulties with Naples (fols. id fieri posset ita quod per viam pacis, si ita fieri posset,

258", 259", and cf. fols. 260 ff., 278). res ille transirent.

3 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Senatus Secreta, Reg. 19 “Supervenit autem inopinatus casus amissionis urbis [1450-1453], fol. 202", cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, eiusdem de quo tamen cordialiter doluimus quantum facile I, 619, note; the text has been published by Sime Ljubi¢, _ satis diiudicari potest. Remanserunt captivi in ea clade XL ed., Listine [Documents] 0 odnoSajth izmedju juznoga slavenstva nobiles nostri aliique cives et mercatores nostri in bono 1 mletacke republike, vol. X (Zagreb, 1891), pp. 13-14 (inthe numero ultra multos Cretenses et alios subditos nostros Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, ita ut ultra quingenti ex nostris illic remanserint. Cupivol. XXII); of. F. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du musque multum illos qui vivi superfuerunt posse redimere Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, III (Paris and The ne pereant. Consideravimus etiam quod civitates et loca

Hague, 1961), no. 2928, p. 187. nostra Gretie et illarum partium nostrarum que ab annis

On 30 June, 1453, the Venetian Senate also debated CC citra, ut ita dixerimus, in pace vixerunt nec fortificate whether to allow the departure of commercial vessels for nec munite sunt per modum quod in magno et evidenti Syria until more certain news could be had from Con- periculo constitute sunt, et si (quod absit) amitterentur, stantinople (Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. 197" [198"], and ¢f., ibid., non est dubium quod valde, habiliter, ac comodissime fol. 201" [202%], docs. dated 17 July). The stir caused by the absque alia contradictione hostis iste crucis cum potentia

ghastly news has naturally left its imprint upon the doc- sua in Apuliam se transfretare posset cum magno periculo uments (ibid., fols. 197% [198%] ff.). On 12 July two nominis Christiani. Nos vero ut iste impetus, si fieri possit, envoys from Negroponte appeared before the Signoria, aliquanto contineatur, iussimus prefato oratori nostro quod stating that the city and the island lacked the arms and det operam eundiad presentiam Teucri tam pro redimendis munitions wherewith to putupa defense against the Turks, Captivis nostris predictis quam etiam pro componendo res should the need arise. The Senate responded promptly to _ illas ut non procedat ad expugnandum et occupandum the needs and fears of the Negropontines, and gave orders __terras et loca nostra predicta pro evitando tantum excidium

that arms be sent them, including ten small cannon to tantumque inconveniens quantum occurrere posset. . . .” mount upon the city walls. The decision was made also to The letter closes with a statement of the necessity of send immediately an “engineer” with the requisite skill and achieving peace and union among the Christian powers to experience to put the walls and breastworks of the city into help meet the Turk, crudelissimus hostis, and thanks the pope

shape for an emergency (fol. 200" [201"]). From this for his promise to send five galleys into Levantine waters, time on, a Turkish attack upon Negroponte remained the — which should be done as soon as possible. Note the Venetian

Senate’s worst fear. claim, in the text quoted above, that more than 500 subjects

*Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, ed. Albano Sorbelli, of the Republic were taken captive by the Turks in the fall in the new Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. IV, pp. 189a, of Constantinople. Venetian subjects (subditi), however, were

190b. not citizens (cives). Greeks and gasmuli had often been * Pastor, Hist. Popes, Il, 272-73, and Gesch. d. Papste, given Venetian “naturalization papers,” which had made

1, 619-20. On the Franciscan friar Roberto Caracciolo da _ them “subjects,” and had enabled them to escape the buyer’s Lecce, who gave a series of pentecostal sermons on the fall __ half of the Byzantine customs duties (see Volume I, p. 239,

of Constantinople, note Agostino Pertusi, La Caduta di note 71, and cf. Thiriet, Régestes, III, no. 2933, p. 188, Costantinopoli, 2 vols., Verona, 1976, I, pp. xXxvHI-—xxxIx, which document, however, presents Greeks as acting “au

and II, 510. , nom de Vénitiens” in a different context).

140 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT about the Gran Turco’s having taken Con- Bartolommeo Marcello was elected; he accepted the

stantinople “although now some people are commission and went. It was also decided that trying to say that it has been miraculously Jacopo Loredan, captain-general of the sea, should recovered, which is possible but not probable.” 8° with twelve galleys to protect Negroponte.

The pope looked upon the catastrophe as the Although Sanudo has got his facts somewhat out shame of Christendom (vergogna de la chris- of order, they are substantially accurate.

tanitade), and was in agreement with his The Venetian envoy Bartolommeo Marcello advisers that, if possible, peace must be reached Istanbul safely, and labored there to established in Italy. (The Venetians, as we shall good effect, apparently finding Sultan Mehmed note, had given far more attention during the easy to deal with, avendo impetrato tutto da lua winter of 1452-1453 to their war with Milan benignamente. When Marcello returned in the

than to the plight of Constantinople.) ‘To this mid-year of 1454, he brought with him the end Cardinal Domenico Capranica had just left well-known Turco-Venetian peace of 18 April. for Naples as legate to Alfonso V of Aragon- Mehmed sent one of his “slaves” back with him Catalonia, and Cardinal Juan de Carvajal was to to receive the doge’s oath if the Signoria found

leave the next day for Florence, Milan, and the terms satisfactory. ‘They were quite satisVenice." Years later Marino Sanudo, learned factory, for the new treaty was largely a conhistorian of the doges of Venice, summed up firmation of the one made on 10 September,

the situation: 1451.9 In April, 1454, the peace of Lodi, to which The news of the loss of Constantinople caused a WE Shall come presently, had effected the great terror among Christians, and the pope immedi-

ately sent word to the Signoria that the Venetians —————_ .

should arm five galleys against the Turks at his 8 Vite de’ duchi, In RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col, 1151B;

expense, and he launched the crusade. Those g. vom 3A a ce Thomas, in, Suungsber d. hk. bayer.

who went in an armada or by land against the Turks ad., MI, 98. Sanudo’s chronology Is a bit awry. Already on

. receive - 7 10 April, 1453,benefits the Senate had jubilee. written Pope Nicholas V should the full of the If any ar nuper . f . : (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 19, fol. 192"), “Habuimus soldier refused recruitment and declined to g0, literas a reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus, vicecancellario

he was excommunicated. ‘The Senate decided to send [Francesco Condulmer, d. 30 Oct., 1453] et Sancti Marci an ambassador to the lord Turk to demand of him [Pietro Barbo, later Pope Paul II], quibus nos cerciores faciunt our men who were taken prisoners in Constantinople, _Beatitudinem vestram pro sua innata clemencia ut occuratur because we had a just peace [buona pace] with him. _ tantis malis et periculis que parari videntur opem ferre civitati Constantinopolitane constituisse et triremes quinque in hac

—_—— nostra civitate armari facere. . . .” The pope had decided *L. v. Pastor, Acta inedita historiam pontificum romanorum _ to arm his five galleys long before the fall of Constantinople

. . . ulustrantia, | (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1904), no. 22, (cf. Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2917, 2927, pp. 184, pp. 35-36; on Carvajal’s difficult mission, see Simoneta, 186-87). Res gestae Fr. Sfortiae, bk. xxi, in RISS, XXI, cols. 645—46, Furthermore, on 8 May the Senate had directed Loredan and ed. G. Soranzo, in the new Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt. 2, | “quoniam non deveniente Teucro ad pacem vel treuguas

p. 379; Cristoforo da Soldo, in the so-called Istoria cum _ serenissimo domino Imperatore Constantinopolis

bresciana, RISS, XXI, cols. 882D-—888, and ed. Giuseppe posset occurere quod mitteret ex gentibus et navigiis suis Brizzolara (who notes that in the oldest MSS. Cristoforo’s contra civitatem et insulam nostram Nigropontis, volumus

work is called simply Cronaca), in the new Muratori, quod in hoc casu cum galeis nostris tibi commissis

RISS, XXI, pt. 3, pp. 123-31, on the warfare in northern provideas ad bonam securitatem et tutellam civitatis et Italy, leading to the peace of Lodi in April, 1454, when insule Nigropontis sicut sapientie tue melius et utilius Francesco Sforza made peace “che’l si possa resistere al videbitur” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 19, fol. 194%). Well before

impeto del Turco” (zbid., p. 129, line 22). the Turkish victory on the Bosporus, therefore, the See in general Enrico Carusi, “La Legazione del Card. Senate had provided for the defense of Negroponte but,

D. Capranica ad Alfonso di Aragona (Napoli, 29 luglio—7 it would seem, not adequately (cf., above, note 3). agosto 1453),” Archivio della R. Societa romana di storia patria, °G. M. Thomas (and R. Predelli), Diplomatarium veneto-

XXVIII (1905), 473-81; there is a sketch of Capranica’s levantinum, II (Venice, 1899, repr. New York, 1965), career in M. Morpurgo-Castelnuovo, “II Cardinal Domenico no. 209, pp. 282-84, and note V. V. MakuSev, MonuCapranica,” ibid., L11 (1929), 1-146, with twenty-one — menta historica slavorum meridionalium, 11 (Belgrade, 1882),

documents, and on Capranica’s (unsuccessful) mission to 226-27, doc. dated 18 June, 1454. Thomas does not give Naples, zbid., pp. 55-57. On the peace that was eventually _ the text of the treaty of 18 April, 1454, his latest document made at Lodi (on 9 April, 1454), see below, but Cristoforo being the Venetian pact with Ibrahim Beg, the Gran da Soldo notes, “Hor perché cadauno sapia che questa Caramano, dated 12 February, 1454, a diplomatic move on

Italia non po stare senza guerra.” the part of the Venetians which presumably hastened

On Carvajal’s dedication to the bellum in Turcos, note Card. _Mehmed’s willingness to make peace with the Republic, Jacopo Ammanati, Ep. 41, in ed. Frankfurt of Pius Il’s — since Ibrahim Beg was one of his chief enemies. An envoy Commentaru (1614), p. 483, and Ammanati’s own Com-_ of Ibrahim Beg was active in Rome a little later (MakuSev,

mentarit, ibid., pp. 354—55. II, 195-96, doc. dated 16 August, 1455).

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 14] pacification of Italy,’° and the Venetians found It was one thing to negotiate a treaty, as themselves free from the onerous burdens of Heyd has observed, “but the situation was much

war both at home and abroqd. Marcello was more attractive on paper than in reality.” In sent back to Istanbul to discuss the modification Ottoman Istanbul the Venetians lived in an of certain articles, and since by the terms of the atmosphere of perennial disturbance. ‘The treaty the Venetians were allowed to maintain =—————— a bailie on the Bosporus to preside over their P- 383, from the peace of 10 September, 1451; note also

. . Sanudo, op. cit., col. 1155C, and R. Predelli, ed., Regestt

commercial colony, Marcello was appointed to dei Commemoriali, V [1901], bk. xrv, no. 204, p. 65, misdated

the post with an annual salary of 1,000 ducats. 1461, and no. 288, pp. 91-92). According to Sanudo, Venice had been under The commission, issued in the name of the Doge

the huge (annual) expense of 550,000 ducats for Francesco Foscari to Bartolommeo Marcello, “about to go as

. bailie to Constantinople,” dated 16ofAugust, 1454,|and may her Italian forSen. an isSecreta, armada :; vant . . . ewars, foundand in the Reg.forty-five 20, fols. 29”%~30 galleys and eight other ships the captain-general [30°—31'], with a brief summary in Thiriet, Régestes, III,

Jacopo Loredan had wanted an additional no. 2976, p. 200. It is an important document. Marcello

120,000 ducats a year. By the treaties of Lodi was to press for the Turkish observance of the peace which and Istanbul, Venice was relieved of much of ©btained between the Republic and the Porte, and to protest

; ; against Turkish depredation of Venetian territory. The

this expense. By the terms of 18 April, 1454, Venetian government had instructed its own officers in the Porte and Signoria swore to maintain with critical areas strictly to maintain the peace, “sed sicut ex each other “peace and friendship” (la pace et Corphoo et Nigroponte sumus informati post dictam pacem amicizia), with full respect for the rights and per Teucros ex Barga et Nepanto quam plures anime

. . abducte fuerunt et multa damna illata, et ex ;insula properties of .both infustam the i f TNigropontisthe nonsignatories. nuile anime perAs unam Turcorum

agreement of 1451, Venice was assured protec- — fuerunt accepte cum derobatione bonorum subditorum tion for her citizens’ ships and goods throughout nostrorum, et quoniam credimus quod hec processerunt

the Ottoman domain, free entry into and exit contra mentem et scitum Excellentie sue quam non from ports including that of Istanbul, and the dubitamus velle pacem ipsam servare, instabis quod anime ‘oh b ? d-sell. “and th h il b £ abducte relaxentur et quod damna restituantur sicut iustum right to buy and ‘sell, “an Ut cy sna € Sate et debitum est et quod ordinet per modum quod omnes sui on the sea and on land,” promised Mehmed, “as a damnis nostrorum se de cetero abstineant.” was customary before, in the time of my father.” Venice wanted to retain the northern Sporades (Skyros, The Venetians were only obliged to pay a two Skiathos, and Skopelos) because of their proximity to per cent sales tax, and .they granted to(Lesbos), Turkish Negroponte (Euboea). If Domenico Gattilusio, lordfor of . . ytilene or his envoy was at the Porte asking merchants the same rights in Venetian ports aS the return of the islands to his rule, Marcello was to they were to enjoy in those of the sultan. Both — dissuade him: “Ad partem vero insularum Schyri, Schinti, powers pledged themselves not to assist each et Scopuli per formam capitulorum pacis nulla fit mentio other’s enemies, to which the Venetians cheer- quod restituantur fueruntque insule ille accepte tempore guerre quo tempore accipi potuerunt promisimusque fully assented some seven months after the papal hominibus dictarum insularum quod eos pro dominio announcement of a crusade. From the Venetian nostro tenebimus et conservabimus et nulli alio domino standpoint it seemed to be a good peace and to dabimus, propterea non videmus, salvo jure et honore meet the needs of the Republic if not those of —"°Stro, posse ipsas insulas alicui dare licet vellemus in longe

Christendom." maioribussue quam de his minimis miserabilibus : complacere Excellentie sicqueetnon dubitamusinsulis quod dominatio sua pro eius summa sapientia et magnitudine

© See, below, pp. 156-57. animi bene contenta et satisfacta remanebit. Et cum his et ‘! The full text and historical background are given by _ aliis pertinentibus rationibus et verbis instabis et procurabis, Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1153-58; sicut de prudentia tua confidimus, quod desistat a petitione Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2923, 2932, 2934-36, 2946, dictarum insularum quia nostre mentis est quod ipse insule 2955-56, pp. 186 ff.; cf. S. Romanin, Storia documentata nobis remaneant. Et si dominus Methelini [Domenico di Venezia, 1V (Venice, 1855), 254, 527 ff.; J. W. Zinkeisen, Gattilusio, d. 1458] vel nuntius suus esset ad portam Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, 11 (Gotha, 1854), 33-37; Theucri solicitando restitutionem dictarum insularum sibi

W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-age, suadebis cum illis verbis et rationibus que tue prudentie trans. Furcy Raynaud, II (Leipzig, 1886, repr. Amsterdam, _videbuntur quod velint desistere ab hac petitione et potius

1967), 315-17; Pastor, Gesch.. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), caripendere benevolentiam nostram quam tres scopulos 626-28; F. Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore (1957), prout sunt dicti tres.” pp. 175-76. Bartolommeo Marcello served as Venetian The commission continues with Marcello’s instructions to bailie in Istanbul for two years, being replaced in 1456 by the effect that: “Iustificata materia insularum dices prefato Lorenzo Vitturi (Thiriet, Régestes, III, nos. 2969, 3016, domino quod pro observatione et implemento capitulorum pp. 198, 211). We may also note that in the treaties of pacis designavimus et misimus te in bailum nostrum 1451 and 1454 Venetian suzerainty was recognized over the Constantinopolis et misissemus etiam galeas nostras iuxta duchy of Naxos, which was not to pay tribute to the Turk — solitum. Sed quoniam in tempore convenienti ad nos non (Thomas and Predelli, Dipl. ven.-levantinum, Il, no. 209, _ rediisti nostras galeas mittere non potuimus sed ex Venetiis,

142 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Turks were hardly civilized, and the merchants The recovery of Constantinople rather than of

of S. Mark often looked back with strong Jerusalem now became the crusading ideal of

nostalgia to the good old days of ‘Byzantium. such Europeans as were moved to contemplate At any moment the sultan might indulge in some war against the infidel. There were a good many fit of passion or brutality. However conciliatory of them. The significance of the Turkish victory the policy of the home government, the Vene-

tians found it hard to get along with the warlike , a ,

Turks, who looked with disdain upon merchants In a most engaging but rather misleading article Emil ae , Jacobs, “Mehemmed II., der Eroberer, seine Beziehungen of patrician families as mere hucksters. If the ur Renaissance und seine Bichersammlung,” Oriens, H Venetian bailie in Istanbul received an unusually (1949), 6-30, has depicted Mehmed’s cultural interests and large salary, he earned it. Considering the con- the intellectual life of the court circle around him in too flict of interest which, given the sultan’s insatiable 8!0W'g colors. Jacobs believed that Mehmed, “der treueste ambition, was certain to obtain between the Porte Verstandnis fur die zeitgendssische Bildung des Abendand the Signoria, the bailie could not be sure | landes” (zbtd., p. 9). He gives a good deal of attention to any morning that he would not spend the night Ciriaco, whom he erroneously believes to be the Kyrizis in prison. The fate of Girolamo Minotto was of Francesco Filelfo’s letter of 11 March, 1454 (pp. 14-15), always before him. The Venetians could lament which has already claimed our attention in Chapter 2. the passing of the Byzantine empire almost as {ralian Jewish physician Yakub Pasha than by the diplomats

ws . . Reprasentant des alten Osmanentums,” had acquired “ein . ° : Certainly more influence was exerted on Mehmed by his

much as the Greeks.” and humanists who came for (usually) brief periods to the

——————_ Porte. At a later date (in July, 1469), for example, the

Creta, et aliis omnibus locis nostris ordinavimus quod naves_ _ Venetian Senate thought that Yakub Pasha, “Master Jacomo et navigia cum mercatoribus vadant Constantinopolim iuxta the Physician” (see below, p. 296), whose name is linked with

solitum et in futurum servabitur consuetudo.” He was to that of the Grand Vizir Mahmud Pasha, might help prevail make the customary presents of cloth of gold, silk, and other upon Mehmed to make peace with the Republic during a

gifts to the high officials of the Porte; report fully and terrible phase of the Turco-Venetian war (Sen. Secreta, clearly on conditions in Constantinople four days after his Reg. 24, fols. 34% and 36°). On this interesting figure, arrival; attend to several other important matters; and finally apparently more important than any humanist at the Porte, look to the release of Venetian prisoners in Turkish hands see Babinger, “Ja‘qub-Pascha, ein Leibarzt Mehmed’s IL., —“Sicut scis, restant adhuc captivi in manibus Teucrorum Leben und Schicksale des Maestro Jacopo aus Gaeta,” non nulli Veneti et fideles nostri inter quos est Victor Aufsatze u. Abhandlungen, 1 (1962), 240-62 (first published Trivisano de la Barba; ipsorum liberationem procurabis in the Rivista degli studi orientali, XXVI [Rome, 1951], sicut melius et utilius cognoveris et maxime dicti Victoris 87-113); note also Bernard Lewis, “The Privilege Granted culus pater providit de pecuniis necessariis ad illius by Mehmed II to his Physician,” Bulletin of the School of

redemptionem.” Oriental and African Studies, University of London, XIV-3 Marcello’s duties, as he departed for Constantinople “in (1952), 550-63; and cf. E. Birnbaum, “Hekim Ya‘qib, baylum et rectorem nostrorum Venetorum exercendo Physician to Sultan Mehemmed the Conqueror,” Harofé regimen tuum ibidem et in illis locis que tenebat Imperator Haivri: The Hebrew Medical Journal, I (1961), 250-222 [sic].

Constantinopolis a die quo applicueris illuc usque ad duos Few works of notable value were produced in Istanbul annos,” are defined in detail in the Senato Mar, Reg. 5, _ in the fifteenth century, very little originality being shown fols. 49°—51" [50°—-52"], doc. dated 16 August, 1454, witha __ in belles-lettres, grammar, theology, philosophy, law, or the

concise summary in Thiriet, Régestes, III, no. 2976, — sciences (cf. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 685-720). Mehmed’s

pp. 200-1. Upon his return to Venice, Marcello passed interest in western “culture,” as was noted by Jacopo through Ragusa in April, 1456, bringing the news of vast Tedaldi, Jacopo de’ Languschi, Niccolé Sagundino, the Turkish preparations for a campaign “ad expugnanda Pseudo-Sphrantzes, and’ others, was to learn enough of Danubii loca” (to be directed against Belgrade, for which see —_ Europe to facilitate further conquests in the West (Babinger,

below, Chapter 6). The Ragusei reported the fact to John “Mehmed II., der Eroberer, und Italien,” in Aufsatze u. Hunyadi on 15 April (J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, eds., Abhandlungen, 1 [1962], 178-86). He wanted to know how Diplomatarium ragusanum, Budapest, 1887, no. 342, p. 592). Alexander and Caesar had conquered the world, but he was A Turkish envoy accompanied Marcello upon the latter’s no “prince of the Italian Renaissance,” addicted to humanism

return home (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 20, fol. 89° [90°], doc. (idem, Maometto, pp. 740-42). To be sure, Persian copyists,

dated 19 May, 1456). miniaturists, and binders produced some fine books at

" Cf. Heyd, Hist. du commerce, trans. Furcy Raynaud, II Mehmed’s court, but the sixteenth century was the great era (1886, repr. 1967), 317-18. There was some intellectual of bookmaking and manuscript illumination (ibid., pp. 682—activity at the court of Mehmed II, especially in his later 83). Highly intelligent without doubt, Mehmed practiced a

years. An assessment of his interest in western culture _ religious tolerance which did him honor. He was in fact usually begins with a discussion of Ciriaco of Ancona’s intrigued by Christian theology, but probably had a less presence at the Porte (see above, Chapter 2, note 113). Most extensive knowledge of “foreign” languages than has of the Ottoman soldiers and tax officials with whom the — usually been assumed (Ch. G. Patrinelis, “Mehmed II the Venetian merchants dealt were a crude and grasping lot. Conqueror and His Presumed Knowledge of Greek and Although the names are known of various literati and Latin,” Viator, II [1971], 349-54). On the whole Heyd, II, scholars at the Ottoman court, to whom Mehmed sometimes 317, seems not without reason in stating that “chez les gave pensions and offices, their intellectual achievements Turcs, prince et peuple étaient encore ... loin de la

were very modest indeed. civilisation. . . .”

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 143 of 29 May, 1453, quickly penetrated even into place again become a rich market for precious the dream world of chivalric forms and cere- stones, fine cloths, silks, and other agreeable monials which one still found at the court of items. They were, however, not to discuss the Burgundy, and on 17 February, 1454, Duke possibility of a tribute, if the sultan brought up Philip the Good and the Knights of the Golden _ the question, unless there seemed a reasonable Fleece took the most solemn crusading vows at chance of his restoring Pera to the Republic. Lille amid the gorgeous and (to us) melodramatic Should they be able to secure no concession at spectacles attending the celebrated Feast of the all from him, they were to solicit his mercy for

Pheasant. the inhabitants of Pera, whose own prayers they were also to transmit to him. In the (highly

If the Venetians viewed the Turkish success unlikely) event of their success, the two envoys with dismay, the Genoese did so with terror. were to draw lots to see which one of them would Mehmed II’s occupation of Pera (Galata) had take over the office of podesta and assume the

come at a low point in the checkered fortunes task of refortifying Pera. They were also to of Genoa, which could do nothing but fear for secure in writing, if they could, the sultan’s the future of Caffa and the trading company or guarantee of freedom for Genoese trade and

mahona of Chios. Since the state had only the shipping as well as access to the Black Sea, where slenderest resources, and was at war with Naples, Caffa now hung like a ripe apple on the tree.

it was preposterous to think of making war also Permission to export wheat from Ottoman on the Porte. It was difficult even to find the funds territories was another request. ‘The commission

necessary to send an embassy to Istanbul. On given Spinola and Maruffo represented the 11 March, 1454, however, two envoys were triumph of wishful thinking over common sense, finally appointed, Luciano Spinola and Baldassare and after consulting with their compatriots at Maruffo, whose instructions were to proceed Chios, Pera, and Adrianople, as Heyd suggests, without delay to Istanbul, stopping first at Chios _ very likely the poor envoys never presented their

and then at Pera, in order to learn all they petition to the sultan at all, which would

could of conditions at the Ottoman court and also have been in keeping with their instrucof the sultan’s general mood, asa guide to how tions. Maruffo died on the return journey, and much they might ask for, and with what chance Spinola later gave the poor state of his health as

of success. Once in the sultan’s presence, they the reason for declining to return to Istanbul were to congratulate him on the occupation of on a second such mission." Constantinople, which under his domination Spinola’s reluctance again to face the Gran might now look forward to a new era of ‘Turco was no greater than that of his governprosperity! If their previous consultations at ment, which had surrendered Caffa and all its Chios and Pera had been at all hopeful, they other possessions on the Black Sea to the Bank were to make a special plea for Pera, which

without its own defenses would inevitably perish,

being unsafe as a resort for merchants and asa _,, ‘imedeo wigna, wodice orp omatice “ene colonic ee depot for merchandise. They were to try to gain 1275) oan ora Hiligure ih coria bathe. nanan » In Ati Alte ‘lla’, della Societa di storia patria, IL VI (Genoa, the return of Pera to Genoa and to secure 1868), docs. 11, XXXVIII-XXXIX, CXVH, pp. 21-23, 118-22, permission for the repair of its walls and towers, 297-301, and esp. L. T. Belgrano, “Documenti riguardanti

for only thus could Mehmed hope to see the Ja colonia di Pera,” «id., XII (1877-84), no. cLIVv,

pp. 261-70, where note the importance of Francesco

Drapperio (p. 263), on whom see above, pp. 79, 94—95, and

OO below, note 19. Cf. also V. V. MakuSev, Monumenta historica 8G. du Fresne de Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, slavorum meridionalium, U (Belgrade, 1882), 14-15, letter

V (Paris, 1890), 395-97; Otto Cartellieri, The Court of dated 13 March, 1454, of the Doge Pietro di CampoBurgundy, trans. Malcolm Letts, New York, 1929, pp. fregoso and the Council of the Anziani to Sultan Mehmed 136-53; Constantin Marinesco, in Comptes rendus de II; Heyd, Histoire du commerce, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I, l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 1951, p. 136; 313-15, 387; Philip P. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by

Armand Grunzweig, “Philippe le Bon et Constantinople,” the Genoese, I (Cambridge, 1958), 203-5. For conditions in Byzantion, XXIV (1954), 47-61; Richard Vaughan, Philip the Genoese colonies of Pera and the Black Sea, see the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy, London, 1970, pp. Vigna, in Atti, VI, nos. I, XXI-xXxU, xxxul ff., Cxxxviu, 143-45, 266-67, 297-99, 358 ff.; and Yvon Lacaze, cut, et alibi, and on Genoese commercial enterprise both “Politique ‘méditerranéenne’ et projets de croisade chez at home and abroad, see Jacques Heers, Génes au XV® Philippe le Bon: De la chute de Byzance 4 la victoire siécle: Activité économique et problémes sociaux, Paris, 1961, who chrétienne de Belgrade (mai 1453—juillet 1456),” Annales de gives some attention to the colonies at Pera and on the Black

Bourgogne, XLI (1969), 5-42, 81-132. Sea as well as to Francesco Drapperio.

144 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of S. George (Uffizio di S. Giorgio) in an irrev- become all the greater “unless the city lof Chios] ocable grant, made in the Palazzo Pubblico in’ were fortified with stronger walls and _ battle-

Genoa shortly after noontime on Thursday, ments, and protected by a larger garrison.”

15 November, 1453. The Bank of S. George Considering the Turks’ striking power both on acquired Caffa and the other colonies in full land and at sea and Sultan Mehmed II’s audacity

sovereignty, with the rights of naming all and greed, the refortification of Chios and its

officials, legislating for the inhabitants, and try- harbor facilities had become a grave necessity. ing under its jurisdiction even capital cases. The Fear of the sultan, however, had already imBank, founded in 1407, disposed of larger posed the most terrible financial burdens on the resources than did the impoverished Republic mahona. The intolerably large annual tribute of Genoa. The directors (protectores) of the Bank which the island company had to pay the Porte began most vigorously to see to the repair of the made it quite impossible to provide for the fortifications and the reform of the administra- proper defense of Chios from current revenues. tion of Caffa (and Samastri also). The constant Conditions had become such that the commune danger, however, to men and ships having to of Genoa should itself be extending a helping run the gauntlet under the cannon of Rumeli hand. There was pressing ‘need, we are told, of a Hisar and Anadolu Hisar, as well as the great financial subvention for the preservation of expense involved in such difficult and distant Chios, but the mahonesi realized that the home operations, soon diminished the directors’ ardor government was faced with its own perils and

for justice, efficiency, and the honor of S. problems, and so dared not ask for the help

George. The stockholders had to be considered. which the state of emergency actually demanded.

The Bank had been obliged to reduce its The mahonest therefore proposed as an alternadividend from seven to four per cent, and the _ tive, however inadequate it might be, the fuller inhabitants of Caffa apparently paid the Porte employment of local resources in the public from year to year a tribute of 3,000 Venetian interest—increasing the import duty paid by ducats, which an embassy sent from the colony foreigners and also the tax on wine; doubling

had negotiated for 1454-1455." the government brokerage fees on all purchases,

Important enough before the fall of Con- sales, and exchanges; removing the Latin

stantinople, the city and island of Chios became _ burghers’ exemption from the kharaj (caragium),

(after the Turkish occupation of Pera) the chief which was levied on all property to help meet Genoese outpost in the Levant. There was there- the Turkish tribute; and further requiring from fore every reason for the mahonest solemnly to the Latin burghers an annual contribution of warn the Genoese Doge Pietro di Campofregoso food (provisio victualium), such as the Greeks,

and the Council of the Anziani, in the autumn Jews, and others were obliged to make, notof 1454, that as the Republic’s ships and _ withstanding the burghers’ previous exemption merchandise were more and more concentrated from this impost.'® On 18 December, 1454, after in the island, the danger from the Turks would _ two days’ examination of the mahonesv’s petition, the doge and Anziani granted all their requests, Cf. Heyd, Hist. du commerce, trans. Furcy Raynaud, which were con firmed by the treasury officials II, 382-90, and for the sources see Vigna, “Codice diplo- OM the following day, and registered by the matico,” in Atti della Societa ligure di storia patria, V1, nos. Chancellor on the twentieth.’” It was necessary

n ; er . - .

I-IV, pp. 24-43, docs. dated November, 1453, and Sil. to do something, but of course there was little de Sacy, “Pieces diplomatiques,” in Notices et extras tq do. The Genoese hold on Chios would be des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi et autres biblio- . . théques, XI (Paris, 1827), 81-89. The revenues of Caffa relinquished whenever the Ottoman sultan “and those parts” were estimated at more than 30,000 should decide that the time had come. pounds (Vigna, op. cit., p. 25). On 22 April, 1455, For a while it seemed as though the time had

Mee AT ata ake toatl Siu Safcsxies come in the spring and summer of 1455 when the Turks or the Tatars to help hold “hreatened Caffa the Turkish admiral Hamza Beg, after raids

for the directors of the Bank of S. George, the plenary UPON the Hospitaller strongholds at Rhodes and remission of all sins, as outlined in Nicholas’s declara- elsewhere,’® directed his large fleet toward the tions with respect to the jubilee year (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 436, fols. 3'-5', and 269'-270", by mod... —————__ stamped enumeration, and ¢f. Reg. Vat. 439, fols. 174¥- 6 Argenti, Occupation of Chios, II (1958), 302-4. 175’, doc. of the following November referring to that of Ibid., 11, 304—5; vol. I, pp. 422-23. 22 April). On the Bank of S. George, which survived until On the problems of the Hospitallers in the years 1797, see Heers, Génes au XV° siécle, esp. pp. 97 ff. immediately after 1453, see R. Valentini, “L’Egeo dopo

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 145 harbor of Chios, which was rather better de- to Drapperio. He landed some forces on the fended than the mahonesi’s petition of 1454 might island; they became embroiled with the in-

have led the Genoese government to believe. habitants; and in the encounter the Turkish Although Hamza Beg landed troops on Chios, flagship was sunk. The ship was Hamza Beg’s

lacking cannon and siege tackle, he did not attack own property, but the fact helped little to assuage the town walls nor the harbor installations, but the wrath of Mehmed II, who removed him from

he demanded the payment of 40,000 ducats the naval command, and appointed Yunus which the mahonesi were alleged to owe Francesco Pasha in his place. Chios was spared a full-scale Drapperio for alum delivered to Chios. Drapperio, Turkish attack when the mahonest agreed to pay

a Genoese resident in Galata, whom we have an increased tribute and an indemnity of 30,000 met as Ciriaco of Ancona’s friend, had long ducats, which seems like a steep price for the been a favorite of the Porte. He appears to ship which the Turks had lost as a consequence have assigned the debt, which the mahonesi of their own aggression. Toward the end of the claimed already to have satisfied, to the sultan.!2 year 1455, however, the two Phocaeas on the Drapperio was in fact on board a Turkish Anatolian coast, the chief source of alum for the vessel calmly watching Hamza Beg’s ineffective European market, were taken by the Turks, who effort to collect the money. After ravaging parts sacked them with their customary thoroughness.”

of the island and taking two reluctant Chian During the anxious months of waiting for

envoys into custody, Hamza Beg sailed on to Mehmed II’s next move, the mahonesi addressed Cos (Stanchio, Istank6y), where he laid un- an appeal from Chios to Rome on 14 August, successful siege to the highland castle for three 1455, reminding the pope, now Calixtus III, of weeks. Cos was a dependency of the Hospitallers, the terror under which they lived. The Turkish

whose persistent refusal to pay tribute to the fleet had just been sent against them. It was Porte earned them Mehmed II's lifelong enmity. going to return in greater strength, “and that Accomplishing nothing against the defenders of this will happen, we have learned through no

Cos, Hamza Beg finally set sail for Gallipoli, idle rumor but from informed authorities.”

again weighing anchor off Chios, where he The mahones: would stand by the Christian cause demanded that the mahonest send envoys to with steadfast hearts: Adrianople to settle the question of their debt But what is our strength? How will so small a colony be defended without the common help of Christen-

—_ dom?—and yet, however small, we think its imporla caduta di Costantinopoli nelle relazioni dei Gran Maestri tance is not unknown to all Christians overseas. Its di Rodi,” Bullettino dell’ Istituto storico italiano per il medio fall would carry most of them to the same destruction.

do, € Archivio seratoriano, Ll (192°), 137-68, we four Amid these perils which we share with other 48_ 51, Ss ang ap lie presen’ cones’ notes, Ws PP: — Christians we take refuge in your Holiness. . . . 19 Drapperio was not always prompt, it would seem, inthe The mahonesi expressed a touching if somewhat payment of his own debts. Four years before this (on 8 July, 1451), when Lorenzo Moro was being sent as Vene- §—=—————

tian envoy to the new sultan, Mehmed II, among the 2° On the indemnity, see Ducas, Hist. byzant., chap. 45 charges he received from the Senate was that of getting (Bonn, p. 335); in addition to the ship it was, of course, Mehmed or the pashas at the Ottoman court to force intended to cover the Turkish loss of life. The annual Drapperio to pay what he owed one Giovannitde Mercato tribute for Chios was now set at 10,000 ducats. In a Novo, a Venetian citizen, who had done business with second expedition of the same year the Genoese station of Drapperio through a factor named Domenico de Magistris. New Phocaea, together with its alum works, was taken by Moro’s commission indicates that a magna summa pecuniarum _ the Turks (on 1 November, 1455), as we learn from Crito-

was involved, and describes Drapperio as a “Genoese and __ bulus, II, 5 (ed. Karl Miller, in Fragmenta historicorum subject of the sultan,” Januensis et subditus dicti imperatoris graecorum [FHG], V-1 [Paris, 1870], p. 108b, and ed. V. Turchorum (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Mar, Reg. 4, fol. Grecu, Critobul din Imbros: Din domnia lui Mahomed al 67° [68°]). Amedeo Vigna, “Codice diplomatico,” Atti della -lea, anit 1451-1467, Bucharest, 1963, p. 179), as well as

Societa ligure di storia patria, VI, 221, note, says that from Ducas, chap. 44 (Bonn, pp. 333-34), in some detail. “Drapperio” (drappo, cloth; drappiere, draper, mercer) seems Old Phocaea soon followed New Phocaea into Turkish not to be a Genoese surname, and that Francesco was a hands. See in general Vigna, “Codice diplomatico,” Atti Jew, which might explain his friendliness with the Turks della Societa ligure, VI, 220 ff.; W. Heyd, Hist. du and his apparent indifference to his Christian compatriots. commerce, trans. Furcy Raynaud, I, 319-20; Babinger, He was the chief financial figure in the eastern alum Maometto (1957), pp. 202-6, 208; Argenti, Occupation of

trade during the fifth decade of the century (Marie- Chios, I, 208-9; and esp. Wolfgang Miller-Wiener, Louise Heers, “Les Génois et le commerce de lalun a la “Kusadasi und Yeni-Focga: Zwei italienische Grindungs-

fin du moyen 4ge,” Revue d’histoire économique et sociale, stadte des Mittelalters,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen, XXV (1975),

XXXII [1954], 36-42, 49 ff.). 399-420.

146 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT rhetorical confidence in the aged pontiff’s taken again, with considerable losses on both divine mission to save them and redeem the _ sides, and partially destroyed. This was the fifth

faith by massing western arms against the ‘Turkish invasion of the Morea and the fifth

Turks. The mahonesit were pleading for the destruction of the Hexamilion in less than thirty rescue not of schismatic Greeks, but of ancient years, the previous occasions being in 1423, Christians of Italian stock, who had ever been ’31, ’46, and ’50.”4 faithful to the sacrosanct Church of Rome, and After forcing his passage through the Isthmus who (whether deserted by their fellow Christians of Corinth in October, 1452, TTurakhan Beg had

or not) were prepared to fight until the end.*’ traversed the Argolid and southern Arcadia, On 28 November, 1455, Calixtus III granted going by way of Mantineia, Tripolitza, and to those who supported themselves for six Tegea, past Megalopolis, all the way to the rich months in the defense of Chios the indulgence | plains of ancient Messene at the foot of historic

and plenary remission of sins which had been Mount Ithome. Killing or capturing all the bestowed on pilgrims to Rome in the jubilee and inhabitants who did not escape him, he despoiled

on crusaders in the Holy Land.” The pope the beautiful countryside in a brutal razzia. As a made no mention of his intention to send a_ diversion to prevent the Moreote despots from fleet into Levantine waters against the Turks. sending aid to the beleaguered capital, it was The customary privileges of the crusading quite successful, although a Turkish contingent indulgence did not fit very well the requirements under Ahmed Beg was ambushed in a mountain

of the mahonesi. There were more attractive pass near Mycenae by a force under Matthew ways to win the indulgence than by giving half a Asan, whose sister Zoe had married the Despot year to garrison duty in Chios, to the patrol of Demetrius. Ahmed Beg was captured and sent to lonely shores, or to service aboard the mahona’s Demetrius at Mistra, where he was imprisoned.

galley. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes concludes his account of these events with the sad notice that “on 17

The attention of Europe had been fastened January [1453] . . . there was born the heir of upon Constantinople. The Genoese worried the Palaeologi and of this small spark of the about Pera and Caffa, and the Venetians about Roman empire, the lord Andreas Palaeologus, Negroponte, but there had been another im- son of the porphyrogenite Despot Thomas.””° portant theater of Turkish military operations Andreas’s later history was to be as sad as the in the Morea. While Mehmed II had been _ political circumstances attending his birth.

making preparations for the siege of Con- The fall of Constantinople had produced

stantinople, he had sent the old general consternation in the Morea, and it would be hard Turakhan Beg and the latter’s two sons, Ahmed to say whether the despots were the more Beg and Omar Beg, to invade the Morea in reassured or frightened by the accounts they October, 1452, directing them to remain there received from some of the notable refugees who all winter to prevent the Despots Thomas and managed to reach their peninsular domain in Demetrius from coming to the assistance of their safety. Among these was the diplomat and brother Constantine XI.23 The Hexamilion was historian George Sphrantzes, who had lost his

21 Cod. Barberini lat. 3210, fols. 115-16, published by 4For the Turkish assaults on the Hexamilion in 1423, Argenti, Occupation of Chios, II, 427-28, and by Vigna, 1431, and 1446, see above, pp. 38, 95b, 96—97; for that in “Codice diplomatico,” Ait della Societa ligure, VI (1868), 1450, see Chalcocondylas, bk. vit (Bonn, p. 378; ed. Darko,

no. CxLvul, pp. 353-54, from Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad II-1 [1923], 144-45), and cf. in general Wm. Miller, ann. 1455, no. 33, vol. XVIII (Cologne, 1694), p. 443. Latins in the Levant, London, 1908, pp. 387, 410, 412-14, 22 Reg. Vat. 439, fols. 220"-221; wrongly dated in Ar- and 425. genti, op. cit., I, 430-31. Numerous documents relating to 25 Pseudo-Sphrantzes, III, 3 (Bonn, pp. 235-36; ed. Calixtus III’s crusading efforts are given by Vigna, in Atti, Grecu, p. 380), from Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156,

VI, esp. pp. 505 ff. 1060D; ed. Grecu, p. 96); Chalcocondylas, bk. vi (Bonn,

23 Pseudo-Sphranizes, III, 3 (Bonn, p. 235; ed. V. Grecu, pp. 381-82; ed. Dark6, II, 148); ef. Critobulus, I, 19 (ed. Geo. Sphrantzes . . . in anexad Pseudo-Phrantzes, Bucharest, Miiller, FHG, V-1, pp. 69-70; ed. Grecu, pp. 79, 81), and 1966, p. 380), and cf. Geo. Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG Chas. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, repr. 156, 1060D; ed. Grecu, p. 96); Laonicus Chalcocondylas, Brussels, 1966, geneal. tables, p. 536. On this expedition, bk. vim (Bonn, p. 381; ed. E. Darko, H-2 [Budapest, note also Franz Babinger, “Turakhan Beg,” Encyclopaedia of

1927], 148). This expedition is not mentioned by either Islam, IV (1924-34), 877, where it is wrongly dated Ducas or Critobulus. October, 1453.

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 147 wife and children, sold into slavery by the Albanians, who were to be urged “to be bold and of Turks,?® and who had apparently served the late stout heart and to proceed manfully until the Emperor Constantine XI with love and loyalty to coming of the said commissioner.”*® Although the last hours of the latter’s life. Another refugee Canale’s appointment and this encouragement of to reach the Morea, after a sojourn in Crete, was the Albanian insurrection apparently passed the Cardinal Isidore of Kiev, of whom Chalco- Senate by a large majority, it is not clear what if condylas says: “If the sultan had known this man, anything was done in consequence of this action.

that he was Cardinal Isidore, he would have The coming months, moreover, saw a con-

killed him and not let him escape, but thinking siderable modification of Venetian views, for that he was dead by now, he had paid no _ occupation of a large part of the Morea would

attention to the matter.”?? Pope Pius II later inevitably embroil them in war with Sultan recalled that Isidore, who became cardinal Mehmed, which they certainly did not want. bishop of Sabina, escaped from Constantinople In an elaborate commission of 16 and 19 July, by changing clothes with a corpse, “leaving his 1454, the Doge Francesco Foscari directed cowl and the red hat on the dead man” (cuculla et another envoy, the famous Vettore Capello, to rubenti pileo supra mortuum dimissis), whose head go to Modon, where he should notify both the was mounted ona pike and paraded throughthe despots and the Albanians of his arrival for city and the Turkish camp “per ignominiam the purpose of negotiating with them. He was

contemptumque Sedis Apostolicae.””® instructed to acquaint himself thoroughly with The terrible news from the Bosporus un- the state of affairs in the Morea and by what doubtedly added much to the confusion that means and methods peace might be re-estabcommonly existed in the Morea. According to lished between the contending parties. Capello Chalcocondylas, the two despots were preparing was also to investigate the extent of the Despot

to flee to Italy with the most important Greek Thomas’s violation of Venetian rights and

dignitaries of the Morea when Sultan Mehmed _ territories, request an audience of Thomas, and made peace with them.”* If they paid the annual explain

tribute, they could apparently retain their that because of our very great affection for his

sovereignty, which they chose to do, but now illustrious forebears, we have suffered deep distress a storm of discontent against their feeble rule gy, his Excellency’s behalf and on behalf of all his

broke out in the Morea. By the late summer family for the death of the most serene lord, the

of 1453 some 30,000 Albanians had revolted emperor of Constantinople, and for the grievous fall against the despots, aroused by one of their of that famed city—but recognizing now the many chieftains, Peter Boua “the Lame,” who was a_ uncertainties and perils hanging over him and all the member of the family of the Boua Spatas, once Morea, because no one can doubt that if the war despots of Arta and Lepanto. The Albanians continues between their Excellencies and the Aloffered to submit to Venice; it was said they banians, the country will be reduced to such condition had raised the banner of S. Mark. The Republic tat it must needs pass into the hands of others with answered their appeal with alacrity and ap- have decided not to postpone any longer the sending pointed one Dr. Niccolo da Canale on 17 of our embassy, which we have not been able to send October, 1453, as its high commissioner to the yp to this time because of other occupations and

26 : . .

. ; . e complete ruin and destruction of his state, we

——— our many commitments. ...

>. od; Pseudo Sphrantecs, Ww. 1 (Bona, pp. 809-10 Capello’s task was then defined in these terms: ed. Grecu, p. 458), and cf., ibid., chap. 14 (Bonn, pp.

383-84, 385; ed. Grecu, pp. 522, 524). —_—_———

27 Chalcocondylas, bk. vu1 (Bonn, p. 399; ed. Dark, II, °C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits relatifs a Uhistoire 163), who informs us that the inhabitants of the Greek de la Gréce au moyen-age, I (Paris, 1880, repr. Athens, islands fled when they had learned of the fall of Con- 1972), nos. 145-48, pp. 215-17; Stefano Magno, Estratti

stantinople, and those of the Morea, including the despots, degli Annali veneti, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 199,

hastened to the sea, contemplating flight. and geneal. tables, p. 531; Chalcocondylas, bk. vu (Bonn,

7° Pius II, Commentarii, bk. x1, Frankfurt, 1614, pp. pp. 406-7; ed. Darké, II, 169-70); D. A. Zakythinos,

299-300, trans. Florence Alden Gragg, in Smith College Le Despotat grec de Morée, 1 (Paris, 1932, repr. London, Studies in History, vol. XLHI (Northampton, Mass., 1957), 1975), 247 ff; and in general see J. Ch. Poulos, “The pp. 746-47 [on which see below, Chapter 7, note 13). Settlement of the Albanians in Corinthia” [in Greek], in the 2° Chalcocondylas, bk. vi1i (Bonn, p. 406; ed. Darko, II, ’Ezernpis tov peoatwrixov ’Apxeiov, HI (Athens, 1950),

169). 31-105, esp. pp. 75 ff.

148 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT You are to interpose yourself in our name [between Mistra. Manuel, who was lord of Maina, took the contestants] and provide for and insist upon the Albanian name Ghin; his wife Maria called concord and agreement with respect to all existing herself Cuchia; and the Albanians proclaimed differences between his Excellency [Thomas] and the him despot (1453-1454). Turakhan Beg’s son most illustrious lord Demetrius, brother, and the O . ; only Albanians. and to contrive 2 sound peace and marhis was sent into the Morea, but remained

peace | ht ll vict ver the

harmony between them. . . . ong enough Co score a smali victory Ove Albanians, and then withdrew, gaining the free-

After trying to secure Thomas’s subscription to dom of his brother Ahmed as a reward for peace, Capello was to go next to Demetrius, and his services from _ the Despot Demetrius.*2 finally to the chiefs of the Albanians. In anyevent Doubtless the, Porte saw much value in the

“we wish that you take particular care before or Albanians’ continued hostility to the Palaeologi,

after the conclusion of the said peace, as shall for it would make the latter more tractable seem better to you, that all our places, villages, and very likely make their payment of the lands, and jurisdictions of Modon, Coron, and annual tribute more prompt. The immediate Nauplia should be fully restored to us, as is just repercussions of the Albanian revolt had reand most proper.” Various difficulties were dounded to the discredit of the Palaeologi, anticipated if one or more of the contending who could not suppress it, but if allowed to parties should be unwilling to make peace. Such continue indefinitely in a Turkish satellite state

were Venetian fears and suspicions of the suchas the Morea had become, the revolt would Genoese and Catalans that sixteen members of ultimately reflect on the sultan’s own power the Senate wanted Capello to try peacefully to to preserve order. acquire, by purchase or otherwise, such im- Omar Beg’s military gesture was not sufficient portant seaports as Glarentza, Patras, Corinth, to discourage the Albanians and _ re-establish and Vostitza (Lagusticia, Logostiza), if there peace in the Morea, especially since Giovanni should be any danger of their falling into the Asan, the bastard son of Centurione II Zaccaria, hands of “another maritime power.” A majority last of the Frankish princes of the Morea of the Senate was opposed, however, to the (d. 1432), came forward as a new aspirant to acquisition of more places that would require power. The Albanians flocked to his standard defense, and so this proposal was not incor- as Manuel Cantacuzenus faded into the turbulent

porated in Capello’s instructions.” background. Giovanni Asan was the brother-in-

While Vettore Capello went from place to law of the Despot Thomas, who had married place in the Morea, circumspectly fulfilling the Caterina Zaccaria, legal heiress of Achaea, in instructions in the doge’s commission as well as_ 1430; he had now escaped from imprisonment those he received from home after his arrival, inthe castle of Chloumoutsi, where Thomas had Sultan Mehmed intervened to help the despots confined him after an uprising in 1446 during

suppress the Albanian insurgents. No few the Turkish invasion. Quite a stir was caused

Greeks had joined the Albanian uprising, taking by Giovanni’s appearance in the arena, and advantage of the situation to seek their own Chalcocondylas recounts the events of 1454 at

profit in the peninsular war against the length. It looked as though an Albanian

Palaeologi. The chief of these was Manuel principality might be set up in the peninsula

Cantacuzenus, a descendant of the imperial under this last Latin prince of Achaea, who took family which had established the despotate of his father’s name, Centurione. The Albanians had already appealed to the Porte, recognizing 31 Sathas, Docs. inédits, I, no. 149, pp. 218-23. The Vene- Turkish suzerainty and promising a large annual tian Senate had an especial fear of Genoese meddling in the Morea (ibid., no. 150), but Capello was reminded by letter —= ———————

after his arrival in the Morea that Venice had no territorial 32 Chalcocondylas, bk. vu1 (Bonn, p. 407; ed. Darké, ambitions in the peninsula, and wanted only to see peace II, 170); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1064; ed. maintained (no. 151). The handsomely written archival copy Grecu, pp. 104, 106); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 14 (Bonn, of Capello’s commission of 16-19 July, 1454, from which _p. 383; ed. Grecu, p. 522); Ioann. Cartanus, Anthos, in Sathas published the document, may be found in the Sen. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 267; Theod. Spandugnino, Secreta, Reg. 20, fols. 23¥-25" [24¥-26"]. Nicholas V was Tratt[at]o della casa d’Ottomano funder Giov. Musachi], showing, at this time, a rather belated anxiety to proceed ibid., pp. 330-31; and for Manuel Cantacuzenus’s alleged against the Turks, having even dispatched galleys to the descent from the Emperor John VI, see Hopf, op. East (cf. his letter to the doge of Venice, dated 9 March, cit., geneal. tables, p. 536, and esp. D. M. Nicol, The 1454, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 6, fol. Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus), ca. 1100—-

8’, by mod. stamped enumeration). 1460, Washington, D.C., 1968, pp. 201-3.

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 149 tribute. The despots, however, sent Demetrius’s temporaries were well aware that an important

brother-in-law Matthew to the Porte with a change had taken place in world history. second request for assistance, and this time the Shocked by the fall of the city, Cardinal sultan sent Turakhan Beg himself with a large Bessarion wrote from Bologna on 13 July, 1453,

army. Accompanied again by his two sons, the to Francesco Foscari, the doge of Venice, old warrior arrived in October (1454), declaring recounting the tragedy of the event, and that, since the inhabitants of the Morearegarded appealing to the Republic to take up arms against

the Turks as their enemy, one of the two the Turks with the Christian princes, lest the

despots must at all times be seen with the Turkish Greek islands, central Europe, and Italy should

forces as an assurance to the people. First, in their turn come under attack. There were

Demetrius joined the Turks in an attack upon a doubtless many thoughtful people who realized strongly fortified place called Borbotia. The the importance of these recent events as fully as Albanians, fearing apparently both assault and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, onetime publicist siege, withdrew from the place at night, leaving and orator at the Council of Basel, and for years an alleged 10,000 men and women behind them. _ thereafter observant diplomat and knowledgeNext, Thomas, the younger of the brothers, able secretary of the German imperial chancery. assisted Turakhan Beg in attacks upon Ithome Never a profound thinker, Aeneas Sylvius was and nearby Aetos. The latter place had recently well informed, and his views possess an especial acclaimed Prince “Centurione,” and was ob- _ significance, because within a few years he was viously an important center of the resistance to to become S. Peter’s successor and to make the the Palaeologi. It produced another thousand crusade the chief object of his papacy.

captives. The Albanians had never intended, Aeneas was bishop of his native Siena at this however, to make war on the Porte, a consider-_ time, and happened to be with Frederick III able undertaking. They now capitulated withthe and the imperial court at Graz in Styria when understanding that they might keep the lands, news of the fall of Constantinople reached horses, and beasts of burden they had seized him. The Turkish menace had probably been on in the course of their revolt. Quiet returned to everyone’s mind, but on 17 April, 1453, Aeneas that harassed land, long ravaged by war, plague, had written Cardinal Juan de Carvajal from and famine.* Before his departure Turakhan Wiener Neustadt: “We hear nothing about the Beg summoned the two despots to him for ‘Turk. Would that we might never hear anyanother conference, urged them torule together _ thing! for there 1s no word of him unless he is up

in harmony, do justice to their subjects, and to some harm.”*® On the same day he wrote in suppress evil and sedition. Then, having ex- the same vein to Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa: tended his hand to them in friendship, he left “Concerning the Turk I neither hear anything the country.** But harmony and justice were nor want to do so, for whenever word comes words that Demetrius and ‘Thomas did not understand.

35 _ ; : ; ;

The European abandonment of Constan- 75) er a5 as seP ayes ess Jay, an tinople to the Turks had shaken the conscience Paris, 1878, pp. 454-56; cf. L. Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion, of the West. As Pope Nicholas V had said, it I (Paderborn, 1923), 275—76. Mohler’s book is important,

was the “shame of Christendom.” and con- Ut contains a good many errors throughout. In his brief , account of the fall of Constantinople (p. 273), for example, we may note that Giovanni Giustiniani was a Genoese, not

—-—_——— Venetian, that he went to assist the city with two ships, 33 In the general famine of 1456, for example, grain for not five, etc. There are brief sketches of Bessarion’s bread, when obtainable at all, sold for more than thirty career, with bibliographical data, by L. Labowsky, in the

nomismata for a five-pound weight (wevtddttpov), on which Dizionario biografico degli italiani, IX (1967), 686-96, and

cf. the Chronicon breve, ad ann. 1456 (following Ducas, Antonio Coccia, in the Miscellanea francescana, LXXIII

in Bonn corpus, p. 520). (1973), 265-93. Raoul Manselli, “Il Cardinale Bessarione

3¢ Chalcocondylas, bk. vir (Bonn, pp. 407-13; ed. Dark6, contro il pericolo turco e I’Italia.” ibid., LXXIII, 314II, 170-76); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1064; 26, adds nothing new. Bessarion’s letter of 13 July, 1453, to ed. Grecu, pp. 104, 106); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 14 (Bonn, Francesco Foscari may be found also in Mohler, III

pp. 384-85; ed. Grecu, pp. 522, 524). For the family of (Paderborn, 1942), 475-77. Mohler’s volumes were reGiovanni Asan (“Centurione”) and his relationship to the _ printed at Aalen in 1967. Despot Thomas, cf. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, geneal. tables, 3° Rudolf Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius

pp. 502, 536, and Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant Piccolomini, in the Fontes rerum austriacarum [FRA], u.

(1908), pp. 391-92, 428-30. Abt., vol. 68 (Vienna, 1918), Ep. 69, p. 140.

150 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT | of him, it portends evil for Christendom.’3? whom more than to your Holiness this responsibility Indeed it did, and such word had reached him by — belongs. You must rise up; write to the kings; send 12 July at Graz, where the court had been since legates; warn, exhort the princes and the communities

late May: “Here we have horrible news,” he [of Europe] to assemble in some place of meeting or wrote, “of the loss of Constantinople—if only to send thither their envoys. Right now, while the

it were false!’’38 evil is fresh in mind, let them hasten to take counsel

The news was not false. On the same da for the Christian commonwealth. Let them make a - ay peace or truce with their fellow Christians, and with (12 July) Aeneas wrote his fellow humanist joined forces take up arms against the enemies of

Nicholas V: salvation’s cross!*°

I grieve that S.'Sophia, the most famous church in The letters of Aeneas Sylvius and Frederick all the world, has been ruined or polluted. I grieve J]] to Pope Nicholas V show that the report

that saints’ without number, built with . . .of the fall of ; ,; basilicas which reached the imperial court

wondrous skill, should lie beneath the desolation or C . ‘ed with it the inf . defilement of Mohammed. What shall I say of the onstanunople carried with it the information countless books, as yet unknown to the Latins, which that the Turks had slain 40,000 persons and

were there [in Constantinople]? Alas, how many Teduced even more to slavery. The disaster names of great men will now perish! Here is a second _ filled men’s thoughts, and in a bull promulgated death for Homer and for Plato too. Where are we now on 30 September, 1453, the distressed pontuff to seek the philosophers’ and the poets’ works of _summoned all the Christian princes to a crusade genius? The fount of the Muses has been destroyed. against the Turks and their ruler, Mehmed, “son

Well might we wish that sufficient talent were of Satan, perdition, and death.”*! In the weeks words! .. . vouchsafed us to deplore this calamity with fitting

Men used to say that there was no such danger as 40 7h: a

was alleged, that the Greeks were lying, scheming Ihid., Ep. 109, pp. 200-1, a better text than that in Pius to get money—they used to say that all the perils e. Ep. 162, Opera quae extant omnia, Basel, 1551, repr

. he fears empty. Your ¥Holiness rankfurtGraz a.M.,from 1967,Venice pp. 715-16. August a fa se were: imagined, the npty. : rumorhas reached thatInthe Christians

done what he could. There is nothing for which you still held Constantinople, but it was soon dispelled by recan be blamed, but posterity without knowledge of the ports from various sources (Wolkan, ed., in FRA, u. Abt.,

facts will attach this disaster to your name when it vol. 68, Epp. 126-27, pp. 230, 231). References to the has learned that Constantinople was lost in your fall of the city and to the Turks now become especially time. . . . Now we see one of the two lights of frequent in Aeneas Sylvius’s correspondence (cf. Epp. 112,

tee elgns ; ; conti. th

Christendom extinguished. We behold the seat of en nc Whe ae 141, 147, oe teefrom fen , etc.), where therehee are many interesting letters Greece blotted overthrown, al re Bory oat wes the latter part of 1453 and the early months of 1454, hangs over our verv heads. especially Ep. 153 to Leonardo de’ Benvoglienti, then amongNow us .the a)Turk y Sienese ambassador to Venice; Ep. 274 to Gregorio (Goro) The Black Sea is closed to us, the Don has become J }]i, Aeneas’s cousin and fellow student at the University inaccessible. Now the Vlachs must obey the Turk. of Siena (1423-1431), on conditions in Austria and GerNext his sword will reach the Hungarians, and then many; and Ep. 280 from Giovanni Cirignano to Aeneas, on the Germans. In the meantime we are beset by _ the political situation in Italy. On Aeneas’s years of service internecine strife and hatred. The kings of France and with Frederick HI and his yearning to return home to

England are at war; the German princes fight Italy, the hortus mundi, see Alphons Lhotsky, “Aeneas amongst themselves. Rarely is all Spain quiet; our own oa und Osterreich,” in Anpsatze und Vortrage, 111 (Munich,

Italy is without peace. .. . 1972), 20-71, esp. pp. 09-71. How much better we might turn this abundance Wolkan, ed., Ep. 109, ibid., p. 199; Raynaldus, Ann. 8 ce eccl., ad ann. 1453, no. 8, vol. XVIII (1694), p. 408.

of arms and unceasing warfare against the enemies jy, Frederick's letter, however, the text as given in Rayn., of the faith. I know not, most blessed father, to Jog. cit., hominum quadraginta millia caesa sunt, differs from that in Wolkan’s better edition, hominum pleraque milia

TT cesa sunt (Ep. vil, p. 577); Aeneas Sylvius, however, 37 Ibid., Ep. 70, p. 141. Aeneas Sylvius and Nicholas of | does say quadraginta et amplius milia personarum illic occisa Cusa had a common interest in German affairs which — referuntur (Ep. 109); manuscripts do vary, but in any case served to some (slight) extent to draw them together, | Aeneas wrote not only his ‘own letter, but Frederick’s also!

and their relationship forms the major theme of Erich (Although I have tried throughout this study to adhere Meuthen’s study ‘of Die letzten Jahre des Nikolaus von closely to the sources, I have commonly omitted detailed Kues: Biographische Untersuchungen nach neuen Quellen, notices of minor textual variations.)

Cologne, 1958. ; 41 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1453, nos. 9-11, vol.

38 Wolkan, ed., in FRA, u. Abt., vol. 68, Ep. 108, p. XVIII (1694), pp. 408-10; cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, II, 188, to Stefano Caccia di Fara in Rome. The news had 275-76, and append., no. 20, p. 522, and Gesch. d. been brought to Graz by travelers from Serbia (Ep. Péapste, I (repr. 1955), 622-23, and append., no. 53,

112, p. 207) and from Venice (Ep. 114, p. 217). p. 842.

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 151 and months that followed, papal emissaries a session of the privy council, when Aeneas equipped with the usual letters of credence were Sylvius and others had urged Frederick to attend

sent to the Italian courts as well as to those the assembly of Regensburg in person, the infarther afield to acquaint the princes with what dolent, short-sighted emperor had frankly stated the pope and cardinals had decided in consistory _ his position: as tO ne vei ‘B be take n against the vue and Certainly I should like to be on hand at the congress to sohcit their financial assistance and general ince nothing is closer to my heart than to take counsel support for the crusade, haec fam pia et sancia res, {9+ the common good. It is hard, nevertheless, to look

which the pope had launched. after general interests at one’s own peril. I admit that

The Emperor Frederick III called for a as individuals we ought to aid the commonwealth, but crusading assembly to meet at Regensburg in I see no one anxious to put the advantage of another the spring of 1454, to which Philip of Burgundy before his own. Why mention the [imperial ] electors to

came with great ceremony,* as well as a few of me? It does not escape me pow much anxiety they the German princes, including Duke Ludwig Thev'll « for the common B00 | Pil go to Regensburg.

(1X] of Bavaria-Landshut and the Margrave cy © Stay at home: . . Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg-Ansbach. When it was known that Frederick was not The emperor remained in Austria, however, for going to Regensburg, Aeneas wrote Cardinal he feared the German diets, and sent Aeneas Carvajal from Wiener Neustadt on 11 April, Sylvius to Regensburg as his chief spokesman. 1454, two or three days before the imperial Nicholas V had a papal suspicion of anything envoys left for the assembly, “I fear that in resembling a council, and although he sent the German fashion because of the emperor’s bishop of Pavia as his legate, he did little to absence we shall only get another diet out of this add to the effectiveness of the meeting. At one, but we hardly know what the evening may bring!’’*® Five weeks or so later Aeneas wrote the ” Cf. the papal letter of 24 November, 1453, to Marquis priors of Siena from Regensburg that Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, this would have been a great assembly if the emperor

Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834): “Nicolaus episcopus, servus had come, but his Majesty was necessarily detained

servorum De}, dilecto filio et nobili viro Ludovico marchioni t h b f th .. in. Hunear Mantue. Salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ut intel- ak ome secause =O © ee wel oe y

ligat nobilitas tua quid per nos unacum venerabilibus [which had served Frederick as well as any other fratribus nostris Sancte Romane Ecclesie cardinalibus §=—————

ordinatum sit atque statutum circa provisiones faciendas lorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a Uhistoire des croisades contra Teucrum, Christi nominis inimicum, comisimus non- au XV® siécle, 1V (Bucharest, 1915), pt. 3, nos. 13-14,

nulla dilecto filio Stephano Cacie {on whom note Walther pp. 88-91, and cf. no. 17, and Georg Schrotter, Dr. von Hofmann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen Martin Mair: Ein biographischer Beitrag zur Geschichte der Behorden vom Schisma bis zur Reformation, 2 vols., Rome, politischen und kirchlichen Reformfrage des 15. Jahrhunderts, diss.

1914, Ii, 185], iuris utriusque doctori, archidiacono Munich, 1896, pp. 45-56. Taurinensi, cubiculario et nuncio nostro, presentium exhibi- References are frequent in Aeneas’s correspondence from tori, tue Excellentie nostri parte referenda qui eandem ad _ 1 January, 1454, to the coming diet at Regensburg (Epp. plenum de omnibus informabit et litteras nostras superinde 211-14, 216, 221, 224, 229-30, 234, 236, 240-44, 253,

confectas ostendet, hortamur ergo tuam nobilitatem ut 256-58, etc.), but he had his reservations: “De Ratisvelit sibi tanquam nobis plenam fidem adhibere auxiliaque _ ponensi dieta, etsi spem bonam multi gerunt, non tamen et favores oportunos ad hanc tam piam et sanctam rem __ futuri certitudo ulla est apud homines . . .” (Ep. 267, ed.

peragendam impendere quemadmodum in eadem plene Wolkan, op. cit., p. 455, to Cardinal Carvajal, dated at confidimus et speramus. Datum Rome apud Sanctum Wiener Neustadt, 4 March, 1454). Aeneas also composed Petrum anno Incarnationis dominice millesimo quad- Frederick III’s letter to the pope outlining Frederick’s ringentesimo quinquagesimo tercio, octavo Kal. Decembris, intentions at the coming diet of Regensburg, summoned

pontificatus nostri anno septimo.” for the feast of S. George (23 April), and requesting

*’ Richard Vaughan, Philip the Good, London, 1970, pp. that a cardinal legate be sent to assist him (ed. Wolkan, 296-302, and on the Burgundian background, see also ibid., Amiliche Schreiben, Ep. xu, pp. 595-602, dated at Armand Grunzweig, “Philippe le Bon et Constantinople,” Wiener Neustadt, | January, 1454). Cf. also Epp. xtv,

Byzantion, XXIV (1954-55), 47-61. XV, XVI, etc., to the king of France, the duke of Bur** Aeneas Sylvius wrote a “history” of the famous but gundy, the duke of Modena, etc., also written by Aeneas. futile diet of Regensburg in the form of a letter to John Young King Ladislas of Bohemia and Hungary was not Vitéz, bishop of Grosswardein (Hungarian Nagyvarad, now _ represented at Regensburg, although the Hungarian realm

Oradea in western Rumania), chancellor of the kingdom was much threatened by the Turks, and Ladislas was in

of Hungary (Ep. 291, ed. Wolkan, in FRA, u. Abt., close touch with Rome concerning the crusade (lorga, vol. 68, pp. 492-563; ed. J. D. Mansi, Pa HW... Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, nos. 5, 7—8, pp. 81 ff.) orationes, 3 vols., Lucca, 1755-59, III, 1-84); cf. Raynaldus, *® Aen. Syl., Ep. 291 (de Ratisponensi Dieta), ed. Wolkan,

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1453, no. 13, vol. XVIII (1694), pp. in FRA, 1. Abt., vol. 68, pp. 499-500.

410-11, and ad ann. 1454, nos. 1-2, pp. 418-19; N. 6 Ibid., Ep. 272, p. 460.

152 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pretext might have done]. In attendance at this Nuremberg, if Frederick III decided to come in meeting have been the great dukes Philip of Burgundy _ person. Otherwise the place of meeting was to be

Aillen) oe of ens me Margrave | LaIbrecht Frankfurt. The emperor’s decision as to his chules] of brandenburg; the cardinal of». Fietroin attendance, and so the choice of sites for the diet,

Vincoli [Nicholas of Cusa]; the papal legate, Bishop was requested promptly. If h t going t

[Giovanni Castiglione] of Pavia; the envoys of the ae 72 h Puy: nd ve hot going to

emperor, the king of Poland, the duke of Savoy, the appear Aumsett, he was to sen represen tatlves

electoral princes, and other lords and cities in with full powers to act on his behalf. I think Germany—those who had promised to come from that within a few days the emperor s edict will

Italy have not appeared. . . .*” go out,” Aeneas Sylvius wrote Cardinal Carvajal

on | June, 1454, “by which the princes will be an ane SH, day Ne way 454) poneas wrote ordered to convene at Nuremberg; the emperor’s

Is Iriend@ Peinrich senitieben in Kome, appearance will be promised; God knows

Although you have heard from others of the dissolu- whether he will go or not.” If he did not go, tion of this diet, nevertheless I want you to learn from everyone’s effort would be in vain, and the whole

me what happened here. . . . From this diet, as is business would be ludicrous. If he did go, our custom, another diet has been born, which is to Aeneas had high hopes for the future.*® In other

pe nee in art naa the feast of the ee de of words, a diet held at Nuremberg had a chance

the Virgin [8 September], where, if it can be done, of organizing an effective crusade. One held at

the: plans [capitula] devised here for the defense of . Frankfurt was foredoomed to failure.

Christendom are to be completed, for all have agreed The lett fA Sy]y; th that an army is to be raised against the Turks: but on © renters OF Aeneas oylvius are among the

the methods of recruiting troops we have met with ore fascinating literary productions of a

difficulty and dissension. . . .*8 century rich in the variety of its life and letters.

. The writer of a historical synthesis, however,

Provision had been made at Regensburg for must select only letters which illustrate the the next diet, which was in fact to be held on main flow of events and resist the ever pleasant the feast of S. Michael [29 September] at temptation to follow Aeneas into the lesser byways

—____—_—_—_. of his time. He was a keen observer, a shrewd “ Ibid., Ep. 281, p. 479, dated 19 May, 1454. The diet of appraiser of men and their motives. If we may be

mentioned in Aeneas Sylvius’s many letters from the years

and elector of Brandenburg (1440-1471), seems not to be Felating to the attempt to organize a crusade for 1453-1454; the reference is always to his younger brother the recovery of Constantinople, we may note his Albertus marchio Brandenburgensis (Epp. 49, 61, 90, 135, 147, letter of 5 July, 1454, to his old friend and fellow 160, 168, 172-75, 291). Aeneas Sylvius, as Pope Pius II, citizen, Leonardo de’ Benvoglienti, written from later expressed his admiration for the Margrave Albrecht, Wiener Neustadt between the diets of Regens-

“vir celsi animi et rei militaris peritissimus, qui et in Hun- b d Frankf In this h tolled Phili

garia et in Bohemia et in Polonia et in omni Ger- urg an ran urt. n this he extolle 1p

mania militavit. . . . Achillem plerique Theutonicum voca- Of Burgundy, “a prince to be praised above them vere . . .” (Commentarii, bk. m1, Frankfurt, 1614, p. 91, all.” Philip had put the interests of the Christian

; ; . Note also Eric euthen, “Nikolaus . : .

nes nacre oy J Pastor, easel “ P “psi N repr. commonwealth above his own concerns, “and von Kues auf dem Regensburger Reichstag (1454),” in he promised that he would go in person against the Festschrift fiir Hermann Heimpel, I1 (Gottingen, 1972), the Turks if the emperor, the king of Hungary,

482-99. or some other great prince would lead an army Since the Poles were at armed odds with the Teutonic [eastward ].” Aeneas spoke of the coming diet of Knights and had also to defend themselves against the Frankfurt, for which the date was still given as

Tatars, they were not likely to join a crusading alliance against the Turks (cf. Serban Papacostea, “La Moldavie, ——---———-

état tributaire de l’empire ottoman au XV° siécle: Le *Ibid., Ep. 290, p. 490, from Wiener Neustadt, and

Cadre international des rapports établis en 1455-1456,” see also Ep. 291, p. 551. Aeneas adds, “Therefore, if our

Revue roumaine d’histoire, XI11-3 [1974], 445-61). The Polish lord the pope has the expedition at heart, if he desires

king, Casimir IV, was suzerain of Moldavia, which paid Christianity to be safe from Turkish attack, let him take tribute to Mehmed II, and during the 1450’s (and ’60’s) heed and make every effort to see that the emperor neither Casimir nor the voivodes of Moldavia had any in- attends the diet at Michaelmas. I have wanted to say tention of becoming embroiled with Mehmed. Later on this as my duty, although I do not doubt that the advice (from 1470) Stephen the Great of Moldavia turned against is of small consequence since it comes from me.” There ‘

the Turks. was little love lost between Aeneas and Nicholas V, who

* Aen. Syl., Ep. 282, ed. Wolkan, in FRA, u. Abt., refused to make Aeneas a cardinal, although he had vol. 68, p. 480, from Regensburg. Aeneas also notes appointed him bishop of Siena on 23 September, 1450 that “principes absente imperatore negligentiores sunt.” (C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medi aevi, II [1914, repr.

Cf. also Epp. 283, 290, and esp. Ep. 291. 1960], 235).

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 153 29 September. Leonardo had written Aeneas The diet met at Frankfurt in October, 1454. that many delegates should have beensummoned _ Frederick III did not appear; Aeneas Sylvius was

from Italy to attend the diet of Regensburg. no false prophet. Although rather more largely Indeed, Leonardo had thought of this assembly attended than the diet of Regensburg, that of

as being like that of Constance, not to say Frankfurt displayed from the beginning a

Basel, which had lasted for twenty years. “But poorer spirit, at least from a crusading stand-

our diet [at Regensburg],” as Aeneas hastened point. There were a number of important

to agree, personages present, among them Albrecht has been over and done with after a month. Another Achilles of prandenburg Ansbach, tne M So of has been called. Once more there are being sum- Kar! of Baden, and the electors (archbishops) o

moned here, from Italy, King [Alfonso V] of the Mainz and ‘Trier. Again the papal legate was Aragonese, the Venetians, Genoese, Florentines, the bishop of Pavia, Giovanni Castiglione, whose Sienese, and Lucchesi. Count .Francesco [Sforza], Latin address to the diet was translated into although he has not been invested: [by the emperor] German by Bishop Ulrich of Gurk. Envoys with the Milanese duchy, is also being summoned, as represented the king of Hungary, the dukes of are the duke of Modena and the marquises of Mantua, Burgundy, Savoy, and Modena, the lord of Montferrat, and Saluzzo. Now we shall see how great Mantua, and others; the German dukes of the ardor of our Italians is going to be. Letters are also Austria, Bavaria, and Brunswick sent envoys, being dispatched to the kings of |,France, England, did ber of citi among dt th em Bohemia, Hungary, [ Dacia as area nur O Cl TES an Owns, Se tePoland, card Denmark de -.. Col FraSweden Giovanni da (We have like Neri Capponi and Giannozzo Manetti, already encountered Angelo Acciajuoli as the whose views on foreign affairs followed more Byzantine Emperor John VIII’s guide to Pistoia,

traditional patterns. Prato, and Peretola in 1439.) The French When Charles VII of France afforded virtual acceptance of Sforza as duke diminished the danger from Venice, but the French claim. to

—_——— Naples was inevitably a source of anxiety to strate,” on which seeSforza Atessanoro o, angresso Alfonso. The Medici di Francesco inorem iano e€ iimnizio 1 un ° : became enamored of the

principato,” Archivio storico lombardo, XXXII (4th ser., UI, French alliance which was, after all, part of the 1905), 297-344, and, ibid., IV (1905), 33-101, with seven tradition of old Florence. As for Sforza, he was documents dated from 22 February to 22 March, 1450. obviously better off with France as a friend than The Emperor Frederick III claimed the Milanese duchy asan enemy. France, however, was now emerg-

by escheat as a vacant fief, refusing to recognize the ing victorious from the Hundred Years’ War.

succession through a female line (either through Gian Th ned b h bl f Galeazzo’s daughter Valentina Visconti to her son, the poet ere remained, to be sure, ot er probiems for

Charles d’Orléans [1391-1465], or through Bianca Maria the French to solve, especially those relating Visconti to her husband Francesco Sforza). Alfonso V as- to Burgundy. If the Medici had not encouraged sented nis right duchy on the Nave pasts of aleit, wn whien French interest e€ in Italy, Fili rla Wato the eileve Oo Dequeatnin . ° others would have done Milknese duchy to him. See 'B. Buser, Dit Berichungen sO. The Angevin claim to . Naples: and the der Medicéer zu Frankreich wihrend der Jahre 1434- Orléanist to Milan made such interest inevitable, 1494 in ihrem Zusammenhang mit den allgemeinen Verhaltnissen however long ‘direct intervention might be Ttaliens, Leipzig, 1879, pp. 27 ff., 358 ff., an old but still postponed.

most useful book. On some of the problems which Alfonso During the reign of Nicholas V the papacy,

faced atnote thisAmedeo time, including the possibility of war with hich had t t df | Venice, Miceli di Serradileo, “Sul Temuto WUC a no ye recovere romthe € 10ng Assalto veneziano alle coste ioniche della Calabria nel 1447. years of schism and conciliarism, was unable to

e 1449,” Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania, XL play a decisive role in the diplomatic drama. (1972), 113-27, and see in general Ernesto Pontieri, La Nicholas might have worked for peace, noneNaples, 1968, chap secolo AP et le rivolte di Antonio Centelles, thel ess, m ore vigorously than he did, alth ou gh

There seems no reason to doubt that Filippo Maria the conflicting territorial interests of the Italian had designated Alfonso V as his heir. Alfonso’s own in- States seemed insusceptible to any resolution but tentions appear somewhat ambiguous, however, inasmuch as that of force. Francesco Sforza was wary of the

he assumed the role of defender of the Ambrosian Re- French connection, for everyone knew of public against Francesco Sforza and the Venetians (see Charles VII’s desire to recover Genoa. which Aurea Javierre Mur, “Alfonso V de Aragon y la Republica . ? Ambrosiana,” Boletin de la Real Academia de la historia, (aS we have seen in the preceding volume) CLVI-2 [Madrid, 1965], 191—269, with twenty-four documents, and especially Alan F. C. Ryder, “Alfonso d’Aragona =— ————————

e lavvento di Francesco Sforza al ducato di Milano,” 55 Paul M. Kendall and V. Ilardi, eds. and _ trans., Archivio storico per le province napoletane, n.s., XLI [LXXX, Dispatches with Related Documents of Milanese Ambassadors

1962}, 9-46, with several documents). Alfonso lacked the in France and Burgundy, 1450-1483, 2 vols., Athens,

military strength to make himself a decisive force in Ohio, 1970-71, I [1450-1460], nos. 1~19, pp. 3-131,

northern Italy. docs. dated from 10 September, 1451, to 21 April, 1453.

156 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT France had held from 1396 to 1409. Sforza peace which he had doubtless hoped would thus had more reason to fear France than the make possible a crusade against the Turks.*8 Florentines did. Neither the Angevins nor the Francesco Sforza desired peace, however, as

Orléanists had any claim to Florence. If, much as the Venetians did, and what the however, the Venetians could add much of diplomats had been unable to accomplish in Lombardy to their own great resources, they Rome was brought about by the Augustinian would dominate the northern part of the _ friar Simonetto da Camerino, who served as a

peninsula.*® Cosimo had come to see in his friend secret mediator between Milan and the Repub-

Sforza the best means of preventing that pos- lic. Owing largely to the efforts of the indesibility. But Venice was determined to push her fatigable friar, suddenly and unexpectedly western border to the river Adda, and on 16 Sforza and the Serenissima suspended their May, 1452, she declared war on Sforza and _ hostility to each other. With the flowers of Florence. The Senate believed that the French spring came the peace of Lodi (on 9 April, were not yet in any position to take action. 1454).°° Writing to Sforza on 21 April, Frate Alfonso of Naples promptly joined his Venetian Simonetto told him of the joy which reigned allies on 4 June. The following April (1453) in Venice as a consequence of the peace, and the Florentines induced René, duke of Anjou, ended his letter with an exhortation to the duke to cross the Alps on Sforza’s behalf, to the to arm galleys against the Turks, as was being discouragement of the Venetians. Both Sforza done at Venice.®° The new allies were later and the Florentines were vague in their offers to support René’s ambition to conquer Naples. 58 Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 289-95, and Gesch. d. Papste,

Alfonso was concerned, but hardly alarmed, | (repr. 1955), 634-38. Nicholas was taking some steps although Sforza had enjoyed considerable success against the Turks. A tithe was being collected from the against the Venetians, and René was not inactive. _ Italian clergy and laity for the “exaltation and preserva-

Suddenly came the news of the fall of tion of all the Christian faithful and the destruction and

Constantinople, . i d Veni hadanhundred of all the infidels.” The 1455, accounts were kept from enice haddesolation a hundre January, 1454, to January, by one Francesco di

reasons for wanting to make peace. After some Benedetto of Borgo S. Sepolcro, with numerous paydifficulty and disagreement with his alleged ments recorded through the Medici (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, friends, René of Anjou withdrew north of the Introitus et Exitus, Reg. 426, fols. 85'~91", 100’—101"). In ; 1453-1454 the Lombard humanist Lampo Birago composed Alps, decidedly unhappy, but Charles VII and dedicated to Nicholas his Strategicon adversum Turcos,

believed that Rene had not pushed hard in which he describes the pope as having been ardent enough, and was apparently not seriously for the crusade, et nunc ingenti spiritu ad bellum idque affronted. Cosimo and Sforza had won their wstissimum (Agostino Pertusi, “Le Notizie sulla organizame, and the latter was now recognized as 22ione amministrativa e militare dei Turchi nello ‘Strate-

eS £ th duk f Mil 8 gicon adversum Turcos’ di Lampo Birago [c. 1453-—1455],” € four uke O an. in the Studi sul medioevo cristiano offerti a Raffaello Morghen,

Nicholas V summoned a congress of the 1 (Studi storici, fascc. 88-92, Rome, 1974], 692). Italian powers to convene in Rome. Both the *9 Cristoforo da Soldo, Istoria bresciana, in RISS, XXI

: the new Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt. 3, pp. , —30;

contestants and the authorities of the minor (1752), cons. 882 Eee see 8 ane ed. yazzo tara, states sent their ambassadors, who debated and ga iudo, vite de'duchi, in RISS, XX, cols. 1151E—1153A;

aired the differences of their principals from C. Canetta, “La Pace di Lodi (9 aprile 1454),” Rivista November, 1453, to the following March. The _ storica italiana, 11 (1885), 516-64; Antonini, in Arch. stor.

: : : : perpetua” o April is summarized in Predelli, Regesiz

congress failed to settle anything,’ and indeed = lombardo, vn esp. pp. 245-72. The text of the “pace Nicholas had done little to help it achieve the dei Commemoriali, V (1901), bk. x1v, nos. 282-83, pp.

———— 87-90.

56On the Venetian government’s policy of “imperialist” 6° Antonini, op. cit., p. 277. A few days after the peace of expansion westward and the propaganda of the Sforzeschi __ Lodi, Jacopo da Recanati, archbishop of Ragusa, also wrote

and Florentines to combat it, note Nicolai Rubinstein, Sforza to congratulate him on the peace which had just “Italian Reactions to Terraferma Expansion in the Fifteenth been made. He also stated, “Si anchora che ho speranza, Century,” in J. R. Hale, ed., Renaissance Venice, London, — essendo unita Italia, facilmente se porra obviare et repri-

1973, 197-217. mere le crudelita de pessimo animo del Turco, contro lo

57 See especially Federico Antonini, “La Pace di Lodi ed quale non dubito che la Sanctita di Nostro Signore i segreti maneggi che la prepararono,” Archivio storico [Nicholas V] fara qualche buona provisione, et questa lombardo, 6th ser., LVII (1930), 233-96, with eighteen _ illustrissima Signoria [Venice] ce fara omni sfor[c]io posdocuments, and cf. Leopoldo Pagani, “L’Ambasciata di sibile. Supplica la Excellentia vostra che leit anchora una Francesco Sforza a Nic[c]ol6 V per la pace con Venezia con li altri principi Christiani vogli porre mano a si pesta, (da documenti del R. Archivio di Stato in Milano, 1453- _ sancta et laudabile impresa . . .” (V. V. MakuSev, Monu1454),” ibid., 5th ser., XLVII (1920), 82—96; Carlo Canetta, menta historica slavorum meridionalium, 11 (Belgrade, 1882},

“Il Congresso di Roma nel 1454,” ibid., IX (1882), 129-35. 84-86, doc. dated at Venice on 14 April, 1454).

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 157 joined by Cosimo de’ Medici and the Florentines present, and urged the crusade upon the diet. (on 30 August), and finally by the reluctant Ladislas of Bohemia and Hungary came as close Alfonso of Naples (on 26 January, 1455), who as Vienna, while his envoys pressed an appeal

had been supporting Venice. When Pope for aid against the Turks before Frederick Nicholas V in a further agreement went along at Neustadt, reminding his Majesty that the

with the others for the preservation of peace in imperial office imposed this noble responsibility

Italy (on 25 February, 1455), the millennium on him, that the opportunity was at hand, and appeared to have been reached. The peace that there was need for action. The emperor was supposed to last for twenty-five years. The had himself summoned the diets. He must try

formation of the Italian League of the five to fulfill the high purpose for which he had

powers was publicly announced in Rome on summoned them. 2 March, and again there was widespread While the pope carried the keys, the emperor rejoicing in the peninsula. An equilibrium had _ bore the shield of Christendom. More than actually been achieved. With Venice held in twenty months had passed since the fall of the check by Milan in the north, and Naples by the — eastern empire. Further delay could be fatal, for

papacy in the south, Florence tried to maintain as time passed Christian strength was being the political balance by commonly supporting diminished, and that of the Turks increased. Milan against Venice, which was much the The campaigning season was approaching. The strongest single state in Italy.°' Now the pope Hungarians did not blame the emperor for past could turn his undivided attention to the expedi- delays; certainly proper preparation was essential

tion against the Turks, as he immediately in- for so great an undertaking. Besides this, the formed Francesco Sforza on 28 February, Hungarians had been obliged to make a truce 1455,” and indeed it did seem that the political with the Turks, but the last day of the truce had situation in Italy had become unusually favorable recently passed: “We freely promise our aid and

for the crusade against the Turks. best effort,” the Hungarian spokesman said.

“We are absolutely ready to respond to whatever

Unfortunately for the Christian cause, how- is wanted of us. We are directed to arm

ever, no such progress was being made in the twenty thousand men, and we will arm them north. In February, 1455, as decided at Frank-_ well. We are asked to allow the passage of the furt, the third diet had assembled at Wiener army through our lands, and we grant it most Neustadt, where the timid Frederick III had to willingly. We are requested to supply food for leave his gardens and aviaries for the unpleasant the army on the march, and we will do so in deliberations of the small gathering of notables, great abundance!” The Hungarian made a good dominated by Archbishop Jacob von Sirk of speech: “Now you will show clearly whether you Trier, who represented all the other electors. are truly Christian, truly Augustus. . . . Behold Jacob von Sirk pressed for the “reforms” which how heaven and earth, God and man implore would have still further weakened the emperor’s you: do not frustrate the just hope that so many

feeble grasp of the reins of government in peoples have placed in you. . . .”® the highly feudalized empire. The margraves Frederick III was not to be moved by oratory,

of Brandenburg-Ansbach and Baden had come _ however, and he doubtless assumed that every-

again; many cities had sent their deputies; the one knew he was quite prepared to frustrate king of: Naples had sent envoys; and of course any crusading hopes that might be. placed in Aeneas Sylvius and the bishop of Pavia were both him. His mind had probably wandered as the

ee Hungarian envoy spoke, even as it had probably 61 Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 295-300, and Gesch. d. Papste, Wandered when on 25 February his own I (repr. 1955), 638-41; see especially Giovanni Soranzo, advocate, Aeneas Sylvius, had delivered “eine

a Lega italica Ops 4 455), wan n.d. 1924], with nine sch6ne getzirde latteinische Red” before the deruments; and of. lorga, Nats tetas, IV" PX 2 delegates in the castle of Neustadt. Interminable the peace on 26 January, note Predelli, Regesti dei discussions and sometimes heated wrangling Commemoriali, V, bk. xv, nos. 13-14, pp. 121-25, and continued all through March. Time was taken on Nicholas V’s ratification, ibid., no. 15, p. 125. to consult the young Ladislas and his advisers “Torga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, no. ll, p. 87. in Vienna. The decisions of Frankfurt were

Iorga seems to have thought this document belonged in the . . .

year 1454, but pridie Kl. Martii pontificatus nostri anno reviewed. The question of the Italian fleet was octavo 1s 28 February, 1455 (Nicholas V was crowned on 19 March, 1447 [Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I, 393], —————

which is therefore the first day of his first year). * Iorga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, no. 36, pp. 106-10.

158 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT raised. The affairs of the empire were thoroughly the period of the diets held at Regensburg, ventilated, and on 5 April the formal sessions Frankfurt, and Neustadt to promote the crusade, of the diet were adjourned until the twelfth, when Johann Gutenberg’s types were employed in Frederick summoned Archbishop Jacob of Trier printing broadsides to advertise Nicholas V’s and the envoys of the absent electors at ten encyclical letters of plenary indulgence for those

o'clock in the morning, and then kept them who assumed the Christian burden in the war

waiting for three hours, to Jacob’s great against the Turks and contributed to the annoyance. But the news had just arrived of defense of imperiled Cyprus.® Indulgences Nicholas V’s death in Rome on the night of were sold in the Rhineland on printed forms, 24-25 March. Frederick therefore proposed with blank spaces left for the insertion of

that, owing to the uncertainty which now existed names and dates, the earliest known examples with respect to the Italian fleet, it would be of “job printing.” The press was now employed, better to postpone plans for the expedition also for the first time, in what was almost news until the following spring (1456). He would in reporting, for as Europe feared the loss of the meantime carry on negotiations with the new Cyprus to the Turks, someone, very likely pope and the Italian states and seek to restore Gutenberg himself, published the famous ninepeace in the empire. The diet then broke up, page pamphlet, Eyn manung der cristenhett widder

as it had begun, in bickering.” die durken (A Warning to Christendom against the

Turks). The Manung, prepared in the form of a The advocates of the crusade in Germany had_ calendar or almanac, addresses stirring appeals

at least one great weapon which their dread for action against the Turks to Nicholas V,

enemy, Mehmed II, lacked, and they employed Frederick III, the emperor of Trebizond, the it against him as effectively as they could. This king of Inkerman (in the Crimea), the Ragusei, was the newly devised printing press, which was Albanians, and Bulgarians, Dalmatians, Croats, made to serve Christian interests against Islam. Wends, and all their fellow Christians, the kings The political and social disunion of the empire, of France and England, Castile and Navarre, however, the rapacious individuality of the Bohemia and Hungary, Portugal and Aragon, German princes, and the incompetence, timidity, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, the archbishops

and indecisiveness of Frederick III prevented the full realization of the power of the press. 65 Konrad Haebler, ed., Einblattdrucke des XV. Jahrhunderts, But the printers certainly helped propel the vast Halle a. S., 1914, nos. 482-89, pp. 121-22; W. A. Copinger, ecclesiastical program of anti-Turkish propa- Supplement to Hain’s Repertorium bibliographicum, pt. II, vol. 2 ganda which had been set in motion in Germany. 1 YStuen Jee) P an "a By, noe 11758. peer apnicum, Th € importance of the press mm this connection the famous broadsides of Nicholas V’s indulgences of will be better appreciated perhaps by our = 1454-1455, which were printed with the types employed in gathering together some illustrations of its use _ both the 42- and the 36-line Bibles, issued under the authority at this point rather than by putting them at of Paulinus Chappe (Zappe), see also the Gesamtkatalog der

those places in the text to which awas strictly Neo VI (Leipzig, 1934), nos. 6555-56, cols. . . —24, Chappe a Cypriote noble, ambassador and

chronological treatment would assifn them. . commissioner of King John II of Cyprus, appointed to At Mainz in 1454-1455, for example, during administer the three years’ crusading indulgence (1452-

1455) declared by the pope against the Turks (N. Paulus,

oo Gesch. d. Ablasses im Mittelalter, 111 [Paderborn, 1923], 19864 Torga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, nos. 37-38, pp. 99; Geo. Hill, A History of Cyprus, III [Cambridge, 1948], 111-16, and cf. nos. 39-40, 42, 47. On the three diets 523-24). Although only the Germans were equipped to of Regensburg, Frankfurt, and Wiener Neustadt, cf. G. print them, these letters of indulgence were sent to all the

Voigt, Enea Silvio de’Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite . . . , states in Europe (Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 247, and append.,

3 vols., Berlin, 1856-63, II, 108-35; M. Creighton, Hist. no. 7, pp. 503-5, and Gesch. d. Papste, I [repr. 1955], Papacy, 11 (London, 1882), 315-25; Schrétter, Dr. Martin 599-600, and append., no. 38, pp. 830-31). On 30 May, Mair (1896), pp. 39-93; Pastor, Hist. Popes, 11, 300-5, 1452, the pope granted King John of Cyprus one-half the

and Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 642-45; and the’ return from the sale of indulgences in France to help Ragusan documents in Gelcich and Thalléczy, Dipl. rebuild the walls of Nicosia (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

ragusanum, nos. 324-25, 327,. pp. 572-74, 576. Jacob 1452, no. 15, vol. XVIII [1694], p. 401). The first set of bulls von Sirk, archbishop of Trier, had gone to Rome during — on behalf of King John may be found in Reg. Vat. 396, the jubilee of 1450 (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1, 447). He fols. 167”—173%, including the indulgentia per totum orbem and

was in the’ city in May, at which time a long series of that relating to Nicosia (fols. 170%—172'): these bulls are grants and confirmations of privilege was made to him, all dated “Rome apud S. Petrum anno . . . MCCCCL which may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. primo pridie Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno quinto”

Vat. 392, fols. 222—46 (by original foliation). (12 August, 1451).

AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 159 and bishops, the military orders, and all the other Although it is too early in our narrative to lords, prelates, and cities of Christendom. consider the religious problem in Germany and Among the great landmarks in the early history the indulgence hawkers, who were to evoke the

of typography, as well as the first book ever ire of Martin Luther (and to whom we shall printed in a vernacular language, the Manung come in the following volume), one may be appeared in Mainz toward the end of the year permitted the belief that until the time of Sixtus 1454, presumably, between the diets of Frank- IV, at least, the funds gained by the sale of

furt and Neustadt. indulgences in Germany and central Europe About seven years later, in the same city of were in fact largely expended on the crusade, Mainz, Gutenberg’s successors, Johann Fust and whether as subsidies granted to the Hungarians

Peter Schoffer, printed Pius I1’s bull Dudum in or directly on papal fleets for service in the conventu, dated at Tivoli on 4 September, 1461, Levant. It seems unlikely that the amounts imposing a clerical tithe to help prosecute the collected in Germany met more than a fair portion coming war against the Turks® (he had preached _ of the Curia’s expenses in combatting the Turk. the crusade at Mantua two years before). Again The higher clergy in Germany, recruited largely

and again as the years passed, preachers of from the nobility, were independent and antiindulgence, ecclesiastical administrators, bailies, Italian. They were also exploitive of their own commissioners, and other authorized persons people, and their rapacity added to the growing sought to enlist popular support for the war anti-clericalism. It is undeniable, of course, that

against the Turks by having recourse to the the papacy made heavy demands upon the

wonderful instrumentality of the press. Some of German archbishoprics and bishoprics in the the chief printers of the day multiplied for servitia communia and in other charges. Pluralism wide distribution the briefs, bulls, and other was rife, contrary to the canon law of cumulation. documents, in Latin, German, and Italian, by There were many conciliarists in Germany to which Sixtus IV, Innocent VIII, and Alexander whom the papal victory over the Council of VI announced the financial and other impositions Basel was a grave disappointment. for the crusade and the accompanying “plenary The conciliarists nurtured for decades a deep

remission of all sins.”® and understandable resentment of German money going to Rome whether by crusading °° The original of the Manung was reproduced in a tithe or by indulgen ce, and it would not be

facsimile edition by J. Neuhaus, Das erste gedruckte Buch difficult to show (it has been shown often Gutenbergs in deutscher Sprache, Copenhagen, 1902, with enough) that the ecclesiastical commissioners of notably inadequate historical notes and commentary (from the indulgence were grasping and employed the

Staatsbibliothek). b d the inst . th 1 dth | the only copy known to be extant, in the Bayerische jy og¢t questionable tactics. They went quite

87 Haebler, Einblatidrucke, no. 1199, p. 321; Copinger, eyond te 1s ruction of the people and the sale Supplement, 1-2, p. 409. Pius II’s bull of 22 October, 1463, of the indulgence (Ablassverkauf) to the crudest was often printed (Hain, Rep. bibliogr., I [1826], nos. 261- advertising and its “hawking” like some article of 63, p. 31). The works of Pius II were very interesting to ¢ommerce (Ablasskramerei). But we are not here

the Germans and central Europeans, and were often Te- concerned with the s ources of Nicholas V’s printed from the later fifteenth century (cf. Alex. Apponyi, . “1a: ; Hungarica, 1 [1903], nos. 4-5, 9, 11, 41-46, 59, etc.), as money for his building programs, of Paul II’s were various Turcica (ibid., nos. 10, 55, 58, 62, 69, 75, 78, for his jewel collection, or of Sixtus IV’s for 87, 102, etc.). Some important examples are listed in a his Italian wars. Ironically enough, papal efforts catalogue of the antiquarian bookseller Jacques Rosenthal, to collect funds through indulgences for the

Einblattdrucke . . ., 1455-1519, Katalog 92, Munich, no . . . . date. protection of Hungary, Carniola, Carinthia, 68 Haebler, Einblattdrucke, nos. 1-41, 91, 106-7, 108, 111, Styria, and Germany itself against the Turk 357-75, 378-82, 406-11, 421-29, 477, 510, 535-44, 553- actually redounded to the disadvantage of Rome

a nee ; 708 Oe ee etc ane g Mo ane “re in the very areas that the papacy was anxious dulgentias ‘sacrae Cruciatae reads, with Variatione: “Quo ad to assist. This 1s not to suggest, of course, that tres [or quatuor] facultates principales. Quarum prima est 9 —-——————

iubileus. Primo pro iubileo et remissione plenissima et singulos penitentiarios et habeant illis istas instructiones omnium peccatorum obtinendis necessarium est christi- perfecte declarare. Cetera suppleant discretiones comfideles confiteri qua confessione facta illos oportet de bonis missariorum sed horum nihil omittant sub penis in suis secundum suam devotionem et facultatem ad iudicium _ bullis contentis” (ibid., no. 1014). Certainly a good deal was

sui confessoris aut alicuius alterius boni viri propriis left to the judgment of the confessor and the discretion manibus distribuere et ponere. . . . [and concludes:] Sint _ of the officials. On the printing of Calixtus III’s crusading ergo sollicit! commissarii avisare de omnibus istis omnes _ bull of 20 (or 29) June, 1456, see below, Chapter 6, note 101..

160 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the abuses were not real, of long standing, far and a thousand ways are thought up by which the too numerous and persistent, and often accom- Roman See with its finely-wrought talent extracts gold panied by a cavalier cynicism. But complaints from us—from the barbarians! Hence our nation, once were quite as numerous as the abuses, and for illustrious, which by its valor and blood secured the an example let us turn to a contemporary source oman. cmPpires ane dio MIStTess ane wean of the

—an eloquent denunciation of the failings both ond - ble « ‘bi ee Tas penury oho h been f th d of the Curia. Itcomes from Dr. 2" taxable subject. Lying in squalor, she has been of the pope and otf the a. 1C COMES IFO lamenting her lot and poverty these many years. But Martin Mayr, chancellor of the archiepiscopal pow, as though awakened from sleep, our nobles have

elector of Mainz. begun to consider the remedies with which they may

On 31 August, 1457, Mayr wrote to con-_ meet this dreadful plight, and have decided to throw

gratulate Aeneas: Sylvius upon the latter’s off the yoke entirely and reclaim their. ancient

receipt of a cardinal’s hat. Mayr expressed liberty. It will be no small loss to the Curia Romana

pleasure in this advancement of a friend who _ if the princes of the Roman empire give effect to what could now render him assistance if he needed they are now thinking. The more I rejoice in your new it, but he was disturbed that Aeneas’s promotion dignity, the more I am grieved and tormented that

should have come in such evil times: this trouble should be developing in your time.

To my lord the archbishop complaints are frequently narun mayr s prank cobment f of German

brought concerning the Roman pontiff [Calixtus IIT], nationalism and O estrangement trom Rome 1S

who observes the decrees of neither the Council of hardly a unique text. Trouble Was indeed Constance nor that of Basel, and does not regard him- developing in Aeneas Sylvius s time, and self as bound by the commitments of his predecessor German self-consciousness was to be intensified

[Nicholas V]. Rather he seems to hold our [German] by events. German dislike of the Italian nation in contempt and to be exhausting us completely. increased, and German hostility to the Curia

It is a known fact that the elections of prelates Romana assumed dangerous proportions. The

are set aside, and that benefices and dignities of every warning signs of this disaffection were not grade are reserved for cardinals and protonotaries. sufficiently heeded in Rome, where wit was

; : ; : oo many complaints

Even you yourself have obtained reservation to three mistaken for wisdom and t , 1a;

provinces of the German name by this device, which had f b dismissed with th I up to now is without precedent and quite unheard ad tor too long been dismissed with the usua

of. Expectancies are granted without number. shrug of Italian shoulders. The final break came Annates . . . are demanded with no allowance of three generations later, causing spiritual lesions time, and it is public knowledge that they are that have never been healed. extorted, even beyond what is due.

The governance of churches is not given to the ~

one who deserves it more but to the one who offers —_”” Pius II, Opera quae extant omnia (1551, repr. 1967), more for it, and new indulgences are granted every P° 1055, dated “MCCCCVII" by a typographical error

day to scrape up money. Collections of tithes are 86D) 939-98; Panton Fi Pe Pet, AIF 18. and Gesch, ordered because of the Turks, with no consultation 4 Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 734-35; Albert Werminghoff,

of our prelates. Cases which should have been Nationathirchliche Bestrebungen im deutschen Mittelalter, Stutthandled and settled in the places [of their origin] are _gart, 1910, pp. 106-8 (Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen,

dragged off indiscriminately to an apostolic court, Heft 61).

6. CALIXTUS III AND THE SIEGE OF BELGRADE, MEHMED II AND ALBANIA (1455-1458) SULTAN MEHMED Il’s spectacular victory on ancient Colchis; and appeared on 11 July under the Bosporus had added immeasurably to the _ the walls of Caffa, which was forced to pay tribwoes and burdens of Pope Nicholas V, whodiedon ute, as we have seen. The fleet also imposed a

the night of 24-25 March, 1455, after several tribute upon the defenseless population of serious and prolonged illnesses.’ On his death- Gothia in the Crimea.* Aeneas Sylvius was quite bed Nicholas delivered a well-known apologia right. Whenever one heard about the Turks, it for his papacy, which Giannozzo Manetti has’ was bad news. reported in unlikely detail. The pope defended A military people little given as yet to industry not only his vast building program but also his _ or large-scale commerce, the Turks lived on their efforts on behalf of Constantinople, lamenting conquests. While broadsides warning Christians the unfairness and shortsightedness of his many against the Turks were being printed in Europe,

critics.” But certainly neither Nicholas nor the the Serbs, Greeks, Latins, and others in the Curia could take satisfaction in the results of conquered territories in the East were expapal policy in the Levant, as Mehmed II was __periencing to bitter fullness the dire fears con-

organizing his military successes for profit. stantly voiced by the western preachers. MehDuring the summer of 1454 a Turkish fleet of med imposed an annual tribute of 12,000 ducats fifty-six vessels had sailed into the Black Sea; (nomismata) on Serbia; 10,000 or 12,000 on the attacked the grain port of Moncastro, which re- Greek “despotate” of the Morea; 6,000 on Chios;

sisted their assault manfully; captured Sebasto- 3,000 on Mytilene (Lesbos); and unspecified polis, at the mouth of the Phasis (Rioni) river in sums on Trebizond and the rest of the Pontic

region.* In the despotate of the Morea

' Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia (1439-1486),

in Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 57%, by mod. stamped ~~ _ enumeration: “Anno a nativitate Domini MCCCCLV?° die 3\W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-age, lune, que fuit XXIIII@, mensis Martii hora quinta [vel] circa 2 vols., Leipzig, 1885-86, repr. Amsterdam, 1967, II, 383.

sextam noctis [about 1:00 A.m.] sanctissimus dominus noster The Turks had already ravaged Gothia in 1446 when dominus Nicolaus divina providentia papa Quintus suum Murad IJ had sent a fleet against Colchis (Laonicus diem clausit extremum, culus anima requiescat in pace.” Chalcocondylas, bk. v, in ed. Bonn, pp. 260-61, and ed. Selections from the Acta Consistorialia, including this Eugen Darko, II-1 [Budapest, 1923], 37-38). passage (in very abridged form), may be found in Conrad * Ducas, Hist. byzantina, chap. 42 (Bonn, p. 314; ed. Vasile Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medi aevi, II (1914, repr. 1960), Grecu, Ducas: Istoria turco-bizantind [1341-1462], Bucharest,

26 ff., 30. As recorded in Arm. XXVIII, fol. 47, 1958, p. 395), and ¢f., zbid., chap. 45 (Bonn, p. 339, line 4; Nicholas V died “die lune vicesima quinta mensis Martii ed. Grecu, p. 423, lines 27-28). Grecu gives marginal anni supradicti [1455, in which year, however, 25 March references to pages in the Bonn edition of Ducas; I fell on a Tuesday, not a Monday] circa horam quintam rarely cite his edition in the present volume. While Ducas noctis cum dimidia animam Deo reddidit, cuius corpus in puts the Moreote tribute at 10,000, Chalcocondylas, bk. Vaticano in basilica Sancti Petri de urbe honorifice sepultum — vii (Bonn, p. 414; ed. Darko, II-2 [1927], 176), gives it as

fuit. . . .” 12,000 ducats: “. . . qv d€ avrots [the inhabitants of the

* Gian. Manetti, Vita Nich. V, u, in L. A. Muratori, ed., Morea] 6 é7réretos gépos piptor Kai dSiaxidtot xpvoiov RISS, I-2 (Milan, 1734), cols. 947-57; cf. O. Raynaldus, orarnpes.” Annales ecclestastict, ad ann. 1455, nos. 10-16, vol. XVIIT According to Critobulus of Imbros, when the Despots (Cologne, 1694), pp. 431-34; L. v. Pastor, History of the Thomas and Demetrius were faced, after the fall of Popes, 11, 166-67, and esp. pp. 305-18, with append., nos. | Constantinople, with a revolt of the Albanians (in 145326-28, pp. 529-33, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955),514-— = 1454, on which see above, Chapter 5), they appealed to Sultan

15, and esp. pp. 645-56, with append., nos. 59-61, Mehmed for aid, promising to pay him an annual tribute pp. 846-48. Already before 7 March Nicholas V had in- of 6,000 gold staters (De rebus gestis Mechemetis II, II, formed his secretary Pietro da Noceto “in qual locho el 1, ed. Karl Miller, Fragmenta historicorum graecorum voleva esser sepelito,” as the Milanese ambassadors in- [FHG], V-1i [Paris, 1870], p. 120a; ed. V. Grecu, Critobul formed Francesco Sforza (Pastor, Acta inedita historiam din Imbros, Din domnia lui Mahomed al U-lea, 1451-1467, pontificum Romanorum . . . illustrantia, 1 [Freiburg im Breis- Bucharest, 1963, p. 215). Aeneas Sylvius, De Europa, 12, in

gau, 1904], no. 25, p. 39, lines 27 ff.), and on 14 March Opera quae extant omnia, Basel, 1551, repr. Frankfurt a. M., the Florentines had informed their ambassador in Venice 1967, p. 405, puts the tribute at 17,000 gold pieces after “chel sancto padre € si gravemente malato che si dubita the suppression of the Albanian uprising. Andrea Cambini, che in pochi di non passi di questa vita” (ibid., I, no. 26, Commentario, ed. 1538, p. 22, gives the same figure (“di

p. 40). pagarli [Mehmed II] lanno diciasette migliaia di ducati 161

162 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT conditions were especially bad. We have already After the death of Nicholas V, the position paid some attention to the Albanian revolt which of Alfonso seemed to be unexpectedly strength. had followed the Greek loss of Constantinople. ened when on 8 April, 1455, fifteen cardinals Now there were even demands from the Greek elected the Catalan canonist Alfonso Borgia nobility for direct dependence on the Porte (Alonso de Borja) as Pope Calixtus III. Actually

rather than on the Despots Thomas and De- the great Cardinal Bessarion had almost been metrius. Sometimes the two brothers con- awarded the tiara, receiving eight votes early in templated flight from. their harassed domin- the conclave, but the opposition of Alain de ions, and at others apparently set themselves Coétivy, the cardinal of Avignon, and of

the unpopular task of raising the Turkish Lodovico Trevisan, the worldly cardinal of

tribute, which the Greeks paid no more willingly Aquileia, cost the long-bearded Greek humanist than the Albanians, believing that much of the _ the election which he might have won if he had tribute money would stick to the fingers of the been a more effective politician.* The electors

despots. There could be little confidence in being divided by constant pressures from the opthese last Palaeologi. A once rich society was posing factions of the Orsini and Colonnesi, declining rapidly into chaos. There had been Calixtus III was made pope as a compromise

too much war, and the future looked even candidate, who at seventy-seven years of age blacker than the past. The Greek population was believed to be too old to last long.’ Since in the Morea waited fearfully for the inevitable. the new pope had once been the secretary of Everyone knew what was coming; the only ques- King Alfonso, and had served him in various

tion was when it was coming. diplomatic connections, there was widespread

After the fall of Constantinople Pope Nicholas fear that his election would endanger the peace V had turned hopeful eyes toward Alfonso V_ of Lodi and the newly formed Italian League.

“the Magnanimous,”’ whose power extended On 8 April the cardinal of Aquileia had from the banks of the Ebro in Spain to the

shores of the Adriatic and to Albania, and ® According to the letter of Roberto di Sanseverino to whose influence was felt in Cyprus, Rhodes, Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, written from Bologna and Egypt. Despite grandiose promises Alfonso on 17 April (1455), as given in F[rancesco] Petruccelli did iess than he might have done, although della Gattina, Histoire diplomatique des conclaves, 4 vols., Pastor an injustice when he says that Paris, 1864-66, I, 269, Pius from a II, document in the Arch. ae . .does di him Stato di Milano, Carteggio di Roma; Commeniari, neither now nor later did Alfonso ever raise bk. 1, Frankfurt, 1614, p. 24, and note the addendum to a hand in defense of Christendom.”® this :passage in Jos. Cugnoni, ed., Aeneae Siluit . . . opera inedita, in the Atti della R. Accademia det Lincei, anno

—_— CCLXXX (1882-83), 3rd ser., Memorie della classe dt scienze

doro . . .”). According to the Rabbi Joseph Ben Joshua morali, storiche e filologiche, VIII (Rome, 1883), p. 498, ex Ben Meir, Chronicles, trans. C. H. F. Bialloblotzky, 2 vols., cod. man., p. 33, inc. “Ecquid scimus” [which passage was London, 1836, I, 281, the Despots Thomas and Demetrius omitted from the printed edition of Pius II’s Commentari], promised to pay the sultan an annual tribute of 17,000 on Cardinal Alain’s questioning the sincerity of Bessarion’s

“pieces of gold.” conversion to Latin Catholicism; cf. the English translation

5 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 629-30: of the Commentaries by Florence Alden Gragg, in the “Alfonso . . . ruhrte weder jetzt noch spater eine Hand Smith College Studies in History, XXII (1936-37), 75-76, zum Schutze der Christenheit.” In actual fact, during the which work has the merit of including the passages exsummer of 1455, Alfonso V dispatched a thousand foot cised from the printed text; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad to Scanderbeg “in Albania per defensione de quelle terre,” ann. 1455, no. 17, vol. XVIII (1694), p. 434; Pastor, most of whom were killed in the Turkish invasion, Hist. Popes, 11, 323-24, and Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), “.. e hano tra morti e presi da cinque in sey milia 659-60; Ludwig Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Cristiani” (V. V. MakuSev, Monumenta historica slavorum Humanist und Staatsmann, 3 vols., Paderborn, 1923-42, repr.

meridionalium, I1 [1882], 148-51, docs. dated 8 and 14 Aalen and Paderborn, 1967, I, 267-68. August, 1455). Alfonso had apparently intended to send 7 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1455, no. 17, vol. XVIII Scanderbeg 1,200 foot and five hundred horse (ibid., p. (1694), p. 434; Pastor, II, 319-26, and Gesch. d. Papste, I 227, doc. dated 22 May, 1455), but may have found (repr. 1955), 656-61; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Conhimself unable to spare so large a cavalry force (cf. sistorialia, in Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 57%: “Creatio below, note 127, for further reference to these docu- domini Calixti papae Tertii: Anno predicto [1455] die vero ments). See in general Ernesto Pontieri, Alfonso il Magna- Martis octava dicti mensis [Aprilis] circa horam quintanimo, re di Napoli (1435-1458), Naples, 1975, pp. 262— decimam reverendissimus in Christo pater et dominus, 63, 318-25, and esp. “Alfonso I d’Aragona e la ‘crociata’ dominus’ Alfonsus, etc., Quatuor Coronatorum presbyter di Callisto HI,” in the Atti della Accademia nazionale det cardinalis Valentinus, assumptus fuit ad summi apicem Lincei, Rendiconti, Cl. di scienze morali, etc., 8th ser., XXIX — apostolatus et vocatus Calixtus Tertius . . .” (not in Eubel).

(1974), 61-68, for a simple statement of the reasons why Cf. Arm. XXVIIII, fol. 4°, by mod. stamped enumeration, Alfonso, although a “son of the Spain of the reconquista,” and J. B. Saegmiiller, Die Papstwahlen und die Staaten von abandoned his (apparent) plans to move againstthe Turkson 1447 bis 1555 (Nikolaus V. bis Paul IV.), Tubingen, 1890,

a grand scale. pp. 82-84.

CALIXTUS HI AND MEHMED II 163 written Lodovico II Gonzaga, the marquis of Other documents of the time strike a similar Mantua, that the cardinals had elected Alfonso note, and certainly the brief reign of Calixtus Borgia, the former cardinal of Valencia, as pope III, who was a native of Valencia and imbued about 10:00 a.m. that morning (circha le XIV with the Spanish spirit of the reconquista, was

hore), and expressed the hope “that by his marked by a sincere if ineffectual dedication singular goodness and virtue this election willbe to the crusade against Mehmed II and the Turks.

helpful to all Christendom.’ The Venetians, Florentines, and Genoese, however, were — Calixtus III was crowned on 20 April, 1455, gravely concerned that the balance of power the ceremonies being disrupted by factional in the peninsula would be upset. Antonio - strife.12 Embassies soon arrived, however, to Guidobono, the Milanese ambassador in Venice, congratulate the new pope upon his accession

informed Duke Francesco Sforza in a letter to the throne. Serving on them were disdated 12 April that “in this city [Venice] most tinguished citizens sent from Lucca, Siena, people are very dissatisfied, both because this Bologna, Florence, and Venice. Alfonso V of

dignity has gone from the Italians and also Naples and Frederick III of Germany also

because it seems to everyone that his Majesty, the sent ambassadors, the latter being especially king of Aragon, may have the Church at his represented by the untiring Aeneas Sylvius. The disposal as he wishes, and will thereby become anti-Turkish war was uppermost in men’s minds. more arrogant than ever.”® The Milanese am- The Venetian ambassadors were instructed to bassador in Genoa, Giovanni de la Guardia, sent give Calixtus the urbane assurance “that, when

a similar report to Sforza from Liguria on 14 we see that the other Christian powers are April: the election of Calixtus III was most moving in force against the Turks, we also shall

displeasing to the Genoese, because the Catalans _ be found following in the footsteps of our forewere their long-standing enemies, and because it bears, with that same good disposition which

seemed to have been contrived “per gli favori we have evinced in the past.”!? The Venetians de la Sacra Regia Maesta del re de Ragona. . . .”"° On the following day (15 April), however, the _——————

Genoese Doge Pietro di Campofregoso wrote crusading vow, of which Barbo had sent a copy to Calixtus of the vast, incredible joy which his Venice (bid., fol. 59° [60°]): “Ea omnia nobis profecto compatriots took in the election of one whose fuere gratissima.” Cf. Marino Sanudo, Vite de ducht, in

far-f d andand d rtwonerous had madevirtues him RISS, XXIISegr. (Milan, 1733), Arm. col. 1158DE. ar-famed € ’ Arch. Vaticano, XXXI, tom. 52, fols.

known throughout the world, a proper pastor 57*_58", by mod. stamped enumeration; Pastor, Hist. Popes, for those troubled times in which the savagery _ Il, 337-39, and Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 671-72;

of the Turks was ever growing, and who alone 44 inedita, I, no. 31, pp. 43-44.

. . 8likely 8? 13 Sen. Secreta, Reg. peace 20, fols.among 61’—-62'[62"—63"], from the seemed to bring about the1455, wes commission dated 6 June, issued:in the name of the

crowned heads of Europe as well as tO AFOUSE Doge Francesco Foscari to Pasquale Malipiero, Triadano the laggards and arm them against the infidels.!! — Gritti, Jacopo Loredan, and Lodovico Foscarini, the Venetian envoys being sent to Rome, as an embassy of obe-

TT dience to Calixtus III: “. . . Quando eritis Rome dabitis ® Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 27, p. 41. operam adeundi conspectum summi pontificis, et exhibitis 9 Ibid., I, no. 28, pp. 41-42. litteris nostris credentialibus factisque devotis et filialibus Ibid., I, no. 29, p. 42: “ex Ianua die XIIII aprilis | recommendationibus Beatitudinisue . . . declarabitis sum-

1455.” mum gaudium ineffabilemque letitiam quam suscepimus " Ibid., I, no. 30, pp. 42-43. The Doge Pietro also re- cum primum intelleximus Sanctitatem suam ad summi

quested the confirmation of his young brother Paolo as_ pontificatus apicem esse assumptam, persuasimus namque archbishop of Genoa, for although elected to the office nobis ac certissimum tenuimus hanc eius electionem divinam three years before, Paolo had never been accorded the title, | potius quam humanam fuisse. . . . owing to his youth. Cf. the Genoese letter to the College of “Si per id tempus quo stabitis Rome summus pontifex Cardinals, dated 28 April, 1455 (bid., I, no. 32, p. 44). For qui, ut intelligere potuistis, multum inclinatus esse videtur the Florentine letters of congratulation, see Cesare Guasti, ad exterminium Theucrorum requireret seu diceret vobis Due Legazioni al sommo pontefice per il comune di Firenze quicquam de his rebus Theucrorum velletque intelligere presedute da Sant’ Antonino arcivescovo, Florence, 1857, pp. nostram intentionem si et nos cum aliis potentiis favores 34-35, cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 664, nostros huic impresie prestaturi sumus, contenti sumus et note 2, who also quotes a brief passage from a Venetian letter volumus quod sue Beatitudini respondeatis in ea modesta of 20 April (in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 20, fol. 58” [59°J) to et pertinenti forma verborum quam magis utilem iudicabitis: the effect that Calixtus III’s election must be regarded asa Quod quando videbimus alias potentias Christianas contra celestial rather than human act, and letters cannot express Teucros potenter se movere, nos quoque imitantes vestigia

the immense joy and pleasure which the statesmen of the maiorum nostrorum repperiemur illius bone’ dispositionis Serenissima have derived from it. On the same day, the cuius per elapsum fuimus.” Senate wrote Pietro Barbo, the cardinal of S. Marco, of A month later, on 7 July, the envoys were again ditheir great satisfaction in Calixtus’s election and in his rected to repeat this statement to the pope, with whom

164 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT were well aware how unlikely the prospect for he was a great student of the fine arts and a was of the “aliae potentiae Christianae” moving most assiduous collector of books—and he has con-

in force against the Turks, despite the already verted this spoil into money for use [against the famous vow which Calixtus frequently made to Turks]. He is said to have had 200,000 ducats when give his whole effort, “even to the shedding of his he dal, elevated he te papacy; he has spent these

own blood,” to the recovery of Constantinople, im nine eet his pontificate2° 20 August (1458)con the Florence, Ugurgieri Berardenga, Pio p ° 5 IT On Piccolomini, notizie1971, suand PioC. II e altridella membri della

TT italiano, vol. XVIII).

famigha, Florence, 1973 (Biblioteca dell’ Archivio storico

1° Cf. Eugene Mintz, Les Arts a la cour des papes pendant "! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom..52, fol. 5". The

le XV° et XVI° siecle: Recueil de documents inédits, 3 vols., Paris, | precious Acta Consistorialia (1439-1486) thus record Pius

1878-82, I, 300-5. On Pius’s birthplace, see Enzo Carli, II’s election and coronation (ibid., fol. 617, not in Eubel, Pienza, la citta di Pio II, Rome: Monte dei Paschi di Siena,‘ Hterarchia, 11 [1914, repr. 1960], 32): “Creatio Pii pape 1966, with beautiful illustrations and copious notes. In the Secundi: Anno predicto [1458], die vero XVIIII* eiusdem Pieve di S. Vito (of Corsignano) the visitor may still see the | mensis [Augusti], circa horam XVI [about noontime, but font at which both Pius II and his nephew Pius III were _ the sources vary as to the hour of Pius’s election, on which baptized. The biographical sketches of Pius II (who wasborn cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 11, note 1, who

on 18 October, 1405) by his friends and admirers Gio- always records details of this sort] reverendissimus in vanni Antonio Campano, whom he made bishop of Cotrone Christo pater et dominus, dominus Eneas . . . , Sancte (1462-1463) and Teramo (1463-1477), and Bartolommeo _ Sabine presbyter cardinalis Senensis, assumptus fuit ad Platina, humanist and librarian of the Vaticana under summi apicem apostolatus et vocatus Pius Secundus et Sixtus IV, have been edited with a rich annotation by associatus de conclave quod factum fuit in capella palatii Giulio C. Zimolo, Le Vite di Pio IH, in the new Muratori, —usque ad altare Sancti Petri et reductus in palatium cum RISS, Ill, pt. 3 (Bologna, 1964). Platina wrote his life of | omnibus cardinalibus. Coronatio Pii pape Secundi: Anno Pius shortly after the latter’s death; Campano, who died in __ predicto, die vero tertia mensis Septembris, qui [sic] fuit 1477, wrote his after the Turkish occupation of Negro- dies dominica, sanctissimus dominus noster Pius divina ponte (Euboea) in 1470, to which he refers (zbid., p. 78). providentia papa Secundus fuit coronatus in gradibus Sancti The two works are compared and contrasted by their editor Petri et deinde ascendens equum album associatus [here a Zimolo, “I] Campano e il Platina come biografi di Pio II,” _ blank space is left in the MS. where we should expect ‘ab in Domenico Maffei, ed., Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Papa Pio II: omnibus reverendissimis dominis’] cardinalibus in pontiAtti del convegno per il quinto centenario della morte... , ficalibus cum consueta sole[m ]pnitate ivit ad Sanctum Ioan-

Siena, 1968, pp. 401-11. nem Lateranensem.” The works of Georg Voigt, Enea Silvio de’ Piccolomini A letter of 20 August, 1458, sent by the Sacred College

als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter, 3 vols., Berlin, to Marquis Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua told him of the 1856-63, and Ludwig v. Pastor, Geschichte der Papste, I1 election of the “reverendissimus . . . dominus Eneas tituli (repr. 1955), 5-289, still provide us with the most sub- Sancte Sabine presbyter cardinalis Senensis vulgariter nunstantial treatments of Pius II’s career. Voigt is umsym- cupatus. . . .” Giving Cardinal Aeneas the usual praise, the

pathetic toward him, both before and after his elevation letter includes the doubtful statement that he was elected to the papacy. Pastor has rejected Aeneas, and embraced = “incredibili animorum consensu” (Arch. di Stato di Mantova,

Pius. There are semi-popular lives of Pius in English by Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834). On 4 September Pius II him-

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 201 Humanist, diplomat, traveler, and statesman, Bibl. Apost. Vaticana; it is complete, while the printed Pius II seems to have been the only pope to Latin texts of the original are all mutilated, as indicated

. . ; . as recently appeared in Siena, the work of Giuseppe

write his memoirs (he called them Commentarii) pelow in this note. An Italian translation of the Commentarit while he occupied S. Peter's throne. Pius had Bernetti, Pio HT (Enea Silvio Piccolomini), I Commentari, 4

° 2 bl L .

long been interested in the Greek world and, vols., 1972-74. It is based upon a study of the Cod. despite the frivolities of his youth, had for Cersinianus 147 (on which see below) as well as the Cod. years lived in deep concern over the Turkish Beas eed each volume being equipped with an inadvance into Europe.’ Soon after his corona- Of particular interest for the present chapter is the work tion he announced that he would hold at Mantua jn two books of the humanist Lodrisio Crivelli (Cribellus)

or Udine on I June, 1459, a congress of all of Milan, whom Pius II made a papal secretary on 17 the great powers to organize a crusade against October, 1458 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 515, fol. the Turks. The Venetians, however, fearing to tay De expeditione Pu P. I] in Turcas, in RISS, XXHI (Milan, disrupt their political and economic relations Muratori, RISS, XXIII, pt. 5 (Bologna, completed in 1950). with the Ottoman empire, were unwilling to al- On the rather unhappy career of Crivelli, poet as well as low the congress to meet in Udine, and so Man-_ Greek scholar, see Ferdinando Gabotto, “Ricerche intorno "+ 13 Diyic? . allo storiografo quattrocentista Lodrisio Crivelli,” Archivio tua was selected as the site. Pius’s good triend storico italiano, 5th ser., VII (1891), 267-98, who gives the

. . . ; ¢ ), cols. 25-80, and ed. G. C. Zimolo, in the new

OS text of several of Crivelli’s letters, and Leslie F. Smith, self informed the marquis of his election (zbid.), “. . . ipsi. “Lodrisio Crivelli of Milan and Aeneas Silvius, 1457-1464,” fratres [cardinales] licet potuissent in alios maioris meriticon- Studies in the Renaissance, 1X (1962), 31-63, who provides us

sentire, tandem . . . unanimiter vota sua nos ... nes- with the text of six of Crivelli’s poems. cimus quo occulto sed tremendo nobis Dei iudicio ad On 9 December, 1458, Pius renewed his predecessor’s celsitudinis apostolice fastigium concorditer elegerunt.” This declaration of the crusading tithe, in a bull to be found in occultum sed tremendum iudictum made a profound impres- Reg. Vat. 469 (vol. II of Pius’s letters de Curia), fols.

sion upon its beneficiary. 86°-—87', and cf. the bull dated 5 July, 1459, in Reg. Vat.

Aeneas Sylvius had been ordained a priest on 4 March, 471, fols. 302'-303', “. . . ad executionem indulgentiarum 1447 (see Angelo Mercati, “Aneddoti per la storia di pro defensione ipsius fidei contra dictos Turchos concespontefici: Pio IH, Leone X,” in Archivio della R. Societa sarum.. . ;” etc., etc. The convocatio Pii papae II ad dietam romana di storia patria, LVI-LVII [Rome, 1933-34], Mantue vel Utini celebrandam, as sent to King Charles VII of 363-65), a date which always eluded Pastor, Gesch. d. France and the German imperial electors, appears as the Pa&pste, | (repr. 1955), 351-52, note. On Aeneas Sylvius’s first document in the volume of Pii I brevia: Ann. I, I, et election as Pius II on 19 August, see Pastor, Acta inedita III (1458-59-60), in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 4, by mod. I (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1904), nos. 64-65, pp. 90-95, stamped enumeration (originally fol. 1), and cf. the pope’s docs. dated 19 and 20 August, 1458, and Gesch. d. letters to Cardinal Carvajal, fols. 6Y—7', 8'-9"; the Emperor

Papste, II (repr. 1955), 9-11. It is worth noting that Frederick III, fol. 9; etc., etc. Late copies of various Benozzo Gozzoli painted numerous banners, flags, and even opuscula of Pius II may be found in the Vatican Archives, the cardinals’ benches used in the ceremonies attending Miscellanea, Arm. XII, tomm. 3—4 (=Bibl. Apost. Vaticana,

Pius’s coronation on 3 September (Mintz, Les Arts a la Codd. latt. 12,255-56), together with texts of Platina on

cour des papes, I, 263, 330). Sixtus IV, Volaterrano, Infessura, and a few other items,

We may observe, for example, that in an oration but there seems to be nothing in these two volumes not which Pius had delivered as Aeneas Sylvius more than elsewhere available in better form. twenty years before (1436) at the Council of Basel as to the Also cf. in general Mansi, Concilia, XXV (repr. Paris, choice of a site for the oecumenical council which was to 1902), 105-34, a poor section, and, ibid., XXXII, 203-66; discuss the prospect of church union (Aeneas advocated Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1458, nos. 1-5, 14-19, Pavia as the best place for the Greeks and Latins to meet), vol. XIX (Cologne, 1693), pp. 1-2, 4-5; Marino Sanudo, he had made especial note of the plight of the Greeks in Vite de’duchi di Venezia, in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), cols.

subjection to the overwhelming power of the Turkish em- _1166E, 1167; K. J. Hefele, Histoire des conciles, ed. and trans.

pire (J. D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et am- HH. Leclercq, VII, pt. 2 (Paris, 1916), 1291 ff.; Pastor, plissima collectio, XXX [repr. Paris, 1904], 1098C~—1099). This Hist. Popes, III (repr. 1949), 19, 21-24, 45 ff., 240 ff., and oration, like Pius’s others, may also be found in Mansi, ed., _ Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), 15, 16-19, 39 ff., 220 ff.

Pu Hl. P. M. . . . orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae, 3 vols., Since frequent reference will be made in the following Lucca, 1755-59, I, 5 ff. (with the passage relating to Greek _ pages to Pius II’s Commentarii, his most important literary

subjection to the Turks on pp. 11-12), and ¢f., ibid., pp. work and one of the chief sources for his reign, some

163-81. account should probably be taken of its peculiar history, 'S The most interesting source for the six-year reign of even at the risk of wearying the informed reader who

Pius II is his own Commentarii, in thirteen books, which the chooses to pursue this note to the end. Following Julius English reader may easily employ in the useful translation Caesar, whose title Commentarii he adopted, Pius wrote his of Florence A. Gragg, published in the Smith College Studies memoirs in the third person, a fact which was to play

in History: Book 1 appeared as vol. XXII, nos. 1-2 (1936- its part in the now well-known attempt to conceal his 37); bks. 1-1 as vol. XXV (1939-40); bks. 1v—v, vol. authorship. In the edition of the Commentarii printed at XXX (1947); bks. vi-1x, vol. XXXV (1951); and bks. Rome in 1584 and reprinted in 1589, as well as in that x—xiu, vol. XLIII (1957). The pagination is continuous. This printed at Frankfurt in 1614, one Johannes Gobellinus translation is said to be based upon an unpublished edition ofthe (of Linz), vicar of the Church of Bonn, is given on the Codex Reginensis lat. 1995 (Pius’s original text) in the _ title page as the author of the work (. . . a R. D. Ioanne

202 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Gobellino Vicario Bonnen. itamdiu compositi, et a R. P. D. upon the pope long before this, however, the appointment Francisco Bandino Picolomineo Archtepiscopo Senensi ex vetusto was designed to confirm his status in view of the recent originalt recognitt). Gobellinus, however, identifies himself in _ reorganization of the college of (seventy) abbreviators or to

Cod. 147 (35-G-6) in the Bibl. Corsiniana in Rome [at add to his income. Patrizzi’s handwriting has been identified

the Accademia de’ Lincei, Via Lungara, 10] merely as a as that in which most of the MS. is written (Kramer, copyist, as Voigt clearly showed him to have been “Untersuchungen,” pp. 62-69). From all this it is quite (Enea Silvio, II [1862], 336-41, and see Pastor, Gesch. obvious why Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., thinks he is citing Gobeld. Papste, II [repr. 1955], 33-38, and append., no. 65, pp. linus when he is of course quoting Pius’s own words; 754-56). Cf. also Giuseppe Lesca, “I Commentarii ... unfortunately Gobellinus is still sometimes cited as a hisd’Enea Silvio de’Piccolomini,” in the Annali della R. Scuola torian, for~ example by Zakythinos, Despotat grec de normale superiore di Pisa, Filos. e Filologia, vol. X (della serie Morée, 1, 264-65. Various aspects of Patrizzi’s career are XVI, 1894), pp. 22-24 [of whose work Pastor, II, 756, note explored in Rino Avesani, “Per la Biblioteca di Agostino

2, had a low opinion, although it is of some use], and Patrizi Piccolomini, vescovo di Pienza,” in the Mélanges especially Hans Kramer, “Untersuchungen tber die ‘Com- Eugéne Tisserant, VI, pt. 1 (Citta del Vaticano, 1964), mentarii’ des Papstes Pius II,” in Mitteilungen des Oster- 1-37, esp. pp. 3-31 (Studi e testi, no. 236).

reichischen Instituts fiir Geschichtsforschung, XLVIII (Inns- In July, 1959, and May, 1970, I examined for myself Cod.

bruck, 1934), 83-86. Reg. lat. 1995 in the Vaticana. A quarto volume, it is of

It has long been clear that Francesco Bandini de’ Piccolo- quite manageable size and weight, containing 595 fols. mini, archbishop of Siena (1529-—1588!), also named on the (1190 pages), in an eighteenth-century leather binding, a title pages of the printed editions, must assume the paper MS. with several different watermarks including crossed responsibility for this imposition on the learned world arrows imposed upon a circle, a column, scissors, and a hunt-

(Kramer, “Untersuchungen,” pp. 86-91, although I can ing horn suspended on a crossed cord. The first twelve

hardly agree with Kramer that Pius II himself wanted to folios (with a separate enumeration) give the rubrice of the conceal his authorship of the Commentarii, allowing only the __ first twelve books of the Commentariu. Book 1 begins with

Piccolomini family to share in the secret [ibid., pp. 85-86]). fol. 1‘, and bk. xm concludes with fol. 584” and the notice Bandini was the great-grandson of Pius II’s sister Laudomia, _ that the twelfth and last book is fortunately finished (see and the grandnephew of Pius III. Although about 1566 below), after which comes the Greek word Tédos. The MS. Bandini was prepared to print the Commentaru under the — is written in several hands, most of them quite legible.

name of Pius II, and had received a license to do so’ In the margins are various additions, corrections, guide (Kramer, op. cit., pp. 88-89), he changed his mind, and words to the text, and notations of special emphasis. published the work under the name of Gobellinus. The Following a fine humanist hand there begins a section in deliberate fraud was part of an effort to protect Pius II’s Pius II’s own hand (fols. 35 ff.), which runs to the conreputation against the attacks of Protestant critics during clusion of bk. 1, where a group of blank pages were left the later years of the Catholic Reformation. The work was (fols. 61.-68") for a continuation that was never added. moreover severely and carefully edited (clearly by Bandini Special notice should be taken of the directions given to himself, for his letter to Pope Gregory XIII, printed in his the copyist on fol. 189%: “pone hec ultra ad hoc signum

edition of 1584, p. 3, states that Gobellinus’s Commen- se ,” which marks a passage to almost the middle of tari was his favorite reading). Bandini prepared the work fol. 191”. The same sign reappears at the middle of fol. for the press by recasting or removing many of Pius II’s 238" with directions for replacement of the marked passage frankest observations on the people and events he described. _at this point: “vide supra et pone que sunt ad hoc signum The first edition, (1584) was printed, directly or indi- usque quo reperies aliud in hunc modum °° .” These direcrectly, from Cod. 147 (35-G-6), now in the Corsiniana, tions are in’ Pius’s own hand. His coronation is recorded where the passages to be excised were marked for the _ on fol. 69". printer (cf. also Voigt, II, 341); from this edition those The paper of Cod. Reg. 1995 is of the same general of 1589 (Rome) and 1614 (Frankfurt) were reprinted. The quality throughout despite the different watermarks. It was passages omitted from the first twelve books of the Com- all manufactured in Italy, and was being used in Rome durmentarii are published in Jos. Cugnoni, Aeneae Silvit Pic- ing the years 1459-1464, on which cf. C. M. Briquet, colomini . . . opera inedita, in the Aiti della R. Accademia dei Les Filigranes, ed. Allan Stevenson, 4 vols., Amsterdam, Lincei, CCLXXX (1882-83), 3rd ser., Memorie della classe di 1968: for the crossed arrows (“deux fléches en sautoir”), scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, VIII (Rome, 1883), pp. see vol. II, no. 6303; the column (“colonne”), zbid., no. 496-549. Book xin, not given in the printed texts of the 4411; the scissors (“ciseaux”), no. 3685; and the hunting Commentarii, has been published by Voigt, I, 359-77. horn (“huchet”), nos. 7686 (too early) and 7693, which occurs Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1 (repr. 1955), 659-60, note throughout the MS., including book xin, but the precise 2; it was Pastor (see, ibid., II [repr. 1955], append., no. 65, huchet is not given among the watermarks even in the new pp. 754-56) who discovered or rather rediscovered the Briquet. On fol. 584” appears the annotation, “Comenoriginal MS. of Pius’s work in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, tariorum Pii Secundi Pont. Max. liber duodecimus et

Codex Reginensis lat. 1995. ultimus feliciter finitus,” but Pius obviously changed his Although Pius II wrote some of this MS. in hisown hand, mind and added bk. x1, the genuineness of which is no he usually dictated his entries in the work to his secretary, longer doubted. Although Campano refers to twelve books

Agostino Patrizzi (or Patrizi), who is mentioned in bk. (Vita Pu I, ed. G. C. Zimolo, in the new Muratori, x1 (Engl. trans., pp. 754-55; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 303, RJSS, III-3 [1964], 71-73), Platina knew of the thirteenth

lines 55-56) as taking such dictation; in the original (zbid., p. 119, lines 15-16): “Commentariorum de rebus a MS., Cod. Reg. lat. 1995, the passage occurs on fol. 523": se gestis libros XII scripsit, tertiumdecimum incohavit.” “Pius in cubiculo suo pro consuetudine dictare aliquid Book x1 was an afterthought (fols. 585'—595"). It is in the ceperat Augustino Patricio scribente. .. .” On 1 April, hand of Agostino Patrizzi, however, and on the same paper 1464, Patrizzi was appointed an abbreviator litterarum apos- stock as a good proportion of the preceding twelve books

tolicarum (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 516, fols. (with the watermark of the hunting horn).

258'—259"). Since he had been in close personal attendance In July, 1959, I also examined Cod. 147 (35-G-6) of Pius’s

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 203 Commentarii in the Bibl. Corsiniana in Rome. This MS. has Albrecht Achilles, margrave of Brandenburg, the following title page (in a later hand): “Commentariorum — wag the uncle of the Marchioness Barbara of

Pii Papae II, Libri XII a Johanne Gobellino de Lins Hoh 1] ‘fe of Lodovi ime

Vicario Bonnensi exscripti, anno MCCCCLXIV, divo Pio II onenzovern, wile oO OdovICcO onzaga,

pont. max. volente. MS. di cart. 431.” It is a very Who had been ruling the small state of Mantua handsome MS., especially prepared for the pope. Acarefully for some fifteen years. The pious Aeneas could

inscribed preface, following the title page, states: be sure of a warm welcome at Mantua, on the

el Pontefice Pio II nella prima lettera iniziale in principio, ; . .

; Il tomo membranaceo in foglio di carte 431 con leffigie banks of the Mincio, where Vergil was born, la quale é un S. con l’arme di Casa Piccolomini git a basso, and so could the cardinals and the Italian e€ con una testa barbata, nel mezzo in principio, coperta di and German princes, on whom rested the papal un berettone rosso, contiene i libri XII de Comentarj latini hopes for a crusade.

delle cose operate dal medesimo Pontefice Pio II, opera Shortly before leaving Rome on the long, slow mentovata dagli scrittori, che Gobellino, di lui parlano. M Pp blished a new viene falsamente attribuita a Giovanni vicario diQuesta Journey pero. to Mantua, ope P} lus established

Bonna nella diocesi di Colonia, e poi segretario del religious order of knights to be known under medesimo Pontefice Pio II; e Yerrore @ provenuto da the name of Our Lady of Bethlehem. Based Francesco Bandini Piccolomini, arcivescovo di Siena, il quale upon the model of the Hospitallers at Rhodes, diede alle stampe in Roma questi Comentarj presso Domen- its headquarters were to be at Lemnos; its purPontefice Gregorio XIII come opera di Giovanni Gobellino, POSE; the protection of Christians against the

ico Basa nel 1584 in forma quarta, dedicandogli al . a .

e non di Pio II, nella qual cosa l’arcivescovo fece un Turks in the northern Aegean. It is not clear, grandissimo errore, perché il Gobellino non attribui maia however, whether knights were ever actually sestesso quest’ opera, mentovata dal Platina, come propriadi enrolled under the red cross of its banner.® Pio II, e non di altri. Nel Giornale de’letterati d'Italia pubblicato in Venezia, si parla di questo affare neltomo XIV, § ————————

pag. 367. Ma il presente Codice sopra tutti gli altri mette CXLI (ann. LXXXI, Turin, 1964), 265~—82, has sketched in chiarissima luce questa verita, mentre nel fine di esso si__ the history of both Cod. Reginensis 1995 and Cod. legge, che il Gobellino fu copista, e non autore del codice —Corsinianus 147, the two most important MSS. of the Com-

dei Comentarj di Pio II. Le parole del chirografo sono _ mentarii (ibid., pp. 273-75), of which he is preparing or has

queste: by this time prepared a new edition. On the history of these

“Divo Pio Secundo Pontifice Maximo volente, Johannes Gobellint two MSS., note also Kramer, “Untersuchungen,” pp. 61, de Lins, Vicartus Bonnensis Coloniensis Dioecests, hoc opus anno 83-88. Finally we must note a brief but important article Domint MCCCCLXUI, die XII mensis Juni excripsi foelictter. by Giuseppe Bernetti, “Ricerche e problemi nei Commentarii

[This note is written in small red capitals on fol. 431°.] di Enea Silvio Piccolomini,” La Rinascita, 1-7 (1939),

Dunque il Gobellino non compose questi Comentarj, ma 449-75, reprinted almost without change in his Saggi e studi solamente gli copio, e trascrisse, excripst. Percid questo codice = sugli scritti di Enea Silvio Piccolomini (1971), pp. 31-52.

é€ molto stimabile, perché finisce di decidere questa let- Bernetti has some interesting reflections on Pius’s memoirs,

teraria controversia, e facilmente ancora potra servire a especially that the account (in bk. vim) of the ceremonies migliorare l’edizione 1 di Roma, la quale fu replicata ancora _ attending the reception of the head of S. Andrew in Rome

in Francfort nel 1614 insieme con le lettere del Cardinal in April, 1462 (with which the present chapter ends) is

Papiense.” actually “l’origine, il nucleo primo” of the Commentaries. Gobellinus had a beautiful hand, obviously the reason why __ Bernetti believes that Pius, having written this section, got

he was chosen for the task; he employed few abbrevia- on quickly with the rest of the work, writing or rather tions, and the text is as easily read as print. The first folio dictating bks. 1-x11 between Easter of 1462 and Christmas

is magnificently rubricated and decorated in red, blue, and of 1463 (Saggi e studi, p. 32), and dictating but not gold, with minor shades of yellow, green, and brown. The completing bk. x11 between April and June, 1464 (ibid., initial letters of the first words of each book are also p. 39, note 6). Ceserani, art. cit., p. 277, pretty much handsomely illuminated. A number of passages were marked agrees with this dating. In other words, Pius wrote his for deletion sometime after Gobellinus had finished copy- memoirs in 1462-1463; he did not keep a diary of events ing the work, presumably by Bandini a century later. The as they occurred from year to year. MS. has the following explicit (fols. 426%-427"): “Hec 14 Cf. B. Widmer, Enea Silvio (1960), p. 103. habuimus que ad annum sextum pontificatus sul nondum 'S Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, nos. 2~3, vol. XIX exactum de rebus eius scriberemus, in libros digestis (1693), p. 15; J. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in duodecim quorum ultimus pridie Kal. lanuarias finem ac- Europa, I (Gotha, 1854), 237-38; Voigt, Enea Silvio, III cepit anno ab incarnato verbo MCCCCLXIII: [and in red (1863), 652; Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-2 capitals: ] Comentariorum Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximiliber (1916), 1292; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, Il (repr. 1955), 39; XII et ultimus feliciter finit.” After this comes (fol. 427"): | Erich Meuthen, Die letzten Jahre des Nikolaus von Kues, “Io. Antonii Campaniepiscopi Aprutini[Teramo]epistolade Cologne, 1958, pp. 47—48, and doc. no. 17, pp. 155-57, with

operibus Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi iudicium faciens” notes. On the fraudulent crusading order formed by the [¢nc. “Campanus Iacobo Cardinali Papiensi: Percurri nuper Frenchman Gerard, see Pius II, Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans.,

comentarios Pii pontificis rerum a se gestarum.. .”]. pp. 790-92; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 322-23. A Societas In this letter Campano states that, although Pius had given Jesu Christi was also organized “propriis sumptibus arma him a free hand to edit the Commentari, he had not done _capere expeditionemque inire in Turchos hostes Christiani so, thus anticipating and refuting Voigt, II, 338-40, on nominis immittendam,” as stated in a curial letter of Pius to

which cf. Kramer, “Untersuchungen,” pp. 82-83. the members of the new society (Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

In a discerning review of some recent works on Pius II, Reg. Vat. 469, fol. 486", dated 15 January, 1459), on which Remo Ceserani, in the Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, cf. Pastor, Il, 39-40, note. Pius issued a further bull in

204 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pius left Rome on 22 January, 1459, and after a vile faith, Christians were unwilling to undergo an elaborate, ceremonial journey through Assisi the least expense or hardship for the gospel.!

and Perugia, Siena and Florence, Bologna and The congress got off to a poor start. Ferrara, he arrived in Mantua on 27 May."® Actually its first and only general session did not He has devoted the entire second book of his take place until 26 September, for the envoys Commentaries to a description of his itinerary and arrived tardily, most of them invested with in-

to the various historical and other reflections adequate powers by the indifferent princes of which the sight of the many cities and towns, Europe. The outlook was dismal, but the pope through which he passed, recalled tomind.On1__ refused to be discouraged. The Emperor FredJune, as planned, the congress was opened with — erick III was constantly intriguing against John

an address by the bishop of Coron, who in a_ Hunyadi’s son Matthias Corvinus, whom Pius long oration deplored the unhappy state of the had recognized as king of Hungary. Frederick Church, and explained the pope’s reasons for had had himself declared king of the disputed seeking to assemble representatives of the chief land (in March, 1459). Pius warned him, how-

European powers to take action against the ever, “that since this kingdom has hitherto Turks. After this, when the congregation was’ been the shield of all Christendom, and we about to withdraw, the pope raised his hand for have always enjoyed a comfortable security silence, and spoke “with misery in his eyes” ac-_ while it fought our battles, do not doubt that cording to Crivelli. He lamented the fact that, dire destruction would descend upon us all if although the Turks did not hesitate to die for this road were opened to the barbarian multitude” fof Turks ].!8

commendation of this society on 29 June, 1459 (Reg. Vat. 1 471, fols. 201’—202”), but the “societas” never amounted Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., pp. 191-92; ed. to anything. Pius’s preoccupation with the crusade is sketched Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 60-61; Crivelli, Expeditio in Turcas, in

in Else Hocks, Pius H. und der Halbmond, Freiburg im RISS, XXIII (1733), cols. 66B, 77-78, and ed. G. C. Breisgau, 1941, esp. pp. 55 ff., which gives no references to Zimolo, in the new Muratori, XXIII-5 (1948-50), 80 ff.,

the sources, and seems to be based on an inadequate 98 ff.; cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, no. 42, vol.

bibliography. XIX (1693), pp. 26-27; Lesca, “I Commentarii,” pp. 90 ff.

16 An important register in the Vatican Archives (Arm. '® Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, no. 15, vol. XIX, XXXIX, tom. 8) contains the following calendar of events P- 18, and see Pius I1’s letters to Cardinal Carvajal and the

(fol., 28°): III onhe thetried necessity of leaving ; ae , Emperor CorvinusFrederick at peace while to defend himselfMatthias against

e. . one . woe : : iusdem. . . ;

pominus calistus papa HIF obiit die vi August 1458. . Turkish attacks (Brevia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. "Augusti lus papa HI creatus die XVIIII dicti mensis XXXIX, tom. 9, fols. 28'-29"). The quotation in the text

. : . . . comes from the letter to the emperor, dated at Siena on 2

Die XXII fan. MCCCCLVIIII dominus Pius recessit de April, 1459 (fol. 29"). On 13 April, Pius wrote the

, wo. a , .. emperor justifying his recognition of Matthias as king of meinen dicti mensis intravit Spoletum et exivit XX VIIII Hungary, as Calixtus III had already done—“non ergo aut . . \ , , juste aut honeste poteramus eum regio nomine spoliare . . . Die XY rer. MCCCCLVINIE intravit Perusium et “(pig fol. 32°, and cf. Pius’s letter to Carvajal on the exivit I. . . i. . fourteenth of the month, fols. 32%—33', et alibi, and a Die XXHII Febr. intravit Senas et exivit XXIII Aprilis notable letter to Carvajal from Mantua on 5 November, ‘1459. ee .. 7 ibid., fols. 89%-91'). On Calixtus III’s full approval of

Die AAV Aprili s intravit Florentiam et exivit V Mat. Matthias Corvinus’s accession to the Hungarian throne, Die nona Mail intravit Bononiam et exivit XVI elusdem. “quod bonum felixque sit ad regni ipsius pacem et Die XVII dicti mensis intravit Ferrariam et exivit XXV tranquillitatem perpetuamque totius Christianitatis felicita-

eiusdem. .. . . tem,” see Arm. XXXIX, tom. 7, fol. 165’, and zbid., fols.

Die XXVIT Maii 1459 intravit Mantuam. 167, 168"— 169", 170 ff. Most of these letters (of March, 1458) By way of commentary on this schedule we may note that had urged their recipients to work for the destruction of in a letter dated at Perugia on 9 February, 1459, Pius the perfidious Turk. indicated his intention of leaving for Siena on the twentieth The strife between Frederick and Matthias was very hard (Brevia, in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 14”): “Ad vicesimam to settle (Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fols. 54-55’, papal letters

Februarii hinc discedemus Senas. . . .” He was at Cor- of 6 July, 1459, to the two principals). This register signano on 22 February (ibid., fols. 17%, 18"), and at Siena contains numerous letters on the problems which Frederick

on the twenty-fifth (fol. 18"); another letter, if properly was introducing into the threatened regnum Hungariae, to dated, was written from Siena on 24 February (fols. 19Y- — which I shall make little further reference since they are for

20°), the day of his arrival. The first register here referred the most part only indirectly related to the “eastern to (Arm. XXXIX, tom. 8) bears the old enumeration question.” Although Pius II certainly found Frederick 2804, a reminder of the sad losses which the Vatican exasperating to deal with, a genuine friendship existed

Archives have suffered. - between them (cf., ibid., fols. 74-75", et alibi). Conditions

PIUS I! AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 205 Pius II had spent years in central Europe (as Matthias Corvinus’s possession of S. Stephen's we have seen) where he had represented the throne was still uncertain. emperor at various diets and other meetings. To glance ahead for a moment, the future

He had met most of the important princes, was to be no better than the past. From the and knew some of them well. His knowledge fall of 1459 to about the spring of 1461

of German, Bohemian, Austrian, Hungarian, George of Podébrady was to contribute to the and Polish affairs was doubtless one of the political confusion in Germany by trying, with main reasons for his elevation to the papal the aid of that perennial busybody Martin Mayr, throne. No one at the Curia Romana knew to get himself elected king of the Romans. He better than he the extent to which internecine wanted, he said, to help bring about “reform” strife exposed Hungary, Carniola, Carinthia, in the empire, which was faring badly under and Styria to Turkish attack. At the time of Frederick III, whom Pope Nicholas V_ had the congress of Mantua there was an uneasy crowned emperor in Rome (in March, 1452).

peace north of the Alps, but one could Podébrady pictured himself as exercising the never be certain when the lid might blow off regency of the empire (under the Emperor

the cauldron. Frederick) as he had exercised the regency of

There had been a congress, of the German Bohemia for some years during the minority of princes, held in the city of Cheb (Eger) in Ladislas Postumus. It was a vainglorious illusion. April, 1459, just before Pius’s assembly at Man- Economic conditions were in almost as sad a tua. Its purpose had been the maintenance of jumble as the political situation. In many parts peace. Despite its apparent success, however, of the empire the roads and rivers were unsafe strong tensions still existed. Eventually they for trade and travel. Tolls were numerous and would lead to war. The Hohenzollerns (in the often heavy. The imperial coinage was corrupt. margraviates of Brandenburg) and their Wettin Germany, then, was not well off, but what of allies (in the duchies of Saxony) were pitted France? As Pius II reviewed the past and ponagainst the Wittelsbachs (in the Palatinate and dered the future on his way to Mantua, what Bavaria-Landshut). Although Duke William of were indeed his thoughts of France? Saxony had been obliged to recognize, at Cheb, King Charles VII was certainly no crusader. the Hussite George of Podébrady’s accession Besides, the French were too interested in makto the throne of Bohemia—which William had ing René of Anjou king of Naples to camclaimed as husband of the late King Ladislas_ paign against the faraway Turks at the behest Postumus’s elder sister, Anna of Hapsburg— _ of a pope who had just accorded the royal title there was abundant dissatisfaction in Catholic to Alfonso V’s illegitimate son Ferrante.’? On circles at the “heretic” king’s good fortune. The 14 July, 1459, Pius II wrote Charles that he Emperor Frederick III and King Casimir IV _ was receiving word almost daily from Hungary, of Poland both claimed the Hungarian succes- Bosnia, Albania, and the Morea as well as sion, and so (as we have noted) the youthful from numerous other Christian territories in the Levant that nothing was more damaging to were very critical throughout the summer of 1459, and on Christian interests m those areas than the 25 July Pius wrote Stefano de’Nardini from Mantua that the road into Hungary lay open to the Turks after the Christian §———————

loss of Semendria (Smederevo): “. . . hoc presertim 9 Calixtus III seems to have harbored a strong hostility tempore in quo sicut devotio tua intellexisse iam debuit toward his former patron Alfonso V of Naples and AragonZendren. opido [sic] amisso secundum vulnus Christianitati Catalonia (d. 27 June, 1458). For obvious reasons he inlatum est, et Turcis liber in Ungariam patet excursus . . .” found it expedient to conceal his sentiments during Al(@ibid., fol. 59%). Stefano de’Nardini of Forli (Forliviensis) fonso’s lifetime, but after the latter’s death he absolutely had been appointed orator et nuntius to Germany a few _ refused to recognize Ferrante as king of Naples. Pius II’s months before—while Pius was in Florence (from 25 April accession brought about a complete change in papal policy, to 5 May, 1459, according to the itinerary in Arm. XXXIX, _ with subsequent rewards for the Piccolomini family in the tom. 8, fol. 28%)—with the very difficult mission of making southern kingdom. Cf. N. M[engozzi], “Il Pontefice Pio II

peace among the German princes (see the bull “datum _ e l’aragonese Ferdinando I, re di Napoli,” Bullettino senese

Florentie, anno etc., MCCCCLVIIII [no day given], di storia patria, XX (1913), 263-80, with nine documents

pontificatus nostri anno primo” in Reg. Vat. 471, fol. 107, | [from August, 1458, to February, 1460] drawn from Arm.and cf. fol. 108). Shortly after his accession Matthias Ad. Messer, Le Codice aragonese: Contribution a@ Vhistoire des Corvinus sent an envoy to Scanderbeg (J. Gelcich and L. Aragonais de Naples, Paris, 1912, who publishes 358 docuThalléczy, Diplomatarium ragusanum, Budapest, 1887, no. ments from a Paris MS., running from 1 July, 1458, to

365, p. 613), obviously to discuss the crusade. 20 February, 1460.

206 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT interminable and intolerable delay of the At long length Francesco Sforza came, also western powers to take some decisive step on with a most impressive retinue. He nurtured an behalf of their threatened co-religionists in the incessant fear of the French re-entering Italy. East.” Charles was unmoved.”' Diplomatic He had no difficulty, however, prevailing upon etiquette might require that a papal brief be Pius II to support Ferrante of Naples against sent to King Henry VI of England, but that another Angevin attempt to occupy the south gentle monarch of uncertain mind had already Italian kingdom, as a result of a rebellion seen the Yorkists victorious at S. Albans in which had just broken out against Ferrante (in

May, 1455, the first of a dozen battles in August, 1459).22 The duke of Milan would

the disastrous Wars of the Roses, which were to contribute all his resources to the projected remove England from the international scene war against the Turks insofar as conditions in for thirty years. Ferrante of Naples, who had _ Italy would allow him (but just how far would they helped elect the pope, and needed his support in fact allow him?).* Following thé personal apagainst the French, sent an embassy, of course;

Philip the Good of Burgundy finally dis- . 7 . .

patched his nephew John of Cleves to Mantua intendere. ‘The following note appears concerning the king with a large retinue. John exacte concessions — Turchos facilis expeditio est [and the second hand adds:]

‘th a] . h d . in Spain: “Pugnat contra Granatenses neque ei contra

from the pope, and departed, leaving unim- nec futura speratur.” And of the Venetians it is stated:

portant representatives behind him and promis- “Cum certam regum et principum terra marique paratam ing that Burgundy would contribute or hire ¢*Peditionem viderunt, aderunt et ipsi cum valida classe x th d f, ‘ce in H 29 [and the second hand has crossed out the words “nec SIX Thousand Men LOY Service IM) FAUNEAry. postremi Christianorum erunt,” replacing them by the

TT forsitan inter postremos erunt!”

following: ] quam interim satis lente preparare videntur, et

*° Pius II to Charles VII, doc. dated 14 July, 1459, in 3 Cf. Ernesto Pontieri, Per la Storia del regno di Ferrante Brevia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, JI d’Aragona, re di Napoli: Studi e ricerche, 2nd ed., Naples, fol. 58:“. . . Accedunt nuntii pene quottidianiex Ungaria, 1969, pp. 92 ff., 231-36. Bosna et Albania, et Peloponesso multisque altis fidelium 74 Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., pp. 217, 219, locis ad nos venientes quorum testimonio satis certum 223-26, 252, 254; ed Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 70, 72-73, 82habemus nichil rebus Christianorum calamitosius esse quam 83. On 16 September (1459) Pius wrote in answer to the

tarditatem hanc tantam ferendi auxili. . . .” pro-Angevin prince of Taranto, from whom he had just re-

"1 Cf., tbid., fols. 84°-86", and esp. fols. 93'-94", 112"- ceived a letter, that “. . . nichil aliud respondere habemus 113", 116'-117%. Charles’s attention was not to be deflected nisi molestas esse nobis vestras dissensiones .. .” (Arch. from western affairs, especially the Angevin claim to Naples. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 81"). With 22 Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., pp. 206-17; ed. some reason Francesco Sforza feared the French, who would Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 65-70, deals at length with the embassy _not relax the interest they had acquired in the duchy of which Philip sent to Mantua under John of Cleves. Most Milan through the marriage (in 1387) of Valentina Visconti, of books vi and vu of Pius’s Commentarit is devoted to the daughter of Gian Galeazzo, to Louis, duke of Touraine and affairs of Germany, France, England, Spain, Naples, Cyprus, later of Orléans, the brother of King Charles VI of France. and Savoy, with historical analyses of the chief problems As we have noted, Francesco Sforza’s wife Bianca Maria

of these countries up to the time of his pontificate. Visconti, daughter of Duke Filippo Maria, was illegitimate,

Philip of Burgundy had been the center of papal which gave the then duke of Orléans, Charles, son of

hopes, having at first promised to come to Mantua in Valentina and Louis, an excellent claim to Milan, which in person: cf. Pius’s letter to Philip, dated at Florence on 3 fact Charles’s own son, Louis XII of France, was later to May, 1459 (Brevia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, vindicate (in 1499-1500). In 1459, however, both Pius and tom. 9, fols. 35'—36"): “. . . Confidimus te veniente Francesco Sforza could agree on a policy aimed at keeping venturos esse complurimos principes qui alioquin libentius the French out of Italy, for the Angevin reoccupation of domesticum otium amplectentur. . . .” On the coming of | Naples could well be followed by the Orléanist capture of John of Cleves to Mantua, cf., tbid., fols. 61Y-62', papal Milan. The papacy would then be between the upper and letters of 29 July, 1459, et alibi, as fol. 73. Although he — nether millstones (cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio, II, 64-66, and became pro-Yorkist, Pius tried through his legates Francesco. Chr. Lucius, Prus II. und Ludwig XI. von Frankreich, Coppini, bishop of Terni, and Jean Jouffroy, bishop of 1461-1462, Giessen diss., Heidelberg, 1913). Arras, to see peace established in England, whence he hoped On the return journey from Mantua to Rome, Pius stopped

to draw men and money for the crusade (see Constance off in Florence, where he explained to the pro-French Head, “Pope Pius II and the Wars of the Roses,’ Cosimo de’Medici “that he was protecting Italy as long as

Archivum historiae pontificiae, VIII [Rome, 1970], 139-78). he protected Ferrante” (. . . tueri se Italiam dum FerdinanIn the Archivio di Stato di Milano, Arch. Visconteo- dum tueretur, in the Comm., bk. Iv, Frankfurt, 1614, p. 96, Sforzesco, Potenze Estere, Cart. 48 (“Roma”), isan undated lines 46-47). Although relating to the turn of events a schedule of current preparations for the crusade (which an _ few years later, the report which the Milanese ambassador archivist has assigned to January, 1459, although the annota- to Rome, Otto del Carretto, sent his master Francesco tions obviously extend over more than a year), the original Sforza on 12 March, 1462, is one of the most illuminating text being revised by a second but contemporary hand. It documents we have on Pius’s Italian policy (Pastor, Acta is said of the king of England: “Nihil adhuc certi promissit _imedita, I [1904], no. 125, pp. 150-62): Despite his assur-

[and the second hand adds:] neque etiam ad hoc videtur ances in the Commentaru that he never wavered, and that

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 207 pearance of Francesco Sforza in Mantua, various an abundance of fine words, the Venetians Italian states sent embassies, including Florence, would make no commitment to the war against Siena, Lucca, and Bologna. After unconscion- the Turks.?? able delays the Venetian Signoria finally sent The pope had found the preliminaries to the an embassy with great pomp, but the genial congress hard going. Most of the cardinals had Doge Pasquale Malipiero, who was more devoted been disaffected from the beginning, as Pius to peace and the pursuits of love than to war, emphasizes in his Commentaries (especially bks. especially with the Turks, would not think of 1-1). Little help could be expected from the using his influence to promote a crusade that two French members of the college. Among the might fail.2> The Venetians had no intention of Italians Jacopo de’ Tebaldi and Lodovico Trerisking their fortresses and commercial stations visan were complaining openly, as Pius knew in the Morea and the Aegean by courting the well,?® and Lodovico soon returned to the hostile attention of the Turks, whose virtual “dear” city of Rome, but Bessarion and Torqueconquest of the Morea in 1458 had caused mada encouraged the pope and supported him abiding alarm in the Senate. Arms were being devotedly. The cardinals were especially dissent to Coron and Modon, Nauplia and Negro- tressed with Mantua, a dull city, a marshponte, where the castellans and other Venetian land, where the air was said to be pestilential, officials were put on a constant alert.*® Despite the weather too hot, the food poor, the wine flat, and “nothing was to be heard except the

, , , frogs.” Pius’s relations with the strong-minded

he encouraged Milan to cleave to the alliance with Ferrante Lodovi Trevisan far from cordial. A of Naples throughout the Angevin-Aragonese war in Italy, ocovico A Tevisall Were ta 0 0 ; we find the pope fearful that his policy had in fact Year OF SO later (on 18 September, 1460) he

foundered, and the ambassador urged him to stand firm! was to reply ironically to Lodovico’s excuse of * Cf. Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. ans. pp. 232-33, gout and a “contraction of nerves” for not ac250-51, 254; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 75, 82, 83; Pastor, cepting a legatine mission to the court of King Acta 1, nos. 77,Florentines, 81, 83, 85-86. Cf. also theofpope’s les:ave“ already h lreadwritten . letter ofinedita, 28 July (1459) to the in the volume errante Naples: F Asf we

of his Brevia in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, you, we were not of the opinion that your

tom. 9, fol. 61: “Requisivimus devotionem vestram sepius feet were essential, nor did the present necessity

ut oratores ad conventum hunc Mantuanum mittere non require agility and strength of limbs: our as-

differretis . . . :” the pope believed the Italian powers ti that Kine F t d ffai should set a good example for the ultramontani, and note, sumpion was ta ANS errante an our a anes

ibid., fols. 68'-69', 71°. Among the letters to the doge of had need of your ability and experience. . . .

Venice on the Republic's delay in sending envoys to Mantua, Few popes have left upon the archival registers

air ot. 5Arch. Aust (fol a. Sen.diMar. Rew. 6.Sen. fol of theirReg. reigns6,such di Stato Venezia, Mar, fol.clear ; : marks of personality 118" {119*], a resolution of the Senate dated 6 April, 1459, 28 has the humanist Pius II.

Quia civitas nostra Coroni, ut litteris regiminisest, illiustutelle The conquest of Constantinople had shaken habetur, munitionibus vacua culus que a nostro .. . dominio magni facienda est sit providendum his precipue the political structure of central Europe to its temporibus quibus Theucer Amoream adeptus est, vadit pars foundations, and the impress had been no less

quod auctoritate huius consilii mitti debeant per patronos great upon Italy. Popular interest in Greece nostri Arsenatus Coronum per primum passagium.. .

munitiones que suprascriptis patronis Arsenatus solvantur §=———— de pecuniis depositi quod in procuratia fieri debet,” and documents relating to the “crusade” in the time of Pius II there follows a list of the bombardae, sclopeti, springardae, (as he has also done for the reigns of Pius’s immediate ballistae, etc., to be sent to Coron (ibid., fol. 118” [119%]). predecessors, for which see above, Chapter 2, note 99). A month later, on 7 May (1459), the Senate agreed that 27 Pius II, Comm., bk. m1, Engl. trans., esp. pp. 257-59; “civitas nostra Neapolis Romanie, ut notum est, in faucibus — ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 85; Cugnoni, Opera inedita, pp. 512,

Theucrorum est,” and arms and artillery were listed for 513, the deleted passages on the Venetians. shipment to Nauplia (fol. 121% [122”]). On 17 August the 8 Cf. Comm., bk. u1, Engl. trans., pp. 193-94; ed. FrankSenate voted to strengthen the defenses of Negroponte furt, 1614, p. 61; Cugnoni, Opera inedita, p. 511, on the (fol. 1387 [139*], and ¢f. fol. 174" [1757], docs. dated 20 May, disaffection of Lodovico Trevisan.

1460). In the spring of 1460 the Senate approved of 9 Pius II, Comm., loc. cit.; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, U1 (repr. continuing (rather slight) financial assistance to Scanderbeg, 1955), 50-52; and cf. Hefele and Leclercq, Histoire des “cum .. . ipse utilis [sit] et ad conservationem status nostri conciles, VII-2 (1916), 1299.

ipsarum partium plurimum conferat” (fol. 165" [166°], *° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fols. dated 4 April). Various other documents in this register 143%-144" (“datum Corsignani, XVIII Septembris, anno bear witness to the precautions taken by the Venetians to _ tertio”): “Nos, dilecte fili, sicut antea scripsimus, pedibus protect their territories from Turkish attack. Giuseppe tuis opus esse non putabamus, nec presens necessitas Valentini, “La Crociata di Pio II dalla documentazione —agilitatem membrorum et robur querebat: ingenio tuo et usu veneta d’archivio,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, XIII (1975), rerum quem habes indigere regem Ferdinandum et res

249-82, has published an invaluable list of Venetian nostras arbitrabamur. .. .”

208 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT was widespread; there was an eastern vogue in the Curia probably had a tale to tell even art. While the Congress of Mantua was sitting, more piteous than that of his predecessor. Pius Benozzo Gozzoli was painting the marvelous expressed the sincerest sorrow for those whom

murals of the Magi in the little chapel of the the misfortunes of life had degraded from Palazzo Medici-Riccardi in Florence, showing high rank and great possessions to the sad the entry of the Byzantine Emperor John - status of refugees and virtual beggary.” VIII and the Patriarch Joseph II into Florence From Ferrara on the way to Mantua, Pius

to attend the famous council of twenty years be- II had written on 19 May, 1459, to the wellfore, among the handsomest and best pre- known Franciscan preacher Jacopo della Marca, served paintings of the Italian Renaissance. papal nuncio in the March of Ancona, whom he Court poets and humanists wrote much about had appointed to preach the crusade in that

the Turkish danger. As Greece grew poorer, area, telling him of a grant of plenary in-

the splendor of the Byzantine past was recalled with the more poignancy. Cardinal Bessarion =——W¥W—— was very active at Mantua, at the height of 3? Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 471, fol. 202’, “datum his influence employin all his eloquence and Mantue, anno etc., MCCCCLVIIII, tertio Kal. Iunn, . h Ip | ° h q d . pontificatus nostri anno primo.” The letter is an “indulgentia prestige to he p faunc the crusade against pro benefacientibus Demetrio et Michaeli, miliubus Conthe Turks. In his youth Bessarion had spent _ stantinopolitanis.” Pius says that“. . . cum itaque post illud some years aS a monk in the Morea, which he miserabile excidium civitatis Constantinopolitane ad now saw was going the way of Constantinople. nostram presentiam venerint dilecti filii nobiles viri DeHis only hope was that the Europeans would ™ettus et Michael Leontarii milites quorum progenitores, discharge their obligation to Christianity and quoque apud olim Romeorum imperatores in eadem civitate rescue their Greek co-religionists from the Constantinopolitana maxime auctoritatis et potentie extitere

. . - ear sicut fidedigna relatione percepimus, et supra nominati

coming onslaught of Islam. quique ob innumerabiles et eroicas virtutes, splendorem

. . sanguinis, et munificentiam, auctoritatem et maximas divitias

if the western envoys arrived at Mantua with totius Grecie lumen et ornamentum habebantur et post a studied reluctance, there was all too much imperatorem, dum in humanis ageret, nemini cederent: urgency in the manner of those who came from Nunc vero everso imperio et civitate huiusmodi in tiranAlbania, Bosnia, and Ragusa, Cyprus, Rhodes, idem Turchorum redacta supradicti rerum egeni et ab Lesbos. and the hard-pressed Morea.*! Besides omnibus destituti in erumnis versantur et varietatum th€ fF ‘al . 2 t Greek fortune experimentum in se patiuntur nec vitam suam ofncial envoys various promimnen FECKS substentare valent nisi fidelium suffragia et elemosine had appeared at the papal court. Having sought piarum personarum eisdem subministrentur. . . .” safety in Italy, they now sought support at —§* Jacopo della Marca was a Minorite professor, who had

the Curia. Among them were nobles of the preached ror some jorty years an par and Hungary.

highest rank, even some Constantinople, /1"€¢ Yeats later, in the spring o 1462,the he was to provoke . afrom tremendous renewal of the dispute between Franciscans who had managed m one way or another tO and Dominicans concerning the blood of Christ, to which escape capture when the city had fallen a half Pius II devotes a large part of bk. x1 of ‘his Commentarii

dozen years before. On 30cf. May, 1459, for ex- sndcf. VoieII, pp.591-93, 70328: ed Frankfurt om, pp. 278 . . and Voigt, Enea Silvio, and Pastor, Gesch. amp’, Pope Pius di granted an indulgence d. Papste, 11 [repr. 1955], 197-98). Although both the pope un er certain con tions to those w oO wou and a majority of the cardinals favored the Dominican give alms to relieve the desperate plight of position, “it did not seem best to issue an official statenrent Demetrius and Michael Leontaris, once mag- at the time for fear of offending the great body of the nates of the highest dignity and authority at Minorites, whose preaching against the Turks was needed” the Bvzantine imperial court. now reduced to (C2”™- bk. x1, Engl. trans., p. 729). Jacopo della Marca y Pp ror (1391-1476) was canonized on 10 December, 1726. He is poverty and buffeted by the Capricious turns of the subject of a considerable literature (for the older outrageous bad fortune. Each new arrival at _ publications, see U. Chevalier, Répertoire: Bio-bibliographie, Il {Paris, 1907], col. 2321), and documents relating to him are

_—_ easily found in the Vatican Archives (e.g., Arm. XXXIX, 31 Pius LI, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., p. 200; ed. Frankfurt, tom. 7, fols. 847, 94, 95). Jacopo was sent to Hungary to

1614, p. 63; on the Congress of Mantua, note also preach after Capistrano’s death. Cf. Ludwig Mohler, Kardinal Campano, Vita Pii II, ed. G. C. Zimolo, in the new Muratori, —_ Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist and Staatsman, I (Paderborn,

RISS, WH-3 (1964), 28, 36-40, 52, and Platina’s life of 1923, repr. Aalen, 1967), 287, who does not seem to recogPius, ibid., pp. 106-7, 109; and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, nize his importance. Fra Jacopo was among those to whom II (repr. 1955), 56-57. On the pope’s interest in church —Calixtus HI’s commission of 19 January, 1456, was issued

union and his attitude toward the eastern Orthodox “contra ludeos,” whereby the tithes to be paid by the Jews churches, cf. the brief article of Fr. Georg Hofmann, as well as the restitutions of usury were to be applied to “Papst Pius II. und die Kircheneinheit des Ostens,” Ori- the war against the Turk:

entalia Christiana periodica, XII (1946), 217-37. “Novit ille qui nichil ignorat [i.e., Deus] quod nos

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 209 dulgence to all who would serve in the Morea accord him in everything the undoubting trust for a year at their own expense.** On the fol- you would give our own self.”*> Bessarion had lowing day his Holiness wrote again to Fra become the cardinal protector of the Franciscans Jacopo, informing him that “our venerable eight months before this.*® His letter to Jacopo, brother Bessarion, bishop of Tusculum, called dated at Ferrara on 20 May, is a very imthe cardinal of Nicaea, will write you about the portant document. aforesaid matters at our request, and you are to Bessarion described the Morea to Jacopo as a large country with a coastline of some eight

——_—_——— hundred miles, a very fertile land, which proquamquam immeriti ad summi apostolatus apicem assumpti duced in abundance bread, wine, meat, cheese,

inter cetera iusta et honesta desideria nostra nil magis wool, cotton, flax, silk, the scarlet kermes optamus neque magis in corde nostro tenemus quam ut (chremisinum), grain, and the berries from which veneranda fides nostra Christiana prospere conservetur et . , . nostro presertim tempore feliciter augeatur ac perfidissimus dye is made. A single ducat bought 1,400 lbs. ille Machomectus Turchorum dux, iniquissimus redemptoris of grain; wine cost nothing; meats were cheap; nostri crudelissimus hostis et nefandissimus Christiane re- hay and straw were available for horses withligionis perturbator, cum eius superbia deprimatur ac illus 44+ number: “so that besides the inhabitants

temeritas pariter et superbia conteratur. Cum autem ad . ‘

bviand h ae andcrudelissima natives of belua the place that country obviandum ne .hec suas perversas cupi-can .: ditates explere valeat ad recuperandum etiam terras et SUpport fifty thousand horsemen without having civitates, presertim illam insignem olim civitatem Con- to seek food from any other source.” In the stantinopolitanam, ac ecclesias quas hic omnium scelerum preceding year (1458) the Turks had come with

artifex detinet copiis occupatas,tam plurimis militum et gentum thousand ac horsemen, a great.number of armorum terrestribus quamGiohty maritimis maximis . opus sit impensis et quamplura diversorum hominum footsoldiers, and a vast baggage train. They auxilia ad ipsius Turchi depressionem et fidei Christiane remained in the Morea for five months, and exaltationem sint plurimum oportuna, nos matura con- enjoyed food in plenty. After their departure sideratione cogitantes quod decime per Iudeos solvende everything was still very cheap “such is the huge necnon usure per eosdem Iudeos restituende in nullo bund € all th; os “Likew; b magis pio neque magis pro ipsa fide nostra Christiana al un ance O al Ings. . + - IKEWISE, DEnecessario opere quam contra illum sceleratissimum Sides the cities in the Morea there are about Turchum deputari aut converti possent, decimas et usuras three hundred walled towns [terrae muratae], huiusmodi in hoc sancto opere convertendas deputantes, et strongly fortified, animals beyond count, and a ut in subsidium ac ipsius fidei Christiane exaltationem et great multitude of people.” The location of the potestatis plenitudine tenore presentium decernentes te de Morea gave It easy ACCESS to Italy, Sicily,

illius crudelissime fere depressionem convertantur, de nostre .; i

cuius sincera fide et integritate plenam in domino fiduciam Crete, and the other tslands, Asia Minor, optinemus . . . contra Iudeos . . . decimarum et usu- Illyricum, Macedonia, and other Christian counrarum collectorem et executorem nostrum ad hoc cum tries. If Christians held it they could concenpotestate substituendi vel delegandi ydoneos viros religiosos h f,upon , k he culuscumque ordinis specialiter deputamus ac tibi per rate troops there for trat attacks the Turk /urks, apostolica scripta committimus et mandamus quatenus to the obvious advantage of Christendom when prefatos Iudeos ad solvendum decimas omnium bonorum the Turks were a threat. The Turks, however, suorum que detinent mobilium et immobilium necnon ad had occupied most of the Morea the year before, restituendum omnes et singulas usuras quas hactenus usque coming with a huge military force, and aided

in presentem diem quomodolibet recipient by evil th hmen; f ; ; a few places in futurum et quas in dicto sancto opere receperunt converti y theseu treachery 0 some

volumus auctoritate apostolica harum serie cogas et com- had held out, and in these the lords of the pellas invocato ad hoc si opus fuerit auxilio tam brachii land had taken refuge, two brothers of the late ecclesiastici quam secularis ...” (Reg. Vat. 440, fols. : 119%—120', 121). The fairly full Gtation of this single Emperor Constantine. document may serve as an illustration of various others to

the same effect. Cf. Gelcich and Thalléczy, Diplomatarium =— ragusanum, no. 356, p. 604, a letter of the Ragusei to Fra 35 Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., 1V, 253-54; also in Wadding,

Jacopo, dated 7 February, 1458. Annales Minorum, XIII (1932), 135.

34Sp. P. Lampros, Palaiolégeia kai Peloponnesiaka, IV 36 Wadding, Annales Minorum, XIII (1932), 72 (ed. Lyon, (Athens, 1930), 251-53; Luke Wadding, Annales Minorum, VI [1648], 415-16; ed. Rome, XIII [1735], 63). Pius II

XIII (3rd ed., Quaracchi, 1932), 134-35 (ed. Lyon, VI appointed Bessarion protector of the Franciscans on 10 [1648], 436-37; ed. Rome, XIII [1735], 117-18). (I have September, 1458, after the death of Cardinal Domenico commonly cited the third edition of Wadding’s Annales, Capranica. Two letters dated “ex palatio residentie mee edited by J. M. Fonseca and published at Quaracchi, Rome A.D. MCCCCLXII, die XX Aprilis” (in Arch. Segr. which gives cross-references to the Roman edition.) Pius II Vaticano, Arm. XXXV, tom. 135, fols. 1277-128") show was at Ferrara from 17 May to the twenty-fifth (Arch. Bessarion concerned with details of his position as protector

Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 8, fol. 28%, and cf. of the order, which must have taken a fair amount of his Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11 [repr. 1955], 48-49). time and caused him numerous headaches.

210 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT This year, in the month of January just the pope sixteen Turkish captives, they also passed, God had raised the spirit of one of these said that a small Italian army would be able to

lords, the Despot Thomas Palaeologus of the drive the Turks from their land, but perhaps Morea. He had taken up arms against the in- they were afraid of asking for too much. When

fidels for his own freedom and that of his people. the question was raised in the consistory, the Within two months he had recovered all the pope indicated that in his opinion such a force lost places (according to Bessarion!), “a great would not accomplish anything.** No one in his and wonderful and miraculous thing it was and generation had a better grasp of the facts of is, and one which gives us hope of great things international life than he; his Europa shows how for the future, provided we know how to use this well he knew both the Greeks and the Turks, opportunity well.” Sultan Mehmed had lost his their past history and contemporary circumawesome reputation and suffered grievous losses, stances.

but he would return in anger and in great Time was necessary, however, to organize

might. The Christians in Greece needed help, even a small force, and in July, 1459, Pope which they had asked of the pope, who had Pius wrote to the Greek magnates and the chiefs promised it. His Holiness and Bessarion were of the Albanian tribes in the Morea of the joy placing their hopes in the diet to be held at he felt in their rebellion against the Turks and

Mantua. In the meantime aid was desperately their return to the authority of the Despot

needed in the Morea. Jacopo was to enroll Thomas, ad vestrum catholicum principem dilectum crusaders to embark at Ancona on a ship which filium nostrum. The pope spoke of Thomas with the pope would furnish. Good men were needed __the highest praise. He appealed to both the

with arms and funds for a year, fifty or at Greeks and the Albanians to keep faith with him least forty ducats of their own or in con- and manfully to resist the Turks, “fighting for tributions from others. Jacopo was to grant a your native land, your wives, children, your plenary indulgence both to those who went on own homes, churches, and places of burial, and this crusade themselves and to those whose gifts above all for the very religion of our Lord made it possible for others to go. Speed was Jesus Christ founded by his very precious blood, essential. It would be far better to send five and do not hesitate for Him to give your life

hundred or four hundred or even three and shed your blood, Who spared not His own hundred men right away than many thousands _ blood for us and for our salvation. . . .”°? We

too late. Jacopo was to send his recruits to may assume that the Greek translation was as Ancona, where the papal ship would be ready _ stirring as the original text, and still doubt to transport them immediately to the Morea. that it made any impression upon those to whom Bessarion closes his letter with an urgent appeal it was addressed.

to the good friar to take this matter to heart, Discouraging as the outlook was, a small body for he would be rendering Christendom an_ of three hundred footsoldiers was finally reinestimable service in which they would all cruited. Bianca Maria Visconti, wife of Francesco

find rich fruits and consolation.®” Sforza, duke of Milan, who was active at the

Bessarion’s statement that a few hundred Congress of Mantua, supplied one hundred of troops now might be better than thousands these at her own request. Pius II equipped the later was his own idea. His emotions tended other two hundred “although he did not approve to get the better of his mind when he pondered of building great undertakings on so weak a

the Turkish problem. When the Despot foundation: but he could not disappoint Bes-

Thomas’s envoys arrived in Mantua, bringing sarion, who had set his heart on it.”*° Bianca’s

-_37 Lampros, 38 Pius Il, Comm., bk. 1, Engl. trans., p. 195; ed. FrankPal. kai Pel., IV, 255-58; Wadding, Annales _ furt, 1614, p. 61; and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459,

Minorum, XIII (3rd ed., 1932), 135-37; Mohler, Kard. no. 46, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 27-28. Bessarion, III, 490-93. In 1422 a Venetian commission 3° Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, no. 47, vol. XIX reported to the Signoria that the Morea, la quale é¢ di (1693), p. 28. maggiore entrata che Visola di Candia, contained more than © Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., pp. 195-96; ed. 150 castles; was 700 miles in circumference; produced Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 61-62; Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Reg. gold, silver, and lead; and was a source of silk, honey, wax, lat. 1995, fol. 119°: “. . . Bissarionem noluit congrain, poultry, and currants (Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, tristari. . . .” Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, no. 46, XXII, col. 943). In a letter sent from Mantua on 2 June, vol. XIX, pp. 27-28; Wadding, Annales Minorum, XIII 1459, Pius II informed the European princes that the (1932), 133; Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, 57-58; Hefele and Morea was in revolt against the Turks (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VI1-2 (1916), 1301-2; Pastor,

Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 41°). Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 56~—57.

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 211 forces were placed under the command of’ Soon after the arrival of the Milanese and Giannone of Cremona (or Crema), and the others _ papal soldiers in the Morea, the Despot Thomas

under that of the pope’s countryman Dotha of wrote a letter full of heartfelt thanks to Siena, a political exile from his native city. On 14 Francesco Sforza for the valuable services of

July, 1459, Pius had written a laudatory letter Giannone, whom Thomas cannot praise too to the Despot Thomas, giving thanks to God much.” Some time later, on 2 October, 1460, that such a champion had emerged as the Francesco answered him in sad recognition of times required. While congratulating Thomas the desperate conditions in Greece, but exupon his initial victory over the Turks, the pressed the hope that eventually Pope Pius II pope urged him to fortify with proper garri- and the Italian powers would come to the aid of sons the places he had rewon and to take what- afflicted Greece and render the Turks their due ever other measures might be necessary for in punishment. He also promised that the retheir defense, “and since you ask assistance of sources of the Milanese duchy, such as they us to protect your dominion, we are sending were, would never be lacking to assist the you for now as a sign of our good will three Morea. He rejoiced that Giannone and his troops hundred and fifty footsoldiers, dependable men had been so useful, “although he has not with experience in war and thoroughly capable, been able to provide the protection or adover whom have been set as commanders vantages which your present necessity requires

Giannone of Cremona and Ser Dotha of and for which we could most earnestly

Siena—and these we have instructed to obey wish... .”* your Excellency in all things. . . .” The pope . ‘The Despot Thomas had promptly attacked further stated that, when some agreement had Patras in conjunction with his Italian auxiliaries, been reached with the princes at Mantua, he and had succeeded in taking the lower city by would see to the sending of forces to hold the

lands of the Moreote despotate against the ~~~

Turks. Thomas was therefore urged to perse- benigne recipere et pertractare ac commendatos habere . hi d dertaki bei d placeat, ceterum quia inpresentiarum in civitate Mantuana, vere In Als sacre@ undermaking, Deng assure loco diete per nos institute, personaliter permanemus of the divine and papal assistance soon to exspectantes ut Dei et fidei cause prodesse possimus post-

be made manifest.*! quam conclusio aliqua cum Christianis principibus habita fuerit, oportuna presidia adhibere curabimus que ad

TT tutelam tuarum regionum conferre poterunt. Hanc igitur “1 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 471 [Pi II de Curia, sanctam expeditionem alacri animo assummas tibi enim anno I, tom. IV |, fol. 349: “Pius, etc. Dilecto filio excellenti recte agendi [sic] assistet omnipotens Deus adiutor et principi Thome Paleologo Porphirogenito despoto Amoree __defensor Christianorum in tempore tribulationis, qui te salutem, etc. Intelligentes pridem tuam precipuam animi —succumbere nullo modo permittet et tuam potentiam augebit

magnitudinem, fortitudinem, atque constantiam et alias et nos quoque tue generositati non deerimus prout re ac bellicas et eroicas virtutes quibus usus novissime adversus _ effectu oportuno tempore demo[n]strare intendimus. DaTurcos victoriam reportasti, gratias in primis Deo agimus tum Mantue, anno etc., MCCCCLVIIII, pridie Idus Julii, quod hiis presertim temporibus talem pugilem habeamus __ pontificatus nostri anno primo.” qualem presens conditio postulat et requirit. Commendamus *? Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., IV, 242-43. The letter is in

ltaque tuam Excellentiam et invictissimum animum et Italian and undated; it was probably sent in the late

veris laudibus extollimus, et licet necessarium esse minime summer of 1459. Lampros believes that the despot’s letter, arbitremur te hortari ad hoc sanctum opus Deo plurimum _ presumably written in Greek, was very likely translated

acceptum, tibi ac statui tuo necessarium, et apud Christianos by Francesco Filelfo, who was then in Milan (bid., homines summe commendabile, cum ad id tua sponte _ introd., p. 26). Filelfo accompanied Francesco Sforza to the ardentissimum esse sciamus, hanc tamen hortationem pro Congress of Mantua in September, 1459 (Pius II, Comm., magnitudine rerum adiecimus ut nec potissime tuis viribus bk. m1, Engl. trans., p. 225; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 73; incumbas, nam cum loca tui dominii per hostes fidei, vi and cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio, 111, 63-64). According to Pius II, et armis superiori tempore subacta tua virtute nuper Dotha had been a notary and was not a very good soldier recuperaveris, antequam illi aliqua in perniciem tui status (Comm., bk. 1, Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 61-62, and bk. x, p. moliri possent, eorum consilia preveniendo loca ipsa 259):“. . . Dota, cuius ante meminimus, centurio peditum, oportunis presidiis premunire et cetera ad tutelam locorum non tam miles audax quam notarius olim peritus. . . .” huiusmodi et illorum oppugnationem necessaria efficere *8 Lampros, Pal. kai Pel., 1V, 244-45. Giannone had acdebes, et quia subsidium a nobis exposcis quo tuum companied the Greek embassy from Monemvasia, which dominium tutari valeas, impresentiarum pro signo nostre — earlier in the year (1460) had offered the city to Pope bone voluntatis mittimus trecentos quinquaginta pedites Pius, lest it fall into the hands of the Turks (Comm., fidos et expertos bello ac valentes veros quibus prefecti sunt bk. 1v, Engl. trans., pp. 321-22; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, dilecti filii Zeno de Crema miles et Ser Dota de Senis. pp. 103-4, and see below, pp. 224-25). Ina letter to Bessarion “Hiis itaque mandavimus ut in omnibus tue Excellentie dated at Corsignano on 12 September, 1460, the pope notes pareant et ita in vinculum iuramenti prestiti et fidelitatis his acceptance of the city and his hope that it may provide debite per presentes stricte precipimus ut tibi obedientissimi the means “ad recuperandam Peloponessum” (Brevia, Arch.

sint et tuam in cunctis faciant voluntatem eosque itaque Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 142).

212 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT storm. He could not take the citadel, however, prefer Italian soldiers if other peoples could and soon the Greeks and Italians were quarrel- supply the necessary funds, but only Italy could ing. Rivalries and jealousies, and perhaps dis-_ do that, and then he added, not without irony:

putes over the rewards accruing from their “Nor have we generals who would be willing slender victories, made further co-operation too to campaign outside Italy. Here they wage war

difficult. The Italians, very few in number, without risk of their lives and with great profit; were probably appalled to learn at such close battles with the Turk are bloody and the only quarters how many Turks had entered the prizes to be won are souls, which our soldiers Morea, and the odds against victory being ab- hold very precious while they are within the surd, they withdrew from the troubled land, body but very cheap outside it.’*°

leaving it to its fast approaching fate.** The pope was indefatigable in his efforts to

On 26 September, just four months after his stimulate resistance against the Turks. On 16 arrival in Mantua, Pope Pius addressed the only November, 1459, he wrote reassuringly to general session of the congress in a three-hour Leonardo III Tocco, the despot of Arta, that oration in which he inveighed against the atroc- _ the latter’s envoy Bernardo Colelli had reported

ities of the Turks; recalled the glorious ex- at Mantua on the losses which Leonardo and ploits of the First Crusade, with its Godfreys and his harassed subjects were suffering at the Bohemonds; and finally offered to accompany hands of the perfidious Turk. Leonardo was the new crusaders into the very battlefield if to stand firm, however, because Pius hoped to they wished him to do so. After the pope, contrive the Turk’s expulsion from Europe.*’ Bessarion spoke in the same vein, praising Pius, assuring him of the cardinals’ willingness 46 Pius II, Comm., bk. 11, Engl. trans., p. 255; ed. Frankto pledge their full support in the great enter- furt, 1614, p. 84. On Pius’s contempt for the Italian soldiery prise, and recalling the dreadful plight of the of his time, see, ibid., bk. 1v, p. 100: “Perfida est nostri Greeks and the sacrilegious horrors perpetrated temporis militia, quae stipendio veluti mercaturae utitur

bv the Turks in Christi hurches.22 Th lucro, quod ne deficiat bellum producit,” etc. The pope says y € 7 UrKS In Mistian CNUPCHES. "2 that he spoke for three hours at the general session of assembled envoys now went on record with a the congress, and that “Bessarion cardinalis graecus . . . unanimous decision for war against the Turks. non pauciora quam pontifex verba fecit . . .” (bid., bk. Thereafter the pope dealt with the various em- Ill, p. 82, lines 47-48). On the course of events is the

. . its conclusion and the departure of the pope on the follow-

bassies in groups, gathered by nations, starting congress from the general session of 26 September, 1459, to with the Italians. When Francesco Sforza sug- ing 19 January, see Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, gested that the Italian and other western states _VII-2 (1916), 1304-21, 1334, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste,

furnish the money, and the countries neighbor- _ II (repr. 1955), 63-79. a ing upon the Turkish empire furnish the troops, , Referring to Murad I's victory at Varna fifteen years b they knew the Turks best. his proposal before, the Venetian Senate reminded Pius on 11 October, ecause y mks prop 1459, that Mehmed II was a far more dangerous admet with much favor. When Sigismondo Mala- versary than his father had been: “Non era [Murad] si gran testa’s turn came to speak, however, he took signore come costui [Mehmed] ne si feroce ne di tanta strong exception to it on the grounds that those reputatione. . . . While his father had given himself over who lived nearest to the Turks were the most ° Pleasure, Mehmed’s chief enjoyment was the “exercise of atraid of them. Sigismondo expressed great che la suo Sanctita facesse ogni instantia et solicitudine confidence in Italian soldiers and commanders, possibile con la Maesta del Re de Franza, Ingeltera, horses, and equipment: “Therefore I urge that Spagna et Portegallo, siche almeno quella de Franza con the others contribute money and the Italians alcuni de quelli altri qual fosse piu ardenti a tal gloriosa the war.” Pius then said that he too would *™P"¢*# dovesse mettere potentemente le mane et non

. - arms and the enlargement of his empire:” “A nui pareria

wage . abandonarla fino a guerra finita . . .” (Arch. di Stato di

Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 20, fols. 192%— 193" [194¥-195*], as4 Piusfrom a letter to the Venetian envoys Orsato Giustinian II, Comm., loc. cit.; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. and Lodovico Foscarini, who would convey the Senate's

1459, no. 48, vol. XIX (1693), p. 28; Wadding, Annales warning to the pope). Minorum, XIII (1932), 133; Tre lettere inedite di Messer 47 Pastor, Acta inedita, I (1904), no. 88, p. 119. This letter Giovanni Mignanelli, oratore della repubblica di Siena alla corte to Leonardo Tocco occurs in a small collection of’ Pius II’s

di Papa Pio II, Pisa, 1869, p. 9, cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. correspondence in a late fifteenth-century octavo volume Papste, II (repr. 1955), 56-57; Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. in the Bibl. Laurenziana in Florence, which now bears the Reiches in Europa, I (1854), 193~200; Voigt, Enea Silvio, binder’s title Leonardi Arretint quaedam (Plut. LXXXX,

III (1863), 57. super. cod. 138, selections from Bruni’s works occupying 4 J. D. Mansi, ed., Pit II P. M. . . . orationes politicae the second half of the volume, fols. 52 ff.), no. 46, fol.

et ecclesiasticae, 11 (Lucca, 1757), 9 ff., and Mohler, Kard. 23": “Leonardo de Spoto [for Despoto] Arthe. . . . Datum

Bessarion, I, 288-89. Mantue, die XVI Novembris, [pontificatus nostri] anno II.”

PIUS Il AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 213 Two weeks later, on the twenty-ninth, the pope special appeal to the inhabitants of Nuremwrote the Mantuan bishop, Galeazzo Cavriani, berg. All the Morea was in revolt, he had told the governor of Rome, and the vice-treasurer them, determined not to submit again to the Jacopo de’ Mucciarelli that Leonardo Tocco Turkish yoke if only western Christians would would do his part against the Turks, and there- assist them. If help did not reach them in fore “we have granted him one of our galleys time, however, the Moreotes would be forced to

which have been built at Rome.”* return to their former servitude. The expected

The envoys from Germany and France envoys had not come (as we have noted); he

reached Mantua only in late October and No-_ was old and tired; the patrimony of the church

vember (1459). The French were impossible to claimed his attention; it would not be his deal with, their meetings with the pope being fault if the enterprise failed, for he could not

full of the Angevin claims to Naples; the bear the burden alone. At last, however, it

Germans were so divided among themselves appeared as though he should not have to bear

that adherence to a common cause seemed quite the burden alone. .

beyond expectation. The envoys of the Emperor Much depended on the legatine mission to Frederick and the other German princes ad- Germany, and on 2 January, 1460, Cardinal vanced various grandiose and impracticable Bessarion was appointed in a secret consistory. proposals, but on 19 December agreed to On 14 January a three years’ crusade against contribute to the crusade the thirty-two thousand the Turks was proclaimed, and a plenary ininfantry and ten thousand cavalry which had dulgence provided for all who would serve previously been promised to Pope Nicholas V. in the armies for eight months, and also for the Final arrangements were to be made with members of all convents and monasteries which papal legates in two diets, one of which was would support for eight months one fighting

to be convoked in Nuremberg, and the other man for every ten of their religious.’ In a

in Austria, for it was necessary to conclude a __

peace between Frederick and Matthias Corvinus, 49") and those of almost a year later, dated at Siena on

“der sich nennet ein koenig zu Hungerrn,” as 25 April, 1460, to Carvajal and Frederick (ibid., fols. well as to obtain free passage through Hun- 185’—187*): “. . . Iterum atque iterum rogamus tuam Exgary.* Months before, on 1 June, the opening cellenciam ut omnibus tuis desiderlis quamquam etiam d f the coneress. Pope Pius had made a lustissimis orthodoxam nostram Christiane religionis fidem

ay O § ? Pp et eius defensionem maxime nunc dum periculum im-

—_—___——— mineat, ut decet religiosissimum imperatorem pro Dei et

48 Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 89, p. 119. Pius also ordered tua gloria et cunctorum tibi subdictorum salute, antethat Leonardo be sent 3,000 florins from Bologna (ibid., ponas . . .” (to Frederick, fol. 186%). A letter to Carvajal, no. 95, p. 122, letter dated at Macereto, 13 May, 1460). dated 2 May, 1461 (datum Rome II Maii anno III) noted the

49N. Iorga, Notes et extraits, IV (Bucharest, 1915), pt. 3, expectation of another Turkish siege of Belgrade, doc. no. 96, pp. 166-68; cf. Mansi, Concilia, XXXV,col.115; “. . . Turchum magnis apparatibus ad obsidendam NanRaynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1459, nos. 66-70, vol. XIX doralbem venturum.. .” (fol. 2117).

(1693), pp. 34-35. According to the general form of the Pius II, Comm., bk. 1, Engl. trans., pp. 259-73; ed.

papal briefs prepared in this connection, the two diets were Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 85-90, describes his dealings with the needed “ad componendum differentias inter principes et French, English, and German embassies. The statement in magnates et cetera facienda ad expeditionem exercitus the English translation (p. 273) that, in addition to the 32,000

oportuna,” doc. dated 22 December, 1459, in Arch. Segr. infantry, the Germans had promised Nicholas V 40,000 Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 94%, and cf. fols. cavalry is erroneous. The Latin text reads (p. 90, lines 95'—96', 98, where mention is made of the 10,000 29 ff.): “Convenerunt tandem omnes in unam sententiam equites and 32,000 pedestres as well as of making peace Germanorum legati, eumque pontifici exercitum promisere, between Frederick and Matthias Corvinus, etc. Cf. Pastor, qui pridem Frankfordiae sub Nicolao praeside promissus Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), 76, and Mohler, Kard. fuerat, id est pedites duo et triginta millia, equites decem

Bessarion, 1, 290-92. ‘milta. . . .” Both in this passage and in his final speech

In the meantime Cardinal Carvajal had been continuing at the congress Pius refers to a German total of 42,000, his efforts to make peace between Frederick and Matthias including both infantry and cavalry, Germani exercitum Corvinus. There had been no cessation in the Turkish pollicentur duorum et quadraginta millium bellatorum .. . attacks which had beset Matthias since his accession to the (p. 92, lines 34-35). throne. Cf. Pius II’s letter to Carvajal, dated at Mantua °° Torga, Notes et extraits, 1V, pt. 3, doc. no. 98, pp. 168-69, on 11 June, 1459 (Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 47"): “Ex and cf. nos. 100, 113, 115, pp. 171, 180, 181. litteris tue Circumspectionis in Nova Civitate [Wiener Neu- 51 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1460, nos. 5-7, 18-20,

stadt] ultimo datis intelleximus que de tenenda inter vol. XIX (1693), pp. 41-42, 44-45; Aug. Theiner, ed.,

imperatorem et regem Ungarie dieta deque novo ac repen- Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, I tino Turcorum adventu significas: fuerunt nobis hec nova’ (Rome, 1860), nos. 528-31, pp. 348-51; Pastor, Gesch. d. satis molesta et dolemus.” Note the letters of the same Pdapste, HW (repr. 1955), 77-78; Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, I.

date to Frederick III and the Venetians (bid., fols. 48'- 294.

214 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT letter dated 15 January Pope Pius informed princes had promised was not the most that Bessarion that he would participate in the could be done, nor was it the least. “Another expedition himself if his health permitted; he might exaggerate with fine words; it is for us to

had granted crusading indulgences more ample tell the plain and simple truth. . . .” Then, than those of his predecessors; and had summarizing the commitments of the princes decreed a general tithe of clerical goods, with- witha marked literary skill, he reckoned an army

out excepting his own apostolic goods or those of some eighty thousand men as promised of the cardinals. Bessarion was to have the’ to the cause, “and he who thinks that this is power of raising and organizing armies, col- not enough either has no knowledge of military lecting the tithe, naming preachers for the science or puts no hope in the Lord.”*? Before crusade, pronouncing ecclesiastical sentences, he left Mantua (on 19 January, 1460), Pius and taking money deposited in churches. There promulgated the famous bull Execrabilis, conwas to be no exemption from the responsibility demning an appeal from the pope to a general of assisting eastern Christendom against the council, for not only was the practice canoniTurks, not even for the mendicant orders.” cally repugnant to him, but he foresaw it would In his last address to the assembly at Mantua, be employed as a device to avoid payment of

Pius said: “The seventh month has already the Turkish tithes. passed . . . , and we are in the eighth. This is

the end of the congress at Mantua, which we «a

do not dissolve, but have decided to transfer Mansi, Concilia, XXXV, cols. 113-16; cf. Hefele and th h tak Cur 55 Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-2, 1319-20. Pius even wi us wherever we take Our Uurla. . . . manages graceful allusions to the Venetians and Charles He gave thanks for the achievements of the vii of France despite their failures to make any commitcongress. “But someone -is probably saying, ment. In March, 1462, after the death of Charles, his son What good has been done here? What should and successor Louis XI offered to lead an army of 70,000 Christians hope for or the Turks fear?” His men against Sultan Mehmed II if the pope would help him

. to regain Genoa and abandon Ferrante of Naples in favor of

detractors would say that nothing had been the Angevins (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II [repr. 1955],

accomplished in this congress, which Pius had 117-18, 119-20), but his sincerity was more than suspect. felt he had to call, because he lacked, he said, 54 The bull Execrabilis et pristinis temporibus was promulgated

h wr ‘ : on 18 January, 1460, the day before the pope’s departure

C c ve Nehol of pugentus IV, the subimé from Mantua: Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1460, nos. 10-

Min) O icholas V, and the vast courage O 11, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 42-43, corrected by Voigt, Calixtus III]. They had declared war on the Enea Silvio, HI, 101-3; Hefele and Leclercq, Hist. des Turks by themselves, armed soldiers, and conciles, VII-2, 1320-21; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr.

equipped fleets, but “we have believed that the 1955), ane cspeaally C.di—e a rupee ; zione e 1 primi79-81; effetti della ‘Execrabilis’ Piocoe II,” Archivio

Roman Church can by no means sustain sO G14 R. Societa romana di storia patria, XXXVII (1914), great an effort of war by herself alone. . . . 5-56. Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, I, 292, is mistaken in We have thought that common problems should _ setting 14 January as the day on which Pius left Mantua.

be solved by common counsel. ...’ He had G@. Pius H, Comm., bk. m1, Engl. trans., pp. 276-79; ed. thought when he came to Mantua that more Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 91-93 (the texts of Pius’s speech

. . j differ somewhat); Raynaldus, ad ann. 1460, nos. 12-13,

would be done, he said candidly, for what the , J xix p. 43.

When Pius II left Mantua on 19 January, 1460, Cardinal

TT Nicholas of Cusa withdrew from the Curia to resume his 52 Torga, Notes et extraits, lV, pt. 3, no. 108, p. 177. On 18 _ battles with the local clergy in his episcopal see of Brixen January, 1460, Pius II wrote Matthias Corvinus that (Bressanone), where Duke Sigismund of the Tyrol was his “. . mittimus ad nationem germanicam in executionem most powerful and dangerous opponent (Cusa ended his sue pollicitationis venerabilem fratrem nostrum Bissarionem days in this bitter strife, on which see Pastor, Hist. episcopum Tuscullanum S. R. E. cardinalem Nicenum, Popes, III, 178~212, revised in Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), nostrum et apostolice sedis legatum: curabit Circumspectio 138-64). Bessarion departed for Germany. Note the inter-

sua pacem vel treguas inter dissidentes illic stabilire; esting entries in the Acta Consistorialia (1439-1486), in curabit promissum exercitum fieri. . . .” Bessarion was Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 61%: “Realso to try to compose the dissension between the Emperor _ cessus domini Sancti Petri [Nich. of Cusa] a Mantua euntis

Frederick and Matthias (always an important consideration versus suam ecclesiam [Brixinensem] et non participat in these documents), and the pope reminded the latter that __[i.e., does not share in the collegial fees after his departure}. he now had a fine opportunity “non solum ad liberandum Annoa nativitate Domini MCCCCLX’, die vero sexta mensis regnum Hungarie ex quottidianis hostium incursibus, sed Februarii, reverendissimus dominus meus, cardinalis Sancti

ad parandam tibi et posteris commendationem per- Marci [Pietro Barbo, later Paul II], retulit michi [i.e., the petuam .. .” (Brevia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. clerk of the Sacred College], qualiter reverendissimi domini XXXIX, tom. 9, fol. 100°, and published in Theiner, of. cardinales dixerant sibi tanquam camerario collegii quod

cit., II, no. 530, p. 350). reverendissimus dominus cardinalis Sancti Petria die XVIII

PIUS I! AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 215 The historian Flavio Biondo had accompanied to. take at least nominal leadership of the Pius from Rome to Mantua, taking with him crusade, he was naturally not so naive as to the manuscript of his Roma triumphans, “with assume that the Frederick he knew could ever the hope of being able to complete his work,” emulate his namesake Barbarossa. The emperor, as the late Bartolomeo Nogara has said, “more however, had long been the central figure in easily in the quiet of Siena and the city of the Aeneas Sylvius’s views of temporal sovereignty Gonzagas than in Rome.” Flavio had spent al- in Europe. In two early treatises, the Pentalogus most four years on the Roma triumphans, de rebus ecclesiae et imperii (1443) and De ortu et and he did in fact finish it at Mantua. In auctoritate imperti romani (1446), he had glorified his brief dedicatory epistle to the pope Flavio the imperial authority as the divinely ordained expressed the confident belief that God would center of Christian secular society.°® His excrown with glory and mankind with applause _ perience of the conciliarists’ disunion at Basel

the expedition quam paras in Turcos, and that had made a lasting impression on him. He the Italians, French, Spaniards, and Germans came to believe that Europe needed unity of whom Pius was inspiring to go on the crusade authority as much as the Church needed would learn from his Roma triumphans the unity of doctrine. He became what might be lessons of endurance which imitation of the valor called a conservative, opposed to church coun-

of the ancient Romans would teach them.*® cils and suspicious of other representative asDespite the assurance of Flavio Biondo, the semblies. Also the failure of conciliarism had outlook was not encouraging. Much would de-_ discouraged and disillusioned the ecclesiastical

pend upon Bessarion’s mission to Germany. reformers themselves, who had little to offer Although Pius wanted the Emperor Frederick Europe after their unsuccessful revolution at Basel.

; | It was hard for Pius to stop thinking in mensis Januarii quo sanctissimus dominus noster recessit terms of the imperium et sacerdotium. The uni-

de Mantua non deberet participare quia ibat ad suam . . . ecclesiam. Ita quod retulit scripsi./ Recessus domini Niceni versalist claims of the papacy and the empire

legati de latere euntis versus Alamanias et non participat: had become almost categorical imperatives. Item retulit michi idem reverendissimus dominus cardinalis Never a profound thinker, Pius could hardly Sancti Marci camerarius quod reverendissimus dominus divest himself of the political tradition of the

cardinalis legatus latere quo yensdiscessit versus ater partes), f some years Alamanie aNicenus die XVIIII mensisdeJanuarii mu c‘ddl ages.He 1chad a cenb for

sanctissimus dominus noster de Mantua in antea non @S much an imperialist as Dante, who could participabat de communibus et minutis serviciis." (The preserve his illusions because he never had to

last phrase supplies the expansion and shows the meaning of discharge the practical responsibilities of high the recurring formula “non participat” the Acta.) Nicholas office. Although of Cusa returned to the Curiain on 28 May, 1460 (bid., . . Aeneas Sylvius had seen much

fol. 62%): “. . . die vero XXVIII mensis Maii reverendis- of Europe in his travels, as pope he was simus in Christo pater, dominus noster Cardinalis Sancti loath to think in terms of national States, Petri ad Vincula, veniens de partibus Alamanie intravit especially since the crusade would have to be an Senas [where Pius II _then was] et incipit participare” international undertaking. He was only too un-

(cf. the highly abbreviated entries in Eubel, Hierarchia h ] f th ‘d d . f th

catholica, 11[1914, repr. 1960], 32, 33). About ten weeks later ‘!4PPly aware of the pride and prestige of the

(on 8 August) Duke Sigismund of the Tyrol was excom- French nation, to which he appealed In urging municated, and German ecclesiastical affairs were soonina the crusade upon Charles VII, but the uni-

turmoil, . versality of the papacy’s spiritual claims too

5igismund, On the bitter contest of Cusa and easily suggested a similar of the into between whichNicholas Pius was inevitably drawn, see recognition ..

Edmond Vansteenberghe, Le Cardinal Nicolas de Cues (1401 - temporal authority of the empire. If, however, 1464): L’Action—la pensée, Paris, 1920, repr. Frankfurt am the spiritual claims of the pope had suffered Main, 1963, pp. 144-53, 166-210, and Andreas Posch, no abatement or diminution through the years, “Nikolaus von Cusa, Bischof von Brixen, im Kampf um obviously the universality of imperial authority, Kirchenreform und Landeshoheit in seinem Bistum,” in hich had b hi ‘cal £ Nikolaus Grass, ed., Cusanus-Gedachtnisschrift, Innsbruck and Wile ad never been a historical tact, was a Munich, 1970, pp. 227-50, esp. pp. 237 ff., 242 ff. The bibliography relating to Nicholas of Cusa is immense (cf.

the Mittetlungen und Forschungsbeitrage der Cusanus-Gesellschaft, §

I (Mainz, 1961), 95-126, III [1963], 223-37, etc.). 6 Cf. in general John B. Toews, “Dream and Reality in

* Blondi Flavii Forliviensis de Roma triumphante, Basel, the Imperial Ideology of Pope Pius II,” Medievalia et

1559, p. 1, and on this work note B. Nogara, Scritti inediti humanistica, fasc. XVI (Sept. 1964), 77-93, and B. Widmer, e rari di Biondo Flavio, Rome, 1927, pp. cxix ff., 192-93 Enea Silvio (1960), pp. 44 ff., and Enea Silvio Piccolomini

(Studi e testi, no. 48). im der sittlichen und politischen Entscheidung (1963), pp. 135 ff.

216 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT chimera which no realistic statesman could After Bessarion’s departure from Mantua,

pursue. he had kept the pope well informed concernIt was a pity, of course, because the inter- ing his itinerary and the progress of their national crusade required an international affairs in Germany. The Hungarians suffered leadership, but there was no imperial plenitude constantly from Turkish incursions. King

of power, there was no international impertum, Matthias Corvinus could only view with alarm

and was there no secular leadership for the the imperial machinations against him. Docugreat crusade of which Pius dreamed? In ment after document, easily to be found in Pius trying to organize an expedition against the II’s registers in the Vatican Archives, still Turks, it was necessary to take account of the bears witness to the efforts made by the Curia Hapsburg emperor’s Hauspolittk, the princes’ to arrange peace between the grasping emperor territorial ambitions, and the niggardliness of and the young king. The pope’s position was the German diets as well as the French king’s_ difficult. The Emperor Frederick III had once Italian policy and the internecine warfare which — been his patron and had long been his friend. preserved old hostilities and constantly stimu- The ability of Matthias to hold his own against

lated new ones. Pius probably realized that the Turks and even against the Magyar

a crusade on the grand scale was beyond nobility was still uncertain. Pius, however, did anything that his generation could achieve. support Matthias firmly against Frederick and, But, then, who had yet devised a better way fearing that the Hungarians might be forced of trying to meet the Turkish menace on the into another truce with the Turks, he pledged eastern fronts? Pius’s hopes, such as they were, forty thousand ducats from the papal treasury

went with Bessarion to Germany. | in the spring of 1460, only too aware that the sum was insufficient, but it was apparently

Chance could hardly have assigned Cardinal |

Bessarion a worse time to go to Germany, p. 497; ed. Cugnoni, Opera inedita, p. 530; Raynaldus, Ann. where a war had begun between the houses ¢gci., ad ann. 1460, nos. 21-23, vol. XIX (1693), p. 46 of Wittelsbach and Hohenzollern, and the (from Platina); nos. 77-81, ibid., pp. 60-61; and nos. 84-89, princes were for some time too busy fighting pp. Oe bon the date of Bessarion’s ana in Nuremone another to fight the Turks.” Although ?°78 (28 February), see the attempt to establish his iunerary . f ound d th the . dprinces th .§ and (which Pastor and “Zum Mohler had triedLegation to do)Bessarions in Erich Bessarion the cites — \euthen, Itinerar deralso deutschen violently at odds among themselves, elaborate (1460-1461),” Quellen und Forschungen aus ttalienischen and impracticable plans were being discussed Archiven und Bibliotheken, XX XVII (1957), 328-33. The diet for a great expedition against the Turks. The of Nuremberg was held in the great hall of the Rathaus.

d th dinal by lett d Bessarion made a plea for peace among the Christian

emperor assure c car Ina y tetters an princes (Pax eligenda est, non bellum!), so that they might later in person of his devotion to the noble have done with diets, and take up arms against the Turks

cause enunciated at Mantua; but few of the (Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, III [1942, repr. 1967], 377 ff.): great personages came to the supposedly im- “Iam tempus est ut omissis verbis ad rem veniamus. Armis,

portant diets held at Nuremberg, Worms, and 7S eae eee ee eed fruitle verbs ‘Ma,

. . . for B . @bid., 111, 384). His eloquence proved fruitless. The Mar-

Vienna. It was a difficult Mission fOr Dessaron. — srave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg-Ansbach was locked

He was then about SIxLy, his health was poor, in strife with Duke Ludwig of Bavaria-Landshut.

and he found the northern winter especially Bessarion left Nuremberg on or about 18 March, and severe. He arrived in Nuremberg: on 28. went on to Worms, where he arrived late for the diet, Feb 1460» danthe ll l and met the samewhere contentious indecision. He24returned ebruary, on €followi fOvOwINng Ju Y Nuremberg, he remained until about April, andto the pope wrote the citizens of Augsburg that then went on to Vienna, where the next diet and further his legate was working day and night.*® disappointment lay before him. See Gunther Schuhmann,

“Kardinal Bessarion in Nurnberg,” in the Jahrbuch fir

OO Frankische Landesforschung, XXXIV-XXXV (Festschrift fur 57 On Bessarion’s legatine mission to Germany, cf. Pastor, Gerhard Pfeiffer, 1975), 447-65, with summaries of thirteen Hist. Popes, W11, 158-76, 194, 198-99, revised in Gesch. d. documents (from the Nurnberger Stadtarchiv) issued by BesPapste, UI (repr. 1955), 124-37, 151-52, 154-55; Hefeleand —sarion between 14 March and 23 April, 1460, and a summary

Leclercq, Hist. des conciles, VII-2 (1916), 1337; Voigt, of Bessarion’s letter (dated at Lyon on 21 June, 1472,

Enea Silvio, U1, 215-21; Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, 1,293-—303. five months before his death) to the burgomaster and 58 Torga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, no. 116, p. 181; for town council of Nuremberg, asking them to extend a kindly the elaborate German plans, cf, ibid., no. 105, pp. 175-76; | welcome to the Byzantine princess Zoe Palaeologina, who

and note Pius II, Comm., bk. v, Engl. trans., pp. 366-68; would soon pass through Nuremberg on her way from ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 125-26, and bk. vu, Engl. trans., | Rome to Moscow (see below, pp. 318-19).

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 217 all that he could manage, with his other com- On the fourteenth of the month Bessarion saw

mitments, for the coming summer.*® Frederick, the latter’s chancellor, and the im-

A particularly important diet was to be held _ perial council in a preliminary session. ‘Three in May (1460) under the auspices of the Em- days later the discouraging business got under peror Frederick in Vienna, where Bessarion way, and extended well into October. Actually

arrived on the fourth. Frederick gave him a_ the diet of Vienna was a rather impressive gracious welcome, but no princes had come, only affair. Although the electoral princes of Saxony

some envoys, neither instructed norempowered and Brandenburg had not bothered to send to commit their principals to significant action. representatives, a dozen or so lesser princes Bessarion had to accept another long and gall- finally came. Ten archbishops and bishops aping postponement. The diet was not formally peared. One hundred and ten cities had been

opened until just after the middle of Sep- invited to send deputies; thirty-four of them

tember, at which time not one of the electoral sent about eighty persons to speak for them. princes had yet come in person, while many Of speaking, in fact, there was no end. The cities were quite content to be unrepresented.®® Germans made promises, and drew up many

resolutions.” 59 See the letter of Pius II to Bessarion, in Arch. Segr. Bessarion’s legation was but one of the Popes

Vaticano, Pi I brevia, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fols. 204%— endeavors to launch a crusade. Cardinal Juan 205", dated at Macereto on 5 May, 1460: “Venerabilis de Carvajal had been in Hungary about four frater. Salutem, etc. Post discessum tuum a nobis quam plures years. Other legates had been sent to France, a te litteras habuimus ex quibus itineris tui et rerum in England, Scotland, Scandinavia, Castile, CataGermania gestarum progressum cognovimus. Laudamus in lon, d elsewh A d FF, primis diligentiam tue Circumspectionis que sine ulla ex- Onla, and elsewhere. tremendous ¢€ tort Was ceptione laboris in exequendis mandatis nostris fideliter est expended. The results were a shocking disoperata. . . . Videntes tamen non posse in presenti estate appointment. Pledges were made in various maiora presidia illi regno [Ungarie] prestari ex Italia ut places; oaths were taken; and many documents suffragium aliquod ad reprimendos Turchorum incursus ei drafted. Now in Vienna, on 4 October, the adesset, promisimus XL milia ducatorum ex Camera nostra . . apostolica . . .” (fol. 205"). In the letter which follows in the Emperor Frederick declared himself ready to register (13 June, 1460), the pope writes, “Letamur Circum- follow the decisions of Mantua, but the delespectionem tuam incolumem pervenisse ad imperialem gates of the princes and the cities insisted upon Celsitudinem et de rebus Alamanie non malam spem hinc taking counsel together, appointing as their cepisse: hoc enim aliquantulum nos recreavit anxios tam k Heinrich Leub; h d diuturna malorum contumacione. Non dubitamus quin Spo esman Fsemnric cu ing, who represente diligencie tue sit ascribendum quicquid inde boni sequetur Diether von Isenburg, the anti-papal archbishop

[sic for sequatur] . . .” (fol. 205). - of Mainz, and Leubing proved adept at raising "For the opening of the diet on 17 September, see difficulties.©2 Further consideration of the

Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I1 (1955), 127-28, and Mohler, ws . to be necessary. The eman _.1:. €xpedition was said

Kard. Bessarion, 1, 300; for the date of Bessarion’s arrival in

Vienna (4 May), Mohler, ibid., I, 298. Iorga, Notes et P€TOr warned the delegates of the danger of

extraits, IV, pt. 3, no. 117, p. 182, doc. dated 16 Septem- delay. General declarations were made in favor ber, 1460, says “les séances commencent le vendredi (18), of the crusade, which Bessarion said were fine,

a une heure aprés-midi,” but in September, 1460, the « ; : 7 eighteenth fell on Thursday, not Friday. For Bessarion’s amon acta verdss aliquando respon

problems, cf. Pope Pius’s letters to him and to the Emperor eant: c German ece eslastical electors were Frederick in July, 1460 (Brevia, in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, bound by the promises which had been made for fols. 121’-123¥ and 133). Hope for German participation them at Mantua, Bessarion reminded the asin the crusade had increased by the fall of 1460 when sembly; the duke of Burgundy had just renewed the pope wrote Bessarion (VI Oct., anno tertio): “Cooperante

Deo tempestas illa que Alamaniam totam comprehenderat in tranquilitatem conversa est; princeps [sic, in the register, §.=————

for principes| qui tantis inter se odiis armati surrexerant *! Cf. Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, I, 300-2. pacem recipientes quietem nunc agunt nec ulla in parte *? Diether von Isenburg’s campaign against the papacy and nationis sicut nobis refert vestigium belli apparet. Laus its leadership of the projected crusade continued with in-

Deo qui tanto beneficio Christianitatem affecit.... creased momentum through much of the year 1461 (Pius II, Facultatem nunc habet Germania in defensionem arma Comm., bk. vi, Engl. trans., pp. 413—23; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, convertere . . .” (ibid., fol. 194). Pius now wished that the _ pp. 143-48). He charged that the entire effort was simply a Count Palatine Frederick might become “vicecapitaneus belli scheme to extort money from the Germans, and that “the

contra Turcos” (letter to the Emperor Frederick of 11 Italians do not hate the Turks as much as they do us” (non October, fols. 195'-196"): the emperor, who had been tam Turcas quam nos Itali oderunt), which passage was omitted appointed commander-in-chief at Mantua, might remain as___ from the Frankfurt edition of 1614 (at p. 143, line 40), but

a figurehead. is published by Cugnoni, Opera inedita, p. 529.

218 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT his offer of six thousand men (for service made at Mantua.“ In vain did Bessarion proin Hungary); the king of Bohemia was havingthe test that this was no answer. The emperor crusade preached in his domains; and the Hun- had said many times that, although he might garlans were said to have promised twenty send representatives to such a diet, he would not thousand men despite the war in their country. come in person. There was no dealing with Bessarion said it would take sixty to seventy the German evasions and maneuvers, and thousand men to retake Constantinople and nothing had been accomplished when the dele-

drive the Turks out of Europe. The pope and gates went home. At the insistence of Pius the Italians would provide the fleet. If Germany II, however, Bessarion spent almost another would supply the forty-two thousand men re-- year in the uncongenial north.® After the quested, the undertaking could get started. pope himself gave up hope of enlisting GerThere was no need to spend so much time on man manpower for the crusade, Bessarion was matters of secondary importance, to worry about to attempt the restoration of harmony _ beaid from France and the details of the expedi- tween Vienna and Buda. Although no peace tion, such as the route, the commanders, the of long duration was possible, the truce of length of the campaign, and what should be Laxenburg was finally negotiated (on 6 Sepdone in case of defeat. There had been so tember, 1461). About three weeks later Besmany diets, all poorly attended; nothing had_ sarion set out from the imperial court for come of them except “bona verba et magnilo- Italy, delighted to leave the barbarians, “hosquentia.” The Turks continued to make prog-_ tile to Greek and Latin by nature,” and to be ress. The summer had passed, and the Greeks_ rid of the riots of tipsy students in Vienna. had lost the Morea; the sultan had subjected He reached Bologna on 23 October, and arrived more than forty fortified towns; many Greeks in Rome on 20 November. had been killed, and thirty thousand prisoners taken. Hungary had been devastated; More 4 Torga, Notes et extraits, 1V, 187; Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, than twenty thousand persons had been carried 228-29; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 132-33; off into captivity. If Hungary passed under Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, 1, 302. the ‘Turkish yoke, it would soon be Germany’s - Note Pius II’s long letter to Bessarion, “datum Rome, . IIII Novembris, anno tertio [1460], among the Brevia, in

turn. These months had been a great trial to. XxxIX, tom. 9, fols. 196"-199", and of. fols. 260

Bessarion. He was tired and irritable, dis- 9¢ov

couraged and ill. At one point In his discourse °° Bessarion had already left Vienna when on 28 Septembefore the assembly he stated with much ani- ber, 1461, he wrote Jacopo Ammanati a touching letter, mation: “We need arms, arms I tell you, and expressing great relief at the prospect of his return to Italy strong men, not words; an army well supplied, ane hin endex which, pte complaint aout tre financial . d oratory; th ardship under the journey was placing him not neat and polished we need the en-which Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 18", (Arch. by mod. during strength of soldiers, not the bombast stamped enumeration): “Reverende in Christo pater, amice

of fine speeches!” ® et frater honorande: Usi iam sumus dulcissimo fructu

The delegates to the diet. however, could /2>0rls vestri. Nam quemadmodum intelligetis ex litteris k re . , Thei aor | quas scribimus ad sanctissimum dominum nostrum venimus not make hrm commitments. cir principals ad Maiestatem imperialem et obtinuimus ab ea bonam et

would of course do all that lay in their gratam licentiam redeundi ad pedes sanctissimi domini

power. The decisions of past assemblies, even nostri, quod etiam antea fecissemus nisi iudicavissemus that held at Mantua, bound only those who had impium et parum gratum sanctissimo domino nostro Si res rT, : Maiestatis sue in eo periculo in quo hac _ tempestate been represented, not “the German nation, half fuerunt relinqueremus. Nunc vero rebus suis in tuto positis of which has not yet come together to discuss subito venimus ad Maiestatem suam a qua habita grata the problem. Another diet was necessary, tO _ licentia iter nostrum ad vos domino concedente continuwhich the emperor must come, for only in this abimus. .. .” Because of his poor health, however, he way could decisions be reached on the proposals would have to travel slowly, “nec speramus ante finem Novembris istuc posse pervenire. . . .” He expected the waters of La Porretta at Bologna to help him, but

TT financial matters were also weighing on his mind: “Ceterum 63 Torga, Notes et extraits, IV, pt. 3, no. 118, pp. 182-87; significamus paternitati vestre quod in discessu nostro ex

Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, 223-31; Iorga, Gesch. d. osman. Wienna fuit necesse ut ad ex[sJolvenda debita que conReiches, II (1909), 96; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), traxeramus et parandum viaticum in Italiam acciperemus

127-28, 131-32. Mohler, Kard. Bessarion, III, 384-98, mutuo sexcentos ducatos quos promisimus solvere Venetiis gives the full text of Bessarion’s discourse. (In his first ubi tamen solvendi modum non habemus nisi sanctissimus

volume Mohler did not use, for some reason, lorga’s dominus noster pro sua pietate nobis providerit... ,”

invaluable Notes et extraits.) etc., etc. Bessarion relied upon Ammanati’s influence with

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 219 While the diplomats were wrangling at Man- to imply that Mehmed was at Skoplje (Uskiib)

tua, Vienna, and elsewhere, the “Gran Turco” when he heard the news. In any event he Mehmed II was on the move. On 20 June, left the suppression of the revolt to his Moreote 1459, three weeks after the opening of the commanders, for the time being, although he

Congress of Mantua, Semendria (Smederevo) had had to make two important changes in their opened its gates to Mehmed. Within'the next ranks. Chalcocondylas repeats a rumor current few months all Serbia finally succumbed, with at the time that Omar Beg, the governor of very little resistance, to the Ottoman armies. Thessaly and the Morea, who sometimes 1nThe fall of the northern despotate was accom- habited the old palace of the Acciajuoli on panied by the enslavement of many thousands the Acropolis in Athens, was encouraging of Serbs. While his soldiers were completing Thomas’s dangerous defection. This is very the conquest, Mehmed had learned of Thomas’s unlikely. It would appear, however, that Omar uprising in the Morea, being probably first Beg’s indifference or negligence had allowed informed by the envoy of Demetrius seeking the situation to get out of hand. The sultan aid against his brother. Chalcocondylas seems now sent Hamza Zenevisi, “the Falconer,” an Albanian convert to Islam,*? to replace him; the pope to extricate him from the embarrassment of upon his arrival Hamza took Omar Beg into pledging ail his personal property in Venice as a guarantee custody together with the latter's father-in-law,

for the loan. In the MS. this letter is dated “XXVIII Ahmed, who had served as his lieutenant in Septembris;” the first figure of the numeral has been the Morea. The country was in a sadly turbulent largely erased. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 136- state. Thomas’s evil genius, Nicephorus Lucanes,

37, note, dates the twenty-eighth; Kard.[aad Beshadfertile £ d fertil 1 ¢his hirebellious bell; sarion, I, 303, theiteighteenth. Mohler, op.Mohler, cit., II, 507-8, found sow for gives a careless transcription of Bessarion’s letter [of 28 schemes. Critobulus dwells on the grasping September] to Ammanati, which he still dates the eighteenth. and treacherous ways of the Greek magnates Jacopo Ammanati, who later added the name Piccolomini and _ officials lining up first with one of the who made him bishop of Pavia, despite the opposition of despots and then with the other, and keeping Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad them in a state of sustained hostility toward ann. 1460, no. 55, vol. XIX [1693], p. 54), and finally each other.®

to his own, was the protégé and secretary of Pius II, , . :

made him a cardinal on. 19 December, aot comme Oe The Despot Thomas had laid siege to Patras

Vi, engl.11~12). trans. p. 9U9) ed.his Brankrurt, ,F. ~ see with the aid of the Italian troops which lines On career, Giuseppe Calamari, . .Pope ..

Il confidente di Pio I, Cardinale Jacopo Ammannatt Pic- Pius and the Duchess Bianca Maria of Milan

colomini, 2 vols., Rome and Milan, 1932. had sent to his assistance. Hamza had no difFor Bessarion’s arrival in Bologna on 23 October, 1461, ficulty in relieving the city, however, for see the Cronica di Bologna, in RISS, XVIII (Milan, 1731), Thomas and his army abandoned the siege at

col. 741D, and in the new Muratori, Corpus chronicorum hi h ‘thd . “M | 1j

bononiensium, RISS, tom. XVIII, pt. 5, vol. IV (1924-39), is approacn, wit Tawitls to CZalopous, pp. 289a, 290b. He reached Rome on Friday, 20 Novem- TOW called Leondari,” where the Moreote ber (1461), according to the Acta Consistorialia in Arch. army was mustered with the apparent inten-

Seer. Vaticano, Arm arias tom. ” on M6l), die vcr tion of doing battle with the Turks when

Omani careanals predict Lesotyreverendissimus ale vero they arrived. The sultan’s troops Veneris, XX Nisenks mensisAnno Novembris, dominus, : . moved south

meus dominus Nicenus cardinalis, episcopus Sabinensis, along the coast of Elis, turned inland at the veniens de legatione sua de Alamania intravit urbem et latitude of Ithome, and headed for Leondari, pernoctavit illa die in Sancta Maria de Populo. Die Sabbati in crastinum fuit receptus in consistorio generali et incepit §—————————

participare” (cf. Eubel, II, 33a). Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in *? Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 456~—57; ed. Darké, RISS, XXII, col. 1168, says that Bessarion was back in II-2 [1927], 214-15). Mehmed’s return, later on, to the Venice in December, 1461, as papal legate “per la materia region of Adrianople and Istanbul is, however, indella Crociata,” being made an honorary citizen and en- dicated by a passage in Critobulus, III, 20, 2 (ed. Miller, rolled in the Maggior Consiglio on the twentieth of the FHG, V-1 [1870], p. 132b; ed. Grecu [1963], p. 255). month. Cf. in general Voigt, Enea Silvio, HI, 232-33; 68 On Hamza’s family, cf. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873, Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I1 (repr. 1955), 136; Mohler, repr. 1966), geneal. tables, p. 531, and “Griechenland im

Kard. Bessarion, I, 303. Mittelalter,” in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine Encyclopadie,

The quotation on the Germans’ natural hostility to Greek vol. 86 (1868, repr. 1960, vol. II), p. 129; Iorga, Gesch. d. and Latin comes from Platina (Panegyricus Bessarionis, in osman. Reiches, II (1909), 84, 92, who confuses Hamza PG 161, col. cxir): “Inter exteras gentes, Graecis et Latinis Zenevisi with Scanderbeg’s nephew Hamza Castriota; Banatura infestas, periclitatum est saepius dum temulenti et _ binger, Maometto (1957), pp. 237, 264-65.

armati non solum in agris, sed in urbibus grassantur; ® Critobulus, III, 19 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 131; ed.

Viennae autem potissimum, ubi gymnastici quavis licentia Grecu, pp. 251, 253); Chalcocondylas, loc. cit., ed. Bonn,

et petulantia utuntur.” p. 470; ed. Darko, II-2, 226. °

220 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT where they found Thomas’s forces deployed in the siege of Leondari, however, and sent Dethe hills. Upon perceiving the situation, the metrius and his commanders scurrying for cover Turks debated whether to entrench them- at Mistra. The Albanians joined the fray, lootselves in their position or to push on to Mouchli, ing what they could and changing sides, says as they had intended. But Yunus Beg, a cavalry Sphrantzes, “twice a week.” The poor inhabitants commander, seeing how badly dispersed Thom- of the Morea experienced untold misery. The as’s forces were, put them to flight in the first Turkish forces in Corinth, Amyclae, and Patras charge, killing about two hundred of them. took their opportunity in the confusion to send

The rest took cover in Leondari, which the out raiding parties, capturing and _ killing Turks subjected to a brief siege, and where people, laughing at the despots and the magfamine and plague made their appearance. nates, whose swords were drawn against one Burdened by the prisoners they had taken in another. Sphrantzes, who served Thomas the province of Achaea after freeing Patras, through this period, beheld with his own eyes the Turks went on to Mouchli, leaving Yunus the complete and senseless ruination of Ar-

Beg to assist Demetrius in Mistra.” cadia.”

Although Lucanes had been confident of tak- The two despots, belatedly recognizing the ing Corinth by a conspiracy which his agents _ peril to which their strife exposed their people were supposed to be hatching within the walls and their lands, came together in the church of of the fortress,” the capture of Kalavryta Kastritza and swore by oaths to live in amity with was Thomas’s only military success against the each other. The metropolitan of Sparta cele-

Turks. It was conceivably in Kalavryta that brated the eucharist in their presence. When the sixteen Turks were captured whom Thomas he held up before the congregation the elesent with his embassy to Pius I] in the summer ments of the sacrifice, saying “In fear of God

of 1459. The despot did not do things by come unto me and in faith. . . ,” the brothers halves. As he attacked the Turks, he under- came forward and vowed to keep the peace.

took an even more vigorous war against Deme- A common danger, however, does not always trius to deprive his feeble brother of his share produce concord. The two despots viewed their of the Palaeologian inheritance in the Morea. problems and those of the Morea very differ-

Demetrius apparently instructed the stalwart ently, as we have seen, Demetrius finding it Matthew Asan, then on an embassy to Sultan quite possible to live under Turkish hegemony Mehmed, to solicit aid of the sultan, who looked and his brother being quite unable to do so. forward to receiving the princess Helena in his This time it was Demetrius, according to the harem. Critobulus reports a story circulating information Sphrantzes received, who disrupted

at the Porte and in the northern Aegean the unaccustomed harmony .to which the that Demetrius had offered to exchange all his brothers had pledged themselves at Kastritza.

Moreote possessions for other holdings, pre- Relying on the prospect of Turkish aid, he sumably the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, renewed the war, and the poor inhabitants of under the sultan’s direct dominion. It looked, the Morea knew yet again the harsh exactions however, as though Demetrius would soon have _ of an undisciplined soldiery bent upon plunder.”

little to exchange. The commanders of some of Chalcocondylas relates that Sultan Mehmed his chief fortresses declared their independence appointed the Christian renegade Zagan Pasha,

of his tottering regime. He thus lost the hill- who had been governor of Gallipoli, to the top castle of Karytaina and that of S. George high command over Thessaly and the Morea, to the south of it; Bordonia and Kastritza after the removal of Omar Beg. Zagan Pasha near Sparta; as well as Kalamata, Zarnata, had achieved quick fame when, some time be-

Leuktron (Beaufort), and most of the peninsula fore this, he had captured Morezina, the most of Maina, which last places were occupied by Thomas. Demetrius besieged Leondariandeven 2 Gyitobutus, III, 14, 2-3; 15, 3: 19, 4-6 (ed. Miller, Akova, and found in George Palaeologus and FHG, V-1, pp. 128a, 129a, 132a; ed. Grecu, pp. 241, 245, Manuel Bouchales commanders to help him _ 253); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1066-1067D; ed. press the campaign against Thomas, who broke Grecu, pp. 110, 112, 114); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 16 (Bonn, pp. 388-92; ed. Grecu, pp. 528, 530, 532), who credits

————_—_——— the Albanians with changing sides “three times within a 70 Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 457-59; ed. Darké, week.”

II-2, 214-16). 3 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1068CD; ed. Grecu,

214). p. 394; ed. Grecu, p. 534).

71 Cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, p. 456; ed. Dark6, II-2,_ pp. 116, 118), and cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 16 (Bonn,

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 221 notorious pirate on the Aegean Sea. Now the collection of tithes, twentieths, and thirZagan Pasha went with an army into the Morea, _tieths as well as the proceeds from the sale of in March, 1460, heading straight for the town of indulgences and the preaching of the crusade. Palaeo-Achaea on the Gulf of Patras. Thomas These funds were to be used to outfit and mainwas bombarding the place, but departed hastily tain the Venetian fleet. Pius also had to promise

at the approach of Zagan Pasha. The Italians that Ragusa, Ancona, Rhodes, and Mytilene, sent by Pope Pius and the Duchess Bianca or certain other states should furnish ten wellMaria participated in this engagement also, armed galleys to serve under the captain of the according to Chalcocondylas, who adds that fleet and remain in service “usque ad finem the Greeks had prepared a cannon for their _ belli.” Venice would prepare her fleet for action attack on Achaea, but enjoyed little success against the Turks as soon as an army should with it, because they lacked an experienced _ be raised in Hungary of at least seventy thousand bombardier (tnAeBoAtorHs), and the rest oftheir warriors, of whom fifty thousand must be siege tackle was inadequate for the capture of mounted (equites). The Venetians were to have a city. Thomas retreated southward, overran and to hold under the Holy See, sub perpetuo Laconia (it was now that he seized Kalamata et libero vicariatu seu feudo, all the cities, castles, from Demetrius), and laid siege to Mantineia, and other places which their forces might seize which according to Chalcocondylas he was also from the enemy. The pope would provide withunable to take. At this point Thomas, who out charge, from the March of Ancona or from saw no future in his petty victories and dwindling other sources, the grain and fodder which the resources, sent envoys to Mehmed to sue for fleet would need. Furthermore, if the Turks

peace. should attack Venetian territory— Dalmatia was always vulnerable—before the Christian expedi-

Without the active intervention of the Vene- tion got under way, Pius must agree to make tians, one could not hope for success against immediately available to the Signoria the tithes the Turks. Shortly before his departure from and indulgences, “and besides his Holiness Mantua, Pius II had sent Gregorio Lolli, the promises [the agreement was supposed to state | companion of his youth, on a mission to the to give and to pay to the said most illustrious Signoria to discuss the Republic’s participation Signoria every month eight thousand ducats for in the proposed expedition against the eastern the protection of the places . . . belonging to enemy.” The Senate laid down the Venetian _ the Signoria on land bordering upon territories terms on 15 January, 1460. Pius was to grant of the Turk.””

the Signoria all the moneys accruing from It was hard to deal with the Venetians on the Turkish question unless they found them-

4 Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, p. 471, lines 14-16; ed. selves in immediate danger. When in February,

Darké, II-2, 227, lines 1—2). 1460, Pius in his turn sought to collect the > Sen. Secreta, Reg. 20, fol. 204 [206], doc. dated 15 “decime, predicationes, et indulgentie” from January, 1400 (ven.orlus style wee): “VentOTrator ad nos magnificus territories, his emissary met with the LOMUS n S manVenetian ’ pontificis et longo ordine verborum explicavit nobis sum- Senate's courteous but firm refusal to allow mum desiderium quod Beatitudo sua ab ipso principio such levies or collections. To the claim that assumptionis sue ad summum pontificatum continue habuit such avails were “res ecclesiastice” and should et habet ad expeditionem contra Turcas, declarando modos_ not be denied, the Senate replied (on 1 March) hucusque per Sanctitatem suam circa hoc servatos et ad- that Venice was eager to comply with all possible

ventum suum ad dietam Mantue et reliqua gesta hactenus .

per Beatitudinem suam, deinde descendit ad_praticas papal requests, especially when they concerned habitas cum oratoribus nostris in Mantua pro maritima the “sancta expeditio contra Turcum.” The classe paranda et ad capitula porrecta per oratores nostros, faithful sons of S. Mark were as anxious as subindeque ad reformationes factas per Sanctitatem pre- anyone to help exterminate the common enemy fatam ad ipsa capitula, quas non dubitabat oratores nos- of Christendom

tros misisse nobis, concludens quod cum summus pontifex, : qui infra breves dies ex Mantua recessurus est, intendat |. | We assure his Holiness, the supreme pontiff, videre finem huiusce rei, instituit mittere ipsum oratorem shat when the affairs of Christendom are set in order ad nos quoniam non disponit amplius sic stare et quod habebat facultatem et mandatum concludendi et sigillandi ~————————

nec desistendi pro rebus parvis devenire ad conclusiones, 76 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 20, fols. 204¥—205" [206’—207'], doc.

hortando ac astringendo nos plurimum multis efficacibus dated 15 January, 1460 (Ven. style 1459). Negotiations verbis ut pro honore Dei et Christiane religionis sequi' continued with Lolli, but the Venetian Senate refused to velimus vestigia maiorum nostrorum ut summus pontifex make any significant concessions (see, ibid., fols. 206" ff.,

non habeat materiam aliter providendt. . . .” 208 ff.).

222 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and a land army has been raised, we have every liance had been formed between Uzun Hasan intention of honoring wholeheartedly our obliga~ and John IV. The former lived in perennial von to prepare and send our nee against the faks. fear of the Gran Turco, and John had just OF Our part we shal omit noting that can relate been forced to recognize Turkish suzerainty over Trebizond and agree to an annual tribute fleet ready, however, we shall need not only the funds f th h d sold pi 79 | b accruing from the tithes, preaching, and indulgences, O - ree thousand gold pieces. ; t was a. out

to our duty and their destruction. In getting this

but more, very much more, as can be readily this time, however, that John died, leaving a

imagined, and these funds we shall take from our boy as his heir. Since the circumstances deown resources to assure a successful outcome for manded a stronger rule than a boy could pro-

this sacred undertaking. vide, John’s experienced brother David as-

. ; reminded , . cended Pius, the imperiled throne as co-emperor. The Senate through emisN Pe evertheless,his the alliance of Uzun HasanPand sary, that he had graciously conceded the tithes ; ; ; the Grand Comneni lost most of its effect. Had

and; indulgences to the Germans which and to others. jp : the eastern powers feared

the Porte Venice needed such funds for her own prepara} ; é ; . : een able to reach an accord with the western tions when the time came. But if the tithes

; states for a concerted attack Ottowere to. be collected now, the Turk would im-upon ; ; ;thehave ; gs man empire, Mehmed might conceivably mediately declare war on Venice “with mani- } : ‘ous.d b hl

P P , practicable in the fifteenth century.*°

fest peril to our overseas possessions and to so.) oo 1D Senous Canger, Out no such reague was many thousands of souls.” Furthermore, 1f the

Germans and Hungarians were to learn that ————— the tithes and indulgences were being collected Cf. Ducas, chap. 42 (Bonn, p. 314; ed. Grecu [1958], in Venetian territory, and were being sent else- _P., 395); Chalcocondylas, bk. rx (Bonn, pp. 461, 466-67;

her bly to Rom ) th id assum ed. Darko, II-2, 218, 222-23).

where (presumably to ROME), (hey WOUNC assume 8° On the remarkable false embassy of alleged Persians, that Venice was not soins to build and equip a Georgians, Armenians, and others (to form an east-west alliance fleet, and would relax their own efforts against against the Porte), which was led by Lodovico da Bologna, a

the Turks. This would be a tragedy for Chris- Franciscan Observantine, an impostor and a charlatan (but tendom.” Pius understood the Senate’s answer also a missionary to the East!), see Pius II, Comm., bk. hil ; h 1 I h . Vv, Engl. trans., pp. 371-74; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 127While Thomas Palaeo ogus soug it peace 1N 98; Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, 643-49; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, the Morea, Mehmed II was turning his attention II (repr. 1955), 224-26; Miller, Trebizond, pp. 98-99; eastward. He wanted to march against Uzun Babinger, Maometto, pp. 278-85. For a time in 1460-1461 Hasan of Diyar-Bakr ( Amida) in Mesopotamia this “embassy” hoodwinked the courts of Rome, France,

who after the death of Ibrahim Be the and Burgundy.

“ m “8 . Perhaps not every aspect of this general embassy was Gran caramano: to be Mepmed's cme fraudulent, however, forDavid on 14—15 December, 1460, the enemy in the East.was Uzun Hasan had marrie envoy of the Emperor Comnenus of Trebizond, Theodora, called the Despina-Khatin, daughter Michele Alighieri, alleged to have belonged to the family of of the Emperor J ohn IV Comnenus (‘Kalo- Dante, negotiated an (authorized?) Pact Detween Piorence

. » of Trebjod.78 An anti-Ottoman 24 Trebizond as a member of Lodovico da Bologna’s Joannes”) repizond. outlandishal.troupe (see Giuseppe Miller, ed., Documenti sulle relazioni delle citta toscane coll’Oriente cristiano e coi Turchi, Flor-

—_—_—_--—— ence, 1879, pt. I, docs. 136, 138-39, pp. 185-89), whereby

‘5.v-6'], a Seereta, Reg:letter 21, oor 2h),, from and rors. .. the borentines were to receive a quarter _Yondaco) a friendly o pril, the rebizond, with a consulate and chapel, paying merely ain

Venetian government to Mehmed II, although they had con- two per cent import duty and nothing on exports. All stant trouble with the Turks in Modon, Coron, and Lepanto _‘ Florentine merchants, ships, and goods were to be protected

(ibid., fol. 29 [30], doc. dated 22 January, 1461 [Ven. by a general safe-conduct revocable only on six months’

style 1460]). prior notice. Although the Florentines contemplated the

7% Wm. Miller, Trebizond: The Last GreekVenetian Empire, time London, reetreaty tO ie (¢f., trencr endpt. peII, hadocs. before 1926, pp. 88-89. Domenico Trevisan, onetime of this ibid., 12,and 17,ater pp. ie ; bailie at Istanbul (1553-1554), refers to John IV’s 302), little came of the intention as the Osmanlis converted daughter as “. . . Fiordispina di Calo Janni cristiano, the Black Sea into a Turkish lake. imperatore di Trebisonda e di tutto il Mar Maggiore . . .” There is a letter (of doubtful authenticity) dated 22 April, (in E. Albéri, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, 1459, which the Emperor David of Trebizond is alleged to

ser. III, vol. I [Florence, .1840], p. 168, cited by Miller). have sent Duke Philip of Burgundy, urging the duke to She is sometimes, but incorrectly, called Catherine: attack the Turks through Hungary while an oriental alKhattn means “lady.” Cf. also G. Berchet, La Repubblica di _liance attacked from the East (cf. Miller and Babinger, Venezia e la Persia, Turin, 1865, pp. 1-2, 7, 99-100, 108, cited above). As an inducement Philip was offered the concerning “la despota Teodora mojer de Ussun Cassan. . . .”. crown of Jerusalem. In the Vatican Library an interesting

On Theodora’s marriage to Uzun Hasan (in 1458), see miscellany of Greek and Latin texts (Cod. Reg. lat. 557)

A. Bryer, “Greeks and Tiirkmens . . . ,” Dumbarton Oaks _ contains this letter: “Epistola Imperatoris Trapesundarum ad

Papers, XXIX (1975), append., no. 11, following p. 148. ducem Burgundie: . . . Vale in Christo, data Trapesunde in

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 223 At this time, nonetheless, serious considera- tribute of three thousand ducats; and appeared tion was being given in the Curia Romanatothe before a Turkish emissary in Corinth within possibility of an east-west alliance. Mehmed II twenty days. These terms were acceptable to wanted to make a strong show of force in the Thomas, but, owing to the ill-advised refusal of East to hold Uzun Hasan in check and to add to his subjects to help him, he could not raise the his fear of the Porte.. Mehmed was therefore money. This was the last straw. Mehmed put not unwilling to return to the status quo ante off the projected expedition against Uzun Hasan, bellum in the Morea, provided Thomas gave up and in May, 1460, he gathered his forces for the siege of such Turkish strongholds as he a final campaign in the Morea.”

was then trying to take; restored those he In twenty-seven days Mehmed marched from had succeeded in taking; paid immediately a Adrianople to Corinth, where Critobulus says

ae he had expected the Despot Demetrius to come

palatio nostre residentie, A. D. MCCCCLIX, die XXII to him within three days. The despot did not

Aprilis.” This MS. also contains an “Epistula ducis Georgiane appear, however, having sent Matthew Asan ad ducem Burgundie: . . . Vale in Christo, data in Carcethe in his stead with many gifts. Asan was given a

anno MCCCGLIX;" chee nea ad ducer[!], longdata privatein audience which Mahmud urgundie: . . .anVale in rear Christo castris nostris . Pasha

prope tentorium, anno MCCCCLIX, die V Novembris;” also attended, but the sultan had decided upon and a list of the “Nomina oratorum orientalium qui the liquidation of Greek authority in the Morea personaliter fuerunt cum duce Burgundie” (Reg. lat. 557, and was not to be dissuaded therefrom. He fols. 108’—110*). Pius II’s letter of 13 January, 1461, stands had Asan arrested the day after his arrival. at the head of this oriental correspondence: “Papa [ Pius IT] Mehmed now invaded the territory of Deduct commendat principum Asie: . . .ofdatum . £| omas, hi h .£ Rome Burgundie apud Sanctum oratores Petrum anno Incarnationis dominice metrius, not that his enemy trom MCCCCLIX [sic/ ], Idibus Januarii, pontificatus nostrianno Argos he sent Mahmud Pasha by night with a III.” (January of Pius II’s third year falls in 1461.) The considerable force to Mistra, where he arrived alleged ambassadors of the Asiatic princes arrived in Rome at dawn and invested the city. Demetrius re-

in December, 1460, bringing their letters. Lodovico da ‘ned in th t] the hill. Mahmud Pasha

Bologna was their guide and served as interpreter. At mained in the castle on the " first they easily imposed upon Pius IJ, who sent them to Sent to him Thomas, the son of Katabolenos,

France and Burgundy with letters of recommendation. He the sultan’s Greek secretary, who tried to per-

also paid their expenses. As time passed, however, syade him to give up the city, the capital of suspicions arose, and upon their return to Rome, they the “despotate” and the center.of Hellenism in conduct did much to confirm (cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, the Morea for two hundred years. Demetrius II [repr. 1955], 226, and esp. Babinger, Maometto, pp. Said that Asan must first be released to bring 283-85, and Anthony Bryer, “Ludovico da Bologna and him written pledges (a7to7&), presumably of his the Georgian and Anatolian Embassy of 1460-1461,” Bed: safety and of what he would receive in ex-

were regarded as impostors, which Lodovico’s subsequent .

Kartlisa, XIX—XX [Paris, 1965], 178-98). h for his d ‘n. Critobul he whol Although known to Nicholas V and Calixtus III, Lodo- change for his domain. Crito ulus Says the w ole

vico da Bologna first occurs (I think) in the registers of Pius performance was a farce, designed for public Il on 5 October, 1458, upon the occasion of his return consumption.” Mahmud Pasha gave the letter of

from a year’s sojourn in the East: “Pius, etc. Dilectis guarantee to Asan to take to Demetrius; with

filiis, populis et universitatibus Christianorum, qui Franchi him went Hamza Zenevisi, who was a friend of appellantur, in regione Asie et Georgiaranie constitutis, . ; salutem, etc. Reversus ad nos dilectus frater Ludovicus de the despot. Demetrius returned with them to

Bononia ordinis Sancti Francisci, nuntius noster, qui apud the encampment of Mahmud Pasha, who re-

vos anno preterito fuit, nobis retulit... ,” etc. (Arch. ceived him with due honors, and on 30 May Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 468, fol. 383", by mod. stamped Gok over the city and castle of Mistra.

enumeration), “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, Mehmed d ay, acetc. MCCCCLVIII, tertio Non. Octobris, pont. nostri anno ul anno tan MeSul mead appeare td€th next primo.” Cf, ibid., fol. 383%, for the (canceled) beginning of a cording to Critobulus, and immediately sumletter from Pius to Lodovico, and note fol. 384", two letters moned the Despot Demetrius, who came gravely

to the Franciscan friars Michele da Milano and Antonio di apprehensive as to the next move. Mehmed Cena, indicating Pius’s intention of sending Lodovico back honored him bv rising from his seat to ereet

to the East (these letters gave Michele and Antonio per- onore y Tsing 8 mission to visit the Holy Land, each with two companions

of their order). Various texts (from 1457 to 1465) relating §————————

to Lodovico da Bologna are given in Luke Wadding, 81 Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 470-72; ed. Darko,

Annales Minorum, ed. J. M. Fonseca, vol. XIII (Quaracchi, [I-2, 226-28).

1932), pp. 30-32, 69-70, 174-80, 425, but Wadding’s ® Critobulus, LII, 20, 4-6 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1,

comments are colored by his assumption that Johannes’ pp. 132b, 133a; ed. Grecu, pp. 255, 257): “. . . XLKnvy Gobellinus wrote Pius H’s Commentarii, and that Lodovico Kai tméxpiois hoav Kat wAadopa.... Tavta dé was “a Gobellino indigne traductus” (p. 425). See above, advra ... &5 TO pavepov péev ErAATTOVTO, &hAa SHoav

Chapter 6, note 15. év dtroppyHtots Kat BeBovrevpevoe Kat 7WPaTTOVTES.””

224 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT him as he entered the tent, extended his right exhausted.”®* Vatican documents fix the chrohand, seated him at his side, and addressed nology of papal appointments. On 27 February,

him with kind words to allay his fears and 1461, Pius confirmed all the grants and privreassure him as to the future. Sphrantzes_ ileges which the Monemvasiotes had previously

reports Mehmed as saying: possessed, and thereafter appointed Gentile

Since your affairs, O despot, have come to this “c Marcoll governor of their cily and its

pass, it is impossible for you to rule this place epencencies. The Monemvasiotes were to yield any longer. Nevertheless, since we have decided to all fortified places to him and give him their

have you as our father and to marry your daughter, unqualified obedience.*” On 10 July (1461) Pius surrender this place to us; you and your daughter come away with us; and we shall bestow another ———— place upon you for your maintenance and well- 86 Pius II, Comm., bk. 1v, Engl. trans., pp. 321-22; ed.

being.*4 Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 103-4, placed by Pius among events ; occurring before the summer of 1460; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., Mehmed then sent to Monemvasia,’ where ad ann. 1460, nos. 56-59, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 54-56;

Demetrius’s wife and daughter were staying,and Magno, Estratti, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, pp. 203-4.

demanded their surrender of the Monem©® 27 Ah bone Vario addressed bull 7 the Mone . . vasiotes (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 479,afols. 292’—

vasiotes, who turned over the unhappy despoina 293", by mod. stamped enumeration, and cf. the following

and Helena, but refused to give up the city and pote):

fortress, allegedly informing the officers of the “. . . Paucis ante mensibus venerunt ad presentiam nossultan and despot who had come to take over, ‘ram dum in civitate Senensi cum nostra Romana Curia that strong position of Monemvasia was et a residebamus, frequenti audiencia assistentibus ibidem ; :the. venerabilibus fratribus dilectis infiliis nostris Sancte Romane gift of God, and whenever He wished the place Ecclesie cardinalibus et diversarum civitatum archiepiscopis,

to become Turkish, “His will be done!” In __ episcopis et prelatis ac regum et principum quorundam the meantime, however, they would not sur- oratoribus, dilecti filii . . . vestri oratores viri honesti et render the gift of God to the sultan. Mehmed 8f@V¥eS - - - » dedicionem facientes et homagium tanquam

. ‘dtoh dmired th | vero et indubitato vestro domino pro nobis et successoribus

IS sald to Nave admire € cour agcous reply. nostris imperpetuum tam in spiritualibus quam [in]

The bold governor of Monemvasia, one Manuel temporalibus, tactis ambabus manibus sacrosanctis evanPalaeologus, recognized the Despot Thomas as | geliis, genibus coram nobis flexis in forma per Apostolicam lord of the city. When the latter presently Sedem servari consueta fidelitatis iuramentum prestiterunt, sought refuge in Italy, the threatened inhab- supplicando eciam quod vobis privilegia vestra que hacitants had to look elsewhere for someone to atiis quibuscumque dominis vestris in temporalibus habuistis

: , tenus sub dispositis [i.e., the despots of the Morea] aut

govern and defend them against the Turks.® ac etiam in spiritualibus dignaremur in omne tempus Following the Despot Thomas’s advice, the robur habitura confirmare nostra et Apostolice Sedis Monemvasiotes sent an embassy to the Curia auctoritate . . . [which Pius said he proceeded to do on 9

Romana in summer the lat £ O1460 . September, 1460, Monemvasia thus became a papal ; ate ? urging possession, andwhen now on 27 February, 1461, to give effect

Pope Pius to accept the cession of their city. to the Monemvasiotes’ homage he was sending Gentile “The Pope was so moved,” Pius informs us _ de’Marcolfi of Spoleto to take over the city, the fortress, in his Commentarii, “that he wept as he re- and its dependencies]. Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum flected on the uncertainty of earthly thin gs anno, etc., millesimo CCCCLX, tercio Kal. Martii, pontiHe then dispatched a prefect [Gentile de’ Mar- On 28 February (1461) Pius granted a safe-conduct colfi of Spoleto] to administer Justice and re- (litera passus) for “Janonus de Crema miles et Gentilis de

: , 4, ficatus nostri anno tercio” [i.e., 1461].

plenish the city’s grain supply, which was utterly Malcolfis de Spoleto ac Johannes [de] Hanglis, dilecti filti

nobilis viri Thome Paleologi dispoti Achaye illustrissimi a83oratores,” obviously to facilitate their return to the Morea, Critobulus, HI, 20, 7 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 133a; “datum .. . pridie Kal. Martii, pontificatus nostri anno

ed. Grecu, p. 257). tercio” (ibid., fol. 293%). Gentile de’Marcolfi’s letter of ap“* Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1068D—1069A; ed., pointment as generalis gubernator et vicarius is also dated 28

Grecu, pp. 116, 118); Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 16 (Bonn, p. February (1461) in this register. He was to exercise full

395; ed. Grecu, pp. 534, 536); cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. jurisdiction in the city and fortress, “. . . nostra civitas

1x (Bonn, pp. 472-73; ed. Darko, II-2, 227-28). Monabassie in Peloponesso quam nuper sub nostro et , 85 Poeudo-Sphrantzs, WY 16 (Bonn, Pp. 390-93; ee. Romane Eccleste temporal dominio de fratrum nostrorum recu, pp. ; , showing the special interest of the Sancte Romane Ecclesie cardinalium consilio pariter et author [Macarius Melissenus- Melissurgus] in Monemvasia. assensu recepimus” (ibid., fol. 229"). : Cf. Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1069AB; ed. Grecu, 87 See the preceding note, and ¢f. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, p. 118), very brief; Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, p. 476; = Miscellanea, Arm. IX, tom. 15 (Collett. per Citta, Terre, ed. Dark6, II-2, 231), also without any embellishment of the e Luoghi: Lett. M e N), fols. 150'-155*, where two circumstances attending the refusal to surrender Monem- copies are given of Marcolfi's bull of appointment, vasia; and in general, Zakythinos, Despotat grec de Morée, “datum Rome apud S. Petrum anno etc. 1460 [O.S.], III

I (1932, repr. 1975), 267-74. Kal. Martii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio.”

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 995 appointed the Portuguese soldier Lope de Val- Sultan Mehmed spent four days at Mistra daro as capitaneus civitatis Monobasie. He was to (31 May—3 June, 1460), adding to the fortificatake the oath of fealty to the Holy See in the _ tions, and upon his departure left behind him a

proper form, which oath of office was to be garrison of four hundred men. Thence he went administered by the papal chamberlain, Car- on, taking Demetrius with him, to the town of dinal Lodovico Trevisan, or the latter’s lieu- Bordonia, which fell to him without a struggle,

tenant.® because the frightened archontes had fled. Next Eleven days later, on 21 July (1461), Pius he came to a castle town on the slopes of

replaced Marcolfi with Francis of S. Anatolia, Taygetus, called Kastrion by Critobulus, and abbot of the monastery of S. Niccol6 of Osimo. identified as Kastritza by Sphrantzes. The town Francis was to govern Monemvasia and its was built on an inaccessible height, its sole apdependencies as well as all the places in the area proach blocked by a triple wall, against which which should be freed from the infidels within the janissaries launched at least one or two a year. The terms of the abbot’s commission show _ strong attacks in vain. The Pseudo-Sphrantzes

that the pope entertained high expectations of says that the inhabitants surrendered with the him.8? But the Monemvasiotes, despite papal understanding that they might preserve their confirmation of the great privileges which they _ rights and customs, to which the sultan agreed, had enjoyed for generations under the Byzan- promising to add further benefits to those they tine emperors, found neither contentment nora already possessed. When they emerged from sense of security under the banner of S. Peter’s the citadel, however, the sultan ordered some

keys, and in 1462 they accepted the rule of of the men beheaded, and others impaled,

the Venetian republic.” and had their leader flayed alive. Critobulus says nothing of the sultan’s alleged violation of

—__—____— his pledge (and there is no word of such treach8 Reg. Vat. 516 [Pii II Officiorum Ann. II-VI, lib. 11], ery either in Sphrantzes’ short chronicle or in fol. 32" by mod. stamped enumeration: “Pius etc. Dilecto Chalcocondylas), but states that the citadel fell filio Luppo de Valdaro laico portugalensi civitatis nostre i, the second day’s assault, and the defenders, Monobasie capitaneo. . . . Volumus autem quod antequam be; dri ; h d lack offiium huiusmodi incipias exercere in manibus dilecti DING Griven into a narrow pathway and 1ackfilii Ludovici tituli Sancti Laurentii in Damaso presbyteri ing food and water, surrendered uncondicardinalis camerarii nostri [Lodovico Trevisan] vel eius tionally. Of four hundred chosen men in the locumtenentis de officio ipso fideliter exercendo prestare cjtadel only three hundred had survived the S. Petrum anno etc. millesimo CCCCLXI sexto Idus Iulti Turkish attacks. The sultan ordered the impont[ificatus] n[ostri] anno tercio.” Cf. the rubric (fol. 2°): mediate execution of all these, the enslavement “Lupus de Valdaro constituitur capitaneus civitatis Mono- of the women and children, and the destrucbasie,” and note also the Miscellanea, Arm. IX, tom. tion of the town.?!

debeas in forma debita 1uramentum. Datum Rome apud . : 15, fol. 150°.

8° Reg. Vat. 516, fols. 37’—39", “datum Rome apud Sanc- 9=——_ tum Petrum anno etc. MCCCCLXI, XII Kal. Augusti, Turks between the period of papal and that of Venetian pont[ificatus] nostri anno tertio.” Pius apparently placed domination: “. . . at dissipata sunt ea consilia {i.e., the much confidence in Francis of S. Anatolia, “. .. et ut failure of the pope’s plan to exploit Monemvasia as a beachindubitanter credimus fluctuum turbines sedare et iustitie head for sending 10,000 German troops into the Morea] terminos colere, superbos humiliare et rebelles, ac in- in Turcicam iterum missa Monobassia servitutem, quam obedientes compescere et errantes ad rectam semitam deinde recuperatam a Venetis, iterumque a Turcis, quibus poteris ... ,” etc. (zbid., fol. 38"). The intrepid Francis hactenus paret expugnatam. . . .” On 12 August, 1462, of S. Anatolia, abbas Auximanus, gubernator Monobasie, however, the Venetian Senate answered point by point a went to Monemvasia, where Bariga Krekic, “Monemvasia petition presented to the Signoria by the Despot Thomas. under Papal Protection” [in Serbocroatian, with a French Monemvasia was then obviously in Venetian hands, but summary], Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta, V1 (Recueil Thomas still retained a lively interest in the place (Arch. des travaux de UAcadémie serbe des sciences, LXV, Belgrade, di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 103%—

1960), 129-35, has found traces of his activities in 104, published by Sime Ljubi¢, Listine, X [Zagreb, 1891},

the Archives of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). 222-24).

On 19 July, 1461, Pius appointed John Navarre as *! Critobulus, III, 21 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. 133-34;

governor in temporalibus of the Greek island of “Staliminus,” ed. Grecu [1963], pp. 257, 259); Sphrantzes. Chron. minus i.e., Lemnos (Reg. Vat. 516, fol. 33", “datum Rome apud (PG 156, 1069B; ed. Grecu [1966], p. 118), also makes no

Sanctum Petrum anno etc. MCCCCLXI, quarto decimo mention of Mehmed’s violating a pledge at Kastritza. Kal. Aug., pontificatus nostri anno tertio”). Paul I] can- Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 473~—74; ed. Darko, celed John Navarre’s appointment on 1 March, 1465, as _ II-2 [1927], 228-29), describes the janissaries’ capture of the

indicated by a marginal note in the register. lower town (which he identifies as Kastria), their success-

°° Magno, Estrattt, ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 204. ful assault upon the citadel, and the slaughter of its According to Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1462, no. 35, three hundred defenders, but knows of no violation of vol. XIX (1693), p. 120, Monemvasia was occupied by the the sultan’s pledge, which seems to be an invention of

226 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Turks occupied Leondari with no trouble, Moreote fortresses sent envoys to the sultan, because the terrified inhabitants had fled west- offering him the surrender of their charges, ward to the much stronger town of Gardiki, among others a place called Salvarium and also which commanded a pass through Taygetus Kyparissia, known as Arcadia in the middle ages, called Zugos. Having his usual offer of sur- a well-fortified city, the naval arsenal of the render rejected, Mehmed decided to starve the region. Assembling the men and women of both

inhabitants of Gardiki and their numerous these places to the number of ten thousand, guests out of the impregnable height. But a Mehmed seemed to be about to kill them, but shortage of food and water, the merciless heat finally sent them to Istanbul to be settled in of summer, the fearfully crowded conditions, the suburban areas. Little was left of the and the lack of any help in prospect induced “despotate” of the Morea.” the poor wretches in the citadel atop the narrow The Despot Thomas had been quite unable rock to surrender after a single day’s siege. to protect his portion of the despotate against According to the very doubtful account of the the overpowering Turkish onslaught. He lacked

Pseudo-Sphrantzes, the sultan having again the troops and resources for an effective re-

given his assurance that no one would be harmed _ sistance. His small Italian force, of little con-

or enslaved, nevertheless had all the men, sequence anyway (as Pius II had foreseen), had women, and children herded together in a little already been dispersed. Its members had lived field, had them tied up, and ordered them fora while by plundering the country they were to be slain. Not a single one of the refugees supposed to defend, and had finally disapfrom Leondari survived the slaughter, says peared. When Thomas saw there was no hope of Chalcocondylas, who states that he had been combatting the Turk, and no safety in the Morea informed by people who lived in the area that except in Venetian territory, he left his southern the sultan had about six thousand persons put stronghold of Kalamata on the Messenian Gulf to death after the capture of Gardiki. Al- and made his way to Navarino.** Mehmed now though obviously appalled at the sultan’s cruelty, paid a visit to Coron and thereafter crossed Chalcocondylas says nothing of a broken pledge, the western prong of the Morea to Modon. nor do Sphrantzes and Critobulus. The leading The Venetian authorities, including presumably

family of Gardiki, the Bouchaleis, would have Mauro Caravallo and Giovanni Bembo, the suffered the same fate if the beylerbey, Mah-_ castellans and provveditori of Coron and Modon mud Pasha, had not appealed to the sultan on respectively, urged Thomas to leave the Vene-

their behalf. The wife of Manuel Bouchales, tian port of Navarino and not attempt re-

apparently leader of the clan, was Mahmud sistance there. They offered him ships on which Pasha’s cousin. They ill repaid his kindness. to get away. He went to Marathi, and learning When they were leaving, he furnished them that Mehmed was pitching his camp near Nava-

with an escort to Pontiko on the west coast, rino, he set sail with his wife Caterina, his but before they boarded a ship they found children, and a number of Moreote nobles from there, they killed all the members of the es- the harbor of Porto Longo for Corfu, where he cort, and then sailed for Corfu and thence to arrived on 28 July. The historian Sphrantzes

Naples.” arrived by another ship on 2 August, undeIn the meantime Sultan Mehmed continued cided whether to go on to Crete or to the

his career of conquest, taking the towns and monastery of S. Nicholas, founded by his castles of S. George, Karytaina, Androusa, and Ithome. There was no further resistance. After §——+H# the horror of Gardiki the governors of the = Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1070; ed. Grecu,

pp. 120, 122), and cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 19 (Bonn,

TT pp. 407-8; ed. Grecu, p. 546); Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, the Pseudo-Sphrantzes [Macarius Melissenus-Melissurgus], p. 475; ed. Dark6, II-2, 230). IV, 18 (Bonn, p. 405; ed. Grecu [1966], pp. 542, 544), * According to Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156,

surreptitiously inserted into his expansion of Sphrantzes’ 1070B; ed. Grecu, p. 120), Thomas went to Navarino from

text. Kalamata (cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 19, ed. Bonn, p. 407, % Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 18 (Bonn, pp. 405-6; ed. lines 16—18; ed. Grecu, p. 546, lines 9-11). Wm. Miller, Grecu, p. 544); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, Latins in the Levant (1908), p. 449, and Babinger, Maometto 1069CD; ed. Grecu, pp. 118, 120); Chalcocondylas, bk. (1957), p. 267, both state that Thomas went to Navarino 1x (Bonn, pp. 474—75; ed. Darko, II-2, 229-30); Critobulus, from Mantineia, which Chalcocondylas says Thomas had Iii, 22 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 134; ed. Grecu, pp. failed to take (see above, note 74). Thomas had taken

259, 261). refuge in Mantineia during the Turkish invasion of 1458.

PIUS II AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 227 maternal grandfather near Berrhoea in Mace- made generous provision for him, granting him

donia. the islands of Imbros and Lemnos as well as The Venetians renewed their pacts with Sultan parts of Thasos and Samothrace. Actually most Mehmed and made themselves appear as of the inhabitants of these islands had been

hospitable as they could. The Turkish cavalry transported to Istanbul, “but the total annual still invaded the region of Navarino, however, revenue of these islands,” says Critobulus, “was captured some Albanians, and killed a number 300,000 [aspers] in the small silver coinage of of Venetian subjects. Mehmed himself rode up the realm.”°’ Mehmed also gave him the town

to the walls’ of Modon, according to Chal- of Aenos, ‘at the mouth of the Maritsa,

cocondylas, and when some of the inhabitants with its rich salt works which produced another

approached him “with a flag of truce” (ws 300,000 aspers. Besides these grants Mehmed émrt ovrovdats), he had them put to death. The directed that each year Demetrius should resultan soon withdrew to the northwest corner of

the peninsula, where Zagan Pasha had been —-———— busily at work in Achaea and Elis. He had ™.Critobulus, III, 24, 4 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 135b; occupied Kalavryta with the apparent collusion ed. Grecu, p. 265). The asper, a small silver coin of ; hecommander, Albani hieftain Byzantine origin, weighed originally a gram (=15.4 of its t € anianDchieItain Voxas, grains). It was later called theabout akce by the Turks, who who had fought against Mehmed two years be- minted it as the basic unit of Ottoman imperial currency fore at Phlius, and was now flayed alive by the until its displacement in the seventeenth century by the sultan’s order. Sphrantzes believed that Doxas ahs (by whic es the asper weighed no more than deserved his punishment, having failed to keep to have been worth about one Venetian ducat, but the faith with the despots, with the sultan, and even silver content of the asper was constantly diminished,

. . . .13 grams of silver). To start with, ten aspers appear

with God.® and so its purchasing power persistently Pp & Pdeclined. P y In the

Zagan Pasha had also captured the old Frank- time of Mehmed II a ducat was worth 40-50 aspers; ish castles of Chloumoutsi and Santameri (“of in the sixteenth century it finally became worth about 80.

| be; being . h ofjust th north An asper was drachma), about a quarter a dirham the S. Omer ”), he the latter of t e Greek the unit ofofsilver currency(from employed mountain of the same name. At Santameri, in the eastern provinces of the old Caliphate (of. the Zagan Pasha had violated the terms of sur-_ notices in K. H. Schafer, Die Ausgaben d. Apostolischen

render had. and granted, and enslaving » fominer Jonant ay ere: rots PP 8 der . . he - 4: seekilling especially Friedrich von unter Schrétter, Wérterbuch

P ; , ) P neath 5 ;

the inhabitants, to the indignation of Sultan Minzkunde, Berlin and Leipzig, 1930, pp. 145-48). Three Mehmed, who finally understood that the terror dirhams equaled a dinar (from the Latin denarius but based and despair of the Greeks and Albanians might upon the Byzantine solidus), the Arabic gold unit of curserve as well as courage in leading them to re-_ rency, weighing about 4.25 grams of gold (=65.45 grains). j ect assurances of safety which they were afraid twelve aspers therefore equalled a dinar, the latter term

1 had lib . f th being longeralthough used after thebeen beginning to trust. €Th sultan nathe t € liberation or the no century, it has restoredof asthe the fifteenth name of captives taken at Santameri announced through- the basic unit of modern Yugoslav, Iraqi, and other

out the camp, and removed Zagan Pasha from _ currencies (¢f. the Wérterbuch d. Miinzkunde, pp. 139-42).

the high command in the Morea replacing him On the whole, however, in Ottoman trade with the

Y ; . in terms of ducats and florins. Leaving the Morea at the end of the summer, On the revenues of the Ottoman empire and its system

by Hamza Zenevisi.%° ° Italian states monetary values were commonly reckoned

Mehmed took the Despot Demetrius and the of coinage, see Babinger, Maometto, pp. 655-66, and for latter’s wife and daughter with him as far as the various coins see, under their names, the Encyel. of

: : . Islam; C. H. Philips, ed.,, Handbook of Oriental History,

mvadia, where he left Demetrius, the women, London, 1951; Worterbuch d. Miinzkunde, under akce and

and most of the army to travel at a slower asper and esp. dinar and dirhem; Franz Babinger, “Zur

pace. He went on with his personal following Frage der osmanischen Goldpragungen im 15. Jahrhundert to Adrianople, where he arrived in mid-autumn. unter Murad II. und Mehmed II.,” and “Contraffazioni Demetrius soon followed him to the court and ottomane dello zecchino veneziano nel XV secolo,” both

di to Critobul Mehmed ly studies reprinted in Babinger’s Aufsdtze und Abhandlungen

according to Uritobulus, ehmed promptly = zur Geschichte Studosteuropas und der Levante, 2 vols.; Munich, 1962-66, II, 110-26; Babinger, “Die Aufzeichnungen des

————_—_—_——__—- Genuesen Iacopo de Promontorio-de Campis .. .” [on

*° Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 444, 477-78; ed. the military personnel, seraglio, court, and revenues of the Darko, II-2, pp. 203-4, 231-33); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus Ottoman empire in 1475], in the Sitzungsber. d. Bayer. (PG 156, 1070D—1071A; ed. Grecu, p. 122); and of. Pseudo- Akad. d. Wissen., Philos.-hist. Kl., 1956, Heft 8, pp. 62-72;

Sphrantzes, IV, 19 (Bonn, p. 409; ed. Grecu, p. 548). and Speros Vryonis, “Laonicus Chalcocondyles and the Otto* Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, pp. 477-79, 481; ed. man Budget,” International Journal of Middle East Studies,

Darko, II-2, 231-34, 235). VII (1976), 423-32.

228 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ceive in three installments an additional 100,000 tainly a handsome man with a fine, serious look

aspers from the mint at Adrianople, which about him and a noble and quite lordly bearing. gave Demetrius (according to Critobulus) an He must be about fifty-six years old. He wore a caftan

annual income of 700,000 aspers.% Later of black camlet with a white furlike hat lined with Sphrantzes heard a report that Demetrius, being black velvety satin with a band around it. I under-

“old and sick,” retired on a pension of fifty ne mat he pad baie horse and as many foot,

thousand aspers a year. Mehmed spent the his Onn orses being borrowed save three which are

winter of 1460—1461 in Istanbul, thus conclud- So

ing a remarkable decade in Ottoman history. Pius received him in a consistory held in the Critobulus says that Mehmed had captured Camera del Pappagallo in the east wing of the about two hundred and fifty fortified cities, Vatican Palace. He gave him a pension of 300 castles, and towns in the Morea.9? Demetrius ducats a month, to which the cardinals added spent his last years under the biblical name another 200. Thomas was at first assigned the of David in a monastery at Adrianople, where papal palace near the Church of SS. Quattro he died in 1470. His poor wife, an Asanina, Coronati, and thereafter was given an apartsoon followed him to the grave. Their daughter, ment in the Ospedale di S. Spirito. On Laetare the unfortunate princess Helena, had died of the Sunday (15 March, 1461) the pope presented plague shortly before her father. The unknown him with the golden rose as a mark of esteem

rhetorician who composed a lament in her and in recognition of the tragedy which had honor could not find tears enough to bemoan _ befallen him."

her passing.'°° Thomas was prevailed upon to surrender the

When Thomas Palaeologus fled before the head of S. Andrew to Pope Pius II, and on 12 Turks, he brought with him the head of S. April, 1462, in emotional ceremonies replete Andrew, which had long been preserved in the with tears and sermons, Cardinal Bessarion metropolitan Church of Patras. He arrived in turned the precious relic over to the pope. Ancona on 16 November, 1460, and then, at The presentation took place on a wooden the invitation of Pope Pius II, he made his tribune erected on the city side of the Ponte way to Rome. On 9 March, 1461, the Mantuan Molle (now the Piazza Card. Consalvi), where a

ambassador in Rome wrote the Marchioness small chapel of S. Andrew and a lengthy

Barbara, inscription in the little cemetery of the PelleLast Saturday, which was the seventh of this month, Bote su recall the cramarc Thovesnd of S.

the despot of the Morea came here. He is cer- eters brother into Nome. ousands wit-

TT 101 Pastor, Hist. Popes, III, append., no. 43, p. 403, and *8 Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, p. 483; ed. Dark6é, Gesch. d. Papste, Il (repr. 1955), append., no. 42, p. 728, II-2, 237), states that Mehmed gave Demetrius the city of | Bonatto’s letter of 9 March, 1461, to the Marchioness Aenos and the revenue from its salt works as well as a Barbara [von Brandenburg] of Mantua, the wife of Lodovico pension of about 600,000 aspers (és €€7jxovTa pupiddas Gonzaga. In the English translation of Pastor’s text (vol. d&pyvpiov) from the Porte. Cf., ibid., Bonn, p. 494; ed. HI, p. 249) Thomas’s arrival in Rome is incorrectly

Dark6, II-2, 247. dated 7 May. Cf. Pius II, Comm., bk. v, Engl. trans., * Critobulus, III, 23, 3 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, p. 135a; = pp. 377-78; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 130, lines 13-19. On

ed. Grecu [1963], p. 263). Thomas Palaeologus’s dress, as described by Bonatto, una

100 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1072D, 1075BC, turcha de zambeloto [camlet] negro cum uno capello biancho 1078AB; ed. Grecu [1966], pp. 134, 142), and cf. Pseudo- _peloso fodrato de cetanino [satin] velutato negro cum una cerata Sphrantzes, IV, 19, 22—23 (Bonn, pp. 413-14, 427-29, 449; interno, Pastor reminds us of the discussion of the Levantine

ed. Grecu, pp. 552, 566, 568, 586), whose unlikely tales trade in satin and camlet in W. Heyd, Hist. du commerce of Demetrius’s later years seem to be taken seriously by du Levant, trans. Furcy Raynaud, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1885— Miller, Latins in the Levant, p. 452. On Helena, see Lampros, 86, repr. Amsterdam, 1967, II, 701-5.

Palaiologeia kat Peloponnestaka, IV (1930), introd., pp. 102 The text of the inscription may be found in Vincenzo 22-23, 221-29 (a rhetorical monody lamenting her tribula- __ Forcella, Iscrizioni delle chiese e d’altri edificti di Roma dal

tions and her death). Actually she was never married to secolo XI fino at giornt nostri, 14 vols., 1869-84, XII, Mehmed; the Pseudo-Sphrantzes calls her “sultana” pt. xxi, no. 245, p. 213: “Pius IJ. Pont. Max. sacrum (&pHptooa), but Sphrantzes does not. More than once in _ beati apostoli Andree caput ex Peloponneso advectum his 1460-1461 the Venetians tried to make the fall of the Greek _in pratis excepit et suis manibus portavit in urbem anno despotate of the Morea an object lesson to quarreling Balkan —_ salutis MCCCCLXII pridie Idus Aprilis [12 April] que tunc

princelings (cf. Ljubié, Listine, X, 164, 165), but the lesson = fuit secunda feria [Monday] maioris hebdomade atque was lost on them (ibid., pp. 227-29), and within a couple idcirco hunc titulum erexit et universis Christifidelibus of years the “most serene king of Bosnia” was no more qui eadem feria imposterum hunc locum visitaverint et

(tbid., pp. 247, 250-52). quinquies Christo Domino adorato intercessionem Sancti

| g pro g yp

PIUS Il AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA 229

nessed the event, and thereafter long proces- During the early period of his residence in sions conveyed the sacred head to the Vatican Rome, Thomas Palaeologus had made no small basilica, where Pius later built the round chapel impression upon the Curia, and besides the head

of S. Andrew. Pius was to be buried in this of S. Andrew he seems to have left behind chapel, which disappeared in the demolition ——W———— of old S. Peter’s. He regarded the acquisition Gruber’s Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (1868; repr. 1960,

of the relic as one of the chief events of his II), p. 131b; Sp. P. Lampros, “The Translation [avaxopd7 | reign. € ceremomes atten Ing the reception Greek], Néos ‘EAAnvopvipewv, X (1913), 33-112; Zakyof the relic doubtless .appealed to him as ‘ thinos, Despotat grec de Morée, 1 (1932, repr. 1975), 287effective propaganda for the crusade which had 90, not without error; and especially Ruth Olitsky Rubin-

. Th . di h . of the Head of S. Andrew from Patras to Rome” [in

been proclaimed at Mantua. stein, “Pius II’s Piazza S. Pietro and St. Andrew’s Head,”

prep Il... , Siena, 1968, pp. 221-43.

Extensive preparations had been made in ad- in Domenico Maffei, ed., Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Papa Pio

vance of the ceremonies. The crumbling steps The account of the reception of S. Andrew’s head, called to the Vatican basilica were replaced, a wooden the Andreis, occurs separately in Cod. Vat. lat. 5667, loggia for the papal benediction was built over fols. 19-40, “Andreis idest Hystoria de receptione Capitis the top landing of the steps, and the houses Sancti Andreae.” This MS. was prepared by order of Car-

which encroached upon the piazza were re dinal~ Francesco Piccolomini, later Pius III, forlatter Jacopo Silveri Piccolomini, who had requested it (the died moved to clear the stage for S. Andrew's before the cardinal could send it to him). Remo Ceserani,

solemn entrance into the basilica. The tombs of in the Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, CXLI (ann. long-dead popes were taken from the nave of LXXXI, Turin, 1964), 279-81, has noted that the “Andreis” the basilica and put along the walls to create 349°-366" [365%?], written in an unknown copyist’s hand space and passageways for the throngs who (with the preceding and following pages in that of Patrizzi), would attend S. Andrew’s welcome to the site of | suggesting the insertion of the account of the translation

1: fills a sesternio of the Cod. Regtnensis lat. 1995, fols.

S. Peter’s martyrdom. of S. Andrew’s head as a unit into the text of the Com-

In their cortaons at the reception of the relic ™entartt. The strange fact is that in the letter which Car. . dinal Francesco wrote on 23 February, 1464, as he got ready both Pius and Bessarion expressed the fervent to send Jacopo Silveri the MS., he seems to say that the hope that, with the expulsion of the Turks from = Andreis had been (should we say?) written, edited, or preGreece, S. Andrew might some day return to his pared by Alessio de’ Cesari, bishop of Chiusi (1438—home in Patras. At long length in September, 1462) and archbishop of Benevento (d. 31 July, 1464): 1964, five centuries after the ceremonies of 1462, Frncesco apologizes for the delay in sending the MS. hi lus h devotes Pi d | almost ? containing certain works .of Pius II.andHe hadconsistories. been too to whic the whole first preoccupied with various affairs frequent half of the eighth book of his Commentaries, Finally, however, he had found the time to have the works Cardinal Augustin Bea headed a papal mission in question copied (conscribi), “adiecta etiam Andreide which duly returned the relic in its original ¢0m!mi Alessi episcopt clusini patrui tui.” silver-gilt reliquary to the Me tropolitan Con Since the style of the so-called Andreis seems unmisstantine of Patras. As for poor Thomas Palaeolo- the text, putting Pius’s two orations and that of Bessarion gus, he had found a refuge in Rome, where for as well as the hymn by Agapito de’ Rustici and other

- ~ takably Pius’s, Ceserani assumes that de’ Cesari edited

a while he was wined and dined by the car- material all in the proper place. Among the various

dinals, but his appeals to various states for opuscula of Plus Mise to the Crusade, tn 3 AG. help to regain the lost despotate always went Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,255), fols. 617-82", by unheeded. He was beset by a constant mel- mod. stamped enumeration, one may also find the Historia ancholy, and died almost forgotten on 12 May, de receptione capitis Sancti Andree, which is attributed to

1465, in the lodgings for himof in the the Pus Ul in tne inc the ae. on on the . _s . 103prepared importance Andreis inindex the structure of fol. theaCom-

Ospedale di S. Spirito near the Vatican. mentarii, note the observations of G. Bernetti, referred to above, at the conclusion of note 13.

OT The return of the relic of S. Andrew to the Church of Andree pro communi fidelium salute imploraverint ple- Patras is described in the New York Times, 24 and esp. 27 nariam omnium peccatorum in forma ecclesie consueta September, 1964, where both fact and typography are perpetuo duraturam indulsit remissionem anno pontificatus garbled. When the sacred relic was taken to S. Peter's

sui quarto.” on 14 April, 1462 (the thirteenth seems to have been 3 Pius Il, Comm., bk. vin, Engl. trans., pp. 523-41; washed out by rain), Bessarion preached a sermon from ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 192-202; Campano, Vita Pu H, the high altar to the throng which had crowded into the ed G. C. Zimolo, in the new Muratori, RISS, III-3 basilica. He ended by making S. Andrew appeal to Pius (1964), 56-57, with notes; Pastor, Hist. Popes, WI, UW (Comm., bk. vu, ed. Frankfurt, 1614, p. 202, lines 249-52, 258-61, and cf. pp. 302-3, revised in Gesch. d. 15-19): “. . . te Deus incolumem cum felicitate diutisPapste, II (repr. 1955), 227-29, 233-36, and cf. pp. sime conservet sedis Petri gubernacula cum summo decore 211-12; Hopf, “Griechenland im Mittelalter,” in Ersch and et moderatione tenentem, et tibi pro sua pietate praestet

230 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT him a curious memorial which still exists in fine Despot Thomas, were removed to the entrance condition at the Vatican. Thomas is said to have to the sacristy of S. Peter’s and thence to the been the model for Paolo Romano’s statue of Museo Petriano. Within the last few years they S. Paul which stood, with a like statue of S. have been moved again, this time to the vestibule

Peter, at the foot of the steps leading to the of the upper rooms prepared for the Synod of front portals of the Vatican basilica, from Bishops, in the north wing of the old palace

the time of Pius II to that of Pius IX, (built by Nicholas V), rooms which Sixtus IV

when the two statues were replaced by the converted into the Vatican Library. The two

colossal stone figures of the apostles, done by de statues in question have been variously atFabris and Tardolini, which now stand on either tributed to Mino da Fiesole, Mino del Reame, side of the approach to the basilica. In 1847 the and Paolo di Mariano [Romano], “the first and old statues of Peter and Paul, for the latter of only important sculptor in the Rome of the which (as we have just said) Paolo Romano Quattrocento.”'* Years ago, however, Eugéne is alleged to have copied the features of the Muntz published excerpts, from the papal financial accounts, recording payments to Paolo gratiam ut qui cum magna me gloria in hac urbe in Romano for the statue of S. Paul, honorabili praesentiarum accepisti cum maiori in patriam aliquando ViTO magistro Paulo Mariani scultori de Urbe reducas, quemadmodum magno cum affectu tua sponte .. . pro parte elus salarii et mercedis sculturae

heri pollicitus fuisti!” . per eum factae statuae sancti Pauli ponendae As is well known, and we shall have further occasion to super scalis . . . basilicae [S. Petri].”!°5 Both the

note, Pius II died in cathedral Ancona,Church where his viscera (praelof statue S. Paul’ p; cordia) were buried in the of S. Ciriaco, pe estal OF o.d auls and t dth at O cS . Feter's as an inscription in the choir still attests. His body was still bear the arms of Pius II, Turkish crescents taken to Rome, however, and buried in a low tomb in’ On a Cross, the symbol of his dedication to the the Cappella di S. Andrea at the Vatican. Immediately, (Crysade. in 1464, his nephew Cardinal Francesco TodeschiniPiccolomini, later Pope Pius III, built near the tomb the —=————

handsome monument which was transferred in 1614 to the 104 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, UI (repr. 1955), 211-12, and see

Church of S. Andrea della Valle, where it still exists, the recent brochure Il Restauro delle aule di Niccolo V e di but is placed so .high above the pavement of the nave Sisto IV nel Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano, Citta del Vaticano: that it is hard to see. The remains of Pius II were exhumed __Direzione Generale dei Servizi Tecnici del Governatorato on 13 November, 1608, and after temporary burial were Vaticano, 1967. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), p. also removed to S. Andrea della Valle in 1623 by Car- 454, mistakenly believed that “every visitor to Rome undinal Alessandro Peretti. The original inscription which consciously gazes on his [Thomas Palaeologus’s} features, Cardinal Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini put upon the for on account of his tall and handsome appearance he

monument, after rehearsing the great achievements of served as a model for the statue of St. Paul, which his uncle Pius II, states that the latter “. . . relatus in — still stands at the steps of St. Peter’s.” (The statue was urbem est patrum decreto et hic conditus [i.e., in the removed, as noted above, from its place before the basilica

no longer existent Cappella di S. Andrea in S. Peter’s] ubi_ in 1847.) Zakythinos, Despotat grec de Morée, 1, 289, repeats

caput Andreae Apostoli ad se Peloponneso advectum Miller’s mistake. collocari iusserat. . . .” The inscription which (in 1623) 105K. Mintz, Les Arts a la cour des papes, 1 (1878), Cardinal Peretti put on the monument, as it now exists in 246-49, 280. The first payment for the statues of SS. Peter S. Andrea della Valle, also recalls Pius II’s acquisition and Paul is recorded under 11 March, 1461, for “marmi of the relic of S. Andrew for the Vatican basilica. See per le scale di San Pietro . . . per costo di una petra di Renzo U. Montini, Le Tombe dei Pape, Rome: Istituto di marmo per fare due figure, cioe S. Pietro e S. Paulo Studi Romani, 1957, pp. 285-89, for references, the _ per le scale, fl. 20” (zbid., p. 279). This was four days after inscriptions, and a picture of the monument, on which the _ the first arrival of Thomas Palaeologus in Rome. See in sculptor has depicted the translation of S. Andrew’s_ general R. O. Rubinstein, “Pius II’s Piazza S. Pietro and

taries. (1968), pp. 230-35.

head to the Vatican, as described in Pius IIl’s Commen- St. Andrew’s Head,” in Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Papa Pio II

| 8. PIUS I, THE CRUSADE, AND THE VENETIAN WAR AGAINST THE TURKS ALLHOUGH more than one passage in Pope development, for Pius was then occupied in Pius II’s Commentarii was penned with guile, securing forces to serve against the Turks.? We there cannot be the slightest doubt of his need not stop to consider the many papal briefs genuine and indeed overriding devotion to the dealing with Ferrante’s difficulties in the south crusade. The problems he had to face, however, with the prince of Taranto and the Angevin seemed insurmountable. There were difficulties party.* Despite Pius’s efforts and admonitions, enough in Italy where, besides the four important the war came. It proved to be a long struggle states of Milan, Venice, Florence, and Naples, (1459-1464), hampering his attempts to organize

there were about a score of lesser signort and a crusade until the end of his pontificate. His signorie very much attached to their independ- support and that of Francesco Sforza— Florence ence. Most of the Italian states, large and small, and Venice remained neutral—assured Ferrante entertained justifiable suspicions of one another. of the throne. Scanderbeg, always a_ loyal They protected themselves from their rivals and _ servitor of the Catalan royal house in Naples,

neighbors by an elaborate and sometimes sent an Albanian cavalry force into southern

inconsistent balance-of-power diplomacy in which Italy in September, 1460.2 On 10 October Pius was necessarily as much involved as any Prince Giovanni of Taranto wrote a letter of

other of the various princes. The greatest protest to Scanderbeg, whose interesting reply single danger faced by the papacy, however, was_ we have already had occasion to note.®

the possibility of the French re-entering the At the beginning of September of the followpeninsula in force to oust Ferrante from Naples ing year (1461) Scanderbeg himself crossed the

and to re-establish the old Angevin kingdom Adriatic to Apulia.’ His force is said to have

of “Sicily.” consisted of about one thousand horse and two Every political event or military episode which _ thousand infantry. He served a full five months

occurred in Italy of sufficient importance to in Italy in opposition to the condottiere Jacopo distract the pope’s attention from the crusade Piccinino, Pius II’s -béte noire; the prince of had its bearing upon the Christian defense ‘Taranto; and Jean d’Anjou; and he may well against the Turks. Giovanni Antonio del Balzo

Orsini, prince of Taranto, had come to nurture ane aa. .

such animus against King Ferrante of Naples Row: ae renter Oy oor ebruary (1459) to the legate in as to work vigorously for his replacement by — 4p", iid, fols. 21°22", 23, 25°26", etc., 165°—166F, the Angevin claimant to the Neapolitan throne. a letter from the pope to Scanderbeg, dated 29 June,

A number of the (Italian) feudal families in the 1460,\and 166’, etc. - -

kingdom, now remembering the erstwhile French aeeise t ye Parnas Htalo-a/banes! oath alla regime almost with nostalgia, had never taken Pesaelseclo XV." rele src perl province nolan, very amicably to domination by the Catalans. letter of Jacopo Perpinia [i.e., Jaume de Perpinya, on

But a south Italian war was something which whom see above, p. 186b] to King Ferrante of Naples, dated Pius II did not want, and on 3 February, 1459, at Barletta on 17 September, 1460. Reference has already

he wrote Prince Giovanni of Taranto, urging been made to Pall’s article [see above, Chapter 6, notes

him t m his differ ‘th Kin 27, 130], which contains eighty-eight documents from the

oO cOnIpose S erences wit 8 Milanese Archives, ranging from July, 1455, to July, 1467 Ferrante... On 27 February Pius informed all but’the first eight documents dating from the years Francesco Sforza, the duke of Milan, that he was 1461-1467). receiving news daily from the papal legate in ° See, above, Chapter 3, note 83, and Achille Ratti [later Pope the kingdom of Naples to the effect: that relations Prissuccessione XU), Quarantacue Fetteredi original di .Pio alla guerra per la nel reame Napoli . . IT ,” relauve Archivio between Ferrante and the prince of Taranto _ storico lombardo, 3rd ser., XIX (ann. XXX, 1903), 263-93, were getting steadily worse, and that he believed __ with (as indicated by the title) forty-two briefs covering the

war was imminent.” This wasamostinopportune period from 29 May, 1460, to 23 April, 1463. Cf. G.

Lesca, “I Commentarii . . . d’Enea Silvio Piccolomini,”

———_——— Annali della R. Scuola normale superiore di Pisa, Filos. e * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9 [Pu I Filologia, vol. X (della serie XVI, 1894), pp. 106-28. brevia}, fol. 14. 7 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” docs. xxv—XxXIx, pp. 2 Ibid., fols. 18’—19¥%, letter written from Siena. 176-79, dated 31 August to 10 September, 1461.

231

232 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT have saved the Neapolitan kingdom for Ferrante. the royal council in Tours the new king of

In early February, 1462, he was recalled to France, Louis XI, abrogated the Pragmatic Albania by the approach of the Turks.® Sanction of Bourges, thus allegedly restoring During the ‘course of the south Italian war French obedience to the Holy See, in an effort the French made various efforts to assist the to win Pius to support of the Angevin claims Angevins and more than one gesture to the to Naples (or at least to neutrality while Louis pope. On 27 November, 1461, at a meeting of made good these claims by force of arms).° A few months later Louis made another bid for papal

——— acquiescence in the French designs upon Naples. ° The correspondence between Scanderbeg and the prince [In March, 1462, French envoys to the Holy See

of Taranto is given in an imaginary form in Pius II, formally announced in a public consistory, over Commentarii, bk. v1, Engl. trans. by Florence A. Gragg (in hich th ‘ded. that Louis XI “ id Smith College Studies in History, vols. XXII, XXV, XXX, whic € pope presi ed, that Louis wou

XXXV, and XLIII [1937-57], with continuous pagination), send to Greece against the Turks forty thousand

pp. 458-60; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 166-67. Marinus cavalry and thirty thousand archers, a force Barletius, Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi, 1st ed., Rome, which could easily drive Mahomet from Europe

oe 1509, fols. cxxi ff., devotes his entire tenth book to and recover a second time Syria and the most

canderbeg’s on Ferrante’s the Neapolitan | £ . 55 . kingdom in 1461efforts (ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 282behalf ff.). olyin sepulchre of Christ”—hol provided the .kingWe do not lack trustworthy sources for the Albanian dom of Naples were restored to the house of

expeditions of 1460-1461: Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” Anjou and Genoa returned to French domina-

docs. viI-1x, XI-Lx, pp. 167-201, dated from 14 October, 4; ‘ nc] : 1460, to 11-12 February, 1462, with much detail; Vv. v. U0” rus anew sincerity when he saw a now

MakuSev, Monumenta historica slavorum meridionalium, II ever, and mM IS reply tot €C envoys touche ; AS (Belgrade, 1882), 156, reprinted by J. Radonié, Djuradj briefly as possible on the chimerical and fanciful Kastriot Skenderbeg, Belgrade, 1942, pp. 123-24, dispatch of and meaningless offer of seventy thousand fightthe Milanese envoy Antonio Guidobono from Venice, dated ing men, so as not to seem to be taking nonsense 12 August, 1461, on the alleged numbers of Albanian seriouslv.”2°

troops ready to set out for Apulia; Giov. Pontano, De bello ye

Vilano, ) P omni ice. The failure of the C f M had

neapolitano, bk. 1, in Opera omnia, II (Venice, 1519), € tauure of the Congress of Mantua na

279-82; Giov. Simoneta, Res gestae Francisct Sfortiae, been discouraging, and so were the affairs of

bk a ad ann. nel, ,mnand RIS, XXI (Muar, 1732), Naples. ‘The Turks had taken Trebizond in the cols. Eed. Giov. Soranzo, in the new . Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt. 2, pp. 448-49; Raynaldus, late Summer ee ‘Onthe © nal Nowe “c a Ing

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1460, no. 60, vol. XIX (1693), p. 56, Ww to Greek Urthodoxy, Neverineless, and ad ann. 1461, no. 3, p. 70; and see for the whole Mehmed II’s well-known curiosity concerning background the detailed study of Emilio Nunziante, Christian doctrine had suggested to more than “I Primi Anni di Ferdinando d’Aragona e l’invasione di one westerner that he might conceivably be Giovanni d’Angio,” in Arch. stor. per le province napoletane, . : ; XX (1895), esp. pp. 495, 501, and XXI (1896), notes on converted to the true faith. Following in the pp. 517, 521, 525, 527, and 529; F. S. Noli, Geo. Castrioti Scanderbeg, New York, 1947, pp. 57-62, 207-13; § ————————

and esp. F. Pall, “Marino Barlezio,” in Mélanges d’histotre ° There is a handsomely inscribed copy of the abrogation

générale, ed. Const. Marinescu, II: (Bucharest, 1938), of the Pragmatic Sanction in Pius II’s Liber rubeus 212-16. Voigt, Enea Silvio, III (1863), 158-59, and K. Hopf, —‘diversorum memorabilium, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A., Arm.

“Griechenland im Mittelalter,” in J.-S. Ersch and J. G. I-XVIII, no. 1443, fols. 36’-37%: “. . . Abroganda sit ipsa Gruber, eds., Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (1868, repr. Pragmatica pellendaque a regno nostro, quippe que adversus

New York, 1960, II), p. 153, used insufficient sources. tuam sedem, omnium ecclesiarum matrem, ab inferioribus However much legend has marred the historical portrait _ prelatis lata sit. . . .”—“. . . datum Turonis sub magno of Scanderbeg, his valor was justly praised by contemporaries, sigillo nostro, die XXVII mensis Novembris, A.D. and his exploits against the Turk were almost epic in their MCCCCLXI,etregni nostri primo. . . .” Despite revocation

proportions. No one knew this better than the cautious of the Pragmatic Sanction the royal government did not statesmen of Ragusa. On 4 April, 1461, by a vote of thirty- appreciably relax its control of the French Church, on one to two, the Ragusan Senate instructed the rector and his which ¢f. P. Bourdon, “L’Abrogation de la Pragmatique council to offer Scanderbeg a refuge “for his family in our et les régles de la chancellerie de Pie II,” Mélanges islands if it should happen that he is harried by the d’archéologie et d’histoire,-X XVIII (1908), 207-24. Turks, which God forbid” (J. Gelcich and L. Thalldéczy, 10 Pius II, Comm., bk. vii, Engl. trans., pp. 510-11; ed. eds., Diplomatarium ragusanum, Budapest, 1887, p. 749, and Frankfurt, 1614, p. 187; Jos. Cugnoni, Opera inedita (1883),

cf. pp. 751-54, 756, 758, 766-67, 774-75, 780, 783-84, p. 535, for the passage omitted from the Frankfurt edition. and 786, for important details concerning Scanderbeg Note also the letter of the Milanese ambassador, Otto del during the last half-dozen years of his life). The political Carretto, to Francesco Sforza dated at Rome on 15 March, and religious background of Scanderbeg’s career is sketched 1462, in Ludwig v. Pastor, Acta inedita, I (Freiburg, 1904),

in Stavro Skendi, “Il Complesso Ambiente dell’attivita di no. 127, p. 162: “. . . che lassandoli il regno de Napoli et Skanderbeg,” in the Atti del V convegno internazionale di Genoa, voglino mandare contra il Turcho XXX mila studi albanest, XI (1968, publ. Palermo, 1969), 83-105. cavalli et XL mila fanti. . . .” Cf, ibid., no. 132, pp. 170-71.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 233 footsteps of Ramon Lull, John of Segovia, Amid the multiple distractions of his reign Nicholas of Cusa, and especially Juan de _ Pius had done little to organize an expedition Torquemada, Pius believed for a little while that against the Turks. Indeed, as he remarked to in dealing with Islam recourse to reason might a small group of six loyal cardinals whom he be preferable to the employment of arms. summoned for consultation in early March, 1462, During a p erlod of almost inexpiicable tantasy My brethren, perhaps you, like almost everyone else, and aberration, ap parently late in the year think that we are neglecting the common weal because

1461, he wrote his long Letter to Mehmed since our return from Mantua we have neither done (Epistola ad Mahumetem). He actually seems to por said anything toward repulsing the Turks and have thought that Mehmed might be converted protecting religion, and that too though the enemy has if only he could be made to understand that pressed us harder every day. We have been silent; Christ was the redeemer. Continued warfare we do not deny it. We have done nothing against with Christian Europe would lead the Turks to the enemies of the Cross; that is evident. But the disaster. For eighty years they had been fighting reason for our silence was not indifference but a kind the Hungarians, and could never get beyond of despair. Power, not will, has been lacking. . . . the Sava and the Danube. “Una te gens tuasque The Neapolitan problem had not been his only

vires agitat!” But what about the valiant Spanish, concern. From the beginning of his reign the mighty French, the many Germans, the Hungary had claimed his frequent attention. strong English, the daring Poles, and the rich, Matthias Corvinus’s hold upon the throne had

powerful, and militarily skillful Italians? “Quid been constantly threatened by the intrigues and facias, SI tibi cum Italis aut Gallis aut Germanis attacks of the Emperor Frederick III, who was res fuerit, amplissimis et robustissimis populis?” only effective when he was causing trouble. Christianity was the only Ottoman road to About two months before Pope Pius’s meeting ultimate success and prosperity. Let Mehmed with the six cardinals, the Venetian Senate had take his predecessor Constantine as his model. passed a resolution on 4 January, 1462, with Sic procul dubio et tu clarissimus eris si nobiscum 162 affirmative votes (to a mere eight negative sapiens Christum colas et Constantinum imiteris; and three neutral votes) to write his Holiness on sicut Romani cum Constantino Christiani facti sunt, a matter of extreme importance. They agreed ita et Turchi fient tecum, ertque tuum regnum super in fact to send him a copy of a letter dated omnia quae sunt in orbe et nomen tuum nulla aetas silebtt. 15 December (1461) which they had recently Latinae te litterae et graecae et barbarae celebrabunt. ;ecejyed from their secretary Pietro Tommasi,

Pius thus promised Mehmed world dominion, whom they kept as a resident envoy at the but still greater things lay ahead. He had spoken Hungarian court. Pietro had written the doge only of earthly power and human glory. “Caduca and Signoria circa materiam Turchorum after

haec et fluxa sunt... .” Everything in this having addressed Matthias Corvinus before a world comes to an end. Men die, kingdoms COMgregation of prelates and barons of the

. i rs

are overthrown, fame fades. There were better realm, all in accord with the instructions which

things to be sought, above all salvation in he had received (through the doge) from the Christ. Although the extant manuscripts make Senate. The Hungarians needed a subsidy to it clear that Pius’s Epistola ad Mahumetem had Maintain the defense of their country against some circulation in Europe, it was certainly the Turks. They also required papal intervention never sent to Mehmed. Further reflection doubt- make the Emperor F rederick III cease his less impressed him with its utter impracticability. activities against Matthias Corvinus. Otherwise He never alludes to it in the Commentaries, and his thoughts soon returned to the Crusade. it has been widely known for centuries, having been made available in Pius’s so-called Opera omnia, Basel, 1551, — repr. Frankfurt a. M., 1967, Ep. cccxcvi, pp. 872-904. 11 Franco Gaeta, “Sulla ‘Lettera a Maometto’ di Pio II,” Cf. G. Paparelli, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Bari, 1950,

Bullettino dell’Istituto storico itahano per il medio evo e Archivio pp. 319-324: “Fallita la crociata del latino, non restava che

Muratoriano, LXXVII (Rome, 1965), 127-227, with the text preparare . . . quella delle armi.” A reference to the fall

of the Epistola ad Mahumetem on pp. 195-227, and cf. of Trebizond in the first redaction of Pius’s letter to

Gaeta, “Alcune Osservazioni sulla prima redazione della Mehmed seems to fix the date of its composition between ‘Lettera a Maometto’,” in Domenico Maffei, ed., Enea October and December, 1461 (Gaeta, art. cit., 1965, p. 196: Silvio Piccolomini, Papa Pioll . . . , Siena, 1968, pp.177-86. “. . . Trapezuntem in deditionem habuisti . . .”). The text of Pius’s letter to Mehmed has also been published ? Pius II, Comm., bk. vu, Engl. trans., p. 515; ed. Frankfurt,

with a translation by Giuseppe Toffanin (Naples, 1953); 1614, p. 189.

234 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT they would be obliged to make peace with the an end.“ In the time of Matthias Corvinus’s Turks, which would be an obstacle to the “sacred _ father, John Hunyadi, the Hungarians had been

expedition” which a papal envoy had been the bulwark of Christendom. Venice wanted to

discussing with the Senate.” keep them employed against the Turks.

In their cautious way the Venetians were Despite the pose which Louis XI had struck, reconsidering their Turkish policy. They had no one saw a crusader in him.” Although the been provoked by Turkish attacks upon Coron Florentines and even the Venetians seemed and Modon, and had sent an emissary to the willing to play a dangerous game of chance with sultan to protest this unwarranted aggression. the French, Francesco Sforza was unalterably

Matthias Corvinus had heard tell of this opposed to the Angevin designs upon Naples. emissary. When therefore the Senate wrote Pietro Tommasi (on the same day as they wrote various German princes. He cast himself, however, in the the pope), they asked him to explain the reason role of the defender of Catholicism in central Europe (and for this mission to the Porte. He was also to in 1468 he went to war against the Utraquists in Bohemia), state that the Signoria had been in close touch — seeking always to enhance his reputation in the West, with the pope, who had sent an envoy to the which meant that he usually had to restrict his activities

| agoon to discuss; the His Holiness against the Turks to theof defense of his own realm.of ; ; crusade. Cf. Frederick G.had Heymann, George Bohemia, King

a burning desire to organize an expedition Heretics, Princeton, N.J., 1965, esp. pp. 484-86, and Karl against the Turks. He had already set about Nehring, “Herrschaftstradition und Herrschaftslegitimitat: making plans, and was trying to prevail upon Zur ungarischen Aussenpolitik in der zweiten Halfte des the Christian princes to do their part in the Rs Jabrhunderts, Revue roumaine d'histoire, XIII-3 (1974), sacred enterprise. The king and the barons in 4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. 74°75" [75%-76"], also Hungary could rest assured that the Venetian dated 4 January, 1462: “. . . Interim vero per summum government would do everything possible to pontificem omnis accuratissima opera omneque ardens bring their difficulties with Frederick III to Studium adhibetur ad provisiones necessarias faciendas et

I . : —71, and note below, p. 295.

ad excitandos principes Christianos ad sanctam expeditionem, et ex his que iampridem scripsimus Beatitudini

—_ sue huc se contulit unus eius orator cum quo continue 13 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. 74% sumus, et omnia operamur pro provisionibus faciendis et [75°], dated 4 January, 1462 (Ven. style 1461): “Accepimus ut principaliter succuratur rebus illis Hungarie omnia his diebus litteras secretarii nostri quem tenemus apud possibilia facere non desistimus, et similiter ut omnis opera regiam Maiestatem Hungarie et quia vise sunt nobis non quamprimum adhibeatur quod dissensiones vigentes inter vulgaris ponderis et momenti spectabili oratori Sanctitatis regnum illud et imperatorem omnino tollantur. . . .”

vestre ostendendas atque tradendas censuimus. Ceterum Since Pietro Tommasi had been questioned at the

considerato discrimine rerum pro magnitudine incumbentis- Hungarian court about a report that Venice had sent an periculi si forte subsidii desperatione rex et barones illius emissary to Sultan Mehmed, the Senate informed him: regni adducti inducias aut aliquod aliud concordie genuscum “Ad Turchum vero nuntium nostrum mittere coacti fuimus communibus Christiane fidei et religionis hostibus inirent solum [m]Jodo propter multas novitates, violentias et damna

non alienum existimavimus exemplum ipsarum litterarum que inferebantur et inferri non cessant subditis nostris

etiam ad vestram Beatitudinem. Coroni ac Mothoni per turchos subassi finitimos illis terris “Intelliget Sanctitas vestra pro sua mirabili sapientia et locis nostris, et non alia causa. Si quid aliter vulgatum est, quo in cardine res illius versentur. Nec dubitamus quin pro _ id penitus a veritate declinat!”

sua singulari in rem Christianam dilectione paternique The Venetians always played it safe, however, and if, officii cura cogitationes et consilia sua huc conversura sit ut_ when Pietro Tommasi received the present letter, Matthias

impresentiarum omni celeritate et diligentia ad aliquod Corvinus had already made a truce or a peace with the particulare subsidium veniatur quo mediante rex ille et sultan, Pietro was to tell him nothing of what was going regnum illud paulo erectioribus animis ab omni pestifera on in Venice and Rome (quod nihil Serenitati sue nec alits et pernitiosa concordia cum hoste naturali et implacabili de predictis dicere debeas). On 22 January (1462) the Senate

ineunda absterreantur atque spei pleni et auxilio freti defeated a motion to send a special envoy to the pope to adversus hostiles impetus et vafros conatus se tueantur discuss with him the perils threatening Bosnia as well as donec Salvatore et Domino nostro Jesu Christo opitulante Hungary (ibid., fol. 75" [76"]). On Venice, the Turks, and opera, consilio et auctoritate Beatitudinis vestre comparatis _ Pius II, see in this register, fols. 76, 78, 80, 83—84, 86", 88,

regum et principum fidelium auxiliis ad expeditionem 89%, 90', 92 ff., etc. Snatches from Tommasi’s dispatches sanctissimam generaliter veniatur. . . .” The Hungarians from Buda to Venice concerning the grandi apparati fatti were also disquieted by what they regarded as the likely per el Turcho, the infiniti danni e spolit . . . [che] . . . detti prospect of further machinations by the Emperor Frederick Turchi in la Schiavonia commesseno, and the andamenti del

III against King Matthias Corvinus: Pius must intercede exercito Turco are given in V. V. MakuSev, Monumenta with the emperor lest the latter drive Matthias and the _ historica slavorum meridionalium, 1 (Belgrade, 1882), pp. 215— Hungarian barons into some sort of peace or truce with the 25, docs. dated from February, 1457, to June, 1462.

Turks, which would free their hands to deal with him. 5 Nevertheless, on 22 January (1462), the Venetian Senate Actually, as an “elected king” without a hereditary claim wrote Louis at some length concerning the “pericula to the Hungarian throne, Corvinus had trouble with some ‘Turchorum gravissima imminentiaque toti Christiane reof his own magnates as well as with the emperor and __ligioni” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols, 75’—76" {76"—77"}).

) PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 235 He never for a moment forgot that Louis XI’s__ king of France would be ashamed to send fewer

distant cousin, the poet prince Charles of than ten thousand men, since he was openly

Orléans, had a strong claim to the ducal throne promising seventy thousand. Public opinion of Milan through his mother, Valentina Visconti. would oblige the Germans, English, and Spanish

Pius II himself, although he occasionally to send sizable contingents. The Hungarians

wavered under the pressure of misfortune, was would not fail the pope; the crusade was their equally opposed to allowing the French toregain own cause. Pius was confident that, when the a foothold in Italy, for reasons we have already time came, the Venetians would furnish the noted. Support had to be found for the crusade, fleet. The Albanians, Bosnians, Serbs, Vlachs,

however, and whence was it to come? and Bulgarians would rise to the occasion when

When in March, 1462, Pius summoned the six _ they saw the mighty host of crusaders reconquer-

cardinals to confer with him, he told them of the ing Greece from the Turks. Such was Pius’s thoughts and plans which had for some time _ plan, to go on the crusade himself. After some been taking shape in his mind: “We have spent days’ deliberation the six cardinals expressed many sleepless nights in meditation, tossing from their approval, declaring the idea worthy of the

side to side and deploring the unhappy pope, “who like a shepherd did not hesitate to

calamities of our time.” His heart swelled, he lay down his life for his sheep.” said, and his blood boiled with rage as he thought As Pius had emphasized to his cardinal conof the Turks’ insolence and their continuing fidants, a commitment from Venice would be

destruction of eastern Christendom: essential from the start, for neither the Bur-

gundians nor the French could be expected to We longed to declare war against the ‘Turks and to join the expedition if they could not rely on put forth every effort in defense of religion, butwhen “Weanetian transport. One might indeed hope for

it is clear that the Church of Rome cannot defeat per .

we measure our strength against that of the enemy, Venetian co-operation. for on 10 December the Turks with its own resources. . . . We are far 1461, the Republic had enrolled the threatened inferior to the Turks unless Christian kings should King Stephen Tomasevic of Bosnia and his unite their forces. We are seeking to effect this; we heirs among the Venetian nobility, and ten days

are searching out ways; none practicable presents later the same honor had been accorded

itself. If we think of convening a council, Mantua Cardinal Bessarion, who had gone to Venice as teaches us that the idea is vain. If we send envoys papal legate “per la materia della Crociata.’! to ask aid of sovereigns, they are laughed at. If we After his conference with the cardinals the pope

impose tithes on the clergy, they appeal to a future | council. If we issue indulgences and encourage the §=——____—_-

contribution of money by spiritual gifts, we are 16 Pius II, Comm., bk. vu, Engl. trans., pp. 515-18; ed. accused of avarice. People think our sole object is to Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 189-91; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad amass gold. No one believes what we say. Like ann. 1462, no. 33, vol. XIX (1693), p. 119; Voigt, Enea insolvent tradesmen we are without credit. Everything Silvio, III, 676-77; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papsie, II (repr. 1955),

5 4 IS Incorrec calle rospero.

we do is interpreted in the worst way, and since all 241-42, where tee pose Pasquale Malipiero (1457-1462) hureh “are ‘loves to money. chey’ meastne. ihe About a year and a half later, in September, 1463, Pius

disposition by their own. a long speech at a secret consistory in which he P y 0 addressed the made assembled cardinals in much the same fashion

; _. ; ; as he spoke to the six chosen members of the College

During his silent days and nights Pius had (Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., pp. 822-26; ed. Frankfurt, been searching for a solution to this problem, 1614, pp. 339-41). It is interesting to note that in this however, and he now informed the six cardinals 44ress Pius set the annual income of the Holy See at less that he believed it was to be found in Burgundy, [22% 300,000 ducats, of which half was expended every . year on garrisons, mercenaries, the administration of papal Shortly after the fall of Constantinople, Duke territories, and the Curia Romana (ibid., p. 339, lines Philip the Good had taken the most solemn vow 12-16). There was no need for the Venetian Senate in to go ona crusade against Sultan Mehmed [I] January, 1463, to emphasize to Pius the necessity of winning if only one of the greater monarchs of Europe, re support of the Christian princes and the other powers

whom would be be to h his dicen; or theReg. success the135, crusade (Arch. diby Stato di Venezia, O OjtO neatnot S gnity Sen. Secreta, 21,offol. published Sime Ljubic¢, follow, would first embark on the same sacred ed., Listine [Documents] o odnosajih izmedju juznoga slavenstva

enterprise. Almost a decade had passed. No such __ i mletatke republike, vol. X (Zagreb, [1891]=Monumenta spectantia

leader had appeared, and so the pope himself, hastoriam slavorum meridionalium, vol. XXII, pp. 231-32, “a greater than king or emperor, the Vicar of """ isting Sanudo, Vile de’ duchi di Vonecia, in. RISS Christ,” proposed at this time to lead the crusade XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1168CD; cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21. which Burgundy was bound by oath to join. The __fols. 69 ff.

236 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT wrote a letter on 8 March, 1462, in his own four thousand men for service against the Turks.

hand to the Doge Pasquale Malipiero,’ and Despite the expense which the Republic had although .the Venetian reply of 19 March was _ been put to in maintaining an unusually large rather vague, it contained a pledge of support fleet, always necessary because of the continual in the projected war against the Turks. Promis- crises in the Levant, as well as in providing ing to preserve the secrecy which Pius wished garrisons for Venetian territories exposed to to be kept for the present, the spokesmen forthe Turkish attack, the Republic would be willing Serenissima sent their solemn assurance that nevertheless to pay a reasonable part of the costs his plans would be revealed only to those whom involved in thus strengthening Hungary against the necessities of state required to be consulted. the Porte.*! This was a very good beginning. With words of the highest praise for Pius’s Although it was well understood in Rome that “glorious” intention of going on the crusade the Doge Pasquale Malipiero would postpone

himself, the Venetians professed to believe that war with the Porte as long as possible, all his example would arouse the other princes from informed observers in the Levant knew that war

their slumber; make them take counsel for the was inevitable. Malipiero died, however, on 5 safety of their states; bind Philip of Burgundy May, 1462, after a reign of almost five years. to his famous promise “proficisci personaliter et A week later (on the twelfth) Cristoforo Moro bellum gerere contra Turcos;” and force the was elected his successor. The cultivated Maliking of France to send at least ten thousand men _ piero reminded Kretschmayr of an abbé of the upon the expedition. Peace must be established, ancien régime, but he was far superior to the however, as Pius well knew, between the avaricious and hypocritical Moro, whose failure Emperor Frederick III and King Matthias of courage when the crusade seemed almost to Corvinus, to free the latter’s western frontiers _ be in the offing soon won him the contempt and and make it possible for him to invade Serbia reprobation of his contemporaries.”

(Rascia) or some other Turkish territory.”® The Venetians had not allowed the papal

On the following day, 20 March (1462), the congress of 1459 to be held in Udine, and they Senate wrote the pope again, sending news of — had of course refused permission for the crusade

the needs and intentions of Corvinus, which to be preached anywhere in their territories.

had just been received in a letter dated 4 March There were too many observers in northern Italy

from the Venetian envoy at the Hungarian ready to report all anti-Turkish activities to the court.” Corvinus required a cavalry force of Porte. Now that the Venetians were seriously

preparing for war, they might seem to be

sCf.. Pastor, hampering their own efforts by the complete Gesch. d. Papste, IL (repr. 1955), 242. secrecy upon which they insisted. But they were

Unfortunately Rudolf Wolkan’s Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius . .

Piccolomini (Vienna, 1909-18) does not reach the period of naturally much afraid of attacks upon their Pius II’s papacy. Chr. Lucius, Pius I. und Ludwig XI. von fortresses and commercial outposts in the Frankreich, Heidelberg, 1913, pp. 60-66 (Heidelberger Abhandlungen zur mittleren und neueren Geschichte, no. §——————— 41), believes that the impetus was given to papal leadership _—_ sua admirabili sapientia et rerum omnium intelligentia omnia

against the Turks by the Venetians, “denn im Januar 1462 _longe melius intelligere quam nos referre possemus. . . . beschloss der Rat, einen Spezialgesandten [nach Rom] zu __ Si unquam pro nostra sententia necessarium fuit rebus

schicken,” to urge the pope to preach the crusade. Hungarie providere, id impresentiarum est! .. .”

Lucius’s source is the “Monumenta Hungariae historica, I, 1 Ibid., fol. 81%: “. . . quamquam ut notissimum est doc. no. 70,” which he quotes (on p. 61, note 1). The magnis gravissimisque expensis impliciti sumus tum in classe text may be found in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. 75" nostra maritima contra Turchos, quam longe potentiorem [76"], dated 22 January (1462), but the Senate did not pass _ solito instruximus, tum in muniendis terris nostris partium

this resolution: it was defeated de parte 44, de non 64, Orientis finitimis Turcho gentibus et presidiis, erimus non sinceri 10, and in fact no special envoy was sent to the tamen contenti contribuere illam partem istius expense

Curia Romana. que decens et honesta fuerit. Salutiferum hoc neces19 The Venetian answer to Pius II’s letter of 8 March, 1462, — sariumque remedium saluti rerum Hungarie et Christianorum

is preserved in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 80'-80°, esse tenemus. Sapientissima est Sanctitas vestra remque dated 19 March, 1462, from which I have drawn the istam que iudicio nostro celeritatem requirit cum _ aliis summary in the text. The document has been published in __ potentatibus Italie disponere poterit ut melius utiliusque part by Pastor, Acta inedita, 1, no. 131, pp. 169-70. Cf. in cognoverit.” Cf. also the Senate’s letter to the pope of general the (Venetian) sources published by Ljubi¢, Listine, 30 March (zbid., fol. 84'—-84”), to the same general effect.

X, 204-11. On 22 April the Senate wrote the pope of the necessity of 20 If Pius did not already possess all this information, the keeping the Republic’s commitments secret (fol. 86°).

Venetians would write him at greater length (Sen. Secreta, 22 Cf. Heinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, Reg. 21, fols. 80’—81"): “At scimus Beatitudinem vestram pro __ II (Gotha, 1920, repr. Aalen, 1964), 366-67.

PIUS I! AND THE CRUSADE 237 Levant. For them war against the Turk would _ ing the latter his assistance against the Ottomans

have to be all or nothing. They wanted either when it should be needed.”

a great crusade to be supported by the major When the time to keep his promise had states in Europe with every likelihood of come, however, Uzun Hasan, with troubles at success or the scrupulous preservation of peace home, had sent his mother Sara-Khatun, one to help insure Venetian colonies in the East of the most influential figures in the Turkoman against large-scale Turkish attacks. Their sta- world, to Sultan Mehmed to intercede for him.

tions at Negroponte, Lepanto, and Nauplia, The price of peace was abandonment of his

Modon and Coron, as well as in Crete and the ally and relative, the Emperor David Comnenus Archipelago, exposed them to the ever-present of Trebizond. After a continuous if not always possibility of easily mounted attacks upon a wide proud history of more than two and one-half

front, too wide in fact for them to cope with. centuries, the “empire” of Trebizond (now For years the Venetians had been playing the mostly confined to the city and its surrounding pacific game of defense, always expensive, region) gave up in the late summer of 1461, while the aggressive Turk had struck here and offering little resistance to Mehmed and the there at Christian territories in the Levant, grand vizir Mahmud Pasha. The negotiations wherever a maximum of opportunity could for its surrender were carried on by the unmean a minimum of expense. Each new Turkish scrupulous George Amiroutzes, the treasurer conquest had added both to the aggressor’s_ or head of the imperial wardrobe (protovestiarios) desire and to his resources with which to strike of Trebizond.” Owing to the part he played in another blow. The Venetians sought material gain through peace and commerce, the Turks ——___—

through war and plunder. It had been all very — 8 Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x (Bonn, p. 490; ed. E. Darké, well, in Venetian opinion, for the popes to II-2 [Budapest, 1927], 243); G. B. Ramusio, Delle Navigapreach crusades and for the princes to make “#ont et viaggt, II (Venice, 1559, and later editions), fol. 84; . : . ; Wm. Miller, Trebizond: The Last Greek Empire, London, 1926, promises—it was Venice which stood to lose the pp. 88-89; and see, above, Chapter 7, note 78, for

most if the crusade failed. Now the Turk’s Theodora. The chief rivals of the Turkoman “White ambition had grown so great, however, his Sheep,” who were orthodox, were the very heterodox hostility so pronounced, that even the cautious “Black Sheep” (Kara-Koyunlu), who held Persia, and over

majority in the Venetian Senate could clearly whom Usun Hasan finally triumphed was (in 1466-1467), : ereby his power to oppose the Osmanlis greatly

see that war was conung. increased. On 16 October, 1459, Pius II wrote to Ibrahim Beg, the Gran Caramano, recalling the good will he had manifested toward Christians and his relations with the

The Ottoman advance seemed irresistible in Papacy im the time of Calixtus III, urging the Caramano the East as well as in the West. Sultan Mehmed persevere in his opposition to Mehmed II and prepare II’s forces occupied Amastris (Amasra) on the Christianus exercitus venerit, possis eadem tempore hostem Black Sea in the summer of 1459, taking it from __invadere . . .” (Brevia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. the Genoese, who were unable to offer resistance, *XXIX, tom. 9, fol. 87°). and two years later the sultan*embarked Karl atobulus De remus, Besis Mechemetss If, TFHGL’Ae . . . ar on uller, fragmenta fhistoricorum aecorum another memorable Campaign into Asia Minor. [Paris, 1870], DP. 137-43; ed. Vasile Grecu, Critobul din Having removed the ruler of Sinope on his Jmbros: Din domnia lui Mahomed al II-lea, anti 1451-1467, eastward march, Mehmed agreed to a peace, Bucharest, 1963, pp. 269-89); Chalcocondylas, bk. 1x

; . . for war against the Ottoman empire, “. . . sic ut, cum

. . : = —98; ed. Darko, II-2, — mastris], —49); ieee A ere acca ar, Bie Hie bun ap 8 ange os,

after one or two hostile encounters, with Uzun on PP. “60-61 fon the, occupation of Amastris], V. Grecu, Ducas: Istoria turco-bizantinad [1341-1462], Bucha-

before the time of Timur the Lame. Uzun Hasan rest, 1958, pp. 427, 429, 431); Pseudo-Sphrantzes,

had been ruler of the Turkoman tribe of the cron manus I, 2. ane Ne 20 (Bonn, pp. 94, 413-14;

“White Sheep” (Ak-Koyunlu) from 1454, and ¢a@. V- Grecu, Geo. phrantzes . ..in anexad Pseudowas now embarked upon a very successful Waa, Bucharest, 196, pp, 282, 552 [as we have already career of conquest against the stateslying around divisions]); Historia politica (Bonn, pp. 36-38); letter of his hereditary fief of Diyar-Bakr. About 1458 Geo. Amiroutzes to Bessarion, dated 11 December, 1461, he had married, as we have seen, the beautiful nm Migne, hint ‘Cn cols. 723-28 (on, which see Sp. °.

T3 . 9 ° . ~y pros, e€ apture oO reodizon an enice” [in

before the death of her father, the Emperor Grcctl, Néos EXonrigan, Ut [1905], 324-33, and

. eee p . idem, “Amiroutzes’ Letter on the Capture of Trebizond”

John IV of Trebizond (“Kalojoannes”), promis- _ [in Greek], ibid., XII [1915], 476-78, and XIV [1917], 108);

238 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the city’s. surrender, Amiroutzes, a cousin of Mehmed crossed over into Asia Minor at the end

Mahmud Pasha, won the favor of Sultan of August. He made his way with a small body Mehmed, who had added almost the entire of janissaries to the northern shore of the ancient northern coastline of Asia Minor to his now Gulf of Adramyttium, opposite the island of

vast domain. Lesbos. Soon Mahmud Pasha arrived witha large After an extraordinarily difficult but finally fleet. Mytilene was taken in mid-September,

successful campaign against Vlad III Dracula,. after a brief resistance, and the rest of the island

later known as “Tepes” (“the Impaler’), the promptly surrendered. Although the sources notorious voivode of Wallachia (Vlachia),in the vary in detail, they tend to say much the same

spring and early summer of 1462,” Sultan thing. Mahmud and the sultan apparently

agreed to accept the terms of surrender pro-

Lampros, ed., Ecthesis chronica, London, 1902, pp. 25-27; posed by Niccolo Gattilusio, the lord of Lesbos,

Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1159; and of, that the Turks should spare both life and N. orga, Notes et extraits, I1V (Bucharest, 1915), pt. 3, doc. property, salvando le teste et Vhavere.**” Mehmed

no. 180, p. 271 (a confused report, which should be dated spent four days on the island, during which 1473 if its reference to Uzun Hasan as being fifty years of time he ordered some four hundred Latins to age is correct); Fr. Babinger, “La Date de la prise de be sawed in half. thus sparing his victims’ head Trébizonde par les Turcs (1461),” Revue des études byzantines, we In Nall, thus sparing Ais vicuums ca

VII (1949), 205-7. according to the pact he had made with them.”’ Two years later (on 30 August, 1463), when Venice had With a feeling of accomplishment, doubtless, finally been provoked into war with the Porte, the Senate Mehmed then returned to his camp on the main-

would seek an alliance with Uzun Hasan against their land, leaving Mahmud to deport the most common enemy (Ljubi¢, Listine, X, 269, and cf. pp. 277, . os

314). See also Wm. Miller, Trebizond, London, 1926, pp. promising third of the Mytilenians to Istanbul, 97-112; V. Minorsky, “Uzun Hasan,” Encyclopaedia of another third was givenas slaves to the janissaries Islam, IV (1924-34), 1066; cf. J. H. Kramers, “Tarabzun,” and other troopers; the fortunate remainder, ibid. , IV, 661-62, and Chrysanthos, metropolitan of the poor, the aged, and the infirm, were allowed Trebizond (later of Athens), “The Church of Trebizond” to remain in their cit dt tai h t [in Greek], in ’Apyetov [évrov, IV-V (Athens, 1933, also MAD Perr CHY ane’ to Petaln such property published separately in 1936), 318-25, 387. David Com- 8 they had. Salvo le teste et salvo Vhavere. The nenus and most of his male relatives were executed in the last ruler of the family of the Gattilusi— Niccolo,

prison fortress of the Seven Towers in Istanbul on | the successor and murderer of his brother November, 1463. As late as 1500, however, the eldest son =Pomenico—was sent to Istanbul, where he was

of by tothe was recognized in . .and d and death the Uzun West asHasan a claimant theDespina-Khattin empire of Trebizond—‘“ad 500M Imprisoned put to death..28 Washthere quem qua materno jure Trapezuntis imperium spectat, quod anno abhinc quadragesimo parens communis hostis —§ ———————

occupaverat . . .” (lorga, Notes et extraits, V [1915], doc.no. with the Hungarian magnate Stephen Bathory, Stephen the

363, p. 328). Great of Moldavia, and Vuk Brankovic of Serbia. Seeking

28 On Vlad Dracula, cf. Pius II, Comm., bk. x1, Engl. to recover Wallachia, he occupied Tirgoviste and Buchatrans., pp. 738-40; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 296-97; rest (Bucuresti) in November, 1476. A month or so later, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1462, no. 29, vol. XIX (1693), | Vlad was dead, either assassinated or killed in an encounter

pp. 117-18; F. Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore, Turin, with the Turks. His head was sent to Mehmed II in 1957, pp. 304-13, 519-20; and especially Radu Florescu Istanbul, and he passed from history into legend. and Raymond T. McNally, Dracula: A Biography of Vlad the 26 Ducae historia italice interprete incerto (in the Bonn edition Impaler, New York, 1973, pp. 90-110, with a good outline — of Ducas, p. 512).

of the sources (Chalcocondylas, the Turkish chronicler 27 R. Valentini, “L’Egeo dopo la caduta di Costantinopoli Enveri, the so-called “memoirs” of Constantine of Ostrovica, _ nelle relazioni dei gran maestri di Rodi,” Bullettino dell’Istituto

etc.), ibid., pp. 197-201. Cf. the letter of the Venetian Senate, storico italiano per il medio evo e Archivio Muratoriano,

dated 28 June, 1462, to Niccold Sagundino, then at the LI (1936), doc. no. Iv, p. 167: According to an encyclical Curia Romana, containing news of Vlad Dracula’s flight letter, dated 4 November, 1462, from the Grand Master before the sultan’s attack “in partes Valachie” (Ljubicé, | Pedro Ramon Zacosta to the Hospitallers in Italy and the

Listine, X, 217). kingdom of Sicily, “. . . Theucer cunctos Latinos medios

Vlad “Dracula” (Draculea) was the son of Vlad II truncari precipit, servata cum domino Lesbiorum vite Dracul (the Dragon or the Devil). He put up an almost _ pactione. Abscinduntur ense viri latini fere quadringenti, incredible resistance to the Turkish invasion of 1462. demum tripartita preda sibi, militibus et piratis [i.e., the Abandoned by most of his boyars, however, he had to give soldiers and sailors in the Turkish expeditionary force], up his armed opposition to the Turks in July. Making his —archiepiscopum latinum [Benedictum] et sacerdotes, utpote way to Brasov (Kronstadt), at the foot of the Transylvanian pecudes venales effectos, et universum populum in ConAlps, where King Matthias Corvinus was then encamped, _ stantinopolim duci iubet. . . .” Cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. x Dracula was taken into custody (on 26 November, 1462) (Bonn, p. 526, lines 9—11; ed. Dark6, II-2, 273, lines 23-25), and removed to Buda. Thereafter he spent a dozen years who says the sultan ordered three hundred “pirates” to be as a captive, more or less, of the Hungarians (1462-1474). cut in two. Released to continue the war against the Turks, Dracula 28 Critobulus, IV, 11-14 (ed. Muller, FHG, V-1, pp. began an offensive in the summer of 1476, in alliance 144-46; ed. Grecu [1963], pp. 295, 297, 299, 301, 303,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 239 no way of stopping the Turkish advance? the Aegean world. For two centuries the Genoese Anxiety grew into apprehension on the island of had, with few setbacks, controlled the export Rhodes, from which the Hospitallers made an. of alum not only from the mines of Old and appeal for support to the whole of western New Phocaea (le Foglie), on the Gulf of Smyrna,

Christendom.” but also from those of inland Anatolia, Thrace, The Gattilusi had been a Genoese family of and the Greek islands. The Gattilusi had been economic as well as of political importance in heavily involved in both the mining and marketing of alum, the magic ingredient which made

—_—— possible almost every refinement of the textile with alterations in the text); Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn, industries in Italy, England, and Flanders. As pp. 523-27; ed. Dark6é, II-2, 271-74); Ducas, chap. 45 we have already seen (in Chapter 5), the Turks

(Bonn, pp. 345-46; ed. Grecu pp. 433,late 435). . . year Ducas’ ; ; ;text had the [1958], two Phocaeas in the ucas’s Greek andoccupied the Italian version of his work ;

(Bonn, pp. 511-12) both end with Mehmed’s capture of 1455. Alum continued to flow westward, howLesbos in September, 1462. The Italian version contains a ever, into the European dyeworks, to the large number of picturesque details lacking in the original, a few profit of the Turks. Christendom had thus been of them being drawn from Critobulus. Benedetto, arch- helping to provide the Porte with the financial December, 1459 (Eubel, HI, 198), described the Turkish means for further conquests, for the price of

bishop of Mytilene (Lesbos), who had held his see from .

occupation of the island in a rhetorical letter to Pius II alum rose from year to year, reaching un(ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873, repr. 1966], pp. 359- — precedented heights by the time of the Turkish

66, where the letter is erroneously attributed to Leonardo occupation of Lesbos. The island of Chios had of Chios): Benedetto urged peace in Christendom, especially b h t f h of the al trad among the Italians, to make possible an expedition “against ecome the center of muc 0! € alum trade.

this Cerberus, who has absorbed almost the whole com- After the fall of Constantinople, however,

munity of [eastern] Christians.” Mehmed IJ had exacted a tribute of six thousand

ols. van ¥; Domenico alipiero, Annait venett .

6 ch: a a sore c Venezia, wr Secreta, nee: we ducats from the mahonesi; in 1456 he raised it dall’anno 1457 al 1500 [as abridged by Francesco Longo], to. ten thousand, and the following year he in the Archivio storico italiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843), 11; demanded thirty thousand. The Genoese lost Stefano Magno, Estratti degli Annali veneti, ed. Hopf, their monopoly, and the alum trade of Chios was Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 201; Pius II, Comm., bk. x, Engl. ruined.

trans., pp. 633-34, and note p. 637; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, It is small wonder. therefore. that when in

pp. 243-44, im and note p. 245, lines ff.; Hopf, Gi ‘dac , di nuge , dh ded “Griechenland Mittelalter,” in Ersch and32 Gruber, . lovannl1461 da Castro iscovered

Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86, repr. vol. II, p. 143; Ilorga, | POSIts of alum at Tolfa, near Civitavecchia, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 (1909), 118-19; Pastor, Gesch. he could come to Pius II, whom he knew well, d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 237-38, 243; Babinger, Maometto and announce: (1957), pp. 314-18; Wm. Miller, “The Gattilusj of Lesbos

(1355-1462),” in Essays on the Latin Orient, Cambridge, 1921, Today I bring you victory over the Turk. Every

repr. Amsterdam, 1964, pp. 341-49. __ year he wrings from the Christians more than * By a brief of 24 February, 1463, Pius Il recommended 300,000 ducats for the alum with which we dye wool

to Marquis Lodovico It Gonzaga “Sergius de Serpando, various colors. For this is not found among the

. .. conventus [Rhodi] armiratus magistri et Lat ;. . . But I have i atinsnoster,” exceptac... a very small quantity. conventus orator et locumtenens who was on a found . ‘ch in thi ‘al th mission with other knightly envoys of the convent of ‘OUNC@ seven mountains so rich in this material that

Rhodes to all the European princes on behalf of the they could supply seven worlds. If you will give imperiled Order (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. orders to engage workmen, build furnaces, and smelt Gonzaga, Busta 834). Sergio di Seripando was admiral of the ore, you will provide all Europe with alum the Hospital from 1462 to 1465 (¢f B. Waldstein- and the Turk will lose all his profits. They will Wartenberg, Rechisgeschichte des Malteserordens, Vienna and accrue to you and thus he will suffer a double Munich, 1969, pp. 118-19). Papal briefs of 16 February, Joss. There is an abundance of wood and water 11 April, and 14 April, 1464, in the same busta in the there. You have a harbor nearby in Civitavecchia Mantuan Archives, relate“idtounum theopus Turkish in De thetoaced h hiCo besail loaded ] h vow N Levant and the necessity of also the crusade, “UCT€danger SHIPS May to the west. mente agitamus, id totis sensibus sumus complexi, et quod you may equip a war against the 74 antea inauditum est, proprium corpus pro salute ovium will supply you with the sinews of war, i.e., money, nobis commissarum ‘exponere decrevimus . . . ,” as Pius and take them from the Turks.” states in his brief of 14 April, in which he requests of

: weeny Ot , : P he Turks. These mines

Lodovico safe passage and assistance for all crusaders who = —————————

set out from or traverse the marquisate of Mantua, including *° Pius II, Comm., bk. vu, Engl. trans., p. 506, which I freedom from taxes and chance tallages of all kinds (ibid.): have corrected from the Frankfurt edition (1614), p. 185.

“Vectigalia et gabelle non exigantur ab eisdem, nec passus On the alum trade, see M.-L. Heers, “Les Génois et fluminum aut portarum seu portuum et stafarum solvere le commerce de l’alun a la fin du moyen 4ge,” Revue compellantur nec etiam bulletas accipere pro passu_ d'histoire économique et sociale, XXXII (1954), 31—53 [to which

teneantur.” reference has been made earlier in this volume], and Jean

240 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pope though he was, Pius was skeptical of between the Porte and the Serene Republic this gift from heaven, but Giovanni da Castro _ had been strained for some time. The prospects

was not exaggerating his find. The mines at for peace were not improved when (as we Tolfa were soon in production. In 1463 Pius have just noted) the Doge Pasquale Maliforbade Christian merchants to import eastern _ piero died in May, 1462. He had been the leader

alum into Europe. Following Giovanni da_ of the party of appeasement. The choice of

Castro’s advice, Pius and his successors resolved Cristoforo Moro to succeed him caused rejoicing

to employ the revenues from Tolfa solely in the Curia. Pius II and Bessarion professed

for the crusade (allume della crociata). The alum to see in Moro a defender of the imperiled trade became a sacred monopoly of the Holy faith, and the letters of at least thirteen carSee, and infringement upon the papalcommerce_ dinals are extant congratulating him on his allegedly became a sin of such a serious na-_ elevation to the dogate.** Although Malipiero’s ture that an ordinary confessor could not grant

the offender absolution.*! —____

In the spring of 1463 Sultan Mehmed’s con- __ meridionalium historiam illustrantia, 1 (Rome, 1863), 509-11.

quest of Bosnia exposed Venetian-held Dal- ane euneral monument of Cattaring regina Bosnensis may matia, the city of Ragusa,. 39 and.the Adriatic h ¢ seen, preserved, in S.north Mariapillar, d’Aracoelt on e Campidoglio (onperfectly the east end of the facing

ports of Italy to Turkish attacks.” Relations jhe high altar). It records the date of her death (on 25

1478): “. . . obdormivit Romae anno Domini Oo MCCCCLXXVIII die XXVOctober, Oteobris [sic], monumentum

Delumeau, L’Alun de Rome, XV°—XIX® siecle, Paris, 1962, ipsius scriptis positum.” Cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, 684-85; pp. 15-21; and cf. below, Chapter 9, note 14. The discovery _ orga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 120-21; Pastor, Gesch. d.

of alum at Tolfa was made at the beginning of the year Pdéapste, II] (repr. 1955), 238-40; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 1461 (not 1462), as shown by Giovanni da Castro’s 324-35; and Pietro Balan, Delle Relazioni fra la Chiesa cattolica agreement of 30 April, 1461, with the town officials of — e gli slavi della Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, Erzegovina, Rome, Corneto “super inventione et confectione certarum mine- 1885, pp. 92-98. rarum aluminis quas ipse Johannes [de Castro] sperat reperire Stephen TomaSevic had warned Pius II that the Turkish posse seu reperisse in territorio Cornetano et alibi. . . .” On — onslaught was coming, and that Mehmed II “will aim at Italy, 20 July (1461) the Camera Apostolica approved the conven- _ which he aspires to rule” (Comm., bk. x1, Engl. trans., pp.

tion which Giovanni had made with Corneto, placng an 740-42; and on the Turkish occupation of Bosnia, impost and excise on the mining and sale of the alum, and __ pp. 768-70; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 297—98, 311-12; Cod. Pius II approved of the arrangements by a bull of 23 August _Reg. lat. 1995, fols. 512Y—513", 533%—535"); Giovanni Maria

(1461). For the text of the cameral approval of 20 July (Arch. Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ion Ursu, Bucharest, 1909,

Segr. Vaticano, Div. Cam., Reg. 29, fols. 207-12), which _p. 29; and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1462, nos. incorporates the vernacular text of Giovanni’s convention 30-32, vol. XIX (1693), p. 118; ad ann. 1463, nos. 14-16, with Corneto (che esso si persuade e dice credere trovare ohavere ibid., p. 127; and on the death of Catherine, ad ann. trovato . . . habundantissime ’lumiere . . .), see Pietro Sella, 1478, nos. 42-45, pp. 278-79, where her will is published “La Prima Concessione per l’allume della Tolfa,” Quellen in part. und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, On 23 March, 1462, Pius II had granted King Stephen

XXXIII (1944), 252-59. the right to a portable altar (Reg. Vat. 484, fol. 268" by

31 Delumeau, L’Alun de Rome, pp. 23 ff.; Raymond de mod. stamped enumeration, “datum Rome apud Sanctum

Roover, The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank (1397-1494), | Petrum anno, etc., MCCCCLXI, decimo Kal. Aprilis, pontif.

New York, 1966, pp. 152—56 and ff. nostri anno quarto”), and a month later he sent Luca

* Cf. the two interesting letters written by Cardinal de’Tolenti as an apostolic nuncio on a mission to the counts Francesco Gonzaga to his father Lodovico II, the first of Segna (Senj) as Turkish attacks were awaited in Bosnia, dated at Rome on 22 June, 1463, and the second at Tivoli Dalmatia, and Istria (Reg. Vat. 485, fol. 248, dated 24 April, on 1 July (in Pastor, Acta inedita, I [1904], nos. 141-42, 1462). Stephen had warned the pope: “Ego tempestatem pp. 183-85), which state that Mehmed has conquered all primus expecto; post me Hungari et Veneti suam sortem Bosnia with an army of 200,000 persons, “and many manebunt, nec Italia conquiescet: sic stat consilium hostis” hold that, unless the Turk is strongly opposed, in less (MS. cit., fol. 513"). Cf, in general, lorga, Gesch. d. osman. than a year and a half he will take a great part of Reiches, II, 110-22. Note Stephen’s last, pitiable appeal to Italy. . . .” Cardinal Francesco left Rome for Mantuaon 14 Venice (and the papacy) of 28 February, 1463 (Ven. style November, according to the Acta Consistorialia, in Arch. 1462) in Ljubié, Listine, X, 237-38, and cf., ibid., pp. 247, Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 65". 250—52, etc. — after the fall of Bosnia the Turk had reached The last king of Bosnia, Stephen TomaSevi¢é (1461— 1463), “ad hostium et fores Italie” (p. 251). On the fall of Bosnia,

was executed in late May, 1463, by Mehmed although the _ see also the Venetian letters to the Republic’s envoy in grand vizir, Mahmud Pasha, had given the king a written Rome, in MHH, Acta extera, IV (Budapest, 1875), nos. guarantee of safety in the sultan’s name, in order to secure 133, 137-38, pp. 211, 216-19, etc. The ancient sect of the possession of Stephen’s person and the fortress of Kljué. Bogomils had contributed to the internal weakness of Bosnia, Stephen’s stepmother, Queen Catherine, escaped to Ragusa, and had facilitated the Turkish conquest. and from 1466 lived in Rome as a pensioner of the papacy, to 33 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 242-43, where which she bequeathed Bosnia (unless her son Sigismund, a (as stated above) Pasquale Malipiero is mistakenly called convert to Islam, should return to Christianity). Her will is © Prospero; Domenico Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Archivio published in A. Theiner, ed., Vetera monumenta slavorum _ storico italiano, VII, pt. 2 (1844), 654; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 24] party continued to recommend diplomacy and who had succeeded Zagan Pasha as governor forbearance in dealing with the Ottoman gov- of the Morea, attacked Argos, which he took ernment, a minor incident now provoked the _ easily on 3 April, 1463, with the assistance of war which was doubtless inevitable between a Greek priest, whose hatred of the Latins the military and commercial empires, whose apparently exceeded his fear of the Turks.*” interests were in obvious conflict. Both powers Following the loss of Argos the Venetian had agreed in the peace of September, 1430 Senate began making final preparations for the (negotiated after the Venetians had lost Thes- expected war with the Gran Turco, and on 17 salonica to the Turks), to the extradition of May, 1463, responded favorably to a Hungarian traitors and the reciprocal return of escaped embassy which sought Venetian aid against the slaves, stolen property, and the like,*4 a provision Porte, “setting forth the power and greatness

which the Turks had not observed with much of the Turk and the dangers threatening the scrupulosity through the years, although it had kingdom of Hungary and Christianity.” The been renewed in the Turco-Venetian treaty of Senate acknowledged King Matthias Corvinus’s 1454. Now, however, an Albanian slave belong- courteous expressions of friendship and respect;

ing to the Turkish commandant (subashi) of emphasized the Republic’s entertainment of

Athens is said to have escaped to Coron similar sentiments toward his Majesty; and (in 1462), having robbed his master of 100,000 promised him a subvention of three thousand

aspers. He secured asylum in the house of ducats a month for six months, with the asGirolamo Vallaresso, Venetian councillor at surance that the subvention would be continued Coron, who is said to have received some of for a longer period if the needs of his king-

the stolen money. Owing to the runaway’s dom for defense against the Turks required

alleged conversion to Christianity, the request it. The Venetians also took the opportunity to

for his return to the Athenian commandant remind the king of their own great expenses

was denied.** According to Critobulus, Omar in maintaining the Republic’s fleet against the

Beg, who had been restored to his Greek ‘Turk and in garrisoning their Levantine terri-

command because of his signal services against

Vlad Dracula on the Danube, now launched

a surprise attack upon he h Ffrom the slave from hismaster Turkishinmn Ath . 36 theLepanto, escape Owhich the Slave his lurkish Athens

nearly captured in November, 1462." Isa Beg, in 1463, because this event clearly precedes Omar Beg’s attack upon Lepanto, which is precisely dated in November,

———— 1462, by Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, col. 1073A; ed. in RISS, XXII, col. 1168E, who notes that “alle sue esequie Grecu [1966], p. 128), and cf. Pseudo-Sphrantzes, IV, 20 fu lillustre Chir Tomado Despoto della Morea della casa (Bonn, p. 414; ed. Grecu, p. 554), as perceived by Hopf, Paleologo, scacciato dal Turco, e venuto in questa terra;” in Ersch and Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopadie, vol. 86, repr.

Andrea Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII (Milan, vol. Il, p. 154, and note Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, IU 1733), col. 1121, etc.; Pius II, Comm., bk. x, Engl. trans., (repr. 1955), 244, and Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. 639-40; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 246-47. The mag- London, 1908, p. 465. nificent promissio, “quam fecit popolo pro ducatu,” of Nevertheless, the story of Vallaresso’s reception in Coron Cristoforo Moro on his election as doge (dated 12 May, of the escaped slave belonging to the Turkish commandant 1462), probably executed by Leonardo Bellini, is now of Athens is not quite above suspicion. It may represent preserved in the British Library (Add. MS. 15,816, cf. a retelling of the fact that Vallaresso was already charged at

fols. 4¥—5 ff.). this time (1461-1462) with harboring three slaves of

34G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli, eds., Diplomataritum Mahmud Pasha who had escaped with 30,000 aspers’ worth veneto-levantinum, II (Venice, 1899, repr. New York, 1965), of the grand vizir’s property, for which the Venetian no. 182, pp. 343-45, dated at Adrianople 4 September, Senate appears to have made restitution (Arch. di Stato di 1430; cf. Predelli, ed., Regestt dei Commemoriali, IV (1896), Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. 83%, doc. dated 29 March,

bk. xu, no. 140, p. 164, dated 4 September, 1430. 1462, and, ibid., fols. 109”-111', dated 22 September, 1462, 35 Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1172A, who and Sen. Mar, Reg. 7, fol. 56%, dated 30 March, 1462). Cf. dates the slave’s escape in 1463, in which he is followed by Roberto [S.] Lopez, “Il Principio della guerra veneto-turca Babinger, Maometto, p. 336 (but see the following note); nel 1463,” in the Archivio veneto, 5th ser., XV (1934), 48-49. Malipiero, Annalt veneti, in Archivio storico italiano, VII, pt. 1 57 The precise date is given in the Chronicon breve, (1843), 12—13, or his editor, places the event in 1462. ad ann. 1463 (Bonn, p. 521); Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn,

36 Critobulus, IV, 16 (ed. Miller, FHG, V—1, p. 148; ed. p- 545; ed. Darko, H-2, 289), who calls Isa "Inaows; Grecu, p. 309), who says that Omar Beg was then Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, col. 1121; and “@ TleAomovvncev Kai THs GAAns ‘EAAASos Gatpaans,” cf. the anonymous secretary of Sigismondo Malatesta but Isa Beg seems to have succeeded Zagan Pasha as (Lorenzo Gambuti?) in C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits governor of the Morea (cf. Chalcocondylas, bk. x, Bonn, _ relatifs a V’histoire de la Gréce au moyen age, VI (Paris, 1885,

p. 545, lines 8-9; ed. Darké, II-2, 289, lines 25-27). repr. Athens, 1972), 95. According to Angiolello, Hist. Cf. Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, col. 1121D, © turchesca, ed. Ursu, p. 29, Argos was taken “per mezzo d’un

and Sanudo, loc. cit., who seems to be wrong in putting _popa greco.”

242 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tories against his ubiquitous assaults and im- The Venetians suffered further damage in

perial ambitions.*® raids directed against the region of Coron and Modon. Alvise (or Luigi) Loredan, captain-

—________—. general of the sea, was then in the Aegean 38 Arch di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. 152: with nineteen galleys. He tried to arrange for

“Quod reverendo patri, domino episcopo Vesprimiensi the restoration of Argos and, being refused, [Veszprém in Hungary], ac magnifico comiti Stephano ted | inf, ts f it Segne, etc., oratoribus serenissimi Hungarie regis, qui ad requeste arge reinforcements . or an assau presentiam nostram venerunt explicantes potentiam et mag- UPON the island of Lesbos, which the Turks nitudinem Turci ac pericula imminentia regno Hungarie et had occupied.*? When the issue was debated Christianitati si huic hosti, quiomniconatu suocontraregnum jin the Venetian Senate, Vettore Capello advoipsum se direxerit, succumbere compelletur. Commemora- cated war in an impassioned address, reported verunt quoque magnam affectionem et confidentiam quam bv Chal dvlas: Sendi b th regia majestas Hungarie in nos repositam habet; successive y aicocondylas: sending an embassy to the petierunt instanter auxilia nostra terrestria ut resistere Ottoman court to seek the return of Argos and

possint; tertio loco dixerunt quod cum ad Romanum to compose the differences between the Repontificem profecturi sint, presidia sua imploraturi, similiter public and the Porte would be interpreted asa

petebant consilium et favoremin nostrum iuxta quod sign of weakness.rege It would be an4invitation retulerunt habuisse mandatis a utserenissimo pro. , ee cedent, etc., sicut per serenissimum dominum ducem huic to further Turkish aggression. Mehmed’s visit consilio relatum est. [The etc.’s are in the original.] to Negroponte Gin 1458) had been to examine

Respondeatur: [fol. 152%:] the defenses with a view to attacking the

“Quod gratissimo animo_ intelleximus r[everendam |] city and the island at some later time. Venice platernitatem] et magnificentiam suas sique regia majestas should send an arm ‘nst this barbari Hungarie de nobis confidentiam capit, id quippe amplissime : y agains Is Darbarlan, facere potest, qui sumus semperque esse intendimus who was always increasing his strength as he serenitati sue singulari benivolentia et amore devincti. marched from one conquest to another. War was Adducimusque Deum nostrum in testem semper nos inevitable. The peace party was flirting with

calamitatibus regni illius tantum indoluisse quantum ex- — sejf_destruction. War would show the Turk the

primi posset tum ex ardore fidei et honoris Christiane eVnothing . d hjelse 1 religionis tum ex precipua affectione nostra in regiam extent 0 enetlan power, anda celsitudinem suam. . . . Nos vero dudum studia nostra Would stop his advance. Hesitation and delay convertimus ut per Beatitudinem suam, que caput est had caused the loss of Constantinople, the Christianorum, regno Hungarie auxila conferrantur ha- Morea, and now Bosnia. Capello laid a large

cem maximum oratorem nostrum, nec dubitamus per } ;

pemusque impresentiarum 0} ic specialiter penes pony measure of responsibility for these misfortunes appulsum dominationum suarum ad urbem Sanctitatem squarely on Venetian shoulders. It was widely

suam quam huic rei bene dispositam esse scimus pro- stated throughout Europe that Venice had visuram esse, nosque in hoc etiam nihil apud eum sacrificed eastern Christendom to commercial

pretermissuri sumus ut effectus iste sequi habeat. “At quoniam magnificentie sue in specie auxilia terrestria

nostra petunt dicimus quod licet maximis expensis simus ~—

impliciti tam in classe nostra quam continue tenemus contra numerous documents, ibid., IV, nos. 123 ff., pp. 196 ff. By Turchum et maxime nunc multo potentiorem solitoquamin mid-April, 1463, the Venetian government had been inmuniendis terris nostris finitimis hosti gentibus et pre- formed “de magnanima deliberatione . . . Regie Majestatis sidiis, cupidi tamen honoris et commodi serenissimi regis | coadunandi exercitum suum exeundique in castra adversus conamur libenter suis beneplacitis satisfacere sumusque _hostes fidei’ (zbzd., no. 126, p. 200).

contenti contribuere majestati sue ducatorum III. milia 39 Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1171Ein mensem per menses sex, et ulterius si ex opportunitatibus 1172. Loredan had apparently wanted to attack Lesbos for regni illius respectu Turchorum opus esse videbimus quod some months, as indicated in a letter dated at Florence subsidium nostrum per magis longum tempus fieri habeat, on 12 October, 1462, and sent by the Milanese ambassador non estimantes minus pericula regni ipsius quam nostra Nicodemo Tranchedini da Pontremoli to Francesco Sforza declarabimus in hoc etiam serenitati sue per veros effectus (Pastor, Acta inedita, 1, no. 135, pp. 172-73), but had

quantum sibi affecti sumus. been restrained by the home government. On the Turkish

“Circa partem consilii pro suo accessu ad sanctissimum occupation of Lesbos, see above, notes 27—28, and on the pontificem, dicimus quod sapientissimi sunt nec opus habent ambassador, note Piero Parodi, “Nicodemo Tranchedini da consilio nostro, sed hortamur magnificentias suas ut bono _—‘Pontremoli, genealogista degli Sforza,” Archivio storico lomanimo vadant ad Romanum pontificem commemorentque _ bardo, 5th ser., XLVII-—1 (1920), 334-40.

gravissima pericula regni et Christianitatis ac solicitent Leonardo Tocco of S. Maura sent his brother on an

auxilia conferenda presertim portionem debitam Beatitudinis | embassy to Venice at this time to make clear to the Signoria

sue in qua re etiam orator noster, ut diximus, nihil de the “malae et periculosae conditiones status sul.” Leonardo possibilibus ommissurus est.” After transcribing-this doc- implored the Venetians to send him two hundred foot ument in the Venetian Archives, I found it published soldiers and supplies, lest his lands and Christian subjects in MHH, Acta extera, IV (1875), no. 129, pp. 206-7: I retain should pass “ad manus Turcorum.” The Senate voted to my text because it differs considerably from that given give him four hundred ducats and one hundred men to in the Hungarian Acta extera. Venetian diplomatic relations serve for six months (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 118", 119,

with Hungary were extremely close at this time; see the docs. dated 16 and 26 October, 1462).

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 243 advantages. The Republic must take up arms with extreme deference by the highest officials

against the Porte in alliance with the Hun- of the Republic, among whom, however, he garians and the papacy, reconquer the Morea, still found a good deal of indecision. Aland thence move into Ottoman territory while though they were glad to get permission to the Hungarians were launching an attack from levy the crusading tithes, twentieths, and thirthe Danube. If Venice would not defend her tieths, which they had directed their ambasLevantine possessions, she would lose them. sador in Rome to request for them, they had

The alternative to war was dishonor and de- been hesitant to proclaim a state of war befeat. It was an eloquent speech, and Capello tween Venice and the Porte. On 26 July Beshad his way. Although there were a good many _ sarion wrote the pope:

in the Senate opposed to the inevitable risks I do not perceive and I can only marvel why and expenses of the course he advocated, a these gentlemen are so reluctant to express their declaration of war against the Ottoman govern- willingness to break with the Turks since at this ment was passed by a small majority on point they have expended the greatest sums both

28 July, 1463.*° on the fleet and the land forces which they have

Vettore Capello’s position had certainly been got ready and continue to get ready, even transstrengthened by the presence in Venice of Car- porting men into the Peloponnesus. Besides it is dinal Bessarion, whom Pius II had dispatched common knowledge that they are in fact perfectly

as legate of the Apostolic See on 5 July, Willing to make the break; actually many people 1463," to carry assurances of papal support think that their captain [Loredan] has already to the Senate and make known the pope’s done so. Also they have decided to send a subsidy . ; . ; Christ; to the Ragusei; they have sent an envoy to the intention of again summoning the ristian Hungarians; and now they are sending another to princes to arms against the Turks.” Bessarion other powers north of the Alps. They do all this had arrived in Venice on the twenty-second, openly whereas before, as your Holiness knows, going by way of Bologna.* He was received they feared even the appearance of this sort of activity. They probably have their reasons for not —__—— wanting to come out into the open. * Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn, pp. 545-51; ed. Darko, II~2, 289-95); cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), § ————————

244-45; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 337-38; Arch. di Stato di following morning for Venice (Cronica di Bologna, in RISS, Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 168'-171¥ (there is no XVIII [Milan, 1731], col. 752AB, and Corpus chronicorum entry in the Sen. Mar, Reg. 7, fols. 1267-127", between —bononiensium, in the new Muratori, RISS, XVIH, pt. 1, vol. IV,

19 July and 1 August, 1463); and see especially the pp. 313a, 314b). He had been the papal legate in Bologna detailed study of R. S. Lopez, “Il Principio della guerra from 1450 to 1455, and had fulfilled his long mission there veneto-turca . . . ,” Archivio veneto, 5th ser., XV (1934), with rare success (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 1 [repr. 1955], 4—131, with thirty-two documents and two other texts. 429-31, and append., no. 32, p. 826). On Venetian preparations for the war and the extensive #4 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 3, by revenues with which the Senate planned to support their mod. stamped enumeration (“datum Venetiis die XXVI efforts against the Turks, see Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Tulii, MCCCCLXIII”): “Sanctissime ac beatissime pater. . . . Archivio storico italiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843), 11-14, summarized Veni huc die XXII presentis; exceptus ful cum honore ob

in Lopez, art. cit., pp. 56-57. reverentiam Apostolice Sedis. Sequenti die exposui breviter “The date of Bessarion’s departure from Rome is _ causam legationis mee; expressi dolorem et anxietatem

fixed by the Acta Consistorialia, Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. _ vestre Beatitudinis de calamitate Christianorum et prompti-

XXXII, tom. 52, fol. 64%: “Anno a nativitate Domini tudinem animi ac optimam voluntatem ad subveniendum. MCCCCLXIII, die V mensis Iulii, reverendissimus dominus _Dixi missum me a Sanctitate vestra propter duo princiCardinalis Portuensis [a slip of the pen, for Bessarion was __paliter: primo ut in hac expeditione atque expensa quam cardinal-bishop of Tusculum] Nicenus nominatus recessit faciunt, eos auctoritate vestre Beatitudinis pro viribus de Roma legatus de latere apud Venetias ad solicitandum iuvarem; secundo ut una tractaremus de generali exarmatam contra nephandissimum Turcum et participat de _ peditione et bello aperto cum hostibus gerendo. . . . Non communibus et minutis servitiis usque ad eius reditum video, beatissime pater, nec satis mirari possum cur isti in Roma secundum quod retulit mihi [i.e., to the clerk of | domini ita difficiles sint in dicendo se velle cum Turcis the College] reverendissimus dominus Sancti Marchi rumpere cum maximos hucusque sumptus fecerint et in [Pietro Barbo, nephew of Eugenius IV, later Paul II] ad classe et in terrestribus copiis quas et paraverunt et continue presens regens offictum camerariatus officii in absentiam parant ac in Peloponnesum traiiciunt. Preterea communis domini Sancti Petriin Vincula [Nicholas of Cusa],camerarius fama est apud omnes eos omnino rumpere velle: imo multi

preffati collegii” (cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, 11 (1914, repr. opinantur capitaneum eorum iam rupisse. Item decreverunt

1960], 33b). mittere subsidium Ragusinis; miserunt oratorem ad Un-

* Pius II, Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., p. 777; ed. garos; mittunt nunc alium ad alias potentias ultramontanas; Frankfurt, 1614, p. 315; Cod. Reg. lat. 1995, fol. 538°. et hec omnia faciunt aperte cum antea, sicut scit Sanctitas * See the following note, and cf. Ann. bononienses, ad vestra, umbram etiam istarum rerum formidarent. Fortasse ann. 1463, in RISS, XXIII (Milan, 1733), col. 893E. aliqua ratione id fateri nolunt. . . .” Bessarion arrived in Bologna on 18 July, departing on the The Venetians had to make war on the Turks, Bessarion

244 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Three days later, however, in his report of The Venetians must carry on the war they

the twenty-ninth, he had the satisfaction of had just begun, and“. . . those who have lived writing the pope that war had formally been evil lives up to now, who have been guilty of declared at midnight on the twenty-eighth.* murder, theft, rapine, arson, and every kind of The crusade had become the major fact in crime, now have the opportunity of fighting in Bessarion’s life and while in Venice, his favorite such fashion that not only will they incur no Italian city, he had instructions prepared for punishment for these crimes, but will even se-

those who were to preach the crusade. These cure the full remission of all their sins and instructions are dated 24 August and 1 Sep- attain to the life eternal! . . .” Crosses of red tember, 1463. Bessarion’s first concern was that cloth were to be fastened by pins to the garno one should be allowed to impede the pre- ments of newly won crusaders who could later dicatores crucis, whose efforts were to be upheld, have the signum salutiferum sewn in place. A if occasion should arise, by “ecclesiastical special prayer accompanied the ceremony of takcensures and other remedies of law, even invok- ing the cross. Those who served in the cru-

ing (if need be) aid of the secular arm.” A_ sade for six or eight months were to receive hundred days’ indulgence was granted to those the “plenissima omnium peccatorum suorum who in a penitent mood heard the preachers. remissio.” Monks and nuns in the cloisters of The reasons for preaching the crusade were every order could gain the same indulgence by threefold: to publicize the terrible injuries the outfitting one armed man for every ten memTurks had visited upon Christendom, to seek bers of their monastery or convent. Crusaders, aid for Christians reduced by the Turks to their families, and their properties were to be servitude, and to build up the defenses of the under the special protection of the Holy See. West, “lest that which still remains to us should Each preacher was to see that a suitable chest pass into Turkish hands.” ‘The Gran Turco’s was placed in a major church in every city or ambition had been aroused to conquer “all town for receiving the funds to be collected. the world and especially Italy.” Every day he As usual, there were to be three keys, one acquired another kingdom and increased his each to be kept by the local ordinary or his

power.*® vicar, by the rector of the church, and by the preacher himself. Special processions, litanies,

concludes, or their expenditures of 50,000 ducats would have and prayers were Pp rescribed to advance the

been wasted. The full text of this letter may be found sacred cause. The preachers were authorized

in Adolf Bachmann, Urkundliche Nachtrage zur Osterreichisch- tO hear confessions of crusaders and grant deutschen Geschichte im Zeitalter Kaiser Friedrich I., Vienna, them absolution. Among those from whom the

1892, no. 12, pp. 18-21 (Fontes rerum austriacarum, I. indulgence was to be withheld, however, were

Abteilung: Diplomataria et acta, vol. 46); L. Mohler, h : . . d blic si h Kard. Bessarion, III, 516-19; and G. Palmieri, “Lettere eretics, simoniacs, and pu HIC sinners, those

del Bessarione relative alla crociata contro il Turco,” in Who cheated on the crusading tithes, transIi Muratori, 111 (Rome, 1894), 61-66. Th. N. Vlachos, ported arms to the Turks, or sought to im“Bessarion als papstlicher Legat in Venedig im Jahre 1463,” pede or dissuade crusaders from the grand

-—25, adds nothing new. , . .

Rasta studi bizantini e neoellenici, new ser., 5 (XV, 1968), emprise, usurers who would make neither resti4 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 4" ‘tution nor financial compromise, and other such

(‘datum Venetiis die XXVIII Iulii MCCCCLXIII”): gentry as lay beyond the Christian pale.*’ Bessarion describes the meetings of the Venetian Senate The crusade was now preached in Piazza S. from Monday through Thursday (25—28 July, 1463), “et ita Marco before a great multitude. Tithes, twenin consilio rogatorum et unanimi omnium consensu

heri tertia hora noctis [about 12:00 p.m. in July] decreverat

concluserat bellum indicere Turco: volui hoc statim signi- § ——-—————

ficare Sanctitati vestre ad consolationem eius et sacri collegii Kreuzzugspredigt in Venedig (1463),” Romische Quartaltotiusque curie sue: spero iam dato hoc principio omnia — schrift, XXXV (1927), 337 ff., and see Pio Paschini, “Due feliciter successura.” Bachmann, Urkundliche Nachtrége, no. Polizze d’indulgenza del 1463-1464 rilasciate nel territorio

13, p. 21, summarizes this letter briefly, but does not del Friuli-Istria,” Memorie storiche forogiuliest, VIII (1912),

publish the text, which appears in Mohler, Kard. Bessarton, 304-5.

III, 519-22, and Palmieri, “Lettere del Bessarione,” I 47 Mohler, “Bessarions Instruktion,” Rom. Quartalschr., Muratort, III (1894), 97-100. From the session on Monday, XXXV, 341-48. Each crusading preacher was allowed five

25 July, a declaration of war by the Senate must have ducats a month as compensation for maintenance. On the

seemed likely (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 169-70; obligations and rewards involved in taking the cross Ljubi¢, Listine, X [1891], 260; Lopez, “Il Principio della during the first two centuries of crusading history (with

guerra,” p. 113-14). canonical implications for later periods), see James A.

46 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXIX, tom. 31, fols. 19 ff., Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader, Madison,

published by L. Mohler, “Bessarions Instruktion fir die Milwaukee, and London, 1969.

PIUS Il AND THE CRUSADE 245 tieths, and thirtieths were imposed, and col- As Scanderbeg contemplated his role in the comlectors appointed. Nevertheless there were dark ing offensive, however, he appears to have harclouds on the eastern horizon, as Bessarion had bored some doubt as to the possible outcome.

to inform the Curia: Thinking of his own future, he had sent an Itt has has b d ly b bl embassy to Venice, and had requested the asbeen reported to me recently dy nomes — surance that, if the Turks should succeed in here in Venice that the Rhodians [the Knights of S. driving hi f Albania. the S; . id

John] have entered into a peace with the Turks. I riving him out oO ania, the « ignoria wou

could not believe it, but from Chios the day before 8!V© him lands mn Venetian territory in order yesterday I received letters from one of my friends, that he might be able to live with the hope of who is a prudent person and well informed. Among returning to his own state.” His envoys reother things he writes, not without bitterness, that ceived the rather vague assurance that the Rethe fact is true, and he dwells on what a disgrace public would certainly do so.*

it is to all Christians and how much damage is Since the Congress of Mantua there had been resulting from it in those parts. They are paying the endjess discussions of the crusade and much Turk as a tribute (but calling it a gift, not a complaint among the people about the crusading

tribute) ducats, After and nowPius they have him ; . , 5 O003,000 | levies. II’sgiven departure

from Mantua, ; in presents. . . . Here the Senate has dealt .:|

with Scanderbeg in this fashion. They are now send- he had stopped briefly in Bo ogna in late ing him a gift of 4,000 ducats for next summer. January, 1460. Thereafter, at the beginning of In the early spring they will send him five hundred the Lenten season, a papal brief had been read horsemen and the same number of foot-soldiers. in the church of S. Petronio in Bologna to the Over there [in Albania], they will furnish him with effect that every layman, male and female both, subsidies for about ten thousand men who may carry should pay a thirtieth of his or her income,

the war to the Turk. . . .™ and that priests should pay a tithe. The assessment was to run for three years. According

48 ; to the chronicle of Bologna, everyone who reAll this comes from a letter to Cardinal Jacopo fused to pav it to be denied confession

Ammanati, dated at Venice on 28 August, 1463, in Arch. pay Was oe .

Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 8: “. . . nam and communion: “Therefore many men, being cum superioribus diebus declarassent se domini Veneti unwilling to pay such sums, neither confessed apertos hostes Turci, heri qui fuit dies XXVIII mensis por took communion. This tax was not levied publice in eum indictum est bellum [but see below]: predicata enim fuit cruciata in platea Sancti Marci cum summa omnium expectatione et gaudio, dominio et me —=——————

presente cum incredibili populi multitudine. Decime, Kard. Bessarion, I, 313, note 3, noticed the problem: “Das trigesime et vigesime decrete sunt et 1am instituti exactores. Datum dieses Briefes (28. August) ist wahrscheinlich in

Indulgentie et absolutiones et dispensationes publicate 29. Juli zu 4ndern,” but the date at the conclusion of the et omnes modi ad pecunias colligendas edicti. ... Re- letter, “datum Venetiis XXVIII Augusti, MCCCCLXIII,” latum est mihi nuper hic a proceribus urbis Rhodienses does not look like a mere slip of the pen. Bachmann, inlisse pacem cum Turco. Non potui fidem adhibere, Urkundliche Nachtrage (1892), no. 14, pp. 21-22, gives a verum litteras ex Chio nudius tertius accepi a quodam brief summary of this letter, but publishes none of the amico qui prudens est et rerum expertus: quibus inter text, which is available in Mohler, II, 522-24, and had cetera non sine animi amaritudine scribit id verum esse: et previously been published by Palmieri, “Lettere del quanta inde Christianis omnibus ignominia, quantum Bessarione,” Jf Muratori, III, 101-3. On Venetian aid to partibus illis detrimentum sequatur exponit. Solvunt Turco Scanderbeg, see also MHH, Acta extera, IV, nos. 144-45,

tributum, nomine tamen doni non tributi, tria milia pp. 231, 233, and on Bessarion’s complaint against the ducatorum, et nunc donarunt ei in muneribus quinque __ Hospitallers, cf in general Z. N. Tsirpanlis, “Friendly milia. . . . Hic senatus composuit cum Scandabeo hoc _ Relations of the Knights of Rhodes with the Turks in modo. Mittunt ei nunc quatuor milia ducatorum dono _ the Fifteenth Century” [in Greek], Byzantinische Forschungen,

pro futura hyeme. Primo vere mittent hinc equites III (Amsterdam, 1968), 191-209.

quingentos et pedites totidem. Illinc vero prestabunt ei *9 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. subsidia hominum suorum circiter decem milia, qui una 178, dated 20 August, 1463: The Albanian embassy had cum suis Turco bellum inferant....” This letter is requested the Venetian Signoria, on Scanderbeg’s behalf, dated (fol. 8%) at Venice on 28 August, 1463, which is “che essendo expulso del suo paese li sia deputado qualche not in accord with the statement in the text to the effect vostro luogo e terra cum la provisione se convegni al Signor that “yesterday, which was the twenty-eighth of the month, _ chel possi viver cum speranza de tornar in suo stado . . . ,”

war was publicly declared against the Turk.” to which the Senate replied that, since the pope and the I have no explanation for this discrepancy (which Christian princes were uniting in the crusade, they could

Pastor passes over in the Gesch. d. Papste, 11 [repr. 1955], not imagine things reaching such a pass, “sed nihilominus

247-48, and append., no. 58, pp. 741-42, where a some-__in satisfactionem prefati domini [Scanderbegi] dicimus what careless transcription of the text is given [not in the quod, si forte occurreret casus predictus, certus sit quod English translation]). Conceivably, Bessarion began the loca nostra sua semper reputari poterunt et Magnificentie letter on 29 July after he had written to the pope, put sue taliter providebimus quod de nobis poterit merito

it aside, and then finished it a month later. Mohler, contentari.”

246 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in any city except Bologna.*° Note, you whoread, rather obey Venice or the Turks? . . . We urged that the pope said he wanted such payments the Venetians to wage war in defense of religion. to make war on the Turk, and this was not the ‘They have obeyed. Now when they ask aid, shall we

truth, because he did otherwise. It was sheer reuse! 7 ua enough for us that if Venice con-

robbery.”*! quers, Christ will conquer.

Whatever the attitude of Bologna, by the time In the conversation which Pius II thus reports of Bessarion’s mission in the summer of 1463 he had with the Florentine ambassador Nicthe Venetians could see the need of supporting colini (in late September, 1463), the latter was the crusade. Ten years had passed since the merely rehearsing the well-known views of old fall of Constantinople; the Turks had become Cosimo de’ Medici on Florentine foreign policy. an ever greater threat to Venetian colonies in Ever since the accession of Francesco Sforza to the Levant. Victory would mean relief from power in Milan (with the aid of Medici funds), constant fear and frustration, possibly an in- Cosimo had adhered to an alliance with Milan crease of wealth in the Republic and still against the excessive strength of Venice. If the finer buildings on the Grand Canal. Perhaps Turk weakened Venice, so much the better for Venetian ambition went even further, and the urbane tradesmen on the lagoon themselves shared some of the ideas which Pius II attri- * Pius II, Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., pp. 812-15, but butes to Ottone de’ Niccolini, the Florentine _ for other sentiments of Pius concerning Venice, see bk. x1,

ambassador to the Curia: pp. 743-46; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, bk. xu, pp. 334-35

(hoc satis est nobis, quoniam vincente Veneto Christus vincet),

Your Holiness, what are you thinking of? Are and ¢f. bk. x1, zbid., p. 299, and for the omitted portions you going to wage war on the Turks that you may of the text excoriating the Venetians, see Jos. Cugnoni, force Italy to be subject to the Venetians? All that Opera tmedita (1883), pp. 541-43. Perhaps, however, the is won in Greece by driving out the Turks will Venetians were not as great a menace to Italy as the

Florentine ambassador become the property of the .Venetians who, afterbelieved (Comm., bk. x1, Engl. trans., G . bdued. will lay hand h ¢ PP- 816-17; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 335-36). The ambas-

reece 18 subdued, will tay ands on c rest Oo sador in question, Ottone or Otto de’ Niccolini (1410Italy. . . . You are helping them in this by align- 1470), played an important role in the diplomacy of the ing your arms with theirs against the Turks and _ mid-fifteenth century (f. Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 184, you do not see into what an abyss you are hurling _p. 279, lines 7—8, and no. 159, p. 218, lines 20-21). Italy. You are weaving a net of perpetual slavery Niccolini was a lawyer, and had been a member of the for your country. To say nothing of the losses to Florentine embassy sent to Rome in the spring of 1455 to Italy, what will become of the Church of Rome? congratulate Calixtus III on his election to the papacy (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I [repr. 1955], 673-74). In Niccolini was not unhappy that Venice was 1467-1468 the “magnificus dominus Otho Lapi de Nicolinis,

finally at war with the Porte. In his opinion Cs ¢ legum doctor, orator, sindicus, procurator, et

b he h d th |] be} p Ital mandatarius,” was the chief legal adviser and representative both powers threatened the well-being o ta Y* — of Florence at the general conferences which produced the

and should be left to exhaust each other, which “pax Italica” and Confederation a few years after Pius II's

would be all to the good. To this Pius, who death (see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A., Arm. I-XVIII, was no lover of the Venetians. answered: no. 1443, fols. 77°, 85%, 86%, et altbz). Although I have

‘ made no attempt to collect archival references concerning

. . . We admit that the Venetians, as is the way of Niccolini, my notes reveal several mentions of him, as men, covet more than they have; that they aim at the in a letter of the Florentine historian and diplomat dominion of Italy and all but dare to aspire to the Matteo Palmieri, written to the Signori Dieci on 25 mastery of the world. But if the Florentines should February, 1467 (Arch. di Stato di Firenze, Diect di

Balia: Carteggi, Responsive, Reg. 23, fol. 329 [330)). become the equals ofbit the,f ;.Venetians in power, they _ «. a . Since Leona C. Gabel, in her notes to Florence A.

would also have an equal ambition for empire. It 1s a Gragg’s translation of Pius II’s Commentaries, in Smith common fault that no one is satisfied with his lot. College Studies in History, XLII (1957), 812, note 100,

No state’s lands are broad enough. ... Would you has “not been able to identify this Florentine envoy,”

she thinks that, inasmuch as Pius addresses him as “my very

TT dear Ottone,” this speech was probably made by Ottone °° This statement is untrue. Papal nuncios and collectors or Otto del Carretto, the Milanese envoy to the Curia! were sent to Scandinavia and Lithuania, the Germanies Friend of the Medici, Strozzi, Pazzi, Acciajuoli, Marsilio and Italy, England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Spanish _‘Ficino, John Argyropoulus, and other humanists, cor-

kingdoms of Aragon, Leon, and Castile (see Pastor, respondent of Francesco Sforza and Federigo da Monte-

Gesch. d. Papste, II [repr. 1955], 222). feltro, member of the Dieci di Balia, Ottone di Lapo "Cronica di Bologna, ad ann. 1460, in RISS, XVIII de’ Niccolini became “gonfalonier of justice” in his native

(Milan, 1731), cols. 732E-—733B, and Corpus chronicorum Florence in the fall of 1458. There is a sketch of his life bononiensium, in the new Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. by Ginevra Niccolini di Camugliano, The Chronicles of a

IV, pp. 271-72. Florentine Family, 1200-1470, London, 1933, pp. 179-355.

PIUS If AND THE CRUSADE 247 the Turk. Good Christian as he was, Cosimo friar who should grant absolution to any such doubtless felt his mind and his emotions at offender. “The excommunication and maledicodds on the question of the crusade. Cosimo tion were little respected by the people of could not, however, be sympathetic to Pius’s Brescia, and especially by those who had any attempts to strengthen the papal hold upon the understanding, because they were well aware Romagna and Umbria, which enveloped Tus- that he had no authority to declare such an cany on the north, east, and south. An alliance excommunication.” But the lesser folk were with Milan against Venice, an entente with afraid, and many of them did finally pay the Naples against the papacy, such tended tobe the _ thirtieth part of their income.”

foreign policy of the Medici for about half a Having long hesitated to take on the Gran century. The burghers on the Arno wanted ‘Turco, the Venetians now hoped to conquer peace in Italy, which was good for business the entire Morea, which was said to be worth and safer for them, but they also wanted domina- 300,000 ducats a year in tolls and customs. tion over Tuscany (including Lucca and Siena), Most contemporaries believed that the Veneand they sometimes found these two objectives _tians cared only for their commercial interests, inconsistent with each other. But however com- not for the fate of eastern Christendom. This plex their position might become in this respect, was certainly the view of Pope Pius II, who inthe Medicean party in Florence were quite sure forms us in some detail of the Venetian prepathat they did not wish to participate ina crusade rations. Large cavalry forces as well as inagainst the Gran Turco, who might be able to fantry were sent into the Morea from Italy. liquidate the Venetian empire in the Levant. ‘Three thousand archers were recruited from They would make only such contribution to the Crete, many Albanians were enrolled, and Pius cause as public opinion and occasional pangs of estimates that the Venetian “army could go

conscience might require of them. into battle with more than thirty thousand

It is clear, then, that the crusade was not fighting men.” Loredan’s fleet was heavily reingoing to be popular in Italy if a Christian vic- forced. “The alleged object of the war,” the tory over the Turk was also to be a Venetian pope informs us, “was to avert aggression and victory. Bessarion’s mission in the summer of defend the Christian religion. [The Venetians] 1463 was viewed with some suspicion. The accused the Turks of taking Argos and sacking Brescian chronicler Cristoforo da Soldo informs Lepanto in violation of the treaty.” He adds, us that while in Venice Bessarion did what the however, in two interesting and characteristic Signoria told him to do (and certainly he got passages (which were deleted from the printed along well with the Venetians, whom he ad-_ editions of his Commentari):

mired). Cristoforo indicates that the crusade was ;.; , . ; None of these considerations impelled the Venetians widely preached in no rthern Italy; the more ON€ to arm so strong a fleet and incur such heavy paid, the greater his indulgence; and in fact expense. Traders care nothing for religion nor will twenty ducats would buy a plenary indul- 4 miserly people spend money to avenge it. The gence. The exhortations of the preachers ac- populace see no harm in dishonor if their money

complished little in Brescia, however, and there _ is safe. It was lust for power and insatiable greed were few who paid, for the whole effort seemed _ of gain that persuaded the Venetians to equip such like a “trick to get money” (cattaria de dinari), forces and undergo such expense. . . . [The Vene-

At the carnival season of 1464 a Franciscan tans considered only that the Morea was one of friar named Roberto appeared in Brescia, a the centers of the world’s commerce, producing

very effective preacher, but he could not get the *” Sees ite) the wheat, and all ee ther inhabitants to pay the charge. He set a period desine, of con we ey wene Pe anaes Th .

: quering a very ric province. cy

of fifteen days after which those who had not spent money to get more money. They followed paid would incur the ban of greater excom- their natural instincts. They were out for trade and munication, and this was to include priests, barter. This course was urged upon them by an overfriars, and all parishioners. Roberto’s given crowded city which could no longer endure itself.

period ended on Friday, 16 March, 1464. Those they call nobles, who have control of the Very few had paid up. Accordingly on the

following Sunday, the eighteenth, Roberto 53 . ,

preached from the pulpit in the Duomo, and qq Crfero de Sold, ora, aan in RUSS, XI pronounced a malediction on everyone who in the new Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt. 3 (1938-42), 144. The had refused to pay as well as on any priest or _ friar in question was probably Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce.

248 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT government, had increased to a remarkable degree, Turkish forces south of the great wall. On 20 though all are slaves to the sordid occupations October, however, the Venetians were badly

a trade. ane trougnt they ought to send out a defeated, and Bertoldo d’Este was mortally colony and that there was no better place to found wounded, hit in the head by a stone. He

one than thena. Peloponnese. TheseCorinth were theiron real4diNovember, ; ied before

1463.

reasons for equipping a fleet; all others were pre- The 5; f the city had be aband d

tended. He is a fool who thinks a people can be - © SESS © the city had to be abandoned. persuaded to noble deeds unless it is to their The Venetians withdrew to the Hexamilion and

material advantage.*4 Nauplia. Omar Beg, flambulare della Morea, who had not ‘The Venetian view was doubtless that at- dared to attack the Hexamilion with his own

tributed to the Doge Leonardo Donato, about a inadequate troops, had appealed for reinforcecentury and a half later, in the contest with ments. He was now awaiting the arrival of MahPope Paul V over the growth of ecclesiastical sud Pasha, whose chances of taking the wall

properties in Venice, to the effect that the he nevertheless considered doubtful. In fact he citizens of the Republic were just as good advised Mahmud Pasha not to continue his adChristians as the pope (Szamo Cristiani quanto yance, but to inform the sultan that a great

il papa). undertaking lay before them. He reported that he had himself approached very close to the The Venetians appeared to be making a good Venetian army, and had seen more than two beginning, now that they had gone to war against thousand (small) cannon and four hundred the Turks. They appointed the young Marquis bombardiers, as well as archers and shieldBertoldo d’Este, a relative of the ruling family bearers. Such a force was certainly not going to of Ferrara and Modena, commander-in-chief of allow a Turkish encampment in the Isthmus. the land forces in the Morea. Argos was reé- An Albanian messenger from Turkish-held taken in early August with little difficulty, Corinth, however, made his way to Mahmud in and the lion banner of the evangelist floated Thessaly to. urge his continuing southward, for again over the picturesque height of the the Venetians did not expect an attack. Mahmud Larissa. The Hexamilion remained the symbol decided to take the chance. He had already

of security against the Turks, the Maginot of determined to come as far as- Livadia in the Morea, not only for the Greeks, but even, Boeotia. As soon as he got there, he re-

at first, for the Venetians. It was a vain thing ceived the astonishing news that the Venetians for safety, however, having been rebuilt and had abandoned the Hexamilion. destroyed some eight or nine times in the forty That evening he made preparations for his years from 1423 to 1463. In the first two weeks advance. During the night he withdrew from of September of the latter year the Venetians the region of Plataea, going through the passes reconstructed it with great blocks of stone, of Cithaeron under the cover of darkness. By employing, it is said, thirty thousand men to the break of dawn he had reached the Isthmus, do so; 136 defense towers were built at inter- just in time to see the Venetian ships putting

vals along its six-mile length; and an altar

dedicated to S. Mark oe Paced in the qb ter °6 See the account left by Malatesta’s secretary, in Sathas, of the wall, whic was Iurther protected by a pos. inédits, VI, 96; Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn, p. 558; deep moat. The Venetians now began the siege ed. Darké, H-2, 300-1); Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. of Corinth. Omar Beg soon appeared before _ stor. italiano, VII—1 (1843), 15; Cristoforo da Soldo, in the the Hexamilion, but had to withdraw from the so-called Istoria bresciana, in RISS, XXI, cols. 895-96, and

ti Ther cannon. rea number ed.(1938-42), G. Brizzolara, in Corpus the newchronicorum Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt.ad 3 range of£V Venetian © ewe 140-41; bononienstum, of engagements between the Venetians and the ann. 1463, in RISS, XVII, pt. 1, vol. IV, pp. 319a,

320b; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. =~ 1172-73, 1179C; Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, 54 Pius II, Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., pp. 775-76; XXIII, cols. 1121-23. Vallaresso, who deserted to the Turks,

ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 314-15; Cugnoni, Opera inedita, | was exchanged by them for the son of an officer of the pp. 544-45; cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio, 111, 695; Pastor, Gesch. Porte, and was hanged as a traitor in Venice in November,

d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 245. 1463 (Sanudo, op. cit., cols. 1173-74). On the Hexamilion,

55 The Venetian recapture of Argos is dated 5 August cf. Pius II, Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., p. 830; ed.

by the Chronicon breve, ad ann. 1463 (Bonn, p. 521); this Frankfurt, 1614, p. 343; Cod. Reg. lat. 1995, fols. 576%— chronicle is generally reliable, but Malatesta’s secretary 577°, and Ljubic, Listine, X (1891), 277. On Bertoldo d’Este, seems to date the event.on the third (Sathas, Docs. inédits, see Lopez, “Il Principio della guerra,” pp. 53 ff., 64 ff.,

VI, 95). 79 ff., and on Bertoldo’s death, ibid., pp. 96-99.

PIUS Il AND THE CRUSADE 249 out to sea. Depressed by their recent defeat, was now placed under his command, captured their troops afflicted with dysentery, the Vene- a small town, and sent some five hundred tian high command had decided to fall back prisoners to Mahmud Pasha, who had been on Nauplia. Mahmud Pasha thus found the summoned back to Istanbul by Sultan MehIsthmus deserted. He camped there for a brief med.°® The five hundred prisoners were also sent while, and then pushed on to Argos by way of _ to Istanbul, where Mehmed had them all cut in

Corinth. The Hexamilion was destroyed. Hav- two, a barbarity which in his case need not ing been built partly without mortar, it was excite undue incredulity. Our source is Chalcoeasier to tear down than to erect. The remains condylas, however, who lived and wrote in of the Venetians’ Isthmian camp were plun- Athens, far from the scene of this hideous dered, and Turkish horsemen and janissaries mass execution. He may very well be doing no pursued the straggling Venetian troops to more than recounting a tale which was abroad Nauplia. Here the Turks were repulsed with at this time, and indeed there is a sequel to heavy losses by a sortie which one Giovanni the tale (Aéyerat 6€ . . .). An ox is said to have della Tela led out from the city. Mahmud’s gone among the severed bodies with a mourntroops, however, recovered Argos in the first ful lowing, and to have put the two halves attack. Chalcocondylas says that they captured of one body together, although they had been the Venetian garrison of seventy men, who were _ lying a considerable distance apart. What was

sent to the sultan in Istanbul. According to even more remarkable, on the following day, Critobulus, Mahmud sent all the inhabitants when the two halves of this body were again of Argos to add to the population of Istanbul separated, the ox sought them out from all the and razed the Moreote town. A Turkish gar- rest of the carnage, and again put them torison was presumably placed in the Larissa on gether. The superstitious sultan, who had seen the hilltop. Mahmud’s troops also moved into the second (and more astounding) miracle with the southern part of the Morea. Various towns his own eyes, ordered the two halves of this and fortresses which had been prepared to _ body to be buried, and the ox to be placed in recognize the authority of Venice quickly re- the imperial garden of the Seraglio to live a life verted to the Ottoman allegiance. Mahmud and_ of ease as the harbinger of an uncertain futhe main body of the army went through the ture. The sultan believed that he saw in this

territory of Tegea as far as Leondari. Isa Beg unusual event a sign of good fortune for

was removed from command over the Morea. the people to which the poor victim had beZagan Pasha was restored and sent to Patras longed. There was no way of telling, however, and a number of other places in the northern’ whether he had been a Venetian or an AIpart of the peninsula, to see to their fortifica- banian.°? Apparently he was not a Greek and tions and stock them with food and other obviously he could not have been a Turk. necessities. Mahmud Pasha next ordered Omar On 12 September, 1463, the Venetians and Beg to take command of the army, which King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary committed then contained some twenty thousand men, and_ themselves to a crusade, and on 19 October to attack the Venetian territory in the south. the statesmen of the Republic formed an al-

The Republics whole establishment in the liance against the Turks with Pope Pius II

Morea was probably saved by the advent of and Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy for a winter.*” period of three years. In the preceding According to Chalcocondylas, Omar Beg raided the district of Modon with the army which 8 Cf. Malatesta’s secretary, in Sathas, Docs. inédits, VI, 97, lines 40-41.

OO °° Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn, pp. 561-63; ed. Darké, *7 See Malatesta’s secretary in Sathas, Docs. inédits, VI, 1-2, 303-5); cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1464, no. 96-97, where on 4 November (1463) the Venetians are 11, vol. XIX (1693), p. 155. reported to have captured two Turkish spies, who under 60 Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1174-76; torture said that Mahmud Pasha (“Daut Bassa”) was within Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, col. 1124. The

eight days of the Hexamilion with an army of 80,000 men; text of Matthias Corvinus’s accord with Venice (of 12

Chalcocondylas, bk. x (Bonn, pp. 559-61; ed. Dark6, September, 1463) is given in Ljubic, Listine, X, 272-74, H—2, 301-3); Critobulus, IV, 16 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, cf. pp. 281-82, and see MHH, Acta extera, IV (1875), pp. 148b-149; ed. Grecu [1963], pp. 311, 313), and V, nos. 149-50, 152, pp. 240 ff. In January, 1464, the Venetian 1-2 (ed. Muller, pp. 150-15la; ed. Grecu, pp. 315, Signoria is said to have made Pius II a wholly incredible 317); cf. Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, 11 (1920, repr. 1964), offer of supplies, cannon, cuirasses, spingards, lances and

371-72; Babinger, Maometto (1957), 338-40. galleys (according to a [late fifteenth-century?] MS. in the

250 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT July, Corvinus had finally made peace with the was the envoy told. With or without the help of Emperor Frederick III of Germany who, as we_ the Republic, however, Corvinus is said to have

have seen, himself coveted the Hungarian taken sixty places in Bosnia, many of them

throne. Corvinus had then pledged the full use fortified. It was widely believed that the victory of all his resources to the war against the Turks, had restored Bosnia to Christendom and assured undoubtedly reassured by the fortunate turn his the future of the Herzegovina.® This was not

affairs were taking. The Venetians now under- so, but in July and August, 1464, the fortress took to arm forty galleys for an offensive.” of Jajce withstood a terrible siege conducted In late September, Corvinus entered Bosnia under the personal command of Sultan Mehmed

with an army of about four thousand men, II, who had to throw his heavy cannon into making his way without serious opposition to. the river, abandon his baggage, and retreat

the city of Jajce. The lower city fell to him toward Sofia, upon the news of Corvinus’s adafter four days, although the janissaries in the vance from the Sava. A new Turkish army, upper fortress had to be starved into sur- however, was quickly assembled at Sofia. The render, but surrender they finally did on 16 sultan set over it Mahmud Pasha, before whom December. Most of the captives were offered Corvinus in his turn was soon in northward the alternatives of enrollment in the Hun- flight. Bosnia had been largely depopulated. garian army or their free departure without It remained for the most part in the hands of weapons. Corvinus spared the Turkish garrisons the Turks, who launched repeated but vain everywhere. The commander of the garrison attacks: upon Jajce (which in 1472 became the of Jajce and four hundred chosen prisoners capital of Nicholas Ujlaky, whom Corvinus

were carried off to Hungary, where they made the ruler of a new Bosnian kingdom). furnished spectacular evidence of the victory Some of Mehmed II's difficulty in 1464 was ill

over the Turks. During the course of his health. Like his father, he now showed a

campaign Corvinus sent an envoy to Venice, strong tendency to fat. Intemperance and the

seeking funds wherewith to continue his success. hardships of constant campaigning were _ be-

The Senate expressed regret that they could ginning to leave their ineffaceable marks upon

not help him; since they had entered the his constitution. When he returned to Istanwar their land forces and the fleet were cost- bul at the close of that summer of defeat, ing them more than 600,000 ducats when he remained within the capital for more than figured on an annual basis. Such, at least, a year.”

Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. lat. 5994, fols. 86’-87', omnibus regie Maiestati complacere posse, sed sicut per

which contains the following fantasy): oratorem nostrum dici fecimus Serenitati sue per ingressum “Ad laudem et memoriam illustrissimi dominii Venetorum: —nostrum in bello cum Turco sumus ad presens in expensis

In nomine domini nostri Jesu Christi: Questa e la offerta| ducatorum sexcentorum milium et ultra in anno tam in che fa la Signoria de Venetia de Jenaro 1464 alo santissimo _gentibus armigeris et peditibus ex Italia missis et quos papa Pio Secundo contra el Turco. In prima: Per granoe incessanter mittimus contra comunem hostem quam in biscotti ducati tridicimilia./ Item bombarde grandi settanta _ potentissima classe quam continue fortificamus contra ipsum

che getta la petra de libre cinquecento./ Item bombarde hostem: Hinc est quod . . . non sit nobis possibile facere picchole quattrocentoquaranta [corrected from centoquaranta quod vellemus. . . .” milia!] che butta la petra de libre ottanta/ Item corazze 63 Torga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 124-25; Babinger, dacciaio settemilia./ Item spingharde quattordici milia./ Item Maometto, pp. 340-42; and see the documents in Ljubi¢, dui navi piene de lance, che ciaschuna nave portaria cento __Listine, X, 277, 313, 316-17.

botti./ Item una nave de polve da bombarda che portaria 64 Critobulus, V, 4-6 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, pp. 151b— ottanta botti./ Navi quattro de verrottoni et frezze che 153; ed. Grecu [1963], pp. 319 ff.); Malipiero, Annali ciaschuna portaria settecento ottanta botti. . . [quantities veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843), 32-33. of equipment and tools are listed as well as:] Item fantarie Francesco Filelfo, serving Francesco Sforza as a secretary a piede da dece ale dodici milia. . . ./ Item gentedarme in Milan, emphasizes Mehmed I1’s ill health in a letter to a cavallo seimilia. . . ./ Item galee pachate infino a Natale — the Doge Cristoforo Moro on 15 March, 1464: “Mahometus

ottantasei/ Item ultra le navi et tutte la cose scritte de ob vitae intemperantiam victusque luxuriam membris est sopra ducati, 1,000,000 che fanno un milione. . . .” adeo mollibus atque dissolutis ut vix equo insistat; nam $t Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1463, nos. 1~12, vol. quo pacto ephippiis erecto corpore insideat, qui homo XIX (1693), pp. 123-26, and no. 51, ibid., p. 137; Ljubic, | temulentus morbo comitiali quam saepissime corripiatur, et

Listine, X, 273; Voigt, Enea Silvio, III, 683-84; Pastor, ea sit enervatione articulorum, ut ne stapedibus quidem

Gesch. d. Papste, It (repr. 1955), 248. satis queat inniti“ (cited by Raynaldus, Amn. eccl., ad ann.

® Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 1464, no. 20, vol. XIX [1693], p. 157). On the fighting

194%— 195", doc. dated 13 October, 1463: “. . . Ad partem in Bosnia, cf. Raynaldus, loc. cit., no. 63, p. 168; lIorga,

favorum pecuniarum vellemus profecto et in hoc et in’ Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, WI, 126-27, 177; Babinger,

PIUS If AND THE CRUSADE 251 Early in the year 1464 the Republic of S. to keep the Turks busy on all fronts. On 5 April Mark made changes in its chief commands both (1464) they informed Giustinian that they were on land and sea. Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta, recruiting gentes armigerae et pedites in large

the tyrant of Rimini, whom Pius II regarded numbers to send into Albania as soon as posas the “prince of wickedness,’ but a good _ sible, to fight along with Scanderbeg and the soldier, was made captain-general of the land anti-Turkish chieftains.*” On the same day they forces in the Morea, while Orsato Giustinian wrote Alvise Foscarini, their envoy to the Holy replaced Alvise Loredan, who was ill, as admiral See, that they had recently learned from Jacopo

in the Aegean. Giustinian was ordered to oc- Zane, their vice-consul in Naples, that Scandercupy Mytilene if he could.® The Senate planned beg had gone to the court of King Ferrante,

. ini fficial call and would soon be visiting the pope. Fos-

Maometto, pp. 343-45. In 1475 Nicholas of Ujlak came to fT and wh a pay Scanderbeg an R ficia “a ‘ Rome, ostensibly for the jubilee of indulgence alone, but i and when he came to t € Uurla KOMana, GO very likely to appeal to Pope Sixtus IV for aid against the him especial honor, and assist the pope to hurry Turks (cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, It [repr. 1955], 515-16). him on his way to Venice, where it was under-

°° ae ms an ok. 1, Engl. p. 80, vane pk. 1,against stood he was also planning pp. -—70 (most of trans., Pius’s invective Malatesta in :an appearance. these passages being omitted from the Frankfurt edition, The sooner he came to Venice, the Sooner pp. 26, 51-52, see Cugnoni, Opera inedita, pp. 80, 509); he could return to Albania, where his presand without further reference to the Frankfurt edition or ence would be much needed in the coming ofCugnoni, see bk. m1, Engl. trans., p. 254; 1v, 325, 331; = fensive against the Turks.®

v, 364, 374-76, 380; vi, 504-5; vim, 541; x, 647-63 As he had been instructed, Orsato Giustinian

(on the family of the Malatesta); et alibi—Pius hated | ked the island of Lesb mn Avril d

Sigismondo beyond all men of his time. His references to attacke ; the island 0 esbdo0s In “April an him are generally entertaining if not edifying; on the process May, laying siege to the city of Mytilene for Pius instituted against him, cf. Erich Meuthen, Die letzten six weeks, until Mahmud Pasha with a large Jahre as N iholaus von Auess Cologne, Jee, PP: arene Ottoman fleet forced his precipitate withdrawal ince not abusive references to to Sigismondo in the lettersaspect of Pius (onof 18this May, study, 1464).** Giustinian are relevant any significant I have :made another

kept no record of those I have found in the Vatican attempt upon Lesbos in the following month, registers, but cf. Brevia, in Arm. XXXIX, tom. 9, fols. but this also failed. In early July he sailed 241-242", dated (apparently) 10 August, 1461, tothe doge tg Modon, where he died on the eleventh, of Venice; fols. 242"—244", also to the doge; etc. On the 4 thoroughly discouraged man. Already the

general background Pius’s Sigismondo, seeItsIjtoll . llofofVenetian V . comA. A., Arm. I-XVIII, no. of 1443, fols. hostility 40°44", byto mod. War was taking

stamped enumeration. There are numerous documents manders. Jacopo Loredan was appointed to his relating to Pius’s pursuit of Sigismondo in the Arch. di post, and set out for Rhodes with forty-two Stato di Milano, Arch. Visconteo-Sforzesco, Potenze estere galleys. From the haven of the Hospitallers [Fondo Sforzesco], Cart. 49 (tit. “Roma,” 1460-1461). h d th t A to Tened In early March, 1464, Malatesta came to Venice to arrange Cc range . € cas ern egean up ; O AeNCAOS, with the Signoria the terms of his service in the Morea making an impressive demonstration of force (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. at the mouth of the Dardanelles, which ac3°—4" [5”-6"], dated 13 March): “Venit huc, ut est notum, complished nothing.”

magnificus dominus Sigismundus Pandulfus qui conductam et Capitaneatum Amoree ei oblatum acceptavit. .. .” We =—=——————

need not be concerned with the details of his condotta, 87 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 10° [12°]. the initial terms being altered for his benefit on the morning *S Ibid., Reg. 22, fol. 10 [12]. On Scanderbeg’s moveof the fifteenth, when he appeared in person before the ments, at least after Mehmed II raised the siege of Jajce

Signoria (ibid., fol. 4" [6°]). (on 22 August, 1464), see Fr. Pall, “I Rapporti italo°° Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1179; albanesi,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane, LXXXIII

Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXUHI, col. 1123; (3rd ser., IV, 1966), doc. no. Lxu, p. 203, a letter of the Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1464, no. 65, vol. XIX (1693), condottiere Antonio da Cosenza to the Doge Cristoforo p. 168. On 5 March the Senate reconsidered, but did not Moro, written from Valle Carda in Albania on 17 September, alter previous instructions to Giustinian to attack the island 1464. of Lesbos, in facto Mithilenarum (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, °° Critobulus, V, 7 (ed. Miller, FHG, V—1, p. 154; ed. fol. 2” [4"]). Twelve days later (on 17 March) Giustinian, Grecu [1963], pp. 329, 331). capitaneus generalis maris, was informed by the Senate: Two years later, in the third year of the war, Andrea “Conduximus in capitaneum nostrum generalem terrestrem Duodo, who knew well the area of the Dardanelles, wrote in partibus Amoree magnificum dominum Sigismundum de __ Vettore Capello of the vanity and danger of trying to conduct

Malatestis, qui cum equitibus IJ. millia vel circa de mense a war in the northern Aegean and making attempts on Aprilis proximi in Dei nomine itineri se committet _ the straits, from which only damage but never victory could venturus in illam provinciam Amoree ut simul cum aliis ensue for Venice (see his detailed program Pro bello gentibus et viribus nostris fieri possit honor creatoris Peloponnensi in Sathas, Docs. inédits, V1, 104—5, in which he

nostri . . .” (zbid., fol. 6¥ [8°}). alludes to Loredan’s showy gesture). Duodo advocates the

252 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians had appointed Sigismondo never had a sufficient military establishment Malatesta to the command of their land forces to do what the Republic expected of him.”

in the Morea only when it was quite clear He had reason to be dissatisfied with the

that no other Italian condottiere of note would Serenissima’s conduct of its military affairs, accept the post. They feared the impression and proved unable or unwilling to get along which his appointment would make upon the with Andrea Dandolo, provveditore of the

Curia Romana. Pius II was anxious to keep Morea.” }

Malatesta in the straitened circumstances to Although Malatesta made a number of at-

which he had been reduced, and was not above tacks upon Turkish positions and occupied’ a bestowing Malatesta lands upon the Piccolomini. few places, including the lower city of Mistra The time and money he had devoted to his (on 16 August, 1464), his attempt to take the struggle with Malatesta had been animpediment hilltop castle of the Villehardouin and_ the to his plans for the crusade. It was feared Palaeologi failed. He retreated to Modon in the in Rome that Malatesta would try to use hisnew late autumn, upon receiving the news that

position and the assurances he was receiving Omar Beg was on his way to break the

from the Venetians to help rebuild his shattered Italian siege. Later Malatesta went to Nauplia,

fortunes in Italy as well as to fight the Turks where he became ill. He had removed from in the Morea. His commission was to last for Mistra the body of the Platonic philosopher two years. He departed for his command at George Gemistus Pletho. He later buried Pletho the end of June, about two months later than in a handsome sarcophagus at the cathedral of he had promised the Signoria. Although con- Rimini, the old church of S. Francesco, stantly beset by his enemies, who were always which Leone Battista Alberti had transformed

abetted by the Piccolomini, Malatesta had in 1450 into the Tempio Malatestiano.” This managed to send ahead of him into the Morea ae poses for nis natarms, 4 00 net h ted ” Malatesta never had as many as 4,000 men, all told, both

CTOSS owmen, an mM antry. € must Nave horse and foot, in the Morea (cf. Soranzo, op. cit., p. 229). arrived in the Morea in mid-July (1464), al- *3 Dandolo’s commission, drafted in the name of the Doge though the chronicler Malipiero says that he Cristoforo Moro and dated 17 March, 1464, is to be found landed at Modon on 8 August.7! His forces im the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 5 [7]. Besides the various . . . ‘ instructions he received, Dandolo was sent into the Morea were later increased in size, but their effec- with 10,000 ducats, of which 8,000 were in gold. Before tiveness declined with each passing month, his departure he was given an additional 1,000, of which owing to lack of supplies, encounters with the 480 were for six months’ salary and the remaining 520 for Turks, and the near-famine conditions which expenses. At the same time he received sixty-eight bolts the war soon brou ght to the Morea. Malatesta of cloth of various colors (all under the lead seal of S. Mark) which he was to deliver to the Venetian captain-general

of the sea “if he was in those parts:”

——_—_—_ “Si vero idem capitaneus noster inde abesset, volumus

defense of Venetian possessions in the Levant and con- _ tibique mandamus ut habita collatione cum regimine nostro centration upon the conquest of the Morea (zbd., pp. 105 ff.). Mothoni de fide et meritis cuiusque tam Grecorum quam Although he proposes adequate numbers of ships and men, Albanensium medietatem eiuscemodi pannorum inter eos money, and supplies for the war against the Turks, he also nostri dominii nomine dono distribues ut in devotione et

cautions reason and moderation: “E le gran cose non si fa fide sua ardentius perseverent ac de bono in melius tanto con numero de zente, quanto per conseio e sapientia” _pro statu nostro partium ipsarum se exerceant. Medietatem

(p. 107). During the first year of the war Venice had offered vero pannorum scarlatinorum finorum distribues inter Matthias Corvinus a subsidy of 60,000 florins for an Sp. Nicolaum Griza et suos, Petrum Buam et suos, Nicolam expedition against the Turks, “eunte maiestate sua cum _ Rali et suos, et Michaelem Rali et suos, et Cumino et suos. exercitu suo extra regnum suum contra perfidos Turcos . . .” Reliquam vero medietatem servabis usque adventum ipsius (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 2", publ. by Ljubic, Listine, X,299, capitanei nostri cui eos assignabis” (zbid., fol. 5° [77]).

and cf. pp. 301, 311 ff.). Apparently fine cloth went farther than gold in the Morea. 71 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Archivio storico italiano, VII-1 4 Malatesta’s secretary in Sathas, Docs. inédits, VI, 98;

(1843), 32; cf. Ant. G. Mompherratos [Monferrato], Theodore Spandugnino, ibid., p. 100; Ces. Clementini, zbid., Leytapovvbos TavS6Agos Madaréoras: Todenos ‘Evérwy pp. 93-94; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, cols. kai Totpxwv év TleXoTovyjow Kata Ta Ern 1463-1466, 1181, 1182; Ljubi¢, Listine, X, 320, doc. dated 13 January, Athens, 1914, p. 28, and especially Giovanni Soranzo, “Sigis- 1465 (Ven. style 1464), from the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols.

mondo Pandolfo Malatesta in Morea e le vicende del suo 58-59" [60°-61'], noting the withdrawal of Malatesta’s dominio,” Atti e memorie della R. Deputazione di storia patria forces from Mistra, on which cf. G. Soranzo, in the Alti e per le provincie di Romagna, 4th ser., VIII (Bologna, 1918), memorie, etc., VIII, 231-33, 279-80. For Malatesta’s activities

211-80, esp. pp. 212—27. Malatesta’s secretary in Sathas, against the Turks and his many difficulties in 1465, see Docs. inédits, V1, 98, says that Malatesta landed in the Soranzo, ibid., pp. 259-70, and on the reburial of Gemistus Morea on 13 July (1464), which seems quite likely. Pletho, see Corrado Ricci, 7? Tempio Malatestiano, Milan,

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 253 was more than the sentimental gesture of a_ honor as an athlete of Christ, awarding him the patron of art and humanism toward a famous’ golden rose as Pius presumably turned in his scholar, whom Malatesta had once tried to en- grave. Actually Malatesta had done what he

tice to Rimini. Pletho had been known per- could in the Morea. The vacillating policy sonally to the Malatesti from the time, more of the Venetians had failed to provide him

than forty years before, when Cleopa Malatesta with men and provisions.” At the time of his of Pesaro had married the Despot Theodore departure Venetian affairs in the Morea were II of Mistra (1407-1443), brother of the last in a sorrier plight than they had been when

emperor, Constantine XI.” he arrived. Malatesta was not, however, respon-

Sigismondo Malatesta had not been a success’ sible for the deterioration of the Venetian in the Morea. According to Angiolello, Mala- position in the turbulent peninsula. testa had been deprived of the support of the We can follow the course of this deteriora-

Venetian fleet during the siege of Mistra (in tion in the most interesting and detailed reOctober, 1464), when the admiral Loredan_ ports of Jacopo Barbarigo, who succeeded was ordered from Moreote waters to Rhodes as Andrea Dandolo as Venetian provveditore in a consequence of trouble with the Hospitallers. the Morea to advise Malatesta in prosecuting His failure to take the castle of Mistra— _ the war against the Turkish forces under Omar che la terra era gia presa—was attributed to this Beg. Barbarigo’s reports extend from 5 June, fact.”° After eighteen hard months inthe Morea, 1465, to just after the middle of March, Malatesta was finally released from Venetian 1466. He watched Omar Beg’s movements service, and departed for Italy on 25 January, with great attention. From week to week, al1466. He was in Venice the following March; most from day to day, he sent word to the returned to Rimini (with Pletho’s bones) on 14 home government concerning them. Now the April; and was called the following month to Turkish commander was at Mouchh, then on a Rome, where Pius II’s successor, the Venetian raid or laying siege to some Venetian strongPaul II, received the excommunicate with every hold, and finally came the news that he had gone to Athens, owing to the severe shortage 1925, pp. 291-95, and Francois Masai, Pléthon et le §©=—————— platonisme de Mistra, Paris, 1956, pp. 364-65. The epitaph ™ Cf. Mompherratos, Xvtytopovvdos TlavdéApos Maon Pletho’s tomb is dated 1465. The Tempio was severely . Aatéoras, pp. 46-50. The date of Malatesta’s departure

damaged in 1943-1944, Rimini being an important posi- from the Morea is noted in a dispatch of the Venetian tion in the German line of defense against the allied advance. provveditore Jacopo Barbarigo, addressed to the home 5 Cf. Sp. P. Lampros, Palaiologeia kai Peloponnesiaké, IV government on 18 February, 1466 [Ven. style 1465]

(Athens, 1930), 102-3, 143, 144-75, 176, where monodies (Sathas, VI, doc. no. 82, p. 87, lines 24-25, the full of Nicephorus Cheilas and Plethon as well as Bessarion’s reference to this work being repeated below). Note also

epitaph on the Despoina Cleopa are given; G. Miller, what we might regard as Malatesta’s final discharge in Documenti sulle relazioni delle citta toscane coll’Oriente cristiano Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 142’-143" [144”-145"], dated

e cot Turchi, Florence, 1879, pt. 1, doc. no. 102, p. 150, 18 March, 1466; “Quod magnifico domino Sigismundo and cf. pp. 479-80; Ducas, chap. 20 (Bonn, p. 100; ed. de Malatestis ad ea que petiit et exposuit, viz. commendari Grecu [1958], p. 137); Chalcocondylas, bk. rv (Bonn, p. 206; per nostras litteras summo pontifici, item quod si eum Darko, I [1922], 193); Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, dominatio nostra vult ad servitia sua promptus reperitur 1043D-1044A; ed. Grecu [1966], p. 50, lines 28-30), and __ ire et ad partes orientis et ponentis, etc. Sin minus, dignetur

cf. Pseudo-Sphranizes, II, 10 (Bonn, p. 158; ed. Grecu, p. _ saltem dominatio nostra ei declarare que via sibi gratior 300, lines 35-37). Cleopa was also buried at Mistra, in the esset, quoniam illam capiet, et quod aliis qui opera et Zoodotou monastery (Sphrantzes, loc. cit., and Miller, Latins servicio suo uti vellent, commendamus, etc. Item de gentibus

in the Levant [1908], p. 415), but her grave has not been suis que in Amorea remanserunt . . . , respondeatur: ” identified in excavations of Hagia Sophia, presumed to have that Venice would be pleased to recommend him to the been the katholikon of the monastery. Cf. Hopf, Chron. pope, and was quite content that he should return to gréco-romanes (1873, repr., 1966), geneal. tables, p., 536; Italy and to his home (in Rimini); that his obligations to

Chas. Yriarte, Un Condottiere au XV® siécle: Rimini, Etudes Venice were duly discharged, and the Senate would be sur les lettres et les arts a la cour des Malatesta, Paris, 1882, quite willing to recommend him to others; that those of pp. 261-63, 449; D. A. Zakythinos, Le Despotat grec de his troops in the Morea who wished to remain in Venetian

Morée, 1 (1932, repr. 1975), 189-91, 299-302. (Cleopa service might do so, and the others return to Italy: At died in 1433.) The daughter of Theodore II of Mistra, the same time, however, the Senate wrote to the Venetian Helena Palaeologina, had married King John II of Cyprus _ provveditore in the Morea to enrol for further service only in 1442. Helena’s ambition and hostility toward the Latin _ the best troopers and to let the others go.

Church plunged John’s kingdom into sixteen years of 78 Jacomo (or Jacopo) Barbarigo, Dispacci della guerra di violence and fruitless intrigue (Geo. Hill, A History of Peloponneso, in C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits relatifs

Cyprus, 111 [Cambridge, 1948], 527-44). a Uhistoire de la Gréce au moyen age, VI (Paris, 1884, repr. 6 Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu (1909), pp. 32-33. Athens, 1972), nos. 1-87, pp. 1-92.

254 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of food and fodder in the Morea (according field in August; in Anatolia the sultan must

to a dispatch from Coron on 14 October, turn his attention to the troubled affairs of 1465). Through the early months covered by Caramania and the well-known hostility of Uzun Barbarigo’s reports so many men-at-arms lost Hasan.’® The Turks could not send out a fleet

their lives in one way or another that the this year. Omar Beg’s people kept spreading Venetian command usually had an, excess of rumors abroad. The Venetians should not take horses (and little fodder). The troops, both them seriously and lose “grandissimo fructo in

horse and foot, went unpaid and were de- questa Amorea.” His Highness would excuse moralized; the provveditore had trouble with Barbarigo if the Jatter spoke too frankly. He the Republic’s lesser condottieri, their subal- was trying to save the Venetian forces in the terns, and the “constables.” Barbarigo took Morea. He wanted the Senate to send out two only a slightly more sanguine view of life thousand horse and three thousand foot next and affairs in the Morea in the earlier than’ February, so that they might arrive in March in the later months of his residence there: or at the beginning of April, and “forthwith “When I consider the affairs of this province,” close the Hexamilion,” ad uno tracto ad serare

he wrote the Doge Cristoforo Moro on 25 July, UEximilia. He needed foodstuffs and other 1465 (in a letter actually intended, of course, supplies, “which are necessary, as your lordship for the Senate), “as they have gone up to the will understand.” If the Hexamilion were made present, and the state in which they still secure, the Moreotes could sow and reap their are, I can only feel the deepest distress that crops. They would feel safe and willingly pay so much money and effort have been ex-_ their taxes as in the time of Greek rule in the pended with such slight utility to your High- peninsula. It would be far better to go to this

ness. . . .” If the doge were the master of the expense now than to spend and spend for

Morea, however, he might account himself also nothing. The needed troops could come with the signor de tuta Gretia. From the resources of muda in March.®8° He wanted the recruitment the Morea alone an occupying power could sup-_ not of “el ragazo,” but of “el saccomano,” for port ten thousand men, both horse and foot, the latter was almost as valuable as a man-atbut the Republic’s feeble forces were unable arms in the Morea. The saccomani were fasteither to extend Venetian hegemony in the moving “raiders,” equipped with cuirass, helmet, peninsula or to maintain their present posi- and light arms; without them, Barbarigo was tion in the face of Turkish strength. It was certain, the Venetians were going to get nowhere

all very well to entertain the hope in Venice at all. If the Senate decided not to meet his that, if the Hungarians took the field in force, requests, it would be well to find some “via Malatesta and Barbarigo might do great deeds _honesta” to make peace with the Turks.

in the Morea: There were many notable persons among the

1want ; ; .Greeks andHighness Albanians who had proved to point out to your that, if loval he Republic. Th houldtheir all b

the most serene king of Hungary should set out for ‘OY4 ty to the Republic. cy soul’ all Be

Constantinople with no larger force than we have in treated alike, according to their merits. Some of

this country, we shall not be able to accomplish the leaders of the stradioti were so poor, any more than we are doing, for Omar Beg with however, that they could not remain in the a thousand Turks and some peasants, considering field and support their families. Barbarigo there-

the places he holds, is easily strong enough to fore requested permission to distribute a

prevent our even appearing [in the field]. It is my thousand ducats a year among such leaders. nature to express my feelings openly because, as your

L ighness express another hold one opanon imany In early August, 1464, Ibrahim Beg, the Gran Caramano, had died at the castle of Cavalla (Kevele), near

In Barbarigo’s opinion the Venetian armada, Konya, and his seven sons, six of them legitimate offspring

under the command of the captain-general his marriage with 4 ster of Mursd IL all quarcled Jacopo Loredan, should remain in Moreote required Mehmed’s attention, it did not yet require his waters, and not go off to the Dardanelles presence (cf. Babinger, Maometto [1957], pp. 397-99). (and not even to Negroponte). It could tie © “ The Venetian muda was a commercial convoy (the term down many Turks, and cost the sultan men _ W4S also used to describe the set period during which

. . a convoy might be loaded), on which see F. C. Lane, “Fleets

and money he might prefer to employ I and Fairs: The Functions of the Venetian Muda,” in Anatolia or against the Hungarians. It was syudi in onore di Armando Sapori, 1 (Milan, 1957), 651-63, thought that Matthias Corvinus might take the _ reprinted in Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 128-41.

PIUS Il AND THE CRUSADE 255 Venice would save twice this sum in the long Sigismondo Malatesta wanted to accomplish run. The enrollment of more stradioti would be- something in the Morea, but nothing could be come easier, and even those who had been done with the starveling troops at his command. obliged to serve the Turks would be drawn He could depend on Barbarigo to send another

back to their allegiance to S. Mark.*! appeal to Venice for men and money, “perche

Omar Beg had found it easy to confine questo signore he rimasto solo con Francesco da Malatesta’s forces to Venetian fortresses and Othiano, ne altri ce che sia da conto.”®? Of outposts. Malatesta complained unendingly of all Sigismondo’s sub-commanders or military the lack of money, good troops, and supplies. contractors in the Morea only Francesco da If Loredan would stay in Moreote waters with Tiano was “of any account.” Finally the wellhis thirty galleys, Omar Beg’s forces would be fed nobles who gathered in the senate chamber immobilized, and could not maintain themselves in the doge’s palace in Venice decided to do by raids into Venetian territories. The Morea something for Francesco, and about the end of was becoming a scene of ruined and aban- _ the first week of August (1465) Barbarigo could doned villages. Grapes, figs, and olives could tell Francesco that the Senate had voted him

not be gathered in safety when the time should an annuity of 300 ducats for life, “unde come to do so. In late June Barbarigo had grandemente ringratiava quella [i.e., Celsitudine had a serious riot on his hands; three hundred _vostra, the doge, in whose name the Senate’s infantry, chi morivano da fame, demanded money. letter was sent] di tanto beneficio. . . .”*4 He promised to pay them something the next But what of the poor Greeks and Albanians? day. One of the condottieri, Francesco da how were they faring when Francesco’s comTiano, told Barbarigo and Malatesta “that his pany was so badly off? There were many footsoldiers and men-at-arms were at his throat Greeks and Albanians who claimed to have every day, saying that they were dying ofhunger, served Venice for three years without receivand that in eight months they had had only two ing their due, et in parte dixe el vero. Barbarigo and one-half months’ pay. . . .” Francesco and gave them the usual assurance “that in conquerhis company wanted to be paid every month ing this country, as is to be hoped by the grace

if they were to serve Venice; otherwise of God, your Highness will repay all his they should be given their discharge (licentia), _ servitors.”®

“and they would go with God.” They had con- Occasionally some report of action relieves quered Mantineia and saved Maina for Venice. Barbarigo’s dreary appeals to the home govern-

They had got no money for it, “ma pur una ment. Having urged Malatesta to undertake a

bona letera née da la illustrissima Signoria vostra___ raid on either Mistra or Karytaina “to give some

né da gentilhomo da Veniexia,” not even a_ reputation to this army,” Barbarigo was glad to

word of thanks. write the doge on 8 July (1465) that at about As for Francesco da Tiano, a well-known 6:00 p.m. on the fourth “this lord set out with condottiere, he had had his fill of Venice and about five hundred horse and foot, together with the Morea. He had lost his son and his brother. about four hundred mounted stradioti.” On the

Now he was alone. His company was wasted; following day they reached Karytaina, and his money was gone. He was getting old, and launched an attack upon the Turks, “and they had neither lands nor possessions. He had done _ killed about forty of them, took fifteen alive,

his best, and had been ill rewarded for his ten pavilions [tents], 120 horses, 600 cattle, efforts. He had sent his notary (cancellier) to 2,000 capons, 100 sumpters, and plenty of Venice to ask for his discharge, “et non voleva_ mules, pigs, and other things belonging to the plu star in questo paexe.” In two whole years Albanians and Turks, and many persons from

he had not received even “una minima sub- Karytaina, both men and women, .. . have vention” to maintain his company. He had come back here. This evening or in the watched them sell their arms, their boots, their morning milord will be here with all the booty.”®®

lives in vain. He had watched them die of Barbarigo had occasion on 12 August (1465)

hunger. He had had enough.”

TT 83 Sathas, VI, no. 22, p. 22, lines 9-11, dated 11 July, 1465. $1 Sathas, VI, no. 27, pp. 26-29, dispatch of 25 July, 1465. & Sathas, VI, no. 28, p. 30, lines 34 ff., dated 3 August, and ® Sathas, VI, no. 15, pp. 15-16, dated 26 June, 1465; no. 30, pp. 31-32, dated 10 August, 1465. G. Soranzo, “Sigismondo. . . ,” Atti e memorie . . . per le 85 Sathas, VI, no. 18, p. 18, apparently dated 6 July, 1465.

provincie di Romagna, VIII (1918), 254-55. 86 Sathas, VI, no. 20, p. 20.

256 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to write the doge that Sigismondo Malatesta inherited son Roberto, Paul II, and Venice all had been pleased by a ducal letter, tal humane coveted the possessions of the family, Rimini lettere, which had just been delivered to him. itself as well as Cesena. Malatesta Novello Sigismondo had expressed his gratitude, saying died on 20 November (1465). Roberto occupied that he had been, was, and would continue to Cesena briefly, and then had to surrender it

be the good and faithful son and servitor of to Paul II’s troops in return for territorial the Signoria. He was very worried, however, concessions of less importance. Paul then laid because he had heard from Venice that his claim to Rimini. It is small wonder that Sigisbrother Domenico Malatesta Novello was close mondo wanted to return home.”

to death, and that there was no hope of his As time went on, Barbarigo decided that it recovery. Sigismondo feared that Pius II’s suc- would be too costly to man the Hexamilion. cessor, Pope Paul II, would try to seize Cesena’ In dispatches of 10 and 25 November (1465) while he was fighting the Turks. He asked Bar- and the following 22 January he urged the barigo to write the doge immediately, re- fortification of Glarentza, which may never have questing that firm steps be taken to prevent _ been restored from the ruins to which Constantine any such move on Paul’s part. The loss of the Dragases had reduced it thirty-five years before. city would be the “total ruin” of his house. Glarentza would supply a center for attacks upon The Malatesti had held Cesena (he said) for the Turks from Patras to Kalamata. Barbarigo

more than three hundred years. Barbarigo reported also that by 25 November, after six added his own plea to Sigismondo’s, recalling months in the Morea, he had received only the long loyalty of the Malatesti to Venice “et 18,000 ducats to cover the manifold charges boni portamenti de questo signore a questa which his office obliged him to meet.®? Indeed

impresa.” the constant and crippling shortage of funds, Sigismondo wanted to request leave to go to as he complained in letter after letter, had

Italy for the winter season, so that he could the filled his woebegone troops with disaffection and

more fully inform the Signoria (he said) of the moved them every day to desertion. As for pressing needs of the Venetian expeditionary Sigismondo Malatesta, Barbarigo’s instructions force in the Morea. He would return in the — had been to co-operate with him, which he had

spring. He was naturally thinking of Cesena. tried to do. When from early November, Barbarigo told him that the Senate would not however, Venetian intelligence had reported

grant the licentia, and that it would be a grave _ that there were few Turkish forces in the Morea,

impropriety to ask for it. If Sigismondo should and one could go anywhere with a hundred leave the Morea, everyone would believe for horse,” Barbarigo felt there was no longer any certain that “this enterprise was to be abandoned,” and everything would be turned upside *8 Soranzo, “Sigismondo . . . ,” Attie memorie . . . per le down, che tuto anderia sottosopra. Sigismondo provincie di Romagna, VIII (1918), 239-52, 258, 264, said he would accept Barbarigo’s counsel, and 270-77, and note Jan Robertson, “The Return of Cesena

would send one of his chief retainers, Ser °° the Direct Dominion of the Church after the Death . . ‘ of Malatesta Novello,” Studi romagnoli, XVI (1965), 123-61. Marioto, to attend to matters in Venice. When Sigismondo died in October, 1468, he left Rimini Marioto was thus going for two reasons, una Per to his wife Isotta degli Atti and their son Sallustio.

el facto de Cesena, Valtra per le cosse necessarie Roberto gained control of the city, however, with the help a questa imprexa, and on both scores Barbarigo of the triple alliance of Milan, Florence, and Naples. He

recommended him most warmly to the doge and ctyminated ee ane Sallustio iL 470. and rougn for Senate.®? ; papal recognition hereof regency itaryfollowed vicarRoberto’s ol imini ; in 1473.as A decade death If Sigismondo feared a papal move against (in September, 1482), after which his profligate son

’ 1 5 : upie Iminti 1 e€ fall oO ee - Je nes,

Cesena by Paul II, who did not dislike him, Pandollo succeeded to the We 1s00 a Tote

bea ne th Moree with what ae ae wad “The End of Malatesta Rule in Rimini,” in E. F. Jacob,

egun the oreote campaign In Cc cls 0 ed., Italian Renaissance Studies, London, 1960, pp. 217-55,

Pius II, who loathed him. The Malatesti were esp. pp. 244 ff.). Although this did not extinguish Malatesta indeed in danger of losing Cesena, however, claims to Rimini, it ended their effective rule. and during a period when Sigismondo was ill © Sathas, ve nos. a 62, 75 pp. 62, OB-6?, 10 BO. eed (and rumor had it that he had died), his dis- at Modon on 8 ‘November, 1465: “. . in questo paise non se trovano al presente Turchi, se puol andar per tuto con cento cavalli. . . .” In Venice the failure of the Moreote 87 Sathas, VI, no. 31, pp. 32—33, dated 12 August, 1465, campaign was being blamed on Malatesta (Soranzo, “Sigis-

and see nos. 42, 62, pp. 43, 65-66. mondo,” Aiti e memorie, VIII, 261-62).

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 257 excuse for Malatesta’s inaction. But he remained The humanists had had close relations with inactive; he wanted to return home to attend to the Byzantine world from the end of the prehis affairs; and Barbarigo was glad when the ceding century when in 1395 Jacopo Angeli da condottiere finally sailed for Italy. With the Scarperia had gone to Constantinople to study advent of spring in 1466, Barbarigo learned of Greek. He had been followed in later years by Vettore Capello’s appointment as captain- other students and seekers after Greek manugeneral to replace Jacopo Loredan, and re-_ scripts—Guarino da Verona, who spent five joiced in the change being made in the eastern _ years in the East (1405-1410); Giovanni Aurispa, naval command. He would have been as glad as_ who made two notable trips to Constantinople, Malatesta to leave. A burden would have been _ bringing back some two hundred and fifty Greek lifted from his tired shoulders (as he had written manuscripts; and Francesco Filelfo, who lived

from Modon on 21 October, 1465), “because I and studied in Constantinople for seven years do not intend that it should ever be said in the (1420-1427), coming back to Italy with a Greek future that in the time of Jacopo Barbarigo the wife and with manuscripts of some forty differ-

Morea was lost—or Modon and Coron.”®! ent Greek authors. The list could easily be

Destiny was to spare him that ignominy. The expanded. Most humanists, especially when they

Morea was not to fall in his time; but, as we were Greek scholars, were publicists for the shall see in the next chapter, he was to fall crusade. For years Filelfo, for example, made

defending the Morea. speeches and wrote letters to the popes and princes urging united action against the Turks. When the Turco-Venetian war began, Pius II Fear of the Turks in fact comprised one of the looked upon it as part of the crusade which he few areas of agreement among the humanists. had preached at Mantua. In following the first Their value as lay preachers of the crusade must stage of the war, which was to last a long time not be forgotten as one considers the patronage

(1463-1479), we have got beyond the reign which the popes afforded them. Humanist

of Pius, to which we must now return. We must secretaries and abbreviators at the Curia drafted

also note some of the people at the Curia the stirring appeals which the popes addressed Romana, whose literary talents were employed to Christendom. The attention which Nicholas

as publicists for the crusade. They drafted the V lavished on such scholars is well known. crusading bulls and briefs, and some of them Calixtus III, as a benighted canonist, is alleged were presumably responsible for various poems to have neglected them. We may observe, howand prophecies relating to the Turks. They were ever, that the reappointment of Poggio Bracall admirers of Greek literature, even when they _ ciolini, ctvis Florentinus, as a papal secretary was did not know the language, and like Aeneas one of the first acts of Calixtus’s reign, coming

Sylvius himself most of them were doubtless in fact on 20 April, 1455, the very day of his

stunned by the fall of Constantinople. coronation.” If Poggio had not been a model

of literary probity, he was obviously a useful

man to have around. On 5 March, 1457,

1 Sathas, VI, no. 52, p. 57, lines 12-13; Mompherratos, Calixtus appointed Andreas of ‘Trebizond, son op. cit., p. 42; and cf. Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Archivio of the well-known George, a papal secretary, storico italiano, VII-1 (1843), 37: “A’ 9 de fevrer [1466] € after which his name appears constantly in the sta fatto capitanio general Vettor Capello in luogho de registers. The letter of appointment has words of Giacomo Loredan. A’ 20 d’avril, Vettor Capello ha tolto praise for George, who still held a secretarial Signoria, € anda con 25 galie in golfo de Salonichi. . . .” post.” If humanist expectations of lucrative

armada per consegnada, e dopo visitati i luoghi della 93 . . .

Capello’s commission, issued in the name of the Doge Cristoforo Moro, is dated 25 April, 1466 (Sen. Secreta, §£—————— Reg. 22, fols. 152’-153* [154”-155°]). Loredan had been * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 465, fol. 43, “datum seeking release from the captaincy-general for months Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLV, duo(ibid., fol. 116" [119°], motion put to the Senate on 13 decimo Kal. Maii, pontif. nostri anno primo.” The document September, 1465): “Quoniam nobilis vir Jacobus Lauredano commends Poggio, “qui annis ut asseris amplius quadracapitaneus generalis maris pluribus litteris suis maxima _ ginta dicte [Apostolice] Sedis secretarius fuisti in nostris et instantia postulat quod attenta etate sua et conditione Romane ecclesie obsequiis exercendis” (fol. 43°). persone, que non sine manifesto suo periculo hac hyeme % Reg. Vat. 465, fols. 245”—246", by mod. stamped enumera-

stare posset foris, dignemur sibi de successore providere, tion: “. . . ut te favoribus apostolicis prosequamur, hinc est vadit pars quod . . . eligi debeat unus capitaneus generalis quod nos te, qui etiam litterarum apostolicarum scriptor maris loco prefati Ser Jacobi . . . ,” but after two votes in et familiaris noster existis, premissorum obsequiorum et

the Senate the motion had been defeated de parte 64, virtutum tuarum intuitu specialibus favoribus prosequi

de non 74, non synceri 9. cupientes sperantesque quod tu per vestigia dilecti filii

258 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT employment at the Curia were sometimes whom the island kingdom was to pass to Venice

disappointed, one reason was doubtless that in 1489. there were fewer positions available than Pius II is often accused of neglecting the

applicants seeking them. Other persons than humanists, although he was a generous patron humanists and their sons inevitably received a_ of architects, builders, painters, sculptors, gold-

good many of the ‘appointments to papal smiths, copyists, miniaturists, embroiderers, and notariates and secretarial positions. ‘Thus we find _ other skilled artisans. He was undoubtedly an

that on 25 August, 1457, Calixtus appointed extreme nepotist, as the three volumes of his James, the illegitimate son of King John II of Officia in the Vatican Archives (Regg. Vatt. Cyprus, a papal notary.** This appointment had 515-517) amply attest, and it has been said that

less to do with the crusade than with Cypriote “his predilection for Corsignano [Pienza, his politics. John had sought confirmation of hisson _ birthplace] was the corollary of his nepotism.”*®

as archbishop of Nicosia, to which the papacy To be sure, Pius always remained a good never consented, although for some time James humanist, self-conscious and anxious for distinc-

enjoyed the revenues of the see. A few years tion. But neither the man nor his career as pope

later James [II] became the king of Cyprus can be described by a simple formula. If he

(1464-1473) by ousting his half-sister Charlotte. was a “humanist,” he was also a good deal more.

Pius II supported Charlotte’s legitimist claims, His untiring quest for adventure, fondness but Paul II recognized James, who in 1468 was_ for travel, and hunger for knowledge (all so to marry Caterina Corner (Cornaro), from manifest in the Commentarit) imposed marked limits upon his introspectiveness. He devoted little time to exploring his own ego. Desire for

oo , Be recognition gradually gave way before his deterMagistri Georgi ‘Trapezuntl, genitoris tui, qui etlam mination to press the Turkish war. Election to

secretarius et familiaris noster existit quique tam nostro quam the papacy had obviously won him a secure nonnullorum predecessorum nostrorum Romanorum ponti- ‘che j ££ Ived ficum temporibus officium secretariatus fideliter, diligenter, UC4!€ IN the temple o fale. He was resolve et laudabiliter exercuit etexercet . . .” (“datum Romeapud to show himself equal to the great challenge of Sanctum Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLVI, tertio nonas_ his time. Of course in his mind’s eye he could Martii, anno secundo”). The letter is dated in the year of always cast himself in the role of the Christian the Incarnation, which begins on 25 March. George of h . ‘nst the infidel. but h 1 Trebizond, however, “un cervello poco equilibrato,” came to Champion agalns' € infidel, bu € was we fancy himself a Turcophil (and an admirer of Mehmed I), aware that his failure as a crusader would add which landed him in the Castel S. Angelo for a while little luster to his name. He knew that historians (Angelo Mercati, “Le Due Lettere di Giorgio da Trebisonda award the palm to those who succeed, not to

35.99) II,” Orientalia Christiana periodica, YX [1943], those who fail. The Turkish peril is the main Passing far beyond the western hopes for the union of the theme of the Commentaru, just as it was the Churches, George of Trebizond had advocated the amalgam Major preoccupation of his reign.

of Christianity and Islam, believing in the likelihood of Whether Pius II really neglected the humanists Mehmed II's coming dominance over Europe. His con- GF his day remains unclear. Pastor has wisely temporary de’unity Languschi in fact attributedus to d hat “theon| dfiusPi115s IV Mehmed IJ theJacopo idea of world under his own rule CauUioned that. the iast word (as given in the chronicle of Zorzo Dolfin, Assedio e attitude towards the literati still cannot be said: presa di Costantinopoli, ed. G. M. Thomas, in Sizungsber. for this the pertinent manuscript material has d.k. bayer. Akad. d. Wissen. zu Munchen, Il [1868], 7): not yet been sufficiently explored.” Pius wanted “|, unomonarchia.” dice dover esser del who, mundo, una h .aura. theISCuri Hj nt oO t of fide,. una There were lo no imperio few westerners armony In le appointment like George of Trebizond, were willing to serve the Turk as humanists Was limited to those who pursued the well as the Holy See. In July, 1453, in his tract On the Truth so-called curial humanism, which eschewed the of the Christian Faith, George had written Mehmed, “Oavpalw To Kpatos Kai THY E€ovciav, hv EdSwKE GOL GQ = ———— @céds” (see Agostino Pertusi, La Caduta di Costantinopoli, II: ® Geo. Hill, Hist. of Cyprus, HI (1948), chaps. 1x—xu,

L’Eco nel mondo, pp. 68-79). esp. pp. 530-31, 536 ff., 550 ff., 592-94, 620 ff., 631 ff.; * Reg. Vat. 465, fol. 286 (“datum Rome apud Sanctum Jean Richard, “Chypre du protectorat a la domination Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLVII, octavo Kal. Septembris, vénitienne,” in Venezia e il Levante fino al secolo XV, pontif. nostri anno tertio,” with a letter of the same date Florence, 1973, pp. 657-77, esp. 668 ff.

to the bishop of Nicosia): “Dilecto filio Magistro Jacobo 96 FE. Miintz, Les Arts a la cour des papes, | (Paris, 1878), 228. clerico, carissimi in Christo filii nostri Johannis Cypri regis 97 Cf. Gerhart Birck, Selbstdarstellung u. Personenbildnis illustris nato, notario nostro salutem ... te in nostrumet bei Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Basel and Stuttgart, 1956, esp. apostolice sedis notarium auctoritate apostolica recipimus pp. 1—4, 29-40, 53-67 (Basler Beitrage zur Geschichtswiset aliorum nostrorum et dicte sedis notariorum consortio — senschaft, vol. 56).

favorabiliter aggregamur. . . .” 98 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 30.

, PIUS I! AND THE CRUSADE 259 avowal of republicanism and the defense of Committed to the crusade, and to costly building liberty. In this he resembled both his predecessors programs at Pienza and Siena, Pius lacked the and his successors, and it must be acknowledged money which Nicholas had found available for that in Pius’s dealings with the Sienese govern- __ princely gifts to the humanists. Himself a writer

ment, for example, as in almost every political of true talent and a man of spirit, Pius was opinion expressed in the Commentaru, he reveals unlikely to reward the poetic effusions of a a strongly aristocratic, anti-democratic mentality. Giannantonio Porcellio with much money or No commune beset by civil disturbance could approval, while he could hardly be expected

make its contribution to the crusade. Papal to pay tribute to the effrontery. of Filelfo.'”

secretaries with a humanist bent hadlongchosen Nevertheless, among his early appointments we safe subjects for their literary compositions. find that of the famous Giannozzo Manetti as a They extolled the Christian contemptus mundi, papal secretary on 27 November, 1458.17 A

and discussed among themselves the place of month before this he had appointed another pleasure in the virtuous life. They discoursed humanist, Lodrisio Crivelli of Milan, as a papal

upon the evils of avarice, the pitfalls of ambi- secretary (17 October).’® Pius’s cousin Gregorio tion, and the advantages of a poverty they were Lolli, the son of his aunt Bartolommea, did anxious to avoid. Privy to the secreta papae, they not receive an appointment until 28 September,

knew the dangers of involvement in the strife- 1459.' Lolli remained close to the pope

torn politics of the period. Like their successors in the Curia today most of them tried to avoid public CXPFESsIONs of political op need From 1° Filelfo had hailed Pius II’s accession as the sunrise reign to reign papal patronage change MOTE — dispelling the darkness (Voigt, Enea Silvio, UI, 606-7), but than papal politics, and secretaries were aS _ sent him a list of errors which had unfortunately marred easily dismissed as appointed. Competition for one of his works, observing that, if he (the great Filelfo) office was keen and sometimes unscrupulous. were in Rome, Pius’s literary reputation would be better

c ‘cht b hased dof h protected. The pope replied through Ammanati that, to be

Offices Mus tbe purchased, and oO ten were, {ne sure, he was only human. Amid so many preoccupations he

salary being an annuity until death or dismissal. doubtless wrote things with which the idle might find Fear and frustration led the humanist sec- fault, but it so happened that he was not the author of the retaries into contention. Sometimes they attacked poem in which Filelfo had found the false quantities! For one another’s moral character as well as Latin the rest, Ammanati indicated that, if Filelfo lived in . . . . poverty, the pope’s nephews and the Curia were not much style, dipping their pens into the black ink of better off; war consumed the papal revenues; and besides invective. On the whole, however, they per- many poets, historians, and philosophers had been poor. formed their duties well although the archival Ammanati lectured Filelfo on the Christian virtues, which registers were less well kept at the Vatican and the old rascal was not likely to appreciate (Epistolae Iacobi . he C IS. A lo th nn Veni h Picolomint Cardinalis Papiensis, Milan, 1521, fol. 11). Filelfo In the Gaste oan nge o than nm enice, WwW cre did come to Rome, but was not welcomed very warmly, a stronger discipline was maintained in the and later greeted the news of Pius’s death with a poetic chancery and other offices of state. The crusade appeal to the muses to rejoice (Carlo de’ Rosmini, Vita di or an oration, and papal scriptors and secretaries ‘hereafter, however, the Sacred College learned_ that . . Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, had imprisoned Filelfo were drawn to an exercise which commanded and the latter’s son Mario because of their attacks upon attention on all solemn occasions. For years, Pius’s memory, for which gesture of filial respect for the indeed for generations, neither the writers nor deceased pontiff a note of thanks to Sforza was drafted in

heir audi the name of the College (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm.

the di, d reach seemed to weary of these XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 26, by original enumeration). On the

crusat Ing preac ments. . ; career of Pius’s friend and protégé Ammanati, see Giuseppe

Voigt has compiled a considerable list of Calamari, I Confidente di Pio II: Card. lacopo Ammannatischolars and literati who appealed in vain to Piccolomini (1422-1479), 2 vols., Milan, 1932. Pius II for the patronage which Nicholas V had st Reg. Vat. 515, fol. 99, “datum Rome apud Sanctum dispensed with sometimes uncritical largesse.2° Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLVHI, quinto Kal. Decembris,

P 8 ‘ pontif. nostri anno primo.”

*? Reg. Vat. 515, fol. 109, “datum Rome apud Sanctum TT Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLVIII, sexto decimo Kal. *° Voigt, Enea Silvio, 111, 606-19; and ¢f. Miintz, Les Arts, | Novembris, pontif. nostri anno primo.” Cf. Voigt, Enea I, 224; Pastor, Hist. Popes, WI, 37—41,revised in Gesch. d. Silvio, IH, 614.

Papste, 11, 28-33. Voigt, loc. cit., does note, however, that 13 Reg. Vat. 515, fols. 201-202", “datum Mantue, anno of the older generation of distinguished humanists only etc., MCCCCLVIIII,. quarto Kal. Octobris, pontif. nostri Beccadelli and Filelfo were left. There were good reasons anno secundo.” Gregorio Lolli de’ Piccolomini of Siena, for Pius’s withholding large sums of money and patronage doctor of laws, was appointed a “scriptor litterarum

in various other cases. apostolicarum.”

260 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT throughout his reign, and his name figures Patrizzi (Patrizi), a Sienese, received a similar

prominently in the registers. appointment.’®” Patrizzi, an old friend of the

Pius was always the friend and admirer of pope, his private secretary, and constant comthe learned antiquarian Flavio Biondo of Forli, panion, formed with the humanist Jacopo

whose Roma triumphans he received in dedication. Ammanati, the poet Giannantonio Campano, On 1 January, 1463, Pius appointed Gasparo, “Goro” Lolli, and a few others an inner circle Flavio’s son, as a papal secretary in the place among whom Pius lived his life from day to day. of his beloved father, who had served the papacy The original manuscript of Pius’s Commentarii, for some thirty years.* Gasparo’s name still now preserved in the Vatican Library (Cod. Reg.

stands in many registers; he proved to be as lat. 1995), is largely in Patrizzi’s handwriting. attentive to duty as his father had been. His No one knew better than Patrizzi and Lolli, handwriting can be identified from a signed note =Ammanati and Campano, Pius’s dedication to

of a decade later.’ In the meantime death the crusading ideal. They lived it with him

had removed Giannozzo Manetti and Poggio month after month until it must have become Bracciolini from the curial service (they both a part of the fabric of their lives as it was died in October, 1459). On 29 March, 1464, of his.’°8 Although some historians have found however, Poggio’s son Battista Poggio, a master it hard to accept Pius and reject Aeneas, the of arts and a canon of Florence, received crusade was not the .pope’s “humanistic effort appointment as an “abbreviator of apostolic to achieve immortality.” The Turk was the archletters.”!°° Three days later (on 1 April) Agostino enemy of the faith; Pius was therefore the archenemy of the Turk. Furthermore, his support 104 Reg. Vat. 516, fols. 135-136". Gasparo’s appointment §=——————_

contains a tribute to his father (“datum Rome apud Sanctum __ficatus nostri anno II”), and on 10 January, 1468, appointed

Petrum, anno [ab incarnatione dominica) MCCCCLXII him “in capellanum nostrum et . . . Camere [Apostolice] [‘Florentine style’], Kal. lanuarii, pontificatus nostri anno clericum numerarium” (ibid., fols. 200’-201', by mod. quinto”): “Grata familiaritatis obsequia diu nobis prestita stamped enumeration, “MCCCCLX VII, quarto Idus Ianuarii,

prout prestare perseveras, necnon fidei sinceritas, morum pont. nostri anno IV”). honestas et vite integritas laudabilisque institutio in quibus 7 Reg. Vat. 516, fols. 258'-259" (“datum Senis, anno per annos ante triginta sub aliquibus Romanis pontificibus, — etc., MCCCCLXIIII, Kal. Aprilis, pontif. nostri anno predecessoribus nostris, et demum sub nobis Romane _ sexto”): “Dilecto filio magistro Augustino Patritio, presbytero Ecclesie servivisti promerentur ut votis tuis quantum cum Senensi, litterarum apostolicarum abreviatori, cappellano deo possumus annuamus: exhibita siquidem nobis tue _ secreto et familiari nostro salutem, etc. Grata familiaritatis petitionis narratio continebat te qui in secundo anno felicis obsequia que nobis hactenus impendisti et adhuc sollicitis recordationis Eugenii III1, predecessoris nostri, notarius studiis impendere non desistis necnon vite ac morum camere nostre apostolice ab ipso creatus fuisti postquam honestas aliaque laudabilia probitatis et virtutum merita id officilum sub vicecamerario et thesaurario ac aliis quibus personam tuam tam familiari experientia quam etiam officialibus camere apostolice similiter cum allis notariis fidedignorum testimoniis iuvari percepimus nos inducunt ut tunc temporis existentibus ultra annum unum exercueras ab ___ te specialibus favoribus et gratiis prosequamur, cum itaque

eodem Eugenio IIII in suum secretarium apostolicum nuper nos ex certis arduis animum nostrum moventibus creatum deputatumque fuisse. . . .” Cf, ibid., fols. 166%—- causis numerum abreviatorum litterarum apostolicarum 167°, dated at Rome on 9 June, 1463, and note Voigt, Enea qui preter dilectos filios abreviatores litterarum ipsarum de Silvio, III, 609-10, who does not know of Gasparo’s maioricancellarie apostolice presidentie sive porro existentes

appointment on | January, 1463. I do not know whether or incertus et magnus esse consueverat ad septuaginta

not the Tommaso Biondo di Stefano de’Rinucci (“dilecto fiio dumtaxat computatis hiis qui in dicta [p]residentia sive Thome Blondo Stephani de Rinutiis, canonico Pistoriensi, porro existunt abbreviatorum numerum reduxerimus ac accolito nostro salutem . . .”), who was appointed a papal offictum septuaginta abbreviatorum huiusmodi de novo acolyte and chaplain on 4 February, 1464, was a relative instituerimus prout in aliis nostris inde confectis litteris of the Biondi (Reg. Vat. 517, fol. 2"). On. 24 October, 1466, _plenius continetur [see this same register, fols. 201'—203,

Paul II conferred upon Gasparo the “offictum custodie for the establishment of a general staff of seventy

et magistri registri camere apostolice” (Reg. Vat. 542, fol. abbreviatores participantes}] necnon numerus ipse nondum 186, by mod. stamped enumeration), again with a recollec- _repletus sit, sed plura adhuc loca de eisdem septuaginta

tion of Flavio’s devotion to the papacy. vacare noscantur [then there was room for some humanists! ],

195 Reg. Vat. 517, fol. 26’, note dated 16 September, 1473. nos volentes te qui etiam continuus commensalis noster 106 Reg. Vat. 516, fols. 257'—258", “datum Senis, anno, etc., existis premissorum obsequiorum et meritorum tuorum

MCCCCLXIIII, quarto Kal. Aprilis, pontif. nostri anno intuitu favore prosequi gratioso motu proprio . . . te in

sexto.” Battista Poggio’s appointment takes the same form earundem litterarum abreviatorem auctoritate apostolica

as that of Patrizzi given in the following note. We may recipimus ac offictum abreviatoris huiusmodi .. . tibi also observe here that on 10 February, 1466, Paul II conferimus.. . .” appointed Battista to the “officium lectorie et taxatorie in 108 Cf. a letter of Campano to Ammanati, dated 15 March,

bullaria litterarum apostolicarum” (Reg. Vat. 542, fols. 1475, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, 103’-104', “MCCCCLXV, quarto Idus Februarii, ponti- esp. fol. 206’.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 261 of the crusade is hardly to be rationalized in terms Determination to see the crusade get under of political motivation, for although leadership way had come to mark almost every move and

of the crusade would certainly help raise the utterance of the pontiff, who a month before fallen prestige of the papacy, it was not likely (on 23 September, 1463) had addressed the

to secure papal hegemony in Italy. cardinals in a secret consistory, emphasizing

that, with the achievement of peace in Italy, a Pope Pius II’s determination to go himself great expedition against the Turks was at long overseas on the crusade, come hell or high last a practicable undertaking. He had said some water, presents one of the nobler pictures of the of the things which would be published in the Quattrocento. In early July, 1463, he had bull Ezechielis prophetae, but had also made a summoned a congress of the Italian powers, to number of observations which he would not have which came representatives of Venice and_ wished to broadcast to the world: “The priest-

Naples, Milan and Florence, Mantua and _ hood is looked down upon,” he told the Modena, Siena, Bologna, and Lucca. Although cardinals,

Genoa, Savoy, ane Meonterrat a di da "0 this and the clergy have an evil name. Men say we devote sentatives, the duke of burgundy did, and Cals Gur time to pleasure, accumulate money, serve ambi-

was more to the point. The Burgundian tion, ride fat mules and fine horses, keep lengthening Mission was headed by Guillaume Filastre, the the fringes of our gowns, and go about town with bishop of Tournai, and got a fervent reception fat cheeks under the red hat and broad cowl, keep

at the Curia Romana. In a public consistory, dogs for hunting, squander large sums on actors and paron 22 October (1463), Pius promulgated his asites, and spend nothing in defense of the faith! They declaration of war against the Turks in the bull do not entirely misrepresent the facts: there are many Ezechielis prophetae, which Goro Lolli read to the #08 the cardinals and other members of the Curia

assembly. The pope reviewed the Christian who Go these things. u we are willing to confess

setbacks in the East and the cruel advance of *2¢ (TUND Tie luxury ane arrogance ot our court are

the Turk d set forth to th ld at | excessive. This is why we are odious to the people, le 2 UPKS, and set forth fo the word at tase so that we are not listened to when we speak the truth!

his decision to go on the expedition. Pius had heard the mutterings and murmurings of men, Respect for the clergy must be restored by the

“". . Quid ages in bello senex, aegrotus same means that had built the great authority of sacerdos? non est bellare tuum, nec potes nec the Church: “abstinence, chastity, innocence, zeal

debes ferire gladio. . . . Tuum est iusta bella for the faith, religious fervor, contempt for gerentibus benedicere.” He did not himself death, and desire for martyrdom have set the propose to shed Turkish blood, but religion was Roman Church over all the world.”"®

in peril: Pius believed there was no better means than We shall do battle with th ¢ h. not the crusade to effect the moral redemption of © Sal OO Dake wi) mie power of speech, NO the Curia as well as that of Christendom.

the sword. We shall aid warriors with our prayers. E lv di hed he V We shall take our stand on the tall deck of a ship or “AVOYs were prompt y aispatche to the Vene-

on some nearby height of land, bless our soldiers, "2S; Hungarians, and Burgundians, upon and render the enemy accursed. . . . This wecando Whom Pius believed he could depend for the and this we will do to the fullness of our strength. crusade, and also to Austria, Bavaria, and The Lord will not despise the contrite and humble

heart! 109 —_—_—_———— Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,256), fols. 55'~—73", by

TT mod. stamped enumeration, and it also appears in Aeneas 9 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1463, nos. 29-40, Sylvius Piccolomini, Opera quae extant omnia, Basel, 1551, repr. vol. XEX (1693), pp. 131-35, the bull Ezechielis prophetae; cf. Frankfurt, a. M., 1967, ep. ccccx1, pp. 914-23. Pius II, Comm., bk. x11, Engl. trans., p. 835; ed. Frankfurt, "10 J. D. Mansi, ed., Pit IT . . . orationes, II (Lucca, 1757),

1614, p. 344, esp. lines 3-12; Pastor, Hist. Popes, II], 317, 175, and cf. Voigt, Enea Silvio, WI, 687-90. Although 320-34, and Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), 246-47, this address (inc. Sextus agitur annus) is reported in the 249-59, with numerous references to archival sources. 1614 Frankfurt edition of Pius’s Commentarii, pp. 336-41, The long bull Ezechielis prophetae is given in its entirety the passage relating to the cardinal and curial clergy’s in a MS. in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Reg. lat. 557, way of life is omitted. I have made the translation from the fols. 104-108" (“Bulla de profectione pape in Turchos et text in Mansi; an English version is also given in Pius II, de prerogativis eiusdem passagii”), “datum Rome apud Comm., bk. xu, Engl. trans., p. 823; the passage is not to be Sanctum Petrum, anno Incarnationis dominice MCCCCLXIII, found in Cugnoni, Opera inedita (1883), pp. 544 ff. Pastor,

XI Kal. Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno sexto.” (The . Hist. Popes, II, 321, note, 324, and Gesch. d. Papste, Il quotation in the text occurs at fols. 105™-105%.) I note (repr. 1955), 249, note 4, 252, seems to be right in dating another copy in the Miscellanea, Arm. XII, tom. 4 (=Bibl. the address on 23 September, 1463.

262 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Franconia; Prussia, Poland, Saxony, and the response of Europe was doubtful from the Rhineland; England, Scotland, and Scandinavia; beginning, Pius persisted in his intention. The

France, the Spains, and Savoy.'"* Although the Venetians were already at war. Philip of Burgundy, who regarded recovery from a

111 Pius II, Comm., bk. x1, Engl. trans., pp. 845-49; ed. +7: .

Voigt, Enea’ Silvio, I (1862), 359-65. Francesco Sforza uit a ducati IIIT el mese per homo per mest HIT vale...

promised a Milanese force of 2,000 cavalry and 1,000 “Et per fanti mille V. c. [millecinquecento] a ducati dui infantry; Borso d’Este, duke of Modena, two galleys; | mezo el mese per mesi IIII .............. ducati XV m. Lodovico Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, whose son was a “Et per subventione ad Scandarbech, el quale ussira cardinal, also two galleys; the Bolognese and Sienese each acampo con homini XV m. del suo exercito .... ducati XV m.

promised another two galleys; and the Lucchese, one. The “Summa ducati XLVI m.”

Florentines marked time, but Cosimo de’ Medici as a private These plans were optimistically made (fol. 257°): “Dechi-

citizen offered one galley. The Genoese agreed to help. arando che dicto exercito como se move ala giornata Seven cardinals promised to equip one ship each. The pope — yanno acquistando lalbania et la Walachia bassa sottoposite

committed himself to furnish at his own expense ten 2) Tyrco per modo che avanti che siano gionti al confino galleys, four large transports, and some smaller ones, aS de Ja Grecia saranno multiplicati in triplo oltra li crucesignati well as a number of fuste (light galley-like vessels). Naples che saranno passati d'Italia et daltri pagesi, etc.: Summa

could do little, as a result of the recent Aragonese- summarum, ducati LXXXX m. ii c.” The text thus gives a Angevin war, but Ragusa would send two galleys; the total of 90,200 ducats, but addition of the figures italicized Knights of Rhodes, three; and Scanderbeg, who had been above comes to 91 ,000. The costs of the expedition could be in

obliged to make peace with the Turks, assured the pope part met by the booty, Deo dante, which the galleys might

that he would not fail the Christian host. Cf. Pastor, jo4¢ by putting various places to sack and also by taking Acta inedita, I (1904), no. 178, p. 266; no. 181, p. 274. The advantage of the exchange discounts available in the Levant

size of the commitments of the various Italian states IN on Italian ducats (fol. 256"). Pius I1’s list is in approximate accord with their own annual “Le supradicte galee XII mettendo banco in Ancona se

revenues and financial position in the later fifteenth 4+maranno pur de ciurme Venetiane si bene como ad

century (Adolf Gottlob, dus der Camera Apostolica des 15. Venegia, dechiarando che oltre ale sopradicte galee XXV

Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck, 1889, pp. 256-58). By Italian Grainarie e navi due grosse ut supra, Venetiani ad ogni standards the Balkan defenders of Christendom against the modo ne haveranno XV che tengono fora armate per Turks were very poor. Scanderbeg kept relatively small Conservatione de soi lochi de Levante . . .” [continued on sums of money in Ragusa (Gelcich and Thalloczy, Dip- — ¢4)/ 957%]. These twenty-five galleys plus fifteen from Venice

lomatarium ragusanum [1887], pp. 746-47). . make a total of forty galleys, not counting various fuste Two detailed plans for the Christian fleet may be found in and corsairs’ galleys as well as the vessels of “altre nationi

Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fols. che sequiranno larmata . . . contra Turchi,” all of which

256 ~ 257" would add “another fifty sail besides the aforesaid forty _Summario per larmata del mare a dare a nlostro] galleys, and yet we do not pay for any except the twelve,”

slignore] (Pius II) galee XXV et II nave grosse oltra the first thirteen galleys being paid for by Cyprus, altre tante extraordinarie che sequiranno larmata, et de Rhodes, Chios, etc., and the last-mentioned fifteen by Venice. tutto el numero dele dicte armate n[ostro] s{ignore] non

pagara senon galee XII et II navi grosse con homini mille “Ad fare la empresa con Venetiani et darli galee L* et che satisfaranno al bisogno come pit oltre evidenter se nave X con fanti IIII m. a ducati I] et mezo per homo monstrara, etc.:/ Et primo la insula de Cypro . . . galee _ per mesi quatro,” etc. In the second plan a fleet of fifty galleys

II;/ la insula de Rhodi . . . galee III;/ la insula de Chio was thought essential, and since the. Aegean islands .. . galee II;/ la insula de Mitilino . . . galee III;/el Duca’ and Ragusa were providing thirteen, and Venice fifteen delarcipelago . . . galea I;/ la comunita de Ragusia . .. (making a total of twenty-eight), it would be necessary

galee I]. Summa galee XIII. to find the funds for twenty-two: “Resta fino alla summa

“Dechiarando le sopradicte galee XIII, i segnori de dicti de L* galee XXII se hanno a pagare.” Twenty-two galleys, lochi armaranno facilimamente, pero che Ia colta se mettera at 600 ducats a month each, would cost 52,800 ducats, generalmente per le loro insule et pagesi, la quale aquesta’ which figure is given in the text. Ten ships with 4,000 facendo pagaranno alegramente i populi per francarse infantry, not counting the ship rental (nave X con fants HII questa volta dal pericolo de’Turchi che quotidie lidesfanno, m., non pagando el corpo dele navi . . .), at two and one-half

et nulla spenderanno li segnori de loro borse, anzi ducats a man for four months, would cost 40,000 ducats,

avanzaranno, etc.” the figure given in the text. Six hundred mariners, at four

There follows a statement relating to the cost of another ducats a man for four months, would cost 9,600 ducats, which twelve galleys at 600 ducats a month for four months _ is also the figure given in the text. Adding the 46,000 ducats’ (28,800 ducats, for which the text erroneously provides subsidy for Albania, as in the first plan, we reach an overall 28,000); two ships (nave dui grosse) with a thousand men, _ total of 148,400. In the text, however, it appears as “summa i.e., five hundred on each ship, at a monthly rate of three summarum duc. CLXVIII m., IIIc.,”e., 168,400, the numeral ducats a man for four months (12,000); and the rental of |X (I assume) having been placed after rather than before the L. the two ships, at 400 ducats each or 800 for the two, for At least 140,000 ducats are anticipated to meet these costs four months (3,200). Bolts for crossbows, powder for the —100,000 from the Venetians, 30,000 from the tithe being cannon, and other things would cost 1,000 ducats. The _ levied on ecclesiastical benefices, and 10,000 from the assesstotal of the sums in italics is obviously 45,000. Itisrecordedin ment (per la colletta) on the Jews (fols. 256’-257'). This

the text as 44,200 ducats. text being, alas, one of a number which I transcribed Besides the foregoing expenses, a subsidy of 46,000 ducats before discovering that they had already been published,

was contemplated for Albania (fol. 257%): I have reduced my quotations to the most important

“Per lo exercito dalbania veramente cavalli mille Italiani excerpts. The full text may be found in Enrico Carusi,

PIUS I] AND THE CRUSADE 263 strange illness as a warning from heaven and_ envoys at Rome, Otto del Carretto and Agostino as an opportunity to fulfill his crusader’s vow, de’ Rossi, to Francesco Sforza makes devastatassured the Curia he would delay no longer.'!? ingly clear the difficulty, perhaps the impossibil-

The pope, the doge, and the duke were all ity, of organizing a crusade against the Turks. advanced in years and infirm, which fact doubt- The problem was principally that of the general

less caused comment both in the western antipathy to Venice, which alone in the eyes of chanceries and in the East. When Sultan contemporaries stood to profit from a Christian Mehmed II learned of the papal decree of victory in the East.'° This was not an object October, 1463, he is alleged to have said that he would spare the poor old men the trouble of 115 Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 148, pp. 188-93, dated a long voyage by taking the field first and 24 September, 1463: Pius II was seriously intent on the seeking them out in their own homes: “There, crusade, and was now bound to continue in the project if they will, they shall contend with me about — since he had apparently secured Philip of . Burgundy’s empire.”!3 It had been the Venetian view for commitment thereto: “Noy consideramo la Santita Sua molto that such a contest was inevitable. ardente a questa impresa, si per Yofficio suo, si perche

some time gia havea fatta tal promessa a lo illustre duca de Borgogna,

A few months before (on 28 June, 1463), the che non era possibile a Sua Santita per alcun rispetto

Senate had written King Alfonso V of Portugalin desistere da quella” (ibid., p. 189). Francesco Sforza’s unanimious agreement that their “ehastly enemy, hostility to Venice prevented his supporting the crusade, the Turk, has driven himself to such an extra- which was forcing the pope into the hands of the Republic, ordinary pitch of arrogance and lust for power ment of power in Italy. It was obvious that the duke of that almost the whole world seems not to be Burgundy and his western allies would not seek to acquire

. . whose success in the war would inevitably mean an enhance-

containing him!’’??4 islands in the Aegean or lands in Greece and the Balkans:

The Turk and the crusade filled Italian dip- “-: ; et essendosi gia la Santita de Nostro Signore intesa lomatic correspondence during the busy winter of far altre intelligentie circa questo fatto, non potria Sua 1463-1464. The Italian states were much _Beatitudine farlo e tutta la gloria saria de Venetiani et cossi concerned about money and the balance of tutto il guadagno e conquisto saria loro, perché né il duca power in the peninsula. A letter of the Milanese “ Borgogna altri signori ultramontani cerchaveno aquistar ne ysole né provintie in oriente e ne seguirebe tuto

. . . con Venetiani e datosi a loro, se ben volessemo poy noy

To il contrario de quello noy cerchamo; per la qual cosa a noy “Preventivi di spese per la spedizione contro il Turco al pareva de haver ben gran riguardo a non desperare Sua tempo di Pio II,” Archivio Muratoriano, XIII (1913), 273-79, Santita de nostri presidii [!], si che se precipitasse in esp. pp. 278-79, where Carusi has, however, attempted no man de Venetiani. . . ,” etc. analysis of the financial vagaries. Had he done so, I am The Milanese plan, then, was to deceive the pope into

sure that he would have bettered my effort. the belief that Sforza would assist the crusade (as he had

12 Pius II, Comm., bk. x11, Engl. trans., pp. 793, 805, no intention of doing) in order to retain influence at the 809-11; ed. Frankfurt, 1614, pp. 323, lines 28 ff.; 329-30, Curia and be in a better position to frustrate Venetian and 331-33. For the illness of Philip, cf Pastor, Acta ambition. The ambassadors outlined a number of obstacles inedita, I, no. 142, p. 185, letter of Cardinal Gonzaga to in the way of financing the expedition, and came to the his father, dated at Tivoli, 1 July, 1463. Actually, of course, question of who would lead it. Here they believed the the Burgundians found serious reasons for delay, and interests of Burgundy and Venice came happily into Philip never embarked on the crusade (Comm., bk. x11, pp. _ conflict: “Poy se vegnera ad intender chi sia il superior 852-56; ed. Voigt, Enea Silvio, HW, 369-73). de lo exercito et non credemo ch’el duca de Borgogna voglhi After Pius’s death, however, Philip apparently continued _ star sotto il capitaneo de Venetiani nec contrario. Poy to think of an eastern expedition in which he quite naturally circa l'aquisto se fara, nam contribuendo altre potentie wished to associate the Hospitallers on the island of Rhodes, in digna quantita piu che Venetiani, s’é gia ragionato, to whom in 1465 he gave 10,000 écus d’or. The Grand maxime per questi ambasiatori de Borgogna che ogni cosa, Master Pedro Ramon Zacosta promptly expended the money _ che se acquistara, se aquisti a nome de Christo sotto il on Fort S. Nicholas, which stands just north of the walled _ vexillo de la croce de Christo, per lo qual si fa la guerra, town on an ancient mole, the site on which medieval ee lo vicario de Christo habi ad haver tal aquisto in suo tradition and modern scholarship have placed the ancient arbitrio et ordinare quello li para ragionevole e pit Colossus of Rhodes (Archives of the Order at Malta expediente per la conservatione et augmento de la fede {abbreviated elsewhere as AOM ], Libri Bullarum [1465-1466], — christiana; la qual cosa credemo Venetiani non consentirano

fol. 160, published by Albert Gabriel, La Cité de Rhodes, e potria esser cagione, . . . vero de confunder et impedire I [Paris, 1921], 144-45, doc. dated at Rhodes on 20 June, questa impresa . . . ,” etc. (ibid., pp. 190-91). 1465). Zacosta expected the tower and bulwark of the fort to The idea of papal dominion over territories conquered from be completed within two years. Cf. also Gabriel, I, 79-87. the Turks would be certain to appeal to Pius II, who (as the ™3 Pius II, Comm., bk.-xim, Engl. trans., p. 849; ed. ambassadors note) was not too partial to the Venetians (as a

Voigt, Enea Silvio, 11, 865, lines 6-11. half-dozen extensive passages in the Commentarit make amply

"4 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fol. clear), and so another impediment was found to Venetian 164°, published in Ljubic, Listine, X (1891), 258: “Exercuit progress, “et cosi non hariano tutto il guadagno. . . !” An in tantam insolentiam tantamque dominandi libidinem — experienced diplomat, however, Pius was fully a match for immanissimus hostis Turcus ut totus pene orbis eum non _ the urbane sharpsters with whom he was dealing. In a letter

capere videatur. . . .” of 16 November to Francesco Sforza the envoys defended

264 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT toward which Milan and Florence could work The Mantuan ambassador, Giacomo d’Arezzo, with any satisfaction. There was widespread fear wrote the Marquis Lodovico II Gonzaga of a that the wealthier Italian states were going tobe papal audience held for cardinals and resident asked to pay a large proportion of the costs. The ambassadors in Rome on 6 October, at which Florentine Signoria, for example, complained to _ Pius outlined the half-dozen prime requisites for its envoy in Rome that, while the Hungarians, launching a successful war against the Turks

Germans, and other nations bordering on —recognition of the enterprise as a crusade, Turkish territories lacked funds themselves, election of a single commander, choice of a they obviously believed that there was an_ definite time and place of assembly, adequate

inexhaustible treasury in Italy.1* When Pius II financing, transport, and supplies, and definite asked the Sienese representative at the Curia, rates of monetary exchange. When, however, Leonardo de’ Benvoglienti, whether he had yet Pius asked the ambassadors the replies of

received his government’s response to the their governments to the request for the

request for the crusading tax of the thirtieth — thirtieth,

(levied on the income of the laity), he rep lied only the Lucchese ambassador answered that he had

that he hadholding not, doubtless because of the dif- 504 ip, 786 I d that h;ees ; Th ficulty meetings ofof the council peeBolognese pe oO culty 0of § } 5 | pay it freely and good will: with likewise the to fear of the plague. In the course of their got the reply, his Holiness being able to command the conversation, Pius told him: “We do not want Bolognesi as his subjects, he did not doubt that the to touch the money. Collect it yourselves and request would be obeyed. All the others replied that, spend it on whatever shall seem to the citizenry 1” brief, they expected the answer. . . .!™

most effective against tne Turks, enher ar So it went week after week. galleys or on something else as you Choose, On 25 January, 1464, the Milanese ambassador, del Carretto, had an audience with the pope,

OO who chided him with Francesco Sforza’s delay themselves against Sforza’s charge that they had been in rendering the promised assistance to the negligent in their duty to keep him informed of the pope’s d hile. in vi f th ‘cabl lati

affairs, but they agreed “che la Sanctita de Nostro Signore crusade while, In view O © amicable re avions habi usata molta arte e simulation con essa [i.e., vostra between the pope and the duke of Milan, the Excellentia] in queste pratiche de ladietafof Mantua]... !” latter should have been the first to help and to (ibid., no. 171, p- 246). Although the interests of the papacy seta good example to the others. The ambas-

and Milan corresponded with respect to Naples, they odor assured him of Sforza’s good will and clashed onelsewhere Venice. The reasons obvious and have Iti .. been noted in this volume.for Onthis the are whole it seems Uitimate intentions, to me that in all the backstairs diplomacy of the years but that in truth things are not as easy to carry out

1458-1464 Pius II, whatever his lapses of sincerity, played to think and talk about d at thi int I told

the straightest game, and was almost alone in his willingness as to tank ang fax 4 ne » ane a f " pom h to make sacrifices for eastern Christendom. On Milanese him of Many reasons tor our difficulties, such as relations with the papacy, note in general Pastor, Acta inedita, the famine in the land and the fear of plague, I, nos. 154, 159-61, 163, 171 (cited above), 178-79. which prevents trade and commerce; likewise because The Florentines entertained the same fears of Venetian of this fear of plague the entry of his Holiness’s aggrandizement as a result of a successful crusade as did nuncio into [Milanese] territory has been delayed, Francesco Sforza. They saw many difficulties in financing and for the same reason preaching, congregations, the crusade, and had been constantly trading with the and other things which help the expedition are being Turks. Now they had become worried about their merchants rohibited. 119

and ships in Turkish waters (ibid., nos. 150-51, 156-57, Pp a

162, 165, 169, 172, 174). They promised to “do their duty and preserve their honor when they were sure of the safety —§ ————— of their ships” (no. 174, p. 259). Certainly no contemporary thing to Benvoglienti on 12 November, now indignant that

doubted the genuineness of Venice’s fear of the Turk as his fellow countrymen have not yet begun to collect the the Republic was slowly moving toward war with the Porte tithes from the clergy, the thirtieth from the laity, and in the spring and early summer of 1463. Every successive — the twentieth levied on the property of the Jews. document attests this fear (cf. Lyubic, Listene, X, 238-39, 118 Thid., no. 155, pp. 211-12, dated 10 October, 1463.

250-52, 257-59, etc.): the concern of the other’ powers 119 Otto del Carretto to Francesco Sforza, letter dated at

was Obviously the predictable course of Venetian policy in Rome, 25 January, 1464, in Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 179,

the event of victory over the Turk. p. 268. The pope also asked the ambassador about the

116 Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 150, p. 198, doc. dated rumored Milanese alliance with France against Venice, which

1 October, 1463. would have been most detrimental to the crusade. Del 117 Tbid., no. 153, p. 206, doc. dated 9 October, 1463, and Carretto denied knowledge of any such arrangement

cf. nos. 166 and 170, in which the pope says much the same _ between Sforza and Louis XI (ibid., pp. 270-71).

PIUS If AND THE CRUSADE 265 Asa matter of fact, the plague had been serious. Pius intended to do his share of the work, too, The reports of other ambassadors refer to it and on 11 November, 1463, he wrote Antonio often, Benvoglienti of Siena constantly ex- Bertini, bishop of Foligno, apostolic nuncio and pressing fear of it on both his own account and collector in the Milanese duchy, that the re-

that of his family. sources of all Italy were to be taxed for the The diplomatic correspondence of the last two equipment of the crusading fleet and the army,

years of Pius II’s reign is instructive and even and this on the advice of the cardinals and entertaining to read. The historian may follow with the consent of various princes, prelates, in detail an endless variety of petty maneuvers and ambassadors, who had recently convened in

and a long series of evasive statements all Rome to consider this matter. We have already couched in terms of profoundest filial devotion noted this congress, which had opened on to the pope and of undying dedication to the 22 September, and ended a month later with cause of Christendom against the infidel. Rarely the promulgation of the bull Ezechielis prophetae, has the diplomatic profession exercised with launching the crusade. A tithe was to be collected

such adroitness the fine art of courteous for three years from all ecclesiastical incomes in prevarication or explained away the failure to Italy and adjacent regions, the pope informed keep promises with so many ingenious excuses. Antonio; a thirtieth of lay incomes was to be Jealousy, self-interest, and shortsightedness exacted, and a twentieth of the property as overcame religious scruple, overcame the feeling well as of the incomes of the Jews, however

of humanity for eastern Christians oppressed obtained by them, including the profits of by the Turks, and overcame even a concern for usury. In person or by deputy Antonio (like the common safety of the Italian states them- other recipients of such letters) was to collect selves. One must in justice acknowledge the the stated imposts from all persons and corawkwardness of the position in which Milan and _ porations owing them, whatever the dignity or

Florence found themselves. They could only lowliness of their station.’** The still unused deplore the very thought of the Venetians’ occupying the whole Morea, nobilissima provincia. —_—1_ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 519 [ Pii II et Pauli I, S.

And the word was current in Rome by early Cruc., tom. IV], fols. 6Y-7" (“datum Rome apud Sanctum November, 1463, that the Turkish fortress of Petrum, anno etc., millesimo CCCCLXIII, tertio Idus Corinth had fallen, and that Venice was mistress Novembns, ponuficatus nostri anno sexto”): “Cum an

f ldcou Mil; ayn d apparatu expe ions maritime terrestris exercitus aqd- a of the Morea. 120 Ow H in °fact an versus Turchos, Christianietnominis hostes acerrimos, Florence support the crusade without increasing —quibus Christiano populo clades innumerabiles et dampna the power of Venice to incontestable supremacy quam plurima continuo inferuntur, de consilio venerabilium

in the peninsula and so to domination over ‘ratrum nostrorum Sancte Romane Ecclesie cardinalium, h lves? Th di d th r accedente etiam consensu plurimorum principum et domit emseivess 4 hey Never iscovere © answe norum aliorumque prelatorum ac oratorum diversorum

to this question, which was, however, as great dominorum et comunitatum in hac nostra alma urbe propter a problem for the Papacy as for the rulers of hanc causam nuper convocatorum et congregatorum, unam Milan and Florence. But Pius II had reached a integram decimam secundum verum valorem omnium solution in his own mind, as he indicated in re- fructuum, reddituum et proventuum quorumcumque . beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum in tota Ytalia et partibus ili

sponse to the protests of the Florentine adiacentibus consistentium [replacing the phrase “in toto ambassador Niccolini. Ironic as it might seem, orbe terrarum,” which was deleted] triennio durante ac

the Venetians were doing the Lord’s work, and __ trigesimam partem omnium fructuum et proventuum annu-

it was marvelous in his eyes orum a laicalibus personis et a Iudeis vigesimam : omnium suorum bonorum, fructuum, reddituum portionem et proven-

tuum ac pecuniarum quarumcumque undecumque et

— quomodocumque etiam per usurariam pravitatem ad eorum ° Benvoglienti to Siena, 5 November, 1463 (Pastor, Acta manus provenientium portiones persolvendas sub certis inedita, 1, no. 166, p. 237): “Novelle altre con ci sono, se _ terminis, modis et formis exigendas, levandas et colligendas

non che li Venitiani anno preso Corintho de la Morea, e _imposuerimus, prout in aliis nostris super inde confectis puosi hora dire interamente sieno signori de la Morea. La _litteris latius continetur, ea propter fraternitatem tuam de quale é un gran facto, nobilissima provincia, di giro 700 qua specialem in domino fiduciam obtinemus receptorem,

miglia, tutta circuita dal mare. ...” There follows a collectorem et exactorem huiusmodi decime, vigesime et

description of the rebuilding of the Hexamilion with _ trigesime ac quarumcumque aliarum pecuniarum et bonorum 128 towers, the wall being constructed partly with mortar, _ ratione indulgentie seu cruciate conferendorum in civitatibus, partly dry, and partly diked with great ramparts—“cosa _ terris et locis in dominio predicto consistentibus, constituentes

stupenda a udire in si breve tempo, che pare dell’uopere ac deputantes per apostolica scripta committimus et Romane antiche.” Unfortunately for the Venetians the mandamus quatenus adiunctis tibi aliis collectoribus tuxta

rumor that they had taken Corinth was untrue. formam dictarum litterarum nostrarum deputatis seu

266 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT archival sources for the history of Pius II’s Such was the general cynicism of the Italian momentous reign are extensive. Voigt did not courts that the ambassadors to the Curia in Rome have access to the Vatican Archives. Indeed, no could hardly believe in Pius II’s own sincerity. biographer of Pius has attempted a systematic They suggested various motives to their governsearch of the available material in the Vatican. ments to help explain his determination not only Unpublished texts of importance can be chosen to promote the crusade at any cost but to go almost at random. The narrow proportions of himself as a crusader to the East, even if it meant this study limit the amount of detail which _ his virtual martyrdom to an impracticable ideal. may be recorded in illustration of Pius’s efforts On 12 November, 1463, the Venetian Doge to send (indeed himself to lead) the expedition Cristoforo Moro wrote Pius of how great a boon which eastern Christians needed so desperately. the papal resolution to go on the crusade and Had the king of France or the duke of Burgundy _ the inspired legation of Cardinal Bessarion had

possessed half his dedication to the “sacred been to the Republic as the hideous Turk

work,” the subsequent four centuries of Balkan thirsted after the slaughter of Christians. In an history might have had a different complexion. unctuous tone the doge assured the pope that he would go too, although his health was far from

— robust and his age was advanced.” But one deputandis ad civitates, terras et loca huiusmodi personaliter Can easily read between the lines of the doge’s accedas atque ipsam decimam integram secundum verum letter. He really did not expect Pius to go. Howvalorem fructuum ab omnibus et singulis ecclesiis, monasteriis, ever, the Sienese ambassador, Leonardo de’ Ben-

hospitalibus, cenobiis et aliis piis locis ecclesiasticis secu- voslienti. who atched Pius struesle month laribus et quorumcumque ordinum regularibus virorum 8 , W . 88 et mulierum eorumque prelatis, capitulis, conventibus, after month, weighed down by ill health and the collegiis, plebanis, rectoribus, canonicis aliisque ecclesiasticis Most painful attacks of gout, assessed him personis cuiuscumque status, gradus, ordinis et pre- differently. Writing to the Sienese government heminentie aut conditionis existant etiam si patriarchali, on the same date (12 November, 1463), trying archiepiscopali, abbatiali quavis alia preh evy ; . an .|d fulgeant dignitate etiam episcopali, sub quavis verborum forma to aut get the popes own native city| to exemptis et non exemptis ac insuper trigesimam a laicalibus collect the crusading imposts, Benvoglienti paid

personis utriusque sexus ac a Iudeis vigesimam iuxta a long tribute to Pius: “I truly believe that God

doc. dated 3 February, 1464. . : .

earumdem litterarum formam peer oxigen’ re has sent this holy pontiff for the safety of His

colligere cures . . ." etc., etc. Cf, wid., fols. 23°24", On ristian people, deserted by all other Christian There are many bulls relating to the decima, tricesima, princes in such a great scourge as this fearful and Iudeorum vicesima for the years 1463-1464, in this drive of the Turks, who have already occupied same register [Reg. Vat. 519]—fols. 5°-6*: “. . . Iudeis One realm after another in a brief time, and omnibus et singulis in tota Ytalia et partibus adiacentibus aye converted Christians by force into inconstitutis vigesimam partem omnium bonorum suorum, fructuum, reddituum et proventuum ac pecuniarum . . .,” etc.; fols. 9°-10"; 16-16%; 177-18": “. . . decimeque et =—W———— trigesime ac vigesime in subsidium Christianorum contra 1? Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A., Arm. I-XVIII, no. 1443,

immanissimos Turchos per nos indicte et aliorum sub- fol. 44: “. . . Nec ulla ex parte deerimus: opibus, viribus sidiorum collectoribus;” fol. 23°: “. .. in suffragium — ullis nostris, aut sanguini non parcemus pro Christi gloria

expeditionis quam contra Turchos paramus unam decimam ___ proque salute nominis Christiani. Adhortatur nos Sanctitas

super ecclesiasticis beneficiis et trigesimam super laicorum _ vestra et admirabili sapientia sua nobis persuadet ut cum et vigesimam super Iudeorum proventibus et redditibus persona propria sanctam expeditionem complecti velimus . . . imposuerimus . . . ;” esp. the two documents on fols. et cum Beatitudine vestra et illustrissimo duce Burgundie

40’—45"; etc., etc. proficisci; id etsi ratione senectutis et etatis nostre iam A letter of Pius II ad futuram ret memoriam, dated 11 _ ingravescentis difficillimum esse noscamus, quando presertim

November, 1463, states: “. . . Cum itaque nuper decreveri- haud robusti sed inhabiles satis sumus, in{h]erere tamen mus opitulante domino classem contra eosdem Turchos et cupidi Sanctitatis vestre iussis collocantesque voluntatem alios Christi nominis inimicos parare et personaliter ad et dispositionem nostram omnem in summo creatore nostro

expeditionem huiusmodi proxima estate accedere ac personam nostram Beatitudini vestre libero et prompto propterea omnibus et singulis qui ad hoc sanctum opus animo oblatam facimus obviam sibi accessuri et profecturi personaliter se contulerint aut bellatorem seu bellatores cum ea et illustrissimo duce Burgundie. Nichilque demum eorum sumptibus destinaverint sive pro facultatum suarum pretermissuri eor'um omnium que vires patientur nostre viribus pias elemosinas erogaverint, plenam’ omnium ut tam sanctum, tam celeste, tamque gloriosum opus peccatorum suorum remissionem sub certis modo et forma auxiliante Deo feliciter perfici possit. Datum in nostro tunc expressis duxerimus concedendam prout in nostris ducali palatio die XII mensis Novembris, ind. XII, inde confectis litteris plenius continetur ... ,” etc.,“datum MCCCCLXIII.” It may be noted that the doge promised Rome apud Sanctum Petrum anno Incarnationis dominice to go on the crusade with the pope and the duke of MCCCCLXIII, tertio Idus Novembris, pontificatus nostri Burgundy; very likely the doge still doubted the pope's

anno sexto” (Reg. Vat. 519, fol. 30%). true intention.

PIUS II AND THE CRUSADE 267 fidels. . . .” Pius had expended endless industry, 300,000 men in the field and had various care, and money on Hungary. He had been the Moslem allies, who in their own interest could

mainstay of Matthias Corvinus, who had been not allow the destruction of the Ottoman

harassed by internal dissension as well as by the empire.’”> Although in time the further disTurkish offensive. His resolution to go on the couraging news came of yet another Burgundian crusade in person had buoyed up the Venetians delay, supposedly imposed this time by Louis XI and committed the Burgundians. Were it notfor of France, the pope with the support of eight Pius the Turks would have wrought greater cardinals continued with his plans for personal havoc than the Goths. Now there was hope of participation in the crusade, leaving Philip to

success in the war against the Turks, says face the obloquy of having failed religion in Benvoglienti, “and I believe there has not been _ this period of direst need.””® In the meantime, for long years a more glorious pontiff than this however, both the pope and the Venetians were

one!”!* He was right, quite right. proceeding with their plans for an offensive

At the beginning of August, 1463, Francesco against the Turks, in the expectation of Philip’s Filelfo had addressed a rhetorical exhortation to playing an important part in that offensive. the Venetians to pursue with unrelenting fervor Acting on behalf of the Senate (on 2 March, the war against the Turks, whose successes 1464), the Doge Cristoforo Moro wrote Dr. Nicand alleged moral degradation he described col6 da Canale, the Venetian ambassador to the almost with relish.’7* Francesco Sforza warned French court, that the road to a Christian victory the pope, however, that Mehmed II could put lay through Hungary. A powerful army was ob-

— viously required. Such was, however, the “pau23 Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 170, p. 243, and cf. nos. pertas et depopulatio” of Matthias Corvinus’s 173-74, 176 (the Sienese were not even sending money to harassed kingdom that he needed money, much their ambassador: “sto con spese et senza denari,” p. 261). money, Benvoglienti’s high opinion of Pius II was certainly shared

by the Albanian humanist of the next generation, Marinus by means of which he can proceed in force against Barletius, Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi, 1st ed., the enemy, and although we are caught up in the Rome, ca. 1509, bk. x1, fol. cxuim; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. heaviest expenses, we have nonetheless offered his

S5e 8 April. 1464. the Sjene Gnally Serene Highness 60,000 ducats for this year, a modest

n 22 April, 1464, the Stenese government finally im and quite insufficient for gathering an army to provided for a salary of fifty ducats a month for the ‘ast th Th tiff captain of the [two] galleys which the commune had serve agains € enemy. an e supreme ponu

promised to add to the crusading fleet (Arch. di Stato and we are striving with might and main to get di Siena, Pergamene Bichi [vol. containing nos. 101-200], everything ready to set out personally on this no. 138, with the old inventory no. 246): “Magnifici et expedition, and on land and sea alike we are sparing potentes domini, domini priores gubernatores comunis et neither resources nor strength. We trust that the most

capitaneus populi civitatis Senarum, una cum spectabilibus illustrious lord duke of Burgundy has done and will vexilliferis magistris, quorum nomina inferius notata sunt do the same thing, so that in accord with our agree-

[among the fourteen names is that of ‘Leonardus de ments he may also join in this venture. . . . In the Benvoglientibus’] . . . decreverunt declarare et declara-

verunt quod salarium sive stipendium illius spectatissimi §$————————

viri qui eligetur capitaneus galearum, quas magnificum 5 Ibid., no. 45, vol. XIX, p. 135, letter dated at Milan comune Senarum mictit contra perfidissimum Turchum et on 25 October, 1463. inimichum Christiane fidei ad requisitionem summi pontificis 6 Pius II, Comm., bk. xin, Engl. trans., p. 857; ed. Pape Pil . . . , sit quinquaginta ducatorum pro quolibet Voigt, Enea Silvio, 11, 374-75; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

mense. .. .” 1464, nos. 3-9, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 153-55, and nos.

In a resolution of 29 June, excoriating Mehmed II and 25-30, pp. 158-59. On French interference in Philip of praising their fellow citizen (concivis) Pius, the Sienese Burgundy’s plan to lead his troops in person, cf. Pastor, appointed Giovanni de’ Bicchi captain of their galleys to go Acta inedita, I, no. 182, p. 275; no. 184, p. 278; no. 187,

on the crusade with “Pius Secundus ... qui... in pp. 281-82; esp. no. 188, pp. 283-86, a Milanese report

occursum eiusdem immanis draconis furoribus ire per- dated 27 April, 1464, concerning the instructions of Louis sonaliter constituit .. .” (¢bid., no. 140, with the old XI’s embassy to Pius II, refusing to let his vassal Philip go inventory no. 248). Three weeks before his death Pius wrote _ to Greece on the crusade; and note also nos. 189-90, 192.

to Giovanni de’ Bicchi (on 24 July, 1464), “. .. Per- Philip is said, nevertheless, to have been preparing to go with venimus iam Deo volente ad civitatem nostram Anconitanam Pius on the crusade as late as June, 1464 (Richard propter quod significandum tibi duximus adesse tempus Vaughan, Philip the Good, London, 1970, pp. 216-18, ut ad nos venias executurus mandata dilectorum filiorum 368—72, and see above, note 112). Relations between Pius II

nostrorum Senensium .. .” (zbid., no. 128, with the old and Louis XI were very bad (cf. the report of the Milanese inventory no. 232, the original brief addressed on the back, ambassador, Albrico Malletta, to Francesco Sforza, dated

“Dilecto filio Johanni Bico, equiti Senensi”). at Paris, 26 May, 1464, Pastor, zbid., no. 192). The French were 4 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1463, nos. 52-56, vol. constantly pressing for a council to: be held at Lyon to

XIX (1693), pp. 137-38. rectify the affairs of the Church.

268 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Morea our affairs are going well enough. Allthe “arm” best . . . to his Holiness, to take steps to insure that of Maina, which forms a large part of that province, the said despot does not set out for the Morea. . . .

remains in fidelity and obedience us. Our people are , . : The Venetians alsotoobjected strongly

toJAsan making war upon the Turks in that area to free sy ae BY _

Christians from the torment of the enemy. What we 4CCarla’s going into the Morea, and F oscar have just learned by letter, dated 13 February, from Was SO to inform the pope, who (according Co our government at Corfu about the conflict with the Zaccaria) wanted him to accompany the cruflambulari of the Morea, you will see from a copy of | saders. If Zaccaria went, the Senate was certain

the letter which we send you herewith. . . .1”” that “inconvenientia et divisiones” would in-

Although the Venetians preached a good evitab’y be ue result, and (eg peciton would crusading sermon, there can be no doubt that Buc IT took the cross on 18 June, 1464, in their prime objective was the conquest of the S. Peter’s. He left Rome the same day for distant Morea. And if successful, they had no intention Ancona, whence he intended to go by the

of returning any part of the peninsula to the en sass

Palaeologi. They objected to the Despot Thomas Adriatic to ea. He went up ane thereatter caacorogus ° (46h the Sen te (or ° oth, . oe Otricoli (it was easier for him to travel by water),17°

d k y ledeed th : f] dated and thence by land to Narni, Terni (Interamna), ‘h, Be) ow cath. ad ch _ ninthe ‘from sod wie 9 Spoleto, and Assisi, where he arrived on 3 July.

Foscarini, their ambassador to the Curia Romana. I, he taveled slawly: ‘The heat was oppressive,

Pius II had left Siena to go to inde "‘ 99 sometimes the Rome roads were“ut crowded. He 7, reached

ad statutum tempus Ancone esse possit. Among Fabriano on 7 July. At Loreto he dedicated a other matters of interest Foscarini had informed olden chalice at the stone cottage of the Virein

the Senate that the Despot Thomas was with 5 don 19 luly he finall h a A 30 p

Pius, to whom he had presented the arm ofS. John 42° 9” July he finally reached Ancona. y a h lics. | P believed in Veni that this time Pius had been joined by eight cardinals. ane obner Tels. ft was Debevee in wemee tat He took up residence in the episcopal palace,'*'

Thomas had every intention of sailing with the hich d he hich bluff in the f th papal fleet to the Morea. The Senate had con- of the “ty aside the cathe dral charch ne S sidered this possibility, however, as the doge now Ciriaco where the stone lions which Pius knew

wrote Foscarini, and if the latter had the slightest ~." ~~’ .

suspicion that this was likely to happen still guard the beautiful portal. F rom the palace he could look out upon the sparkling waters of

we want you to be sure to go as soon as possible into the presence of the Roman pontiff and, with such #28 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 14", doc. dated 17 May, 1464. fitting and suitable words [of remonstrance | as Shall The Senate did not want either the Despot Thomas or Asan recommend themselves to your discretion, you will Zaccaria to go even to Ancona, for if they did, dissension tell his Holiness that, as he knows well, we have would certainly impede the crusade: “Notissime enim sunt undertaken by ourselves, for a whole year now, the consuete partialitates et divisiones Grecorum et Albanensium campaign in the Morea with colossal expense and peril quoniam quidam unum alii aliud sentiunt cupiuntque, sique

to ourselves ... to free [the Morea] from the idem despotus et Assanius proficiscerentur ad partes illas servitude and tyranny of the enemies of our faith, Ccertum teneri posset quod sequerentur errores priores pri-

Since we have heard that the Despot Thomas alleges eae Tedderent impresiam illam (ibid, fol. 18), he Is going Into the Morea, which could produce "29 Acta Consistorialia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. terrible and incongruous scandals, we want to ask his XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 66" “Die lune XVIII Iunii anno Holiness and, as his obedient sons, most faithfully 4 nativitate Domini MCCCCLXIIII sanctissimus dominus to request that for the good of the undertaking he noster, dominus Pius papa II, discessit ab urbe Romana deem it important, by whatever means shall seem _ dirigens se ad Anchonam ad preparandum arma contra nephandissimum Turchum: fuit asociatus per omnes

rs127cardinales usque ad Pontem Mollem ubi intravit navem que Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 1° [3], and cf. the commis- __ivit per aquam usque ad Utriculum, etc.” (cf. Eubel, H, 34b). sion of the same date (2 March, 1464) issued in the doge’s_ Pius left his nephew, Cardinal Francesco Todeschini name to Francesco Giustinian, who was going to Hungary Piccolomini, as his legatus in urbe (loc. cit.).

as a special envoy to attend the coronation of Matthias 89° Card. Jacopo Ammanati, Ep. 41, in ed. Frankfurt of Corvinus (ut intersis coronationt regie Matestatis), to whom he Pius II’s Comm. (1614), pp. 482-85; Ammanati’s own

was to repeat the Republic’s offer of 60,000 ducats Commentari, ibid., pp. 354-56; Pastor, Hist. Popes, III, [or florins], “quod offerre deberet [i-e., Giovanni Emo, the 353-57, and Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 273-76, with Venetian ambassador at Buda] serenissimo regi florenos __ refs. to other sources. LX m. nomine nostro, eunte Maiestate sua cum exercitu 31 Cf. Malipiero, Annali venett, in Archivio storico italiano,

suo extra regnum suum contra perfidos Turcos” (zbid., VII-1 (1843), 29: “El papa era alozado in vescovado

fols. 1Y—2" ff., and note fols. 11°, 17%, 29°). su’l monte. .. .”

PIUS Il AND THE CRUSADE 269 the Adriatic and search the horizon for the first was finally forced to come after at first refusing appearance of the galleys expected from Venice. because of his age, but Vettore Capello had

Rebuilt toward the end of the last century, told his serene Highness that if he would not

the episcopal palace at Ancona was destroyed accompany the crusade willingly, he would be during the war of 1939-1945. Its place has been forced to do so, “because we hold more dear the taken by a small museum, on the front wall of | well being and honor of this land than your own which an inscription now recalls the site as that person!” (as we learn from Marino Sanudo). of Pius II’s death. And so indeed it was. The archival records bear eloquent witness to the The plague had come to Ancona in the mid- widespread dissatisfaction which the doge’s summer of 1464 although so far few had died of craven conduct caused throughout the city as it. Itseemed unlikely tothe Mantuanambassador well as in the Senate.

that the pope would remain in the city, but the Although Pius II had arrived at Ancona doge of Venice was expected in fifteen or twenty some two weeks before, and was waiting for the

days. Some companies of Catalan, Spanish, Venetian contingent to join the crusading fleet, Saxon, and French crusaders were on the way Moro had not sailed by the beginning of August. or had already arrived. By now the heat was_ He had boarded his galley on 30 July, however, insupportable; no one liked Ancona; prices were at which time the news had been immediately high, and there was a greater lack of water than dispatched to the Venetian ambassador at the of wine.'** Although the pope’s health had been Curia. And now Moro still procrastinated to the reported better on 10 July,’ it was as clear to extreme annoyance of his fellow citizens, who

the cardinals as to his physicians that, if he saw themselves disgraced in the eyes of the

persisted in his resolution to go on, death would Christian world by the pusillanimity of their soon overtake him. Most of the cardinals became doge. On 1 August, therefore, a motion was less concerned about the crusade than about the _ carried in the Senate to the effect

conclave which would soon be electing his that four nobles from the Collegio must go

successor. immediately to the most serene lord doge, The city and the Curia were full of rumors and with all pertinent dnd appropriate words

that the Turk had pitched his camp within thirty they must respectfully and effectively request miles of Ragusa, which he threatened to destroy his Highness in God’s name to bestir himself this if the government sent the pope the two ships very night and hurry to Ancona with all possible it had promised him; that the territory of Ragusa speed, reminding his Excellency that this is the

was already being plundered; and that the universal desire not only of this entire Council Ragusei lacked a sufficient supply of grain to but of the whole city as well, because of the

withstand a siege. Pius ordered a shipment of ee ai aia an the "hich and ne the peril

ar ; y, could easily incur as a _ con-

grain to the city, whither he proposed himself his Excellence is qld which we all, along with

to sail with the aged Juan de Carvajal, the sequence of this delay. cardinal of S. Angelo, to break the Turkish

siege. Four days later, however, word came of the As August came on, the gloom deepened in Turkish witherawal. The papal court was now awaiting the arrival of the Venetian fleet with qusade in June and July, 1464, there is much error in the Doge Cristoforo Moro on board.'*4 The doge the works of older scholars (Jj. W. Zinkeisen, F. A. Scharpff, A. Jager, G. Uzielli, and J. Marx, and some

TO inadequacy in Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 111 [repr. 1955], 274, *8? Giacomo d’Arezzo to Lodovico Gonzaga, from Ancona, 286-87), for which see Erich Meuthen, Die letzten Jahre 21 July, 1464 (Pastor, Acta inedita, I, no. 198, p. 311, and = des Nikolaus von Kues, Cologne, 1958, pp. 122-25, and doc.

cf. no. 200, p. 321); on two thousand Saxon crusaders, 93, pp. 302-4. Cusa is said to have died on 11 August of “qui se reduxerunt versus Anchonam,” see the letter of the this year (for the contemporary reports, cf. Meuthen, Venetian Senate to the Republic’s ambassador to the Holy op. ctt., p. 305). I note, however, that the contemporary Acta See, dated 21 June, 1464, in Ljubi¢, Listine, X (1891), 305. Consistorialia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom.

‘83 Pastor, Acta inedita, 1, no. 196, p. 309, lines 6-7; Pius 52, fol. 66, put Cusa’s death on 12 August: “Obitus was not well, however, on the twenty-second (no. 199, p. domini Sancti Petri in Vincula: Die XII Augusti, anno a

320); cf. the letter of the Venetian Senate to their nativitate Domini MCCCCLXIIII, pontificatus domini Pii

ambassador, dated 23 July (1464), in Ljubié, Listine, X, 308. anno VI, obiit in civitate Tudertina bone memorie dominus

‘34 Pastor, Acta inedita, I, nos. 167-68, pp- 238-39, Nicolaus Sancti Petri in Vincula cuius anima quiescat in has published the decrees of the Venetian Senate and pace” (cf. Eubel, II, 34b). Maggior Consiglio, dated 8 and 9 November, 1463, #85 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 28" [31%], doc. dated 1 August, respectively, announcing the doge’s personal participation 1464. The doge still lingered a while longer, to the in the crusade. Cf., ibid., nos. 173, 175, 180, and 185-86. exasperation of the Senate (zbzd., fol. 29). There is no entry On the activities of Nicholas of Cusa with respect to the _ in the Senatus Secreta between 13 and 20 August.

270 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Ancona. Pius was very sick; his physicians said, Pius II’s death had frustrated the highest of a febre fleumatica; “and they indicate that, if purpose of his life. It was perhaps as well for his he puts to sea, he will not live two days.”**® With memory and for Europe. His efforts were every passing day his condition became worse. doomed to failure. Had he been more successful,

On 12 August the doge sailed into the harbor thousands might have lost their lives in the of Ancona with a dozen galleys.’27 Three days eventual unsuccess. It was not that the so-called

later Pius II died, and the doge set sail on the crusade had become a political and_ social eighteenth for Istria and thence to Venice.’** anachronism. Popular support for the anti-

There was to be no crusade. Turkish war waxed and waned with the times; it had fallen to a low ebb in Pius’s day, owing

asThepartly to the mutual enmities and conflicting Milanese ambassador, Paganino, to Francesco interests of the princes and especially to the

Sforza, from Ancona on 1 August, 1464 (Pastor, Acta id dh Ji Veni Wh A

inedita, I, no. 201, p. 322, also on the Turks at Ragusa). widesprea ostility to enice. en /.eneas Paganino notes the arrival in Ancona of Bessarion “con Sylvius, the opportunist whom heaven had una galea ben armata.” On Pius II’s increasing illness, raised to the papal throne, contrasted his rich

of, bid., nos.Acta 202-3. ; 903 398-99 in the Vatican: palace with the poverty of astor, inedita, I, no. estate 203, pp. 328-29. :; 8 Ammanati, Ep. 41, in ed. Frankfurt of Pius II's his home m Corsignano, he could . not help

Comm. (1614), pp. 487-89, and Ammanati’s own Commentarii, but think of what he owed the Almighty. His ibid., pp. 359-61; Pastor, Acta inedita, 1, no. 204, p. 329; dedication to the crusade appears to have been Campano, Vita Pu IT, ed. G. C. Zimolo, in the new Muratori, a forlorn but sincere attempt to pay that debt.

RISS, WI-3 (1964), 85-87, and Platina’s life of Pius, ibd.,

pp. 110-11; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. }§ ————————-

1174, 1180-81 (the wife of the Doge Cristoforo Moro was _ ut supra [1464, the preceding entry recording the death of Sanudo’s grandfather’s sister, zbid., col. 1180C), but the text Nicholas of Cusal], vigilie Assumptionis Virginis Marie tertia

of the Vite, as printed, erroneously dates the pope’s death hora noctis [about 11:00 p.m.] . . . obiit bone memorie on 13 August and the doge’s return to Venice on the dominus Pius papa Secundus in civitate Anchonitana ubi sixteenth; Corpus chronicorum bononiensitum, ad ann. 1464, in venerat ad preparandum bellum navale contra Turchum,

the new Muratori, RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. IV, pp. 325a, et corpus suum fuit delatum Romam et sepultum in basilica 336, and 329a, 339, with the wrong date (18 July) of Sancti Petri” (cf. Eubel, II, 34b). Other sources place Pius’s Pius’s arrival in Ancona; Cristoforo da Soldo, in the so-called death on 15 August (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11, append., Istoria bresciana, RISS, XXI (1732), col. 900, and ed. G. no. 64, p. 753, and note; see also below, Chapter 9, note 1). Brizzolara, in the new Muratori, RISS, XXI, pt. 3, p. 146; Pius was actually buried in the Cappella di S. Andrea, which Giov. Simoneta, Res gestae Fr. Sfortiae, bk. xxx, in RISS, he had built. His tomb and monument were later removed XXI, cols. 763-64, and ed. G. Soranzo, in the new Muratori, _ to the Church of S. Andrea della Valle (cf. above, Chapter 7,

RISS, XXI, pt. 2, p. 478; Ann. forolivienses, ad ann. 1464, note 103), which now occupies the site of the old Palazzo

in RISS, XXII (1733), col. 226E; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad Piccolomini in Rome. |

ann. 1464, nos. 38-51, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 161-65, who Since we have seen a good deal of the militant Cardinal does not mention the arrival of the Venetian fleet just | Lodovico Trevisan, we may note that he died on 22 March, before the death of Pius II. Cf. Malipiero, Annalt veneti, 1465, according to the Acta Consistorialia, fol. 67": “Obitus in Archivio storico ttaliano, VII—1 (1843), 30-31, whoalsosays Cardinalis Aquilegiensis et camerarii: Die Iovis XXII? Martii that the doge left Ancona on 16 August; Pastor, Hist. Popes, _ hora tertia noctis anno 1465 pontificatus domini Pauli anno Til, 368 ff., and Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 284 ff.; primo. Reverendissimus d. Ludovicus episcopus Albanensis

Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, I1 (1920, repr. 1964), et patriarcha Aquilegiensis et apostolice sedis camerarius

372-73; Babinger, Maometto (1957), pp. 351-55. obiit Rome et sepultus in Sancto Laurentio in Damaso,

The Acta Consistorialia, Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. cuius anima requiescat in pace” (cf. Eubel, II, 34b). ConXXXI, tom. 52, fol. 66", put the pope’s death on 14 August: trary to the Acta, however, in 1465, the twenty-second of “Obitus domini Pii pape Secundi: Die XIIII Augusti, anno March fell on a Friday, not a Thursday.

9. PAUL II, VENICE, AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE (1464-1471) ATER PIUS II’s death the cardinals hurried Although known as the cardinal of Venice, back to Rome, where they had agreed the Paul II was not well disposed toward his native conclave should be held to elect his successor. city, which in May, 1459, had objected so vioAlthough the sources contain the usual conflicting data, the cardinals apparently entered the bend his efforts “maxime ad reprimendam Turchorum conclave during the evening of 29 August, 1464. rabiem” (ibid.). Incidentally, a bull of the same date The conclave was held in the Chapel of S. Nic- (11 September) was sent also to Lodovico’s wife Barbara colo da Bari, under frescoes by Fra Angelico, of Brandenburg, announcing Paul’s election and again

; he lone Aula Prima from the Capella Co™ectin8 the date of his predecessor's death to decimo ACFOSS C c S : ; P octavo Kal. Septembris, 15 August, 1464 (zbid.). Maior in the Vatican Palace. According to an On the background and the date of Paul’s election, see

election capitulation to which all the cardinals Ludwig v. Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV (repr. 1949), 3-11, and except Lodovico Trevisan subscribed, they Gesch. d. Papste, Il (repr. 1955), 293-99; J. B. Saegmiller, agreed to carry on the war against the Turks too wane und die Staaten von 1447 bis 1555, Tubingen, , pp. 92-96; cf. Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi di to the extent that the resources of the Church — penezia, in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), col. 1181B; Raynaldus,

would make possible. They also agreed toapply Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1464, nos. 51-56, vol. XIX (1693), the revenues of the alum mines at Tolfa to the pp. 165-67. According to Jacopo Ammanati, Commentari, “nchoata expeditio in Turcos.” The next day, in ed. Frankfurt of Pius II's Comm. (1614), pp. 367, 368, . ‘ch 371,a ric “. Septembris .. Et conclavi iam constituto sexto Calendas 30 August, the handsome Pietro Barbo, [27 August] . . . recluserunt se omnes [carVenetian, a nephew of Eugenius IV, was elected dinales] ad novam electionem in anteriores Pontificiae pope as Paul II after a single scrutiny. From Vaticanae aulas [the correct date, however, seems to be the window in the sacristy of the Chapel of S. 29 August]. . . . Mane patres omnes . . . in cellam Beati Niccolo. behind the left wall of the apse, the joy- Nicolai, quae ad dexteram primae aulae est, silentio ° . ? convenere. . . . Pro pontifice habebatur Petrus [in Barborum ful news was announced to a satisfied crowd jobili familia ortus]. . . . [The cardinals, including Paul, which had assembled below in the Cortile del had agreed that:] Quisquis patrum ad pontificatum esset

Maresciallo.! assumptus inchoatam expeditionem in Turcos, quantum

Romanae Ecclesiae paterentur opes, continuare proventumTT que aluminis ad eam rem integrum adhibere. . . .” * Acta Consistorialia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, The cella Beati Nicolai (possibly built in the time of

tom. 52, fol. 66%: “Dies ellectionis pape Pauli Secundi: Boniface VIII, 1294-1303), to which Ammanati refers, was

Die penultima Augusti, anno ut supra [1464], hora the Chapel of S. Niccolé da Bari, which (together terciarum unico scrutinio fuit electus in summum pontif- with the frescoes by Fra Angelico) was demolished by ficem reverendissimus in Christo pater dominus Petrus Paul III in 1538, when he built the present stairway tituli Sancti Marchi Venetus nuncupatus et imposuit sibi leading down to the Cortile del Maresciallo. This chapel, nomen novum—Paulus papa Secundus.” He was crowned _ the capella parva S. Nicolai, has usually been confused with

on Sunday, 16 September (zbid.). In a bull dated 11 the capella parva superior (built by Nicholas V, with the still September (tertto Id. Septembris), 1464, Paul II notified the extant and well-known frescoes by Fra Angelico)— Pastor,

Marquis Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua—among many for example, always confused the Chapel of S. Nicholas others—of his election by a single cast of ballots after with that of Pope Nicholas on the upper floor.

the death of Pius IT: The Chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari was across the Aula “Cum ... verus Jesu Christi vicarius in sede Petri Prima, as Ammanati calls it (now the Sala Regia), from

hactenus sedens in civitate nostra Anchonitana, ad quam pro _ the old Capella Maior, which Sixtus IV replaced with the expeditione in Turchos supra vires etatis et valitudinis sue Sistine Chapel. When the Chapel of S. Niccolo, disappeared, personaliter se contulerat, decimo octavo [after anerasure,a __ its functions were transferred to the Cappella Paolina, which

correction was made, resulting in the date 15 August] Kal. Paul III built on the south end of the Aula Prima or Septembris ex hac peregrinatione ad celestem patriam Sala Regia. See Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Der migraverit, . . . nos una cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris Vaticanische Palast in seiner Entwicklung bis zur Mitte des

. . . cardinalibus . . . Rome in palatio apostolico apud XV. Jahrhunderts, Citta del Vaticano, 1935, pp. 103-9, basilicam beati Petri Apostolorum principis loco ad id 124-25. All twelve popes from Calixtus III to Paul III consueto [i.e., the Chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari]... (from 1455 to 1534) were elected in the Chapel of S. conclave ingressi sumus, ubi in primo scrutinio missa Niccolé da Bari (op. cit., p. 126). Note also Deoclecio Spiritus Sancti celebrata deus . . . ita. . . effecitut ... Redig de “ampos, J Palazzi Vaticani, Bologna, 1967, pp. nos tunc tituli Sancti Marci presbyterum cardinalem ad 37-41, 49-51, 127-31, and in general, Christoph L. hanc supremam honoris atque auctoritatissedem concorditer Frommel, “Antonio da Sangallos Cappella Paolina: Ein [venerabiles fratres nostri] erexerint . . .”(Arch.diStatodi Beitrag zur Baugeschichte des Vatikanischen Palastes,” Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834). Paul promised to Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, XX VII (1964), 1-42.

271

272 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT lently to his nomination as bishop of Padua that able to God than the struggle against Islam.° he had finally been forced to relinquish the see.2,_ This was the prevailing sentiment in the Sacred

The Venetians were no fonder of him than he College. Under a commitment made to the waof them. On 5 September (1464) the Senate set vering Doge Cristoforo Moro in late August, about choosing an embassy of obedience of ten after Pius II’s death and before Paul’s election, nobles to go to Rome to congratulate Paul upon _ the cardinals had sent some forty thousand duc-

his elevation to the apostolic throne. Several of ats de camera to Matthias Corvinus, the king those chosen in the first selection of names re- of Hungary, “pro subventione sancte expeditifused to go and paid the usual penalty of decli- onis adversus impium Turcum.”® nation.® Officially, of course, the Senate chose to Toward the end of September (1464) an engreet Paul’s election with rejoicing, incredibilt, ut. voy of Uzun Hasan was preparing to leave Ven-

par est, gaudio et leticia affecti.* ice, where he had been for some time. Uzun The time should have been opportune for a_ Hasan, onetime lord of Diyar-Bakr (the classiVenetian offensive against the Porte, for the cal Amida and Turkish Diyarbakir) and prince Turks seemed to be tired of overmuch fighting, of the Turkoman Ak-Koyunlu (White Sheep), the janissaries were disaffected, and Sultan had become the ruler of Persia. The envoy had Mehmed II was mostly confined to his palace brought letters from his master, proposing an in a poor state of health through 1464-1465. alliance against the hated Sultan Mehmed, whose Paul promptly declared his dedication tothe cru- aggressiveness had caused no less dismay among sade. In a brief to Marquis Lodovico Gonzaga, _ his eastern enemies than among the Italians and

dated 22 September (1464), he reaffirmed his the Hungarians. The delighted Senate made intention of continuing his predecessor’s efforts haste to speed Uzun Hasan’s envoy on his way against the impious Turks. He also stated that _ to Syria “in the Beirut galleys,” whence he might he had chosen Cardinals Guillaume d’Estoute- return home and carry the Venetian acceptance ville and Juan de Carvajal as commissioners for of Uzun Hasan’s proposal to catch the forces the crusade, with financial oversight and respon- of the Ottoman sultan in a vast pincers’ movesibility for the undertaking. He urged Lodovico ment. The Senate assured Uzun Hasan that the not to let his devotion to the crusading -ideal new pope, capo e principe de’ Christiant, was seeking cool in the least, for nothing was more accept- every means of effecting the sultan’s ruin.’ ?Sanudo, Vite, in RISS, XXII, col. 1166; Pastor, Hist. ® Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, Popes, IV, 93-98, and Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris

366-69; G. B. Picotti, La Dieta di Mantova e la politica die XXII Septembris, MCCCCLXIIII ... ,” the brief

de’Veneziant, Venice, 1912, p. 374. On Paul’s career, see being partly destroyed.

in general Giuseppe Zippel, ed., Le Vite di Paolo II di 5 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 37” [39°], doc. dated 23

Gaspare da Verona e Michele Canensi, in the new Muratori, September, 1464, and note, ibid., fol. 38% [40%]. RISS, III, pt. 16 (Citta di Castello, 1904). The third book 7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 38’-39° [40’—41'], doc. dated

of Gaspare da Verona’s life of Paul II appears no longer 26 September, 1464: “Quod orator domini Usoni Cassani, to be extant. The fifth book has been recently published, qui ad presentiam dominii fuit, quam primum expediri with a translation, by Avery Andrews and Susan Fowler, debeat ut cum galeis Baruti ad partes Syrie se transferat

“The ‘Lost’ Fifth Book of the Life of Pope Paul II by et inde ad dominum suum reverti. . . . [The envoy was

Gaspar of Verona,” Studies in the Renaissance, XVII (1970), to be given rich gifts of scarlet and other cloths to take

7-45, back to Uzun Hasan’s court.] Domino vero Usono Cassano A lover of history and archaeology, collector of antiquities scribatur in hac forma... : Nui havemo ricevuto le

and ancient coins, Paul has been rescued from the pit of sapientissime et benivole lettere de Ia illustrissima Signoria ignorance, obscurantism, and hostility to belles-lettres, to vostra et inteso etiam quanto abocha saviamente ha referito which Platina and the Pomponiani tried to consign him, on = Mametavazach vostro secretario et ambassador de la optima which see Eugéne Mintz, Les Arts a la cour des papes pendant __dispositione e mente de la Excellentia vostra de far insieme le XV® et le XVI° stécle, 3 vols., Paris, 1878-82, of which the cum nui contra ’otoman commune et accerrimo inimico,

second volume is devoted entirely to Paul and his pontificate; et molto ne ha piacuto intender questa opinion et mente

Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV, 36-78, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1 de la vostra Celsitudine .. . , perche l’otoman per la sua (repr. 1955), 318-54; Roberto Weiss, Un Umanisia — superbia et ambitione non studia né desydera altro con tuti veneziano, Papa Paolo IH, Venice: Fondazione Giorgio Cini, i suo pensieri ch’a devorar et opprimer tuti i signor del

1958; and A. J. Dunston, “Pope Paul II and the Hu- mondo et specialmente i suo vicini . . . et acresser la

manists,” Journal of Religious History, VII (Sydney, 1972—73), | potentia e tyrrania soa—pertanto se conviene a la vostra

287-306. excellentissima signoria animosa et sapientissima in questo

* Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. tempo che nui et gli altri principi christiani se ritrovamo 35° [37°]. contra de lui in guerra dal canto vostro con tuta vostra

4Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 43% [45°], 44° [46°], potentia prestissimamente movervi e venir a sua ruina e

45°—46' [47"-48'], 49° ff. [517 ff. ]. desfatione per propria vostra salute et de tuti altri perche

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 273 As plans and proposals were being entertained Scanderbeg continued to fight while occasionin Rome, Venice, and Buda for a western offen- ally exchanging futile peace feelers with the sive against the Turks, Mehmed II apparently Turks. Although his relations with Venice were made a feint to divide his Christian opponents. not entirely friendly, the Republic was always We learn of it from a letter of 13 January, 1465, willing to co-operate with him to the detriment from the Venetian Senate to their ambassador of the Turk.* Every success he achieved in Al-

at the royal court in Hungary: bania redounded to the ultimate advantage of ; . Mark. The Turkish overtures for peace were

By your . . . letter lof the preceding 17 Novem- p lied by r , rts which Venice had been recelvber] we have learned of the request which you state 9° f y Teporls Ww 30 April. 1465. the S was made to the most illustrious lord king [Corvinus] #%§ trom the Levant. On pru, 9, the oenin the Turk’s name for a safe-conduct to be issued ate wrote Dr. Niccolo da Canale, their new amto two of his envoys in order to negotiate a peace bassador to the Curia Romana, that a dispatch and of the aforesaid king’s denial [of the request] from the colonial government of Crete, dated . . . . We reply that his Majesty seems to.us to have 29 March, as well as letters from the Venetian made a prudent decision and quite properly to have captain-general of the sea, indicated that Sultan reached the same conclusion as we have necessarily Mehmed was putting together a fleet magno studio

cone ourselves alter averse atempts and thdneed omnique conatu suo for an attack upon the Re-

oT eae Bn oe OB ae janes~ — public’s armada in eastern waters and her towns

lor our bailie in Constantinople last year, later by way d territories in G d the islands. Thi

of Greece, and now by way of Albania and through af CPTILOMES Tt A cece an ra © nib m is Scanderbeg. We have always assumed and do assume formation was said to be con rmed by a letter that these are artful gestures and wary moves on the Written from Constantinople by a _ certain Greek

part of the Turk not for the purpose of peace but captive of the Turks” to one Niccolo Corner,

the better to satisfy his lust for power. . . 2 a Venetian noble in Crete, where the colonial

overnment had apparently based its dispatch g pparently bas p . also upon word received in Candia from a “Con-

remanendo questo Othoman ne le sue force e signoria ne . F ble” who is d ‘bed la vostra Excellentia ne alcun altro signor se po reputar stanuinopo tan noble, Ww! O 18 JESCrL € as a

signor nel stato suo. friend of Cardinal Bessarion (qui alias stetit cum “El novo santissimo pontefice, capo e principe de reverendissimo domino cardinale Niceno).'° Like Christiani, fa et e per far ogni di piu a ruina del ditto

Ottoman. Questo medesimo fa lo illustrissimo ducha de —=—————

Borgogna et molti altri principi et signor christiani. . .. presertim per medium magnifici domini Leonardo [III], [Venice had a powerful armada at sea, and an army inthe despoti de Sancta Maura, et quamquam ut diximus Morea and in Albania. The king of Hungary was carrying dubitandum sit de artibus hostis istius consyderato tamen on an acerbissima guerra against the Ottoman Turks.] Né quod tot modis et mediis nos de re ista tentari fecit, forsitan e possibile che ditto Othoman. possi per modo alcun farvi esse potest quod revera cupidus est devenire ad pacem, unde alcun obstaculo et resistentia. Et pero quanto piu presto la ut magis ultra verum intelligi possit et etiam respectu persone Excellentia vostra se movera, tanto piu presto et facilmente _ prefati domini Sancte Maure, licet hactenus alicui requisitioni

otenira tuto el stato suo in quelle parte. . . .” Cf., ibid., nobis facte noluerimus aures accommodare, melius esse fols. 64", 131’-132". Venice also had an alliance with the — existimavimus respondere sibi post generalia quod quoniam

Gran Caramano (fols. 66", 67’—68"). Turcus tales conditiones pacis offeret que non solum

® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 58’—59" [60°-61'], doc. dated omnem occasionem et materiam iniuriarum et belli tollant, 13 January, 1465 (Ven. style 1464). About two weeks later, sed etiam habeant rationem dignitatis et lige inter Serenitatem

on 29 January, the Senate wrote again to the Venetian suam et nos vigentis ac etiam aliorum principum christianoambassador in Buda concerning these peace feelers from rum tunc cum Maiestate sua ei respondebimus. De qua Mehmed II, who had recently made a rather more con- re cum simus cum regia Maiestate sua indissolubili charitate, vincing approach through Leonardo III Tocco of S. Maura _ benivolentia et federe coniuncti et perpetuis temporibus (ibid., fol. 62" [64%], letter perhaps not sent to Buda): esse intendamus, statuimus Serenitati sue dare noticiam et

“Scripsimus vobis sub die XIII presentis [the letter given si quid ultra in futurum habebimus id pro consueto above in the text] in responsionem vestrarum, et inter more nostro Maiestati sue notum faciemus. De quanto cetera diximus quod diversis modis tentati fueramus de autem habebitis a Serenitate sua subito reddetis nos vestris pace cum Turco et presertim per medium domini Scander- __litteris certiores.” Note also fols. 63", 64%, 66, 74” ff., begi et quod suspicione non carebamus quod iste essent 122'—123', 145 ff. [65° ff.]. de consuetis astuciis et fallaciis Turci quodque de hoc * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 136" [138°], 143 [145], docs. noticiam daretis, sicut affectioni et unioni nostre convenit dated 21 February and 18 March, 1466.

regie Serenitati Hungarie, cui etiam si quid ultra habere- © Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 817 [83"], doc. dated 30 mus, id significaremus quemadmodum tenemus eam pari April, 1465, and note fols. 84°, 85%—86". Canale’s comanimo erga nos semper esse facturam, sequentes itaque mission as Venetian ambassador to the Curia is dated hoc institutum nostrum volumus et mandamus vobis cum 9 April (ibid., fols. 77”’—78*). On 8 March, 1469, he was nostro consilio Rogatorum [the Senate] quod adeatis pre- appointed captain-general of the sea (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, sentiam Serenitatis sue, dicendo sibi quod per viam Orientis _fols. 1Y—3"), to his ultimate grief, on which see below, pp. novissime etiam diversis modis requisitisumus de hac paceet 292 ff.

274 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Scanderbeg, Venice had no alternative but to The Venetians were interested, even hopeful, continue the grim struggle against the Turks. but they required the cession of the Morea and Paul II was also prepared to go on with his Lesbos as well as the recognition of Hungarian predecessor’s crusading plans, but he was as_ suzerainty over much of Bosnia, terms to which practical as any Venetian tradesman when it Mehmed could hardly be expected to consent came to the problem of financing the war. Al- (especially since, as subsequent events were to though his relations with Venice left something show, the sultan would accept peace with Venice

to be desired, like those of many another pope’ only at a price which the Senate must refuse before and after him, he appreciated the plight to pay). While the Venetians spent their money of his fellow countrymen in the East. On the ona fleet which won no battles and conquered whole he tried to avoid a serious break with the no territory, and on a general who rescued a Republic, lest the latter should make peace with philosopher’s body from the Turks, Mehmed the Turks, who were said to be willing to do spent his time building a palace in Istanbul and so, as Paolo Barbarigo, the Venetian bailie in continuing the embellishment of his new capital Istanbul, could attest from a personal interview as well as studying Greek philosophy and Ptolhe had had in February, 1465, with the grand emy’s Almagest with George Amiroutzes and pervizir Mahmud Pasha. Sultan Mehmed had just haps with George of Trebizond.” ordered Barbarigo’s release from imprisonment Although Paul II did something for the crusade,

as a gesture of amity, and Mahmud had ex- he certainly lacked his predecessor’s greatpressed surprise that the Republic should have hearted devotion to the cause. Cardinal Jacopo been carrying on persistent warfare with the Ammanati could write with much truth of his

Porte.” old friend Pius II:

One cannot say whether he was more fortunate in 11 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 86° [88], a letter of the death or in life. He attained the supreme pontificate Senate dated 10 May, 1465, to Barbarigo in Istanbul: “Havemo intexo per vostre lettere de XIII de Febraro =————— tenute fino a di XVI la liberation vostra seguita de ordine ”® Critobulus, V, 9-10 (ed. Karl Miller, in Fragmenta del Signor Turco et le parole usate con vui circa di historicorum graecorum |FHG], V-1 [Paris, 1870], pp. 155-56; questo per Mamutbassa, Ia qual liberation ne é stata molto — ed. V. Grecu, Critebul din Imbros, Bucharest, 1963, pp. 333,

grata et € de mente nostra che vui regratiate el ditto 335, 337); for the terms on which Venice would (happily) Mamutbassa de le humane parole et bone opere sue. make peace, see Sime Ljubic, Listine, X (Zagreb, 1891), Verum perche inter alia ne scrivete Mamutbassa haver 327, doc. dated 3 July, 1465, and cf, ibid., pp. 328, 331-32, monstrado meravegliarse con vui de la guerra senza cason 344, et alibi, but esp. pp. 360-61. On the relations of per nui tolta commemorando el far de la pace, etc., semo Amiroutzes with Mehmed II, see Adolf Deissmann, Forschcontenti che vui sie con esso Mamutbassa dicendoli che ungen u. Funde im Serai, Berlin and Leipzig, 1933, pp. 25-36,

come € manifesto provocadi et ‘astreti devenissemo ad and ¢f. F. Babinger, Maometto il Conquistatore, ‘Turin, questa guerra con el Signor Turco si per la novita fatta 1957, pp. 363-71, 725. Although responsible for some contra Argos come per altre molte violentie et damni notable structures, Mehmed I] was actually not a great

inferidi a luogi et subditi nostri. builder; he did employ a number of western painters,

“Al presente dicemo che quando el si promova [propona, especially Gentile Bellini, and some bronze miniaturists, ibid., fol. 91°, where the text also occurs] condition de but no western architects of note (cf., ibid., pp. 679-80, pace le qual toia via la occasion et materia de la guerra and Chapter 5, note 12, on Mehmed’s intellectual interests et habia etiam rispecto a la liga che nui havemo con’ and cultural contacts with Italy). Inevitably he was el serenissimo re de Hongaria, alhora pertinenter re- affected by the artistic vogue of his time. sponderemo et voremo bona pace. De quanto el prefato Life in the late Quattracento was informed by art to Mamutbassa ve rispondera, volemo che [volemo che omitted an extent not always easy to realize. In a collection of on fol. 91"] per bon messo ne date [darete, fol. 91°} aviso, _ letters, for example, of the Frangipani lords of the island see

dechiarandone tute condition et particularita porete haver of Veglia (modern Krk, across the head of the Adriatic

per piu intelligentia nostra.” from Venice) a letter of one Elisabetta Morosini, dated

This letter, which seems to have been accepted by the at Veglia on 11 May, 1471, to the brothers Pietro and Senate on a second ballot on 8 June, 1465 (by a vote Marco Morosini di Paolo, reads: “. . . We pray you dearly, de parte 96, de non 0, non sinceri 2), was apparently not Messer Marco, to be willing by the friendship which we sent to Barbarigo. The text lacks the upright cross in the | understand you have with the painters Gentile and Giovanni left margin which indicates that an action voted on was Bellini to persuade them to teach the fundamentals of design actually put into effect. As presented to the Senate on both — to our Father Domenico [che 7 vogliano insegnar la rasom del

10 May and 8 June a word of appreciation was included desegno a pre domenego nostro]... ,” and if the Bellini

for the efforts of the Italian Jewish physician Yakub should prove unwilling to do so, perhaps some other Pasha (“Messer Jacomo Medego”) on behalf of Venice. The “benevolent painter” could be found to instruct Domenico,

Senate was going to try to find some “libri de medicina” who might then return to Veglia to paint in the popular for Yakub (ibid., fols. 86°, 91%), on whom see above, — style of the Venetian school (see the note by F. S., in Nuovo

Chapter 5, note 12. Archivio veneto, 2nd ser., II [Venice, 1891], 382).

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 275 by his own inner resources [virtute sua] and achieved The Florentines are a case in point, and one eternal glory in religion and in genius. He metadeath example may serve for several. On 16 May, 1465, than which, if you but look at the world, none could = pay} [] appealed to the Signoria for their con-

be more sublime. . . . He died for truth and for yibution to assist the Hungarians against ne redemption of an enslaved people, offering pam: Mehmed II, the “common enemy and calamity

sem as a Sacriice to boc and caving an examp Christians.” pope. stated that at the repriests of what they should be foroftheir ownThe peo-

ple : centfor meeting of the Italian powers, he had Se13asked help against the Turks, thewhen Florentine It was not, however, an example which the papal representative had agreed to give two thousand merchant of Venice could follow. But Paul II ducats a month,® “although this seemed a small did what he could, after his fashion, and estab- sum to all present and doubtless far less than

lished at the beginning of his reign a specialcom- your most prosperous state should have pledged.” mission for the crusade, to which Cardinals Bes- (Florence had in fact been asked for fifty thousarion, Guillaume d’Estouteville, and Juan de sand a year.) King Matthias Corvinus had written

Carvajal were appointed. The commissioners of the desperate need to stem the ever-rising were to receive the profits from the papal mo- Turkish tide, and the pope assured the Floren-

nopoly of the alum mines at Tolfa, “seven —

mountains of alum” (discovered early in 1461), Arta, Leonardo Tocco, as well as many others (Gottlob, as well as most of the income from indulgences op. cit., pp. 292-94). and the crusading tithes, which funds they were The crusading plan of the year 1464 involved a realistic to expend on the war against the Turks. Despite schedule of payments by the Italian states, with the : divl ; h hi papacy and Venice each providing 100,000 ducats (Sen. wearisome diplomatic exchanges nothing was ac-_ Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 63 [65], 78" [80"], 102 [104¥] and complished, for the Italian states refused to sub- 104 [106]); Naples, 80,000; Milan, 70,000; Florence, scribe to the levies proposed by the commission- 50,000; Modena, 20,000; Siena, 15,000; Bologna, 15,000;

ers, who tried to assess the. requirements of the Cana Ep. Lucca, Reaee ane Montlerrat, ras mmanati, Ep. Liv, ini Pius II, Commentari, Frankfurt, crusade after consultation with the hard-pressed 1614, p. 506; MHH, Magyar Diplomacziai Emlékek: Acta

Venetians. extera of the reign of Matthias Corvinus, I] [Budapest,

1877], 233-34, document incorrectly assigned to the year TT 1471). The lesser states like Siena and Mantua assumed 'S Ammanati, Ep. x i, in Pius [1], Commentarii, Frankfurt, that the greater powers would prevent the Turkish entry

1614, p. 489, lines 19 ff., to Cardinal Francesco Todeschini into Italy and were extremely loath to pay their share of Piccolomini (later Pope Pius III), also cited in Raynaldus, any assessment for the common good. The larger states Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1464, no. 45, vol. XIX (1693), p. 163. imposed unacceptable conditions upon their compliance 4 On the alum mines of Tolfa and their importance for with the commissioners’ plan. the crusade, see Augustin Theiner, ed., Codex diplomaticus The appointment of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s father, Piero di dominu temporalis S. Sedis, 111 (Rome, 1862, repr. Frankfurt Cosimo, and his associates in the Medici bank as alme urbis am Main, 1964), nos. CCCLXV, CCCLXX—CCCLXXII, CCCLXXIX, _ thesaurarii on 16 September, 1464, may be found in Arch. CCCXCI, CCCXCIII—CCCXCIV, CCCXCVIH, pp. 419-20, 423-25, Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 542 [ Pauli I Officiorum lib. I, arino I],

434-36, 451-55, 456-59, 463-67; Adolf Gottlob, dus der _fols. 8’-9". On the sixth of the following November, Piero Camera Apostolica des 15. Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck, 1889, pp. and the bank were appointed pecuniarum Sancte Cruciate 278-300; Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 80-81, and Gesch. d. depositarii (ibid., fol. 23): “Volumus autem quod in dispendiis Papste, Hf (repr. 1955), 355-56; A. Guglielmotti, Storia della pecuniarum prefatarum mandatis venerabilium fratrum

marina pontificia, II (Rome, 1886), 318-22; G. Zippel, nostrorum Bessarionis Tusculani, Guillelmi Hostiensis, et “L’Allume di Tolfa e il suo commercio,” in Archivio della Johannis Portuensis, episcoporum Sancte Romane Ecclesie

R. Societa romana di storia patria, XXX (1907), esp. pp. 14-51, _ cardinalium, per nos super premissis deputatorum absque

389 ff., 402 ff., 416-18, 431 ff., with refs. to both printed aliqua contradictione parere debeatis. . . .” The Pazzi and

and archival sources; and in general Jean Delumeau, Ricasoli, also Florentines, served as depositarii too, but L’Alun de Rome, XV°—XIX® siecle, Paris, 1962 (see above, apparently had nothing to do with the special crusading Chapter 8, notes 30-31). The profits derived from alum fund (cef., ibid., fols. 2’-3"). Zippel, “L’Allume di Tolfa,”

were actually used for many purposes other than the pp. 437-62, publishes a number of important documents “Cruciata,” which almost gave its name to the papal relating to the “Cruciata;” see also Delumeau’s careful monopoly in alum. The Camera Apostolica is believed at study of L’Alun de Rome, and cf. R. de Roover, The Rise times to have received from eighty toone hundred thousand and Decline of the Medici Bank (1397-1494), New York,

ducats a year from the concessions it granted to mine the 1966, pp. 152-64, and Frantiiek BeneS, “Depositeria alum, which was widely used in the fifteenth century for generale della crociata,” Ceskoslovensky Casopis historicky,

the dyeing of cloth, the preparation of leather, glass- XIV—5 (Prague, 1966), 738-57, with fifty-four documents making, tanning, and even in medicines. Grants from the _ relating to Bohemia from the reign of Paul II, in Czech alum fund supported some famous papal pensioners summaries or the original Latin text.

in Rome such as the exiled despot of the Morea, Thomas Cf Ammanati, Ep. xcv, in Pius II, Commentarii,

Palaeologus, his son Andreas and the latter’s wife Caterina, Frankfurt, 1614, p. 532, which letter also gives details of

Queen Catherine of Bosnia, and the exiled despot of the financial recalcitrance of the other Italian states.

276 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tines that Hungarian strength was simply un-_ ing to the accounts of the “Cruciata” preserved equal to the task. The subvention of Hungary inthe Archivio di Stato in Rome, the commission was in fact the defense of Italy. The pope warned for the crusade did in fact turn over to the against delay (bis dedit qui cito dedit). If the Si- Hungarian envoys 57,500 gold florins from the gnoria had difficulty producing the whole sum, fund produced by the alum monopoly on 23 “which we can hardly believe, we pray you at May, 1465,'’° and another grant was made on least give half of it now” [i.e., 12,000 ducats]._ 28 April, 1466, of 10,000 Hungarian ducats.”° On 1 June the Signoria replied, acknowledging Nevertheless, bitter complaints were being ° the Florentine commitment and commending voiced in the Venetian Senate that in neither the elegance of the papal style as well as the Rome nor the Veneto was the high clergy doing soundness of the papal reasoning, “but many its share in the war against the Turks, which and grave difficulties are arising which make it was almost impoverishing the Republic.**? The so hard for us that we cannot see how action costs of war exceeded the profits of trade. On can be taken on your wish and our own desire, 26 September, 1465, the Senate informed Paul which is always attendant upon a pontiff’s wish.” that, as Venice fought almost alone against

The price of grain was high; the fear of plague the Turks, the expense of maintaining her

had laid the city low; and there were other forces on land and sea had exceeded the

troubles too. The Signoria did not therefore fear burdensome total of 700,000 ducats in a year.” to ask his Holiness to hear with kindly ears their plea to be excused, for necessity impelled them During the early spring of 1465 the Venetians to request this consideration of the supreme pon- and the Hospitallers, the Turks’ chief Christian tiff, whose most devoted sons they were.'® The opponents in the eastern Mediterranean, came

insincerity of the letter vies with its urbanity; to blows in a conflict which seemed likely to Pius II had become all too familiar with the _ play into Sultan Mehmed’s hands. At that time meaning of such communications. The Floren- certain Venetian galleys sailed from Alexandria

tines were not going to assist the Venetians to to Rhodes, as they frequently did, but on this remove any chestnuts from the fire, but when occasion they had on board a number of Moorish such a letter might be received from any one’ merchants (plerique mercatores mauri), who had of a dozen states in Italy, and rejoinders less valuable wares with them. The Venetians had courteous perhaps from half a dozen kings and _ been obliged to take the Moors on board “lest princes in western Europe, it was only too clear _ besides the terrible war we are carrying on with that no great crusade, such as Pius II had en- the Turk we should also provoke against our-

visaged, was going to take place during the selves the hatred of the soldan [of Egypt]”

pontificate of Paul II.” (as the Senate found it necessary to explain to

Although cities in the papal states were as King Edward IV of England on 9 September, reluctant as those elsewhere to pay the crusading 1465), “to whom we knew the Turk had sent tithes, Paul II managed to send very substantial envoys to [persuade him to] declare war upon sums to Matthias Corvinus to assist the Hungari- us.” As the Venetian galleys were approaching ans against the Turks. The bookseller Vespasiano the harbor of Rhodes, Pedro Ramén Zacosta,

da Bisticci, a well-informed contemporary the grand master (1461-1467), attacked them observer, says that Paul II sent Corvinus some _ with several Hospitaller galleys and other armed 80,000 ducats in the year 1465 alone.** Accord- vessels. Some Venetians were wounded in the encounter, some even killed. Their galleys were 16 Giuseppe Miller, ed., Document: sulle relazioni delle §—=————— citta toscane coll’Oriente cristiano e cot Turchi, Florence, 1879, 19 Liber depositarii S. Cruciate, fol. 40, cited by Gottlob, pt. I, no. 153, pp. 202-3, docs. dated 16 May and 7 June, Aus der Camera Apostolica, p. 291.

1465. 20 Gottlob, loc. cit. The Hungarians received additional '7 After “six months’ effort” Paul II realized this fully sums in later years.

(Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1465, nos. 1~2, vol. XIX 21 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 129*/130° [132'], 160°

[1693], p. 170, and cf. Muller, op. cit., pp. 498-99). [162°], dated 28 May, 1466: “. . . Clerici vero in causa hac 18 A. Mai, Spicilegium romanum, 1 (Rome, 1839), 297: sancte fidei preter ius omne divinum atque humanum in “. , . [la sua Santita] mando al Re d’Ungaria circa ducati _ocio atque tranquilitate quiescunt, et a longo tempore citra ottanta mila, e composesi con detti ambasciadori dare ogni nihil solverunt ex decimis sive factionibus: quas ab hac anno una certa somma di danari... .” In July, 1466, urbe condita citra solvere consueti sunt. . . .” Paul II wrote Philip of Burgundy that in the preceding year 22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 117/118”—118/119" [120°—he had sent the Hungarians 100,000 gold florins (Raynaldus, 121°]: “Urgent insuper stipendia terrestris exercitus atque

Ann. eccl., ad ann., no. 3, vol. XIX [1693], p. 178): navalis supplementorumque mittendorum, que excedunt “|. . aureorum millia centum anno proximo ad Hungaros tam summam ducatorum septingentorum millium in

misimus.” anno .. .” [fol. 121" by mod. enumeration].

PAUL Hl AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 277 seized as though they were spoils of war. The very likely many thousands of ducats. If the Moors were thrown into Rhodian prisons. Very most reverend lord prior of the Hospital in

quickly matters went from bad to worse. England had had a fuller knowledge and a

When word of the Moors’ capture spread more accurate account of the events at Rhodes, through Syria and Egypt, where there were he would certainly have refrained from making many Venetian merchants as well as Venetian any complaint against Venice. Indeed, if the consuls in Damascus and Alexandria, the soldan_ lord prior had himself been at Rhodes, his ordered all citizens and subjects of the Republic wisdom and authority would have shown the to be seized and brought in chains to Cairo. way to an entirely pacific solution.” They were being held duris carceribus, and The Senate had indeed sent an envoy, Filippo threatened with death, for the soldan held Correr, to the soldan’s court to protest against Venice responsible for the Moors’ plight. Getting the injustice then being done to the Republic’s no satisfaction from the grand master despite citizens and subjects. Even the apparent threat

repeated efforts to deal with him—“at this to give up the Venetian consulates in Damascus point, most serene king, we cannot‘in silence and Alexandria and to order the abandonment pass over the fact that, although the grand of Mamluk lands by all Venetian merchants master declares himself to be a champion of the . failed to secure full satisfaction from the soldan’s

faith, his heart is far removed from such a_ government.** The matter dragged on interpurpose”—the Senate ordered the Venetian minably. While the Venetians fought with the captain-general of the sea, Jacopo Loredan, to Turks, they had to haggle and remonstrate suspend all activity against the Turks and proceed with the Mamluks. Seven years later (on 22 July, at once to Rhodes, where (peaceably if possible) 1472), a well-known Venetian diplomat, Gio-

he was to secure the freedom of the Moors. vanni Emo, received a ducal commission to go Sailing to Rhodes, Loredan tried for three by way of Modon to Alexandria and thence to whole days by letters and envoys to persuade Cairo to the court of the soldan, to whom he the grand master to release the Moors and to was again to protest against the injuries and return their goods, but contrary to the advice of losses which the Venetian merchants had suffered many of the Knights, the grand master refused in Mamluk territory, where even the Republic’s to do so, “with incredible pertinacity and avarice,” consul in Damascus had been ignominiously

although the lives and properties of so many beaten. Emo was also to take up the “matter Venetians were then hanging in the balance. of the pepper which is given to our people, At last, however, peaceful arrangements were SOS8y and full of sand and pebbles” (humefactum

made between the persistent captain-general ¢f terra lapidibusque plenum), and to request and the recalcitrant grand master. The Moors punishment for those “who in the person of our were released, and their goods, or such as could consul have injured our Signoria” so that no be found, were given back to them. Before such offense would be committed in years to “concord and agreement” had made this pos- Come. He was also to request restitution for the sible, however, the Venetians had found it merchants’ losses.”° necessary to effect a landing on Rhodes. The —————— Senate expressed courteous regret if in the 23 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 115/116 [118], doc. dated 9 process anything had happened which was dis- Sepremers dene . Senate also wrote to the earl of pleasing to his Majesty. Edward IV had written England (ibid., fols. 115¥-116). As we have already

: . . . prior and preceptor of the Hospital in

to Venice, at the instance of the Hospitallers noted, Loredan was trying to give up the captaincy-general

in England, to protest against the Venetian of the sea at this time, but the Senate voted not to

incursion into the island stronghold. rise fol.on 116") 7 February, (fol. , ).eae Finally 25 until April Vettore1466 Capello

. The Senate reaffirmed the propriety and was elected his successor (fols. 152” ff. [154 ff.]), and the justice of their action, noting that the Moors war against the Turks was pressed more vigorously. The had now returned to their homes. The release of Oder ene was az-Zahir Saif-ad-Din Khushkadam the Venetians from the prisons I Cairo, how- 74Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 92’-96" [94’—98'], docs. ever, and the restitution of their goods were dated 15 to 21 June, 1465. Correr was at least authorized not going to be achieved without the greatest to make such a threat (ibid., fols. 94", in next to the last expense to the Republic. A Venetian ambassador _ paragraph, and 96", where the Senate’s letter to the soldan

had been sent to the soldan, “but there is no ends with the statement that “. . . a nui é intollerabile doubt that in the usual barbaric fashion he will Poder Pi patir tante violentie et damni, come piu com-

. pidamente lo ambassador nostro referira a la vostra

require of us a great sum of money to rescue Gerenita . . .”).

our people from their awful predicament,” 25 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fols. 142-143" [151¥— 152°].

278 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In the early spring and summer of 1466 satisfy . . . [him] to the fullest extent of his Sultan Mehmed II led a large army into Albania desire, but we must inform him that we have

against Scanderbeg, but failed to take the been incurring huge and intolerable expenses mountain fortress of Croia by siege. It was a both on land and at sea, and not only in costly expedition. The Turks are said to have Albania and Dalmatia, but in the Morea, built the castle of Elbasan in a month,” and Negroponte, and other points in the east.” Elbasan soon proved its worth by resisting Scanderbeg had complained of the inadequacy an Albanian attack the following spring. From of the assistance which Venice had sent him, to

about the middle of May, 1466, word was which the Senate replied that, besides the inspreading that Scanderbeg had: been defeated, fantry they had promised him, they had also and that some 14,000 Christians had been sent the condottiere Cimarosto with his troop of

killed in a disastrous encounter with the Turks. experienced men. The condottiere’s death had One can still feel the atmosphere of alarm in_ certainly caused confusion in the ranks, but the dispatches. Even the Florentines were before he died he had complained to Venice astressed by ye cisquieting the, riero a © Me- that his troop had been badly treated by his 'cl, Son and successor of the great Gosimo, lordship’s subjects, quite without his lordship’s intenwas said to have felt grief and shed tears for tion, as we know, but this has been the chief the Turkish attack upon Albania, offering Paul reason that other Italian troopers in our employ have II aid through his father’s old friend, Timoteo _ been loath to go into Albania. But to return to the Maffei, the humanist prior of the canons regular question of money, we reply that although, as has of Fiesole and later archbishop of Ragusa (1467-— been stated, we are burdened in many ways with 1470).27 The defeat of Scanderbeg would have insupportable expenses, nevertheless in deference to

been a blow to Venice, and the Medici were is lordship we shall try for the present to have not given to weeping for the misfortunes of ‘'° thousand ducats sent to him from here, and we

: Shall. toorder thatour another thousand ducats be given Venice. him by commissioner in Albania.”® The death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, on 8 March, 1466, threatened to upset the Although they had to keep preparing for war, balance of power in Italy. In Rome and Milan most members of the Venetian Senate found and Florence one feared for the peace of Italy, some solace in discussions of peace. Few of and watched every move being made in Venice them, however, could agree on how to bring the

and Naples. The Venetian Senate assured an war to an end. On Monday, 28 July (1466), Albanian envoy in early July, 1466, however, @ motion was passed in the Senate

that they would furnish Scanderbeg with all the that tomorrow and Wednesday all the members of the support they possibly could. They were gratified Collegio must convene and stay together, and they

by his defense of Croia, and as to the money cannot leave as long as the most serene lord doge he asks for, we certainly wish that we could _ remains: nothing can be discussed or dealt with in the

Collegio except the aforesaid matter [peace with the To . Turks] under a penalty of ten pounds for anyone 26 Cf. Johannes Adelphi, Die Tiirckisch Chronica von trem [disregarding this injunction]. -.. On Thursday Ursprung, Anefang und Regiment, Strassburg, Mace 1 rh this council [the Senate] will be convoked. All are unnum. fol. 7° (=sign. B—i): “Darnach im LXVII} iar do required to take part, as, shall seem best to every zog der Tirck wider in Albania, und bauwet ein schone ber ; d th hi — f th d stat in XXXI tagen ... ,” and see the article by Franz member in accordance with nis opinion of the mode

Babinger, referred to in the following note. and method of arriving at a peace or truce with the

27 Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV, 86, and append., no. 14, pp. Turk. . . . And in this council [the Senate] nothing 480-81, and Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), 360, and can be done unless this matter is first cleared for append., no. 79, p. 761, letter from Maffei to Piero action.” de’Medici, dated at Rome on 15 May (1466); C. Eubel,

Hierarchia, I (1914, repr. 1960), 220. On the building of }§=—————— Elbasan, see Fr. Babinger, “Die Grtindung von Elbasan,” 28 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 173" [175'], doc. dated 7 July, Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orientalische Sprachen, XXXIV 1466. A month earlier (on 7 June) the Senate had urged King (1931), 94-103, reprinted in his Aufsdtze und Abhandlungen Ferrante of Naples, always the friend of Scanderbeg, to zur Geschichte Sidosteuropas und der Levante, 1 (Munich, — send him infantry and archers “cum magnificus Scandar-

1962), 201-10. According to the longer of two com- begus et res Albanie et per consequens Christianitatis in memorative inscriptions at Elbasan, the square fortress with maximo periculo constitute sint” (ibid., fol. 166" [168"],

its great corner towers was built in twenty-five days (ibid., and cf. fols. 170°, 179%, and Reg. 23, fol. 57°, dated pp. 204-6). Documents relating to Scanderbeg’s struggle 28 July, 1467). with the Turks in 1466 are conveniently assembled in 79 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fols. 175¥— 176" [177°—178"]. The J. Radoni¢c, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, Belgrade, 1942, pp. motion passed unanimously (de parte 132, de non 0, non

179-94, and cf. S. Ljubi¢, Listine, X, pp. 359-84, passim. sincert 0), but letters addressed on 7 August to Francesco

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 279 Reports reaching the Curia Romana brought into Asia Minor. It caused a high mortality with them a sense of almost irremediable in Istanbul where, according to Critobulus, the disaster. Paul II made another appeal to the gravediggers could not keep up with the deaths great powers, writing Philip of Burgundy late of more than six hundred persons a day.

in the year 1466: Mehmed delayed his return to the capital (in

My dearest son: Scanderbeg, stalwart athlete of poo) ma rching northward alter his witherawar Christ, ruler of the great part of Albania, who has rom ania into the Vanube region north 0

fought for our faith for more than twenty years, has Soha, between Vidin and Nicopolis, where he been attacked by vast Turkish forces and now de- Spent the autumn in the mountains, returning feated in battle, stripped of all his dominion, and [to Istanbul only when the plague disappeared

driven defenseless and destitute to our shores. The with the advent of winter.*! Critobulus’s valuable Albanians, his fellow warriors, have been put to the but somewhat confused account of the career of

sword, some of them reduced to abject slavery. Mehmed II closes with a description of the The towns, which hitherto have resisted the attacks plague of 1466.

of the Turks on our behalf, have now come under Late in the year Scanderbeg made a hurried their sway. The neighboring peoples, who dwell on journey to Italy to seek aid directly of Ferrante the Adriatic, are terrified by the nearness of their ~ Navl d of Paul Il in R Although danger. Everywhere panic, grief, death, and captivity mr Naples anc of rau in Rome. AlOUg are before our very eyes. It is terrible to hear what the Ragusan Senate had been prepared in May great turbulence has overtaken everything. It is a (1466) to provide Scanderbeg with gunpowder, tearful sight to watch the ships of fugitives putting saltpeter, and sulphur, on 2 November they in at Italian ports. Families in want, robbed of all voted to send a delegation of three nobles to they had, driven from their homes, huddle every- ask “that he not come to Ragusa ob bonum where on the shores. Stretching out their hands to respectum,” which means for fear of the Turks.*” heaven, they fill our hearts with their lamentations. (On 27 November, Agostino de’ Rossi, the Milanese

Evils without number encompass them, but the ambassador in Rome, wrote Duchess Bianca

Turkish ruler, victorious, proud, monstrous, equipped Maria and her son Galeazzo Maria Sforza that

with greater than another.*° ever before,canderbeg rushes forward Scanderb “all hijtor f to claim oneforces land after had fost ali his had state1except

Croia.” He had arrived in Apulia, and would go

Though the pope’s letter to Philip of Burgundy first to Ferrante and then come to Rome to did not exaggerate the terror and misery caused request the support he needed.** On 14 Decemby the Turks in Albania, he was mistaken in ber the Mantuan ambassador to the Vatican, the belief that Scanderbeg had been defeated. Giovanni Pietro Arrivabene, described ScanderMehmed had in fact withdrawn from the siege of beg’s coming to Rome: “The lord Scanderbeg Croia in June, 1466, toward Durazzo, spreading arrived here Friday [12 December, 1466], and death and destruction before him. He left the households of the cardinals were sent out to Balaban Beg before Croia, however, with orders meet him. He is a man of advanced age, past to maintain the investment of the fortress until — sixty; he has come with few horses, a poor man.

he had taken it by attack or starvation. I understand he will seek aid.”*4 Meanwhile a severe plague had been ravaging

Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace, extending —H

as 31 Critobulus, V, 11-12, 16-19 (ed. Miller, FHG, V-1, Venier, the Venetian ambassador to Matthias Corvinus, pp. 156b-—158b, 159b-—161; ed. Grecu, Critobul din Imbros show that the Senate had no clearer idea after the unusual [1963], pp. 339 ff., 349 ff.), who tries to make Mehmed’s sessions than before them, of how to achieve peace with Albanian expedition appear as successful as possible, the Turks, for the terms must be acceptable to both Venice declaring that the Turks took 20,000 Albanians captive and Hungary: “. .. Et quoniam non dubitamus quin (chap. 11, ed. Miller, p. 157b; ed. Grecu, p. 343). On the tractatio pacis, tum propter conditiones quas Maiestas sua plague and Mehmed’s intention of spending the winter petit et nos etiam petimus tum propter naturam Turci, _ near Sofia, cf. Radoni¢, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, no. 336, habitura sit multum difficultatis” (zbid., fols. 177’-178" p. 192, doc. dated 9 October (1466).

[179¥—180*}). 32 J. Gelcich and L. Thalléczy, eds., Diplomatarium ragu- °° The letter was written for Paul II by Jacopo sanum, Budapest, 1887, pp. 774, 780.

Ammanati, Ep. cLxul, in Pius II, Commentarii, Frankfurt, 33 F, Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi intorno alla meta del 1614, pp. 588 ff.; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1466, no. secolo XV,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane,

2, vol. XIX (1693), p. 178; for the date (toward the end LXXXIII (3rd ser., IV, 1966), doc. no. Lx, p. 204, and ‘of 1466), see F. Pall, “Marino Barlezio,” in Mélanges d’histoire note no. LXIV.

générale, ed. C. Marinescu, II (Bucharest, 1938), 219, note 1. 34 Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 88, note, and Gesch. d. Papste,

On 2 June, 1466, the Venetians had accused the Ragusei II (repr. 1955), 361-62, note 4; Pall, “I Rapporti of selling supplies to the Turks “toto hoc bello” (Ljubi¢, italo-albanesi,” no. Lxv, pp. 206-7; Malipiero, Annali

Listine, X, 366). veneti, in Archivio storico italiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843), 38;

280 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Agostino de’ Rossi and his fellow ambassador The Milanese ambassadors in Rome wrote in Rome, Lorenzo da Pesaro, kept the Milanese Duchess Bianca and Galeazzo Maria that Paul II

court well informed of what they learned at had directed Scanderbeg to write the Albanian the Curia. They watched Paul II very closely. envoy in Venice of “how the pope refuses to After all, he was a Venetian. Since Francesco’ give him any subvention to be used against Sforza’s death there was widespread fear that the Turk in Albania unless he first sees such the Italian peace might not be maintained. The security in Italy that there is no likelihood anti-Medicean exiles from Florence had gathered of war here, and that ‘all the other Italian in Venice, where the condottiere Bartolommeo powers are in accord on this, except that the Colleoni was being encouraged to proceed Venetians seem rather to be holding back. One against the Medici. The Venetians were believed can, therefore, affirm that this whole matter

to have designs on Milanese territory. They depends upon them. ... And Scanderbeg

would have liked to make peace with the Turks, has himself written to this effect and sent the and were having some difficulty with their ally letter off to Venice.” The ambassadors believed Matthias Corvinus, whose forces had seized a_ that Paul would give Scanderbeg “some subsidy,

strategic pass near Spalato (Split) “contro but only a small one.”** On 7 January, 1467, volunta et a despecto de Venetiani.” The Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga wrote his father, Venetians were trying to conceal their annoy- Marquis Lodovico, that a secret consistory had ance. They had to put up with this evidence _ been held that morning on the matter of aiding of Hungarian ambition because of the Turkish Scanderbeg: Paul II had said that he would give war, but it was understood .in Rome “che ne __ five thousand ducats, but was unwilling to give hanno amaro il stomacho.” The pope was trying more on the grounds that he had to provide for to preserve the peace and to keep the Venetians his own affairs, expressing apprehension of in line. He told the envoys at the Curia of certain possible developments. Cardinal Latino the huge sums he had expended on the Turkish Orsini then began to say that his Holiness had war and of the continuing necessity to provide no cause for fear from any source, but the pope Matthias Corvinus and Scanderbeg with sub- turned on him in anger with the information that sidies. According to the latter, the Turks had he knew for certain Ferrante of Naples was raided the Venetian territories in Dalmatia atthe | planning an attack upon the states of the Church.

time of his departure from Albania. They had On the twelfth Cardinal Gonzaga wrote his taken more than four thousand captives as wellas_ father again that he had attended another secret much booty, which made it clear that there was__consistory that morning concerning “the affairs little immediate likelihood of a peace or truce of Scanderbeg, to whom there will be given only between the Republic and the Porte. The pope _ the five thousand ducats.”%?

had sent his fellow countryman Bertuccio Scanderbeg remained in Rome for another

Contarini to the Venetians, “adiungendoli che month or more, waiting for a subvention from

non se fidano de fare ni pace ni tregua col the pope,

Turcho per innovare guerra in Italia.™ but his Holiness apparently wants to see what shape the affairs of Italy are going to take, because if there

a , oo, , , . 1s to be a war, he intends that his first expenditure and cf. Marinus Barletius, Historia de vila et gestis Scanderbegn, should be for his own protection. On the other hand, Ist ed., Rome, 1509, bk. xu, fol. CLUV; ed. Zagreb, 1743, h hat he still: k h ‘buti

p. 357a: “. . . Scanderbeg interim . . . sine mora sagulo € says that he stll’wants to know what contribution gregali, et vilissimo admodum habitu indutus ad urbem his Majesty [Ferrante] is willing to make. [The pope] Romanam pro ope et auxilio a summo principe patrumque has written to [Ferrante] and is awaiting his reply in collegio implorando profectus est: Erat enim eo tempore order to find out whether what the king will do [for Paulus II Pontifex maximus.” The house where Scanderbeg Scanderbeg ], together with the pope’s assistance, will

is said to have stayed in Rome may be found at be sufficient for the needs of Albania so as not to

114-118 Vicolo Scanderbeg (at the foot of the Quirinal) on throw the money away! In the meantime Scanderbeg the Piazza Scanderbeg. His picture over the main doorway is much aggrieved and well nigh desperate. of the house is accompanied by the inscription: “Geor.

Castriota a Scanderbeg princeps Epiri ad fidem iconis rest... —————

an. Dom. MDCCCXLIII” (the building was commemorated 36 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” nos. LXVIII—Lxx,

as his alleged residence in 1843). pp. 209-11, docs. dated from 19 to 31 December, 1466.

35 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” nos. LxIV—LXVII, 37 Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 88-90, and append., no. 18,

pp. 205-9, docs. dated from 10 to 19 December, pp. 482-83, and Gesch. d. Péapste, I] (repr. 1955),

1466. Within a few years the Venetians sorely regretted 361-63, and append., no. 83, p. 763, who insists, however, their estrangement from Corvinus and Colleoni’s meddling that generous treatment was accorded the “champion of in the affairs of Florence (Malipiero, Annali veneti, ad ann. Albania.” Gonzaga’s letters are reprinted in Radonié, 1470, in Archivio storico italiano, VII, pt. 1 [1843], 59). Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. 194-95.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 281 The ambassadors of the king of Hungary were to defend Croia, “because the Signoria of also in Rome, seeking their annual subvention Venice has taken the place under their protec-

from the Holy See for the “impresa del tion and will take care to guard it well, and

Turcho.” So were the Grand Master Pedro their infantry and other forces are within [the

Ramon Zacosta and a large number of Hospital- _fortress].” Scanderbeg was said to understand lers, for the chapter general of the Order was _ the sinister intentions of Venice, and threatened being held in Rome (from 12 December, 1466, to surrender Croia and the rest of Albania to to 7 February, 1467). The Hospitallers were the Turks.*® Although the ambassadors’ dispatch

said to be 200,000 ducats in debt. A levy had was anti-Venetian enough to please Duchess allegedly been imposed upon the fighting friars Bianca and Galeazzo Maria, it remains suspect “to pay three-quarters of their incomes every in the light of the Venetian documents. year,’ which was supposed to be enough to Scanderbeg had already remained overlong in discharge the debt in three years. An accounting Rome. Croia was still holding out against the of the Order’s funds now revealed, however, Turks. Paul Il, however, showed small signs of that they had spent all their incomes, and their giving him the five thousand ducats he had

debts had increased to 250,000 ducats. Con- spoken of at the consistory of 7 January. He

sequently it was decided that each “frate” should _ was, to be sure, willing to assign him part of the

pay one-half of his income for the next five feudal dues (the census) which the Neapolitan years, which was thought to be enough to re- kingdom was supposed each year to pay the Holy

establish the Order’s solvency, “provided God See. Certain of the cardinals had persuaded does not will the debt’s increase, as happened Scanderbeg to remain a while longer. They the first time.”*® Five days after the conclusion offered him their own money, and told him of the chapter general Paul II issued the bull that another consistory would soon be held, at Quamvis ex commisso (on 12 February, 1467), which the cardinals believed Paul might be outlining the manifold debts of the Order, pro- induced to grant him the needed subsidy. viding for an overall financial reform, and The consistory was in fact held on 13 February requiring payment in full within five or six (1467). The question of assistance to Scanderbeg years. Ten days thereafter the Grand Master must have arisen immediately. Paul II now Zacosta died (on 22 February), as tired of debts stated that he was prepared to contribute two

as he was of the Turks.* thousand ducats to the Albanian cause, to which

Lorenzo da Pesaro and Agostino de’ Rossi re-_ certain of the cardinals remonstrated, saying ported to the Milanese government on 24 _ that his Holiness should provide at least seven January (1467) that, while Scanderbeg was _ or eight thousand. Paul said in reply that he was “almost desperate, with little hope of getting — willing for the cardinals to lend Scanderbeg some assistance from the pope for Croia and Albania,” such sum, and he would see to its repayment

Paul II was losing interest in his plight. One from the revenues of the alum mines [at Tolfa]. Paolo Contarini, a Venetian, had told the pope The idea did not appeal to the cardinals since that it was not necessary to go to further expense Paul was known to have “il dinaro in capsa.”*4

The Milanese ambassadors informed their

°° Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxx1, pp. 211-12, government on the same day (15 February) that

dated 16 January, 1467. so far “Scandarbecho povereto” had got almost

°° Gaspare da Verona, De gestis tempore . . . Pauli II, ed. nothing from the pope, who had hardly paid his G. Zippel, in RISS, HI, pt. 16 (1904), 44, and Michele living expenses. But Paul was sending him back Canensi, De vita et pontificatu Pauli H, ibid., pp. 145-46. to Ferrante with a so-called grant of 7,500 Zippel, pp. 185-88, gives the text of the bull Quamuvis €X ducats to be paid from the Neapolit

commisso, “datum Rome apud S. Marcum pridie Idus Pp politan census, Februarias anno ab incarnatione Domini MCCCCLXVI,

pontificatus nostri anno tertio” [12 February, 1467], which} ==————_

he misdates 14 February. Cf. Zippel, “Ricordi romani dei * Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxxu, p. 213. On Cavalieri di Rodi,” Archivio della R. Societa romana di storia 11 March (1467), however, Agostino wrote that the Venetian

patria, XLIV (1921), 186-88. ; government was then appealing to the pope: to assist

On 2 July, 1956, an urn containing the remains of the Scanderbeg (tbid., no. Lxxx, p. 219). On the Venetian

Grand Master Zacosta was transferred from S. Peter’s to the establishment in Albania and its governance, see the careful church of S. Maria on the Aventine. After a requiem mass study of Giuseppe Valentini, “Dell’amministrazione veneta

on 3 July the urn was placed in a niche behind the main in Albania,” in Agostino Pertusi, ed., Venezia e il Levante altar, where a plaque commemorating Zacosta’s translatio fino al secolo XV, 2 vols., Florence, 1973-74, I-2, 843-910. now preserves the original text of the funerary stele in the *' Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” nos. LXxIV-LXxv, p.

Vatican grottoes (cf. the Bulletin officiel du grand magistere 214, dated 11 and 13 February, 1467, and cf. no. de (Ordre S. M. H. de Malte, 111 [July—Aug. 1956], 5). LXXVII, p. 216.

282 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT provided Ferrante would add thereto the same turning home, Scanderbeg took the field with amount from his own funds (de lz soy). Aside a considerable army for a last encounter with from this, according to the Milanese ambas- Balaban Beg, who had in the meantime received sadors, Scanderbeg had got nothing, and even strong reinforcements and again put Croia this was “una cosa in aere,” because the amount under siege. Scanderbeg harried the Turks day of the census was itself an unsettled question. and night. In the spring of 1467, probably in As Scanderbeg prepared to leave Rome for April, he defeated a body of auxiliary troops Naples, he received depressing news from _ being sent to Balaban, even capturing the latter’s Albania, “como tutti li homeni de quelle terre brother Yunus, who was in command of them. At . . . Stavano desperati et malissimo contenti.”*? the same time Balaban was himself killed by After almost five weeks, dismal weeks, at the gunshot in a frantic attack upon Croia, and the Curia the Albanian “champion” took the road ‘Turks hastily abandoned the siege, withdrawing to Naples. On 14 February (1467) Lorenzo da_ in frightened disorder into Macedonia.*

Pesaro wrote Duchess Bianca and Galeazzo Agostino de’ Rossi had informed Duchess

Maria: “Scanderbeg departed today, in despair, Bianca and Galeazzo Maria on 11 March (1467) for he has not received any money from the _ that the news had reached Rome the Turks were pope. A cardinal gave him two hundred ducats preparing “grandi armate” for attacks upon the

. . . . In jeering tones he said the other day Christians by both land and sea, although it to a cardinal that he would rather make war’ was still unclear where they would seek to

on the Church than on the Turk!’ perpetrate their “ruina.”4’ The Turkish objective Five days later, on the nineteenth, Lorenzo

and his colleague Agostino de’ Rossi sent Bianca. =—W———_ and Galeazzo a few further details: Scanderbeg 46 Balaban Beg held Croia under siege through the winter had left Rome, “saying that he did not believe of 1466-1467 (Radonic, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, no. one could find greater cruelty anywhere in the 3°9, p. 196, doc. dated 18 February, 1467). He failed in ld th h . !” His d an attack upon Croia in April, 1467, being wounded by world than among these priests: AS eparture gunshot (de primo schiopeto) and dying shortly thereafter

had been delayed, because he did not have (ibid, nos. 359-60, p. 198, docs. dated 10 and 20 May,

money enough to pay his bill at the inn (hostaria) 1467). His brother had just been captured (ibid., no. 359, where he had been staying. The cardinal of P: 198a, repr. from V. V. MakuSev, Monumenta historica S.O15 Sisto. h him t hundred d t slavorum meridionaliium, II [Belgrade, 1882], 29-30). A 0; Owever, save wo hundre uCcalS, Venetian chronicle (the Cronica Zena) notes under the date of which he had only forty left as he was 7 September, 1466 (after Capello’s attack upon Athens and setting out for Naples. At the last moment, Barbarigo’s failure at Patras, on which see below), that hearing of how poor Scanderbeg actually was, the news had just arrived in Venice from Scutari “come Paul II finally sent him 2,300 ducats, “and °° . Scandrabecho havea roto Balaban-Bassa et tagliado

Turchi a pezi” N.since lorga, NotesBeg et was Extraits, 1V sohhe1944 went molti away. [Bucharest, 1915],(ed. 211); Balaban still very Ferrante of Naples was more generous than much alive in April, 1467, Radoni¢, op. cit., no. 379, p. 205, the pope, promptly providing Scanderbeg with puts this text without comment under the date 7 September,

money, provisions, and arms.** The Venetians, 1467. Apparently the provveditore of Scutari merely

despite th ts of the Mil confirmed the fact of Balaban Beg’s defeat in April, 1467, espite € repor sO . € Milanese Envoys, Save in a letter which reached Venice on the following 7 assurance of their continued support. Upon re- September. Accurate information was difficult to get, and

TOO always welcome.

such repetitions of news some months old were apparently

4 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxxv1, p. 215. Barletius, De vita et gestis Scanderbegi, \st ed., Rome, 1509, 43 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxxvul, p. 216: bks. x1—xu, fols. cxiui’—cLiv’; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. “ . . Ello beffando disse l’altro di a uno cardinale che 334-61, knows a good deal about the events of 1466-1467,

nante voria fare guerra alla ghiesa che al Turcho!” including the capture of Balaban’s brother and Balaban’s *4 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxxviu, pp. 216-17: | own death in his final desperate assault upon Croia (edd.

“. .. con dire non credere se potesse trovare la mazore citt., fol. cLiv’; pp. 360-61). Raynaldus inaccurately crudelitate al mondo cha in quisti preti. . . .” The cardinal places these events under the year 1465 (cf. Ann. eccl., of S. Sisto was Juan de Torquemada. He died on Monday, ad ann. cit., nos. 16-19, vol. XIX [1693], pp. 173-74). 26 September, 1468, according to the Acta Consistorialia, Pastor, Gesch. d. PGpste, I1 (repr. 1955), 363, rightly in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 71% places this defeat of Yunus and Balaban Beg in the spring (cf. Eubel, Hierarchia, II [1914, repr. 1960], no. 283, p. 36, of 1467, as of course does Pall, in the Mélanges dhistoire and p. 65), and see Pietro Egidi, ed., Necrologi e libri affint générale, I1, 219-20. Cf. Babinger, Maometto (1957), pp. della provincia romana, I (Rome, 1908), 300 (Fonti per la 373-74, 382-83, and Pall, “Les Relations entre la Hongrie

Storia d'Italia, XLIV). et Scanderbeg,” in Revue historique du Sud-Est européen, 4 Franc. Trinchera, Codice aragonese, vol. I (1467-1468), X (1933), 138-41.

Naples, 1866, nos. 22, 66, pp. 33, 90. 47 Pall, “I Rapporti italo-albanesi,” no. Lxxx, p. 219.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 283 was to be Albania. Sultan Mehmed II returned dispatch of 17 November (1465) as having been

in the summer with another great army. captured by the Turks. Capello sent news of his Thousands fled in terror from the Adriatic victories in several letters to the doge (or rather coast to Italy, leaving behind them all they to the Senate), the last coming from Coron on owned. Durazzo was almost uninhabited except 18 July (1466), to which he received in reply

for military personnel. The city was well the highest commendation for the signal

provisioned, however, and its walls strong. services he was rendering the Republic on both Mehmed made no serious attempt to take it, land and sea (dated 5 September).* although a large Turkish cavalry force pillaged Capello had indeed made a brilliant beginning. the surrounding country. Croia was in grave Fora while it looked as though he might recover danger through most of July, but soon the sultan the city of Athens, which Venice had held for and his army were departing eastward. The some years (1394-— 1402/3) between the reigns of

Turkish campaign of 1467 had been even less Dukes Nerio I Acciajuoli and his illegitimate effective than that of the previous year. The son Antonio I. The Turks had occupied the Albanians and their Venetian allies still held lower city on 4 June, 1456, and the Acropolis Croia. But another grim visitation of the plague _ shortly thereafter.°° They had found the almost

occurred in 1467 also, and again the sultan impregnable fortress useful as a command post, spent the winter in the Balkan mountains before and possession of Piraeus must have aided their

returning to Istanbul, apparently in February, activities in the Aegean. As we noted in the 1468.*° In fact the plague returned almost hic i, fter yea ageing to the fearful hardships 49 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol.

Wihic Turkis epredation an a harsh ad- 186° [188]: “Capitaneo generali maris: Accepimus his

ministration imposed upon the poor inhabitants superioribus diebus complures litteras vestras, et postremas

of the Balkans. ex portu Coroni XVIII Julii prope preteriti obsignatas,

que nostro dominio gratissime fuerunt. Cum illis intel-

Vv tj ] d ‘lit dertaki lexerimus vos insulas Embros, Thiassos, Samothraciaque enetian Naval and mitary undertakings feliciter magnanimeque optinuisse, direptionem postea urbis

during 1466 proved hardly more successful than Athenarum et deditionem demum Liguril, optimi oppidi those of the Turks. In late April, Vettore commodissimique in Peloponeso [but Barbarigo in Sathas, Capello, leader of the war party on the lagoon, VI, 64, had described Ligourio as a weak castle.]. Que

replaced Jacopo Loredan as captain-general of Ons IU Pro es dominii his caditerunt. Vetttem ore

h Cavell t sail with t ty-fi i] commendatione iocundissima nobis extiterunt. Vestram pro-

the sea. Gape O Set Salt WIT Cwenly-Hve galleys — inde virtutem et animi magnitudinem non possumus non

for the Venetian ports in the Levant, and parum cum nostro Rogatorum consilio commendare.

thence for the Gulf of Thessalonica and the Quod felix faustumque victorie initium rebus nostris bene northernmost Aegean, where he seized the favente Deo feliciores successus polliceri videtur: quemadislands of Imbros. Thasos. and Samothrace. It modum in illius ineffabili clementia speramus! . . . a, , ; The Senate also informed Capello that they had sent was a good beginning. Next he headed for the him two large cannon to replace a very big one which

Athenian harbor of Piraeus with a fleet now had been ruined in earlier operations (quam fractam

consisting of twenty-eight galleys. He attacked vestris litterts significastis) as well as 12,000 ducats. Although Athens, and effected the surrender of Ligourio, tre Signoria appreciated wapello s plans for arming galleys Barbarigo uring the coming winter for use againstexceeded the Turk when northeast CastofONauplia. pila, pwhich 189;Jacopo the early spring came, his desires apparently the provveditore of the Morea, had reported in a _ state’s resources: “. . . Et quia ad presens non possumus vobis tot pecunias mittere quot exarmamento ipsarum X rs**Some galearum satisfaciant, volumus vobisque mandamus ut pro of the sources for the Turkish invasion of summa ducatorum XXX millia, quos vobis hac de causa

Albania during the summer of 1467 are collected in mittimus, ad exarmandum mittere debeatis illum galearum Radonic, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. 199-206, and note numerum quarum refusuris cum iamscriptis pecuniis Ljubi¢c, Listine, X, 389-400; on the return of Mehmed II _ satisfacere posse videbitis, in quarum numero volumus esse

to Istanbul, see Radonié, op. cit., pp. 211-12; cf also quatuor de magis veteribus satisfactioni refusurarum quarum Barletius, Vita, lst ed., Rome, 1509, bk. xm, fol. cLv1, and — usque suum a vobis discessum ita providebitis quod quando

ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. 364-66; cf’ Hopf, “Griechenland im hic erunt nullum stadium seu molestiam habeamus. Mittelalter,” in J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber, Allgemeine Mittemus preterea vobis de tempore in tempus de aliis Encyklopadie, vol. 86 (Leipzig, 1868, repr. New York, 1960, pecuniis pro exarmamento aliarum galearum usque iamvol. II), p. 157; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), — scriptum numerum X galearum quas exarmari decrevimus.” 363; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 383-85, 389; and on the areas °° For the sources, see K. M. Setton, in A History of the

of Albania under Turkish control by March, 1467, see Crusades, III (1975), 272-73, notes 174-75, drawn from Halil Inalcik, “Les Régions de Kruje et de la Dibra Setton, Los Catalanes en Grecia, Barcelona, 1975, pp. 183 and autour de 1467, d’aprés les documents ottomans,” Studia 196-97, notes 93-94, and cf. Catalan Domination of Athens,

Albanica, V—2 (1968), 89-102, esp. pp. 95 ff. rev. ed., London, 1975, pp. 209-10.

284 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT previous chapter, Omar Beg had retired to’ was killed in the encounter, and his body was Athens in the early fall of 1465, during his impaled by the Turks at Patras. Some days later contest with Sigismondo Malatesta and Jacopo Capello arrived on the scene, too late to help

Barbarigo, because Athens was then better Barbarigo, but determined to avenge him. supplied with food and fodder than was the Attacking Omar Beg at Patras, Capello was

Morea.”? defeated with heavy losses. His reports to the Capello had landed his troops on the Attic Senate, written from Patras on 9 and 15 August,

shore, and marched them before daybreak the were no longer in jubilant tones, and on 7 four miles to Athens (on 12 July, 1466, accord- September (1466) the senators answered him in ing to Stefano Magno). He took the lower town, _ far less happy tones than those of their preceding apparently without serious opposition. Sparing letter, sent only two days before. They lamented

the Greek population, he burned the Turkish the death of Barbarigo and his brave comships in Piraeus. He could not dislodge the panions, but reminded Capello that such were Turkish garrison from the Acropolis, however, the fortunes of war. He must bear defeat with and withdrew in early August from Athens to patience, strive to preserve the honor and Old Patras,’ which Barbarigo had been trying reputation of the Republic, and guard well (as he to take with two thousand men, the remains of — had written he was doing) the safety of the men the armies of Bertoldo d’Este and Sigismondo and fleet entrusted to his charge.** Malatesta. When success had seemed attainable, The worst news coming from the East, howOmar Beg had suddenly appeared, unseen and ever, was not the report that the Turkish fleet unexpected; Malatesta’s secretary says that he would soon be sailing from the Bosporus. It was

had twelve thousand horsemen with him; the now persistent illness of Vettore Capello. driving the Venetian forces into the sea, Omar The Senate feared that he could no longer Beg took about one hundred prisoners and killed manage (quod... idem capitaneus personam about six hundred in the battle. The prisoners suam exercere non posset). If he was rendered

were later put to death in Istanbul.** Barbarigo hors de combat, the Venetian fleet and the fortunes

of the Republic were on the rim of an abyss. On 25 March (1467), therefore, the Senate voted *! Jacopo Barbarigo, Dispace: della guerra di Peloponneso, to replace him. The new captain-general should in C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits relatifs & Vhistoire de receive the same salary and be subject to the la Grece au moyen age, VI (Paris, 1884, repr. Athens, 1972), no. 47, p. 51, lines 30-34, dispatch dated 14

October, 1465. o_O

*2.On Vettore Capello’s capture of Athens, see Stefano 4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 22, fol. 187° [189°]: “Ser Victori Magno, Estrattt degl Annali veneti, ed. Hopf, Chron. Capello, capitaneo generali maris: Nudius tertius [on 5 gréco-romanes (1873, repr. 1966), p. 204: “. .. Venne September] ad vos scripsimus quantum tunc usque novimus [Vettore Capello] con galie 28 alle marine dell’antiqua e oportere: postea vero accepimus litteras vestras datas nono bella cittade de Greci Athene in nella provincia d’Acaia Augusti preteriti et successive XV mensis eiusdem contra

in nella region d’Attica’chiamada al presente Setines, Patrassium, ex quibus intelleximus accessum vestrum ad distante dalla marina mia 4, et adi 12 detto avanti locum illum modosque observatos et demum inopinatum zorno ... ,” he attacked Athens and took the city, etc. castim occursum quondam viro nobili Jacobo Barbadico, Capello’s capture of Athens (Setines) is also described in provisori nostro, ac spectabili quondam Michaeli Rali et the Cronica Zena, ed. N. lorga, Notes et extraits, 1V, 209-10. Andree de Molino supracomito aliisque viris et gentibus (In commenting on “Setines” in this text, lorga writes that nostris. Et respondentes cum nostro consilio Rogatorum

“il ne peut pas étre question d’Athénes,” which is dicimus: quod licet de casu predicto magnam displicentiam precisely what it is, as the chronicler Malipiero, Annali susceperimus ob interitum ipsius provisoris et aliorum veneli, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII, pt. 1 [1843], 37, knew nostrorum et reputationem rerum nostrarum illarum well.) Cf. Geo. Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1074C; _ partium, sicut etiam vos ad nos scripsistis cum tamen isti

ed. V. Grecu [1966], p. 132, lines 9-13), and Pseudo- sint de casibus qui adversante fortuna contingere solent,

Sphrantzes, Chron. maius, 1V, 22 (Bonn, p. 425; ed. Grecu, _ patienti animo ferendi sunt adhibendaque sunt studia et

p. 564, lines 16-20); Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, cogitamina cuncta nostra et vestra ad relevationem et XXIII (Milan, 1733), cols. 1125-26; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, conservationem honoris et reputationis nostre ut in RISS, XXII, col. 1183A, represents Capello’s course as tandem propiciante clementissimo Domino, Deo nostro, directly from Venice to Negroponte and the assault on contra perfidissimum hostem istum honor et gloria reAthens; Marcantonio Coccio Sabellico, Historiae rerum portari possit. Quod autem in litteris ipsis vestris scribitis venetarum, ed. Venice, 1718, decad. III, bk. v1, pp. 730-31. in omnibus rebus gerendis vos cum omni optimo respectu The historian Sabellico had his admirers in the Venetian et securitate gentium et classis nostre processurum esse, Senate (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 33, fols. 9° [19°], 15" [25"], docs. | maximopere nobis placet, nam consideratis artibus et fallaciis

dated 27 April and 3 June, 1486). Turcorum non possumus satis laudare, commemorare et

33 Critobulus, V, 13 (ed. Miller, FHG, V—1 [1870], pp. | mandare vobis quod in hoc precipue sitis vigilans et intentus.”

158b-—159a; ed. V. Grecu, pp. 345, 347); C. N. Sathas, There follow financial and military details as in the letter ed., Documents inédits, VI (1884, repr. 1972), 99, lines 31 ff. addressed to Capello on 5 September.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 285 same conditions as had attended Capello’s the last five months of his life, after his defeat

election.” by the Turks, Capello was said never to have Five days later (on the thirtieth) the senators been seen smiling.®° In recent years his tomb acknowledged that “it is manifest to this entire has been put back over the main portal of the council and to all the city with what courage, church of S. Elena in Venice, where his body

greatness of heart, and diligence the noble was interred after its return home. He kneels Vettore Capello has conducted our affairs.” before S. Elena; the tomb stands behind them.

The decision to proceed with the election of The powerful rendering of Capello’s figure, with his successor had been made necessary because the realistic portrayal of his features, is one of

of the fear that he could no longer carry on, the finest works of the sculptor Antonio

but now several letters, some of them in his Rizzo (if indeed it is by him). The inscription own hand, had brought the reassuring word that reads: “D. IM. Victor Cappellus imperator he was recovering from his fever, and that maritimus maximis rebus gestis III et LX annos within a few days he would go back aboard his natus ab anno salutis MCCCCLXVII, LI Idus galley to resume command of the fleet. If this Marcias in Euboia perrit, hic eius ossa, in caelo proved to be the case, it would be unwise to anima.” replace him, and “therefore the motion 1s carried Capello’s illness and concern for their fleet had

that the election of a new captain should be not been the sole preoccupations of the Senate postponed for eight days and foras muchlonger through these worrisome days. A deliberation as shall seem advisable to the Signoria and tothe of 30 March (1467) identifies a further problem,

Collegio, so that upon the receipt of further and casts a stark light on the failure of the news, which we should have within the aforesaid crusading ideal to mould the mind of merchants period, it may be possible to take more appropri- and to alter the so-called spirit of capitalism:

; 956

nA week later everyone in Venice knew that As is common knowledge, although we are involved Capello was dead.*’ Everyone knew that he was never cease to sail with their trading ships [naves] and irreplaceable, but a new captain-general had to other vessels [navigia| to the Dardanelles and Conbe elected. Capello’s successor was to receive one stantinople, where they are now planning to send, hundred ducats a month salary and the usual among others, a ship of seven hundred light “tons” perquisites. Upon notification of his election he [butarum VII c.]. Not only do they carry on trade with was to reply within twenty-four hours; declina- the Turks, whereby we suffer grave damage, but tion of the charge would entail a fine of one they even transport arms and munitions, by means thousand ducats. Jacopo Loredan was re-elected f Which the war is waged against us the more easily

: 57 in this desperate war with the Turk, the Anconitans

to the post, an d he acc epte d.°8 and effectively. There is the further peril that their hips are received and armed against us by the Turks

Capello’s defeat Patras been the lasthazards. *"'P 5° y , Spe gs ; . and so weatmust facehad these additional

important event in his life. Ordering the survivors

of his battered force back on board the galleys, The motion was therefore made and passed

he had sailed through the Archipelago to in the Senate that the Collegio should send a Negroponte, where he became ill. On 13 March, secretary to Ancona to declare in appropriate

1467, he died of a heart attack, che i Grecit and no uncertain terms

chiamano “cardiaco.”°° Sanudo reports that during that, owing to the losses and dangers aforesaid,

— . . . we are unwilling that their trading ships and °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 29” [31%]. . vessels should continue to sail to the Dardanelles °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 30° [32"]. The motion was and Constantinople as long as the aforesaid war shall passed, as the upright cross in the left margin indicates, act. and that from now on we are making it known

by*7a Sen. voteSecreta, de parteReg. 109,23, de fol. non33” 48,[35°], non sinceri 8. h 7[of Ancona] if their ships doc. dated April, tothe that . . . commune lo P 1467, seems to contain the Senate’s first notice of Capello’s set out for these places, and are captured by our fleet death: “Quoniam ob casum quondam viri nobilis Victoris 9! [other] ships, we shall regard them as being subject

Capello capitanei nostri generalis maris, cui parcat to confiscation [capi potuisse], as the spoils of a just clementissimus dominus deus noster, attentis maxime his, and righteous war.®! que undique referuntur de classe Turcorum que dicitur exitura strictum, pro evidentissimo commodo nostri status —§ —————————

summe necessarium est cunctis dilationibus postpositis © Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1184B. eligere et quam citissime expedire unum capitaneum nostrum *! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 30° [32], the motion being

generalem maris. . . .” passed de parte 130, de non 14, non sinceri 16. In the 58 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fols. 33’-34" [35%—36']. middle ages, as in antiquity, the size of a ship was

°° Malatesta’s secretary, in Sathas, VI, 99; Cronica Zena, reckoned in terms of its “tunnage” or tonnage, t.e., its

ed. lorga, Notes et extraits, lV, 210, 211, 212. capacity to carry wine, the Venetian buta, botta or botte

286 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On 6 April (1467) the Senate could recall best he could the Anconitan trade in supplies with satisfaction the decision of a week before and munitions with Istanbul, and finally (among to send a secretary to warn the Anconitans other instructions) he was directed to take 1,500 against further traffic with the Turks. The news ducats, in addition to the sums already men-

had just come that a large Anconitan ship had_ tioned, to Paolo Priuli, the newly appointed left port some time before, passed through provveditore in the Morea, “for the purchase of Ragusan waters, and was then heading for the _ horses for the lord Girolamo de Novello,”® one Dardanelles. It was further stated that among of Malatesta’s successors.

other cargo (including munitions) she had Shortly after the reappointment of Loredan as aboard 1,500 sacks of ship’s biscuit (saccht M Vc. captain-general, Dr. Niccolo da Canale, who had

biscoctt), which were clearly intended for the recently served as the Venetian ambassador Turkish fleet then being readied for actioninthe to France and thereafter to the Holy See, was arsenal at Istanbul. The Turks would certainly named provveditore of the city and island of retain the Anconitan ship (or so it was stated), Negroponte (on 26 April, 1467). He was to and arm it also for action against the Venetians. receive a salary of 100 ducats a month, and to Letters were, therefore, to be sent tothe captain- take with him a notary of the chancery, who general by the next galley to leave the lagoon (and might have one servant, “and you will have eight by other means as well) telling him that he must try — servants, all at the expense of our Signoria.” His

ree y so

to intercept the ship, and seize the biscuit and _ instructions, like those of Loredan, were to hold munitions she was carrying. If it seemed ex-_ the city and island at all cost, and the commission pedient, the captain-general was also to seize the he received from the doge directed him: 62 Lar: 'P: Within hours the news must Have reached If by chance, which God forbid, the captain-general enice that the captain-general Vettore Capello of the sea should fall ill or suffer some infirmit was dead, but the provveditori with the fleet that he should be unable to carry on or if he should would try to see that the Senate’s orders were die, we order you .. . , if some one of the aforesaid

carried out. contingencies should occur, at once to embark as Every spring one debated the same question in captain of the galleys of our fleet . . . , assuming Venice: Where was the Turk going to strike? — the responsibility of the said captaincy until . . . the In Jacopo Loredan’s commission of reappoint- captain-general shall regain his former health. . . .

ment as captain-general of the sea the Doge The Venetian suspicion that Sultan Mehmed Cristoforo Moro began with the statement that... contemplating an attack upon Negroponte Mehmed II's preparation of a powerful fleet as 4. wholly justified. The attack would not come, well as a land army was widely assumed to have however, until a few more years had passed. And Negroponte as its objective. Loredan was there- when it came, unfortunately for Venice and for fore to hasten to Modon and thence to Negro-

ponte. He received ten thousand ducats for ex- ——_—— ;

penditure on the fleet, especially on the older —™ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fols. 35'-36" [37'-38"], dated galleys, “and we shall take care tosend you other 15 April, 1467, and ¢f fol. 41" [43°]. A few weeks funds from time to time.” He would also have the ¢2vlier the Venetian Senate had been preparing to send . , ; . the condottiere Girolamo de Novello with five hundred money which had been in Capello’s possession horse and “a goodly number of foot” to add to the when he died. Negroponte must be held at all defenses of the Morea, while Paolo Priuli was to go to Modon cost. It was the “shield and base of our state in with 8,000 ducats to hold a muster of troopers in Venetian

the East.” Loredan was also to convey two employ and to recruit up to five hundred additional thousand ducats to the colonial government of stradioti the usual of pay” (iid., 30 non 321, : doc. dated 21 March,“at 1467, and rate “registrata hic, fol. quod Corfu for the purchase of grain and the produc- fuit data in tempore,” for the text should have been tion of ship’s biscuit for the fleet, and another _ entered at fol. 29” [31"]).

thousand to the Venetian officials at Negroponte . Sen. see RB: we ror oor toe ch han for the same purpose. He was to prevent as show that the Senate also entertained the forlorn hope that Canale might manage “negotia pacts cum Turcho.” In June, TT 1468, Canale was sent on a mission to Bartolommeo (“butt”), weighing about 640 kg. (1,411 Ibs. or .63 long ton), | Colleoni (tbzd., fols. 118'-119", 119%, 127° [120° ff.]), who on which see F. C. Lane, “Tonnages, Medieval and Modern,” __ was long in Venetian employ. Colleoni figures prominently

Economic History Review, 2nd ser., XVII (1964), 213-33, in the senatorial documents of these years. His fame today reprinted in Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 345-70, rests largely upon his equestrian statue by Andrea Verrocchio

esp. pp. 349, 352-53, 357-58, 366. and Alessandro Leopardi in the Campo SS. Giovanni e 6? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 33° [35"]. - Paolo in Venice.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 287 him, Canale would in fact be captain-general of nothing. The revenues of the state suffered

the sea. accordingly. Venice bore the brunt of the costs In the meantime, as the Anconitans carried of the offensive against the Turks both in on their traffic with the Turks, the Venetians had subsidies to Matthias Corvinus and in her

the satisfaction of capturing some of their vessels. own efforts on land and sea. The statesmen of On 7 September (1467) the Senate voted to have the hard-pressed Republic could not arrange them sent to Venice with all their cargo except peace with Mehmed IJ, who probably preferred for the ship’s biscuit, which the captain-general a condition of war, being constantly abetted by could reserve for the needs of his own crews. the Florentines and Genoese in the capital, who The Senate also wanted all the written evidence were not made unhappy by the continuing relating to the Anconitans’ shipping “contra- discomfiture of Venice. To a Venetian embassy

band” (res vetitae) to Istanbul,” and on the which proposed peace on the basis of each twenty-second of the month they explained their _party’s retaining what it then possessed, Mehmed

action to the Florentine government, which was returned a blank refusal, demanding the return itself not above trading with the Turk. Actually of the islands of Imbros and Lemnos as well

the Anconitan vessels had been sailing from as the payment of an annual tribute by the Istanbul to Italy when they were captured, but Republic,°? which was, of course, unwilling to

the Anconitans had been (according to the accept any such mark of inferiority.

Venetian Senate) shamelessly shipping to Istan- The Venetians had found no allies in western bul “arms, powder, and all sorts of munitions Europe. Only mutual necessity bound the Hun-

which the enemy lacks.’® A year later (on garians and Albanians to them. The papacy

2 September, 1468) the matter came up again was usually ready to help any person or power before the Senate. An Anconitan envoy had _ hostile to the Turks, and yet the popes had arrived in Venice, and had appealed to the only money, which was to be sure the nervus Signoria “that we should be willing to have belli, although the Venetians had almost three certain contraband and other goods restored by times the income of the papacy, in more normal

the office of avogadori del comun, and also to times at least.” There were few who loved allow his fellow citizens . . . of Ancona... to Venice except the Venetians. Their admirer have their merchandise removed to Rimini.” Bessarion still did all he could to prosecute The Senate replied that the matter was nolonger the war against the Turks, but Pius II had held in their hands, but the envoy might, if he so them in disdain, and even their own countryman wished, take his case to the avogadori and the Paul IJ was at constant odds with them. Paul was

other officers of state concerned.® also a true Venetian. He did not want to invest

too heavily in Scanderbeg’s efforts against the When the war began, Venetian merchants had Turks until he could be sure that his money been imprisoned, and some had been executed would be profitably employed. ‘The unpopularity by the Porte. A few had braved untold dangers of the Venetians was not confined to the Italian to protect their commercial interests in the Otto- peninsula, as Louis XI had made clear to Pius I man empire. As the years passed, Venetian trade when he sent him the troublesome embassy in with subjects of the Porte was being reduced to the spring of 1464, which by royal command had postponed Philip of Burgundy’s departure

aIind., vpmowl. « . on the crusade until the restoration of peace Reg. 23, fol. 70° [72"]: “Quod mandetur capitaneo- hetween France and England. Louis XI’s ambas-

generali maris ut mittere huc debeat naves Anchonitanorum . . .

captas per capitaneum navium armatarum [of which there sadors had been instructed to state as his opimon were four with Loredan’s galleys, as the Senate had in- that this enterprise was honorable neither to the pope

formed their ambassadors in Rome on 2 June, for which he duke of Bureundv—thus t dertake it see fol. 447] simul cum omnibus mercantiis et bonis que nor to the duke of burg yh 70 Encemane I

in els erant quando capte fuerunt excepto biscoto et cum with true tradesmen [the Venetians], insolent and omni processu et examinationibus factis et cum omnibus ©OMmon, who do not wage this war for reverence

litteris et scripturis ad declarationem veritatis circa res vetitas | Of God, but on their own account and with the special

conductas Constantinopolim opportunis et necessariis.” purpose of defending themselves against the Turk

92° [85, 87”, etc.]. TOO 6 Ibid., Reg. 23, fol. 73" [75'], and cf. fols. 83, 85”, 887,

®7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 130° [132']. The Venetians 8° Cf. Sanudo, Vite, in RISS, XXII, cols. 1183-84. kept the port of Ancona under constant surveillance. On ®° Critobulus, V, 15 (ed. Miller, FHG, V—1, p. 159; ed. 27 September (1468) the Senate allowed Paul II to export Grecu, pp. 347, 349).

grain from Ancona (ibid., fol. 132 [134]). Cf. Gottlob, Aus der Camera Apostolica, pp. 257-58.

288 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and of making great gain with the money of the _ will which all men everywhere have against you, your pope and of the duke of Burgundy: they would have _ hair would stand on end, and you would let everyone to serve in the armada, as desired by the Venetians, _ live [at peace] in his own state. Do you think that who are more powerful on the sea than the pope and _ these Italian powers which have banded together are the duke of Burgundy because of their ships and friendly to one another? Certainly not! But necessity

their overseas dominion; if the Venetians were has led them to get together, constrained by the fear doing this for love of God, they would have done they have of you and of your power. Everyone many years ago what they want to do now, especially _ will do his utmost to clip your wings. . . .

when the pope was at Mantua for this purpose, and Believe me, I am telling you the truth. . . . Let they would not have allowed the defeat of the prince everyone lead his own life, leave him alone. . . . of the Morea, nor of the king of Bosnia, whom they [The Venetians have forced him into an alliance have allowed to be ruined by the occupation of their with King Ferrante of Naples, “who is my mortal states, just as they did with Constantinople!” enemy!”] You have spent money enough, and you

_ The reputation of the Venetians for self-seek- jnake as much wat as you can... [Venice has ing was widespread, and it increased their dif- alienated Paul II, himself a Venetian; Ferrante urges ficulties in securing aid against the Turks. When the duke to break with Venice; and the Florentines the Venetian envoy Giovanni Gonela stopped off and Genoese, like the other Italian states, are biding at Milan on his way to Genoa in October, 1467, _ their time.] The signori have a great advantage over Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza had something to the signorie, because the latter must rely on others,

say to him about the unpopularity of his and the signori are always on their own. A signore

; we, , ; ucats than signoria with a hundred of .him, Gonela found him atsees chapel. Galeazzo b : thousand, h . do, : and ; ecause a asignore what his soldiers countrymen. Seeking out the duke to take leave cRcate for more and does’ more with fifty thousand

Maria dismissed his attendants, and spoke to the soldiers do all they can in the presence of their

Gonela frankly in private: lords. . . . You are free to have peace or war.

I told you yesterday . . . part of what I want to tell If you want peace, you'll have it. If you want war, you before you depart, [but] I wish to say these YOu ll have the most dangerous war you have had in few words to you in addition. You Venetians have [all] your days. You are alone, and have all the certainly behaved very badly, having the finest state World against you, not only in Italy, but even beyond

in Italy, not to be content with it, and to disturb the mountains. Be assured that your enemies are not the peace and state[s] of others. If you knew the ill sleeping. ‘Take good counsel, for by God you need it! I know what I am saying. You have a splendid

+7 Albrico state, and a larger income than any power in Italy. Malletta, Milanese ambassador at the French Don’t squander it—dubius est eventus belli. . . .”

court, to Francesco Sforza, dated 27 April, 1464 (Pastor, .

Acta ‘inedita, 1 [1904], no. 188, p. 284). Actually the Galeazzo Maria knew whereof he spoke. The Venetians did not want either Pius II or the duke of rulers of the Italian states, including Paul II, Burgundy to go with the crusading fleet; in fact they had had the jitters since the death of Galeazzo wanted the pope to stay home and use the money he was_ Maria’s father the year before. On 9 March, spending on also his aparato topope sendtomen arms ’into 1467. f €,le.Faul Paul had add dabullt Albania. They wanted the send of Matthias or eXamMp Nad adaressed a bu . O Corvinus 100,000 ducats, and reduce his own naval and Marquis Lodovico Gonzaga and to all the chief military preparations accordingly, but Pius said he could powers in the peninsula, warning them that not help the Hungarians with money, requiring 214,000 Francesco Sforza’s removal from the scene might ducats for his own expenses even before he put to sea, being well upset the political equilibrium in Italy. He munitions, and meet other expenses, let alone the cost of urged them all (and he doubtless had his native

obliged to pay his galleys six months in advance, purchase . .

administering the states of the Church in his absence. Venice especially in mind) “ut pacem italicam Although Pius stated that it was beneath the papal dignity seryvarent.” The Turkish danger increased with

to go “con mancho compagnia” (and he insisted on going), every passing day. “Without doubt,” Paul wrote it is clear that he wanted a large force at his disposal CG aa k ledge that. unl since his faith in the Venetians was also limited. In any onzaga, 1 Is common KNOWleage that, UNLESS event Venice wanted both the pope and the duke of _ the Italian peace [fedus] remains firm and stable, Burgundy to concentrate on the land forces, contrary tothe ruin hangs over not only all Italians, but even all implication of Louis XI, whose views concerning ne Vene- Christians.” Nicholas V had with great wisdom

tians, however, were in general accord with the pope’s .

own (ibid., nos. 177-78, Op. 263-66). In purely military confirmed the peace lof Lodi], and Paul had terms the Venetian plan made better sense, but Pius was

obviously thinking of the administration of conquered =~ —_

territory, and was unwilling to leave all the Morea, the 7 Malipiero (according to Gonela’s own report), Annalt ports, and the islands to Venice, after the crusaders’ land _ veneti, ad ann. 1467, in Archivio storico ualiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843),

armies had grappled with the Turks in the highlands of 215-18, and note pp. 221-24, and Kretschmayr, Gesch. v.

Albania and Bosnia! Venedig, I (1920, repr. 1964), 373-74, 635.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 289 himself approved it. It was the necessary shield that Albania was in fearful peril “because of the of Italy, and must be preserved with unremitting Turk’s approach to that province with a most vigilance. The Turk was always on the horizon. powerful army” which, according to various Despite the impelling necessity of the crusade, reports reaching Venice, had already drawn there were those who were prepared to disrupt close to the Albanian borders. the peace of Italy—a pestilential, detestable The Senate was exasperated as well as apprethought—but Paul did not for a moment doubt hensive, for “although that most barbarous and that the marquis shared his view of the crying crafty enemy . . . has made a show of intendneed to maintain peace. He exhorted Lodovico ing to leave the Hellespont with a large fleet,

(and the other powers) to do everything so that we had to counter his gruesome efforts

possible to keep the pax universalis italica, with- by making provision for the expansion of our

out which the peninsula would fall prey to fleet by a larger number of galleys than here-

unspeakable discord.” tofore . . . and to fortify all our maritime The Turkish peril was something the Venetians holdings with hired soldiery at very great and

understood. No one knew better than they that indeed unbearable expense,” the sultan had Paul II was not exaggerating, or at least not actually not been concentrating his efforts upon exaggerating very much. In a ducal commission arming his galleys, but had obviously been dated 2 June (1467), naming Pietro Morosini planning the invasion of Albania. He realized and Giovanni Soranzo as special envoys to the all too clearly the importance of Albania ad res Holy See, the appointees were instructed to in- ztalicas, and he was aiming at the occupation of

form the pontiff Durazzo. “Although despite the incredible that it has always been our desire to maintain cadlore of tot iT im as the Venetian ambas-

. . . ambassadors at the court of his Holiness, and sadors were Co tell the pope, in fact the reason why the Curia Romana has not and of the forces we have sent to the Peloponnesus, had our ambassadors on hand at this time has merely Negroponte, and our coastal possessions, we have not

been our wish not to detract from the dignity ... of stopped sending infantry in large numbers into this most reverend father and lord cardinal legate Albania and assisting the magnificent lord Scanderbeg; [Juan de Carvajal], who in all his actions displays nevertheless, we know very well that greater strength

so much wisdom and consideration that he has and more effective units are required to repress so deservedly won the esteem of our entire city, but great an attack—and a danger that threatens all now in truth under the pressure of developments Christendom. in Turkey, we have decided to delay no longer and to And therefore you will beg his Holiness . . . to

send our ambassadors to you. deem worthy of consideration, with his accustomed

Morosini and Soranzo were to inform the pope prudence and exceeding wisdom, this [sad] state of affairs . . . and quickly to provide those salutary remedies which the magnitude of the peril de-

Zz mands. For when [the sultan] has occupied the

. Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, coast of Albania, which God forbid, nothing else

datum Rome apud Sanctum Marcum, anno incarnationis ys eyains but for him to cross over into Italy, whenever dominice quadringentesimo sexagesimo sexto, ; . . 74 ; .. ; , onmillesimo he wishes, for the destruction of all Christendom! septimo Id. Marti, pontificatus nostri anno tertio.” In

1467-1468, following prolonged negotiations, Paul II helped to secure a general peace in Italy, which was to be =———_

the prelude to an expedition against the Turks, “. . . volens 74 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 44° [46°], and cf. fol. 56" [58"],

inherere vestigiis felicis recordationis domini Nicolai pape dated 24 July, 1467, a letter (which was not sent) to the Quinti sue Sanctitatis predecessoris, qui publicam Italie Venetian ambassadors in Rome: “Scripsimus iam vobis et pacem tunc etiam confectam inivit, contraxit, recepit, noticiam dedimus de novis gravibus et periculosis que ex acceptavit, benedixit, approbavit, et confirmavit ut com- Albania accepimus, ubi Turcus ipse cum _ potentissimo modius rei publice Christianorum adversus impios Turchos —_exercitu reperitur et ultra miserabiles cedes et horribiles consuli faciliusque expeditioni excercitus [sic] Christianorum — crudelitates quibus usus est et utitur quotidie in ea provincia,

contra eosdem Turchos intendi valeat et possit...” igni et ferro omnia vastando ac immanissime perdendo (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A., Arm. I~XVIII, no. 1443, fol. | gentem illam, irrumpere intentat in agros et oppida nostra 46”, cf. 45°, et alibi). For the general instrument of peace, et in primis occupare urbem Dyrachii quo sibi muniat

full documentation relating to the negotiations, and viam et transitum in Italiam!’ Note also, ibid., fols.

the Neapolitan, Venetian, Milanese, and Florentine declara- | 92°—93" [94”—-95"]. Venice had thus a desperate need for

tions, together with the statements attesting entry into additional funds, much more than the two tithes which Paul the peace by Modena and Siena, the conditions of ratification II had allowed to be levied on ecclesiastics, and which the

by the high contracting parties, the instruments of the new abbot of S. Gregorio had been deputed to collect, but Italian Confederation, etc., see MS. cited, fols. 45'-98', above alli there was need of haste in making the collections which illustrates the political structure of Italy at this time and putting them to use against the Turk (fols. 56, 133%

in the fullest possible detail. [58’, 135%).

290 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetian captain-general Jacopo Loredan Francesco Capello, the newly appointed Vene-

was probably relieved by Sultan Mehmed’s tian provveditore in Albania, where they voted concentration upon Albania. Loredan was com- also to send another two hundred foot and one petent and experienced, but he lacked Vettore hundred artillerymen (ballistarit ac sclopeterit),”® Capello's dash and daring. Although he was’ who might be more useful than the archbishop. prepared to follow orders, Loredan was freed of A decade later Mehmed II removed Scandera grave responsibility by the senatorial decision beg’s body when, as we shall see, the Turks

(of 22 July, 1467) that the fleet should not overran Albania (in 1478), and conquered from operate for long off the straits of Gallipoli and the Tocchi the last shreds of the Epirote

Should not make a landing on the island of despotate and county palatine of Cephalonia (in Mytilene.” The Venetians were fastening their 1479).77 We have already noted the Venetian attention upon Albania, where Mehmed was acquisition of much of the Dalmatian coast by trying once more to take Croia. Although he purchase from King Ladislas of Naples (in July, was unable to force the surrender of the fortress, 1409), to which the Republic gave effect by

and had to withdraw after the customary force of arms in the years that followed, until

depredation of the land, Turkish raiding parties by 1420—1422 the lion banners of the evangelist

could now reach the Adriatic coast whenever’ were floating over the fortifications of most of they wished from Bosnia. ‘The Herzegovina was _ the strategic ports along the eastern shores and ravaged. Ragusa was in danger. The long cam- islands of the Adriatic.”? Sometimes it looked as

paign may have been too strenuous for the though the Ragusei might again fall under aging Scanderbeg. He died on 17 January, 1468, Venetian domination as they had in 1205. They

at Alessio (Lesh), where he was buried in the retained their independence, however, under cathedral church of S. Niccolo (later transformed the nominal suzerainty of Hungary. If they

into a mosque). found life precarious, they did not find it News of Scanderbeg’s death reached Venice

before 13 February, by which time all Albania was =§—________ in magno tumultu et trepidatione. Paulus Angelus, 76 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 94 [96], a resolution of the the archbishop of Durazzo (1460-1469), was Senate dated 13 February, 1468 (Ven. style 1467): “Sicut in Venice at the time, having come as an envoy P& litteras vicerectoris nostri Dyrachii intelligitur, mortuus on Scanderbeg’s behalf. He had been there for °*, magnificus quondam Scandarbegus ob cuius obitum some time. ‘The Senate regarded him asa good eg constituta, unde necessario est providendum conserand faithful friend, and wanted him to hurry — vationi tam locorum prefati quondam domini Scandarbegi back to Albania to use his influence with Scander- quam nostrorum, propterea: Vadit pars quod cum omni beg’s widow, son, retainers, and subjects to try possibili celeritate expediatur hinc ut in provinciam illam to introduce some order into the confusion. The '¢¢2t Teverendus dominus archiepiscopus Dyrachu, qui

. . universa illa provincia in magno tumultu et trepidatione apud nos diu stetit orator nomine prefati qaondam domini

Senate voted the archbishop two hundred and Scandarbegi, et est persona multum prudens et nobis twenty ducats, which he apparently claimed the Re- _ statuique nostro fidelis et devota. Habet preterea et apud

public owed him, and voted to send him on his xorem et filium ceterosque tam familiares quam subditos way with the assurance that his labors pretau quondam domini sperandum Scandarbegi creditum et auctor; . ;would presentia et consilio est res illas be well rewarded. They wanted him to work with facilius dirigi et stabiliri posse. Et quoniam reverenda paternitas sua habere debet, ut asserit, a nostro dominio

rs5 Sen. ducatos circa 220, captum sit quod denarii predicti eidem Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 55° [57°], doc. dated 22 July, | domino archiepiscopo dari debeant, et bonis verbis hortetur 1467, the doge (actually the Senate) to Loredan: “Ac- ut alacriter vadat et operetur sicut est consuetus, quoniam cepimus his diebus nonnullas litteras vestras . . . quibus, dominium nostrum erga eum utetur gratuitate et ita ut quamquam occurrentia iuxta accuratam consuetudinem laborum et fidelium operationum suarum merito poterit vestram nobis diligenter significastis deque profectione contentari. . . .” Cf., ibid., fol. 100° [102"]. vestra ad angustias Calipollis, vestram solitam virtutem et ™ Cf. lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 (Gotha, 1909), diligentiam plurimum commendantes cum nostro Rogatorum 140-41, 185-89; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), consilio vobis respondemus: Et primo ad partem expeditionis 363-64; Babinger, Maometto (1957), pp. 390-91, 540; adversus Mithilinum eiusmodi rem per conditionestemporum Pall, in Mélanges d’histoire générale, II (1938), 221-22. The et rerum nostrarum ad presens nobis difficillimam videri. documentary texts bearing upon Scanderbeg’s death may be Ad secundam vero partem exponendarum turmarum et found in Radonic, Djuradj Kastriot Skenderbeg, pp. 208-11;

hominum istius classis nostre in terram dicimus ob cf. Barletius, De vita et gestis Scanderbegi, 1st ed., Rome, pericula que facile accidere possent nos vestram sententiam 1509, bk. xi, fols. CLvIY—cLIx; ed. Zagreb, 1743, pp. laudare vobiscumque in opinione concurere.” A year later 366-73; and note Frano Prendi, “Le Lieu de sépulture de the Senate was still discussing the projected attack upon Skanderbeg,” Studia Albanica, V—1 (1968), 159-67.

Mytilene (zbid., fol. 116" {118*], dated 25 June, 1468). 78 See Volume I, pp. 403-4.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 291 hopeless. Ragusa was an important midway point By the middle of May, 1468, it was known in

between Christendom and Islam, and the “ar- the Venetian Senate that Mehmed II had gosies” carried goods for sale into both western _ crossed over into Anatolia on a campaign against

and Turkish ports. The well-known palace of the Uzun Hasan. For a brief while this suggested rectors (the knezev dvor) was rebuilt at this some relief and relaxation for those aboard the time (in 1468), and now begins the long series of Venetian fleet. Many senators even thought that Ragusan writers from Ilija Crijevi¢ to Junija the captain-general Loredan should be allowed Palmoti¢é, who for some two centuries wrote to return home.®® But the memory of Vettore epics and dramas, songs and lyrics, pastorals Capello prevailed in the Senate, and the war and eulogies in Serbocroatian, Italian, and Latin. party had its way. Two weeks later (on 3 June), Strongly influenced by Italian culture, these the doge wrote Loredan:

writers often made the Turks their theme. ; _ Never, in everyone’s judgment, has there been a more

; promising and favorable period than at present for

As the prospects for peace in Italy improved, embarking upon an expedition against the Turk, the

Paul II pledged his continued allegiance to the fierce enemy of our faith. The opportunity has

crusade in a bull prepared ad futuram rei been divinely granted to us at this time when, memoriam (on 22 February, 1468). He lamented besides the poor conditions in his domains and the “calamitous situation of our times and the especially the plague, he is far away in distant lands barbarous, unrelenting pressure of the Turks 1 Asia [Minor], from which he cannot return for upon the Christians” (calamitosa modernis tempori- — @nyY days and months. His whole army, further-

- ae more, willcontra probably come back in poor; ,condition. bus conditio Christicolas Turch >) ‘shedethseva Consequently, placing ouringensque hope in the clemency of urchorum perseveratio). He wishe to put the Almighty God and relying upon your courage resources of the Holy See at the disposal of and experience, we wish and, with the Senate, we those who could use them in defense of the faith order that . . . after receiving the twenty thousand and the faithful. Indeed, he said that, since the ducats we are sending you, . . . communicating with death of his predecessor Pius II, he had spent our provveditore in the Morea, and seeking also no small part of those resources— 200,000 the advice of our faithful Count Mechra ... , you florins in fact—-on subsidies to assist the must consider embarking upon such an expedition Hungarians, the despots of the Morea and Arta, 8 You shall deem both honorable and expedient.

the lord Scanderbeg_ in Albania, and “many To insure success in the undertaking Loredan other magnates, provinces, and peoples. Like was to recruit from Crete, Corfu, and other Christ whose vicar he was, Paul would shed his Venetian territories whatever men he thought own blood for the Christian cause, and he held might be needed. He was to use part of the up as the model of a Christian prince Francis Il, twenty thousand ducats he would soon receive, duke of Brittany (1458- 1488), upon whose aid for the enrollment of more stradioti, so that he

knew he could depend. would have two thousand of them ready for ahe79action. The Signoria was going to send him Reg. Vat. 540 [Pauli I, de Curia, lib. II), fols. 16"-20", Mmediately some four hundred foot soldiers “datum Rome apud Sanctum Marcum, anno etc., millesimo under three or four constables. Jacopo Venier, quadringentesimo sexagesimo septimo, octavo Kal. Martii, the captain of the Gulf (the Adriatic), would be pont. nostri anno quarto:” “Cupientesque pro elusdem fidel_ instructed to leave two galleys for the protection defensione et Christianorum salute non solum exponere

nostras et Sedis Apostolice facultates nostre dispositioni —-—-—————

commissas, quarum partem non exiguam a tempore obitus inter alios catholicos principes huic nostro pio atque sancte recordationis Pii immediati predecessoris nostri tam _laudabili desiderio spontaneum adiutorem et cohoperatorem pro dilectorum filiorum Ungarorum subsidio quam nobilium —indubie habere speramus . . .” (ibid., fols. 17”—18°).

virorum despoti Moree, Scanalbec domini in Albania, et 8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 113 [115], dated 19 May, despoti Arte ac aliorum quamplurimorum magnatum, provin- 1468: “Quoniam variis et diversis viis intelligitur Turcum tiarum et populorum subventione rebusque aliisad hancrem _transisse in Natoliam causa eundi contra Usum Cassam conferentibus saluti fidelium oportunis usque ad summam = cumque _iustum et conveniens sit. ut nobili viro Jacobo ducentorum millium florenorum liberaliter errogavimus, Lauredano, procuratori, capitaneo nostro generali maris, qui

sed et si opus fuerit immitatione illius culus vicariatum , diu ad multum fuit extra, concedatur licentia repatrilicet immeriti tenemus in terris proprium effundere andi... :” there were two votes on the proposal (de parte sanguinem et incommoda quecumque subire eo equidem 75, de non 1, non sinceri 2 and 79-0-4), but there is no cross in ferventius quo dilectum fium nobilem virum Franciscum _ the left-hand margin of the register opposite this entry, and Britannie ducem nobis et Apostolice Sedi devotissimum Loredan was not granted the licentia repatriandi, as the next obsequentissimumque et pro fidei eiusdem zelatorem ad __ letters addressed to him make abundantly clear. He held the

significationem nostram de premissis certiorem effectum post for about six more months.

292 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of the Venetian strongholds and stations on the the Turks alone; she desperately needed both Albanian coast, and to sail eastward with his _ tithes.®% other galleys to place himself under Loredan’s’ ~- Paul granted the double tithe again, and the

command.?! Senate thanked him on 8 October with new tales Within a few days a letter went off to Rome, of Turkish raids and atrocities in Croatia and describing this golden opportunity to strike at Dalmatia.** Despite all the rhetoric, neither the the Porte while the sultan was absent in Anatolia. Venetians nor the Hungarians had been in any Victory over the Turk had been divinely or- position to make an effective attack upon the

dained to come in Paul II’s time, as the Doge Porte during the absence of the sultan, who Cristoforo Moro wrote his Holiness on the returned to Istanbul at the end of November Senate’s instruction, and they must not allow (1468), having achieved the conquest of much of success to slip from their fingers.®? Paul also Caramania.” saw a golden opportunity in this news from the Stefano Magno also recalls the attack upon the East, as is clear from the Senate’s response to -island of Andros. A Turkish squadron of eleven

the pope’s answer: long, light runners (fuste) had issued from the port of Miletus (“Palatia”), intending to attack

With usual cevouton hethe bee wr pave received“ your Holiness’s brief an dated second of the Lemnos, but had been unable to disembark present monith with reference to the two tithes which armed nem Tour ora mu a nowevers nad

your Holiness has on other occasions allowed us to killi Gj ; S ey he | 4 th

collect each year from ecclesiastics. Your Holiness Kuang Giovanni sommaripa, Me lord oO © states in his brief that he has [previously] conceded island, and thirteen others, carried off seventy the two tithes in order that the Turk might be driven PriSONneTS, and piled up booty said to have been

from Albania... , but that now, since the Turk worth fifteen thousand ducats. Magno also gives himself is far away . . . , we ought to be content US a Venetian tally, dating from this period

with only one tithe. (1467-1468), of some 121 Moreote castles, of which more than fifty are said to have been in To be sure, the Senate replied, the Turk was Turkish hands, and more than forty in ruins.

far away, but his power was still so great that Twenty-six belonged to Venice, but nine of these

he could strike at and destroy Christians are described as being ruined.® wherever in the Levant he chose. Indeed, the Repetitive scenes of death and destruction

pope must have heard that Turkish forces had made life an intolerable hardship for the Greeks, just attacked Andros, killed the lord of the Serbs, Hungarians, and others on the periphery island, sacked the city, and carried off a huge of Turkish power, for expansion was always the number of the inhabitants. Thousands upon = order of the day during Mehmed II’s long reign thousands of Turks had recently carried their of thirty years. Another disaster for the Christians deadly raids as far westward as Segna (Senj) and lay just ahead, and it was going to involve

Zara, fores scilicet Italie, laying waste everything the Venetians as well as the Greeks. On 8 March,

with fire and sword and carrying off an incredible 1469, Niccolo da Canale received the heavy booty in cattle and captives. Venice was fighting charge of captain-general of the sea, and because both by letters and by various other means 81 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fols. 115’—-116" [117%-118"], we have word that the Turk, cruelest enemy of the ducal letter being a resolution of the Senate, dated Christ’s name, is preparing a strong fleet and a power3 June, 1468, and passed by a vote de parte 108, de non 2, ful land army to attack our city of Negroponte as non synceri 1, and cf., ibid., fol. 116" [118], letters of 25 June. well as Nauplia in Romania, we wish and order you, 82 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 116% [118%], dated 7 June,

1468: “. . . Mahumetes, iste tyrranus Turcorum, . . .con- ©_—7—— flato ingenti exercitu atque universe Grecie viribus contractis 83 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 133” [135%], doc. dated traiecit Ellespontum, penetravit in Asiam. Deseruit Europam 15 September, 1468, of which the text may be found in dira peste et fame pene confectam. Nec inde rediturus Ljubic, Listine, X (1891), 413, and cf. J. Adelphi, Turckisch est nisi multos post menses et aut fractus (quod superi Chronica (1513), unnum. fol. 8% (=Bi)). dent!) aut omnino de via fessus et defaticatus cum toto 84 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 23, fol. 137° [139°], and on the exercitu. Et postea [non] dubitandum est in hac facie danger to Dalmatia, ibid., fol. 150 [152]. rerum quin, si Christiani velint, evadant victores et de 85 Cf. Babinger, Maometto (1957), pp. 396-401, and note insolentissimo hoste pulcherrimum triumphum ferant. Credi- Halil Inalcik, “Mehmed the Conqueror (1432-1481) and

mus procul dubio divinitus reservatam esse temporibus His Time,” Speculum, XXXV (1960), 424.

Sanctitatis vestre huiusmodi victoriam, quam vestra Beatitudo 86 Magno, Estratts deglh Annali venett, ed. Hopf, Chron.

negligere non debet . . . ,” and ef. fol. 120 [122]. gréco-romanes (1873, repr. 1966), pp. 205-6.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 293 owing to the extreme importance of this matter, to infuriated by the sack of Aenos, and was now hasten your voyage with all possible speed . . . to moved to undertake a great venture which he Modon and Negroponte in order to meet, with your had long had in mind. This was the capture of customary prudence and valor and wi the rans of the great city and island of Negroponte, perhaps God's clemency, the perils which could well be In the chief Venetian center and naval base in the

store for us there... . Levant. Canale was reminded that, both in the defense

of Negroponte and in any other emergency In the fifteenth century the Hussite was the he might encounter, he was to request the aid of unwitting, unwilling ally of the Turk, like the galleys and other ships not only from Venetian Lutheran in the sixteenth. There were few in the territories, “but also from the most serene king Curia Romana who did not regard the heretic

of Cyprus [James II], who has offered and as worse than the infidel, and who were not

promised us not merely his galleys but all sorts ready to transfer manpower and resources from of assistance and support, and likewise from the _ the eastern fronts to wherever in Christendom Knights of Rhodes and any others, as may seem the Holy See was meeting heretical opposition.

best to you in case of need. . . .”8" The insistence upon receiving the eucharist in

The war between Venice and the Porte had “both species,’ the wine as well as the bread, gone on year after year, a grim and toilsome marked even the most moderate Utraquists as business. Although Mehmed II had had serious nonconformists. Failure to abide by a papal distractions in Asia Minor, he had not taken up__ declaration of faith or discipline, however, posed

the Venetian overtures for peace. During the a threat to the doctrine of papal absolutism in summer of 1469 Niccolo da Canale commanded _ religious matters, which Pius II had propounded

a fleet of some twenty vessels on a raiding in the bull Execrabils. expedition along parts of the Macedonian shore, In the early spring of 1462 Pius had declared striking at the environs of Thessalonica and invalid the Compacts of Basel (promulgated at brutally sacking the city of Aenos. He had less Jihlava in July, 1436), upon which the Czech success on the coast of Asia Minor, but making Estates and the Council of Basel had hoped to his way around the Morea, Canale occupied Vos-__ build a religious peace, and through which they

titza on the Gulf of Patras. Mehmed now putthe had expected to effect the return of Bohemia

redoubtable Mahmud Pasha, who had been

temporarily out of favor at the court, in charge §§=————__ of the Ottoman fleet, which was being built up Mahmud Pasha was engaged in the internal strife of his in the most determined fashion.22’ Mehmed was compatriots in Serbia in 1458. According to Critobulus,

he also joined Mehmed IJ in the invasion of the Morea TT about the same time, which is not the case (on Mahmud’s 87Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 1Y~3" [10°-12'], and on _ two invasions of Serbia, see Inalcik, “Mehmed the Con27 October, 1469, the Senate wrote Canale that “speramus queror,” pp. 419-21). Mahmud distinguished himself in the

fore ut res nostre ita per vos administrentur quod aut Ottoman campaigns against Sinope and Trebizond (in victoria aut bona et honorabilis pax secutura sit” (zbid., 1461), Wallachia (1462), and Lesbos (1462); expelled the

fol. 62° [71*}). Venetians from the Hexamilion (1463); fought against the

88 Mahmud Pasha (Angelovic) was for almost twenty years Bosnians and Hungarians (1463, 1464); but lost favor with

one of the most important figures at the Porte and in the Mehmed during the Anatolian campaign (in July, 1468), entire Ottoman world. He was born in Serbia, probably and was removed from the grand vizirate, serving as at KruSevac, midway between Belgrade and Sofia. His governor of Gallipoli. Restored to the position of grand vizir father Michael, who belonged to the noble Greek family of (1472-1473), he was again dismissed after the campaign the Angeli of Thessaly, lived at Novo Brdo, and married a against Uzun Hasan, the Turkoman ruler of Mesopotamia Serb; the latter was captured (about 1427) by the Turks, (see, below, pp. 315-16), and was thereafter imprisoned and and brought to Adrianople, where her son (Mahmud) was _ put to death by the ungrateful sultan in the midsummer of converted to Islam and trained for the Ottoman service 1474. He occupies a prominent place in the works of the under Murad II (f. Babinger, Maometio, pp. 179-80). He Ottoman chroniclers (J. H. Kramers, in the Encyel. of Islam, first came into prominence in 1451 at the accession of III [1928-36], 136-37; Fr. Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber Mehmed II, whom he had apparently known for some’ d. Osmanen u. ihre Werke, Leipzig, 1927, p. 25; and esp. years. Mahmud Pasha took part in the successful siege of — Inalcik, “Mehmed the Conqueror,” in Speculum, XXXV, Constantinople, but he did not (as sometimes stated) 408-27, passim). Soldier and statesman, builder of mosques succeed Khalil Pasha as grand vizir in the summer of 1453 — and _ schools, Mahmud Pasha won glowing praise for his (Khalil was executed, it would appear, on 10 July). According personal qualities from Critobulus, I, 77 (ed. K. Miller,

to Halil Inalcik, Mahmud was appointed to the grand FHG, V-1, p. 104; ed. V. Grecu, Critobul din Imbros [1963], vizirate in 1456 (see his review of Babinger’s life of Mehmed __ p. 169). Cf. J. Adelphi, Tiirckisch Chronica (1513), unnum.

II, in “Mehmed the Conqueror [1432-1481] and His fol. 8” (=sign. Bi), and Babinger, Maometto, pp. 403-5,

Time,” Speculum, XXXV [1960], 412, 413-14). 408, 411.

294 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to the fold of Catholicism. The negotiators of Similar proposals had often been made in the the Compacts had watered down the more rigid past, and would often be-made in the years to

demands the Hussites had made in the Four come. This one was more detailed—and proArticles of Prague, but communion sub utraque Podébradian historians have tried to make it specie had been assured at least to all adults in| appear more important—than most of those Bohemia who wanted to receive the chalice. The which had been advanced previously. The Holy

Holy See had never confirmed the Compacts, See was not included in the Bohemian project, however, and Pius’s uncompromising rejection which the Curia Romana did not take seriously, of them had prepared the way for a renewal of however, and so did not regard itself as being warfare between those of the wine and those of faced with a choice between George the crusader the wafer. ‘The war finally came in the spring of and George the fautor of heretics. 1467, during the reign of Paul II. In rejecting By the bull Profecturos adversus |sacrosancte the Compacts Pius had also declined to accept religionis hostes], promulgated in a public conthe obedience of George of Podébrady, king of | sistory on 16 June, 1464, Pius II had stated that

Bohemia, unless George forbade, throughout it would be difficult to fight successfully the the kingdom, the laity’s access to the chalice. enemies of the faith on the outside (/foris) while For George to have done so would have produced being attacked by those on the inside (intus). civil war in Bohemia, while the alternative in- Heresy, which bred schism, was not less perilous evitably led to a break with Rome. In the mean- and detestable than the damnable perfidy of the

time, to enhance his position in Europe and to Turks. The latter could only slay bodies; the forestall papal action against him, George made heretics destroyed souls. In Bohemia there were

a pact of mutual assistance with Casimir IV of those who had fallen into the heresy of the Poland at Glogau in Silesia (in May and June, Waldensians, denying the primacy of the Roman

1462), part of their agreement being to protect See. This unspeakable heresy had returned each other against the Turks. With doubtful under the influence of John Hus, whose followsincerity George tried to cast himself in the role ers were called Hussites and Taborites. George of crusader, and that summer he sent Antoine of Podébrady, qui nunc se gerit pro rege Bohemie,

Marini, a Frenchman, to Venice with the had been born and raised among them, and proposal that a league of princes—the kings was said still to adhere to their heresy and of France, Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary, the to show no desire to reject it. Reviewing the dukes of Burgundy and Saxony, and the doge _ history, as he saw it, of the Councils of Constance

and signory of Venice—be formed “for the and Basel, Pius dwelt on the Compacts and

ruination and extermination of the common _ on the Utraquists’ (to him) offensive insistence enemy.” While commending Marini’s project in on the “communion of the chalice,” which Pius the most laudatory terms, the Senate believed regarded as an ad hoc concession made by the that the pope should be brought into the plan, conciliarists at Basel, ill advised at the time and for the authority of the Holy See would add _ no longer admissible. George had taken Prague

greatly to the success of the undertaking.*® per arma et insidias, the first of his numerous

89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 21, fols. 101¥—102', doc. dated 9 “Commemoramus quoque et laudamus non obstantibus August, 1462: “[Spectabilis miles dominus Antonius Gallicus, his que idem spectabilis orator dixit nobis quia summus orator] serenissimi domini regis Bohemie, quiad presentiam _ pontifex in hanc intelligentiam intervenire deberet, nam cum

nostram venit et sub litteris credentialibus regis eiusdem sit caput et princeps Christianorum dubitari non debet longo ordine verborum declaravit nobis optimam disposi- quod eius auctoritas multum conferet huic rei et erit tionem fervensque propositum domini sui regis ac regis magni momenti his que agenda erunt. . . .” The text of Pollonie ad procedendum magnanime contra Turcum, this document has been published by Franz Palacky, ed., nepharium hostem nominis Christiani, commemoravitque Urkundliche Beitrége zur Geschichte Bohmens und _ seiner ligam et intelligentiam faciendam esse inter hos principes Nachbarlander im Zeitalter Georg’s von Podiebrad (1450Christianos, viz. regem Franchorum, reges ipsos Bohemie 471), Vienna, 1860, no. 295, pp. 289-90 (Fontes rerum et Pollonie, regem Hungarie, ducem Burgundie, ducem austriacarum, 1. Abt., Diplomataria et acta, vol. XX). An Saxonie, et nos dominiumque nostrum, quibus potentatibus engineer and inventor, Marini was a native of Grenoble unitis procedendum erat ad ruinam et exterminium istius in Dauphiné; presumably of Italian origin, he was well comunis hostis, sicut facile fieri poterat . . . ,” of which known in Venice. See N. Iorga [ Jorgal, “Un Auteur de proposal the Senate expressed the highest possible approval projets de croisades: Antoine Marini,” Etudes d'histoire du (by a vote de parte 128, de non 0, non sinceri 1), moyen age dédiées a Gabriel Monod, Paris, 1896, pp. 445-57, although they believed the pope should be made a member and on the Podébradian project, F. G. Heymann, George of

of the league for obvious reasons: Bohemia (1965), pp. 297-313.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 295 crimes; he had accepted the heretic John Civil war finally broke out in Bohemia in the Rokycana as archbishop of Prague. The two of spring of 1467, when George faced a clique of them may even have been guilty, as rumor had _ Catholic barons led by Zdenék of Sternberg, the

it, of poisoning Ladislas Postumus, king of disaffected Catholic burghers of Breslau and Hungary and Bohemia, who had died after an Pilsen, and the papal legates Lorenzo Roverella illness of sixty hours. Veritas in obscuro erat, but’ and Rudolf von Rudesheim, the latter of whom

such was the prelude to the Hussites’ raising became the bishop of Breslau in April, 1468. George to the throne of Bohemia. Charging him George also faced the hostility of the Emperor now with probable heresy, Pius cited George to Frederick III and (most important of all) the

appear “before us wherever we may be within long latent, formidable enmity of Matthias one hundred and eighty days” to answer super Corvinus, king of Hungary. As the pope was delictis et excessibus and to submit to the judgment Corvinus’s ally against the Turkish infidel, so was

of the Holy See.*° Sixty days later Pius was dead, Corvinus the papal ally against the Bohemian

and the citation lapsed, but not for long. heretic. On 2 August, 1465, Cardinals Bessarion, Not without some provocation George of Carvajal, and Berardo Erolo renewed Pius’s Podébrady’s son Victorin invaded Austria in citation of George of Podébrady in Paul II’s January and February, 1468, and Matthias Corname, for “Georgius a dictis heresibus suis et vinus responded promptly to Frederick III's erroribus minime est conversus.” Nay, he was urgent call for help. Corvinus’s army, acting descending ever deeper into the mire of perfidy, in conjunction with imperial troops and those of and daily contemplating worse and worse out- the rebellious Czech barons, entered southern rages against the faith and the faithful.°* Four Moraviain April. Mehmed II had already crossed

days later, on the sixth, Paul II authorized the Bosporus and embarked on his campaign

Rudolf von Rudesheim, bishop of Lavant (in in Caramania, with the complete assurance that Carinthia), his legate in the Silesian city of his western fronts would not be attacked, despite

Breslau, to release all George’s vassals and the Venetian appeal to Paul II to seize the

subjects from whatever oaths of fealty they had marvelous opportunity for an attack upon the sworn or acts of homage they had done him. ‘Turks in Europe while the sultan was absent in All alliances with him were forbidden, including Asia Minor. Almost a year of dismal, desultory marriages with his sons and daughters. He was_ warfare now began in central Europe, in lands declared beyond the pale, an utter outcast. that would be exposed to Turkish attack soon after the close of the century. Following a period

a of the bull Profécturos adversus is given of truce, during which the anti-Podebradian ey oe piven 1 barons elected Jos. Cugnoni, ed., Aeneae Silvit Piccolomini . . . operaCorvinus inedita, . .king of Bohemia (in

€l r . . .

in the Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei, CCLXXX (1882-83), ost irregular fashion), George struck back 3rd ser., Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storichke e ore vigorously at his enemies. The Czechs filologiche, VIII (Rome, 1883), Epistolae, no. txx1, pp. defeated the Hungarians near the Moravian

461-70. For details of the consistory, see Hermann town of Hradisté (Radisch) on 2 November, Markgraf, PolitischeBreslau, Correspondenz Breslaus im Zeitalter butwent the ston, 1 t an d Corvi Georgs voned., Podiebrad, 1874, nos. 253A—253B, -y 1469. strugere Orvinus 254, pp. 77-83, 87-90 (Scriptores rerum silesiacarum, did not abate his claim to the crown of S.

vol. IX). The citation was repeated shortly before Pius’s Wenceslas. In fact Corvinus also wanted to be death, at Ancona ee» nos. 253C, 257° pp. enn 1) elected king of the Romans, to serve as colleague between the radical Taborites. (¢Waldensians”) snd. the and heir app arent of Frederick HIT, an idea moderate Utraquists, who merely demanded access to the which the latter did not find appealing, and chalice (granted them by the Compacts), on which note SO the new allies were soon enemies again. Howard Kaminsky, “Pius Aeneas among the Taborites,” To glance ahead for the sake of completeness,

Church History, XXVUI (1959), 281-309. George of Podébrady’s death in March, 1471, arkgraf, Politische Correspondenz Breslaus (1874), no. b ht Corvi lv slichtly cl to th 303, pp.no. 135-39, and note With in general nos. 259byff.theroug . Orvinus OnLadislas Y SUS[II]{ of closer to the the * Ibid., 308, pp. 143-45. orthodoxy.beset Bohemian throne. Poland, Hussites in Bohemia and by the Fraticelli in Rome itself —as teen-aged son of Casimir IV, was elected George's

Paul II saw the situation—it is not strange that he struck at_ successor. The contest continued , however, the “Pomponiani” of the so-called Roman Academy. Cf. L. until the peace of Olomouc (Olmiitz in Moravia)

Fumi, “Ereticiin Boemia e fraticelliin Roma nel 1466,” inthe — - : . ’

Archivio della R. Societs romana di storia patria, XXXIV (1911), 11478, which left Ladislas’s royal presence (and

117-30, with five letters of Agostino de’ Rossi, the Milanese title) undisturbed in Bohemia, and left Corvinus

envoy to the Curia Romana. (also with the title king of Bohemia) in possession

296 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Moravia, Silesia, and even Lusatia. Ironically an understanding with the Emperor Frederick enough, when Corvinus died in April, 1490, III, and employ his resources against the Turks. Ladislas succeeded him in Hungary, where his_ It would be far better for him to defend his weak and incompetent rule until 1516 helped own kingdom than to suffer Turkish attacks prepare the way for the Turkish victory at forthe dubious purpose of assailing the Czechs.” Mohacs a decade later, and Hungary became While the Venetians believed, quite correctly,

“the graveyard of Europe.” that Corvinus would have found a better use for

his men and money in enlarging the Hungarian In the meantime the Venetian Senate had been defense against the Turks than in attacking the watching with discouragement and disapproval Podébradians, the Senate had tired of its own the internecine warfare among the Christians to defense against the Turks. The war party had

the north. On 16 March, 1469, uponinstructions diminished in strength since the death of from the Senate, the Doge Cristoforo Moro Vettore Capello. There was a desire to come to wrote Francesco Sanudo, the Venetian ambas- terms with Mehmed II, if possible, but the sador to the Curia Romana, that the news from Republic had no representative at the Porte. Hungary clearly suggested that Matthias Cor- Once more, therefore, in July, 1469, the Senate vinus’s ill-advised “undertaking” (¢mpresia) against turned to David [Mavrogonato] “the Jew,” a George of Podébrady was not merely a very Venetian subject of Candia, who had tried to help

difficult but actually a quite impossible affair. them on a previous diplomatic mission. David With a little persuasion Corvinus could easily was now to go to Istanbul “without any indica-

be induced to give up his war against the tion that your going arises from our wish or

Czechs—according to the doge’s letter—and knowledge” (senza alcuna demostration che questa turn his arms against the madness and ferocity tua andata sia de nostra volunta ne saputa). Since of the Turk. Sanudo must therefore explain to David was on good terms with the grand vizir Paul II that Sultan Mehmed, “already the near Mahmud Pasha and with Mehmed’s physician, neighbor of Italy” (vicinus tam Italie finibus), was the Italian Jew Yakub Pasha, “Master Jacomo driving off hordes of Christians every day into the Physician,” it appeared conceivable that he slavery. Mehmed’s forces had so devastated and might open the door to further negotiations.” depopulated the lands of the counts of Segna (Senj) that it was grievously evident that, unless §=—________

the counts received armed assistance soon, the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 4” [13”], doc. dated 16 Turks would be occupying castles and towns, March, 1469. The Venetians were eager for Corvinus and with irreparable damage to Christendom and Frederick Hil to come to terms with each other (2bid. ,

i . . ambassador to Rome was issued on 11 November, 1468

especially to Italy, which was after all “contiguous 0!S- 22", 27"— 28 [31*, 36%—37"]). Sanudo’s commission as

to and conjoined with the state of the aforesaid (isia., Reg. 23, fols. 143° 145" [145°—147*]).

counts lof Segna].” Sanudo must try to persuade On the collection of funds throughout southwestern the pope to look to the perils and problems Germany, through the sale of the crusading indulgence of the poor Christians who dwelt just ACTOSS during the last year of Paul II's reign and later, contra h tretch of the northern Adriatic. The hereticos Bohemos et pro subsidio catholicorum pugnatorum the narrow sire 7 Ss m contra eos, see K. A. Fink, “Der Kreuzablass gegen Georg Venetians wanted the “undertaking” then being Podiebrad in Siid- und Westdeutschland,” Quellen und carried on against the king of Bohemia to Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XX1V

be given up for a while. Corvinus should reach (1932-33), 207-43, where the interested reader may

find the financial records of Angelo de’ Cialfi, canon of oo3 Cf.Camerino and a papal collector in Germany, who presented in general J. V. PoliSensky, “Bohemia, the Turk _ his final accounts to the Camera Apostolica on 9 February, and the Christian Commonwealth,” Byzantinoslavica, XIV 1474.

(1953), 82-108. On George of Podébrady’s (alleged) final ® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 34” [43"] and 36" [45°], reconciliation with the Vatican, despite the crusade which dated 14 and 21 July, 1469. Occasionally the Turkish had been published and preached against him (cruciata| government seemed to hold out the palm of peace, as on . . . contra ipsum publicata et predicata), and (alleged) receipt 10 November when the Senate voted that “non est spernenda

of absolution just before his death, see the interesting practica pacis cum Turcho oblata per subassi Argirochastri document published by Otto Eduard Schmidt, “Des regimini nostro Corphoy . . .” (ibid., fol. 65° [74"]). Bohmenkonigs Georg von Podiebrad Losung vom Kirchen- David had tried to serve both Venice and the Porte as bann und sein Tod: Nach der neugefundenen Urkunde an envoy of peace in 1466 (zbid., Reg. 23, fols. 117-12 liber die Aussagen des sdchsischen Gesandten Nicolaus [13'—14"]), at which time as almost always the Senate was von Kockeritz von 20. Oktober 1495,” in the Neues anxious “devenir a treugue cum el Signor Turco, possendo Archiv fiir stchsische Geschichte, LIX (Dresden, 1938), haver quelle” (zbid., fol. 13" [15"], doc. dated 4 November,

39-65. 1466, et alibi). His activities are well known for the decade

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 297 Throughout the summer and fall of 1469 the that, so far, they were not pleased with Emo's Venetians watched the Hungarians almost as conduct of his mission.® closely as they did the Turks. The Senate wanted By the following spring, however, the Senate peace, and for various reasons was not satisfied had come to think rather better of Emo’s efforts, with Giovanni Emo, the Republic’s ambassador congratulating him upon the manner of his to Matthias Corvinus. On 25 September (1469) defense of the Republic against certain sznistra the doge or rather the Senate acknowledged the informatio which had reached the ears of Matthias receipt of Emo’s dispatches of 22 and 28 August Corvinus, and expressing pleasure that the latter and 5 September concerning his attempts to was dealing kindly and fairly with Count Stefano follow their instructions. Emo had described his de’ Frangipani of Segna.*’

colloquia with Corvinus, Archbishop John Vitéz The county of Segna was a line of defense of Gran (Esztergom), and Bishop Albert Hangacs against the Turks, as it remained for years after

of Veszprém “super negotio Turcorum.” Mohacs, when it was to become a refuge for The Senate believed that Emo had talked too Slavs fleeing before the Turks. The refugees freely, and warned him that, when he found were known as Uskoks (Italian Uscocchz). Under himself involved in such conversations, he must the Hapsburgs the Uskoks would take to the sea

speak with such reserve and caution as corsairs, becoming a menace to Venetian

shipping as well as a thorn in the Turkish side. that by your words the right and authority are not In 1469 the Venetians wanted to protect the taken from us, which we have had from the king, counts and natives of Segna (who had just fallen of making a peace hor truce with the Turk wy under Hungarian domination) as allies, however

ourselves alone—without his Majesty. seeing that small, against the Turks. No allies were too small you have handled this matter [from your war . was apparently rye differently to be useful, for the Turkish instructions] and contrary to our wish and intention, ; h £ the V ! we have accordingly wanted to send you this re- COMSUmINE the resources of the Venetian state

minder. Furthermore, since you have alluded to More rapidly than trade and taxes could replace the financial subvention we gave his royal Majesty them. Negroponte was in obvious danger, and against the Turks, you must bear in mind and __ its defense would be costly.

understand . . . the vast, rather the intolerable, Paul II was said recently to have had bulls expenses with which we are at present burdened both published (the Senate seems to have been a

on land and on the sea... . little doubtful)

It was quite impossible for Venice to give in certain cities and towns, especially in ours, . . . Matthias Corvinus another financial subsidy at prohibiting under ecclesiastical censure navigation to

or time, the lands and marts of the infidels, and hyet because this and so when the talk turned to money, hat in thi Id Emo must be most circumspect. He must also 76, 2PPC@rs f0 agree Chat in this malter we shou d hi : pect. bsolutel follow the custom of our forebears, who used to seek

regard his present instructions as absolutely 4 license from the supreme pontiffs of the past for secret. Among other matters the Senate had the voyage to the lands of the infidels, the motion is

directed Emo to speak to Corvinus of the lords of

Segna (Senj) in terms of the highest commenda- ~ | . hat©he should b Ai . September, 1469.toThe the1,form of their our name that snou € WHANES to cauLION Jetter EmoSenate de parteapproved 148, de non non sincerr 0.

tion, “and you were to ask his... Majesty in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 55 [64], doc. dated 25 the captain of his forces in that area not to Venice constantly opposed the Hungarian pressure on Segna molest the said magnificent lords [of Segna]. We _(ibid., fols. 82%, 86", 89", 90”, 112"). have been waiting - . . to learn how much you 97 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 90" [99"], doc. dated 17 March,

have accomplished in this connection, and what 1470, the Senate to Emo: Litteras accepimus vestras ex his . . . Majesty has replied to you. ... And quecumque scripsistis distincte cognovimus laudamusque the Senate made clear by further instructions consuetam vestram diligentiam et prudentiam servatosque

. . . - Viena dierum ultimi Februari, 2, 3,-et 4 mensis instantis et modos in proponendo et respondendo regie Celsitudini ad omnia occurrentia et criminationes de nobis factas purgando

~— et dilluendo advertendoque regiam Celsitudinem a credulitate 1460-1470, on which see David Jacoby, “Un Agent juif au cuiusvis sinistre informationis. . . . Inter cetera autem service de Venise: David Mavrogonato de Candie,” Thesauris- _gratissimum nobis fuit intelligere quod regia Sublimitas

mata, IX (Venice, 1972), 68-96. On the physician Yakub benigne indulgenterque egerit cum magnifico Comite Pasha (Jacopo da Gaeta), see above, note 11, and Donado Stefano de Frangepanibus eique et reliquum statum suum da Lezze [actually Gian Maria Angiolello], Historia turchesca _et_illesum dimittens et portionem suam civitatis Segne (1300-1514), ed. Ion Ursu, Bucharest, 1909 [1910], restituere contenta sit et hoc idem facere reliquis fratribus

pp. 64, 66. eius disposita appareat et policeatur. .. .”

298 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT made [in the Senate] that the Collegio may write about Day after day came fearful reports from the

this to our ambassador at the Curia in whatever East of the Gran Turco’s gigantic preparations suitable form shall seem best to the Collegio to on Jand and sea “ad perniciem Christianorum.”

possible. £ . . : 3

obtain rom his pouness the license for the [eastward ] Everyone expected the first attack to be directed voyages, for as long a period of time as shall prove a>ainst Venetian territories, “and he will spew

orth his venomous slime against us.” The

Trade with the Moslem Levant must help to Republic’s failure to resist the onslaught would pay for the war with Moslem Turkey, and the leave the Turks swarming through the Aegean, Senate passed the resolution by 103 affirmative ravaging the defenseless shores and depopulatvotes (de parte), with 16 opposed (de non), and ing the islands, “pro libidine vagando et eleven neutral or uncommitted votes (non debachando.” As the Senate wrote Giustinian at sinceri). Nevertheless, the motion seems not to the Curia Romana on 15 March, 1470, they had

have been put into effect.” often urged upon Paul II the absolute necessity

As the Venetians now hoped and worked for of a pax Italica (although, as we have seen, peace in Italy, much of the senatorial cor- Venice had been regarded as the power most respondence was directed toward the formation likely to break the Italian peace after the death and maintenance of a league of the peninsular of Francesco Sforza). Now the need for papal and European states which might assist Venice leadership and for action was desperate. The against the Turks, and which would in any event pope was the helmsman of Christendom, the leave the Republic free to defend her interestsin Senate told Giustinian, and his guidance toward the Levant. Letter after letter stressed the the port of peace in Italy would be the peninsula’s Turkish peril. Finally a note of panic entered the only shelter from the rising waves and gathering Senate’s dispatch of 8 March, 1470, to Francesco tempest of a Turkish invasion.’” If the Arsenal Giustinian, now their ambassador to the Curia. had been as well equipped with men, munitions, The Senate had already learned, before the eighth, and galleys as the Venetian secretariat was with of the maximi Turcorum apparatus which threatened tropes and imagery, the Senate might have had

the Venetian colonies in the East, as they in- less to fear from the Turks.

formed Giustinian, but only on that day had By 7 July (1470) the Senate could see the they been informed of the extent of the danger, writing on the wall, and wrote Giustinian (and

which they described in a postscript to their Andrea Vendramin and Lodovico Foscarini, dispatch of the eighth, the text of which had _ who had joined him on the Roman mission) to already been approved by the Senate before the seek an audience with Paul II immediately upon

bad news had reached the lagoon.” receipt of the present letter. They were to give

ee Paul the Republic’s most reverent thanks for his Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 64” [73°], doc. dated 3 paternal help and especially for his offer of part

November, 1469, but since no cross was inscribed in the left- of the proceeds of the alum mines of Tolfa [ sua hand margin of the register, opposite this text, we may gblatio aluminum], which the Senate wanted sigassume that no action was taken as a consequence of this nalized by bulls making the grant without condi99 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 87°, 87-88" [96", 96"-97']: tions. “Add, moreover, in refutation of those “Post scriptas accepimus litteras quas quidam civis noster who have been trying maliciously to minimize

veniens ex Constantinopoli scribit ex Parentio ad unum the seriousness of our perils, that the Turk has nobilem nostrum et per illas ultra multas et alias vias sent a fleet of three hundred and fifty sail under intelleximus Turchum magna solicitudine parare classem Mahmud Pasha out from the Dardanelles, and nostrum, quas litteras vobis mittimus presentibus introclusas that he himself has also come with a huge and

suam et terrestrem exercitum ut statum agerediatur . . ut illas summo pontifici ostendatis, et subiungite nos cogitatus omnes nostros, studia, et vires convertisse ad augumentum = =————————_

classis nostre et ad reliquias necessarias provisiones pro nostras et non solum pro fortificanda augendaque classe in defensione status nostri, cum cuius salute et periclitacione quo nihil reliqui facimus sed pro mittendis etiam ad loca salus et periclitatio reliquorum Christianorum coniuncta nostra presidiis quibus tuta ab impetu rabieque hostili esse est. Et quoniam huiusmodi Turci apparatus duas habet _ possint. Et hec omnia singilatim que vobis scribimus et hanc extimes[c Jendas conditiones, celeritatis alteram incredibiliset inter cetera particulam summo pontifici declarate.” The numero alteram viriumque longe maiorum quam non solum ___ dispatch was approved: De parte 167, de non 0, non syncert 0. On

antehac fecerit sed ne nuntiatum quidem est ut nos antevertat the same day the Senate voted to send an additional 8,000 si poterit et opprimat—quod absit—nobis quoque neces- ducats immediately to the captain-general Canale (bid., fol.

sarium est maturare provisiones nostras supra quam possibile 88").

vix sit et vires undecumque et comodocumque contrahere 100 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 90 [99].

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 299 powerful army to lay siege to the city of Negro- source but even blood, so to speak, from our

ponte.”? very veins to aid the aforesaid city, if it is possible, Mehmed’s forces were said to exceed one lest such a slaughter and calamity fall upon all hundred thousand men. As for the number of the Christians [in Negroponte] as would prove his guns, cannon, and siege machines, they were _ irreparable if the city, which God forbid, should

said to be “of such and such size and strength,” be stormed by that fierce and rabid enemy.” tanta et talia, and although the figures given Whatever the Venetians tried to do, however, for them were reliable (according to the Senate), would be of no avail unless the pope and the they surpassed all possibility of belief. All other Christian princes joined them potenter et thoughts of trade and commerce, lading and _ celeriter in one vast movement against the Turks. brokerage fees were put aside. The Venetians This was the message which Giustinian, Vendra-

were arming galleys, ships, and transports of min, and Foscarini must din in the papal ears every sort, and sending them off with foot sedulo et continue. Mehmed’s success at Negroponte soldiers, crossbowmen, and munitions to Niccolo would give him control of the sea, and would da Canale, the captain-general of the sea. “And ___ be the prelude to a Turkish invasion of Italy. we are squeezing not merely money from every No description, however eloquent, of the plight of the Negropontini which the Venetian envoys

——_—_— might give the Curia could depict the reality ‘0! For the source, see the following note. With reference of the impending danger. Rhodes, Cyprus, and to the revenues from the mines at Tolfa, we may observe the other island strongholds in Christian hands that on I February, papal hadcaugnt ht in th undertaken the sale of 1469, 18,000the cantara of vice-chamberlain alum over a three- were In torm. c sameFor § 01them tO € as for year period to one Bartolommeo Zorzi of Venice, son of her own Possessions Venice would do her

the late Luca, 6,000 cantars a year for three years, each utmost, but her strength was unequal to the cantar to be 150 lbs. Roman: the agreement was negotiated immensity of the task. 10

cardinals for the crusade: . . 1

in the name and for the benefit of the commission of Throughout the long months of 1469-1470

“In Dei nomine amen. A.D. MCCCCLXVIIII, indictione the Venetians had been urging, and finally secunda die vero prima mensis Februarii, pontificatus almost desperately urging, the formation of a Sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, domini Pauli liga generalis in Italy both to assure their position

divina providentia pape Secundi anno quinto. Infrascripta’ jn the peninsula, as they fought the Turks in sunt pacta, facta, firmata et GC dand theCoisland £ theC conclusa interconventiones, reverendissimumet...capitula dominum inita, Vianesium reece an . € Islands, secure dt TOM prothonotarium Bononiensem sanctissimi domini nostri Christian allies some sort of assistance against pape vicecamerarium de licentia et voluntate, ut asseruit, the common enemy of Christendom.’ Their reverendissimorum in Christo patrum et dominorum, efforts appeared to have led to success when domini Bissarioni [sic], episcopi Sabinensis, Niceni; domini on 9 July (1470) the peace of Lodi and the Guillelmi, episcopi Ostiensis, Rothomagensis; domini Jo£ 1454 ‘ved.164 | hannis, episcopi Portuensis, Sancti Angeli, Sancte Romane cague O o4 1were revived. t was tooJ tate. Ecclesie cardinalium commissariorum super negotiis Sancte Cruciate deputatorum . . . et spectabilem et generosum =————————

virum dominum Bartholomeum Georgio [sic], patricium 12 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 117’-118" [121”’—122"], Venetum, pro se ipso suisque in posterum heredibus et doc. dated 7 July, 1470, “oratoribus nostris in Curia.” successoribus . . . , quorum capitulorum in vulgari ydio- 103 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 9, 11% ff., 16%-17', 19°, mate pro maiore ipsorum intelligentia conscriptorum tenor 37°, 38", 47°, 49 ff., 56"-57", 60 ff., 66", 69” ff., 75 ff., sequitur de verbo ad verbum et est talis videlicet: Inprimis 83” ff., 90", 91 ff., 99 ff., etc. [18, 20” ff., etc.]. el reverendissimo Monsignor vicecamarlengo predicto come 4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 119° [123°], doc. dated 20

e dicto di sopra nel predicto nome promette dare et July, 1470, the Senate to Andrea Vendramin and Lodovico vender al nobil homo mesier Bartholomeo Zorzi da Vinesia, _ Foscarini, Venetian envoys in Rome: “. . . Et deinde per

quondam mesier Luca, cantara disdotto milia de alumi litteras nobilis viri Bernardi Ilustiniano militis, oratoris conducti et navigati a Vinesia a risego de la camera _ nostri in Neapoli, scriptum erat de reformatione et apostolica in anni tre proximi advenire, principiando a __ renovatione lige inter regem [Ferrante of Naples], ducem Pasqua proxima anno uno et avanti al piacere del dicto [Galeazzo Maria Sforza of Milan], et Florentinos die nono mesier Bartholomeo, cioé ogni anno cantara seimilia et cadauno —_—mensis_presentis; postea vero accepimus litteras ab oratore

cantaro sintenda essere di libre centocinquanta Romane: et nostro predicto datas Neapoli nono et decimo dicti quale alume per lui o soy commessi se habbi ad vendere _ mensis, quibus nos certiores fecit de successu et refirmatione

in Venesia nel Golfo da terra et da mare, Friuli, Marcha dicte lige cum capitulo et facultate reformandi et renovandi Trivisana, Lombardia, et de la da le Alpe, nel dominio _ ligam generalem Italie Nicolai pontificis maximi et insuper de lo Imperadore et del duca d’Austria, Romagna fino a___ de optima mente illius serenissimi regis ad quietem et pacem

Fano,” etc., etc. (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A.A., I-XVIII, Italie et ad honorem Dei et bonum Christiani nominis, no. 1443, fols. 98%-100%). (The alum concession was offerendo se ad renovationem predicte lige.” Cf, ibid.,

called the apaltus, lo apalto.) fols. 120° ff., 171° [124 ff., 175°].

300 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Within three days Venice was to suffer one of Today the report has been brought to us from the major disasters of her history—the fall of _Naupactus [Lepanto], our city in Aetolia, that Negroponte to Mehmed II—and final con- Christ’s monstrous enemy the Turk has finally taken firmation of the league by the high contracting fy storm the city of Negroponte, to which he had parties did not come until 22 December, 1470.1! hud heh an win an A fey of mereavre mon ane As fears rose from day to day in the Venetian victims, in keeping with ‘his foul and fearsome Senate, but the full extent of the disaster was character. Nevertheless, we are neither shattered by not yet known, the somewhat more cheerful this loss nor broken in spirit, but rather we have news came that King Ferrante had offered the become the more aroused and are [now] determined, Venetian ambassador at his court ten galleys with the advent of these greater dangers, to augment as the Neapolitan contribution to the Christian our fleet and to send out fresh garrisons in order to cause.!©§ Ten galleys would indeed be a splendid strengthen and maintain our hold on our other afforcement of the Republic’s naval strength, if Possessions in the East as well as to render assistance Ferrante actually made them available, but even ‘© the other Christian peoples, whose lives are if he did, everyone knew that the whole Venetian threatened by the implacable foe. . .

empire (if such it was) in the Levant, unzversus status A . ,

noster Levantis, would still be in terrifying danger. ccording to a letter of one Geronimo Longo, Since the Turkish fleet had left the Dardanelles, 2 Venetian galley commander, the Turkish fleet the Cretans had been living in fear and trembling. had set out from the D ardanelles on 3 June To reassure them it was proposed in the Senate (1470), with 300 sail, of which 108 were said to (on 31 July, 1470) that the condottiere Andreono be galleys, 60 transports, and the rest fuste. The da Parma should be sent directly to Candia with TCPOT! was that there were 70,000 men on board.

his company, but the motion received only The fleet was heading westward toward the fourteen votes de parte, and so was defeated. Venetian island of “Egripo” or Negroponte It was then moved, and carried by 157 votes (Euboea), and as the Venetian Senate knew well, de parte (with no word of dissent), that Andreono Mahmud Pasha Was TH COM {a nd. Longo, who

should sail to Modon to place himself under WS at the time with the Venetian armada in the

the orders of the captain-general Niccold da ‘¢8ean, informs us that Mahmud occupied Canale, “who would provide for the city and Imbros (on 5 June), but failed to take Lemnos island of Crete and our other possessions, as it (8—12 June). He then sailed on to Skyros, where is part of his charge and he has his orders and

the freedom to act.”!° ——__—

The vote to assign Andreono da Parma’s 18 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 122" [126°], doc. dated mercenaries to Modon had doubtless been Na ctes!"the text wae approved in the Senate by a vote de hastened by the arrival of painful news from the parte 162, de non QO, and non syncert 0. On the same day the

East. On that same Tuesday afternoon or early Senate wrote the Venetian envoys in Rome, “. . . unde evening of 31 July ( 1470) the Senate approved cognoscetis miserabilem expugnationem et excidium civitatis

the dispatch of the following letter to the Fooane Nisroponts qua ingentissima lactura quales sint Emperor Frederick III, King Ferrante of Naples, Ch\icitritsic comditiones nemo ect dul persnicere non

Matthias Corvinusgary, of €aZZO Hungary, Galeazzo Ma cognoscat” (ibid.).Maria ” abi ee PIES ON Sforza of Milan, Borso d’Este of Modena As the days passed, the disaster of Negroponte was (Ferrara), the Florentine republic, and other confirmed on all sides, as the Senate wrote their envoys

princes and states on 10 August “ut amplus dubtandum non sit uculent

—_——— sibi stravisse viam ad invadendam Italiam tum terra tum 1065 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols. etiam mari et ad delendam penitus extinguendamque

61%, 66%-67'; Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. Christtanam religionem: que trepidatio, qui pavor sit in 24, fols. 174°, 176%—177° [178', 180°—18I1'], and see below, omni insula et ora maritima Orientis nemo est sensus

p. 307b. particeps qui non intelligat. . . . Estote igitur cum summo

196 Ibid., Reg. 24, fol. 121° [125], doc. dated 24 July, 1470, pontifice . . . , instate ut ad conclusionem unionis et the Senate to Ferrante: “. . . Iamqueaccepimus periocundo _ generalis Italie confederationis omni remota cunctatione animo oblationem regiam vestram de triremibus auxiliaribus devenire dignetur ut quisque pro viribus et facultatibus

mittendis prefecto classis nostre utpote huic tempestati et communi cause opitulari possit. Et non solum intestine necessitati Christiane religionis convenientissimam.” A week sedentur discordie sed diffidentie etiam et ranchores later (on 31 July) the number of galleys is specified as ten posthabeantur et negligantur . . .” (ibid., fol. 125" [129*]),

(fol. 122° [126°]). to all of which Paul II returned a “clement and benign 107 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 121% [125%], doc. dated response” (fol. 126°), just as various other powers expressed

31 July, 1470, the votes being de parte 157, de non O, their sorrow and distress at the blow which had fallen

non syncert Q. upon Venice (fols. 126%, 128, 135%—136', 170°).

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 301 he sacked the northern village of S. George (on to such gentlemen as possessed a villa he was 13 June), but could not.take the well-defended willing to give two. The bailie Paolo Erizzo fortress. Further reflection soon led Longo to and the captains or commissioners Alvise Calbo

revise his initial estimate of the size of the and Giovanni Bondumier could be assured of

Turkish fleet: lives of ease either at Negroponte or in Istanbul, At first I judged it to be of 300 sail. Now I believe for the sultan new that rey coe veuboeote there are 400, divided in this way: 100 galleys, 150 Oo Venice it re had. hee vd. hh euch

fuste, two galleasses, a ship of 500 “tons” [bote J, and the charge. The offer had been made throug rest transports. The sea looked like a forest. It seems Mahmud Pasha and the renegade interpreter incredible to hear tell of it, but to see it is something Domenico Demunessi. The latter were told that stupendous! . . . Negroponte is in danger, and if it Venice had made the city her own; the contest falls, our whole state in the Levant will be lost as far would be over in ten or a dozen days; then

as Istria... .1° they would see who was to have the city. SpeakAfter his unsuccessful attempt on Skyros, INS through a subaltern, the bailie ened ms Mahmud Pasha rounded Capes Doro, Mantelo, refusal to give up the city to Sultan ve a and Karysto (on the southern end of the island with an insult that the sultan was not Ikely to of Negroponte), and sailed up the channel, forges: Fellyour ord to go and Le eats esh, taking the castle of Styra (Stura), which lay just a Wi h these « an d whe ai, at the a d th

across the strait from Marathon. On 15 June r he h CSE yb st » re Was Le » an ile

(1470) his fleet anchored within sight of ancient urkish cannon began battering the city wal's. Aulis in the bay of “Burchio” (the later Bourkos) Two thousand Turkish horse scoured the island, near the Negropontine Giudecca. The troops killing all Greeks and Latins over fifteen years of

aboard the galleys and transports were dis- “8° ve fecero schiavi h altri. According to the embarked in the cove of Millemoza, hard by the account given in Malipiero’s Annalt venet, 14,000

city of Negroponte. On the eighteenth the land ooo ean the Aan assay t upon tne we army, under Sultan Mehmed himself, arrived on , , "3 0 c v andd * 0 OO Ge ny hi 4 hack

the scene, and the long-awaited and long-feared Ph ee Juné val O hed ct th a vi d

siege began. Niccolo da Canale, the Venetian WiCD Came on July. On the day of the thir captain-general, who had been following the attack treachery was discovered within the beTurkish fleet (at a safe distance) with aimless waguered wails when an os natin revealed indecision, suddenly sailed off to Crete, where he tat “hy 500 fF . Ste hi © ue ae con ed

frightened the inhabitants almost to death, for tere wit oot under ls whe that » Inten ‘

they mistook his approach for that of Mahmud to betray the city to the Turks that very night. and the Turks.1!° ‘ The conspirators were promptly slain, and

Nevertheless, the defenders of Negroponte casos pody ae he by canging by the feet rejected Sultan Mehmed’s demand for surrender *‘'0™ the balcony of the pal we) palace.

(on 25 June). Giacomo Rizzardo, who was an The colonial government o Negroponte now eyewitness of the events he describes, says that Can or rwo lorine Fan f me me rain-genera the sultan offered the inhabitants of Negro- ~“@?4@© ™™P +t cat tm for me'p. Sine ot © ponte ten years’ exemption from allimposts, and ™essengers got safely through the Turkish lines; the other was captured, and was done to death

by impalement. The Turks launched their

0° Domenico Malipiero [as abridged by Francesco Longo], earth assault on “2 uly. It \, sare to nave cost Annali veneti dall’anno 1457 al 1500, in the Archivio storico © elm 5,000 casua lies, ‘so t at t e lord Turk, italiano, VII, pt. 1 (1843), 49-52, gives the text of Longo’s seeing that his forces were doing badly, sent

(undated) letter to his brothers Leonardo and Francesco word to all his domains that, leaving one

aon the tne others seth» 62 viz, [able-bodied] man in each household, all others 53: “I feudatari, che erano in la terra, tolsero le cose should come to help in this undertaking. preciose che haveano, le mogier e i fioli, e fuzirono ai Mehmed was not to need further reinforcecasali e ai monti. . . . [In Venice] si biasma el general che’l sia anda in Candia con l’armada, e che’l habbia lassa Negroponte assedia. . . .” Canale is said to have —=——-———— informed the Venetian government that when his armada "1. L. Fincati, “La Perdita di Negroponte (luglio 1470),” was increased in strength to “100 galleys, large and light, Archivio veneto, XXXII, pt. 2 (new ser., anno XVI, 1886),

together with ten ships, he would go to seek out the 292-93, and see Giacomo Rizzardo, La Presa di Negroponte Turkish fleet.” He spent three days in Candia for the fatta dai Turchi ai Veneziani nel MCCCCLXX, Venice, 1843,

recaulking of his galleys (zbid., p. 55). pp. 9-11 ¢&f, below, note 118).

302 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ments, for the Venetians were reaching the end recently arrived, and the 500 infantry under of their resistance. On 11 July, two hours before Tommaso Schiavo, there could not have been

dawn, the Turks began moving allthe manpower more than 4,000 persons of all ages and

aboard their fleet onto the shoreline of the little conditions in Negroponte during that memorable

bay of Burchio at the point where ten cannon July of 1470. Although the chronicles of had razed the walls of the Negropontine Bologna set the size of Mehmed’s land army at Giudecca. They filled the moats with “barrels full “300,000 persons,”?’* Fincati knew that “reduc-

of dead bodies” (botti piene di corpi morti). ing it to 20,000 would still be an exaggerated With the approach of darkness they began the figure and beyond what was needed.”"™ fifth and final attack, concentrating their strength Certainly Mehmed had troopers enough for a upon the landward walls, for in the area to the general massacre, once the Turks had got into east of the city they had room to muster their _ the city. Alvise Calbo fell fighting in the piazza.

forces. Giovanni Bondumier was slain in the house of “Those within could not resist,” as we learn Paolo Andreozzo, who lived to tell the tale. The from the account in Malipiero, “because they had _ bailie Paolo Erizzo had surrendered the castle

no relief force, and so on the morning of 12 built midway in the channel when Mahmud July, two hours after daybreak, the Turks Pasha and the interpreter Demunessi promised entered Negroponte.” The Venetians fought on him the safety of those who had taken refuge all day, however, from the piazza into the bar- behind its drawbridges. Mehmed, however, ricaded streets. They preferred to die “sword ordered their execution; their bodies were in hand in defense of their fatherland than to thrown into the channel. Erizzo was tied between

fall into the hands of the Turks.” Mehmed two boards and sawn in half. The Turkish

came into the devastated city on the fourteenth. conquest was complete. Mehmed ordered the “In the last assault 27,000 Turks were killed, return of his fleet to the Dardanelles, and shortly so that in five assaults 77,000 of them lost their after the middle of July he began his own lives. Of the Venetians, according to this report, return march to Istanbul by way of Thebes, 6,000 died in the city and on the island.”!” Thessaly, and Thessalonica. Canale kept track

Almost a century ago the Italian admiral of Mahmud Pasha’s return to Istanbul at the

Luigi Fincati, whose learning was relieved by same cautious distance as he had followed the common sense, estimated the population of the kapudan pasha to Negroponte. Mahmud recity of Negroponte (with its walled enclosure of | marked on the courtesy of the Venetian escort, sixteen hectares) at about 2,500 inhabitants. “e ben trattado dall’armada della Signoria.”!* Adding at the most some 300 refugees (for there were far better places on the island in which to 13 Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, in RISS, XVIHI, pt. 1, seek shelter from the Turks), plus 300 crossbow- vol. Iv, p. 391. Jacopo dalla Castellana (see below, note men from Crete, the 400 mercenaries who had 118) says that Mehmed came by land with 300,000 men, and that 60,000 had come aboard the Turkish fleet, “che volea dire CCCLX milia persone per mare e per terra.”

TTT Jacopo was in the city throughout the siege. 122 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VU-1, 114 Fincati, “La Perdita di Negroponte,” p. 291, and cf. 56-58; Rizzardo, La Presa di Negroponte, pp. 11-15, on the _ pp. 297-98. treachery of Tommaso Schiavo; cf. the Chronicon breve, ad 115 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1,

ann. 1470 (following Ducas, in Bonn corpus, pp. 521-22); 63-64. Gian Maria Angiolello, who became a slave and Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII (1733), cols. 1190-91; — servitor of the sultan when Negroponte was taken, reports Navagero, Storia veneziana, RISS, XXIII (1733), 1128-29; that on 13 July Mehmed ordered all the prisoners who wore

Stefano Magno, Estratti degli Annali veneti, ad ann. 1470, beards to be rounded up, and had them beheaded (Giovanni ed. Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes (1873, repr. 1966), pp. 206-7; Maria Angiolello, Historia turchesca [1300-1514], ed. Ion

Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, in the new Muratori, Ursu [who attributes the work to Donado da Lezze], RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. IV, pp. 390-93, a detailed Bucharest, 1909[1910], p. x). Angiolello, on whom see below, account in general but not in precise accord with that in note 118, also gives the itinerary of Mehmed’s return to

Malipiero. Istanbul. He was at Thebes on 28-29 July, 1470, went to

There is a notice concerning Tommaso Schiavo in the Athens on the twenty-ninth, and thereafter passed through Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Mar, Reg. 9, fol. 2%, and Livadia, Salona, (Amphissa), Boudonitza (on 1 August), many documents relating to the Turkish problem and its Zeitounion (Lamia), Neopatras (Hypate), Domokos (on 3 perils are to be found in this register, especially fols. 8°, August), Larissa, Platamona (on the ninth), Thessalonica 21%, 30%, 34”, 36%, 40, 45” (doc. dated 4 June, 1470, on (on the eleventh), Serres (on the thirteenth), Kavalla (on the Turkish preparations ad oppugnationem Nigropontis), the sixteenth), and Demotica (on the twenty-second), 49° (also on Negroponte), 66°, 67%, 72', 73", 78%, 89", 94°, reaching Istanbul on 5 September (¢f- Babinger, Maometto docs. dated 1469-1471. [1957], pp. 418-20).

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 303 About the time the last attack was getting ing his command to his successor Pietro under way (on 11 July) Niccolo da Canale had Mocenigo, however, Canale actually did make an suddenly appeared in the channel of Talanda, ill-planned and rather costly attempt to retake having rounded the northern end of the island. Negroponte. His attacking force was cut to pieces

By coming this way he had added two days to by Turkish cavalry. Failure was inevitable, his voyage from Crete, and he had avoided partly because, as Malipiero says, “no one in the contact with the Turkish fleet, which was in the armada gave them any help.”!® channel to the south of the (no longer existent) In the fall of Negroponte, Venice had suffered mid-stream castle of Negroponte. Canale’s route almost her worst loss of the entire fifteenth suggests timidity rather than tactics. Had he century. The city had been, after Crete, her chief attacked and destroyed the Turkish bridge of naval station in the Aegean. The Turks quickly

boats linking the island of Negroponte to the acquired the rest of the island, and Omar Beg mainland, he might conceivably have broken the returned to the Morea, allegedly with 25,000 siege. He is said to have come with fifty-two troops. Vostitza, the modern Aigaion (Aegium),

galleys, a galia grossa, and eighteen “ships” soon surrendered to the Turks. When the

(nave), but to have decided to await the rein- commandant and the garrison in the town of forcement of his fleet before bringing relief to Kalamata had abandoned the fortress, Giacomo Negroponte."® By the next day it was too late. Marcello, the provveditore, ordered the crew of Making the gesture of an attack upon the _ his galley to burn the place, lest the Turks seize Turkish bridge of boats, he withdrew in despair, it and hold it against the Venetians."? One

and the fate of Negroponte was sealed. piece of bad news after another reached Venice

Niccolo da Canale was a doctor of laws, more that summer. And Malipiero sadly observed, given to books than to battles. His election tothe “Now it does indeed seem that the greatness captaincy-general had been the Senate’s mistake. of Venice has been brought down, and our pride If Canale was a failure in the high command, his has been swept away.”!”° galley commanders (sopracomiti) were also a sad }~=—_————

lot. As the Senate presently acknowledged, ¢- Fincati, “La Perdita di Negroponte,” pp. 300-1, who corrupti on was rife in the Venetian naval forces. refers to this text (with a wrong archival reference). The galley commanders entered on the enroll- "8 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VI1-1,

. . perché nessun dell’armata no ghe adava ment; 64: lists“.the names of men who never served. . ; - :favor, . e cosi l’assalto € reussido vano.” On the Turkish capture Many of them had even become surreptitious — of Negroponte, see also Filippo Luigi Polidori, “Due Ritmi

merchants, carrying goods for sale from port to. e una narrazione in prosa di autori contemporanei

. + el Veneziani ne ,”’ in the Archivio storico

port contrary to Venetian law and custom. When intorno alla presa Ce eBroponte fatta dat Pare a danno it ele to recruiting Crossbowmen, they took on italiano, app. to vol. IX (1853), pp. 397-440, who gives the coo S; vintners, an servants (. . . circa ; ai texts of two poems, Il Pranto de Negroponte, ibid., pp. 403-8, listartos in quorum numero scriptos esse intelleximus and La Persa di Nigroponte, pp. 409-32, as well as the choquos, canipar 10S, famutlos).""" Before surrender- account (in prose) of Fra Jacopo dalla Castellana, Perdita di Negroponte, pp. 433-40. Jacopo was an eyewitness (cf. pp.

—_—— 439, 440). He adds many interesting details to the account in "6 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1, Malipiero, and also makes various absurd statements. 55; Rizzardo, La Presa di Negroponte, pp. 18 ff. Canale Another eyewitness, Giacomo Rizzardo, La Presa di Negro-

had left Candia in Crete on 25 June. According to the ponte, ed. Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, Venice, 1844, has Corpus chronicorum bononiensium, in RISS, XVIII, pt. 1, vol. left us a more substantial account. Gian Maria Angiolello

IV, p. 393b, there were forty-five galleys and seven large of Vicenza, who lost his brother in the siege, was himself

~ ships in the Venetian armada upon Canale’s arrival at captured, and survived to write the valuable Historia Negroponte, but he feared too close an approach to the — turchesca, ed. I. Ursu (1909), in which note pp. 35-37,

Turks “per Pimpeto delle bonbarde.” 158, on Negroponte (see Fr. Babinger, “Angiolello,” in

"7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 130% [134%], from the the Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 111 [Rome, 1961], commission of Pietro Mocenigo, who was appointed to 275-78). See above, Chapter 3, note 54. succeed Canale as captain-general of the sea on 30 August, Besides the excellent article by Fincati, “La Perdita di 1470: “. . . Certificati sumus magnam partem supraco- Negroponte,” Arch. veneto, XXXII (1886), 267-307, shorter mitorum nostrorum fraudare non solum homines suos multis accounts of the Turkish occupation of Negroponte may modis, sed etiam dominium nostrum et multos continue be found in Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. tenere homines scriptos quire vera non serviunt. Mandamus 470-79; Iorga [Jorga], Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 (1909),

tibi efficaciter et expresse ut ad huiusmodi perniciosam 147-49; H. Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, 11 (1920, repr. et periculosam corruptellam et latrocinium occulos dirrigas 1964), 377-78, 635; and Babinger, Maometto (1957), et omnem adhibeas diligentiam ne fiat. Et si quem per pp. 411-19. huiusmodi modum fraudantem inveneris, punias accerrime, 19 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII—1, 65.

depone et priva si tibi videbitur supracomitaria . . . ,” and 2° Thid., pp. 58-59.

304 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On 18 August (1470) the Senate sent the England and Spain.” These requests were met Venetian envoys at the Curia Romana a descrip- with assurances at the Curia,’ but there was tion of the fall of Negroponte, based upon a_ little that Paul II could do to assist Venice or to

letter of 18 July from the captain-general impede the Turks. Canale as well as upon other letters from The Venetian diplomatic correspondence, like various galley commanders, who ali wrote tothe that of most states in the Quattrocento, is same sad effect. The terrific impact of Turkish usually couched in religious terms. ‘The Ottoman cannon balls had almost leveled to the ground _ sultan is crudelissimus or immanissimus Christiant

the thick walls and heavy ravelins of the city. nominis hostis, and there are frequent references After numerous fierce encounters of the de-_ to the respublica Christiana and to fides Catholica fenders with the Turks, the captain-general had servanda. The Venetians looked upon themselves

approached the city with the larger part of the (however reluctantly) as the defenders of fleet, with the intention of destroying a bridge Christianity against Islam, and so they were.

which the Turks had built across the upper end Whenever they could, they tried to avoid warof the Euboeote canal (in parte superiori canalis). fare, but in war as in business they wanted not The Turkish response was immediate. Before to lose. Victory might produce a profit; defeat dawn on 11 July the opposing sides entered always entailed a loss.

a “prelium .. . generale et omnium atrocissi- The captain-general Canale, though he had mum .. . ,quod pertinacissime et audacissime served Venice well as a diplomat, was a loser, utrimque pugnantibus per diem illum totum et and he had certainly proved himself to be a in sequentem noctem duravit.” There was no timid and inept commander. Many members of defeating, no resisting the Turks, whose man-_ the Senate now wanted to elect a new captainpower had been assembled from every province general of the sea immediately as well as two in the Ottoman empire, near and far. They had provveditori to serve with him.’”*? Within less 150,000 men, according to the Senate, and their than two weeks it was done. Pietro Mocenigo strength increased with every passing hour was chosen to succeed Canale (on 30 August); as new arrivals enlarged their numbers. The his ducal commission instructed him to hasten Venetian and Negropontine defenders of the to take over his command. Marino Malipiero city were killed, wounded, and exhausted and Lodovico Bembo were to go with him as beyond endurance. The Turks finally surged “provveditori, companions, and counsellors,” over the battered walls and bulwarks about the and“inhac . . . celerinavigatione,” which they first hour of the day, on the twelfth. Men, were to undertake on such short notice, they women, and children above ten years of age were were to stop off at Corfu, Modon, and Coron slaughtered. It was not a bloodless victory for to encourage by their presence and counsel the the Turks, however, for many of them were officials and subjects of the Republic, in whom killed, and the Venetian cannon sank their the loss of Negroponte had inspired obvious galleys and set them afire. The miserable end _ terror.’

of Christian Negroponte, according to the From his boyhood in Venice, Paul II had Senate, would prove the beginning of still always understood the importance of Negro-

greater ills for Christendom. ponte to the Republic. As pope he realized only

The Venetian envoys at the Curia were in- too well the significance of its loss to Christenstructed to stress the gravity of the situation to dom. Between 14 and 18 September, 1470, he Paul II, who was after all a Venetian. Not only wrote to the marquises Lodovico Gonzaga of

the shores of Italy but those of the whole

Mediterranean were now exposed to attack since =———_ the Christian stronghold of Negroponte had _ ™ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 127"—128* [131*—132"]: been lost to the enemy. Nuncios and legates ~~ - -, Sedanda sunt aut interim dimittenda negotia Boemie ut . huic incomparabiliter maiori incendio provideri possit. . . . should be sent to the emperor, the king of Gp pid, fols. 138", 159°, and 172° [142", 163%, 176°]. Hungary, the king of Poland, and other princes 122 Ibid., Reg. 24, fols. 129-130" [133%~134"].

on the eastern front who could launch an attack '3Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 127° [131"], dated 18

commode et valde upon the Turks. The problems Avg, 7; Quan negligent cvs sie in Bohemia must be set aside for a while. The 70.4 Nigropontis omnibus iam palam est.” pope should also send legates to the king of 124 Thid., Reg. 24, fols. 130-31, 135%, 137 [134-35,

France, the duke of Burgundy, “and even to 139”, 141].

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 305 Mantua and Guglielmo Paleologo of Montferrat, The Florentines and King Ferrante of Naples as well as to King John II of Aragon-Catalonia — had already sent their envoys to the Curia. The and Dukes Borso d’Este of Modena (Ferrara)and Milanese “orator” was expected shortly. But just Amadeo IX of Savoy. The recipients of his briefs when Italy needed peace so badly, it seemed as had doubtless learned, he stated, of the frightful though war might lie ahead. The Florentine and progress of Sultan Mehmed II, who had stormed Neapolitan envoys had informed Paul II that the the fine city of Negroponte by land and sea with Venetian government had recently decided to an overpowering armament and with the ghastly alter the course of the Mincio and deflect its cruelty to be expected of his inborn ferocity. waters into another channel. Lodovico Gonzaga, Mehmed wanted and was working for nothing marquis of Mantua, and Galeazzo Maria Sforza,

else than the utter extinction of the Christian duke of Milan, were highly exercised by the name by every barbarity of which he was capable. Venetian proposal, which (as Paul informed the He was striving not only for the subjugation of Doge Cristoforo Moro on 17 September) could

the lands of his Christian neighbors, but also for hardly have come at a worse time. As the

the conquest and ruination of Italy, provinciarum Venetians ought to know, the respublica Christiana nobilissima. The peril was tormenting Paul, as he had probably not been in such parlous need of

wrote the princes, “beyond all belief” (supra peace and co-operation for a thousand years. quam credibile res sit ipsa). All the Italian states Paul beseeched the doge and the Signoria, must unite in opposition to the enemy, and then _ therefore, if the report of their designs upon the

the other Christian powers would help them. Mincio was true, to lay aside all thought of the Various Italian ambassadors had already come __ project and to aid the Curia in establishing in to Rome in this connection. Paul was awaiting Italy such a peace as would make it possible to the others with vast impatience, and heimplored ward off the danger and to preserve the “pristine

those to whom his briefs were addressed majesty” of Christendom.'”®

; ;immediately ; Venice obviously had more serious concerns that upon reading present letter you :; than thethe alteration of the course of the Mincio.

send us . . . as your envoy an upright, God-fearing H na the L h d man, who is bent upon preserving the Christian er commerce in the Levant was threatened.

commonwealth, with ample authority to negotiateand_ In a letter of 8 October, 1470, to Charles the conclude a general league in Italy, for as the Italian Bold, the duke of Burgundy, the Senate dwelt failure to reach an accord feeds the Turkish tyrant’s again on the magnitudo et atrocitas of Sultan audacity and encourages his advance, just so will all Mehmed’s occupation of Negroponte, which was

his courage be dispelled when he learns that the (they said) one more step toward his invasion armed might of the Italians has been conjoined by and destruction of all the Christian islands in the common agreement. . . . Beloved sons, there must

be no delay, because our enemy, who seems to desire 126

nothing more than the bloody extermination of all b Arch Segr. Vaticano, arm, XIX, tom. 12, fol. 3, Christendom, [is] already at our throats, grows y mod. stamped enumeration. This register contains two

tronger every day. and fresh from the victory he has briefs, also dated 17 September, 1470, to Duke Galeazzo

‘ ad, d Phe,isystrengthened Gay, “a hi y Maria, urging caution and the maintenance of peace in Italy in his resolve, sO that every despite the Venetians’ alleged intention to deflect the course

slightest delay affords him the opportunity for our of the Mincio. Paul informed the duke that he had written to

common destruction. . . .!2° the Venetians “hortando et monendo,” and hoped that the

allegation would prove groundless (zbid., fols. 3’—4"). The TO important problem facing Christendom was the Turkish #25 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12 [Liber advance, and the Italian powers must unite to meet the

brevium de Curia anni septimi D. Pauli papae II), fol. -2, _ peril: “Ita enim expedit pro gloria salvatoris nostri ampli-

by mod. stamped enumeration, “datum Rome apud_ anda, pro liberanda republica Christiana, pro victoria Sanctum Petrum, etc., die XVIII Septembris 1470, [ponti- _fidelium consequenda, proque insania perfidissimi inimici

ficatus nostri] anno septimo.” The original of the brief sent. nominis Turchi comprimenda: non decet nobilitatem to Lodovico Gonzaga, “datum Rome apud Sanctum tuam tam sanctum et tam necessarium et pium ac comPetrum sub annulo piscatoris die XIIII Septembris, mune opus perturbare, quod omnes Catholici principes MCCCCLXX, pontificatus nostri anno septimo,” is preserved summopere affectant: plura enim scribenda essent in in the Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta hanc rem. . .” (fol. 4"): “Quanto magis id nunc facere 834. The Mantuan copy of this brief may be found, zbid., debemus et tenemur quoniam Turchum communem hostem Busta 85, B. XXXIII, no. 13, fols. 23’-24', where it is immanissimum ad Italiam subiugandam suo nefandissimo dated 18 September, together with Lodovico Gonzaga’s imperio festinare videamus ut illa subacta ceteras Christianireply dated 16 October, indicating that a Mantuan embassy _tatis nationes subiugare posset . . .” (fol. 4%). On Paul II’s was being sent to Rome to discuss the proposed league concern with the Turkish problem, see, ibid., fols. 12",

against the Turks. 77*°—78', 78%, 87%, 88, 90°-91", 101, 106, et alibi.

306 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT eastern Mediterranean.'*” The Senate was On the same day (16 October, 1470) the Senate especially worried about Crete, que est caput status approved a second letter to the Venetian nostri Levantis,'*® the chief depot in transit for ambassadors at the Curia, directing them to warn the Republic’s trade with Egypt and Syria. Peace Paul II that the peninsular peace must be conwas more important, at least for the time being, firmed and the Italian league renewed. An exthan the Mincio, for Venice needed freedom _ pedition against the Turks would require more

from strife in Italy to employ her resources time and preparation than present circumstances

against the Turks in the East. would seem to allow. The weeks were flying by,

On 16 October (1470), however, the Senate and unless a fleet was ready by the following could report an interesting development to their summer, of such size and strength as to match

ambassadors at the Curia Romana: the enemy’s forces, one could only fear for the

Two;envoys future of into Italy.°° The have come our presence these Venetians past. dentifvine theirwere lot in the forever L t with th I.

days from the most illustrious ladies Maria [Sultana ! enutying their fot in the “evant wl © WE Mara], stepmother of the lord Turk, and Catherine, being of Italy. Although the Curia generally widow of the late magnificent count of Cilli [Ulrich, agreed with them, the other states in the who was slain by the Hungarians at a conference in peninsula did not. The Senate was not entirely the fortress of Belgrade in November, 1456]. Both wrong, however, for Mehmed II did entertain are daughters of the late most illustrious lord despot designs upon Italy, as the events of a decade later of Serbia [George Brankovic, d. 1456]. The envoys were to show. In the meantime suspicions and

stated on behalf of both ladies that, before the Turk hostilities continued so to confound relations moved against Negroponte, they tried on their own among the Italian states that in late October both Ine to induce him to make peace with us, for (1.479) Paul II stated that, if conditions in the th ladies are Christians, and are well disposed , la b tolerable for the Holy S toward Christians and especially toward us. The Turk peninsula became intolerable tor the w121 ce had replied to them that it was the wrong time for he would leave Italy and go to Avignon! such a peace, because of the vast expense he had Despite the Venetian Senate’s distrust of the incurred and the preparations he had made for the Turk, by the end of November (1470) two campaign on which he had decided to embark. envoys, Niccolo Cocco and Francesco Capello, After the storming of Negroponte, however, the having been duly elected, were preparing to

ladies again of their own accord had tried to leave for the Porte in response to the embassy

persuade the aforesaid Turk to make peace. He has of the Serbian princesses. According to their informed them that, if we send someone to him for instructions, they were to go by way of Corfu,

the negotiations, he will be ready to reach h: ; on: . where they would await theira settlement safe-conduct

with us. He was willing and has authorized that the Turkish territ Fr Cortor aforesaid envoys come to us at Venice and inquire passport to enter *urkish territory. from Gortu

of our wishes, offering a safe-conduct in case we they should proceed to Istanbul by land or sea, should decide to send someone to him and to come __ 48 indicated by the text of their passport. ‘They

to an agreement with him. We have made our reply were to explain to the sultan “that although to the said envoys, as you will see from the enclosed fortune, in whose grasp lies the determination copy [of our text], and our desire and instructions to of all human affairs, has allowed that we should you are that you communicate all this to his Holiness, have been drawn into war with his Excellency,

the supreme pontiff. . . . _ , nevertheless our intention has always been and

Add also that we understand very well that this is ig sincerely to live at peace with his Excellency, one of the usual cunning tricks of the Turk,in whom, Wwe have done for many generations with his

we believe that absolutely no trust should be placed, ll . foreb Hy bl d for he yearns for the destruction of our faith and most lustrious forebears. onorabe ane ap-

religion. Considering the present state of affairs, how- | Propriate terms of peace could simply be “that ever, it has seemed best to us to play his own game __€ach should hold and possess what he holds and

of pretense [secum dissimulare] and to go along with possesses at present... ,° and the peace

him... .179 should include “all the lords of the Aegean archipelago as well as the most serene king of

127 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 145" [149], and cf. the letter Cyprus; the most reverend lord, the grand of 11 October to Louis XI of France, ibid., fols. 146’—147" =—§——————

{150%—151"]. and for the embassy of the Serbian princesses, see Malipiero, 128 Thid., Reg. 24, fol. 149° [153°]. Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1, 67.

129Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 150 [154], doc. dated 130 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 150° [154"]. 16 October, 1470, and cf, ibid., fol. 148° [152']. On the 131 Ibid., Reg. 24, fol. 156" [160°], doc. dated 3 November, circumstances leading to the death of Count Ulrich of 1470: “. . . suammo pontifice dicente .. . se Italiam deCilli, see F. G. Heymann, George of Bohemia (1965), pp. 130-35, — serturum et concessurum Avinionem. .. .”

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 307 master of Rhodes, with the Order [of the on 20 February (1471), Paul wrote again, comHospitallers]; and the most illustrious lord of plaining of the doge’s failure to answer his S. Maura.”!82 Peace would be doubly welcome, previous letter. He was grieved and astonished

for reports from all the Venetian territories in at the doge’s silence. Having now a fuller the Levant foretold a serious shortage of grain, knowledge of the facts, Paul was more convinced

which carried with it the threat of famine.’ than ever of Canale’s innocence of negligence Upon his return to Venice, Niccolo da Canale _ or of any other adjudicable failing. He renewed

had been brought to trial by the “advocates his plea for Canale’s release, and hoped this time of the commune.” He was charged with the for a speedy reply to his letter.’*° His efforts failure to make a serious attempt to aid were unavailing. Canale died in his Friulan exile. Negroponte and then, when the city had clearly By the standard of the times Canale’s punish-

been lost, with the fatuous effort to recover ment was hardly severe. Mehmed II was as it, “mettendo in evidentissimo periculo tanto likely as not to execute an incompetent or

numero de valenti huomini cum tuta larmada_ unsuccessful commander. Venice might well a lui commessa.” He was found guilty, and have yielded to Paul II’s solicitous regard for

sentenced to exile and confinement at Porto- Canale, however, for the Italian peace the Senate gruaro in Friuli.’** Six or seven weeks after had been pleading for throughout the past year Canale’s trial, his friend Paul II intervened on and longer had finally been confirmed. As Paul his behalf (on 24 December, 1470), urging the wrote the papal governor of Bologna on 24 Doge Cristoforo Moro and the Senate to rescind December (1470), te measures taken rile um bl the grounds by the grace of the Holy Spirit on the twenty-second OF AUS past services tO « as epunic oth 1 is day of the present month . . . we have concluded, devotion to the Holy See." ‘I'wo months later, renewed, blessed, and entered into a league of all the powers in Italy, placing our hope in the Lord that 132 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fols. 164%— 166" [168*—170"], doc. from this confederation, union, and league there

dated 27 and 29 November, 1470:“. . . Diximusvobis ... Will come an expedition against [the Turk], the ut ex Corphoo ad Portam accedatis sive per terram sive per Monstrous common enemy of the Christian faith, mare prout fueritis per salvumconductum assecurati.... so that this great peril and crisis may be met by [The envoys’ instructions provided:] quod . . . exponere combining our strength.1%”

debeant quod licet fortuna, in cuius potestate rerum ;

humanarum omnium conditiones posite sunt, permiserit ut The peace of Lodi (of 1454) had been re-

cum illius Excellentia ad bellum devenerimus, intentio tamen stored, the so-called Italian league revived. The nostra semper fuit et est cum illius Excellentiain pace sincero. yews reached Venice quickly. Paul II was talking

animo vivere quemadmodum cum illustrissimis illus f diti ‘nst the Turk. but Niccole maioribus per multa secula viximus. . .. Et si vobis Of an expealion agains € turk, DUE INICCOIO

responderetur ut vos illius [pacis] conditiones proponeretis, Cocco and Francesco Capello were on the road dicetis nobis honestum conveniensque videri prodiuturnitate to Istanbul to make peace with the Porte if they

stabilitateque pacis ipsius . . . quod ete teneat pos- could. The Senate approved new instructions, sideatque que ad presens tenet et possidet....In qua oon+ as usual in the doge’s name, to “our quidem pace adherentes colligati et commendati he telling Turk.”them tell;(on h 92 January, nostri soliti, hocincludantur est omnes domini Egeopelagi ultra orators to the Turk,” quos includantur quoque serenissimus rex Cypri, reveren- 1471)

dissimus dominus magnus magister Rhodi cum illa Religione, . , fol. 185 [189]. of Rome we have been informed that on the twenty-

illustrissimus dominus Sancte Maure....” Cf, ibid, °* °° how by letters from our ambassadors in the city

es. oe ee ° ;

133 Sen. Mar, Reg. 9, fol. 73", doc. dated 7 December, second of this past-December, with divine assistance,

1470: “Quante importantie sit res frumentaria statui Pope Nicholas V’s general league of Italy has been nostro maritimo in hoc ardenti bello Turcorum nemo est restored ... and reshaped—between the supreme qui non intelligat. Nam ab universis nostris civitatibus pontiff and all the other Italian powers—a developcase in illip peturiam francnt nuntiant maximam futuram ment which we have all yearned for, and‘ one

134 Fincati, “Perdita di Negroponte,” pp. 305-7. certainly most advantageous for the affairs of

5 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols. 62’— 63°: “Dilecto filto nobili viro Cristoforo Mauro Venetiarum = ——————— duci: Nigropontis expugnatio cum a nobis non sine ingenti 136 Thid., fols. 99%— 100".

dolore primo audita fuit, paucis post diebus, accepimus te et 1387 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fol. 61%

nobilem istum Senatum tuum statuisse ut dilectus filius by mod. stamped enumeration. A similar notice was sent to Nicolaus de Canali, qui maritime classi tue preerat cuique the governors of all the other papal cities. Cf. also Paul’s ob rem tandem infeliciter gestam id factum vitio potissimum __ brief letter to the Doge Cristoforo Moro in Venice, “datum

dari videbatur, publico decreto in vincula coniectus ad vos Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, die II Januarii, 1471,

usque deveheretur. . . .” [pontificatus nostri] anno VII” (zbid., fols. 66’—67").

308 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Christendom. Since, as you see, after your departure Canina-and Valona, which was a sure sign (in [from Venice] things have changed, it is necessary the Senate’s opinion at least) that a Turkish for us to hold off a while on our decision [deliberatio), armada would soon be leaving Istanbul.” and therefore it is our desire and that of the Senate In the meantime. although Paul II had been

and our instructions to you that, if upon your doing his lit b t ° Ip the Venet;

receipt of the present letter you have not left Corfu COS TUS NHerary est to help the Veneuans, and have not begun your journey to betake your- they thought he was capable of larger financial selves into the presence of the lord Turk, as we €Xertions on their behalf. Paul was, neverthe-

believe it reasonable to suppose, you are to stop and ___ less, doing something. On 18 January, 1471, he

delay your departure until we write you otherwise. | wrote Elias de Bourdeilles, the archbishop of If a messenger has arrived with a safe-conduct, you ‘Tours, that the latter’s epistle of the preceding will excuse yourselves, either owing to the late arrival 17 October had been enormously encouraging, of the safe-conduct itself, on which account it would be wholly concerned as it was “circa reprimendam necessary for you to write us and await our answer, OF ~+abiem ac vexonias furias Turchorum.” Upon owing to the feigned illness of either one of you—or, ceiving the news of the catastrophe of Negrofinally, you might entertain doubt concerning some t Ry lhad d ‘bed its att P dant h article in the aforesaid safe-conduct, expressing your PODE, 1 AU NAG CEscHwped WS attendant NOFrors

doubt in courteous and diplomatic terms. If by chance, and outlined his fears for the future to his

however, you have already left Corfu, so that this letter venerable brother of Tours and other members has overtaken you along the way, we wish... that, of the episcopate. In his turn Elias had apparently when you find yourselves in the presence of the lord organized processions to implore the mercy of Turk, you try to negotiate a peace with his Excellency the Almighty and to move Louis XI to take

with that stipulation and condition which we have action against the Turkish dragon, for the

nothing further. .. . 7 :

included in your commission, namely that each of us_ salvation of Christendom. Indeed, Elias had show retain what he possesses at present and acquire jade a direct and public appeal to his Majesty

If the lord Turk should be unwilling [to accede efore q custinguisned gathering, wich had to this], however, state our position in such terms include the king s contessor Jean oc art, the as to keep his Excellency from making a decision, bishop of Avranches, and Louis had in fact (as being quite careful to assert the necessity of writing to Elias had written on 17 October) proposed to

us. In other ways-and by appropriate means you take up arms “pro defensione ac salute populi will be able to learn his ultimate requirements so Christiani.” Nothing could become his royal that these negotiations for peace may not be given Majesty more, Paul now wrote, than to undertake up entirely. You will keep us informed by rapid a crusade which would win him immortal merit

post.'*° in heaven and abiding glory on earth. Paul There was some feeling in the Senate that wanted Elias to continue his pressure on Louis Cocco and Capello should proceed to the Porte, *! to embark upon the sacred enterprise, and whatever the point at which a letter might ¢clared himself willing (in the usual words) to reach them, but proponents of this view ap- shed his own blood and to give his own life “if it parently could not muster votes enough to secure Should prove necessary,” but, alas, “the Turkish

the passage of their motion.® On 22 March ™onster grows larger from hour to hour before

(1471) the Senate informed Vettore Soranzo, OUT YETY eyes. - - . .

their ambassador in Naples, that the Florentines On the whole the Venetians found Paul II’s had suddenly raised wholly unexpected objec- forts to prosecute the war against Mehmed II

tions to “subscribing to the instrument of inadequate and his financial provisions un-

renewal of the general league.” Thus peace in worthy of the vicar of Christ, who seemed to Italy seemed likely to be jeopardized at pre- them to be deserting the Christian cause and cisely the ttme when Mehmed II was summoning

to. Istanbul all available horse and foot from = —

140 Tbid., Reg. 25, fols. 7’—8' [16’—17"], with a similar letter OO to Antonio Priuli, the Venetian envoy in Florence (ibid., 138 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 174° [178°], doc. dated fol. 8, and cf. fols. 9, 117 [18, 20°]).

2 January, 1471, with the upright cross in the left-hand 1 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols.

margin of the register, indicating that the Senate approved 67%-—68':“. . . Crescit illud Turchorum monstrum in horas both the text of the letter and its dispatch to Cocco and ante oculos, atque utinam Itali sufficerent ad resistendum:

Capello. faciemus autem favente Altissimo pro viribus quod po139 Thid., Reg. 24, fols. 176’—177' [180%-181'], docs. dated terimus. . . . Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum [die] 15, 16, and 23 January, 1471. XVIII Januarii, 1471, [pontificatus nostri] anno septimo.”

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 309 exposing his flock to the approaching wolf.’ at its set price in the duchy of Burgundy and They shared the merchant mentality, Paul and its dependencies. Paul feared that such delay his compatriots. While they deplored the losses would be damaging to the projected crusade.'*® they were sustaining in the war with the Turks, One was less concerned about the crusade in

he deplored the expenditure of his resources Flanders than in Italy.

on the war. The Senate tried by unending The Scottish bishops, being even farther repetition to convince Paul that the sultan was removed from the Turkish menace, apparently an indescribable peril to Italy and to Christen- showed little enthusiasm for the crusade and dom, and that, if Venice did not soon receive shied away from the costs. In January (1471)

large help from the Holy See and the other one of their number was threatened with exItalian powers, she could not possibly hold her communication for his failure to transmit to the own in the unequal contest.'** In fact the Senate Camera Apostolica “certain sums of money” now wanted, as a minimum from the pope, the which had been collected in accordance with Pius immediate grant of 50,000 ducats without strings II’s bulla cruciate. Paul demanded immediate attached and, in addition, all the revenues accru- _ satisfaction of the bishop’s debt to the Camera, ing to the Holy See from the alum mines at “because our faith is in the direst peril.”'*7

Tolfa. Although instead of waiting for the pro- One felt the peril in the Levant. After the ceeds from the sale of alum, they would prefer Turkish seizure and sack of Negroponte fear a specified sum of money, “which would be had entered every Christian household in the better for us as being more certain and expedi- Aegean, making its way also into the palace tious, and although this entire amount [the of the grand master and the auberges of the 50,000 ducats plus the income from the sale of Knights at Rhodes. A letter of Paul II to the alum] is not that which the magnitude of the Grand Master Giovanni Battista Orsini and the problem requires, as we have often stated, Convent, dated 20 January (1471), gives us a nevertheless it is prudent to want the things we glimpse into conditions on the island: can [get] sue we cannot [get] the things we We have received your letter . .., and gathered want. . . . Actually Paul had already made clearly enough that you are doubtful and appre-

the requested aluminum donatio, but there was hensive about the city of Rhodes because of the power such disagreement as to the price and manner of and increasing impetus of the terrible Turks. Cersale that the grant did the Venetians little good, tainly we must fear, but not so as to cease the and their remonstrances and complaints con- _ search for aid and remedies. Not at all. We shall have

tinued.!* to move with greater care and speed. Do not fail During 1470-1471 Paul II had occasion more yourselves [nolite vobis ipsis deesse], but take heart.

than once to remind Charles the Bold of We are managing, along with the Italian and other

Burgundy of the papal assignment to the Chrisian powers, to rare suc steps .. a will crusade of the profits from the alum mines at help th t rin lyou ear]. We shall a ve

Tolfa. Although Charles had made an agree¢ Ik Heat a abilice tag we neunderstand eo nae ullest extent of our ability. But since ment with the pope (on 5 May, 1468) that only

alum belonging to the Holy See would be

allowed into his dominions, two years had passed —_—u6 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fol. 17°, dated 18 October,

since this commitment was made. Now there 1470: “. . . Novit Excellentia tua nos dedicasse ipsum seemed to be some further postponement in alumen sancte cruciate et tuitioni fidei orthodoxe: novit the offing before the papal alum could be sold 7£™m, urchis ut putamus, pericula infidelibus quotidiequam magnagrévia immineant. . . .”ab Cf., ibid., fols. 32%—33', a letter dated 2 November, 1470, to the abbot 1 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 24, fol. 177" [181], dated 23 January, of S. Giorgio in Venice: “. . . totum alumen nostrum . . . 1471 (Ven. style 1470), the Senate to the Venetian envoys pro expeditione contra Turchos,” and note fol. 100, letter

at the Curia Romana. dated 18 February, 1471, again to Charles the Bold, and

483 Ibid., fols. 178¥-179" [182%-183"], doc. dated 25 esp. fol. 102", on the pope’s annoyance with the delays January, 1471: “. . . Sed nisi ab Sanctitate summi pontificis in the sale of Tolfan alum in Charles’s territories. See in reliquisque Italicis potentatibus adiuvemur, impossibile est | general Adolf Gottlob, Aus der Camera Apostolica des 15. ut tantum sustineamus impetum.” Cf, ibid., fols. 181° [185"], Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck, 1889, esp. pp. 287 ff., and Raymond

182” [186%], and Reg. 25, fol. 20° [29°]. de Roover, The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank (13974 Ibid., Reg. 24, fol. 184° [188'], dated 13 February, 1494), New York, 1966, pp. 154—58 and ff., with the notes,

1471, to the Venetian envoys at the Curia. ibid., pp. 438 ff.

45 Ibid., Reg. 25, fol. 1% [10%], dated 2 March, 1471, “7 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fol. 88, “datum [Rome apud

“oratoribus nostris in Romana Curia.” Sanctum Marcum die V Januarii, 1471, anno septimo].”

310 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that the towers of [Fort] S. Nicholas, of the Harbor, ments or to fear. In steadfastness he would find and of the Mole are not being so well and diligently salvation as well as security. !49

guarded as they should be, and that, furthermore, Since by 28 February, 1471, the Turkish safethe city has not been well fortified along the moats, conduct for Cocco and Capello had not yet we have wanted to warn you to take every precaution j4,-hed them in Corfu, as far as was known in against negligence and too little concern in this Ven; envoys to return home, for it would be unbe-

matter... enice, on | March the Senate wrote the two

Paul ordered that the towers be put under coming to the dignity of the Republic for them a vigilant system of watch and ward, sub to wait any longer.’*® Since the remote chance diurna ac nocturna custodia, and that stores of of getting out of the war by negotiation now munitions be gathered against an emergency. seemed unlikely of fulfillment, the Senate took The fortifications were to be strengthened along much interest in the arrival of another embassy the moats, “and there must be no delay here, from Uzun Hasan, whose envoy dilated on his

but haste!’’!#8 master’s power and desire to proceed against the The defenses of Rhodes would be built up Turk, in which noble enterprise, needless to under Orsini’s renowned successor Pierre _ say, he received the enthusiastic encouragement d’Aubusson, and they would be needed, but of the Senate.**’ But shortly before 11 March the

the Knights still had a decade to prepare news came from Corfu that the Turkish safefor the great assault which already seemed conduct had finally arrived, and that Cocco and inevitable. In the meantime Paul II continued Capello had set out for the Porte. The Venetian to write letters of hopeful assurance to whom- envoys in Rome and Naples, however, were ever he could find in conflict with the Turks. On instructed to inform both the pope and King 10 February (1471), for example, he encouraged Ferrante that the Senate intended to press on the Albanian chieftain John Balsichi to continue with all vigor and vigilance the organization of in his resistance to the infidel oppressor and in _ their fleet for an expedition against the Turk,’ his devotion to the Christian faith. John should whose own preparations for a renewed assault not be deterred in his opposition to the sultan upon the Christian strongholds in the Levant because of the proximity of the Turks to his were nearing completion.’ homeland. It was to be hoped, indeed expected, The gathering clouds did not preclude all that God would not allow Christendom to live hope of sunshine. Paul II wanted to believe that much longer “in this persecution, tribulation, something worthwhile might even come of the and fear, but [that] he will soon free us from Emperor Frederick III’s personal attendance at the clutches of this dragon, crush him, and _ a diet he was summoning to meet in Regensburg confound him by his power.” An alliance had on 8S. George's day (23 April, 1471). Frederick been formed throughout Italy (universalis liga Italie) in order to organize an expedition against “9 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols. 95°-96', “datum Rome the “perfidious dog” Mehmed. There was no ap oeanctum Petrum [die] X Februarii, 1471, [pontificatus need for John to yield to Turkish blandish- 150 Gen. Secrega, Reg. 24, fol. 187" [1917]

' ; ‘ nostri] anno septimo.”

. 151 Tbid., Reg. 25, fols. 2'-3" [11'-12"], docs. dated 2 and 7 March, 1471, and fols. 24° ff. [33° ff.], dated 18 May,

TT 1471: “Quod orator illustrissimi domini Ussoncassani 148 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols. 88’-89', “datum Rome expediatur et cum eo insimul vadat nobilis vir Catarinus apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLXX, tertio- Geno orator noster designatus ad ipsum dominum et vadat decimo Kal. Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo” cum infrascripta commissione,” and there follows the com[1471]. The general reform of the convent at Rhodes mission of Zeno, who was to express the Senate’s sympathy to was being considered at this time (zbid., fol. 94). On 12 Uzun Hasan for the injuries he had suffered as a result of

March (1471) Paul wrote the Hospitallers again, assuring Mehmed II’s perfidy and intolerable lust for world them of his efforts to save their island bulwark: “Dilecti domination, to encourage him in his determination to filii [magister et conventus Hospitalis Sancti Johannis take up arms against the Ottomans, and to remind him that Ierosolimitani Rhodi commorantes] salutem, etc. ... Venice had also been driven “to take up arms both by land Hortamur vos in domino ut huic rei fidei fortibus ac and by sea to resist [the Turk’s] insatiable appetite to intrepidis animis incumbatis. . . . Vobis non deerimus et destroy [us] all!” Note also, ibid., fols. 57¥—58', 60” ff., 63”, conabimur Christianos ac Catholicos principes, sicuti 1217 ff., 123%, 126%, 134, 143 [66’—67', 69% ff., 72%, etc.].

conati sumus, ut contra ipsum rabidissimum canem 152 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fols. 3%, 47 [12%, 13°], dated 11 Turchum pro potentia eorum insurgant inducere ita ut March, 1471, and cf. fol. 42 [51]. aliqua bona et utilis expeditio fiat . . .” (fol. 113"). Orsini 153 Tbid., Reg. 25, fols. 4¥-5" [13%-14"], 7° [16"], docs. was the grand master of the Hospital from 1467 until dated in March, 1471. Cf. V. L. Ménage, “Seven Ottoman

his death in 1476, when he was succeeded by Pierre Documents... ,” in S. M. Stern, ed., Documents from

d’Aubusson. Islamic Chanceries (1965), pp. 82-83, 101-6.

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 311 might bestir himself, for the Turks were not weeks of indecision, that Aurelio should proceed sparing his own hereditary lands.'** And indeed _ to Corfu to await further orders. One Theodore,

in early June the news came that Mehmed II envoy of the Turco-Serbian princess Mara and had invaded Frederick’s lands, with “vastation the countess of Cilli, was to go with him. They grandissime nel paixe de lo imperador.” The both went to Corfu, but Aurelio’s instructions Venetian government rushed forces from the and his departure for Istanbul were delayed

region of Vicenza to the frontiers of Friuli while the Senate waited for news of Uzun and Istria “in order to meet the aforesaid Hasan’s offensive against Mehmed II, to which Turks if they should advance any farther.”'*? we shall return in the following chapter. In September the Senate recalled Niccolo Niccolo Cocco was finally allowed to come home Cocco from Istanbul, where Capello had died, from Corfu, where he had been ordered to for the sultan’s terms were beyond the price the remain on his way back from Istanbul, so that Republic was prepared to pay for peace.'*® he might give Aurelio whatever useful informaLamenting the “misunderstanding” which had _ tion he had acquired on the Bosporus.**? arisen between Venice and the Porte during the On 31 August, 1472, the Senate finally voted course of Cocco’s mission, the Senate wished that no more time should be lost in formulating to continue the effort to make peace with the Aurelio’s commission so that, in the event of his

Turks by sending another ambassador to ‘Turkish safe-conduct’s arriving, he could make Istanbul.!®7 The secretary Marco Aurelio was his way to the Porte. The matter was to be chosen for the assignment.4®& On 21 April decided the next day, but whatever terms if any (1472) the Senate came to the conclusion, after were finally accepted by the Senate are not recorded in the Senatus Secreta.*® The fact need not concern us unduly, however, since on the

aeArch. folSegr. following 12 December, Aurelio was recalled to Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 12, fols. Venice from rfu. ob rerum maximam factam 106°-107, and cf., ibid., fols. 130°, 173, 174-175", and Oot ve ; b no kittl J :

179, the last reference being to a letter dated 20 July, mu anonem, ere being tie pom im a

1471, six days before Paul II’s death (¢f, ibid., fol. 290", Tussion to Istanbul, for Mehmed was preparing the note with which this register ends: “Paulus papa II a great offensive against Uzun Hasan, to whom

obiiten. ae aeSecreta, -_ rar een getReg. vated 10 J thefol. Senate had sent intrepid Caterino 25, 29° Tj,thedoc. date une,Zeno :

1471, and fol. 29” [38%], dated the seventh, and note also as an vey and for wom they were wee

}rrrr1

fols. 30°—31, 32", 33%, 35° [39%—40, etc.]. There was another vigorous y to raise he p by arranging that a Turkish incursion into imperial territory a year later (fols. Christian fleet should strike the Turks in the west

143", 155, 159). as Uzun Hasan attacked them from the east. Ibid. , Reg. 25, fols. 56'—57' [65 —66"], aletter authorized The records of the Senate suggest that the

by the Senate on 6 September, 1471, to be sent in the V ti did thi th ld ‘d doge’s name to Cocco, and note fol. 79 [88], another letter, ene fans I every ing tiey could, consi erto Cocco, dated 26 November. ing the distances involved and the difficulties 157 Thid., Reg. 25, fols. 109 ff. [118 ff.], 112" [121°]. of communication, to assist Uzun Hasan in one '88 Some members of the Senate wanted Aurelio to be of the greater military ventures of the time.!®&

given the following instructions (on 12 March, 1472):

“Marce, ut meminisse debes et potes de integro perspicere

per introclusas scripturas omnis difficultas et causa non facte ab oratoribus nostris pacis conclusionis fuit ob §—§&——————

brachium Mayne et Croyam ab Turco petitam et ab nobis 59 Ihid., Reg. 25, fols. 122% [131%] and 133 [142], docs. dari recusatam. Nam de Stalimine et Schiro [Lemnos and ___ dated 21 April and 13 June, 1472. Skyros] contentabamur et circa pecunias credimus quod res 160 Thid., Reg. 25, fol. 147" [156%]: “. . . Vadit pars quod

facilius aptari potuisset. Et eiusdem sumus propositi et cras pro hac materia vocari debeat hoc consilium [Rogaintentionis ut quoniam quidem Staliminem et Schirum torum], ad quod omnes venire teneantur, et qui ponere semel obtulimus ad illas iterum promittendas descendas, possint partem pro conscientia uniuscuiusque sua.” et similiter quantitatem pecuniarum, ad ducatos scilicet '61 Ibid., Reg. 25, fol. 170" [180°], and note fols. 156°, XXV usque L m., solvendam in annis quinque per ratam, 168%—169%, 171¥ [165", etc.].

et insta quantum potes ut vel melioribus si potes vel ad 82 On Venetian relations with Uzun Hasan and Caterino extremum his saltem conditionibus ad conclusionem de- Zeno’s embassy, an ample record is to be found in the venias. Et facta per te omni experientia non obtinendo Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fols. 148%, 149%-150", 151-54, si intelligeres posse adiunctas etiam insulas Schiati et 157, 160, 161%, 162°, 163-164', 167-168, 171-178", 180Scopuli [Skiathos and Skopelos] facere conclusionem illas 183" [157%, etc., by mod. enumeration], docs. dated from offer et adiunge . . . ,” but Aurelio was not to agree to 12 September, 1472, to 11 February, 1473 (Ven. style the cession of either Maina or Croia, and other proposals 1472). Zeno’s mission to Persia during these years being made, it was finally voted that, owing totheimportance (1472-1473) is among the famous adventures of the fifteenth of the matter, a decision should be postponed to a later century (Dei Commentarii del viaggio in Persiadi . . . Caterino

session (ibid., Reg. 25, fol. 114 [123]). Zeno . . . et delle guerre fatte nell’imperio persiano, dal tempo

312 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT By this time, Pope Paul II was no more. did not want this offer of money nor of the

After presiding over a six-hour consistory, and fourth [of the papal income]: because the hour then enjoying three melons at dinner, he had_ was late the matter was postponed for another died during the night of 26 July, 1471,'* having consistory. . . .”' seemingly been in the best of health. Six months

before his unexpected end, after consultation Paul’s passing from the troubled scene, with the commission of cardinals which had however, entailed the election of a new pope. charge of funds to promote the crusade (they New plans would have to be made, new commitmet in Bessarion’s house), Paul had pledged ments secured from the Holy See. Without a fourth of his revenues, which (he said) would = goybt Paul had had the crusade at heart from amount to 50,000 ducats a year, to the war the first weeks of his pontificate. He had seen against the Turks. This we know from a letter the Turks strike harder blows at Latin territories of 17 January (1471) which Cardinal Francesco than his predecessor had witnessed. NevertheGonzaga sent to his father, Marquis Lodovico I . less, he had insisted that all he could afford of Mantua. Except for the income from the to give the valiant Scanderbeg was a subsidy of papal alum monopoly (the “Cruciata”), which — fye thousand ducats, and even this amount was was already assigned to the crusade, the pope yoy forthcoming in full. The fall of Negroponte

claimed that his total receipts did not exceed aq made a profound impression on him, as 200,000 ducats, and as an instance of his good gy all his contemporaries, but at his death he faith he had offered to open to the ambassadors jef a treasure of pearls, jewels, gold, silver, of the Italian states the papal account books, precious ornaments, and ancient coins, which both his own and those of his predecessors. the Milanese envoy to the Vatican estimated at This offer did not satisfy the diplomatic corps, about a million ducats. Paul had himself stated however, especially the Venetians, who believed in a consistory held not long before his death the pope should sell all his jewels and devote that he would spend half a million ducats on all his revenues to the crusade, reserving only the crusade if the princes of Europe would go enough for bare existence. The hard-pressed together on an expedition against the Turks,!® Venetians also wanted the cardinals to give up but he knew well they would not go. one-half of their revenues for the war against = Venice wanted the Greek cardinal Bessarion

the Porte. They thought “that his Holiness to succeed Paul Il. On 1 August (1471), the

should specify how many galleys he was willing very day that news of Paul’s death reached the to maintain for the enterprise, saying that they Jagoon, the Senate wrote Alvise Donato, their

ambassador to Federigo da Montefeltro of Urbino, expressing their immense regard for di Ussuncassano in qua, libri due ..., Venice, 1558; Federigo, and ASSUHUNE as well as enlisting his G. B. Ramusio, Delle navigationi et viaggi . . . , Venice, 1559, and later editions (with same foliation); Charles

Grey, trans., A Narrative of Itahan Travels in Persia,

in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, London, 1873, ~~

pp. 5-65, esp. 11-40 [published with Wm. Thomas ‘64 Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 190-93, and append., nos. 42 (who was-executed at Tyburn on 18 May, 1553, for high and 29, pp. 504-5, 497-98, and Gesch. d. Péapste, Il treason) and S. A. Roy, trans., Travels to Tana and Persia, (repr. 1955), 444-46, and append., nos. 107 and 94, pp. by Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarint, London: Hakluyt 778-79, 773-74.

Society, 1873]). On Caterino Zeno (Zen) and his son 16 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, U (repr. 1955), 461-62. After Pietro (born about 1453), see Pietro Donazzolo, J Viaggia- the death of Paul II the pamphleteers accused him of tori veneti minori: Studio bio-bibliografico, Rome, 1929, avarice (¢f. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1471, no. 64, pp. 48-49, 88-89, 370 (Memorie della R. Societa geo- vol. XIX [1693], pp. 232-33). According to one of the

grafica italiana, XVI). first anti-Turkish bulls of Paul II’s successor, Sixtus IV, 163 A letter from the College of Cardinals, announcing Quamvis ad applicanda ecclesiarum omnium commoda (dated 31

the death of Paul II, reached Venice on 1 August, on which December, 1471), Paul had spent some 200,000 florins in day the Senate wrote the College: “Accepimus hoc die et _ subsidies for the Hungarians, the despot of the Morea, Scanhora litteras reverendissimarum dominationum vestrarum derbeg, the despot of Arta, and other Christian magnates and nuntiantes nobis acerbum nuntium mortis summi pontificis peoples under-Turkish assault (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. domini Pauli Pape II ac hortantes ad Italie tranquillitatem XXXI, tom. 62, fol. 17%, by mod. stamped enumeration):

et pacem Sancteque Romane Ecclesie statum felicem ...” “. . . usque ad summam ducentorum milium florenorum

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fol. 49° [58°}). liberaliter erogavit [fe. re. Paulus, predecessor noster]. . . .”

PAUL II AND THE FALL OF NEGROPONTE 313 assistance in achieving the election of the Greek Bessarion was, as everyone knew, the most cardinal,'®* who had almost ascended S. Peter’s strenuously anti-Turkish member of the Sacred

throne in 1455. College.

166 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fol. 49° [58°]: “Vestris litteris et }§$=£——————

ante obitum summi pontificis et post illius decessum intel- ad ipsum reverendissimum dominum, et ad cardinales leximus prudentissimas opiniones et memorationes istius venetos—et unicuique servata convenienti modestia et illustrissimi domini cuius exactam virtutem et rerum diversa scribendi forma pro uniusculusque conditione— experientiam et in nos affectionem et devotionem maximi _ efficaciter scripsimus et declaravimus ardentissimum in hac

semper fecimus. Secum igitur receptis presentibus estote et materia desidertum nostrum. . . .” illi gratias uberes agite nostro nomine tam de suis fidelissimis On 14 August (1471) the Senate sent congratulations to sapientissimisque memorationibus quam de liberalissimis Francesco della Rovere upon his election to the papacy as oblationibus et de opera postremo adhibita ut pontificatus sit Sixtus IV (see the following chapter); the letter is recorded, [sic] in reverendissimum dominum Cardinalem Nicenum, _ ibid., Reg. 25, fol. 50° [59°], with the note “quod prefatus

ceterorum omnium optimum et ad rerum temporumque Sixtus IIII creatus fuit papa die Veneris 9 Augusti.” conditiones accomodatissimum, cadat. . . . Et Excellentiam Thereafter the Senate set about the election of certain suam certificate quod pridie quam litteras vestras ac- nobles to go to Rome as an embassy of obedience (ibid., ciperemus per litteras privatas ex urbe nuntium obitus fols. 51°, 71 ff. [60%, 80 ff.]). They were to stress the pontificis Pauli acceperamus et eodem die ac ferme hora ‘Turkish peril and the vast expense to which Venice had

expedivimus unum tabellarium nostrum cum litteris ad been put year after year in carrying on a war for the Collegium reverendissimorum dominorum cardinalium, protection of Christendom.

10. SEXTUS IV AND THE TURKISH OCCUPATION OF OTRANTO (1471-1480) T HE TIMES were bad, and would soon get Roman branch of the Medici bank the financial worse. The Venetians had already suffered agents of the Holy See.” Sixtus had been

their severest blow of the war in the loss of elected amid reports and rumors of Turkish

Negroponte. The Genoese feared for the sur- depredation, especially in Styria, and a Venetian vival of their distant colony at Caffa, and the embassy which arrived in Rome on 28 November future of their settlement at Chios was in doubt. emphasized the Turkish peril. Sixtus was well The Hospitallers at Rhodes had always toreckon aware of his responsibility in this regard, but

with the possibility of a large-scale Turkish the hostility between Sultan Mehmed II and attack. The Neapolitans would soon feel the Uzun Hasan, the powerful Turkoman lord of powerful thrust of the sultan’s relentless ag- the Ak-Koyunlu (White Sheep), who then ruled

gression. The new pontiff would have to give from Cappadocia to Persia, appeared to promise

much attention to eastern affairs. well for the future. Venetian diplomats were On 9 August, 1471, a conclave of eighteen doing their best to enlist Uzun Hasan’s aid

cardinals raised a Franciscan theologian to the throne, Francesco della Rovere, cardinal priest ———————

of S. Pietro in Vincoli. He took the name 2 Cf. Adolf Gottlob, Aus der Camera Apostolica des 15. Sixtus IV.! For some years he had had a Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck, 1889, p. 111. Lorenzo and Giuliano . f as d at h dalde’ the papacy as time general depositarii from reputation a refirst ormer, at rstMedici € sceme served August, 1471, until some in 1475, and in financial

anxious to maintain peace in Italy in order to matters one dealt largely “cum honorabilibus viris Laurenprotect Latin interests in the Levant. He was a _ tio et Juliano de Medicis et sociis mercatoribus Romanam friend of Galeazzo Maria Sforza. duke of Milan, Curiam sequentibus pecuniarum Camere Apostolice deposi-

. : | tariis” (cf. the numerous entries for 1471-1472 in Sixti

who had he Iped | to secure his election, and IV Introttus et Exitus Camere Apostolice Augusti Septembris et

Lorenzo de Medici came to Rome himself as Qc¢tobris 1471 ad Julium 1472, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, head of a Florentine embassy to extend greet- Reg. 487, fols. 1 ff., 100", 117", 130%, 140%, 148%, 1497,

ings and do obeisance to Sixtus, who made the 156, 162°, 170, 184", 191%, 199"). One-third of the

proceeds of the alum beds at Tolfa was going to the TO Medici, and two-thirds to the “camera and crusade” (ibid., 1On the election, see the Acta Consistorialia [1439- Arm. XXXI, tom. 62, fols. 46'-48', by mod. stamped 1486], in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI1, tom. 52, fols. enumeration, bull dated 17 June, 1472). As of 27 April, 75”—76', by modern stamped enumeration: “. .. Annoa_ 1473, the Holy See owed the Medici bank 54,000 ducats nativitate Domini MCCCCLXXI die vero X [actually on the —_(ibid., fols. 55Y-57"). On 1 August, 1474, Sixtus borrowed

ninth} . . . mensis Augusti circa horam quintamdecimam 22,000 florins from Guglielmo and Giovanni de’ Pazzi [about 11 .a.m.] reverendissimus in Christo pater et dominus, (fols. 85”—86"), but was still doing business in 1475 with

dominus Franciscus tituli Sancti Petri in Vincula pres- the Medici, to whom he then owed 20,000 florins’ (fols. biter cardinalis Saonensis asumptus fuitad summum apicem —_113'—114", “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum anno

apostolatus et vocatus Sixtus Quartus, et associatus fult incarnationis dominice MCCCCLXX quinto, pont. nostri

de conclavi quod factum fuit in cappella palatii [ie., anno quarto,” with no month given). The bottom fell the Chapel of S. Niccolé da Bari] usque ad altare Sancti out of the alum market in 1474-1475 (see Gottlob, Petri [et] reductus in palatium cum omnibus cardinalibus, Aus der Camera Apostolica, p. 288), and papal revenues

ut est moris. Anno predicto die vero XXV predicti men- were reduced; the Medici suffered a sharp decline in sis Augusti que fuit dies dominica sanctissimus dominus income, and for political reasons Sixtus IV broke with noster Sixtus divina providentia papa Quartus fuitcoronatus them at this time. On papal attempts to establish a in gradibus Sancti Petri . . . ,” and in general see Pastor, monopoly in the sale of alum in Europe, and the part Hist. Popes, 1V, 201 ff., and Gesch. d. Pépste, II (repr. played therein by the Medici bank, see Raymond de 1955), 453 ff., with relevant documents in the appendices. Roover, The Rise and Decline of the Medici Bank, 1397Sixtus was “grosso di corpo e di capo, ma sottile d’ingegno” 1494, Cambridge, Mass., 1963, repr. New York, 1966, (Diario di Papa Sisto IV, in Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Urb. pp. 152—64. As de Roover notes, the effort of the papacy lat. 1641, fol. 2"). For the “capitulations” of 7 August, to arrogate to itself and certain associates the exclusive prepared in the conclave which elected Sixtus, see Ubaldo _ right to sell alum to Christians was probably contrary to Mannucci, “Le Capitolazioni del conclave di Sisto IV canon law (Decreti secunda pars, causa XIV, quest. IV, can. (1471),” Rémische Quartalschrift, XXIX (1915), 73-90. The IX, ed. Aem. Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, 1 [Leipzig, first pledge of the assembled cardinals was that whoever 1879, repr. Graz. 1955], col. 737: “Turpe lucrum sewas elected pope would prosecute the war against the quitur, qui minus emit, ut plus vendat’). On the decline of Turks to a successful conclusion, and would employ the — the Medici bank, which barely survived until the expulsion revenues accruing from the alum beds at Tolfa for this of the family from Florence, see .de Roover, op. cit., pp.

and for no other purpose (ibid., p. 83). 220-24, 358 ff. 314

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 315 against the Porte. In a secret consistory on 23 blood. Their strength had grown with their conDecember, Sixtus established five anti-Turkish quests; they had swept with fire and sword legations de latere, for the dispatch of Bessarion through Hungary even into inner Germany.

to France, Burgundy, and England; Rodrigo Sixtus recounted the atrocities of the Turks Borgia to Spain; Angelo Capranica to Italy; with lugubrious eloquence, and lamented the Marco Barbo to Germany, Hungary, and _ fall of Negroponte. The ambition of the Turk Poland; and Oliviero Carafa to the kingdom was to blot the name of Christian off the face

of Naples, where he was to command a fleet.* of the earth.* Europe hardly took note of his A week later Sixtus published an encyclical warning, and made little response to his legaletter (on 31 December, 1471), urging the united _ tions.

action of Christendom against the common foe. Despite the Christian propaganda for a new He expressed his heartfelt grief that the “most crusade, Mehmed II was more concerned with truculent race of the Turks, followers of the — the clouds gathering on his eastern frontier than impious dog Mohammed, had risen rabidly with Sixtus IV’s preparations against him. Meh-

against the Christian faith.” They had oc- med could never feel secure in his western cupied Christian countries in both Asia Minor conquests until he had destroyed the now and the Balkans, had taken Constantinople and — swollen power of the Turkoman ruler Uzun many other lands and cities of the Byzantine Hasan, with whom the Venetians were in close

empire, and were still thirsting for Christian and constant contact. By 1469 Uzun Hasan

had come to control a great state which

3 Acta Consistorialia, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. included Cappadocia, Armenia, Kurdistan, XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 77", by mod. stamped enumera- Mesopotamia, and western Persia, and the Ottotion, entry dated “die lune XXII decembris 1471” (but man subjugation of the other Turkish states of Monday fell on 23 December in 1471): “Idem sanc- Asiqg Minor had made conflict with him intissimus dominus noster in dicto consistorio secreto creavit evitable. Three envoys of Uzun Hasan were at

quinque legatos de latere cardinales per universas provin- he Curia R mA t 1471. wh th cias et regna mundi ad requirendum reges, principes the Gurla omana Mm August, ? wien Ne et alios Christianos ad defensionem fidei Chatolice contra. papal treasurer paid out to them 400 “florins nefandissimum Turcum qui nomini Yesu infensus Venetian,” worth 415 florins de camera, the dis-

est nd yon which g. P a one me Opes IV, oie anc bursement being made by order of Sixtus,°

Gesch. d. Papste, IT (repr. 1955), 267, and on the papal who received two Turkish envoys the following in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), 1196C, and D. Malipiero, November, and ordered a similar diplomatic Annali veneti, ad ann. 1471, in Archivio storico italiano, subvention paid to them.® A year later, on 6 VII-1 (1843), 69-70. Bessarion went to France in the

legates note also Marino Sanudo, Vite de’ duchi di Venezia, ee . ;

summer of 1472, finding the intractable Louis XI very ~~

unsatisfactory to deal with; without proceeding to England, * Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 62, fols.

he returned to Italy where he died at Ravenna on 18 14°-16", “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno November, 1472 (Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11, 467-69). Bor- _ incarnationis dominice MCCCCLXXI, pridie Kal. Ianuarii,

gia was little more successful in Spain, and Marco Barbo _ pontificatus nostri anno primo,” and cf. Raynaldus, Ann.

spent more than two unavailing years in Germany, Poland, eccl., ad ann. 1471, no. 72, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 234and Bohemia, the most critical area of all in Europe’s 35; much the same letter was published again on 17 defense against the Turks (ibid., pp. 469-71). On Borgia’s February, 1472 (bid., ad ann. cit., nos. 18-19, p. 240). protracted legation to Spain (and Naples), see Arch. Segr. ° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Introitus et Exitus, Reg. 487, fol. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 680, fols. 1"-10%, documents dated on 97°, by mod. stamped enumeration: “{Exitus] Augusti and after 21 March, 1473 (Florentine style 1472), and MCCCCLXXI: Pro tribus oratoribus Somcassani: Die XX those dated from 30 June, 1476, to 13 August, 1477, in — eiusdem [mensis] prefatus dominus thesaurarius de mandato Reg. Vat. 679, fols. 31’-33¥, relating to the levy of a et per manus ut supra dedit et solvit tribus oratoribus crusading tithe in Spain; fols. 67'-68', 69'-70', on the Somcassani florenos venetos quadringentos, valentes de previous publication in Castile and Leén of the “sancta Camera quadringentos et quindecim, quos sanctissimus cruciata et plenissima peccatorum indulgentia omnibus dominus noster eis dono dari mandavit ut apparet per Christi fidelibus . . . ;” fols. 105'-107", concerning Fer- mandatum factum die XVIIII eiusdem: fl. CCCC XV.” rante of Naples, from whom one expected to receive much ®Intr. et Ex., Reg. 487, fol. 126%: “Exitus Novembris support; and on the crusade against the Moors in the MCCCCLXXI: Duobus Turcis oratoribus: Die XXII dicti kingdom of Granada, see the bull Superne dispositionis, [mensis] dominus thesaurarius de mandato et per manus ut dated at Rome on | December (corrected from 1 Sep- supra solvit duobus Turcis oratoribus florenos de camera tember), 1475, ibid., fols. 77'—80". On the faculties granted centum octo et bol. XL li.e., 40 bolognini or ‘baiochi,’ Barbo as he began his mission, see Reg. Vat. 680, fols. papal pence], quos dominus noster papa eis donari man34°-68', 77"-81%, 85-86 and ff., by mod. stamped enumera-_ davit, per mandatum factum XXI eiusdem: fl. C VIII, tion. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1472, nos. 5 ff., vol. bol. XL.” On the coins in question, cf. Friedrich von XIX (1693), pp. 238 ff., gives numerous letters and details Schrotter, Worterbuch der Minzkunde, Berlin and Leipzig,

concerning these embassies. 1930, pp. 54b, 81.

316 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT November, 1472, Sixtus wrote the Marquis Mahmud Pasha advised against the pursuit of Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua that the sultan the defeated Turkoman, because the Ottomans was forever thinking of how he might vent his would be hard put to maintain.control over the hatred upon Christians and effect their destruc- lands they had still to conquer. Mehmed agreed tion. Mehmed was said even to be planning an to the withdrawal of his forces westward, but attack upon Italy in the spring of 1473, but his subsequently regretted it and again removed Holiness placed his hope in God and in Uzun Mahmud Pasha from the grand vizirate and, Hasan to wear down the common enemy, andhe having other grievances against him, put the had recently been assured by a Turkoman emis- great pasha to death soon after their return to sary that Uzun Hasan had gathered together Istanbul.®

huge forces for this noble purpose.’ In the meantime, during the years 1471-

The Ottoman embassy to the Curia Romana’ 1472, Pope Sixtus had spent more than 144,000 had doubtless sought to fasten papal attention gold florins on the fleet which Cardinal Oliviero upon Italy (which was usually easy to do), Carafa was to lead on the crusade. He had also probably by threats of one sort or another, and formed accords with both Venice and Naples,

by putting the Italian states on the defensive, which were to furnish fleets for the coming to weaken any offensive action which they effort against the Turks. Cameral disbursements might launch against the Ottoman western front. for the papal fleet exceeded 72,000 gold But to secure such a diversion of Mehmed II’s florins in each of these two years.*® In early strength was the reason for Uzun Hasan’s embassies to the Curia. Communication was slow ®* For the failure of Uzun Hasan’s efforts against Mehmed because of the long distances the Turkoman jj and for the execution of Mahmud Pasha, see especially envoys had to travel, and the news they brought Giovanni Maria Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. I. Ursu,

l n . im f . . rchivio veneto-tridentino, , —Ilé. t this time

the Curia was likely to be out of date and no Bucharest, po), PP. Vy 1924). 13. Hi N Di wenna, 1 Ber Pe hned by ue an h men arrives As (1472-1473) Angiolello was in the Ottoman army, in always Menmed move when e had t Ca Val- the service of the sultan’s son Mustafa Chelebi, whom rumor tage, and after extensive preparations he accused Mahmud Pasha of poisoning, but “jo Zuan Maria marched into Anatolia in October, 1472, ac- dico questo.esser falso, perch’io in quel tempo era al companied by his two sons. Mustafa and Bayazid servitio del detto signor Mustafa, et gli stava in casa, et me

: trovaiconspent lui . . .” (Angiolello, p. 63). The contest Chelebi. He apparently the winter ,;of Uzun Hasan with the Ottomans made a great in impression upon

encampment near Amasya. The Ottoman army Europe and the Mediterranean world (cf. Joannes Adelphi, was enormous, for it is clear the sultan en- Tiirckisch Chronica, Strassburg, 1513, unnum. fols. 8’—9" tertained no little respect for Uzun Hasan’s_ [=B-ii-iii], and M. A. Halevy, “Les Guerres d’Etienne le effectiveness in the field. After an initial setback ©tnd et de Uzun-Hassan contre Mahomet II, d’aprés [a

of the EuphratesStudia near the imde la Turquie’ du candiote Elie 1958], Capsali on he thebanks a Pp [1523],” et Chronique acta orientalia, 1 [Bucharest,

portant fortress of Erzinjan (on | August, 1473), 189-98, esp. 193 ff.). The battle of Bashkent is described Mehmed met and defeated Uzun Hasan in a _ in the Ottoman chronicle of ‘Ashik-Pasha-Zade (trans. R. F. decisive battle near Bashkent (about ll August). Kreutel, Vom Hurtenzelt zur Hohen Pforte, Graz, 1959, pp. 250-56), on whom see Alessio Bombaci, La Letteratura turca, 2nd ed., Florence and Milan, 1969, pp. 347-51. On

7 Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, the eastern background of events, note Halil Inalcik, brief dated 6 November, 1472: [Sixtus IV appealed to “Mehmed the Conqueror (1432-1481) and His Time,” Lodovico Gonzaga to lend all his efforts to the crusade Speculum, XXXV (1960), 423-25. against the Turk:] “. . . Nos et fecimus hactenus pro 9°Cf. the bulls Quamprimum fuimus (9 April, 1472), viribus. . . . Habemus quoque spem in domino deo nostro __Etsi dispositione superna (20 February, 1473), and Cum inter

quod eius insti{[n]ctu potentissimus princeps Zuncassan cetera (27 April, 1473) in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. hostem communem debilitabit et atteret. Habet enim ad XXXI, tom. 62, fols. 41'—42", 50°—53’, and 55°’—57’, the

hoc ingentes copias instructas, sicut per suum nobis last of which undertakes to repay Lorenzo and Giuliano oratorem nuperrime declaravit et iam intelleximus eum de’ Medici the sum of 54,000 gold ducats de camera spent

principium rei bene gerende dedisse.” Cf., ibid., another on the fleet. Numerous bulls in this register are con-

brief to Lodovico dated 13 November, 1473, on the “insignis cerned with ways to finance the crusade, especially through princeps Zuncassan Christianorum amicus.” On 31 July, _ tithes, receipts for alum, and impositions of a twentieth on

1472, at the behest of King Ferrante, Sixtus had granted _ the Jews. merchants of the kingdom of Naples the right to trade in Sixtus I[V’s expenditures on Carafa’s fleet for the critical

the Mamluk ports of Egypt, Syria, and the Holy Land, year 1472 may be followed, as an illustration of the

although (as always) they were not to deal in articles of — sources, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Intr. et Ex., Reg. 487, contraband, “exceptis ferro, armis, lignaminibus, et aliis fol. 171%, by mod. stamped enumeration: “Exitus Maii prohibitis” (Reg. Vat. 546, fols. 10‘-11', by mod. stamped MCCCCLXXII: Dicta die [quarta] dominus thesaurarius de

enumeration). mandato sibi die 30 Aprilis facto per manus depositariorum

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 317 June, 1472, Carafa sailed from Ostia for Naples, withdrew their fleet from the expedition, and and thence on to Rhodes, where the naval forces returned home. The commander of the Veneof Venice and Naples were being assembled. tian squadron was Pietro Mocenigo, soon to The Christian armada is said to have reached a_ become the doge. With Carafa he launched a grand total of about eighty-seven galleys and successful attack upon the important, but badly fifteen transports, more than half of them being defended, town of Smyrna (on 13 September, Venetian. As a display of strength to reassure 1472). Although Carafa wanted to hold the town Uzun Hasan and his allies in Caramania (Kara- as a center for later operations, the Venetians

man), the Venetians recovered from the Otto- burned it to the ground, and mounted two mans the castle towns of Silifke (Seleucia), hundred and fifteen Turkish heads on their

Sequin (or Sechin, ancient Syedra), and Corycus, ships as a grim symbol of their destruction of which were repossessed by Kasim Beg, the lord the Ottoman garrison. Thereafter Mocenigo and

of Caramania, whom Mehmed II had driven Carafa got along less well, and the expedition

from his lands. rendered very little genuine assistance to Uzun

The crusaders attacked Satalia (Adalia) on the Hasan. No attack was made upon Istanbul alsouthern coast of Asia Minor in August, 1472, though Mehmed was absent therefrom, as we breaking the chain which was supposed to block have noted, on his notable campaign against entry into the harbor; they burned the ware- Uzun Hasan. Mocenigo had assisted, months

houses near the waterfront and the suburbs, before, in the bold scheme of a certain An-

but could not take the town, which was strongly tonello, who’succeeded in setting fire to the fortified. The Neapolitans, finding themselvesin Turkish arsenal at Gallipoli in February, 1472, continual disagreement with the Venetians, but apparently he made no attempt to enter the Dardanelles in force at any time during the

8 _ expedition.”

[the Medici] solvit reverendissimo domino Cardinali Neapolitano [Carafa] florenos similes [i.e., de camera] septem millia

septingentos septuaginta septem, bologninos XXV,inducatis § venetis auri VII m., in deductionem stipendiorum classis 10 Malipiero, Annali veneti, ad ann. 1472, in Arch. stor. contra Turcum: fl. VII m., VII c., LXXVII, 25” [7,777 italiano, VII-1 (1843), 71-86, describes something of the florins, 25 bol., de camera = 7,000 gold ducats Venetian, Venetian diplomatic relations with Uzun Hasan; says that the paid to Carafa on 4 May, 1472]. On 9 May Carafa Venetian, papal, Neapolitan fleet consisted of 85 galleys received 1,555 florins, 40 bol., “in ducatis venetis MCCCC” = (p. 74); and relates the bold exploit of Antonello, a Sicilian

(ibid., fol. 173%); on 20 May, 1,041 florins, 48 bol. (fol. (pp. 84-86): “L’incendio duro 10 zorni, che’l no se pote 179"); on 22 May, 2,777 florins, 50 bol. (fol. 179"); and estinguer; e fo giudicado che’l danno havesse importa on 25 May, 24,001 florins: “. . . rev. dominus thesaurarius 100,000 ducati.” On Antonello, cf. Franz Babinger, de mandato sibi facto 23 eiusdem [mensis] per manus Maometto il Conquistatore (1957), pp. 473-75, and on the depositariorum solvit reverendissimo domino Cardinali Nea- devastation of Smyrna, Stefano Magno, Annali veneiti, politano classis contra Turcum legato florenos vigintiquatuor in Ch. Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes (1873), pp. 207 -8. A.

milia unum pro valore XXIII m. XXVIII florenorum auri Navagero, Storia venezian., in RISS, XXIII (Milan, 1733),

in auro de camera pro residuo et complemento 72,000 cols. 1131, 1132-33, 113: -37, gives a good deal of attenflorenorum auri in auro qui ei dantur pro integro stipendio tion to the rivalry of Mehmed II and Uzun Hasan, classis contra Turcum pro isto anno et qui 72,000 florenorum —_ doubtless reflecting the strong Venetian interest in making an

auri in auro constituunt summam florenorum de camera _ effective alliance with the latter, and of course Raynaldus,

LXXV m.: fl. XXIII m. I” (fol. 180%). As stated in this Ann. eccl., devotes much space to Uzun Hasan in his enaccount, and as noted by Gottlob, Aus der Camera Apos- _ tries for the early 1470's.

tolica des 15. Jahrhunderts, p. 291, the 72,000 florins in On the satisfaction which the Venetian government took question amounted to 75,000 cameral florins. On 30 May __ in the destruction of Smyrna, see the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Carafa received still another 333 florins (fol. 183%). Various Sen. Secreta, Reg. 25, fols. 161¥—162" [171”’—172"], dated 27

other persons received substantial sums for the lease of a | October, 1472, the Senate to the captain-general of the sea

vessel “ad usum classis contra Turcum” (fols. 181‘, 183"), and the provveditori of the Venetian fleet: “Per viam and on 27 June (1472) “. . . rev. dominus . . . vice- Corcyre plures litteras vestras accepimus quibus solito studio, thesaurarius de mandato facto die 9 eiusdem per manus cura, et diligentia nos facitis certiores de cladibus ac dedepositariorum solvit Pisis rev. domino P[hilippo de Medicis] _ populationibus illatis per vos proxime Smyrnis et aliis archiepiscopo Pisano florenos tria millia ducentos octo pro __locis hostilibus deque nuntiis ad vos perlatis de adventu reparatione et instructione galearum cruciate que Pisis serenissimi domini Ussonassan. Non possumus certe non

parantur . . .: fl. III m., CC, VIII” (fol. 190%). vehementer letari et magnam capere voluptatem ex iis que

On the collection of grain in the region of Fabriano “pro __strenue et fortiter gessistis adversus nostros hostes, immo fulciendis et muniendis navibus que Ancone parantur contra _hostes nostre religionis et Christiani nominis. . . .”

Turcum,” see R. Sassi, “Il Contributo di Fabriano alla A. Guglielmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, 1 (Rome, guerra di Sisto IV contro i Turchi,” Atti e memorie della 1886), 342-72, has exploited the older literary sources, R. Deputazione di storia patria per le Marche, 5th ser., I among which we may note the references to Carafa’s

(Ancona, 1937), 73-119. fleet in Stefano Infessura, Diaria rerum romanarum, ad ann.

318 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT As the new year approached, and the winter Sixtus sought support for the crusade wherbecame more severe, the Venetian fleet with- ever he could find it, and for a while he thought drew to Nauplia and Modon, while Carafa re- he had found it in Russia. Zoe Palaeologina, turned to Italy with the papal galleys. He entered younger daughter of the late Despot Thomas, Rome on 23 January, 1473, bringing with him had been living in Rome for some years, in a some Turkish prisoners and some pieces of the house on the Campus Martius, as a ward of the chain which had blocked the entrance to the Holy See. Efforts had already been made (and harbor of Satalia. Throughout the eventful had failed) to marry her off to Federico Gonzaga, campaign of 1472, during which the crusaders _ son of the cautious Marquis Lodovico of Mantua, harried the long coasts of southern and western and to James II of Lusignan, the rather unstable Asia Minor, no Ottoman fleet was sent into the king of Cyprus. She had no dowry except what Aegean to oppose them. The Ottomans gen-_ the pope might provide. Through Italian emiserally played a cautious game in naval warfare, saries, however, Ivan III, the grand prince of knowing when to seek an engagement and when Moscow, had become interested in her, and to avoid one, and Babinger reminds us that from eventually (on 25 May, 1472) his envoys apthe battle of Gallipoli (29 May, 1416) to that of peared before a secret consistory in Rome to Lepanto (7 October, 1571) they were never claim Zoe as his bride. A week later, on | June, seriously defeated at sea."t The pieces of Carafa’s she was married by proxy to Ivan, who (it was

chain were mounted over the main portal of hoped) might render assistance against the S. Peter’s, where they remained until the re- Turks, and even perhaps entertain proposals construction of the basilica in the following for the union of the Roman and _ Russian century. Later on, they were put over the door Orthodox Churches.” leading to the Archives of the Basilica, to the In any event, when Zoe left Rome on 24 June right of the sacristy,’* where they may still be for the long journey to Moscow by way of seen. Sixtus IV paid heavily for the souvenir.

—_—_— 8 Ammanati, Diario concistoriale, ad ann. 1472, RISS, 1472, ed. O. Tommasini, Rome, 1890, p. 76, and Car- XXIII-3 (1904), 141-42, 143-44, describes in detail the

dinal Jacopo Ammanati, Diario concistoriale, ad ann. 1472 appearance of the Italian-led embassy from “Alba Russia” (attributed by Muratori to Jacopo [or Giacomo] Gherardi and Zoe’s marriage by proxy in S. Peter’s basilica. Sixtus da Volterra), in RISS, XXI11I-3 (Citta di Castello, 1904), IV was generous both to Zoe and to her brother Andreas.

143, who says that the papal flotilla contained 18 galleys On 10 December, 1477, recalling that their father, the (triremes) and two transports (not 24 galleys and six Despot Thomas, had brought Pius IT the revered head of transports, as stated by Guglielmotti, I1, 342—43, 353), and S. Andrew from the city of Patras, munere regio, Sixtus that the Venetians provided 56 ships (Guglielmotti says 46 granted Andreas full possession of the house in the Campus

galleys and six transports), and King Ferrante of Naples, Martius, where the latter was still living five years after

30 ships (Guglielmotti says 20, 17 galleys and three his sister had gone to Russia: “. . . motu proprio...

transports). The Hospitallers later added two galleys. It quandam domum sitam in regione Campi Martii de urbe ad would be difficult to ascertain precisely the size of the nos et cameram nostram apostolicam legitime pertinentem Christian fleet which eventually saw service in the Aegean. et spectantem quam nunc inhabitas . . . absque alicuius Ammanati, loc. cit., recounts how Sixtus IV blessed the — census, fictus vel canonis seu alterius cuiusvis oneris solustandards and crews of four of Carafa’s galleys drawn up — tione cum omnibus et singulis eius ingressibus, egressibus,

in the Tiber on 28 May, 1472, the feast of Corpus ortis, edificiis, iuribus, et pertinentiis suis . . . tenore

Domini, and describes the scene again in a letter written presentium perpetuo concedimus, donamus, et assigfrom Rome on the following day to Cardinal Marco Barbo namus.. . ,” the grant carrying with it the right to trans(Epistolae lacobi Picolomini Cardinalis Papiensis, in Pit Secundi mit the property to his heirs (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg.

P.M. Commentarn, Frankfurt, 1614, Ep. ccccx.ix, p. 766). Vat. 583, fols. 89’-91', by mod. stamped enumeration). Cf. C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medi aevi, I1 (1914, repr. Two years later, on 9 October, 1479, when Andreas was

1960), 38a, from the Acta Consistorialia. himself planning a visit to Russia from which he would

11 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1472, nos. 1-5, 40-43, not be likely to return to Rome before the end of 1481, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 237-38, 244, and ad ann. 1473, nos. Sixtus granted him the continuation (during his absence) of 1-2, p. 248; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 461-64; Pastor, Hist. his annual pension of 1,800 gold ducats de camera, which

Popes, 1V, 226-28, and Gesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), was being paid from the revenues of the alum beds at 472-74; and cf. Mocenigo’s later report to the Venetian Tolfa (for which see Reg. Vat. 563, fols. 122'-123', bull Senate (Raynaldus, ad ann. 1474, no. 13, vol. XIX, p. 255). dated 6 July, 1474). Andreas needed the money “pro See also Michele Paone, “Il Cardinale Oliviero Carafae la expensis quas te in peregrinatione huiusmodi subire Terra d’Otranto,” in Atti del congresso internazionale di studi oportet.” To allay Andreas’s apprehension concerning the

sull’ eta aragonese [held at Bari, 15-18 December, 1968], future, Sixtus assured him that the pension would also Bari, n.d., pp. 613-19, who seems to think that Satalia is be continued upon his return to Rome and the Curia.

in Africa (p. 614). The bull was issued gratis, and was collated by Flavio 2 Guglielmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, 11,370; Pastor, | Biondo’s son Gaspare, who had a long tenure as a papal Gesch. d. Papste, Il, 474. secretary (Reg. Vat. 594, fol. 183).

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 319 northern Italy and Germany, Sixtus prepared the Turks.”” As the inscription states under the for her safe passage by sending ahead letters painting, which commemorates Zoe’s marriage of praise and protection to the cities and _ to Ivan, Sixtus gave her a dowry of 6,000 gold princes through whose territories she would ducats together with other presents to help her travel.'* As is well known, the papacy had _ start life anew in the frozen north, from which been generous to Zoe’s father, granting him a_ no help was sent against the Turks. Zoe immonthly pension, which was continued after his mediately reeembraced Orthodoxy, and church death for the benefit of his children. A paint- union was only discussed vaguely, with small ing in the Ospedale di S. Spirito in Saxia (near intention of any true commitment to the Latin the Vatican), which Sixtus IV rebuilt and en- Church.’® larged, also recalls the pope’s generosity to Zoe’s Although fat and homely, Zoe was intelligent brother Andreas as well as to Leonardo III and came to exercise great influence in Moscow, Tocco, fugitive despot of Arta, to whom Paul II where she was known as Sophia. Her marriage had made grants of several thousand gold florins with Ivan III began a new era in the history in 1465-1467 “as assistance in the war against and _ political ideology of Russian Orthodoxy. Ivan III became the heir of Byzantium, the 4 Fr. P. Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Siége, I (Paris, protector of all Orthodox Christians, and twenty 1896, repr. 1967), 161-62, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, years later (in 1492) the Metropolitan Zosimus II (repr. 1955), 474-75, know of copies of the “safe hailed the prince of Moscow as “sovereign and conduct” (littera passus), which Sixtus IV gave Zoe, prom autocrat of all Russia, the new Czar Constantine

the archives at Modena, Bologna, Nuremberg, and Lubeck, . . 2

but seem to have missed the copy in the Vatican. Since of the new city of Constantine, Moscow.

neither writer gives a text, I provide one herewith (Arch. Moscow succeeded Constantinople as the “third Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 660, fol. 314, by mod. stamped Rome,” and the Muscovite Church became the

enumeration): “Littera passus pro Zoe nata Thome center of the true faith, emulating in the ecPaleologi: Sixtus episcopus, servus, etc. Universis et singulis — (Jegjastical domain the grand prince’s new claims

presentesCum litteras et apostolicam bene| horitv. Mond the h dictionem. dilectainspecturis in Christo filiasalutem nobilis mulher to universal aut ority. .uscovy soared Zoe nata insignis memorie Thome Palaeologi, Constan- WINS of Byzantium. Ivan III adopted the tinopolitani imperii legitimi successoris, quam post cladem double-headed eagle of the Palaeologi as his Constantinopolis Peloponessique depopulationem e manibus

immanissimorum Turchorum elapsam apostolica sancta =—————— sedes ad quam confugit gremio pietatis excepit et semper * Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Siége, 1, 116-75, in full in honore habendam censuit ad virum cui nuper nobis detail; Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 193-94, 229-30, and Gesch.

auctoribus desponsata fuit impresentiarum cum nostra d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 446-47, 474-75; Alex. Eck, Le benedictione proficiscatur ad dilectum videlicet filtum Moyen-dge russe, Paris, 1933, pp. 424 ff.; Raynaldus, nobilem virum Johannem Volodomirie, Muscovie, Novo- Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1470, no. 9, vol. XIX (1693), p. 209, guordie, Pascovie, etc. magnum ducem, clare memorie and ad ann. 1472, nos. 48-49, ibid., pp. 245-46; and the Basilii olim magni ducis natum, nos qui eandem Zoen tam note in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. VI, tom. 39, clara ortam sobole in visceribus gerimus caritatis, cupientes _ fol. 352, from the late seventeenth century. Paul II had also ipsam cum quacumque sua comitiva cumque familiaribus been generous to the exiled Palaeologi (Gaspare da Verona, tam pedestribus quam equestribus salvis bonis et rebus etc. De gestis tempore . . . Pauli I, ed. G. Zippel, in RISS, III,

sine clausula mercimonii, sine numero, et sine termina- pt. 16 [1904], 59, lines 29-32, and Michele Canensi, De vita

tione temporis etc... . Datum Rome apud Sanctum et pontificatu Pauli I, ibid., pp. 138-39, with note 1). There Petrum anno, etc. millesimo quadringentesimo septuagesimo __ is a brief sketch of papal relations with Russia and central secundo, undecimo Kalendas Iulii, pontificatus nostrianno Europe in Oscar Halecki, “Sixte IV et la chrétienté orientale,”

primo” [21 June, 1472]. (N. Iorga, Notes et extraits, Mélanges Eugéne Tisserant, II (Citta del Vaticano, 1964), IV [Bucharest, 1915], doc. ccxxxu, p. 324, publishes a 241-64 (in the Vatican series Studi e testi, 232); see also somewhat different text from the archives of Nuremberg.) _Halecki’s book From Florence to Brest (1439-1596), Rome,

On 22 June, 1472, Sixtus also authorized issuance of 1958, pp. 100 ff. (Sacrum Poloniae Millennium, vol, V). a littera passus to an “envoy” (orator) of Zoe’s two brothers, © The inscription under the painting in the Ospedale di

Andrea and Manuel, “pro eorum peragendis necessariis S$. Spirito reads as follows: “Andream Palaeologum negotiis ad diversas mundi partes” (Reg. Vat. 681, fol. Peloponnesi / et Leonardum Toccum Epiri Dynastia / a

273°). Turcarum Tyranno Exutos/ Regio Sum[p]tu Aluit/Sophiam

Zoe left Rome with a large retinue on 24 June (1472), Thomae Palaeologi Filiam / Ruthenorum Duci Nuptam / and reached Moscow on 12 November. Along the way she | Cum Alys Muneribus / Tum Sex Mille Aureorum Dote spent from 10 to 14 August in Nuremberg, where she Auxit.” I remember with much pleasure a long afternoon’s was most hospitably received by the burgomaster and the __ visit to the Ospedale in May, 1957, when Pietro de Angelis, town council (Gunther Schuhmann, “Die ‘Kaiserin von _ librarian of the Lancisiana, gave me a conducted tour of the Konstantinopel’ in Nurnberg,” in Archive und Geschichts- famous hospital, and showed me the fifteenth-century Liber forschung: Studien zur frankischen und bayerischen Geschichte Fraternitatis S. Spiritus, containing Sixtus IV’s handsome Fridolin Solleder zum 80. Geburtstag dargebracht, Neustadt a.d. grants to the Hospital, which was first established on its

Aisch, 1966, pp. 148-74, esp. pp. 157-65). present site by Innocent III.

320 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT standard, introduced the imperial ceremonial makes possible,” Sixtus wrote the marquis of into his court, and built palaces and churches Mantua, “and would that we could bear this in Moscow, which he tried to make worthy of weight alone, because we would burden no one. the new dignity which Zoe had bestowed upon Our resources are not sufficient, however, and him.’’ Under these circumstances the Curia therefore it is necessary that we have recourse Romana could expect no help from Russia to your Excellency and the other Italian powers.” against the Turks, and events soon made clear He implored Lodovico to send to the Curia an that the hopes entertained of the Turkoman envoy cum pleno mandato to confer with the ruler were doomed to a like disappointment. representatives of the other Italian states and Uzun Hasan had lost little territory as a_ rulers (to whom he was sending similar briefs) result of his defeat in August, 1473, and he had on the financing of an expedition to go by land promptly informed the Venetians of his inten- against the Turks. They might wish to support tion to resume his attack upon the Ottoman the crusading efforts of King Matthias Corvinus sultan.'® Sixtus IV did what he could to assist of Hungary or prefer to strike at the Turk in the ‘Turkoman cause, which he identified with some other way, but plans should be made that of the Italian states. On 2 October, 1474, quickly, “so that we may know how to give a for example, he wrote the Marquis Lodovico of definite reply to the [Turkoman] envoy and Mantua and various other Italian princes that his prince.”’? On 23 October (1474) Lodovico Uzun Hasan’s hostility to Mehmed had served answered Sixtus that in accordance with the them all well, and could be even more usefulin papal request he was appointing his son, the future. If he should cease his pressure upon Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, as his envoy to deal the Ottoman empire, however, the Italian penin- with matters relating to the proposed expedisula and all Christendom would be in manifest tion against the Turks. Francesco was to have

danger. To ensure their own safety, therefore, full authority to commit the marquis to the the Christians must maintain Uzun Hasan in his crusade.”° It was a courteous reply and a safe

resolve to continue the war against Mehmed, one, for it seemed unlikely that the Italian “because in all likelihood no such opportunity as_ states would again move in unison against the this will ever offer itself again.” Once more a_ Turks for some time, not after the expedition of Turkoman envoy had come to the Curia, urging 1472, which had cost Rome, Venice, and Naples that the Christians attack the Turk with a land army, far Ore than its rather slender results had

and [Uzun Hasan] promises, if this is done, that he Justified. |

will again descend upon the Turk with a powerful The urgency and the frequency of Pope Sixarmy, and that he will not give up the war until the tus 'V’s appeals for action against the Turks belie

Turk has been destroyed. Uzun Hasan’s envoy is any assumption that his letters were indited insisting upon a response since he wishes to return merely for the record. In a brief of 1 July, to his prince, not mollified with words, but certain of 1475, he continued his importunities to the

what the Christians will really do. marquis of Mantua for aid against the Turks.

Sixtus feared that if the Christian powers did The Doge Pietro Mocenigo had just sent the not grasp this opportunity, Uzun Hasan would WOFrisome news from Venice that the sultan be forced to make a pact with Mehmed, which “4@> P lanning a large expedition to avenge the would obviously be to the extreme detriment of TeCet Turkish defeat in Moldavia, and the pope

Christendom. was anxious for Lodovico to realize that not “We are ready to do as much as our strength only Moldavia but all Europe was in danger.

He requested an appropriate subsidy from

——_—_—_——- Mantua to be sent to those who bore the brunt ‘Cf. Eck, Le Moyen-age russe, pp. 357, 425-27, 432 ff; of Turkish enmity along the eastern front.”! On

Pierling, La Russie et le Saint-Stege, 1, 225-28; Halecki,

From Florence to Brest, pp. 100, 104-5, 108-9, 112-13; Wm. =—§=————————

K. Medlin, Moscow and East Rome, Geneva, 1952, pp. 78 ff. 19 Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, *G. Berchet, La Repubblica di Venezia e la Persia, Turin, — brief of 2 October, 1474, and cf., ibid., the papal brief of

1865, pp. 137-39, translation into Italian of a letter April, 1475, for the collection of tithes in Mantuan territories from Uzun Hasan to the doge of Venice, “data ala nostra “propter apparatus maximos” to be prepared against the porta die primo lune mensis Augusti VIIIS LXXVII a Turks. Machometo citra” (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Com- 20 Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 85, BXXXIII, no. 13, fol. 60. memoriali, Reg. 16, no. 48, fols. 76°/77%—77'/78' [78"—79"]), 21 Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, brief of 1 July, 1475, and and cf. R. Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriah, V (1901), bk. cf. the (damaged) brief to Lodovico dated 12 September,

XVI, no. 65, pp. 212-13. 1475. Stephen the Great, prince of Moldavia, to whom Sixtus

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 321 17 September (1475) Sixtus wrote the marquis Sixtus looked everywhere for money with again, demanding the immediate dispatch of a which to combat the Turks, and lamented the Mantuan envoy to the Curia. He had previously colossal expense the Church faced in seeking to asked that an envoy be sent by | November, but stem their aggression. In the bull Catholice imminentia pericula would not allow so long a__fidet defensionem of 1 December, 1475, he stated delay (the news had just reached Rome that the that Sultan Mehmed II was elated by the conTurks had taken the Genoese colony of Caffa tinuing Turkish destruction of Christian life and

in early June). Similar letters were sent to property, and that he was exerting himself to

other Italian rulers (et aliis hoc idem scribimus),** the full to effect the subjugation of the remainbut they bestirred themselves no more than did ing areas of Christendom which he had not yet

the marquis of Mantua. overrun. The revenues of the Holy See were not

If Uzun Hasan really expected further help adequate to provide the necessary protection. from the West, he was disappointed. He had_ All the faithful must give their support lest other reasons for disappointment, even in his there be any relaxation of the long-continued own family, for he was obliged to suppress a_ papal effort against the infidel. The kings of revolt by one of his sons and to march against Castile and Leén had employed a third part of his brother Uwais. In 1475-1476 the plague _ the tithes against the Moslems in Granada, but ravaged Persia; the campaign against the Otto- for some time they had been giving these funds mans was first postponed and then abandoned. _ to various ecclesiastical and lay persons and for Venice and the papacy did what they could to various ecclesiastical and lay purposes. All such keep alive in Uzun Hasan’s mind the idea that improper diversions of the income from these a simultaneous attack from east and west would “thirds” must cease, and restitution must be eventually crush Mehmed II as though between made to the parish churches from which the two millstones, but Venetian policy suffered a_ collections had been made. Sixtus pointed out, severe blow when Uzun Hasan died at Tabriz however, that if the income from these thirds in early January, 1478. His death was an im-_ were divided into two equal parts, one of them portant factor in the Republic’s decision to make might be used “for the defense of the orthodox

peace with the Porte a year later.** Church and for an expedition against the Turks

for two years” (but it must be channeled through

_—________ the Camera Apostolica), and the other half alludes in his brief of 1 July, defeated the Turks near WOuld remain in the parishes for maintenance Rahova (Rahovitsa), northwest of Galati (Galats), on 10 Jan- of the fabric of their churches. The crusade uary, 1475, on which note Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 285, and would thus receive no little impetus without cesch d. Papste, (repr. 1955), 519, and R. Rosetti, disadvantage to the churches tephen theIt Great of Moldavia andmarked the Turkish Invasion, . . which . had

Slavonic Review, VI (1927-28), 86-103. On the importance long been deprived of this revenue. Sixtus thereof Stephen’s career in the history of eastern Europe, see fore decreed motu proprio that the thirds should Serban Papacostea, “La Politique exterieure de la Moldavie be divided between the Camera (for use against

2 eT ine RAV 3 (1975) joanna SP? “em the Turks) and the parish churches of Castile 2 Cf. W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant, trans. Furcy and Leon (for the maintenance of their fabrics),

Raynaud, II, (1886, repr.'1967), 399-404, and on the fallof With the usual declaration of penalties against

Caffa, note below. those persons, lay or ecclesiastical, who might * Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, brief dated 17 September, seek to contravene or frustrate his decision.”

1475, and ¢f., ibid., the (damaged) brief of 30 September,

with which Sixtus sent Lodovico a copy of a letter from =—=————

Matthias Corvinus dilating on the Turkish threat: XXIII, col. 1144AB, and J. Gelcich, and L. von Thalléczy, “. . . [taque considera, dilectissime fili, quam aperta im- Diplomatarium relationum reipublicae ragusanae cum regno

mineant pericula nisi nosmet ipsos excitemus et salutaria Hungariae, Budapest, 1887, no. 385, pp. 630-31 (abbr. remedia quamprimum adhibeamus, quod te pro viribus Dipl. ragusanum)..

tuis non dubitamus esse facturum.” These appeals were *5 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 679, fols. 80-81, unceasing; cf., zbtd., the briefs dated 17 March, 1476, and 18 by mod. stamped enumeration, and cf. the authorization

February, 1477. dated 1 September, 1475, to collect the anti-Turkish tithe ** On the evidence concerning Uzun Hasan, furnished by “in regnis loannis Aragonum regis illustris” (ibid., fols. 84°

Angiolello’s Historia turchesca, see N. Di Lenna, in the 85’). On 1 March, 1476, Sixtus wrote Bishop Domenico Archivio veneto-tridentino, V (1924), 28-30; V. Minorsky, in Camisati of Rieti, his legate in Germany, Hungary, Poland,

Encycl. of Islam, 1V (Leiden, 1934), 1066-68, and cf. p. 588 and Bohemia, about the necessity for both princes and (on Tabriz); Barbara von Palombini, Biindniswerben abend- _ prelates to put aside their personal rancor “ad suscipiendum

landischer Machte um Persien (1453-1600), Wiesbaden, 1968, et magno animo prosequendum Christiane reipublice pp. 16-31; note also Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, defensionis negocium adversus immanissimos Turchorum

322 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Of the western powers Venice had the most at day was passing when the Venetians could take stake in the Levant, and sustained the heaviest much pleasure in Genoese misfortune, and con-

losses in the long war with the Porte. The sidering that it was the Turks who gained

Genoese suffered also, however, whenthe Turks thereby, the Venetians had small cause for satistook over their rich colony at Caffainthe Crimea _ faction. It was as Pius II’s old friend, Cardinal (in June, 1475), and soon thereafter occupied Jacopo Ammanati, wrote a fellow member of the

Tana on the Sea of Azov. The loss of life at Sacred College, Francesco Gonzaga—Europe Caffa was accompanied by the wholesale con- was in a dangerous turmoil, with the Christian fiscation of money and merchandise.** Old and princes rattling their arms in one another’s New Phocaea had already been cruelly ravaged ears. “The sack of Caffa has filled us with twenty years before (in 1455) by the Turkish grief.” The pope had written to the princes. admiral Yunus Beg, after which the profits of What else could he do??9 the alum trade had of course declined.”” Genoa There was, to be sure, still one important now had little to show for some three and a_ Genoese settlement left in the Levant. For alhalf centuries of effort in the Levant.”* But the most a century after the fall of Caffa the Genoese mahonesi held on to the island of Chios

—___—___—_ (until the Turks forced them out in April, impetus” (ibid., fols. 15'- 16"), and on the following 7 May 1566). Their revenues from farming the Chian he wrote Bishop Niccolé Sandonnino of Modena, his legate taxes, duties, and imposts, the local soap fac-

in Francedesideria and Brittany, cordis Burgundynostri and Savoy, “sane inter tory vere the salefidei of wine cetera incrementum etand ’ .silk. , and the pro-

animarum salutem ac commissi nobis gregils] dominici duction of something over two hundred cases libertatem supremis [desideramus] affectibus, hoc precipue of mastic each year hardly sufficed to pay the tempore quo notissima fidelium pressura et sevissima administrative costs of the island. The rapacity of

aynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. , nos. 23-27, vol. .

Tuyoiorum Persecutto unminet 7 Cod NS ey wl the officials, the speculations of the bankers, XIX (1693), pp. 261-62; Heyd, II, 400-6, whom Babinger, and’ the cepredations of ai aan life we

Maometto (1957), pp. 505-9, follows rather closely. Pastor, QUality of a constant crisis. € manonest, DEGesch. d. Papste, 11 (repr. 1955), 519, notes that the fall of longing to noble families, exerted some political Caffa (6 June) was known in Rome by September. It was _ influence in Genoa, which was constantly obliged

a crushing Dow to the morale oF ne matones . area on to assist them in the confused conduct of which ¢. Philip P. Argenti, Occupation of Chios, | (Cambridge, affairs in Chios, where 1958), 226-29. Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, pp. 72— . . the local coinage was 80, is well informed on the fall of Caffa, which made a deep likely to be corrupt, justice to go awry, the

impression on the Curia Romana, “. . . nuper expugnata food supply to be mismanaged, taxes Manipusplendidissima ac populosa urbe Caffa dilectorum filiorum lated, and the fortifications neglected. There populi Ianuensium dicioni subiecta cum multorum Christi were frequent srounds for disagreement and

fidelium strage et bonorum omnium illius incolarum de- . d 4 die Th h as . bus; tractione . . .” (from the bull Dum attenta meditatione, dated 9=‘™USUN erstan ing. © manoneéest were i a DUSI1 March, 1476 [according to the stile fiorentino, 1475], in Ness which they hoped the Genoese state would

Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 679, fol. 90", and ¢f., fol. buy from them, but the home government en. As the years passed, Sixtus IV tried fo ransomeome could never find the money to redeem the

eee eee eee eeein eeecalamitate Oy oe tre Tights it had mortgaged the time of .the superioribus et direptione civitatisat Caffensis . (Reg. Vat. 550 [Sixti IV Bull. secret. “apud Trapezuntium,” tom. Conquest, for which the first mahonest had paid. V], fol. 118, by mod. stamped enumeration, bulli dated 18 Until the last two decades or so of the mahonesi’s

September, 1479). possession of Chios, by which ttme the Genoese 27 Cf. Argenti, Occupation of Chios, 1, 210, 509; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 207-9, 404. On the Phocaeas, see Wolfgang Miller-Wiener, “Kusadasi und Yeni-Foca: Zwei italienische = =——"— Griindungsstadte des Mittelalters,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 5-53. The economic institutions and commercial history of

XXV (1975), 399-420, to which reference has been made Genoa are dealt with in some detail by Jacques Heers, above. Génes au XV® siécle, Paris, 1961. 78 From about 1415 the Levantine trade of the Genoese 79 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 10, fol. 159°, (and that of the Catalans) had decreased steadily, despite by mod. stamped enumeration, dated 29 July, 1475, and cf. an occasional good year, while that of Venice appears to Giuseppe Calamari, Ji Confidente di Pio Il: Card. Iacopo Ammanhave increased by about one-third in the course of the — nat-Piccolomini, 2 vols., Milan, 1932, II, 530-31. On the MS. in

century. See the somewhat speculative but important article question, see Frank-Rutger Hausmann, “Armarium 39, of Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Volume of Levantine Trade in — tomus 10 des Archivio Segreto Vaticano: Ein Beitrag zum the Later Middle Ages (1370-—1498),” The Journal of |Epistolar des Kardinals Giacomo Ammannati-Piccolomini European Economic History, 1V-3 (Rome, 1975),573-612,and (1422-1479) und anderer Humanisten,” Quellen und (in general) Ashtor, “The Venetian Supremacy in Levantine Forschungen aus ttalienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, L

Trade: Monopoly or Pre-Colonialism?” ibid., HI-1 (1974), (1971), 112-80.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 323 position had become almost ludicrous in the years of the mahona the home government face of Turkish power, the Republic seems apparently took little interest in Chios, which always to have planned this redemption of an might be occupied by the Turks at almost any authority which it had never exercised. For time. The resident mahonesi, in turn, took little more than two centuries, therefore, the mahona, interest in Genoa except as a possible source a joint-stock company, collected the revenues of of help in raising the tribute (and making Chios through its own treasurers (massaru). “gifts”) of some 12,000 ducats which had to be The stockholders, many of whom were resident delivered promptly each year to the Porte.*! on Chios, made a living from the company, Later on, the tribute might be allowed to fall a and that was all they cared about until they full three years in arrears (as in 1534-1536), but

could sell their rights to the state. in one way or another it seems generally to The stockholders in the mahona held 38 major have been made up and eventually paid in full. shares (caratt grosst, each divisible into eight caratt, For generations the Turks tolerated the mahona

piccolt, of which there were thus 304). Three in Chios, although more than once (as in 1534 caratt. grossi comprised a basic twelfth (duo- and 1552) they refused to countenance the senddenum) of the mahonesi’s total investment (which - ing of the podesta from Genoa. Presumably was actually 12%5 duodena). Appointments to the pashas in Istanbul believed that a tribute most of the lucrative positions on the island of 10—12,000: ducats a year, with no cost or (the appointees served the mahona rather than _ problems of administration, was more than they

the state) were assigned by lot to the holders could have wrung from the inhabitants if

of the basic duodena, which were however sub- they had taken direct possession of the island.

divided into large and small carati held by a con- Life was not unpleasant on Chios. On the siderable number of different persons belong- whole the Greeks were well treated, in acing for the most part to the so-called family of cordance with the agreement between the adthe Giustiniani. It was from these shareholders miral Simone Vignoso and the leaders of the or from persons of their own choice that the Byzantine community at the time of the conofficers in question were chosen. Membership quest in 1346. The Jews had fewer legal

in the mahona thus not only yielded a profit rights, but were less abused than in many

(in theory at least), the amount varying with the other places. Latin women enjoyed in Chios as number of carati held, but also provided a job in Genoa a comparatively favorable status. The which paid a salary in most cases larger than robust and uncertain lives which their husbands

the income derived from the stockholder’s led on the sea have left the names of numer-

shares in the company.*” The tendency to make ous widows in the Chian documents in the hay while the sun shone was very strong, for Genoese archives. The laws concerning intestacy the Turks cast a longer shadow over the affairs in Chios, as in Genoa, were full of compliof the island with each passing decade, and no _ cated specificities that need not concern us here. one knew when the clouds would finally pro- The mahonesi enjoyed sizable dividends during

duce the storm. the earlier period of their exploitation of Chios There were two reasons for Genoa’s holding and the Phocaeas. Their fiscal agents or treaon to Chios long after possession of the island surers (massarii) took over the revenues which

was a source of any profit. First, Chios was had previously been paid to the Byzantines, the last remnant of the Genoese colonial em- from whom Vignoso had taken the island. These pire; pride made its relinquishment very dif- fiscal agents were elected by the shareholders ficult. Secondly, the mahones: cherished the pro- of the mahona, and could enlist the aid of both longed hope that some day the state would re-__ the podesta and the castellans in bringing presdeem, for the often stated sum of 152,250 sure to bear upon recalcitrant taypayers. They collive, the rights farmed out to them in the _ lected the fines imposed in the law courts; the old series of leases or conventions which formed Byzantine land tax or akrostichon; various excises the charter of their company. Genoa never had

money enough to do so, and through the last ————

Occupation of Chios, I, 210, 238-39, 268-69, TT 655-56; II, 318: “. . . domini1 Argenti, Mahonenses . . . solverunt

*° Argenti, Occupation of Chios, 1, 126-46, 408, 411-4. annuatim regi turcorum ducatos decem milia auri venetos Argenti has followed various sales and transfers of stock as_ per certa tempora et deinde solverunt et solvunt duo-

minute detail. dated 1482).

well as the general operation of the mahona in sometimes decim milia pro caraihio sive tributo .. .” (from doc.

324 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (gabelle); and a multiplicity of other duties organize a crusade. By briefs of 30 September, and imposts. The Greek inhabitants were for 1480, addressed to the mahonesi, the doge and

some time subject to an onerous poll tax (kap- “ancients” of Genoa, and the vicar of the

nikon), which might amount to six hyperpert a church of Chios, Sixtus renewed the prohibiyear, enough to cause emigration from the tion against the negotiatio aluminum Turcorum

island; the poll tax was removed, however, under the penalty of excommunication. The in March, 1396, and an annual hearth tax of Chian traffic in Turkish alum not only brought

two hyperpert was substituted for it, certain profit to the Porte, but it was inconsistent

groups of workers being exempted since they with the defense of Chios, and was detrimen-

had to pay other taxes. There were special tal to the sale of papal alum from the beds taxes on silk, wine, vinegar, domestic animals, at Tolfa, the proceeds of which were reserved

real estate, some kinds of personal property, for the crusade. The pope ordered that all and the employment of weights and measures; Turkish alum on Chios should be sequestered imposts were laid on the milling of grain, even and held until he gave further word as to its on gambling (commerchium baratarie); and a spe-__ disposition.®®

cial levy of one, later three, per cent was col- It was much easier for the pope to declare lected on imports and exports, being known as_ such a prohibition at the Curia than for the the “drictus Chi . . . impositus pro expensis mahonest to observe it on Chios. They could faciendis ob metum Turchorum.” The drictus not avoid trading with the Turks; they naturally was levied almost surreptitiously for defense wanted to avoid trouble with them. Alum reagainst the ‘Turks; to do away with the neces- mained a problem, but there were of course sity of explaining the charge, Turks were ex- other products they could turn into money. Pitch

empted from paying it.* was distilled from turpentine, a product of the

The soil of Chios was not unfertile, yielding terebinth tree, which was grown on Chios; it figs, oranges, lemons, nuts, oil, wax, and even was used for caulking the seams in ships and some cotton and grain. The mahona held probably for waterproofing under slate roofing monopolies in mastic, alum, pitch, and salt. and tiles. Hides were tanned and dyed on the The production of mastic was limited and care-_ island. The silk industry was apparently quite

fully supervised to keep up both the health of important, employing numerous weavers; the plants and the price; in the sixteenth cen- woolen cloth was produced also, although it is tury, however, when annual production was not clear whether many sheep were kept on the

probably more-than 25 per cent smaller than island or not. Be all this as it may, Chios it had been in the previous century (a decline was more important as a trading station and

from about 430 to about 300 quintals a year),** depot in transit than as a producing area or the mastic trade is said to have grossed some manufacturing center. A brisk trade was carried

30,000 ducats a year.* on with England, Flanders, and Spain as well The profits made in the alum mines of as with the home government, Greece, Syria,

Phocaea are well known to all economic his- Egypt, and the Ottoman empire. Asiatic drugs

torians of the medieval Levant. In 1480-— and spices were transshipped from Chios to 1481, at the time of the Turkish attacks upon the chief ports of western Europe. Loss of Rhodes and Otranto, some of the mahonest were _ the island was not to improve the economy of engaged in the alum trade with the Turks, which the home government, and was to destroy the incensed Pope Sixtus IV, who was trying to last remnants of Genoese prestige in the East.

—_—_____ If the Venetians could find small cause for 32 Argenti, Occupation of Chios, 1, 424-27. satisfaction in the Genoese loss of Caffa, they

33'The late medieval quintal (about 110 Ibs. avoirdupois) could find no more in the parlous state of was apparently only about one-half the weight of the affairs in Italy. Sixtus IV would soon throw the = 220.46 lbs. avoirdupois). The cantar or (long) hundred- peninsula into turmoil in the interests of his weight seems to have been the same as the quintal; nephew Girolamo Riario, who on 17 January,

modern quintal (in the metric system 100,000 grams . . a: . .

mastic was usually shipped in cases of two cantars, which would have weighed about 220 lbs. avoirdupois when full, —————— Cf. in general Argenti, Occupation of Chios, I, 521-24, which 35 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, Bibl. Maglia-

I find somewhat confused. becchiana, MS. II-III 256, fols. 55°’—56¥’, a collection of 34 Argenti, Occupation of Chios, I, 484-87. Sixtus 1V’s briefs from August, 1481, to August, 1482.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 325 1473, was betrothed to Caterina Sforza, a natural explained his declination in less abstract terms.

daughter of Galeazzo Maria, the duke of Milan, He believed the league designed to constrict and upon whom with the duke’s connivance he the Holy See in the full governance of the bestowed Imola as a papal vicariate in the _ states of the Church, and saw in it an obstacle following autumn.** Florence had more reason _ to the continued practice of his nepotism. King

than Venice, however, to wonder whither Ferrante of Naples, also suspicious of the league, Sixtus’s nepotistic policy would lead. Since it was drawn more closely to the pope, whom he was well known that Riario also aspired to lord- visited for three days in Rome toward the end ship over Faenza and Forli, Lorenzo de’ Medici of January, 1475, possibly returning for another had become very fearful of the pope’s maneu-__ two days in mid-February. Ostensibly they disvers. It was not to the ambitions of Sixtus and cussed the necessity of organizing a new Italian the Riari as such that Lorenzo took excep- alliance against Mehmed II, but undoubtedly tion, but if the pope could bring Umbria and _ they also considered the meaning of the north the Romagna under effective control, he would — Italian league, which they both interpreted as have Tuscany between the upper and nether contrary to their interests.** millstones. A century before this, after the It is neither easy nor necessary for the modern military Cardinal Albornoz’s consolidation of the historian to fix the blame for the coming states of the Church, the Florentines had con- struggles in Italy upon any one or two of the ducted the so-called War of the Eight Saints participants. These struggles did, however, inagainst Pope Gregory XI, lest he should ac- vite the eventual entry of the French and Spanish complish what his successor Sixtus now seemed _ into the peninsula, and sadly diminished the to be envisaging. It was always possible that long-continued prosperity of Italy. Venice was Florence, old home of the Parte Guelfa, might ina particularly awkward position through these

again take up arms against the papacy. years, for she was not only at war with the

Dissension was beginning, and on 2 Novem- Porte, but was very unpopular throughout Italy ber, 1474, Venice entered with Milan and _ and distrusted throughout Europe, as Mehmed Florence into a twenty-five-year pact, being soon II well knew. As trouble loomed on the Italian

joined by the duchy of Ferrara. Sixtus IV horizon, the Turk was preparing to move westrefused to become a party to the league, ward. On 5 February, 1476, Sixtus IV issued which declared its purpose to be the preserva- the bull Quamvis ad amplianda imposing a tithe

tion of peace in Italy. Although he wrote the (with the full assent of Charles the Bold) Marquis Lodovico Gonzaga on 11 April, 1475, upon the harassed faithful in the duchy of that it ill became the supreme pontiff, “who is Burgundy and Charles’s other possessions “be-

the universal father of all,” to form an alliance cause of the calamitous condition of the with any particular league,*” he could have times... and the vast Turkish offensive” (calamitosa moderni temporis conditio . . . in-

88 ier Pier Des: . gensque Turchorum persecutio). Sixtus deplored Desiderio Pasolini, Caterina Sforza, 3 vols., Rome, \fehmed’s uninterrupted success under the ban1893, 1, 45-46, and III, docs. 52-59, pp. 21-26, on the . . . betrothal (somewhat by chance) of Girolamo and Caterina, ner of Satan, the invasion of Albania, the fall and ibid., 1, 48-49, and III, docs. 64-67, p. 29, on the Of Caffa, and the slaughter and enslavement county of Imola, the restitution of which to the statesof the of the faithful throughout the Balkans. The Church Sixtus had to purchase from the duke of Milan for arrogant Turk was again preparing powerful 40,000 ducats. Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955),

490-91. According to a papal brief dated 18 January, ——————— 1474, addressed to the Marquis Lodovico II of Mantua, Mediolani ducum necnon reipublice Florentine oratores ad “Dilectus filius nobilis vir Hieronymus vicecomes nepos nos venissent postulantes ut ligam quam inter se fecerant

secundum carnem noster possessionem civitatis nostre et in qua locum ingrediendi nobis reliquerant ingredi Imolensis quam nuper de consilio venerabilium fratrum vellemus, adduximus multas rationes quibus eis ostendimus nostrorum Sancte Romane Ecclesie cardinalium in vicari- non decere summum pontificem, qui omnium universalis

atum ei concessimus adire quam primum debet, et quia pater est, particulari alicui lige confoederari . . . ,” after persone nostre assistit continue, per se ipsum non po- which Lodovico was instructed in the meaning and functest... ,” and so Girolamo Riario planned to send a __ tion of the papal ligandi et solvendi potestas. This brief is also lieutenant to Imola (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. preserved in a Mantuan archival register, where it was

Gonzaga, Busta 834). recorded with Lodovico’s courteous but rather noncom37 Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834: _mittal reply (#bid., Busta 85, fols. 72”—73°).

“Superioribus diebus cum dilectorum filiorum nobiliorum 38 Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV, 272, 278-80, 284-85, and Gesch.

virorum Petri Mozenici Venetiarum et Galeatii Marie d. Papste, I (repr. 1955), 507-8, 513-14, 518-19.

326 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT armies and fleets to subject all Christendom rid the state of a tyrant.“° Whatever his fail‘if he can” (si possit), with obvious peril to ings, Galeazzo Maria’s political vision seems to

the faithful and the faith.* have been broader than that of Lorenzo While the Turk maintained pressure on the de’ Medici. To Sixtus IV his death meant the eastern front, the peace of Italy rested in pre- end of peace in Italy. The pope sent briefs carious balance. The strength of the Milanese to all the Italian powers on 1 January, 1477, duchy in the north held in equipoise the am- urging them to keep the peace as well as bition rife in the southern kingdom of Naples. deploring the insperata mors of Galeazzo Maria,”

From the time of the conqueror Charles I and during that year it was kept for the most

(1266-1285), the rulers of Naples, Angevins part although Florence, Venice, and Milan mainand Aragonese alike, appear to have held an_ tained their dangerous alignment against the

exaggerated idea of the power and resources papacy and Naples, to which powers Siena of their domain, as indeed did most of their adhered in fear of Florence.” Italy was like contemporaries in Italy and elsewhere in a volcano which might erupt at any time. Europe. An imperious and bureaucratic regime, In the East, however, the contest with the the kingdom was organized to play interna- Porte went on without abatement. On 15

tional politics. If the supply of cereals was low, February, 1476, Matthias Corvinus had taken the grain trade was a royal monopoly, and_ the Turkish fortress of Shabats (Sabac) after a export could be made, for example, to Venice _ thirty-day siege, capturing the garrison of about or withheld, as expediency suggested at any 1,200 janissaries, and thereafter had advanced

given time. But after Robert the Wise, who as far as Semendria (Smederevo), but the endied in 1343, the Neapolitan government tended _thusiastic support of Sixtus IV and the Veneto be incompetent and was constantly beset by tians, who were in whole-hearted agreement in

internal strife. The peasants lived on fruit, their anti-Turkish sentiment, was offset by the chestnuts, wine, and such little meat and grain refusal of the Emperor Frederick III to render

as they could get. any assistance at all. Frederick would still not Located in the fertile plains of Lombardy, allow Matthias to acquire ships and arms in his well watered by the Po, the Milanese duchy territories without paying tolls and customs

did not have the same problem of putting duties. He made no effort even to halt the

food on the table as the Venetians, who de-_ raids of German knights into north Hungarian pended much on imports. Milanese policy could _ territory, let alone the continual and deadly raids

easily be based on political desire instead of which the Turks launched from Bosnia through economic necessity. In the eighth decade of the Croatia into the old duchies of Carniola and fifteenth century, however, the duke of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, despicable as he may 9 Allegretto Allegretti, Diart sanesi, in RISS, XXIII (Milan, have been personally, was the mainstay of peace 1733), cols. 777-78, who shows that the assassins had in Italy, but on the morning of 26 December, personal reasons also; Malipiero, Annali venett, in Arch. stor. 1476, he was assassinated at the church of S. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 245; Sigismondo de’Conti (da Foligno), Stefano by three young Milanese nobles, students Le Storie de‘suot tempi dat 1475 al 1510, 2 vols, Rome, of the humanist Cola Montano, who were allegedly Venice, 1554, pp. 22’-25"; and see in general Vincent fired by the study of the ancient classics to Ilardi, “The Assassination of Galeazzo Maria Sforza and the

: ’ 1883, I, 17; cf. Bernardino Corio, L’Historta di Milano, Reaction of Italian Diplomacy,” in Lauro Martines, ed., Violence and Civil Disorder in Italian Cities, 1200-1500,

——_—_——_—— Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1972, pp. 72-103.

39 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 679, fols. 1477-150", 41 Such a brief may be found in the Arch. di Stato di by mod. stamped enumeration. In this bull Sixtus also Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, addressed to Lodovico emphasizes that, ever since the death of his predecessor Gonzaga: “Debuit iam ut opinamur nobilitas tua intellexisse Paul II, no small part of the resources of the Apostolic insperatam mortem insignis memorie Galeazmarie ducis

See had been spent in subsidies to the Hungarians, the Mediolani quam nos pluribus ex causis maxime vero

despot of the Morea, the Albanian princes, the despot of _ propter quietem Italicam vehementer dolemus . . . ,” and

Arta, “and very many other magnates, provinces, and_ ¢f., ibid., the brief dated | February, 1478. Hoping peoples” (ibid., fols. 147’- 148"). As for Charles the Bold that Lodovico might prove a stabilizing force in northern of Burgundy (d. January, 1477), although he liked to cast _ Italy, the pope conferred the golden rose on him by a brief

himself in the role of a crusader, he never began serious dated 31 March, 1477 (bid., Busta 834, and Busta 85, preparations for an expedition against the Turks ¢f. R. J. BXXXIII, no. 13, fols. 79’—80").

Walsh, “Charles the Bold and the Crusade . . . ,” Journal “Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 290-99, and Gesch. d.

of Medieval History, W11 [1977], 53-86). Papste, II (repr. 1955), 524-31.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 327 Carinthia. The enterprise of the Turks was Venetians sought by diplomacy to end the war extraordinary. Greece suffered no less than in which they were losing so much and gaining central Europe. Although a Turkish attack upon — so little, their endeavors were in vain, for

the stout walls of Naupactus (Lepanto) had Sultan Mehmed II with patent insincerity

failed in July, 1476, Naxos was sacked in the insisted upon almost impossible conditions of

following year, and in 1479 an ecclesiastical peace, and, when his terms were accepted, source depicts the island diocese of Naxos imposed still further conditions or changed his and Paros as being largely in Turkish hands.* mind. In June, 1478, the great Albanian fortress To the Venetians the war seemed endless, of Croia (Krujé), Scanderbeg’s stronghold, sur-

among the darkest months and years in the rendered to Mehmed after a siege of more history of the Republic. They had increasing than a year. Despite the sultan’s assurance grounds for apprehension, as we have seen, in that their lives would be spared, many of the

the tense political situation in Italy, and it inhabitants were killed. They had had no almust be added that they constantly added tothe ternative to surrender, having been reduced, tension by seeking to compensate for their according to the Italian chroniclers Navagero losses in the Levant by making territorial gains and Angiolello, to devouring their horses, dogs, in the peninsula. Turkish raiders carried their “and anything else they could eat.”* (The Turks merciless depredations into Istria and Friuli held Croia, the “White Castle,” for more than (in 1477), and the fires-of burning woods, four centuries.) Further north, Drivasto (Drisht) farmhouses, and villages were visible in Venice and Alessio (Lesh) were taken, but the Venefrom atop the campanile in the Piazza S. Marco. tian garrison and the terrified inhabitants of The long sweep of Friuli south of Forogiulio Scutari (Scodra, Shkodér) resisted, with a forti(Cividale), Udine, and Pordenone is an almost tude born of desperation, the frightful siege indefensible flatland protected only by the easily which began in May, 1478, and was still unbypassed height of Conegliano in the north- concluded when peace was finally made between west. There was reason for the fear which struck the Republic and the Porte at the beginning the Venetians, who had to manage alone while of the following year. Scutari was then given Matthias Corvinus again became embroiled in war with Frederick Ill, and pave UP trying incendio consumpte fuere” (ibid., p. 154), “tempore quo to check the constant westward attacks of the Turcorum exercitus regionem omnem incendio et preda Turks and their Bosnian saccomanni.“ When the __yastavit” (p. 164, and cf. pp. 166, 199, 202, 207, 208 note 2,

____—— et alibi).

211, 216, 217, 219 [referring to an army of 15,000 Turks],

8 Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, cols. 1146E- A number of Sixtus IV’s anti-Turkish briefs addressed 1147, 1149C, on Lepanto; C. Eubel, Hierarchia, If (1914, to Duke Ercole I d’Este of Ferrara are preserved in the repr. 1960), 200: [Niccolo da Gaeta, archbishopof Naxosand Archivio di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria marchionale Paros] “non obtulit servitia communia nisi illos solitos 10. [dal 1393] poi ducale [dal 1471] Estense, Carteggio di pro balista, quia ecclesia Pariensis a Turcis pro maiori principi e signorie, Roma, Busta 1293A/8, nos. 65, 73, and parte occupata dicitur.” Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 86 (on behalf of Uzun Hasan), 93 and 94 (on the fall of 1476, nos. 4—9, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 265-66; Wm. Miller, Caffain 1475), 103, 105, 111, 116, and 119 (on the impelling

Latins in the Levant, pp. 611-12; Babinger, Maometto, need of a subsidy for Corvinus). A brief of 17 January, pp. 512-17, 526-27. On Matthias’s difficulties in dealing 1478, stresses the danger of the Turkish incursions into with Frederick III, cf. A. Bachmann, Urkundliche Nach- _ Friuli (in agro Foroiuliensi, ibid., no. 125), and another of 27 trage zur dsterreichisch-deutschen Geschichte im Zeitalter Kaiser April again sought Ferrarese assistance for the hard-pressed Friedrichs III., Vienna, 1892, nos. 251, 264, 371, andesp. 416, | Corvinus (no. 127). Two years before this, by a brief of 21

and for the Turkish war in Bosnia against the Hungarians April, 1476, Sixtus had rejected a request of Louis XI of in 1476-1477, see Angiolello, Historia turchesca, ed. Ursu France to hold a general council in Lyon “ob utilitatem

(1909), pp. 93-96. et reformationem reipublice Christiane” in alleged accord

“On the Turkish incursions which reached deep into with the decree of Constance. Sixtus denied the validity of Friuli, threatening Pordenone on 11 November, 1477; the _ the decree, stating that general councils required the asterrible fear of the invaders throughout Sixtus IV’s reign surance of all the Christian princes “ut personaliter interes-

and for years thereafter; and the long war between _ sent,” besides which there was too much dissension and Frederick III and Matthias Corvinus, which came toanend hostility among the princes to hold a council, and that if only with the latter’s death in April, 1490, see Giuseppe such dissension continued, the Turk would eventually seize Vale, Itinerario di Paolo Santonino in Carintia, Stiriae Carniola the rest of Europe and try to destroy Christianity: the neglt annt 1485 —1487 (Cod. Vat. lat. 3795), Cittadel Vaticano, most Christian king of France should know that a crusade 1943, esp. pp. 21—36, with a rich bibliography. Santonino’s __ was necessary, not a council (no. 104).

itinerary contains frequent references to churches and * Navagero, op. cit., col. 1153C; Angiolello, Hist. turchesca,

villages, “que in Turcorum excursione omnes [ville] ed. Ursu, pp. 97-102.

328 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT up to the Turks as one of the stipulations Minor territorial problems still remained unin the treaty.*° The Venetians had held the solved, however, especially in the Morea, where fortress for more than eighty years. Like Croia_ the local Turkish pashas, flambulari, judges, and

it now passed under Turkish dominance for subashis disputed with Bartolommeo Minio, the more than four centuries (in 1913 it was in- Venetian provveditore and captain of Nauplia, corporated in the new Albania, after the triumph what belonged to Venice and what to the Porte. of the short-lived Balkan league over Turkey). The defection of the Albanian captain Theodore Bua, who joined the great uprising of Corcondilo Some sixteen years of war between Venice Cladas (Korkodeilos Kladas) in Maina, produced

and the Porte came at long last to an end on . much anxiety among the Venetian officials in 25 January, 1479, in the peace negotiated in the Morea. The insurgents threatened the newly Istanbul by the diplomat Giovanni Dario, who made peace by their continued attacks upon had been accorded extraordinary powers by the the Turks. Cladas, who had been one of the Venetian Senate, of which he was the secretary. last of the Moreote chieftains to give up the

The Venetians now formally ceded to the struggle to save the Morea from the Turks Porte both Scutari and Croia, the islands of twenty years before,*® and had served the Lemnos and Negroponte, and the rough prom-_ Serenissima well during the late war, now re-

ontory of Maina in the southern Morea; fused to accept the Venetian cession of Maina they agreed to return within two months their to the Porte in accord with the-treaty of own conquests in the Morea to the Porte, January, 1479. The insurgents fared badly,

which in its turn undertook to restore to

the Republic some of the lands the Turks had —HW— occupied in the Morea, Albania, and Dalmatia. 1478, nos. 40-41, vol. XIX (1693), p. 278; Angiolello, The Venetians also bound themselves to pay Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, p. 108. Alessio Bombaci, “Nuovi within two years the sum of . 100,000 gold XLVI (1954), 298-319, publishes for the first time thirteen ducats, which Bartolommeo Zorzi and Girolamo letters in Greek from Mehmed II to the Doge Giovanni Michiel, lessees of the Turkish alum mines, Mocenigo (from 23 September, 1479, to 30 April, 1481), all still owed the Porte when they fled from Istan- from the Liber graecus, a sixteenth-century parchment bul after the outbreak of war promising also register in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Miscellanea,

oh: Firmani greci di Maometto II,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift,

h | h P £ 10.000 atti diplomatici e privati, B. 45, on which see Bombaci,

the annua payment to the orte O ? “Il ‘Liber graecus,’ un cartolario veneziano comprendente

ducats in return for the general right of free _ inediti documenti ottomani in greco (1481—1504),” in Fritz trade within the Ottoman empire and exemp- Meier, ed., Westostliche Abhandlungen: Rudolf Tschudi zum 70.

tion from both import and export duties. Geburtstag iberreicht e 8 © 4 Wiesbaden, 1954, PP. 288 — Venice was to be allowed to maintain a bailie 303, esp. pp. 291 ff. The register in question contains 112

, . . . . documents, of which seventy-six are or were in Greek

m Istanbul with civil authority over’ his fellow (most of them accompanied by an Italian translation, some

citizens resident in the Ottoman capital.*” of them extant only in translation)—there are twenty-six letters of Mehmed II, and fifty-eight of Bayazid II. rs On the conclusion of the peace of 1479, see Fr. *° Cf. Navagero, op. cit., cols. 1141-43, 1153-55, 1158E- —_ Babinger, Johannes Darius (1414-1494), Sachwalter Venedigs

59E, 1161-62, on Scutari, and on Croia, passim; for the im Morgenland, und sein griechischer Umkreis, Munich, 1961, treaty, see the text and note which follow; Marinus Barletius, pp. 84 ff. For the later stages of the war and the peace, De obsidione Scodrensi, in Philip Lonicer, Cron. turcica, III, note also Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. 479 ff.; H. Frankfurt a. M., 1578, fols. 231-71, the best source for the — Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, II (1920, repr. 1964), 381siege of Scutari. Cf. lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 82, and for the sources, ibid., pp. 634-35; Babinger, Mao(Gotha, 1909), 187 ff. The historian Marinus Barletius, a _metto, pp. 528-50. native of Scutari, lived through the Turkish siege of 1478, 48 Sphrantzes, Chron. minus (PG 156, 1070AB; ed Grecu,

and has left a very vivid account of it (see F. Pall, pp. 120, 122), and Pseudo-Sphranizes, IV, 19 (Bonn, p. 407; “Marino Barlezio,” in Mélanges d’histoire générale, ed. Const. _ ed. Grecu, p. 546). “Crocondilo Clada” is mentioned several

Marinescu, II [Bucharest, 1938], 139-41, et alibi). For other times in the dispatches of Jacopo Barbarigo (1465-1466), sources relating to the siege, cf. Pall, op. cit., pp. 198-99, in C. N. Sathas, ed., Documents inédits relatifs a V’histoire de la

and see Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, pp. 102-7. Grece au moyen age, 9 vols., Paris, 1880-90, repr. Athens, *7 Franz Miklosich and Jos. Miller, eds., Acta et diplomata 1972, vol. VI, often cited above, in Chapter 8. graeca, II1 (Vienna, 1865, repr. 1968), 293-98, Greek texts of 49 On 8 January, 1481, the Senate wrote Sultan Mehmed,

Turkish documents dated 7 to 29 January, 1479; Navagero, ‘“Havemo intexo per lettere de la vostra_ illustrissima Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, cols. 1151-60, 1161-62,and Signoria quello che anche per avanti era pervenuto cum cf. cols. 1168DE-—69A, in detail; Diartum parmense, ad ann. _molta molestia a nostra noticia del movimento et novitate 1479, in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), cols. 309, 338C; Sanudo, facta per el Clada grecho perfido et rebelle . . .” (Sen. Vite de’ducht, thid., col. 1210CD; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,adann. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 154° [164"]), and on the same day they

SEXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 329 however, when Cladas and Theodore Bua fell At the beginning of August, 1479, a Jewish out with each other; the latter returned to envoy of Sultan Mehmed II arrived in Venice Venetian territory and was imprisoned at to invite the Doge Giovanni Mocenigo to atMonemvasia; while Cladas was finally obliged to tend the circumcision of one of his grandsons,

flee before a Turkish army which dared to and to ask him to send a good portrait

ascend the waterless heights of Kakaboulia painter, un bon depentor che sapia_retrazer, against him. Escaping to Naples, Cladas entered to Istanbul.*' Pleading the pressure of his the service of King Ferrante, for whom he official duties, the doge declined the sultan’s later fought in Epirus by the side of Scander- invitation to the ceremony, but the Signoria beg’s son Giovanni. Bartolommeo Minio had promptly selected the painter Gentile Bellini to other troubles. The Turkish flambulario of gratify the sultan’s second request. With his Negroponte raided the northeastern shores of expenses paid by the state, Bellini left Venice

the Morea. Minio protested to the Venetian in one of the galie di Romania on 3 Sep-

bailie in Istanbul, remonstrating also with the tember. He arrived in Istanbul about the end aged Omar Beg, who in 1482 caused the ob- of the month, and remained at the Ottoman streperous governor’s replacement by a more court for some fifteen months (until mid-Jan-

peaceable successor.°° uary, 1481). The great palace at Istanbul was

finally finished. Mehmed wished to have the as walls adorned by an Italian master of approved wrote Vettore Soranzo, Venetian captain-general of the sea, talent. Bellini not only painted the famous directing him to take steps “ad persequendum in omni r

actione et omni demonstratione displicentie nostre ex teme- portrait of Mehmed (dated 25 November, 1480) ?

raria rebellione illius Clade et sequatium suorum et in NOW M the National Gallery in London, but studio conservande pacis nostre” (ibid., fols. 154% [164"] and also decorated the walls of the new palace ff., and see refs. in following note to Sathas, Docs. inédits, 1). with erotic scenes, which the tired sultan could °° See the detailed and most instructive dispatches of 1 ; Minio, from 12 November, 1479, to 25 March, 1483, in contemplate with the recollection of pleasures Sathas, Docs. inédits, VI, pp. 117-213. The title pasha, of }§————————-

disputed derivation, denoted the highest honor in the Otto- British Museum, Add. MS. 8586, and the Biblioteca del man empire; the flambulario, flamburar, of the Venetian Museo Civico Correr, MS. Cicogna 3533, extracts relating documents was the Ottoman sanjak-beyi, the governor of a to the history of Greece (1479-1497), from the Venetian military district (sanjak),a subdivision of the pasha’s province chronicle of Stefano Magno (Docs. inédits, VI, 214-43). His (eyalet, pashalik, later called vilayet ); the judge Was a qadi, transcription is careless.

kadi (cf. Minio’s reference, for example, to i Caddi de la Stefano Magno, the son of Andrea, was born about 1499. Charitena, Calavrita et Argos, ibid., p. 142, lines 27-28); and He died on 14 October, 1572. His manuscript, Annali veneti the subashi (Ven. subassi) was the commandant of a town or _ [¢ del mondo], is preserved in five volumes in the Bibl. Correr

castle in which he exercised the functions of a security in Venice, MSS. Cicogna 3529-33. The first volume deals officer or chief of police. On the officers of the Ottoman __ with the origins of the patrician houses in Venice, with the army and court at this time, military corps, pay, functions, dates of their admission to the Maggior Consiglio; they are and the like, see Serif Bastav, Ordo Portae: Description alphabetically arranged according to the first letter of the grecque de la Porte et de Varmée du Sultan Mehmed II, family names, usually one family to a page, with coats of Budapest, 1947, who has published from Bibl. Nat., MS. arms in color. Magno’s compilation covers the years from grec no. 1712, fols. 424”—26", part of a treatise on Ottoman 697 to 1498 (vols. II-V), but the years 1193-1366, 1389military personnel written between 1473 and ’81. Bastav’s 1477, and 1482~1484 are lacking, and the year 1481 is commentary is useful. Much more detailed (and much more represented by only 14 lines of text. He provides an eximportant) is the survey of Ottoman offices and the empire — traordinary coverage, in entries given year by year, of events

in Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, pp. 123-64, which almost everywhere in Europe and the Levant, with especial comes from the generation following the Ordo Portae. On attention to Venice and Friuli, Italy, central Europe, Turkey, these matters see also Agostino Pertusi, “Le Notizie sulla Albania, Syria, Egypt, Persia, Spain, Tunis, and the Barbary organizzazione amministrativa e militare dei Turchi nello Coast, and never misses a Turkish invasion into Christian ‘Strategicon adversum Turcos’ di Lampo Birago (c. 1453— _ territory. Volume IV deals with the years 1478 to 1481— 1455),” in the Studi sul medioevo cristiano offerti a Raffaello the Turkish inroads into Friuli, the siege of Croia, and Morghen, II (Studi storici, fascc. 88-92, Rome, 1974), 677— _ Dario’s negotiation of the peace of 1479. The huge bulk of 87, 693-99. Birago describes briefly the military and provin- | Magno’s manuscript and the problem of determining his cial organization of the Ottoman state, Turkish arms and sources have unfortunately been obstacles to the publicaarmor, available manpower, etc. (and had outlined plans for tion of the Annali veneti, which remains one of the more

an expedition to recover Constantinople). important literary sources for the last two decades of the

On Venetian affairs in the Morea in 1480-1481, and fifteenth century. especially the uprising of Cladas, see also Sathas, I, docs. * Malipiero, Annali veneti, ad ann. 1479, in Arch. stor. 184-94, pp. 271-81, and ¢f. no. 198, pp. 303-4 (dated italiano, VII-1 (1843), 123; Louis Thuasne, Gentile Bellini et May, 1485), always indicative of Venetian effortstokeepthe Sultan Mohammed II, notes sur le séjour du peintre vénitien peace with the Turks. Sathas has also published from the —@ Constantinople, Paris, 1888, p. 10 and note 2.

330 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in which failing health, gout, and corpulence through the following summer some 16,000 must have made indulgence very difficult. These raiders again pillaged Carniola, Carinthia, and

paintings were removed from the palace by Styria, taking great numbers of prisoners, inMehmed’s son and successor Bayazid II, no ad- cluding five hundred ecclesiastics.** The reader

mirer of his father. They were sold for paltry who looks upon the history of these years sums at the bazaar in Istanbul, where the por- as merely a tedious record of death and destruc-

trait of Mehmed was acquired by a Venetian tion should pause for a moment to consider merchant. Four centuries later it came into what it must have meant to live through them. the possession of Sir Austen Henry Layard (1817-1894), British ambassador to the Porte It may well be that the inhabitants of the and a good friend of the Turks, passing after Greek mainland, the Morea, and the Aegean his widow’s death to the National Gallery (in islands were not always and immediately worse

1917).° off under the Turks than they had been Despite the grievous losses of the long war, under the Graeco-Latin dynasts or the Venetian

Venice still held Lepanto, which stood like a Signoria. It has also been claimed that the

sentinel on the northern shore of the Corin- mountain roads in Serbia and Bosnia were safer thian Gulf; Nauplia, with the dependent castle after the Turkish conquests than in the earlier of Thermisi, una fortezza inespugnabile, where years of the local robber barons. Turkish there were rich salt pans opposite the island of destructiveness is too well attested for disHydra, and the fortified tower called Kastri, belief, however, and the later decades of the which was nearby, as well as the ruined fort of fifteenth century are a tragic chronicle of the

Civeri, across the narrow bay from Nauplia; terrible depredation wrought by the Turks’

Monemvasia, with its rugged hinterland of light cavalry (the akinjt or saccomannt). We may Vatika; the twin ports of Modon and Coron, well doubt that “it really seemed in the time always the “eyes” of the Republic in the Morea; of the Conqueror that the Byzantine security and the islands of Corfu, Cerigo, and Crete, of the glorious past had returned, the pax Aegina, Tenos, and Mykonos, as well as a few vomana, and that all might enjoy it.”°* Even the

others in the southeastern Aegean. However much the peace of January, 1479, might be protested by Matthias Corvinus and lamented "53 Ravnaldus dnn. ecel. ad ann. 1479. nos. 26.29. vol by Sixtus IV, the truth undoubtedly was that XIX (1693), pp. 984-85; lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, IL. Venice had reached the point where she could — 1g)_89; Babinger, Maometto, pp. 555-60, 594-95. The

no longer carry on the ruinous war. documents published or summarized by lorga, Notes et The worst fears of Matthias Corvinus were not &*éraits, IV (1915), nos. ccxiv—ccc, pp. 312-76, and V

. garian, and Italian preoccupation with the Turkish war

realized, although Turkish saccomanni did over- eee nos. I-LXxIv, pp. 3—58, illustrate the German, run Carniola and harass Hungary. In October, during the half dozen or more years preceding 1479. In the

1479, Stephen Bathory, the voivode of Transyl- summer of 1478 the Turks had ravaged Styria and

vania, and Paul Kinizsi, the ban of Temesvar Carinthia, after which the estates of Carniola had addressed

(Timisoara), a largehim Turkish in , sharp remonstrance Frederick III, excern - ,defeated ae orting toarmy rouse himself from and hisrebuke slothtoand slumber

the Field of B read (Kenyermezo) on the Maros and protect his people from the infidels’ depredation, on river, achieving one of the most remarkable which see the old but useful monograph of Karl Haselvictories in the long annals of Hungarian _ bach, Die Tiirkennoth im XV. Jahrhundert, Vienna, 1864, pp.

opposition to the Turks. There was no way (0 eee ee eeenstreee. In 1479 lefatine missions were stop the Turkish devastation, however, and sent to Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, aad Poland to preach

——_______ the crusade contra Turchum (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 52 Angiolello, Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, pp. 120-21, with 680, fols. 151 ff., 167 ff., by mod. stamped enumerarefs.; Thuasne, Gentile Bellini et Sultan Mohammed I, pp. 38- tion). On 30 November, 1482, Sixtus IV lamented the vast

57; Franz Babinger, “Ein weiteres Sultansbild von Gentile range and destructiveness of the Turkish invasions which Bellini?” in the Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichischen Akademie reached into Austria and adjacent territories. Mehmed II

der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hist. Kl, CCXXXVII-3 (1961), was believed to be preparing for further attacks upon offprint of 16 pp. with plates, and ibid., CCXL-3 (1962), Styria, the province of Salzburg, Gorizia, and neighboring offprint of 20 pp. with plates; “Ein vorgeblicher Gnadenbrief areas. Sixtus had resolved to renew his efforts against the Mehmeds II. fiir Gentile Bellini (15 Janner 1481),” Italia Turks in order to achieve in eastern Europe some measure of medioevale e umanistica, V (1962), 85-101. Layard excavated the success which had been scored in their expulsion from Nimrid and Nineveh intermittently between 1845 and 1850 Otranto the preceding year [sée below, Chapter 12] (Reg. for the trustees of the British Museum, and served as his’ Vat. 548, fols. 273'—278").

government’s envoy to Istanbul from 1877 to 1880. *4 Babinger, Maometio, p. 638.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 331 writer who says this believes it not unlikely as elsewhere, after more than two centuries of that Teodoro Spandugnino’s statement that constant warfare. Mehmed II caused the deaths of 873,000 people The economic recovery of the Balkans came is actually not far off the mark, “because as_ well after the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror, an annual average they would amount to about but he did help start the process. In certain 29,000 victims for the man who made the world regions along the Danube and the Black Sea, tremble: nor does this figure take into account Turkish merchants or their agents sold Perthe terrible harvest reaped by the black death sian silks, Italian woolens, Indian spices and as a result of the maelstrom of war during so. dyes, and Anatolian mohair and cotton cloth; many years of the Conqueror’s reign over his ‘Turkish and especially Greek merchants became people, so that vast areas of the countries a familiar sight in Ancona, Florence, and Venice;

struck by the plague were depopulated and and agents of Italian firms were usually on perished. . . .”°? On many a road there was hand in the silk marts of Brusa (the Turkish greater peace than hitherto because there were Bursa). The western hinterland of the Black neither travelers nor banditti left, but it 1s easy Sea supplied Istanbul with grain, meat, wool,

for the westerner to paint too grim a picture. hides, and other products, but the area was Actually the Turkish conquest united a wide area gradually closed to Italian shipping. According of Orthodoxy in the Balkans under the patriarch to Inalcik, “In 1490,.of 157 merchants enterof Constantinople, whose exposure to Moslem ing Caffa by sea, 16 were Greeks, 4 Italians, intolerance, political oppression, and financial 2 Armenians, 3 Jews, 1 Russian, and 1 Molextortion was probably little harder to bear than davian; the remaining 130 were Muslim. The

the earlier effects of Latin domination. And Muslim rarely penetrated inland from these now at least there was less of the rancor ports; the goods were transported into Poland, generated by theological controversy with Rome. the Crimean Khanate, the Desht-i Kipchak, and

Recent studies of the economic history of the Russia by local merchants or by Armenians, Levant for the two centuries following the Jews, and Greeks (mainly Ottoman subjects).”*"

Turkish occupation of Constantinople have As time went on, Turks, Jews, and Greeks modified earlier accounts of economic stagna- made fortunes in farming the taxes and the tion. The passing years brought a revival of —W— commerce to the Balkans under the so-called *? Halil Inalcik, “Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empax ottomanica, for Moslem law and the Otto- Pitre,” Journal of Economic History, XXIX (1969), 112, and man state generally favored the merchant class. concerning the increasing volume of trade from the reign of Artisans and shopkeepers, however, were caught the Levant,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the in the straitjacket of a rigid guild system, Orient, 111 (Leiden, 1960), 131-47. At this point we may obwhich the East knew quite as well as the West. | serve that economic and demographic data can be compiled The Ottomans seem also to have taken over i large detail from the surviving Ottoman records, because what remained of the Byzantine, Serbian, and orhcials wanted ‘0 m ow me facts, “. dno one worried about other tax systems, and skillfully adapted them gtatistical data culled by Bernard Lewis from 21 cadastral

. ehmed II on, see Inalcik, “Bursa and the Commerce of ; paper. See, for example, the sixteenth-century

to their own use in situ, so to speak, which registers in the Ottoman archives in Istanbul for the four made life easier for the conservative peasants, sanjaks of western Palestine—Safad, Nablus, Gaza, and who knew what to expect from year to year.*6 Jerusalem, witha population of about Seen persons

. . i . spers OF abou ’ go pieces in revenue. e

The generally short supply of specie in circula- j.--. 6, bo , "800 008 cal sic: se enon Th

tion, the exactions of the state in coin of good _ Palestinian sanjaks lay in the eyalet (or vilayet) of Damascus, quality, and the tendency of the military élite which was apparently well governed (Lewis, “Studies in the to hoard gold, made barter a frequent method Ottoman Archives,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and for the exchange of smaller quantities of goods. gran Studies LUniv. of pondon}. XVI [1954], 469-501).

. jaks in the Balkans and Greece

The Ottoman peace now made possible a con- would be most valuable. siderable increase in the population, in Greece On 31 December, 1544, the Venetian Senate, reacting

against the proposed publication of a papal bull excoma=municating those who bought alum from the Turks and Ibid., p. 633. As Angiolello has said of Mehmed II, sold them “alcune robbe delle qual si possono servir in his cruelties were “without number” (Hist. turchesca, ed. Ursu, guerra contra Christiani”’ (as Venice did), noted that pp. 121-23): “. . . delle sue crudelta, le quali diro che Turkish goods constantly entered the states of the Church,

sono infinite. . . .” and that there was a Turkish colony in the papal city of *§ Speros Vryonis, Jr., “The Byzantine Legacy and Otto- Ancona! (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 63,

man Forms,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XXII-XXI1V (1969-— —_fols. 204°-205" [224'-225']). The Holy See had acquired

70), 276-78. Ancona in 1532, on which ¢f. below, Chapter 13, note 50.

332 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT customs duties. Money-changers and jewelers, rates in the chief money markets of Europe textile manufacturers and brokers amassed as well as of the Levant. But Moslem laws and sometimes huge sums, but the richest members the customs of inheritance broke up a rich of Ottoman society were high-ranking members man’s fortune at his death, into bequests for of the military class, of whom there were his various wives, the often numerous members many in the capital city of Istanbul and the of his family, and the pious foundations, to high commandery at Adrianople (the Turkish which Moslem society attached such large imEdirne), where military stores were assembled portance. The foundations were the only fictifor the frequent campaigns into central Europe, tious persons recognized by Moslem law; each and whence various goods, especially textiles, generation of entrepreneurs had to start from were also shipped throughout the Balkans. the beginning. The century-long existence of the Harness, saddles, boots, shoes, and other leather Medici bank was a European phenomenon. goods were made in Adrianople. Large amounts Such firms did not exist in the Ottoman of woolen cloth were woven at Thessalonica, empire.°° especially for the janissaries. Iron was produced After the sack of Rome in 1527 the Italians at Sofia, used extensively in Istanbul, and _ took an increasingly gloomy view of life while transported into various parts of the Levant the inhabitants of the erstwhile Byzantine emfrom both Istanbul and Adrianople. It was _ pire enjoyed a large measure of internal peace a valuable commodity, the raw material of arma- under the Ottomans. For the Greeks, however,

ment. Numerous papal bulls and briefs for- the fall of their “God-guarded” city on the bade Christians to sell iron to the Moslems, Bosporus marked the end of an era, without which of course they regularly did, for there the clear-cut beginning of another. Everything are always high profits in contraband. seemed left in limbo. The masses of the people From the later fifteenth century to the in Greece and the Balkans were hardly well off, eighteenth, the Turks were international traders separated from their conquerors by the threeand bankers. Pashas, beys, and sipahis invested fold barriers of language, religion, and tradiheavily in commercial enterprises, and loaned tion. An objective assessment of the efficiency

money at interest to Balkan villagers to help of the Ottoman government, however, must them pay their poll taxes. Even the imams await the publication of many more documents (Moslem “priests” or prayer-leaders) engaged in from the state archives in Istanbul (the Basvethis lucrative business; the interest rates tended kalet Arsivi). Western historians have tended to

to rise with the inflation of the late sixteenth regard the officers of the Porte as corrupt, century (eventually to 25 per cent); and vil- for gifts or “bribery,” expectation of bakhshish, lagers in wide areas of the Ottoman empire was a way of life, but we actually know little were caught by usury in a morass from which | of the judicial and administrative history of the

they could never pull out. Pious foundations Ottoman empire in the great period of the (in Turkish evkaf) invested their funds in toll fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. bridges, flour-mills, vineyards, hostels, shops, From the end of the fourteenth century the saddleries, bathhouses, bakeries, tanneries, and ‘Turkish tribute in boys, the devshirme, levied the like, and were sometimes set up as family on both towns and the countryside, was a source foundations, whose income was to support the of anxiety to the parents of young sons (and founder’s descendants.°*® Among Moslems as of anguish when the devshirme fell on their well as Christians there were many who be- household). The tribute in boys was widely ex-

lieved that charity began at home. acted in the Balkans and, later on, in the The mechanics of buying and selling on credit surviving Christian communities of Anatolia.©

were highly developed in the Ottoman empire. During and after the time of Mehmed II the The great merchants pursued international

commerce with a considerable degree of —~

economic sophistication, following the exchange —_® Jnalcik, “Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empire,” Journ. Econ. Hist., XX1X, 97-140. __ °° There is a brief sketch of the devshirme, with bibliog58 On the pious foundations and various religious endow- raphy, by V. L. Ménage in the Encyel. of Islam, II (1965),

ments (called wagf, pl. augaf, in Arabic, and vakif, pl. 210-13; see also Speros Vryonis, Jr., “Isidore Glabas and evkaf, in Turkish), see H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen, — the Turkish Deushirme,” Speculum, XXX (1956), 433-43, and Islamic Society and the West, I-2 (London, 1957, repr. 1965), especially “Seljuk Gulams and Ottoman Devshirmes,” Der

165-78. Islam, XLI (1965), 224-52.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 333 levy might be taken every five years or so, power, and prestige of the Phanariotes came usually from among boys between the ages of late, reaching (it is true) extraordinary heights

about twelve and eighteen (or even older), in the eighteenth century when they began to

who were removed to Istanbul, converted to Is- dream of reviving old Byzantium.” In the mean-

lam, taught Turkish, and eventually trained for time Mehmed the Conqueror carried on his military service in the janissaries’ corps. Some-__ relentless war against Christendom for almost

times they were put to work on the land in_ thirty years after the fall of Constantinople,

Anatolia while they learned Turkish. Some of finally engaging in the spectacular ventures at the brighter recruits were trained in the ad- Rhodes and Otranto. Continental Greece and ministrative offices of the state, whence after the Morea were added to the Ottoman empire, 1453 came the vizirs, provincial governors, the Balkans were entirely subdued, and terrible generals, and high officials of the Porte.® assaults launched upon Wallachia (Vlachia) and

The gradual appearance of wealthy Greek Hungary; Croatia, Carniola, and Carinthia; merchants does not lighten very much the som- Styria and Austria. If the Greeks and certain ber colors of the picture. There are always those of the Balkan peoples suffered the most, the whom chance, family connections, and their own Italians also sustained severe losses. It was the enterprise will make exceptions to any general ‘Turks who caused the decline of Italian comrule of misfortune, but in any event the wealth, merce, often attributed to the voyages of Columbus and the opening up of the new At-

lantic trade routes. In fact the discovery of

51 Cf. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 639-41, and especially Gibb these new routes was partly the consequence and Bowen, Islamic Society and the West, I-1 (1950, repr. of the hardships which Italian commerce now 1963), 43, 56-66, 107 ff., 145, 179 ff., 314 ff, 356. The faced in the Levant. The Venetians had fought deushirme enn was Abandones aout ue mide’ of the (e Turks almost single-handedly for some sixteen seventeenth century (Wid. 1s 100-87),Encycl. athougn terewere years,I1 and[1965], at times it212b). seemed as a few later levies (Ménage, of Islam, . :though . . more Incidentally, Gibb and Bowen, I-1, 113, state that the desig- than six centuries of Venetian trade in eastern nation “Sublime Porte” refers to the official residence of waters might be drawing to a close. A weakened

the grand vizir, a huge building, which also contained Venice emerged from the war of 1463-1479,

the administrative offices of state (except that of finance), : :

after 1654, when Sultan Mehmed IV conferred the building wnne was rotlowed js einer later . py the upon the then grand vizir, Dervish Mehmed Pasha, but their attac Ss upon her o cr western Nels OTs implication that “Sublime Porte” is thus incorrectly ap- 1 the League of Cambrai. In the mid-1470’s plied to the Turkish government before the mid-seventeenth the Turks captured the Genoese colonies of century is inaccurate. The Venetians had used the expres- (Caffa in the Crimea and Tana on the Sea of

sion for generations before the accession of Mehmed ; Azov, thus bringing to an end theIV. long_hisAlmost at random I cull from my notes the term Eccelsa -

Porta in Venetian documents of March, 1543 (Sen. Secreta, tOFy of Genoese enterprise in the Black Sea.

Reg. 63, fols. 2° [22], 3° [23"], 4” [24%], 7° [27°], The Black Sea became a Turkish lake, largely et passim), and more to the point is the contemporary closed to Italian merchantmen. During the Italian translation of a letter from Sultan Suleiman to the Conqueror’s reign trade’ declined on the Doge Francesco referring “la fidel et sincera D b hich withsava thenag S had f, d vostra antiqua conDona, la Sublime Portato nostra,” in the Arch. diamicitia anube, wihtc with the forme

Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, ina volume now labeled a4 great highway between the Adriatic and the “A. Depeschen. No. 2: Verschiedenen Gesandten zu Kon- Black Sea from the earliest days of Roman stantinopel” (the title being added during the time of the colonization.and the establishment of the legions

Austrian of the Venetian may ancient Despit nt “Sublimepossession Porte” in the official text archives). of a letterWe dated 4 ;find te . in acla. espeDacia. humerous imnterrup-

June, 1552, from the Venetian Senate to Sultan Suleiman Ons Im its use, this highway had served to (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fol. 32” [52"]) as well as in docu- connect Italy and central Europe with the Black ments dated 19 November and 22 December, 1567, and in Seg through most of the middle ages. The

numerous other documents of the same period in the Docc. . turchi, volume labeled “No. II: Lettere diverse del Signor

Turco, bassa, et altri, 1530 fin 1569:”“. . . allapresentiadel =~ magnifico et honorato Chubat Zaus della Sublime Porta;” 62 See in general the valuable study by Traian Stoianovich, “Phumile servo Cubat Chiaus della Sublime Porta... .” “The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant,” Journal of Indeed, the expression “Sublime Porte” appears in Vene- Economic History, XX (1960), 234-313, with an extensive tian documents from early in the sixteenth century (Sen. _ bibliography, to which may be added loakeim Martinianou, Secreta, Reg. 50, fol. 149° [161°], doc. dated 13 June, 1525):. ‘H Mooxézodts, Thessaloniki, 1957, on Greek, Graeco“et questa operatione de . . . [le] nostre galie fu etiam Vlach, and Albanian merchants in Italy, Austria, and the alhora explicata alla Sublime Porta della Celsitudine vostra, Balkans. Moschopolis is the present-day (largely abandoned)

et fu commendata. . . .” Voskopojé, about twenty miles northwest of Kor¢é.

334 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT lines of trade and travel had of course been But Turkish hegemony over the Black Sea broken often, by Slavs and Avars, Bulgars, and the enterprise of Balkan merchants (as Magyars, and Germans, Pechenegs (Patzinaks), well as the decline of the Tatars) helped bring Uzes, Cumans (Polovtzi), and others. However, Russia back into the orbit of Mediterranean from the seventh century or so the volume of _ trade,** and as the economic pace quickened commerce had tended to increase, and the By- in the Balkans at the turn of the -sixteenth zantines could afford to purchase peace in the century, landowners (as well as adventurous Balkans by paying tribute when necessary, merchants) began to prosper again. In Rumelia for they usually got their money back again, and Bulgaria, Serbia and Bosnia, Wallachia and

owing to the favorable balance of trade they Hungary, great landed estates were being enjoyed with the more primitive peoples on their formed; serfdom was much increased; and large

northern borders. The late Henri Pirenne main- sums were made in grain growing and stock tained a well-known thesis to the effect that raising, especially by members of the Ottoman the Arabs closed the western Mediterranean military class. from the late seventh century, causing the true end of antiquity and the beginning of the middle ages, that Frankish Gaul was largely debarred XIII-3 [1974], 509-33, esp. pp. 523 ff.). As for the Pirenne from trade with Italy and the East, and re- thesis, the complexity of the sources, and the need for a verted toa purely agrarian economy; and that gold judicious interpretation of the evidence, note the learned was abandoned for silver monometalism. mar- article of Eliyahu Ashtor, “Quelques Observations d’un

kets were localized. and the towns disa eare d orientaliste sur la thése de Pirenne,” Journal of the

Ww - oca : a Ww : pp ° Economic and Social History of the Orient, XHI-2 (1970),

While Pirenne’s critics have claimed that he 166-94. Ashtor has made a brilliant defense of the Pirenne disregarded many historical facts inconsistent _ thesis in recent articles: “Che cosa sapevano i geografi arabi with his theory, and paid insufficient atten- dell’ Europa occidentale?” in the Rivista storica ttahana,

LXXXI (1969), 453-79; “Nouvelles Refléxions sur la thése

he to the chrono ogy oF nmown events Jrom de Pirenne,” Schweizerische Zeitschrift ftir Geschichte, XX

the seventh century to the tenth, IS ren (1970), 601-7; and “Apercus sur les Radhanites,” ibid.,

and colleague, Alexandre Eck, has applied some XXVII (1977), 245-75.

of his ideas to the history of south Russia in In the sixteenth century Russian trade increased the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Eck has ?@matically. It was carried on chiefly with the English

h th deb t of ; th Russ; and Dutch, who often came by the White Sea. Eck,

seen muc € samme Cebarment OF sou USSIA TL Moyen-age russe, pp. 348-65, gives an informative account from the trade routes which led to Byzantium, of this trade, but believes that the Turks hindered Russian the lower Danube, the Crimea, and even the economic expansion to the south (ibid., pp. 352, 356), which

West asa consequence of the incursions of the is doubtless true, but a fair abundance of Russian furs Cumans. who are said to have made about and other products reached the Mediterranean through fifty invasions of south Russia between °° The economic and social history of Ottoman domina-

fy j 7, ¢ h ‘a b 1055 middlemen in Istanbul.

and 1210. The once prosperous centers of trade | tion in Bulgaria and Serbia, Wallachia, Transylvania, and

were ruined by these invasions, and trans- Moldavia, Macedonia and Greece (as well as in Hungary formed into merely local markets: “ils se dis- 224 even Bohemia) cannot be properly written without l ‘ent localisant.” I th. thirt th large employment of the extant Turkish sources. Aside from Oqualent, en se tocalisant. An the turteen the rich archival materials in Turkey (and Egypt), thousands

century, according to Eck, the invasions of the — of Turkish documents and various relevant literary works Tatars completed the process, and south Russian _ exist in manuscript in the Central Historical State Archives society reverted toa purely agrarian economy. and the Cyril and Methodius National Library in Sofia and

as teenth century.

elsewhere although, to be sure, there are relatively few extant documents concerning the Balkans earlier than the six-

83 Eck, Le Moyen-age russe (with a preface by Henri Much progress has been made in weighing the social and Pirenne), pp. 24-27, 29-32. Russian trade with the East cultural impact of the Turks upon the Balkan peoples, by way of the Caspian had already been largely ruined in but formidable tasks still lie ahead, as emphasized by J. the ninth century by the coming of the Pechenegs, and Kabrda, “Les Problémes de l'étude de Ihistoire de la disappeared entirely after the Mongolian invasion of Persia Bulgarie a l’époque de la domination turque,” Byzantinoand Khorasan in the eleventh (ibid., pp. 24-25). The Tatars slavica, XV (1954), 173-208, and note the same author’s “Les destroyed the towns and civilization of eastern and central Anciens Registres turcs des cadis de Sofia et de Vidin et leur

Russia, “making into a desert all the region of Kiev” importance pour lhistoire de la Bulgarie,” Archiv Orenialni, (ibid., pp. 25-26, 322 ff., 332 ff.). After the Turkish XIX (Prague, 1951), 329-92, and “Les Sources turques conquest of Caffa in 1475 the Tatars in the Crimea recog- __ relatives a histoire de la domination ottomane en Slovaquie,”

nized the overlordship of Sultan Mehmed II (Mustafa A. tbid., XXIV (1956), 568-80. On the untapped riches of the Mehmed, “La Politique ottomane a l’égard de la Moldavie | Ottoman archives in Istanbul, the most important of all for

et du khanat de Crimée vers la fin du régne du sultan’ the European provinces of the empire, see the notice by Mehmed II ‘le Conquérant,’” Revue roumaine d'histoire, Bernard Lewis, “The Ottoman Archives,” Archives, IV

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 335 When the Turks closed the Black Sea to ages of exploration to the New World were supItalian shipping, the Porte gradually organized posed to find another connection with India and the resources of the region for the benefit of the interior of Asia, because the ways followed up the state. Wallachians and Moldavians, Jewsand_ [0° that time were henceforth completely blocked

; by the Moslem states, and theand long-range eliminaArmenians, Turks and Greeks, not only .. ;for. ,6 . tion of this barrier could no longer be hoped those in Istanbul, were able to take over the trade which had formerly been in Venetian If the reader finds nothing novel in this, he and Genoese hands.® In his widely read biog- will understand that these facts could be just as

raphy of Mehmed II, the late Franz Babinger clear to those who lived in the late fifteenth has emphasized a familiar theme, to which we century. The economic significance of Mehmed

have already alluded: II’s conquests was well understood by the Vene-

It can be maintained without exaggeration that even 1170 who na d begun in the af ‘d of 1465 d

the discovery of the new maritime routes across more than two centuries of determine

the Atlantic with the profound changes which they effort against the Ottoman empire to prevent produced in the economy of the West must be the dissolution of the Republic’s entire comviewed in relation to the Ottomans’ territorial ex- mercial establishment in the Levant, for when

pansion into the area of the Black Sea. The voy- the banner of the winged lion no longer floated over the fortresses in the Morea, the

Oo . Aegean islands, and Crete, Venice could her-

(1960), 226-30. The periodical literature is most con- gelf sink to the level of any other state in veniently located in J. D. Pearson, Index Islamicus (1906 - Italy. She had b lread ded 1955), Cambridge, England: Heffer, 1958, repr. 1961, esp. aly. € na my to be sure, aired y exten c pp. 568-88, with the Supplements, 1962, pp. 178-85, and her sway to include Friuli in the north (in ibid., 1967, pp. 191-92. The Turks “cut off from their 1420) and Bergamo in the west (1441), reachpast” the Serbs and (even more) the Bulgarians, and A. ing the Adda as her boundary with the Milanese Vaillant has sketched the linguistic consequences in a brief duchy, while she pressed south against Ferrara essay on “Les Langues slaves méridionales et la conquéte 68 turque,” Byzantinoslavica, XIV (1953), 123-29. The Greek to Ravenna and Cervia.”* Thus she protected past was far too strong for obliteration. 66 In central and eastern Europe from the mid-fifteenth ==—-————

century, as everywhere and at all times, political and eco- 8’ Babinger, Maometto, p. 511, a topic of perennial disnomic affairs went hand in hand. The rulers of Hungary — cussion, on which cf. A. H. Lybyer, “The Ottoman Turks and Poland debased their coinage (an inflationary measure) and the Routes of Oriental Trade,” English Historical Re-

to pay their troops as the Poles carried on war with the view, XXX (1915), 577-88, and the older works there Teutonic Knights (in 1453-1466), and at one time or _ cited. Although the Turks were more interested in conquest, another the Hungarians took the field against the Turks, they had no antipathy to trade, and (until the eighteenth

the Czechs, and the Germans. Polish and Hungarian century) they indulged in it freely. The object of Ottoman merchants, with their debased coinage, exported the in- military and naval enterprise was, however, the control of fiation of their homelands into Wallachia and Moldavia, land and its products, yielding lucrative taxes, in the Balkans where the voivodes responded in a guerre monétaire by and throughout the eastern Mediterranean, including Egypt devaluing their own coinage and prohibiting the export of after 1517. The Ottomans sought ascendancy over land

gold and silver beyond the borders of the Rumanian masses, and used their galleys like the janissaries, to hold principalities. The voivodes also restricted foreign com- them together in taxable, administrable districts (eyalets merce to certain designated marts or “staples.” divided into sanjaks). The chief objective of the maritime After Wallachia and Moldavia had fallen under Turkish states of the West was to maintain trading stations, whence suzerainty, however, the voivodes usually kept their coinage they might reap wealth from commerce.

in alignment with that of the Porte, and as tribute-paying While the Venetians had largely to concentrate their subjects of the sultan their merchants had free access to efforts in the eastern Mediterranean, where the Turks the markets at Adrianople, Istanbul, and Bursa (Brusa). met them in direct and dire confrontation, the Portuguese Since for a time the Turks exercised less economic could circumnavigate Africa, enter the Red Sea and the than political domination, the Rumanians (if we may Persian Gulf, and press on to gather some of the wealth of so call them); continuing their mercantilist restrictions the Indies. The Portuguese encountered the Turks only on on foreign coinage and commerce, enjoyed a notable — the southern (Arabian) periphery of the Ottoman empire prosperity until the Turks bore down on them in the later (after 1517), and these encounters were not such as either sixteenth century. During their good period the Wallachian to exhaust the Portuguese or to divert them from their and Moldavian traders tended to displace the Genoese in commercial goals, on which see in general Andrew C. Hess, the Ottoman markets. See especially Matei Cazacu, “L’Im- “The Evolution of the Ottoman Seaborne Empire in the

pact ottoman sur les pays roumains et ses incidences Age of the Oceanic Discoveries,” American Historical Remonétaires (1452—1504),” Revue roumaine d’histoire, XII-1 view, LXXV (1970), 1892-1919, with much recent bibliog-

(1973), 159-92, and cf. the general survey by Carl M. raphy. The Venetians were caught in the Mediterranean Kortepeter, “Ottoman Imperial Policy and the Economy of _ by the commitments incurred from the time of the Fourth the Black Sea Region in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal Crusade on, as well as by their geographical location. of the American Oriental Society, LXXXVI-2 (1966), 86-113, ®§ Kretschmayr, Gesch. v. Venedig, II (1920, repr. 1964),

esp. pp. 96 ff. 265-69, 334, 347-48, 353-54.

336 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the gateways to her European trade on land, throw of the Medici, which would in their as she was trying to do in the Levant on the opinion free papal hands to build up the

sea; her conquests on terra ferma were very states of the Church and restore liberty to the costly, but they were also very lucrative. It republic on the Arno. On Sunday, 26 April, was the same d’oltre mare, where the profits 1478, during the celebration of high mass in were high, if she could only maintain her the Duomo in Florence, the so-called conspiracy position. It was probably not pride.alone, as of the Pazzi sought to achieve these purposes Toynbee seems to think,® that kept the Vene- by the murder of Lorenzo de’ Medici and his

tians in the long struggle against the Turks. brother Giuliano, grandsons of the great

As Galeazzo Maria Sforza, duke of Milan, had Cosimo. Giuliano fell beneath the blows of Franreminded the Venetian diplomat Giovanni cesco de’ Pazziand Bernardo Bandini de’ BaronGonela in October, 1467, “Dubius est eventus celli. Lorenzo was only slightly wounded, howbelli.””° Venice might win at sea as well as lose ever, and escaped behind the bronze door of on land (or vice versa), but she could not hold the Old Sacristy, which the humanist Angelo her own against the Turks by withdrawing Poliziano promptly locked behind him. The confrom the contest. If she spent millions onthe Turk- _ spirators also failed in their efforts to seize the ish wars, she also made millions in the East. Palazzo Vecchio and arouse the people to their

; oy support by the cry of freedom. Almost all

By the year 1478 yorenz0 aes al the guilty were slain in the hours and days a tion. td aca o Ixtus c donut that followed, and Lorenzo availed himself of

ho. i eb a on Flo a eS ° ot the the excitement to put various of his other

tak S The no © parineie Greolam, i the enemies out of the way also. But Bernardo

he y 1, eT € pope se wd Fi Irolamo tamil, Bandini, who had been the first to strike down t e i 7 . mora, " f the 0 Phect th, aml"Y Giuliano, escaped on a Neapolitan galley to Isof the Fazzi joined torces to ettect the over- tanbul, where he had friends and relatives (a

ee Carlo de’ Baroncelli served as Florentine consul 69 A.J. Toynbee, Study of History, IV (London, 1951), 274— at Pera from 1472 to 1476). His subsequent 89, has an interesting excursus on the latter-day history of extradition forms an interesting chapter in the Venice to the effect that she tried to maintain S. Mark’s history of Florentine relations with the Ottoimperial estate in the East when she could no longer af- an court. Lorenzo de’ Medici emerged from the ford to do so, needlessly expending great numbers of lives d dl his life bef, he al and quantities of treasure “in a sphere where the policy astardly attempt upon Is lite berore the altar was ruinous from every material standpoint” (p. 279). When of S. Reparata more firmly in control of the state

Pieter Geyl in criticism of these pages in Toynbee asks than ever. In vain did Sixtus IV impose the (Debates with Historians, Groningen and The Hague, 1955, ban of major excommunication upon him (on p. 113), “Was there really a large percentage of the Vene- June ) and the interdict upon the outraged tian aristocracy that bled in the Turkish wars?” I think the ss . sources enable us to answer him in the affirmative. We ClUzens and other subjects of Florence (on 22 may be unwilling, nevertheless, to accept Toynbee’s assertion June).“’ In July the principals in the great

that it was as with ancient “Athens’ fatal aberration of contest, which attracted the attention of all idolizing her own dead self” (p. 274) that Venice poured

her resources into the long and unsuccessful War of Candia =~

(1645-1669), and thereafter joined Pope Innocent XI's ™ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 62, fols. 164™— Holy League against the Turks (1684-1699), struggling 170°, by mod. stamped enumeration, “datum Rome apud always to recreate the past “in her infatuation with the Sanctum Petrum, anno incarnationis dominice, MCCCC-

dead self of her medieval Levantine glory” (p. 281). I LXXVIII, Kal. Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo,” think that Toynbee’s thesis is at best a half-truth, born the condemnation of Lorenzo and his associates, and, zdid., rather of rationalization than a study of the documents. _ fols. 170’—173", “datum . . . decimo Kalendas luli. . . ,” It is obviously easier for a historian to speculate on the _ the imposition of the interdict on all Florentine territories.

decline of Venetian fortunes, when he knows they declined, Various other:anti-Florentine bulls followed in the course of than it was for the Senate and Council of Ten to formulate the next fourteen months (ibid., fols. 173%— 183%, 210°"—214',

policy by trying to weigh the risks of an enterprise 216’—217'). All who took service under the Florentines, against the rewards of success. Chi non.s’arrischia non accepted remuneration from them, or rendered them the guadagna. If the first of the two wars to which Toynbee re- _ slightest assistance were declared subject to the same ecfers did not prevent the loss of Crete, the second regained _ clesiastical penalties. Actually Florence, Fiesole, and Pistoia the Morea for some time (and both dealt severe blows to had been placed under immediate interdict on 1 June, 1478,

Turkish power and prestige). Venetian policy, even that of | by the bull excommunicating Lorenzo (ibid., fol. 169”). Vettore Capello (see, above, pp. 283-85), was almost always Carlo de’Baroncelli was appointed Florentine consul Levantis

dictated by practical considerations, which explains the in Pera on 3 September, 1472 (G. Miller, Documenii sulle survival of the Republic as an independent state until 1797. —_relazioni delle citta toscane coll’oriente cristiano e cot Turchai,

70 Malipiero, Annali veneti, ad ann. 1467, in Arch. stor. Florence, 1879, pt. I, no. 172, pp. 216-17, and cf. no. 175).

italiano, VII-1 (1843), 218. Carlo returned to Florence in 1476 (ibid., no. 182, p. 221).

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 337 Europe, had recourse to the so-called “Tuscan The consul was informed that Antonio de’ Medici war.” was being sent to the Porte as a_ special From consideration of a large issue we may envoy. He was expected to be “on the road at

descend for a moment to a small one, and _ the latest within eight days, for the journey

follow briefly the fortunes of Bernardo Bandini by land.” The sultan had said that he would de’ Baroncelli, who after his escape to Istanbul hold the assassin until the middle of August, was arrested by Mehmed II, probably at the and so haste was necessary for the Signoria to beginning of May, 1479. On 18 June, a secre- arrange for his return to Florence. Nothing in tary of the Signoria wrote Lorenzo Carducci, the world seemed of higher importance, the

: ; inl it that

the Florentine consul in Pera: consul was informed, than the punishment of By letters of Bernardo Peruzzi we have learned with Hangin ane mat one nae See . der great pleasure how that most glorious prince [Meh- the culprit was AP niod ut dick th PENCE

med] has seized Bernardo Bandini, most heinous €V€TY assistance to “Antonio de Medici, the envoy,

parricide and traitor to his country, and declares Upon his arrival in Istanbul. Full instructions himself willing to do with him whatever we may were issued to Antonio, who was to acquaint want—a decision certainly in keeping with the love himself fully with the ceremonies attending the and great favor he has always shown toward our reception of ambassadors at the Porte and, when Republic and our people [natione] as well as with the granted an audience, to explain “il caso nostro

Justice of his aa serene Majesty. u And] ar de di 26 di aprile dello anno passato,” 1.e.,

though as a result of the innumerable benents ig describe to the sultan the murder of Giuliano, done by his most glorious Majesty in the past forthe>political 1: ss ; the attempt on Lorenzo’s life, and

the Republic and our people, we owe him the great- . ~ | 6 f th nthe affai f

est indebtedness and are the most faithful and ‘“!SNicance oO U se events In the altairs oO

obedient sons of his Majesty, nevertheless because of Florence. Antonio’s instructions are dated 11

this last benefit it would be impossible to describe July. He left for Istanbul on the fourteenth. the extent to which our obligation to his most serene His mission was successful, and he arrived back

Majesty has grown. . . .” in Florence on 24 December, bringing the . miserable Bandini withithim. Onnote the —. twentyTheorhistorian of Italy may find sad to a;y ; ninth Bandini was hanged from the that through the years when Venice fought, windows how- -

O os . Of the Bargello. da Vinci sketched his ever unwillingly, for. dangling theLeonardo Christian cause ; or ., body (the drawing is nowin in the Musée Greece and the Aegean, the Florentines had ; i onnat infavors Bayonne). TheasSignoria sent the sulbeen receiving such from the Porte to : of thanks Son . tan an official letter on 11: :May, make them the sultan’swith “mostexcuses faithful and obe1480 ; 3 , ; , , together for the failure of dient sons,” but obviously theto internecine jy, : voyage to Istanrrr , . orentine ships make the rivalries in the peninsula had forulcenturies made b is in. Italy had for some time: conditions

such developments partthe of the expected course dered th . , the of events rendered voyage impossible without ; ravest danger to men and ships and goods.’

July,meantime 1479, and again on the tenth theof 5 INaples ee psa 8 had ;éOn :: n;5,the King Ferrante Signoria sent letters to the consul and the Floren6 ” al cj entered the “Tuscan war” on the papal side, tine merchants in Pera, having finally received ; ; : ; a hoping acquireMay) Siena, which was itself supthe consul’s letterto(dated . ; oyappeals ; porting8 the pope.containing Lorenzo de’ the Medici’s

Istanbul “of the arrest there of Bernardo Ban- y

same news that Bernardo Peruzzi had sent from for aid were favorably received in Venice

dini, impious parricide and rebel against us.” 4 Miller, Documenti, pt. I, no. 189, pp. 226-28, and cf. — p. 501; no. 191, pp. 230-31; the contemporary annalist of ”? Diarium parmense, ad ann. 1478, in RISS, XXII (Milan, - Parma tells the story briefly, confusing Bandini with “Fran1733), cols. 277-79 and ff.; cf. Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, ibid., ciscus de Bardis” (Diarium parmense, in RISS, XXII, col. col. 1207; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1478, nos. 1-33, 329CD). See in general Franz Babinger, “Lorenzo de’ Medici vol. XIX (1693), pp. 270-77; Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 300-— —e la corte ottomana,” Arch. stor. italiano, CXXI (1963),

2 ;append nos. 5788: PP—24, and Gesch. d. Paps 3058" “sp. pp. 316- di re Firenze, and Maometio, 572-79. In the —47; append., nos. pp. —87; and see rchivio di Stato Dieci dipp. Balia: Carteggi,

especially Francesca Morandini, “I] Conflitto fra Lorenzo il Responsive, Reg. 25 (old classification: Cl. X, disting. 4, no. Magnifico e Sisto IV dopo la congiura de’ Pazzi,” Arch. 25), fol. 73 (renumbered fol. 78), I find Antonio de’ Medici’s

stor. italiano, CVI (1950), 113-54, which is based upon the report to the Signori Dieci with respect to Bernardo correspondence of Lorenzo with Girolamo Morelli, the Bandini, dated 12 November, 1479. An annotation on the

Florentine ambassador to Milan. reverse of the letter indicates that it was received in 3 Miller, Document, pt. I, no. 189, pp. 225-26. Florence on 16 December.

338 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Milan, Ferrara, and France. For the preced- - Sixtus’s distrust of Ferrante now strongly in-

ing half-dozen years Louis XI had been clined him toward the Venetians, from whom threatening the pope with the restoration of Lorenzo still hoped for support. A shift octhe Pragmatic Sanction (which under royal pro- curred in diplomatic relations in the peninsula.

tection asserted the liberties of the Gallican The Holy See and Venice faced the triple

Church) and with the alleged necessity of sum- alliance of Naples, Florence, and Milan. The moning an oecumenical council for ecclesiastical change was not as great as one might think, reform. The Venetians could be counted on to however, for Venice and Naples were still on support any action against Ferrante. Fearful of opposing sides. When Sixtus joined the Venethe coalition being formed against him, Sixtus tians, he made the claim of every statesman IV relaxed the bans against Lorenzo and the entering an alliance with hostile intent. He was Florentines on 4 April, 1479, and declared a_ doing it all for peace.”® Ferrante’s bold son temporary restoration of peace. Believing the Alfonso, the duke of Calabria, entered Siena

pope’s gesture to be an effort to placate the toward the end of June, and in August SixFrench, who were pro-Florentine, his opponents _ tus’s nephew Girolamo Riario added the county

refused his tentative proposals for peace, and of Forli to his possession of Imola.” Riario on 27 May sent him through the Venetian ambassador to the Holy See an ultimatum that, ———————

if he did not conclude a final peace within 7©In a brief dated 20 May, 1480, addressed to the eight days (thus giving him insufficient time to Marquis Federico Gonzaga, Sixtus IV stated, “Cupientes ut

consult Naples and Siena), they would recall omnium Italie potentatuum generalis aliqua unio sub. he Curia. Sixt hadSixtus sequatur, ad communi quam omnia consilia nostrautilitate semperinivimus rettulimus, their envoys from theIV Curia. 110 pro reipublice Christiane nuper alternative to refusal. The ambassadors of the quandam cum dominio Venetorum intelligentiam. .. . Italian states in the coalition left Rome in Que quidem intelligentia sine cuiusque offensione est, June. But if the futility of Lorenzo’s hope of solum ad defensionem status Sancte Romane Ecclesie in-

. t £ F d ‘fest by the stituta, ea quidem spe ut reliqui quoque ad eandem ac-

assistance 1rom France Was mace manlrest Dy cessuri sint quibus honorabilem ingrediendi locum reliqui-

fall of 1479, the popes expectations of Fer- mus et ad eundem finem diebus superioribus pacem inter rante were soon shown to be equally illusory. reliquos Italie potentatus Neapoli factam ratificaviIn December Lorenzo made his famous visit to mus 934) (Arch. usta , di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Naples, appealing in person for peac®: and On 16 April, 1480, a twenty-five years’ mutual assistance Ferrante, who WaS as infirm _as faithless, pact had been arranged between the Venetian Doge Gioabandoned his understanding with the pope, vanni Mocenigo and his successors and Pope Sixtus and his who now lacked the means of attaining vic- successors “for the preservation and tranquillity of all Italy” tory. The war dragged on in desultory fashion (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A.A., Arm. I-XVIII, no. 1443, fols. IN b 1480. wh Fl ti 100’—102”). On the same day Sixtus had written the doge until November, » When a Plorentine €mM- that Giovanni della Rovere, count of Sinigaglia (Senigallia), bassy to Rome made peace with the pope, who duke of Sora, and prefect of Rome, and Girolamo Riario, finally removed the ecclesiastical bans on 3 De- _ papal vicar of Imola, “secundum carnem nepotes [nostri],” cember, 1480.7> Shortly thereafter Baccio would always be faithful to Venice, which had extended Pontelli began work on the church of S. Maria its protection to them (Pasolini, Caterina Sforza, III [1893], , . ‘al doc. no. 142, pp. 70-71). On 1 May Riario promised della Pace, which still stands as a memorial tO fealty to the Venetians, who took him under their wing

Sixtus’s peace with the Florentines. “statumque meum tam presentem quam quem me in Italia

Lorenzo de’ Medici’s pact with Ferrante of adipisci quoquo modo contigeret in futurum” (bid., I], Naples. which was confirmed in March. 1480. 2° !43: P- 71). The documents are preserved in the

pies, . di 1 1 d Fl ? f > Venetian Commemoriali, Reg. 16, fols. 161-62.

had not imme lately re case Florence from T Pasolini, Caterina Sforza, 1, 104—5. Girolamo Riario also the hardships and constraint of war. Pope aspired to possession of Pesaro, from which he wanted to oust Costanzo Sforza, whose Milanese relatives were preTTT pared to defend him. On 17 May, 1480, an envoy of the ® Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 320-30, with append., nos. anxious Costanzo appeared before the Venetian Senate;

59-63, pp. 515-18, and Gesch. d. Papste, Il, 547-57, with “gratulatus est de federe inito cum summo pontifice;” append., nos. 125-29, pp. 787—89; Diarium parmense,adann. sought some assurance of Venetian protection against Riario;

1479-1480, in RISS, XXII, cols. 302E-303A, 304 ff., and was informed that the Senate would bear his interests

328-29 ff., 335E; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, tbid., cols. 1209-11. in mind, but that the Republic was under no obligation to The French view of Italian affairs, with some mention of Pesaro (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, the Gran Turco’s relation thereto, was summarized by the _ fols. 101’—102" [111’—112"]). For a while the Neapolitans Florentine ambassador to Paris, Guidantonio, in a letter to _ played with the idea of encouraging Riario to aim at Faenza

the Signori Dieci from Paris on 6 August, 1479 (Arch. di rather than Pesaro, but Lorenzo did not want Riario so Stato di Firenze: Dieci di Balia: Carteggi, Responsive, Reg. close to Florence. There was much intrigue at Naples, 25, fol. 123, renum. 131, and cf. fols. 135, 139, 170). and even-more at Milan. Federigo da Montefeltro, duke of

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 339 nurtured an abiding disappointment that the Battista Gritti would serve as the Republic’s conspiracy of the Pazzi had not succeeded in _bailie to Istanbul. The motion was now made killing Lorenzo; the pope still hoped to oust the in the Senate, however, and carried by seventy

Medici from Florence in one way or another. votes to two, with four neutral votes (non

Now, however, Mehmed II rendered Lorenzoa_ sinceri), to send an honorabilis orator to the much greater service than the extradition of Porte. Refusal to accept the post would entail

Bandini. He also relieved the Venetians of the a fine of five hundred ducats. Benedetto necessity of taking more vigorous and more ‘Trevisan was elected, and agreed to go. As costly measures against the Neapolitans. In late ambassador, he was to receive two hundred July, 1480, the Turks landed in force at Otranto, ducats a month salary for the first four months

in the heel of the Italian boot. in office and thereafter one hundred ducats.

He would be allowed to take with him a notary Having made peace with Sultan Mehmed in (who might have one servant), a chaplain, ten January, 1479, the Venetians intended to stay at male servitors (domicelli), and a cook, all “at

peace with him. In April a Turkish envoy, the expense of our Signoria,” and he was

Lutfi Beg, appeared before the Doge Giovanni authorized to spend five ducats a day for the Mocenigo and the Collegio. He brought letters maintenance of his whole household.”

from Mehmed, and explained the _latter’s On 21 May the Senate voted that ‘Trevisan “comandamenti” to the Signoria, requesting must embark upon his new responsibilities with confirmation of the peace “made between your all possible speed.®° His commission, dated 12

Highness and us,” as the Senate wrote the sul- June, prescribes his route in full detail. He tan on 4 May, “through negotiation with our was not to spend more than two days in any most faithful secretary, Giovanni Dario.” The one place. The voyage to Istanbul was to take Senate confirmed all the articles of the pact him first to Spalato, next to Cattaro, thence which Dario had made with the Porte, and did __ into the area of Antivari, thereafter to Dulcigno, so “with a glad heart,” swearing to abide by every: Durazzo, Corfu, Lepanto, Modon, Coron, and detail of the agreement. A bailie would be sent Nauplia, and so to the shores of the Bosporus,

immediately to Istanbul. He had already been where he would present his letters of credence chosen. He would attend to whatever was neces- iuxta consuetudinem and distribute to the pashas

sary for the “observantia dei capitoli’ from the gifts he was bringing with him (the value the standpoint of Venice, and the Senate begged of which had been determined by the Collegio).

the sultan to instruct “all his sanjakbeyis and All along the way Trevisan was to inquire

subashis” in Turkish territories bordering upon minutely into the pre-war boundaries between those of the Republic not to make unwarranted Venetian and Turkish territories as well as into demands upon Venetian officials. They should the recent activities of Turkish subashis and all live together as good neighbors “ala bona flamburi. He must look into the various prob-

amicicia reintegrata fra nuy.”” lems relating to the export and import of mer-

chandise and salt, which had caused difficulties ee in the past. Trevisan was to learn all he

Urbino, was said to be about to attack Pesaro on Pope Six- could about such matters, so that he might see tus’s behalf, and in June, 1480, the Venetian Senate sent to the proper resolution of all differences beZaccaria Barbaro as their ambassador to Rome with in- tween the sultan and the Signoria, and thus

for war to urge the pope to give up any plans he had guarantee the continuance of the hard-won Such was the diplomatic confusion in Italy, however, Peace.

that the Senate informed Barbaro that they found it diffi- Like every ambassador, Venetian or othercult to understand some of the contradictions of policy that wise, he was to keep his eyes and ears open the Italian princes seemed to [118%]), be pursuing (Sen. Secreta, to Jearn whatever he could which might:have Reg. 29, fol. 108” on which see in general Edoardo ." Piva, “L’Opposizione diplomatica di Venezia alle mire di 4 bearing upon the commerce or the foreign Sisto IV su Pesaro e ai tentativi di una crociata contro i policy of his government. The Senate now

anno , tom. V, pt. 1, pp. 49-— . .

Purch, (1903), 1481" Nuovo Archivio tod (ejted herenfte, wished, however, particularly to know “whether as Piva, 1); ibid., pt. 2, pp. 422-66 (Piva, 11); and ibid, CTVOYS Of King Ferrante as well as of the king anno III (1903), tom. VI, pt. 1, pp. 132-72 (Piva, III).

78 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fols.§_§ ££ ~~

14%-15* [24¥-25'], doc. dated 4 May, 1479. The letter was, 7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 15" [25"], resolution of the as usual, approved by the Senate, and sent in the doge’s Senate also dated 4 May, 1479.

name. 80 Ibid., fol. 16% [26°].

340 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Hungary are or have been there [in Istan- (sanjak) of Valona, to attack the pope and the bul], and whether they have reached any sort king of Naples, both of whom he declared of peace or are trying to do so, and you will to be the bitterest enemies of the Signoria. work in opposition to their machinations, which Ahmed Pasha’s envoy to Venice had stated

will all be motivated by ill-will toward us that his master was ready to attack either and to our disadvantage, so that their perfidy with or without Venetian assistance.*? Obviously

‘may be understood. . . .” Ithad been reported ___S

in Venice that the lord of Andros, Crusino II 83 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 32" [42°]: “Quod oratori Sommaripa, had been captured by the Turks, Achmat basse, qui ex Avalona huc venit et ea exposuit que with a large of other et. . .dispositione puic consilio ie serenissimum dominum qucem relata ; ; number : uerunt depersons optima illustrissimi domini Turci cum omni sup electle. ‘Trevisan must find out et suprascripti basse ad conservationem pacis . . . et tanwhether this was true or not. If Ii was tru€, dem de voluntate eiusdem basse offendendi vel una nobishe must determine whether Crusino’s capture cum vel sine nobis modo id requiratur tam_pontificem had happened before or after the conclusion quam regem Ferdinandum, quos ambos affirmabat esse of the peace. But even if it had taken place hostes acerrimos nostri dominii . . . respondeatur in hunc Pp . prac modum ... ,” the reply being in effect that, with all before the pax conclusa, ‘Trevisan was to do his respect to the pasha, whom the Venetians loved and utmost to secure the release of all the captives.*! esteemed (as they did the sultan, with whom they enjoyed For months and years every Venetian effort was a peace which they appreciated more with each passing

to be directed toward peace with the Turks. day), the contestants in the Tuscan war had inflicted no The instructions which 3 June, 1480, the injuriesVenetian upon the citizens of theirhad opponents in their : . ? on respective territories. merchants suffered no Senate gave Zaccaria Barbaro, their new ambas- losses either in the papal states or in the Neapolitan sador to the Curia Romana, directed him to kingdom. Cf. Piva, I, 72-73, who would exonerate the work for peace in Italy and to avoid in- Venetians of the charge that in various ways they envolvement in the general league being planned couraged the Turks to launch an attack upon southern (or at least discussed) against the Turks.” Piva’s point of view was challenged by Felice Fossati, The Senate regarded the enmity of Ferrante, “Alcuni Dubbi sul contegno di Venezia durante la ricuperaLorenzo de’ Medici, and the Milanese as quite zione d’Otranto (1480—1481),” Nuovo Archivio veneto, new enough for Venice and the Holy See to con- ‘&"» XII (1906), 5-35, and cf. the same writer’s article tend with, for (as Barbaro was reminded) Fer- Arch. stor. lombardo, 4th ser., XII (1909), 137-203. Fossati rante was a rogue, thoroughly untrustworthy, believes that Venice saw in the Turkish invasion a means ready to make and break promises as the fancy of clipping Ferrante’s wings, forcing him to give up the seized him, and fearful of the alliance which Florentine territory which the duke of Calabria had ocSixtus had recently made with the Rep ublic. upon this), and putting a stop to the further aggrandize-

5" ys “Dal 25 luglio 1480 al 16 aprile 1481: opera di Milano,”

. . : cupied during the Tuscan war (Milan was also insisting

The Turks were holding a great naval arma- ment of the Aragonese dynasty in Italy. But since the ment in readiness at Valona. They might Turks held Valona, their permanent establishment at descend upon Italy at a moment’s notice if Otranto would have bottled up the Venetians in the Adrithey saw the Italian states at armed odds with 2Uc amd would have soon destroyed the commercial one another. In fact, some months before this e Vimpresa turca di Otranto,” Rivista storica italiana, (on 23 August, 1479), during the Tuscan war, LxvI (1954), 159-203, has correctly emphasized. Very

y . empire of the Republic, as Alessio Bombaci, “Venezia

the Senate had politely declined the proposal _ likely Venice was satisfied with what eventually happened: of Gediik Ahmed Pasha, the conqueror of Caffa the Turks put a stop to the Aragonese advance, and they (in 1475) and now commander in the district failed to secure a lasting foothold in Italy. Bombaci, op. cit., pp. 196-97, gives a faulty transcription of the Venetian

text of 23 August, 1479. See his valuable article on “Nuovi

TT Firmani greci di Maometto II,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 81 Ibid., fols. 18Y-21% [28%-31°], from Trevisan’s com- XLVII (1954), nos. vint—1x, pp. 311-14, providing the texts mission, dated 12 June, 1479, and in general note fols. of two letters in Greek dated 17 February, 1480, from 30°-31", 32, 34%—-35', 67°-68', 80, 82, 86", 90 ff. [40’.- Mehmed II to the Doge Giovanni Mocenigo, requesting

41", 42, etc.]. Conditions remained tense along the Veneto- Venetian assistance for Ahmed Pasha, who was being sent Turkish front (fols. 149” ff. [159% ff.], and, ibid., Reg. 30, on an important maritime mission (pds Tevas TémoOUS

fols. 11 ff. [21 ff.]). mapadadkacaiovs), clearly the projected attack upon

82 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 109" [119°]: “. . . Altera | Otranto (see Bombaci, “Venezia e l'impresa turca,” pp. 178— pars importantissima est de liga generali que tentatur, etin 79), and justifying Ahmed Pasha’s retention of five castra hoc non erimus ita diffusi quoniam materia non exigit et in southern Albania (or northern Epirus), which had been quoniam sufficienter opinionem nostram summo pontifici seized from Venice during the late war (and were being declaravimus . . . ,” on which see Piva, I, 71-72 ff., 90 ff., | properly held according to Mehmed’s interpretation of the who incorrectly dates Barbaro’s instructions 4 June (zbid., 1, | terms of January, 1479). Mehmed states that the Venetian

66 ff.). Barbaro had previously been appointed Venetian subjects captured in these places had already been sold envoy to the duke of Ferrara in October, 1479 (Sen. Secreta, into slavery, and their property confiscated and put on the

Reg. 29, fols. 48’—49* [58¥—59")). block.

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 341 the Turks had been seriously considering an _ captain, as he passed by on his way to the invasion of the kingdom of Naples for at least lord Leonardo’s state, and he went first to S. a year before their landing at Otranto. Never- Maura, which he found abandoned by the afore-

theless, no decisive plans could be made until said lord, and garrisoning [the place] with the beginning of January, 1480, when Ahmed Turks, he then continued on to Cephalonia, Pasha went to Istanbul and Mehmed II gave took the island, then the fortress, pillaging

his consent to the enterprise.™ ‘everything. He burned and destroyed the cas-

Sultan Mehmed’s expedition had thus been tello, leaving the whole island deserted. . . .”

a good while in the making. The Venetians Being at peace with the Gran Turco, the

had taken no step to dissuade him by dilating Venetian galleys stood by, and watched the utter

on its obvious costs and likely difficulties. desolation of the Tocchi heritage, while the They must have known what was in the offing Republic began pressing a claim at the Porte toward the end of March, 1480, when Mehmed’s__ for possession of the island of Zante.*”

letter of 27 February reached Venice, request- Leonardo sought refuge in Naples, where he ing assistance for Ahmed Pasha in his forth- was well received by King Ferrante, whose coming maritime venture.” If they did not in niece Francesca Marzano he had married two fact encourage the sultan to attack southern years before, and where his descendants lived Italy, they certainly kept his secret. Mehmed in prosperity until the later nineteenth century. was a fearsome, unpredictable person. The According to the diarist Jacopo Gherardi da forces he was gathering against the Neapolitan Volterra, Leonardo appeared in Rome on 29 kingdom could always be used against the Re- February, 1480, with his brothers Giovanni and public’s possessions in Greece. Venice wanted Antonio and his son Carlo to seek a pension to maintain the peace that had cost herso much, from Sixtus IV. He was met at the Porta protect her Greek and Adriatic stations, and [S. Giovanni] Lateranense by the famiglie of the continue her profitable trade with the Otto- cardinals, and taken to a house which had been man empire, for the privilege of which she prepared for him between the Via Pellicciaria was paying ten thousand ducats a year. One and the Botteghe Oscure (near the present could never be sure that Mehmed might not Piazza del Gest). Sixtus received him _ two denounce the peace on some pretext or other. days after his arrival, commiserated with him Venetian eyes were constantly scanning the over his misfortune, gave him one thousand eastern shore of the Adriatic, where towns and _ ducats, promised him two thousand a year, and

fortresses belonging to the Serenissima fre- expressed the hope of giving him still more “if quently suffered from unexpected and unwar- God would grant us surcease from [these |

ranted Turkish attacks. wars.’

The atmosphere was heavy with uneasiness. Later on, after the Turkish invasion of

During the late summer of 1479 Leonardo III Otranto, Niccol6 Sadoleto, the Ferrarese amTocco, titular despot of Arta, duke of Leucadia _bassador to Naples, wrote Duke Ercole I d’Este

(S. Maura), and count palatine of Cephalonia about the mission which he was undertaking and Zante, had fled for his life before a Turkish (in April, 1481) to Ahmed Pasha at Valona on armada which sailed from Valona to his island behalf of the Neapolitans to try to arrange an base of S. Maura. As the Turkish commander exchange of prisoners. Protesting Ferrante’s

sailed through the channel of Corfu, he en- love and esteem for both the Signor Gran

countered the Venetian captain-general of the ‘Turco and Ahmed Pasha, Sadoleto expressed sea “with some of our galleys,” says a Vene-

tian dispatch of 7 September, 1479, “and he ~~

was saluted and honored by our aforesaid _ “Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fols. 34°-35" [44°—45"], on which note Alessio Bombaci, “Venezia e l’impresa turca di Otranto, Rivista storica italiana, LX VI (1954), 163-65. On the Tocchi,

TTT see the genealogical tables in Chas. Hopf, Chroniques 84 Bombaci, “Venezia e Pimpresa turca,” p. 172. gréco-romanes, Berlin, 1873, repr. Brussels, 1966, pp. 530-— °° Cf. Bombaci, “Nuovi Firmani greci,” doc. no. vill, 31. Hopf’s tables are often inaccurate, and always to be pp. 311-12, and “Venezia e l'impresa turca,” pp. 178-79. used with caution. Mehmed’s son and successor Bayazid I 8° Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fols. 71% [81°], 77° [87°], ceded Zante (for a tribute in cash) to the Venetians in a letters dated 11 February, 1480 (Ven. style 1479) and 23 firman of 22 April, 1484. November, 1479 (the latter document being inserted in the 88 Jacopo Gherardi da Volterra, Diarium romanum, ad ann.

register with the note posita hic quia non data in tempore, 1480, in RISS, XXIII-3 (1904), 12, and note also Stefano which explains the order in which they were copied). Both Magno, Annali veneti, ad ann. 1479, in Hopf, Chron. gréco-

Istanbul. VI (1885), 215.

texts are letters to Battista Gritti, the Venetian bailie in romanes, p. 208, and at length in Sathas, Docs. inédits,

342 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the king’s astonishment at the invasion of Taranto, had possessed in southern Italy, “which Otranto. Mehmed had given Ferrante the fullest does not belong to the lord king, and which

assurances of peace and friendship in an ex- it is not right that his Majesty should have change of embassies, and had even written occupied as he did.” When Sadoleto protested him a letter in which he had “sworn by his_ the full justice, popular approval, and papal own head that he wanted a fair peace and friend- confirmation of Ferrante’s taking over the ship with his Majesty, and that his Majesty ‘Tarentine inheritance, Ahmed Pasha flatly demust remain convinced that he would never clared that the king had poisoned the prince come to do him harm.” Ferrante had believed of Taranto, after which their conversation conthat no ruler on earth kept his word more tinued in sustained and (to Sadoleto) rather faithfully than the Gran Turco. The Otrantine frightening disagreement.*! attack had been a complete surprise (which was Embassies were exchanged between Venice not true, as Sadoleto was well aware).*? and Istanbul, and the statesmen of the lagoon Ferrante had known all about the size of the were soon accused of encouraging the Turks to Turkish armada at Valona, Sadoleto informed attack Apulia and Sicily. Ahmed Pasha seems to

Ahmed Pasha, but he had made no provision have egged the sultan on, representing the against it, “perche non mai se poté dare ad_ Venetians as favorably disposed to assist the intendere che la fosse preparata a li danni Turkish effort.® At first, however, the Venesuoi.” It had never occurred to him that the _ tians were not actually sure whether the Turkish armada would be used for a hostile landing on armada at Valona was going to be used against Neapolitan territory, but even so (according to Rhodes or Apulia or even against Venetian Sadoleto) Ferrante regretted the loss he had sus- _ territory. On 21 March, 1480, a senatorial tained at Otranto less than he grieved over the _ resolution had been passed, providing that five

impairment of the affection and good will thousand ducats be sent to Vettore Soranzo,

which had obtained between him and the Gran captain-general of the sea, to fortify strategic Signore. In replying to Sadoleto’s urbane ex- locations against the Turks as he thought best. pressions of injured innocence, Ahmed Pasha _ Except for the usual consignment of funds to acknowledged “that it was true that his Gran the Venetian officials at Corfu, no money had Signore had written the lord king that letter and been sent to the Venetian stations on the eastern

had loved him as a good brother, but that Adriatic or in Greece since peace had been his Majesty had dealt with him neither as a_ made with the Porte.®

brother nor even as a friend, [for] he had

always received his enemies . . . , and that this oT had been the cause of this war.”2° Piva, I, 160 ff. Although Sadoleto would have had . Ahmed Pasha believe that he knew nothing of the Turkish Among the most prominent of these refugees insistence upon securing the prince of Taranto’s possessions,

was, of course, Leonardo Tocco, although Fer- he had already written Ercole d’Este from Naples some rante had befriended a good many others. eight months before (on 24 August, 1480) that the Turks Ahmed Pasha also informed Sadoleto that, if “have sent to inform the archbishop of Brindisi . . . and Ferrante wanted peace with the Gran Signore, 3 the councl of the province dat the Gran Turco wan he must give up to him the state which the late belong to the king . , .” (Foucard, “Fonti,” Arch. stor. nap., Giovanni Antonio del Balzo Orsini, prince of VI, 93). A fragment of Ahmed Pasha’s letter to Francesco

TTT It is dated 18 August.

de Arenis, archbishop of Brindisi, is still extant (zbid., p. 156).

8? On 14 May, 1480, Sadoleto had himself written Duke % Piva, I, 74-78, and especially Bombaci, “Venezia e Ercole of Ferrara from Naples that Ferrante “sta molto in l’impresa turca,” pp. 179-80. suspecto del Turco, il quale se dice ha XX m. persone a la 93 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 83° [93°], doc. dated 21 March, Valona per voltare verso Puglia” (see the text in the col- 1480: “Nullum est efficatius remedium atque provisio magis

lection of documents published by C. Foucard, “Fonti di salutaris ad faciendum quod Turcus nobis pacem servet storia napoletana nell’Archivio di Stato in Modena: Otranto quam munitio et fortificatio terrarum et locorum nostrorum

nel 1480 e nel 1481,” Archivio storico per le province Orientis, proinde hac tempestate huic rei... omni

napoletane, VI [1881], 80). The Ferrarese ambassador to studio, opera et solicitudine est incumbendum. Et quoniam Venice, Alberto Cortese, had written Ercole on the pre- post factam predictam pacem ad hunc diem nihil pecuni-

ceding 27 March that the Turk was preparing a huge arum missum fuit in Orientem supradicta de causa prearmada for an attack upon Apulia or Sicily (bid., p. 128). terquam ad locum nostrum Corphoy, vadit pars quod ex Foucard’s work was intended to commemorate the fourth primis denartis qui exigentur ex decima numero XL m.

centenary of the Turkish occupation of Otranto. mittantur ducati quinque mille ad capitaneum nostrum

°° Sadoleto’s (undated) letter to Ercole d’Este is published generalem maris cum ordine et mandato ut illos dispenset

in Piva, III, 158-62, and see, ibid., I, 77-78. de tempore in tempus in fortificationibus terrarum et:

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 343 The Turks seemed to be putting so many have always tried to preserve with our every effort, irons into the fire that the Venetian Senate precaution, and vigilance, especially in these times doubtless expected them to keep the peace. in which this vast danger assails us, so that we think News of eastern affairs was always awaited with Of nothing else than how the Italian states may with anxiety. Dispatches flowed into the Senate with a union of purpose resist the terrible power of the

daily regularity, and the responses were usuall urks. . ... [Now] we have the enemy before our Ly TES Y> ; P y very eyes. He has already been sighted, poised to quick and always cautious. On 2 July (1480) rike at the province of Apulia with a large fleet. the Senate wrote the captain-general Soranzo If he should seize Ragusa or Rhodes (which God that they had just received four letters from forbid!), nothing would be left of our safety. . . . him, of which the last was dated at Corfu Hear our paternal voice, consider the common peril,

on 24 June, as well as a report from one and judge for yourself how great is the need to Marco de Mello. From these dispatches they quicken our pace. . . . We have been the first to do

had learned not only of the departure of the what we could. . . . We cannot act alone, [and] sultan’s fleet from Istanbul, but also of its all men will acquit us of blame if amid so clear a division into two parts, the larger making for “8aster our paternal appeals go unheeded!"

Rhodes and the remainder heading for the Adriatic (deque adventu residur in Culphum). On 28 July (1480), three days after the reSoranzo was to keep his forces together in the newal of the league of Naples, one day after the

Adriatic, but to keep out of the Turks’ way; pope's frantic brief to the princes, the Turks if they should attack any Venetian possessions, landed on the eastern shore of the Salentine however, he was to defend them. But if the peninsula. They disembarked near Otranto, less Turkish armada continued on to Apulia, than fifty miles from the Albanian coast, where Soranzo was to remain in the Adriatic or drop _ they had been assembled under Ahmed Pasha at

anchor at Corfu, as seemed best to him.” Valona. Europe was shocked, Italy terrified, and As the days passed, the tension increased. one wondered what lay in store for the future. The petty ambitions of Girolamo Riario and the Was this merely an expedition against Ferrante

deep-rooted enmity of the Venetians toward of Naples? The sultan hated the Aragonese, Ferrante of Naples made talk of an anti- the ally of Scanderbeg. Or was it the prelude to Turkish league a tragic farce. On 25 July, a full-scale invasion of Italy? Mehmed is said to 1480, Naples, Milan, Florence, and Ferrara have thought of himself as a world conqueror renewed their alliance for twenty-five years, a like Alexander or Caesar. Contemporaries were counterpoise to the pact between Sixtus and hardly better equipped than we are to provide

Venice. In the meantime scouts had been the answers, and they had less time to con-

watching the southern reaches of the Adriatic, template the questions. As Sadoleto wrote the while the Curia Romana was trying to collect duke of Ferrara on 1 August, ries to assist te p e aguered te nignts oF 3 This morning four horsemen have come [to Naples], John On Ee CItane sian’ O8ES. ND riding at breakneck speed from Apulia and the region July Sixtus addressed an almost hysterical brief o¢ Ofranto. They have gone to find the lord king to the Italian princes. He had summoned envoys at Aversa, where he went yesterday evening, and to Rome, he said, to take the necessary steps they have brought him the news of how the Turks for the defense of Rhodes. However, the envoys _ have landed at Otranto with 150 sail, and have made had expressed the fear that war was going to _ three assaults upon the castle. The news is all over break out in Italy, and they wanted reassurance Naples. I have no certain information, however, ex-

; , haste from Aversa within the hour. . . .

on this score from the pope, who wrote the ePt that the lord king has in fact returned postprinces:

We are certainly not the ones, as we told [the Shortly afterwards, Sadoleto could add in a envoys], who intend to disrupt the Italian peace, postscript to the letter that the news of the which through the whole span of our pontificate we Turkish landing was certainly true: “the num-

ber of ships is uncertain, but the armada is locorum supradictorum iuxta necessitatem et importantiam illorum. . . .” Vettore Soranzo was then captain-general of }|—=——————_

the sea (tbid., fol. 85° [95*]), and the Venetians had become %° A copy of this brief, dated 27 July, 1480, sent to the very apprehensive about their possessions on the eastern Marquis Federico Gonzaga of Mantua, may be found in the

Adriatic and in Greece (fols. 90'—92” [100'—102"]). Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834. The * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 115 [125]; Piva, I, 96-97. same text was widely distributed—zidem aliis scribimus.

344 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT so great that it is believed to contain all the Rumors flew thick and fast as to both the

vessels that were at Rhodes!” size of the Turkish armada and the extent of While the pope was scheming to acquire its success. Ahmed Pasha may have had somePesaro for his nephew and to drive the Medici thing over 70 ships, but fewer than 10,000 men; from Florence, and while the king of Naples as time passed the estimates of Turkish strength was seeking to acquire Siena and to find some became less fanciful. But to invade the Terra way of assailing the Venetians, the Turk had d’Otranto, while the siege of Rhodes was still

struck. On the night of 2 August the king under way (from 23 May to 18 August, 1480), wrote his son, Alfonso of Calabria, summoning’ was a fearful display of Turkish power.

him home from Siena with his troops; then he As appeals for aid went out to the Italian

wrote to the pope “in optima forma,” enmity states and the European monarchs, Sadoleto was being put aside in the common danger. Sadoleto _ told that Ferrante had no money, which he did believed that he would soon ask all the mem- not believe, but the ambassador from Lucca bers of the league of Naples to help him. The assured him it was true. Ferrante owed from Turks were already reported to have takenthree 80,000 to 100,000 ducats, and was looking villages, namely Cutrofiano, with 300 houses everywhere for money. He wanted his allies,

(fochi) and a fine castle, and Sogliano and_ especially Milan, to assist him beyond their

Risiglano, the one with 80 houses and the other _ stated obligations, because (as his secretary said) with about one hundred. There were thought to your interests are involved when your neighbor’s

be about 18,000 Turks; the number of horses house is on fire.” On the morning of 14 was unknown; they were said to have many vessels, ‘18 long galleys and more than 120 Ercole that, if it had been allowed, some of the citizens

other ships, not counting transports (palandarie). (brigata!) would have lighted fires and rung bells to celeThen a horseman arrived from Taranto, “who _ Prate the news, although there were others who were by no

says that there are more than 350 vessels, m3) with the prospect of Turkish success (2bid., and that the Turks have attacked the castle of 98 An undated letter from Naples, of which the contents Otranto and ranged as far as Lecce, burning were transmitted on 24 August from Florence to Ferrara, villages, taking prisoners, and killing little | reports the Turkish armada at Otranto as containing 15,000 children as though they were dogs _ For Persons and 400 horses. There were said to be 132 vessels hi . th thi Ise t se t in all, 22 light galleys, 35 transports, and the rest fuste this evening ave notaing else to repor CX- and other small boats (Arch. stor. nap., V1, 122). On 26 June cept that [the king’s] secretary says that this the rector and council of Ragusa had written Ferrante that business arises from the Signoria of Venice.’ the Turkish armada consisted of 70 vessels, including 17 galleys, 32 transports, and 20 fuste. It was apparently

going to join another fleet, of which the size is not given. % Foucard, “Fonti,” Arch. stor. nap., VI, 81, and “Relazione The Ragusei did not know the purpose or destination of della presa di Otranto scritta dal commissario del duca di__ either fleet (ibid., p. 152). See in general Raynaldus, Ann. Bari, al duca stesso, Ludovico Sforza,” ibid., pp. 162-63, — eccl., ad ann. 1480, nos. 1-16, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 286-89,

which puts the Turkish force at 150 vessels and about’ on the siege of Rhodes; nos. 1, 17-32, ibid., pp. 286, 10,000 men, “tra li quali erano molti Christiani renegati 289-92, on the fall of Otranto; Diartum parmense, in RISS,

de ogni natione . . . ,” and dates the appearance of the XXII (Milan, 1733), cols. 336-37, 343-48, 349, 352C,

Turkish armada off the Salentine coast to the morning of 357-58; Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, ibid., cols. 1211-13; Nava29 July. On the Christian loss and recovery of Otranto, gero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII (1733), cols. 1165see Vincenzo Saletta, “II Sacco di Otranto (11 agosto 1480),” 66; Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 332 ff., and (with the omission of

Studi meridionali, V (1972), 209-47, with full bibliography. an anti-Venetian passage) Gesch. d. Papste, II, 559 ff.; Note also, among numerous works on the subject, P. Babinger, Maomeito, pp. 565-68, 588-93. Palumbo, “Gli Aragonesi alla guerra d’Otranto (da docu- 8° Sadoleto to Ercole d’Este, 3 August, 1480, in Arch. menti sincroni),” Rivista storica salentina, I11 (1907), 357-78; stor. nap., VI, 84, 83. The pope sent Ferrante 10,000 S. Panareo, “In Terra d’Otranto dopo linvasione turchesca_ _ducats (zbid., pp. 89, 90-91, 111, 142, 155), and the Milanese

del 1480,” ibid., VIII (1913), 35-56; P. Egidi, “La Politica undertook to provide the same sum (pp- 90, 116). Typical

del regno di Napoli negli ultimi mesi dell’anno 1480,” of the papal appeals for aid addressed to the princes is Arch. stor. per le province napoletane, XXXV (1910), 697-773, the brief of 5 August sent to the Marquis Federico Gonzaga with nine documents; M. Viora, “Angelo Carlettida Chivasso (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834): The

e la crociata contro i Turchi del 1480-81,” Studi Fran- Turks had landed at Otranto with a large fleet, were laying cescani, new ser., XI (XXII, 1925), 319-40, with five siege to the city, and were devastating everything “flama documents; and cf. A. Antonaci, Hydruntum (Otranto), ferroque . . . ita ut nisi celeri occurratur remedio dubitanGalatina, 1954, pp. 159-67, and Otranto: Testi e monumenti, dum sit ne in cetera loca Italie penetrent. . . . Quamobrem

Galatina, 1955. considerata vicina et imminenti calamitate non est aliqua ex

87 Sadoleto to Ercole d’Este, 2 August, 1480, in Arch. parte cunctandum, sed celerrime ne ulterius serpat substor. nap., V1, 82-83. When a false report reached Venice veniendum. Te ergo, dilecte fili, per misericordiam Dei on the evening of 7 August that the Turks had taken nostri obtestamur ut taxam illam qua superioribus diebus Otranto, the ambassador of the Estensi, Cortese, wrote Duke _taxatus fuisti, huc sine mora mittas. . . .”

SIXTUS IV AND THE TURKS IN OTRANTO 345 August the terrible news reached Naples that Duke Alfonso hurried south from Siena in early

Otranto had fallen (on the eleventh). Ferrante August, but no help had reached the small summoned Sadoleto and the Milanese and _ garrison at Otranto, when it fell to a Turkish Florentine ambassadors, and dilated on the assault after a two weeks’ siege. The city was gravity of the situation: “chiaro si puo vedere sacked. The older inhabitants were killed, the la destructione de Italia.” He was sending an younger reduced to slavery; Stefano Pendinellt, envoy to Rome to beseech the pope to per-_ the aged archbishop of Otranto, was slain with suade Venice to join with the Neapolitan allies all his priests. The churches were destroyed in defense against the Turks. Sadoleto proposed, or converted into stables and quarters for however, that all the allied states send envoys troops. The nearby monastery of S. Nicola di directly to Venice; maybe Venice would decline Casole suffered severely (we shall return to its

to help, but then at least they would know “in fame and its plight in Chapter 12). Sacred how many feet of water” they were standing. relics were thrown to the dogs as so many There was general agreement that this was a_ bones. Virgins were raped on the altars. No

good idea.’ cruelty was forgotten, no impiety overlooked; In the meantime, however, on 9 August, every noble had his-head cut off and stuck upon the Venetian Senate had ordered the com- a lance. Jacopo da Volterra, who gives us this mander of a squadron on its way to Corfu graphic account, feared that the Turkish con-

(to join the captain-general’s armada) to avoid flagration might well consume all Italy and the the Turkish fleet, but if (quod Deus avertat!) he rest of Europe.’ The “eight hundred martyrs”

should encounter the Turks on his way, he of Otranto became a legend which is. still should give them a wide berth, facendoli pero cherished in their city.

cum bombarde et altri segni la debita saluta- Although Archbishop Stefano had urged tione et honort, without deviating from his everyone to fight and die for the faith, Fercourse.'®! On the same day the Senate renewed _rante remarked that he would have done better

the instructions to Barbaro to avoid even dis- to spend the 18,000 ducats he was hoarding, cussion of a general league against the Turks.” to repair the walls and to provide for the The Neapolitan appeal had thus been rejected garrison at Otranto.'!* He spoke very much to even before it was made. Only for her own the point. The Turks had established a beachsurvival or that of her Levantine possessions, head in the Salentine peninsula, from which would Venice go to war with the Turks again. _ they might well expand their operations. And Recalled from Tuscany by his frantic father, as far as anyone in Italy knew, by this time

a they might also have taken the island of Rhodes. 109 Sadoleto to Ercole d’Este, 14 August, in Arch. stor. nap.,

VI, 85-88; Piva, II, 431-33. Envoys of the so-called 9—-—

“league of Naples” did go to Venice in early October, but 3 Diartum romanum, ad ann. 1480, in RISS, XXIII-3 their efforts to persuade the Senate to take a stand against (1904), 22-23, which gives 11 August as the date of the the Turks were entirely unavailing (Piva, II, 448-49). Turkish capture of Otranto. Cf. Foucard, pp. 88—89, on the Battista Bendedei, the ambassador of the Estensi in Rome, bloodshed attending the event. Alfonso left Siena on 7 informed Ercole on 12 August that Otranto had fallen the August (Piva, II, 429), and of course the Florentines were day before, and that a consistory was immediately ordered to __ glad to see him go. On the eighteenth Sadoleto wrote from consider what should be done (Arch. stor. nap., VI, 111). It | Naples that the Turks had killed almost everyone except the

is hard to see’ how even bad news could have traveled so children whom they had sent off to Valona and Istanbul quickly unless semaphores were employed or Bendedei’s (Arch. stor. nap., VI, 89-90). Ferrante’s secretary said that letter is misdated. Letters from Lecce dated on the thirteenth only seventeen men and a few women had saved their lives

were read to the pope on the nineteenth “confirmando at Otranto by paying ransom (ibid., p. 92). Stefano Pendinelli la perdita de Idronto” (ibid., p. 113), which was known in _ had been archbishop for some thirty years by the time of the

Venice by the fourteenth (pp. 132~33). Turkish invasion (Eubel, Hierarchia, I1, 166); his end is de101 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fol. 123 [133]. The vote was 133 scribed in some detail in the “Relazione della presa di in favor of the order, with only two members of the Senate Otranto,” Arch. stor. nap., V1, 166, which says he died of

opposed to it and none casting neutral ballots (non sinceri). _ fright.

102 Ibid., Reg. 29, fols. 123¥—124'[133%— 134"). The vote was 194 Sadoleto to Ercole d’Este, 20 August, in Arch. stor. nap. ,

160 de parte, with one neutral ballot, and none de non. VI, 92.

11. PIERRE D’AUBUSSON AND THE FIRST SIEGE OF RHODES (1480) FRYER SINCE the fall of Constantinople more city. Today there are still about one hundred and or less grave incidents had involved the _ fifty escutcheons of the grand masters mounted Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes in hostilities with on the ramparts of Rhodes; of these almost the Ottoman Turks, the Egyptians, and eventhe one-third bear the arms of d’Aubusson, d’or Venetians. Despite the aura of chivalry which 4a la croix ancrée de gueules, showing something of later historians of the Order have cast over the the extent of his work in refortifying the city. Knights, the fact is that piracy and the slave trade Although most of d’Aubusson’s escutcheons were among the chief sources of their income. _ postdate the famous siege of 1480 and the earth-

While they fought off the attacks of Turkish quake of 1481, a good number date from the pirates, they preyed on Moslem merchantmen— ffirst three years of his grand magistracy. and on Christian vessels carrying Moslem D’Aubusson also built up a large store of food traders. From the time of the election of Pierre supplies and munitions, recruited mercenaries, d’Aubusson, prior of Auvergne, as grand master and called upon the Knights in Europe to come

of the Hospital (on 17 June, 1476),' the Knights to the defense of their Aegean stronghold,’ had expected each spring to learn that a fleet and he made the inevitable appeal to Rome and a siege army had left the Bosporus to and to the princes of Europe. For the siege of undertake the reduction of their island.

When Venice finally made peace with the ~—__ a a .

Turk (in Januar l 479) it was felt to be only 2 Guillaume Caoursin, Gulielmi Caorsici [sic] Rhodiorum

c ys hs b f h k ld vicecancellarii obsidionis Rhodiae urbis descriptio [Rome: Silber, a matter of montns c ore the attac wou ca. 1480-81, the text to which reference is made in this

come..For three years d’Aubusson had repaired chapter], unnumbered fol. 2 (= signature A2). The copy of and added to the walls and fortifications of the this work in the Gennadius Library at Athens contains 18

unnum. fols., with 26 lines per page, whence I assume from _ J.-Chas., Brunet, Manuel du libraire, I (repr. Berlin, 1922), col. 1556, that it is the edition of Euchar. Silber, pub-

(Royal Malta Library, Valletta, also called the Malta lished at Rome shortly after the siege (to which Brunet Public Library (and hereafter Malta Library), Archives the1475”!); . « Hy.and cf. J. G. T. Graesse, op: assigns the date of “vers Order at Malta (abbr. [Liber Conciliorum, , . ,;1922), 40, hn . ..AOM), Trésor deReg. livres 75 rares et précieux, II (repr. Berlin,

1473 -1478 }, fols. 114”-117': XVII mensis Iunii lune setsLe theSANE date of0 C ‘n’s tract “ 1478” (th intitulata MCCCCLXXVI ab “Die incarnatione de mandato reehoOO aoursins trace vers (thus

inGty di domini 1 . ss ; being, I suppose, more accurate by three years than ve deen Comin oon aecembh ey mess TD orem Brunet). The Obsidio Rhodia is the first item given in the

pulsata est Campana assemblee publice et circa horam — 641) edition of Caoursin’s works (Ulm, 1496), “impressum quintam diei dicta assemblea congregata fuit in ecclesia Ylme per Ioannem Reger: anno Domini, etc., MCCCCXCVI Sancti Ton annis Collaci Rt ot in qua interfuerunt omnes €t die XXIIII Octobris.” On the escutcheons of the grand

singu! CCLVII s rai ; bated nea qr arian ht masters, still extant in the walls and towers, see the relanenes, foll ‘y " istributed according to the eight warkable work of the French architect Albert Gabriel,

NB US BS NOON: La Cité de Rhodes, 2 vols., Paris, 1921-23, I, 93-104, 1. Provence 38 5. England 14 109-10. Although it has nothing to do with either the

2. Auvergne 36 6. Germany 16 grand masters’ escutcheons or Pierre d’Aubusson, I would 3. France 36 7. Castile and Portugal 16 note here that the intriguing inscription PALI-THARO, 4. Italy 37 8. Aragon and Catalonia 65 depicted with the hourglass in more than one context at

Rhodes (cf. Clara Rhodos, V-2 [Rhodes, 1932], 48), does “[Et elegerunt . . .] ad magistrum Hospitalis Sancti Johannis not in my opinion mean “I take courage again” (dA Hierosolimitani . . . reverendissimum dominum Fratrem @app®), as is commonly stated, but rather “I shall flow Petrum Daubusson, priorem Alvernie, tamquam dignum, again” (wd&At 0& p@).

ydoneum et sufficientem. ... Intonarunt “Te deum About two weeks after his election as grand master,

laudamus’ camipaneque pulsate sunt et organa musicam Pierre d’Aubusson on 2 July, 1476, took up before a

resonarunt. Ipse quoque reverendissimus dominus magister council of the Knights the question of refortifying Rhodes illic presens a circumstantibus apprehensus est et humeris (Malta Library, AOM, Reg. 75, fol. 118” [fol. 126” by modern

hominum est delatus ad altare maius super quo stetit et enumeration]): “Die II Lullii 1476 fuit congregatum conillic stabilimenta observare iuravit ac bonas consuetudines _ silium ordinarium coram quo proposuit reverendissimus Religionis . . .” (fol. 117'). There is a brief sketch of the dominus magister, dominus Frater Petrus Daubusson, imorganization, offices, sources of income, administrative and minentem necessitatem agendi et accelerandi reparationes legal procedures of the Hospitallers during the fourteenth — et edificationes murorum castelli Rhodi . . . ,” published and fifteenth centuries in B. Waldstein-Wartenberg, Rechts- in Gabriel, La Cité de Rhodes, I, 147-48, and cf. vol. II, pp. geschichte des Malteserordens, Vienna and Munich, 1969, pp. 228-29, doc. of 18 December, 1476 (AOM, Reg. 75, fol.’

91-138. 137°). 346

THE FIRST SIEGE OF RHODES 347 Rhodes of 1480 we have two quite contempo- While awaiting some response from the West, rary literary sources—Guillaume Caoursin, vice- the Hospitallers set in order their castle on the

chancellor of the Hospital, and one Mary island of Cos and that at Halicarnassus

Dupuis, probably a soldier (despite the name) (Bodrum), ten miles away on the mainland. On of Auvergne, of whom nothing seems to be _ the island of Rhodes itself the strong coastal known except that he arrived in Rhodes shortly castles of Pheraclus (Feraclo), Lindus, and after the withdrawal of the Turks.* Such was the Monolithus were put in readiness to meet an terror and confusion within the walls during the attack. The castle on Mount Phileremus (File-

siege that public acts were not drafted.* remo), with its delightful church of the Virgin, was left to the Turks as being too hard to defend.

3 ws ; se hes; _ The diplomats were also busy, as usual before For editions and translations of Caoursin’s Obsidio Rhedia, a great contest of arms. At a meeting of the

see Brunet, 1556-57, and Graesse, dj ae 14 on April. 1479 . Trésor de livresManuel, rares, 11, 1, 40.cols. Among the translations is a ordinary,,COUNICI pri > »a warning

mediocre one by John Kay, poet laureate of Edward IV of was sounded against the Turkish preparations England, The dylectable newesse and tithynges of the glorious going on in Istanbul “contra Rodum et loca re-

victorye of the Rhodyans agaynest the Turkes, Westminster: W. ligionis,”® but in the late summer of 1479 Pierre

Caxton,(see ca. 1490. On Caoursin’s career, note G. S.d’un Pice- d’ Aubusson de solemnly agreed nardi below, note 19), Jtinératre chevalier Saint‘ . to a truce with the Jean de Jérusalem, Lille, 1900, pp. 129-30. For Mary Dupuis, “lurks through the mediation of Sultan Meh-

La Defense de Rhodes contre les Turcs en 1480, Lyon, ca. med’s second son, Jem Sultan. The Turks 1480-81, see Brunet, Manuel, I] (1922), cols. 900-1, and needed more time to prepare their fleet and Graesse, Trésor, Suppl. (vol. VII), repr. Berlin, 1922, p. army; the grand master wanted more time for 264. Mary Dupuis’s original text appears to be lost, but . . the work is preserved in the Abbé René d’Aubert de the European priories to send their due conVertot, Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean de tingents of knights. D’Aubusson had already Jérusalem, etc., 1 (Paris, 1726), 598-616. Mary Dupuis de- made peace with Ka’itbey, the Mamluk soldan scribes himself and his purpose thus (op. cit., p. 598): of Egypt, who had no desire to see the Osmanlis "+; Je Mary Dupuis gros et rude de sens et de en- ot ablished in Rhodes,® and had secured a thirty-

tendement je veuille parler et descripre au plus brief que ? y

je pourray et au plus pres de la verite selon que je peu voir

a lueil....” This I think he has done, using the ———— first printed text of Caoursin as well as information which — catoris die XXVII Augusti MCCCCLXXVIII, pontificatus

he acquired first-hand in Rhodes soon after the termina- nostri anno nono,” lifting the restrictions on commerce tion of the siege. There are notes from Caoursin in a late _ with the infidels of Syria and Egypt because of the Knights’ hand in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. lat. 11,813 (formerly | and the Rhodians’ dire need of foodstuffs, timber, pitch, Arm. III, tom. 226), fols. 81-89, but they seem to be of no _ etc., although they were not themselves to supply arms to

value. the Syrians and Egyptians (zbid., fol. 163%). This brief was 4Cf. Sebastiano Paoli [Pauli], Codice diplomatico del sacro also entered in the current Liber Conciliorum on 7 October, militare ordine Gerosolimitano, II (Lucca, 1737), “Al lettore,” 1480 (AOM, Reg. 76, fol. 22).

ad fin., quoting Caoursin’s assertion to this effect. Con- The last Christian ship being issued a safe-conduct to enter firmation of this fact may be found in an interesting note Rhodes before the siege began, received it on 12 February, in the Libri Conciliorum of the Convent of Rhodes, in the 1480 (AOM, Reg. 387, fols. 208'—209"): “magnifico ac nobili

AOM, Reg. 76, fol. 35: “Quia civitas Rhodi obsidebatur viro d. Ludovico Peyxo, navis onerarie capitaneo .. . ,” per Turcos et summo conatu oppugnabatur, in tantarerum “datum Rhodi in nostro conventu die XII mensis Februarii, perturbacione ac formidine peracta, in scriptis non sunt: anno ab incarnatione domini MCCCCLXXVIIII,” 1e., 1480, redacta, sed habita victoria historia est edita per Guillelmum since according to this style the year began on 25 March. Caoursin, Rhodiorum vicecancellarium, que per orbem im- ‘The last non-Christian merchants to receive a safe-conduct

pressorum arte est divulgata quapropter in hoc spacio to enter Rhodes did so on 10 March, 1480 (ibid., fol. (two-thirds of the folio is blank, ‘hoc spacium’ being used 209%), and the last Christian merchant, a Rhodian, to for this notice] nil est registratum: Ita est Gcaoursin Rho- receive one is recorded under the date 22 March (fol. diorum vicecancellarius.” Under the rubric “Partes Citra- 210"). The first Christian ship to get a safe-conduct to enter

marinae” in AOM, Reg. 387, Libri Bullarum [1479-1480/ Rhodes after the siege received it on 12 October, 1480 81], fols. 159 ff., nothing is registered between 19 May and = (zbid., fol. 213"). I first acquired these and a number of 3 October, 1480, and under the rubric “Salviconductus et other important references to the Archives of the Order diverse scripture,” tbid., fols. 198 ff., no safe-conducts are in Malta from my generous friend Professor Lionel Butler, recorded as having been issued between 16 May and 5 who observes that safe-conducts might cover more than one September, 1480 (fol. 211). The document of 19 May, 1480, visit to Rhodes if an additional entry or entries into port was a commission addressed to a German named Johann could be made within the period specified. The data with Berger of Nordlingen, “considerantes igitur vestraminrebus which Professor Butler furnished me made my few weeks bellicis experienciam presertim circa tormentorum seu in the Archives at Malta more valuable than an equal nummachinarum vulgo nuncupatorum bombardarum et cul- _ ber of months might otherwise have been. vinarum usum.. .” (AOM, Reg. 387, fol. 163°). The * Malta Library, AOM, Reg. 76, fol. 11°. entry of 3 October contains a copy of a brief of Sixtus * Niccolo Sadoleto, ambassador of the Estensi in Naples, IV, “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo pis- wrote Duke Ercole I of Ferrara later (on 22 September,

348 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT one years’ truce from Abu-‘Amr ‘Uthman, the Mehmed II had been gathering his land forces

ruler of Tunisia, with an agreement for the in the area of Scutari, across the Bosporus export of thirty thousand measures of wheat from Istanbul, whence they moved gradually without the payment of duty or any other re- southward through Brusa (Bursa), Pergamum, striction. At the chapter general which opened and Magnesia to winter quarters on the bay of on 29 October, 1478, d’Aubusson had already Marmaris (Physkos, Fisco). At the beginning of described to the assembled knights the terrible December, 1479, the Turkish admiral Mesih danger which they faced. They had affirmed Pasha, a member of the erstwhile imperial their determination to oppose the Turk to the family of the Palaeologi,® sailed with the first

end, and had voted the grand master special ships of a fleet that is said finally to have

financial and military powers to help meet the numbered one hundred and sixty sail. He madea

coming crisis.’ half-hearted effort to establish a beachhead 1480) “chel Soldano ha mandato ad confortare el grande The chapter general provided for a searching examinaMaistro de Rhodi, promettendoli ogni soccorso et alturio tion of personnel, a reorganization of practice, and the care contra el Turcho,” for which text see C. Foucard, “Fonti of the Order’s property, galleys, and defenses on Rhodes.

di storia napoletana nell’Archivio di Stato in Modena: The Turks are seldom mentioned in the successive sesOtranto nel 1480 e nel 1481,” Archivio storico per le province _ sions of the chapter, because the members were necessarily

napoletane, V1 (1881), 99. concerned with the internal affairs of the Order, but in “Giacomo Bosio, Dell’Istoria della sacra religione et illus- d’Aubusson’s two long bulls of 17 November (1478) special trissima militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano, I1 (Rome, provision was made “pro defensione civitatis Rhodi, castel-

1594), bks. x—x1, pp. 292-319, explores in some detail lorum, insularum et locorum que dictus Ordo tenet in Pierre d’Aubusson’s manifold activities on behalf of Rhodes Oriente contra potentiam inimici fidei que in dies augetur,

and the “Religione” during the three years preceding quorum quidem fratrum soldee solventur in panno condethe siege. I have not had access to the second edition of centi exceptis illis qui debent habere solutionem in pecuniis Bosio’s second volume (he calls it parte seconda), Rome, numeratis secundum quod deliberatum fuit in generali capi1629. Note Caoursin, Obsidio, unnum. fol. 3” (=sign. A3), tulo anni MCCCCLXXV sicut reverendi domini batulivi on putting the castles in readiness to meet an attack, conventuales fratres anglici et aliqui officiales etiam ad the castellum Langonis being that of Cos, the castellum S. satisfaciendum tabulis et soldeis anni proxime preteriti, Petri that of Halicarnassus; for their present condition preterea pro armatura unius galee per totum annum et see A. Maiuri, in Clara Rhodos, I (Rhodes, 1928), 173-81; duarum galearum pro quatuor mensibus quolibet anno ad and for Cos, cf. also G. Gerola, 1 Monumenti medioevali delle defendendum populum et agricolas ab assiduis Turcorum tredici Sporadi, Bergamo, 1914-15, pp. 216 ff. On the treaties insultibus . . . ” (AOM, Reg. 283, fol. 185"). “. . . Ordo with Egypt and Tunisia, cf. the Jesuit Fr. Dom. Bouhours, _ noster grandioribus sarcinis ob Turcorum invasiones agroHistoire de P. d’Aubusson-la-Feuillade, grandmattre de Rhodes, rumque vastationes et depopulationes oppressus et in 4th ed., Paris, 1806, pp. 64-66 (previously published at Oriente ob fidei catholice hostis in nostram urbem Rhodiam Paris, 1676, 1677; The Hague, 1739; and in slightly abridged __ et castella insulasque nostras assiduos apparatus et instruc-

English translation, as The Life of the Renowned Peter tas classes expende [sic] admodum grandes valuerunt quo D’Aubusson, Grand Master of Rhodes, London, 1679, cf. pp. | populum catholicum nostre fidei commissum a pernicioso

92-94); on the grand master’s truce with the Turks, _ tirannidis iugo tutaremur, cupientes igitur omni cogitatu ibid., pp. 70-76, 80-81 (Engl. trans., pp. 100-11, 116- _ erarii nostri conditionem atque qualitatem detegere, vulneri 18); and on the chapter general which opened on 29 October, quoque pestifero pro virili parte mederi, decrevimus cum 1478 (not 1479), cf., ibid., pp. 77-78 (Engl. trans., pp. diligentia et accuratissima inquisitione debita ipsius thesauri

111-14). redditus vero calculo intelligere et computo intellecto etiam

Full records of the chapter general of 1478 are for- expensis ordinariis et extraordinariis ad nostri status manutunately preserved in a register in the Malta Library, tentionem recognitis rebus ingruentibus et necessariis AOM, No. 283 [Sacra Capitula Generalia: 1466, 1471, 1475, | mutua deliberatione providere statuimus . . .” (AOM, Reg.

1478], fols. 155-89. They may also be found in a late, 283, fol. 187°). rather unreliable copy, AOM, Reg. 315, pp. 489-562. After § Caoursin, Obsidio, fols. 1¥.-2' (=Al-2): “[{Turcus] a papal prorogation of some months, the chapter general quendam bassam graeculum ex nobili Paliologorum famiha opened on 29 October (AOM, Reg. 283, fol. 156%): “In natum ad nephandum facinus allexit.” Cf. Bouhours, Pierre

nomine domini nostri Jesu Christi amen. Die XXVIIII d’Aubusson (1806), pp. 83-84, on “le bacha Misach mensis Octobris Jovis intitulata non feriata anno Paléologue.” I do not know what relation Mesth Pasha

MCCCCLXXVIII ab incarnatione cepit sollemnis celebratio was in fact to the imperial family. Cecil Torr, Rhodes in capituli generalis sacri Ordinis Sancti Johannis Hiero- Modern Times, Cambridge, 1887, p. 17, thinks he was the “son

solimitani in quo quidem capitulo incorporati sunt qui se- of the last despot of the Morea and nephew of the last quuntur per quorum suffragia ordinata et deliberata sunt emperor of Constantinople,” which seems unlikely, but note acta capitularia” [there follow more than sixty names, Averkios Th. Papadopulos, Versuch einer Genealogie der the first being that of the Grand Master d’Aubusson: Palaiologen, 1259-1453, Munich, 1933, repr. Amsterdam,

another name rather conspicuous in the proceedings 1962, no. 101, p. 68. On the career of Mesth Pasha, which lay ahead is that of “Guillelmus Caoursin Rhodi see N. Beldiceanu and I. Beldiceanu-Steinherr, “Un vicecancellarius et secretarius, liberalium artium doctor Paléologue inconnu de la région de Serres,” Byzantion,

(parisiensis)” (fols. 158", 161%, et alibi)]. XLI (1971), 13, note 2.

THE FIRST SIEGE OF RHODES 349 near the castle of Phanes (Fane) on the northern medieval church councils, universities, and

coast of Rhodes, and failed also in an eight certain other international corporations. The days’ attempt to capture the Hospitallers’ Hospitallers commonly referred to the eight nanortherly island of Telos.? He then sailed on tions which comprised their order as the “lan-

to the harbor of Marmaris. Meanwhile in guages,” as in the record of the ordinance

Rhodes the grand master proceeded with his (written in French) of the Grand Master Pedro preparations for the forthcoming Turkish as- Ramon Zacosta, which in 1465 assigned to each sault, pulling down two churches outside the language its sector for defense of the walls and walls, one of them being the church of S. fortifications. Until the time of Zacosta there Anthony to the north of the city, lest they had been only seven languages, but in 1462 he provide shelter for the Turks when they arrived. had divided that of “Spain” into two languages,

Fruit trees were cut down, and the wood was one of which included the Aragonese and

brought into the city; the barley, oats, and wheat Catalans, the other the Castilians and Portuwere cut, and stored in the city granaries.’° After guese. Zacosta’s regulation, preserved in the 29 April (1480) no ships were allowed to leave Libri Conciliorum of the Archives of the Order the harbor of Rhodes; final precautions were at Malta under the date of 3 February, 1465, taken for the defense of the inhabitants and of _ established “la partition des postes et de la muralle

certain strongholds." de Rode par les VIII langues,” and there apEight nations were charged with the defense pears to have been no significant reassignment of the eight sectors of the city walls and harbor of posts between that date and the Turkish installations (France, Germany, Auvergne, siege of 1480.” “Spain” [Aragon], England, Provence, Italy, and Despite the years of preparation for the Castile), as we shall note again in connection coming crisis, the Grand Master d’Aubusson with the siege of 1522, for the Hospitallers placed his chief dependence upon divine aswere organized and voted by “tongues” or na-_ sistance, and sent for the image of the Virgin tions, more or less after the fashion of the later from her church on Mount Phileremus (which

could not be held against the Turks). The — . Italians have reconstructed the church and _" Bosio, II (1594), bk. x, pp. 318-19; Bouhours, Pierre monastery of Phileremus, a beautiful ensemble d' Aubusson (1806), pp. 85-86; Franz Babinger, Maometto il of buildings just beside the excavated founda-

Conquistatore, Turin, 1957, £ ; ofi fAthena, Aththeh 1° Bosio, II (1594), bk. x, p. 320; Gabriel, La Cité pp. de ons 565-68. of an ancient temple

Rhodes, 11 (1923), 211; Bouhours, Pierre d’Aubusson (1806), Christian Virgin having displaced her pagan

p. 87. The church or oratory of S. Anthony probably counterpart. When the Turks occupied Rhodes stood more or less on the site of the present Turkish jy, 1523, this image of the Virgin was taken to mosque of Murad Reis, the admiral of Suleiman the Mal h ; ned til th d of th Magnificent in the siege of 1522. Murad Reis died in Rhodes ta ta, where it remaine unt € end o c where his well-kept tomb, near the mosque that bears his eighteenth century; despoiled of its jeweled name, is still a shrine for local Moslems and an object of setting by Napoleon Bonaparte, it was taken to great interest to tourists. The garden of S. Anthony isnow Byssiq in 1799. when Czar Paul I became grand

the Turkish cemetery, the only one the Italians left in ,

their reconstruction of the city of Rhodes. 1! Malta Library, AOM, Reg. 76, fol. 337: “Die XXVIIIIT = ———_ Aprilis MCCCCLXXX: Consideratis novis que habentur de '2 The text of Zacosta’s ordinance may be found in Gabriel, classe Turcorum que est preparata contra Rhodum fuit La Cité de Rhodes, 1 (1921), 143-44, from the Malta Library,

deliberatum quod naves et navigia que sunt in portu. AOM, Reg. 73, fols. 145° ff., in the Libri Conciliorum, retineantur. . . .” Two weeks later a conciliar decision was 1459-1466; and cf. Gabriel, I, 19-29; S. Pauli, Codice recorded to see to the defense of the population and of diplomatico, II (1737), no. 119, pp. 140-41; Bosio, II (1594), various places: “Le XIII de May MCCCCLXXX. Entendue bk. vu, p. 221. The two “Spanish” languages are disla preparacion que faict le Turc ennemy de la foy tant tinguished as: “l’une des langues despaigne appellee arragon par mer comme par terre . . . contre la cite de Rhodes, qui contient les castellanie damposte, priores de cathalongne chasteaulx et places de la religion, . . . le maistre et son et navarre” and “l’aultre langue des langues despaigne reverend concil vigilans solicites de mieux de la conser- nommee castille qui contient les priores de castille et de vacion . . . du peuple et habitans christiens le liske de _portugale” (AOM, Reg. 73, fols. 145%, 146"). At Rhodes, as Rhodes et aultres ysles circumiacentes pour esviter la long as the Knights were there, French was the chief captivite dudit ennemy . . .” (ibid., fol. 347). “Item est language of administration and high society. In 1462-

deliberé pour garde et defenze des places de Lindo, 1463, at the time of Zacosta’s reorganization of the Ferraclou et Monolito que les habitans des chastellanies personnel of the Order, Rhodes had seemed to be in

desdits chasteaulx se doyent en iceulx . . . ainssy que a__ especial danger (cf. S. Ljubié, Listine, X [Zagreb, 1891], 232,

Castelnou e Cicaptania soyent deputes alcuns de defenze Venetian document dated 15 January, 1463, Ven. style fino a nombre de X ou environ pour place” (fol. 34°). 1462). Zacosta’s tombstone is now in the Vatican Grottoes.

350 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT master of the Hospitallers.“* Knowing nothing It must have been about this very day that perhaps of the Virgin’s displacement of Athena the watchman in the look-out on the hill of on Mount Phileremus, the seventeenth-century S. Stefano, which rises from the shore just to biographer of Pierre d’Aubusson, the Jesuit Fr. the west of the walled city, gave the alarm that Bouhours, remarks: “Ce que limage fatale de the Turkish fleet had arrived in Rhodian waters

Minerve étoit au peuple de Troye, celle de la under full sail. The Order required Johann Vierge le fut au peuple de Rhodes; il crut que Berger’s skill. The excited people flocked to the le salut de la ville en dépendoit, et qu’il n’auroit walls and other heights to watch the ships sail rien a craindre tandis qu’elle seroit au milieu past Sandy Point (Saburra) to the harbor of Mard’eux.”!* The image of the Virgin was carried maris, where they joined the detachment which in a solemn ceremony around the walls, and for had arrived the previous December. The Turkd’Aubusson’s time at least she kept the city of ish forces were embarked rapidly, being carried

Rhodes under her protection. to the northern shore of Rhodes, where they landed on 23 May, 1480. Both Caoursin and

When spring came, Rhodes had need of Dupuis estimate there were about a “hundred protection. Although a large Turkish fleet was _ sail” in the Turkish fleet;’® other sources set the

soon to be deployed in the Adriatic for the size of Mesih Pasha’s fleet at from 84 to 130 attack upon Otranto which was to shake all sail.” It was later reported in Rome, however,

Italy, another great fleet left the straits of

Gallipoli in the first days of May. The fact was _—————— soon known in Rhodes, where the grand master 16 Caoursin, Obsidio, fols. 3¥—4" (=A3—4): “. . . appulit was enlisting whatever trained gunners and _ itaque ea classis velorumque centum decimo Kal. Junii anno

naries he could find. On 19 May , ¥ a "

other mercenaries h ) incarnationis verbi divini MCCCCLXXX militeque in terram a commission was “est issuedassavoir exposito.que .. . Mary Dupuis, in Vertot, Hist., (1726), (1480) , pie,for osexample. Ww SSUCC 599-600: le vingt et troysesme jourIIde May to Johann Berger of Nordlingen, an experl-. . . arriverent au tour de ladicte ville cent voelles ou

enced cannoneer, who was enrolled for lifeinthe environ, cest assavoir galeres, fustes, pallendrees, gap-

service of the Order at a stipend of eight peries,” etc. In general Bosio, H (1594), bk. x1, pp. . . P 8a‘yyear 320-21, follows Caoursin, and cf. Bouhours p. florins in cash in ““, ot(1806), Diciti ; 89. coq . and ‘ On 3another June (1480)twenty one Gabriele Pisitillo wrote his brother

cloth as well as double the daily pittance of from Rhodes: “Avisovi come, ali XXII de magio, arivoe

a knight conventual. He was to receive his pay- _larmata del Turcho qua, in canale de Rhodi, et adi XXIII ments from “our common treasury at Rhodes.”! —_ messe scalla ala terra, ala rocha de San Stefano, vicino ala terra, quanto poteva agiungere lartigliaria ala terra, et

TT ) messe XV. m. persone, dove ce haveno obsidiata la terra 8 Bosio, IT (1594), bk. x1, pp. 320, 325; G. S. Picenardi, _intorno intorno; et poi, laltro di, parte dela dicta armata, Itinératre d’un chevalier de Saint-Jean (1900), pp. 216-17, la quale é in tuto 84 velle, fra galee grosse et fuste, et 228-29. Cristoforo de’Buondelmonti (fl. 1420), Liber in- parce vedere che sono 50 galee sotile; siche, altro di, sularum Archipelagi, ed. Ludwig von Sinner, Leipzig and come é dicto, andareno circa 30 velle alo Fescho [MarBerlin, 1824, p. 74, noted that “ad quintum milliare maris], porto de terra ferma de Turchi, et vicino quaa XVIII prope civitatem [Rhodianam] in monte Filermus est op- miglia, a levare altre 4. m. persone, le qual sono la . . .” pidum et domina omnium gratiarum saepe visitata adoratur —_(C. Foucard, “Fonti,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane,

a multis.” The Virgin of Phileremus was the domina omnium VI [1881], 135). Niccol6 Sadoleto, the ambassador of the

gratiarum, the Madonna di Tutte le Grazie, whose church — Estensi in Naples, wrote Duke Ercole I of Ferrara on and monastery the Italians rebuilt during their occupation 1 July: “Io credo che V[ostra] Exclellenza] habie inteso,

of Rhodes (1912-1943). per la via de Venexia, come ad Herodi [Rodi] é

44 Bouhours, Pierre d’Aubusson (1806), p. 88. Parmata del Turco, cum cento trenta velle et cum 14 bom' Malta Library, AOM, Reg. 387, fol. 163" (doc. already barde grosse, et che octantamilia turchi sono smontati

noted above, in note 4): “Considerantes igitur vestram in nel isola, et como quindixe galee grosse de le sue, et trenta rebus bellicis experienciam presertim circa tormentorum _ palandarie, et molte altre galee sottile sono nel golfo ala

seu machinarum vulgo nuncupatorum bombardarum et Valona .. .” [for the coming attack on Otranto] (ibid.,

culvinarum usum artemque propriam, ... his causis VI, 80).

impulsi vos prefatum Iohannem vita vestra durante in At first the Venetians were concerned as Mehmed II’s

nostri ordinis obsequiis ad usum rerum bellicarum et artil- | naval armament was being deployed both in the Adriatic and

leriarum suscipimus et retinemus cum annuis gagiis et in Rhodian waters (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta,

stipendiis infrascriptis, videlicet octoginta sive LXXX Reg. 29, fol. 115 [125], doc. dated 2 July, 1480). The florenorum Rhodi currencium . . . et alios viginti sive XX Senate was afraid lest the movement of part of the Turkish florenorum in panno ex[slolvendorum, etiam cum cothi- fleet “in Culphum” (i.e., into the Adriatic) might mean an diaria duplici fratrum pictancia, que omnia quolibet anno attack upon Venetian-held territory, which in view of their omni cessante contradictione a nostro communi thesauro _ recent peace (of January, 1479) with the Porte seemed un-

Rhodi habere, sumere, et recipere realiter et cum effectu likely. The Senate soon had further news, however: debeatis. . . . Datum Rhodiin nostro conventu die XVIIII “Preterea quoniam post scriptas presentes nostras [the

Mali, anno ab incarnatione MCCCCLXXX.” letter, zbid., is addressed to Vettore Soranzo, captain-

THE FIRST SIEGE OF RHODES 351] that Pierre d’Aubusson wrote King Ferrante of The Turks promptly occupied the hill of Naples on 28 May that the Turkish fleet totaled S. Stefano, the acropolis of the ancient city of one hundred and sixty sail, and that about seventy Rhodes, as the center of their encampment, as thousand men had been landed to lay siege to they were to do again in the fatal siege of 1522.

the city of Rhodes." Part of the fleet returned to the Anatolian mainland to collect more troops at Marmaris.

—_ After a few preliminary assaults to test the degeneral of the sea] sumus advisati ex quibusdam litteris fenses of the walls, the Turks concentrated their particularibus unum existentem super illo grippo qui venit — artacks upon Fort S. Nicholas. with its staunch

ex Rhodo retulisse quod illa classis turcicha retinuit in hich had b d tv-G canale Rhodi tres naves nostras onustas gottonis [cotton] que tower, which had been erected twenty-hve years

ex partibus Syrie huc revertebantur, de cuius rei veritate before by the Grand Master Pedro Ramon vos antehac certior factus esse debetis. . . .” Actually the Zacosta. This tower, or rather its successor, still Venetians were not much exercised by the news from the = gtands at the end of the ancient mole extending

East fols. 123-25 [127’, .: 130° (cf., 131".ibid., 133-35 ; ; 117%, into the120%-121", sea northward from the city walls. The

- ; —35}), but (with reference to the text just ; ; ;

quoted) they would be distressed by Turkish interference mole is the long upright of an L, of which the with their export of Syrian cotton which, after spices, was lower portion is formed by the eastward prothe chief staple of their Levantine commerce at this time, longation of the northern range of city walls along on which see Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade 4 shorter mole which terminated in the hand-

in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali, 3rd T € Naill The | t

ser., XVII-2 (1976), 675-715, esp. pp. 689 fF. some square lower Of WNaillac. I ne latter tower, — 18 So Battista Bendedei, ambassador of the Estensi to the built shortly after 1400, loomed up about one

Holy See, wrote the duke of Ferrara from Rome on 29 hundred and fifty feet above the harbors of June (1480): “Ecce che intesii: li giunge uno cavallaro, Rhodes. Part of it fell during an earthquake in volando Napoli, cumKing una lettera regia a lui [ie., April, 1863, andHoly the rest of it was later cleared Anello da Arcamono, Ferrante’s ambassador to the we See] et una al Papa aperta, una perché la potesse legere, @W4Y aS a Menace, but it is well known from et un altra, inclusa in la sua, del gran Maestro de Rhode a the contemporary and modern drawings.” sua Maesta, data in ipsa insula ali XXVIII del passato. . . . ... cum cid sii chel Turcho € a campo, cioé li soi, ala] §©= and Campofregoso was now to continue the Three days later, on 18 September, Sixtus offensive, inflicting all the damage he could on addressed letters to the emperor, the kings of the Turks, “lest we prove unequal to the chance France, England, Hungary, and Spain, and most which heaven has offered us.”*"

of the other important rulers in Europe, in- Pope Sixtus’s exhortations were in vain,

forming them of the recapture of Otranto, however, and Cardinal Campofregoso sailed for “which we have been waiting for with all our Civitavecchia, where he arrived at the beginning

heart, and which has been most pleasing to of October.*® There had been dissension in us—today we have learned it from our people!” the Christian army at Otranto, and plague His letter was not only eloquent, itwas eminently aboard the papal ships. Campofregoso assured

sensible: “This is the time of deliverance, of Sixtus that an expedition such as he had

glory, of victory, such as we shall never be able envisaged was impossible. In any event Italy was

to regain if it is neglected now. With a little no longer in imminent danger. Although, to be effort the war can now be brought toa successful sure, Otranto lay in ruins, the Turks had been conclusion which later on can be done only at expelled from their beachhead on the peninsula.

the8greatest andhas withpassed the greatest injuries ; ; where the 936 5 Jucost Time slowly in Otranto, toourselves. . . .”°° Inaletter of congratulation .

memory of the events of 1480-1481 remains to ee this day as vivid as if the Turks had come and 35 Bibl. Naz. Centrale, Florence, Bibl. Magliab., MS. gone but a brief while ago. At the edge of the II-III 256, fol. 34°: “Episcopo Elborensi: Venerabilis town, on the hill of Minerva, the church of S. frater salutem etc. Commendavimus alias fraternitati tue francesco di Paola is entirely dedicated to the dilectum filium nobilem Andream_ th A s one enters the gatedespotem Romeorum qui nunc advirum te proficiscitur. QuarePaleologum memory of t osef events. hortamur te ut, postquam Dei benignitate Hydruntinacivitas Way, to the stairs leading up to the church, recuperata est, cures et studeas illum in Peloponessum modern inscriptions on pilasters to the left and cum caravellis transvehere ut patriam ac dominium suum a right recall that “ottocento Otrantini s’im-

Turcis occupatum recuperare possit. Erit hoc tibi gloriosum ; 49 . oe

et plenum laudis et genus elemosine existimabitur affecisse molarono m olocausto a Dio.” The inscriptions hunc tanto beneficio. Datum Braciani die XV Septembris P@Y rhetorical tribute to the troops of Alfonso of 1481, anno undecimo.” Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, 1V, 346, Calabria, who recovered the city in September, note, and Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 570, note 3. The 1481]: “. . . Voi generosi che pugnando nel identified as Garsias Meneses in the papal briefs as well as in 1450[!] fugaste dai lidi ausoni le orde musul

bishop of Evora (Elbora), whose name Pastor omits, is 4 = ae ae . Eubel, Hierarchia, H (1914, repr. 1960), 149; in P. B. Gams,

Series episcoporum, Regensburg, 1873, p. 99; and in = ———— Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,ad ann. 1481, no. 39, vol. XIX (1693), p. append., no. 130, p. 789. Copies of the brief went to 305. There are a number of schede from 1469 to 1484 relating the Florentines, Lucchesi, and Sienese, but not to the to Garsias in the Schedarto Garampi in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano Venetians. Numerous entries in the Diarium parmense, ad (Schedario Garampi, vol. 46: Vescovi, no. 16: Indice 490, fols. ann. 1480-1481, in RISS, XXII (Milan, 1733), cols. 347-79,

74'~74*, by mod. stamped enumeration). describe the Turkish occupation of Otranto in detail and °° Bibl. Nat. Centr., Florence, Bibl. Magliab., MS. I-HI with some inaccuracy, the chronicler apparently being in

256, fols. 52‘-53*%. The copy of this brief, dated 19 much doubt as to how and when the Christian forces

September, which was sent to the marquis of Mantua, is still recovered the city. Cf Iorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I preserved in the Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, (Gotha, 1909), 192-93; P. P. Argenti, Occupation of Chios, Busta 834: “. . . Nam ad reliquos omnes idem scribimus, I (Cambridge, 1958), 239-44.

ecce nunc tempus salutis, tempus glorie, tempus victorie, 37 Bibl. Magliab., MS. II-III 256, fol. 38: “Legato quod si negligetur, nullum tale umquam recuperare classis: . . . Accepimus litteras Circumspectionis tue datas poterimus: parvo negocio bellum nunc confici potest quod ad XI diem presentis quibus certiores nos facis de

non sine maximo dispendio maximis calamitatibus nostris receptione Hydrunti et aliis que istic subsecuta sunt . . . ,”

(quod Deus advertat) postea conficietur si cunctabundi and for the important portion of the text, see Pastor, expectare voluerimus donec efferus hostis se colligat, vires Hist. Popes, 1V, append., no. 65, p. 519, and Gesch. d.

recuperet, et adversus nos muniatur. Nos et libenter Pépste, I, append., no. 131, p. 790, and in general note

hactenus fecimus supra quam vires nostre ferre potu- Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1481, nos. 14, 25, 27-34, vol. erunt. . . .” Part of the text is given in Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIX (1693), pp. 298, 300, 301-4.

IV, append., no. 64, p. 518, and Gesch. d. P4apste, I, 35 Bibl. Magliab., MS. II-III 256, fols. 59° ff.

374 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mane.” Midway on the stairs another inscription just over a mile, to the south of Otranto one (on the right) marks the spot where the eight may still find the extensive remains of the once-

hundred martyrs of Otranto are said to have famous Basilian monastery of S. Nicola di

died for the faith. This inscription calls attention Casole. They stand amid broad fields on high also to the small column that stands opposite ground, with a beautiful view of the surrounding (on the left as one ascends the stairs), set up in countryside. Today, however, the site is occupied honor of the Turkish executioner who, marvel- by a masseria, an ill-kept farmstead, with a dising at the spectacle of Christian heroism, himself order of hay and hens, manure, sheep, and

embraced the faith. According to tradition, he dogs. Once it was the home of the abbot or suffered martyrdom along with his erstwhile “igoumen” Nectarius (1219/20—1235), who had victims. “. . . Passagiero, chiunque tu_ sei, borne the secular name Nicola. Twice in times of plaudi alla fortezza dei nostri martirie aitrionfi religious crisis Nicola-Nectarius had served as

della cristiana religione.” Greek interpreter to cardinal legates—to BeneAn inscription on the facade of the church of dict of S. Susanna (in 1205-1207) and to

S. Francesco records the construction by Alfonso Pelagius (in 1214-1215), as they vainly sought of Calabria of a shrine to the martyrs of Otranto to effect the union of the churches after the and, vetustate pene collapsum, its replacement in Fourth Crusade.

1614 by the present church, rebuilt on a grander The monastery and the rich library at

scale and endowed with a larger revenue by Casole had been the center and often the scene Gianfrancesco Arnesanno of Lecce and his wife of the Otrantine poets in the halcyon days of Marcia Lucia. Inside the church, on the walls Frederick II Hohenstaufen, and one of them to the left and right, are inscribed the names at least, John Grassus, had probably joined him of those known or believed to have perished in’ more than once at the distant hunting lodge the Turkish seizure of the city in August, 1480, of Castel del Monte. Among these Italo-Greek and in the struggle for its recovery thirteen poets we must include Nicola-Nectarius himself, months later. Among the former one reads the the seventh abbot of Casole, who served the name of the Turkish executioner “Berlabei,” papacy again in 1223-1225 as a go-between with whose dramatic conversion has become part of imperial Nicaea. He was the good friend of the

the local legend. illustrious George Bardanes, Athenian diplomat

In the small public square under the Torre and metropolitan of Corfu. The poet John Alfonsina, on the south side of the harbor of Grassus “Idruntinus” (of Otranto) was also a Otranto, a monument was erected (in 1922) friend of Bardanes; John was a fiery Ghibelline “agli eroi e ai martiri otrantini del MCDLXXX.” — and an imperial notary; he was also the onetime

Bronze reliefs of the strife and slaughter fillthe student and long-time friend of the abbot east and west sides of the monument. Here Nectarius. John Grassus’s son Nicola wrote little and there throughout old Otranto Turkish can- poems in iambic tetrastichs to Christ, the Virgin, non balls stand outside the doorways, atthe tops and the saints. Another poet of the “school of

of stairs, and in the backyard gardens. Now Otranto” was George the Chartophylax, arChristianized, like Berlabei himself, these stone chivist of the church of nearby Gallipoli, a cannon balls have been conspicuous pieces of rough-and-ready fellow who sprawled at the

Otrantine décor for five hundred years. foot of Mount Parnassus, and wrote poems When the Turks burst into the cathedral robust enough to please himself if not, perhaps,

basilica of Otranto on the morning of 11 August, _ his fellows.

and are said to have slain the archbishop Rich memories still clung to the hallowed

Stefano Pendinelli and his priests at the high _ precincts of S. Nicola di Casole when the Turks altar, they began the dilapidation of the mag- attacked the monastery, set fire to the roofs, and

nificent mosaic floor (laid in 1164-1166 and brought them tumbling to the ground, as the

restored in 1875), one of the best-known and _ terrified monks fled for their lives. We know the most beautiful in Italy. To the right of the high names of some twenty abbots of Casole, from the

altar the Otrantini have built the “chapel of foundation of the monastery in 1098-1099 to the martyrs.” The walls are lined with tall the year 1469, but the name and the fate of the cabinets containing the bones of some five poor abbot of 1480 still elude us. With the

hundred and sixty of the eight hundred destruction of the monastery the silver age of martyrs, Alfonso of Calabria- having removed Otranto had come to an end. The southland of

to Naples the remains of most of the others. Salento, however, had been declining long On the shore road about two kilometers, before the intrusion of the Turks had broken

THE RECOVERY OF OTRANTO 375 the soft tranquillity of life set amid the olive The Venetians wanted to destroy the Estense groves and vineyards. There was no recovery for duchy of Ferrara, for ever since the hardthe monastery at Casole. Through the early headed Ercole d’Este had ascended the Ferrarese sixteenth century, at least, an abbot and some throne (in August, 1471), he had been trying to monks still inhabited S. Nicola, cluttered with loosen the commercial shackles with which the the debris of Turkish destruction. Attempts were tradesmen on the lagoon had bound his state. made at preservation and even reconstruction, Venice maintained a vicedominus in Ferrara to for the monastery had an income from prop- see to the observance of various pacts which erties scattered throughout the heel of Italy. tied Ercole’s hand to the disadvantage of his Indeed, S. Nicola had been for more than two _ subjects. Strengthened by his marriage with centuries the richest Basilian monastery in the Eleonora, the daughter of Ferrante, and by peninsula. But by the beginning of the seven- bonds of increasing friendship with Lorenzo teenth century the monastery ‘was deserted, de’ Medici and with the Sforza of Milan, Ercole

although we should note that in 1665 two looked. the other way when his merchants

chaplains were celebrating mass every day inthe broke the conventions by which the Venetians spacious church for the spiritual well-being of | sought to curb their freedom to trade. Ferrarese the few rustics who lived in the area roundabout. officials disregarded the exemptions from tolls The church was abandoned in the eighteenth and the like, which the Republic had secured in

century; by the beginning of the nineteenth earlier years, expropriated Venetian property, it was closed, because it had become structurally and generally infuriated the Senate by their unsafe. Now little remains of the church but one allegedly high-handed procedures.” arched wall of the apse with clusters of columns Nothing loath to repay Ferrante for deserting on each side. The nave of the church has become _ him in the Tuscan war, Pope Sixtus went along

a stoneyard, with building blocks piled up with Riario, who had designs on Faenza and against the arched wall and strewn about in above all desired to overthrow Ferrante and profusion, a sad memorial to the Turkish the Aragonese regime in Naples. Venice was

occupation of what had been an important place. to receive Ferrara for her assistance. In mid-

; , ; April papal P states,* Sixtus IV’sFerrante resolve toinvaded take thethe offensive ; papa’and

against the Turks was soon diverted. On 27 Ma some two weeks later Venice declared war on 1489 to be sur ve thanked the Ra sei for Ercole d’Este. To offset the alliance of the papacy sendin hier ord f the “apparatus “8 s contra and Venice, Naples and Ferrara found support

enemys Ww on me app q! in Florence and Milan, Mantua and Urbino.

Christianos Turcorum tirannus facit et quid moliatur,” and urged them to keep him informed in the future, assuring them that he ———— would always do everything he could tomeetthe Sen Secreta, Reg. 28 fols. evi Het, Gated 25

Turkish peril in the quickest possible fashion.39 November, 1480, on the complaints of the Venetian . . . vicedominus in Ferrara; 148%—149° [158%’—159"], 22 DecemBut his attention already lay elsewhere. Sixtus ber, on the “multe innovationes . . . contra iurisdictiones

was in fact caught up in another Italian war _ et pacta nostra;” and 152%—153* {162°— 163"], 31 December,

which he owed to the intrigues of his nephew, on the Senate’s willingness to receive a Ferrarese envoy Girolamo Riario, who had contracted an alliance © .Teview the disagreements which Venice regarded as ith Venice against Kine Ferrante of Naples ne litigiose né dubiose, after which relations between

wit ; 3 & ; aan Pr€S. Venice and Ferrara deteriorated rapidly (ibid., Reg. 30, Riario had expressed the desire to visit Venice fols. 28, 31¥-32", 33", 41-44, 46-47" and fF. [fols. 38, etc.]).

and confer with the Signoria as early as July, Alberto Cortese, the Ferrarese ambassador resident in 1481.49 He came on 9 September and “one Venice, gave up his mission at the beginning of February,

: . : 441 , 1482 (Reg. 30, fol. 52° [62"]). The Venetian documents are

received him like an emperor. full of actions to be taken against Ercole d’Este.

** Bibl. Magliab., MS. II-III 256, fol. 217, papal brief

%° Bibl. Magliab., MS. II-III 256, fol. 259%. of 18 April, 1482, to Ferrante, expressing surprise at

* Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, fol. 26” the incursion of Neapolitan troops and demanding their [36%]. withdrawal. On the same day Sixtus wrote to Ercole *) Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 574-75. On 23. d’Este of Ferrara, urging him to maintain peace with October, 1481, the Venetian Senate wrote Roberto Malatesta, Venice, sicuti maiores tui fecerunt, and informing him that

lord of Rimini and captain-general of the Republic’s land the Turks were preparing another fleet with which to

forces, “Habemus, sicuti Excellentie vestre non est ignotum, attack Italy (zbid., fols. 217”—218"). War would be disastrous

sub nostra protectione illustrissimum dominum comitem _ to them all, Sixtus wrote, while at the same time numerous Hieronimum de Riario et statum suum” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. briefs show him taking various defensive and offensive 30, fol. 37° [47°], and cf. fols. 41’-42", 49°, 55-56", 57°, 59% actions in preparation for the war which (he said) must be and ff.). Riario wanted Faenza, which was agreeable to Venice avoided. Note the long brief to the Beneventans in this

(fol. 44° [54°]). context (fols. 277”’—-278%, dated at Rome on 12 June, 1482).

376 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Ferrante’s son Alfonso, the duke of Calabria, abandonment of the alliance which his own carried the war to the very walls of Rome nephew had contrived.” through the late spring and early summer,” The persistence of the Venetians against and the Campagna was pillaged by a Turkish the duchy of Ferrara brought into being a cavalry force which Alfonso had recruited after league against them; its members included the the surrender of the sultan’s army at Otranto.* papacy, Naples, Ferrara, Florence, and Milan;

When in late July, however, Roberto and Sixtus now plunged into still another war Malatesta, son of the impious Sigismondo, with his customary zeal, imposing an interdict arrived in Rome in charge of the papal and upon Venice in May, 1483.%% But after more Venetian troops, Alfonso retreated southward

beyond Velletri into the Pontine Marches, ~~ . goin g toward the Tyrrh enian coast in the direc- 5 From mid-November, 1482, papal relations with Venice

. . ecame very strained. The Senate expressed astonishment at

tion of Anzio and Nettuno. He took his stand the political change of climate in Rome in view of “la filial at Campomorto, a lonely crossroads about nostra devotione, constantia, fede, veneratione, observantia,

. . 46 pation of

eight miles from Anzio. Here Roberto Malatesta _ syncerita, et integerrima volunta et promptissima dispositione defeated Alfonso on 21 August, 1482, and sent verso lei lla sua Beatitudine]” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, fols. him scurrying farther south to Terracina and [41,40 (1"-189) doe ded 23 November), fe

the protection of the Neapolitan fleet.® But amity between Venice and the Holy See was rapid. On 27 Roberto died of the fever a few weeks later; December the Senate recalled Francesco Diedo, who had the papal party was soon as hard pressed as_ replaced Barbaro as the Venetian ambassador in Rome, since before; and Sixtus IV, becoming suspicious of ¢ could no longer retain his post “absque maxima et he V 63 dt ith Naples. °*PTess2 ignominia nostra et aperto dedecore nostri status the Venetians, apree O a peace Ww apices, @bid., fol. 154” [164%]), and on 7 January, 1483, they Florence, and Milan on 12 December, 1482. By wrote Sixtus with some bitterness, “Accepimus breve the terms of the treaty, in which the Venetians Sanctitatis vestreea quadecuit . . . reverentia et devotione: might be included if they wished, the independ- intelleximus ex eo causas que eam videntur impulisse ad ence of the duchy Ferrara was guarantee d phedus nostrum deserendum et insinuandum sese_ prepaci : ?offederique communium hostium nostrorum. Hortatur but the Venetians rejected the terms and Save terea nos paterno affectu et compluribus verbis humanissimis

vent to their anger against Sixtus for his ad pacem cum ceteris Italie potentatibus ineundum abstinendumque deinceps ab Ferrariensi bello” (ibid., Reg. 30, fol. 157° [167%)).

—Sa Diedo had, however, already made the Venetian position *4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, fol. 96" [106%], aletter ofthe Vene- abundantly clear in Rome. The pope’s desertion would have

tian Senate dated 22 June, 1482, addressed to the Conserva- been a great blow to Venice if her Senate and citizens did tors of the city of Rome: “Frequentibus litteris oratoris nostri not entertain the hope that God himself, the supreme

in urbe agentis facti sumus certiores quanta fide, constantia, judge of human affairs, would in the end attest to the et animi magnitudine illustrium maiorum vestrorum vestigia justice of the Republic’s cause. The pope had appealed sequentes neglectis iacturis et damnis vobis illatis pro def- to Venice, which had provided a fleet of some eighty fensione iustissime cause summi pontificis adversus ducis galleys and transports, to help him against his enemies.

Calabrie insidias us: fueritis. . . .” Malatesta was the Venetian commander; it was he who won

See the general account in Pastor, Hist. Popes, IV, the “victoria nobilissima” near Nettuno. As for Ercole 348-57, and Gesch. d. Papste, Il (repr. 1955), 572-79. d’Este, from the time he became duke of Ferrara he had Incidentally, Pastor’s account of the attempts of Andreas dared “quod unquam nullus suorum progenitorum ausus Zamometi€, titular archbishop of Granea, to organize a __ est, iura nostra ferrariensia infringere, cives venetos vexare, schismatic council in Basel at this time (IV, 358-63) has extinguere nostrum magistratum, in venetos denique fines

been entirely rewritten in the last edition of the Gesch. d. atque adeo in ducatum ipsum irrumpere” [i.e., into the Papste, 11, 579-85. The final revision of the German text of Veneto proper], etc., etc. (ibid., fols. 157” ff.). This intolerthis work is much more reliable than the English translation. able state of affairs had gone on for years. Venice would

6 Bibl. Magliab., MS. II-III 256, fols. 269’-270', 289", not make peace with Ercole, etc. The letter of the Senate and 369", the last reference being to a papal brief dated closed with the ironic reflection that “we cannot but hope 22 August, addressed to the Genoese, announcing the victory for the fortunate outcome of that war, to which the authority

at Campomorto. On 24 August Sixtus sent a brief of of the supreme and most holy pontiff [Sixtus himself] has fulsome praise to Malatesta (fol. 370). A full account of persuaded, impelled, and aroused us!” (fol. 158’). Campomorto ‘may be found in Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 8 Sixtus IV launched his long bull Ad bonorum tutellam Ii (repr. 1955), 586-92. The pope had appealed for aid in condemnation of the Venetians on 23 May, 1483 (Arch. from Venice toward the end of June (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 549 [Sixti IV Secret., tom. IV], fols. 99%— 100° ff. [109%—110* ff.]). The Signoria was naturally —_ fols. 245'—259", “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno,

delighted with Malatesta’s victory (zbid., fols. 111° ff.).etc., MCCCCLXXX tertio, decimo Kal. Iunii, pontificatus Incidentally, the papal bull legitimizing Roberto and Mala- _ nostri anno duodecimo”). On 15 July (1483) he rejected a

testa, sons of Sigismondo, may be found in Reg. Vat. 393, Venetian remonstrance against this gross misuse of his fol. 174, dated in Nicholas V’s fourth pontifical year, i.e.,31 spiritual authority (ibid., fols. 259’-264%, the bull bearing

August, 1450. the signature of Giovanbattista Poggio, son of the humanist

THE RECOVERY OF OTRANTO 377 than a year of the most desultory co-operation and was more popular with the Turkish soldiery

with the papacy Lodovico Maria Sforza “il than “his severe, faithless, and cruel father;” Moro,” then governor of Milan, saw small he knew that the Hungarians were worn out, profit in the continuance of the war. He merely lacked money, and had suffered a large loss of

wanted the Venetians held in check, not life. To all this, Corvinus replied that he had defeated, and as a result of his withdrawal in fact always desired peace with Frederick,

from the contest the Venetians were able to but got nothing but war from him as he egged secure very favorable terms in the peace of on his son Maximilian or the king of Poland Bagnolo (on 7 August, 1484), which finally or others to attack him while he was engaged put an end to the renownless war. Sixtus [IV with the Turk. Corvinus spoke with indignation

knew self-interest when he saw it. He con- and dilated on the injuries he had suffered demned il Moro’s faithless indifference to the at Hapsburg hands. Bartolommeo tried to

Holy See, and his last political act was to reject soothe him, reminding him that Frederick also

the provisions of Bagnolo.* claimed various wrongs had been done him, to

which the sharp intelligence and fluent tongue

Tidings from central Europe had, in the of Corvinus had a ready rejoinder. The great meantime, added much to the worries of the Hungarian’s personality made a_ profound Curia Romana. Sixtus had sent his good friend impression upon the Italian bishop: “Beatissime and faithful servitor Bartolommeo de’ Maraschi, pater, rex Ungariae Mars ipse est, nihil nisi bishop of Citta di Castello (1474-1487), into bellum cogitans!” Corvinus’s heavy artillery, the troubled area, and the latter’s reports of tormenta and bombardae, was tremendous; BarOctober, 1483, from Bohemia and Hungary tolommeo saw a stone cannonball weighing showed central Europe to be breaking down into — 1,500 pounds. Everywhere at Buda the evidence

chaos: “. . . Rapinae, stupra, incendia, pluri- suggested that Corvinus was preparing to mae atque horrendae caedes committuntur, enlarge his efforts against Frederick rather than iugulantur sacerdotes ut quod non habent make peace with him. aurum ex[sJolvant. . . .” King Matthias Cor- “I thought the king had been impoverished vinus of Hungary kept up constant attacks on by his daily warfare,” Bartolommeo wrote the the domains of the doddering Emperor Fred- pope, “which had also been suggested to me

erick III, who had lost to his vigorous opponent — in [Konig] gratz, and in rehearsing the reasons

many castles and towns in Carinthia, Carniola, which should make for peace, I gave not the Styria, and Austria. Frederick was just creeping least emphasis to this one. Hence, I gather, it

along from day to day with his usual stolid came about that on the twentieth [of October] ineptitude, “et quotidie serpit serenissimus vero a certain friend invited me to see the king’s

imperator, adhuc dormitat,” He was believed, palace... .” The wealth of the wardrobe

however, to be planning some great move since astonished him, with its precious garments he obviously could not tolerate the loss of so loaded with gold, jewels, and pearls; there many important lands. Bishop Bartolommeo were great tapestries on the walls and any had arrived in Buda on 16 October, 1483. number of gold and silver vessels “worked with Corvinus received him the following day. He a wondrous art.” Bartolommeo saw one lamptried to persuade Corvinus, in the pope’s name, stand of such weight as to be worth 3,500 “to desist from war upon the emperor,” remind- ducats, which he described with all the admira-

ing him that he was the emperor’s adopted tion of the Renaissance ecclesiastic who loved son, and that it did not become a son thus_ to be surrounded by beauty and by opulence.

to strive against his father. He saw crosses, marvelous altar adornments,

Nothing made Sultan Bayazid II happier than _ five hundred large silver plates, three hundred this war as he planned even greater evils for golden goblets, and other such ware, preciosisChristendom than his father had perpetrated. sima, exquisita vasa, “and I saw a hall so furnished Bayazid now had Mehmed II’s abundant gold, that I do not think the glory of Solomon could

have surpassed it!” Bartolommeo does not Powsio Bracciol ». Th sco entered an all thalso mention Corvinus’s of beautiful OggIoO Draccioin!). e pope entered anlibrary alllance wi 1manu1;1 the Sienese on 14 August (1483), iid, fols. 268'-271%, VPS. BI UMCNY DO ON ot found on the

276'—278', by mod. stamped enumeration. . y 49 Jacopo da Volterra, Diarium romanum, ad ann. 1484, in field of battle, obviously personal poverty was

RISS, XXIT-3 (1904), 136. not among them.

378 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Bartolommeo de’ Maraschi did not allow him- which might be assembled to settle the Austroself to be overwhelmed by the magnificence of Hungarian war; Corvinus thought the Venetians Matthias Corvinus’s private life, however, and little better than the Turks; and of course the when he was next admitted to the royal presence, Germans bore arms against one another with

he continued to preach peace. Corvinus was no less enthusiasm than against the Turks. So reasonable and amiable, but got somewhat their conversations went on and on. Bartolomangry when he thought of the injustices done meo’s long letter to Sixtus IV closes with a him in the past. No one was more aware than report which the voivode Stephen of Transyl-

he of the Turk’s power and preparations (to vania gave him of the persistent, ominous

which Bartolommeo gave unneeded emphasis); movement of Turks up the Danube.*° he wanted peace with the Christian powers, but Another letter of Bishop Bartolommeo to the

heartily resented the Hapsburg aggressions, pope, dated at Buda on 24 October, 1483, “and when he spoke of the Venetians, he accused __ relates to discussions he had had with Corvinus

them of perfidy, and not to himself alone but to concerning Jem Sultan, “who is held by the all the kings of Hungary.” Corvinus flourished knights of Rhodes.” Corvinus had been dream-

documents to make his points, and requested ing of plans to use Jem against his brother Bartolommeo to send copies of them tothe pope Bayazid I, who is now said to have been uniand the cardinals. He sounded a trifle paranoid _ versally disliked in the Ottoman empire. Some of as he excoriated the treachery of his opponents, _ the leading pashas had already secretly conspired

but he also sounded honest and did not lack a with Jem to kill Bayazid on the battlefield, sense of humor. He said he knew his cause was_ but the plan had failed, owing to Jem’s own

just; so did the princes of Germany. When precipitate action and the retreat of his troops Bartolommeo asked with a smile whether the at the critical juncture. A renegade pasha, who current war with the emperor was redounding had got out of a Turkish prison, was then in

much to his glory, Buda, encouraging Corvinus and Peter de Varda,

archbishop of Kalocza (Colocensis) in Hungary, since a lion was fighting with a mouse, for the in the hope that treachery at the Porte might still moment he was caught by the phrase, so I continued, Jay Bayazid low. Corvinus proposed to send the praying that he might choose kindliness, piety, and pasha to Rome, and asked Bartolommeo to let a religion to overcome the plots, deceits, and injuries J ember of his household accompany the Turk of which he spoke, to turn his arms against the Turks, by which means he might make his name more =———————— famous and respected, and the way would finally °° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. H, Reg. 20 open up into heaven, where he might enjoy not a 4 ocoram Varia, tom. XX), fols. or 58" Bartolommeo - 1 ] ti , b t t d € Marascnl was deeply involve in the mnanclal aflairs o re crue ane with Cleist, reputation, ut true an the Holy See from the summer of 1473 on (Arm. XXXI,

Brory oe tom. 62, fols. 71'-72', papal bull dated 30 September, ; 1473). In June, 1480, he passed from the office of re-

According to Bartolommeo, the Hungarians ceiver (depositarius) in the Camera Apostolica (Introitus et

themselves did not want the war, neither did Exitus, Reg. 500, fols. 2", 31’, and Reg. 501, fols. 3°, the queen, and the search for peace simpl 32*) to that of generalis thesaurartus (Intr. et Ex., Reg. 502, had 4 “until d mi _ Sut t hws fols. 20°, 26‘, 73°, et alibi). He is described as “treasurerad to go on unui an end mis € put to ts general” in the credential letter which Sixtus IV addressed malady from which we could see the Christian to Corvinus on 8 June, 1483 (Monumenta Vaticana historiam commonwealth would waste away: [the king] regni Hungariae illustrantia, st ser., VI [Budapest, 1891]=

.. a. datae abBartolommeo’s eis acceptae, no. CLIX, p. 206). Corvinus his hand et with the greatest courtesy, and toldinrer : alludes to mission to Buda a letter to replied that he would do his part, and gave me Mathiae Corvini Hungariae regis epistolae ad Romanos pontifices

his prelates to take me home. Sixtus dated 6 November, 1483, informing the Curia

Their conversations were resumed on the Romana of the incursions of Turkish bands into Croatia, following day, exploring the road to peace in Carniola, and Styria, and their dramatic defeat by the ban central Europe. Bartolommeo dined with Cor- of Croatia on 29 October (ibid., no. cLxvi, pp. 210-12). . h h ‘vode Steph ¢ For other references to Bartolommeo’s mission, cf., ibid. , nos. vinus, the ; queen, the volvo € tep en oO CLXVIII, CLXX, pp. 214, 217. His name appears constantly in Transylvania, and John de Pruisz, the bishop of the registers of Introitus et Exitus. On the warfare, deplored Grosswardein (Nagyvarad), “a favorite of the by Bartolommeo, which Corvinus was waging against king and queen and most respectful of your Frederick III, see Gyula Razso, Die Feldzuge des Konigs Holi Ty ded oth et £ other : Matthias Corvinus inesp. Niederosterretch, 1477-1490, Vienna, ONNESS. € atten court unctions, 1973, pp. 15 ff. (Militarhistorische Schriftenreihe and preached peace with Frederick at the king herausgegeben vom Heeresgeschichtlichen Museum, Heft on every possible occasion. They talked of adiet 24).

THE RECOVERY OF OTRANTO 379 to the papal court, to which request of course Bar-_ the symbol of the anti-Turkish crusade. His tolommeo acceded, and promptly wrote his presence in the picture clearly suggests that the Holiness, “whom I ask in the king’s name to _ oriental forces being smitten by the engulfing

admit the Turkish pasha into his presence.” The waves are in fact the Osmanlis, who had pasha should also be allowed to see Jem, of crossed the seas to attack Rhodes and Otranto, whose person Corvinus wished to secure posses- and over whom the Grand Master d’Aubusson

sion to employ as a figurehead against the and Cardinal Campofregoso had achieved the sultan. Bartolommeo makes it quite clear that victories which the fresco thus served to recall.°*

Corvinus was anxious to add as much of the In 1481 Andrea Guaccialotti struck a dated erstwhile Byzantine empire to his own domains medal with a portrait of Sixtus IV on the as possible, and closes. his letter with another obverse, and on the reverse the figure of expression of his admiration for the militant monarch, on whose broad shoulders the future Cf P Gesch. d. Papste, U1 ( 1955), - 51 . ~Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, repr. ,698-700 -—700,

of central Europe then seemed to be resting. with notes, material not in the English translation. This is

; an interpretation of the “Passaggio del Mar Rosso”

For some years the Turkish danger would be apparently unknown to L. D. Ettlinger, The Sistine Chapel rather less than Bartolommeo de’ Maraschi before Michelangelo: Religious Imagery and Papal Primacy, seems to have thought. At any rate a divided Oxford, 1965. Contrary to Ettlinger’s belief, the Sistina was -L: . not in fact the place where “the conclaves were meant to be Italy had shaken off the Turkish invaders in held” (p. 10), and so was never intended “to provide a proper

almost miraculous fashion. As Moses and the setting for conclaves” (p. 119). The cardinals and conIsraelites had escaped from servitude in Egypt, clavistae ate and slept in the Sistina when it became the and Pharaoh and the pursuing host had been chapel major (replacing the earlier capella mazor on the same

. : site), but every one of the twelve “conclaves” (scrutinia)

swarowea up 14 the onrushing waters of the Red from 1455 to 1534 was held in the Chapel of S. Niccolo ea (Exodus, 14), so Su tan Mehmed II wasnow qa Bari, the capella parva S. Nicolai, which lay just across dead, and so had the Turkish hosts been stopped the aula prima (later Sala Regia) from the capella maior, as at Rhodes and overcome at Otranto. While the _ the Sistina in its turn was called. (Ettlinger, p. 10, is also city and the Curia were still contemplati mistaken in identifying “Fra Angelico’s chapel” with that of

ih nd t th Christ; ° © P’ ung “S. Nicolai.”) As the number of cardinals increased under

wondermen ese ris lan victories, a pay} Ili, the capella parva of S. Niccolo became too small

painter was at work In the spring of 1482 on for papal elections; it had also become the cappella vecchia. scaffolding set up against the south wall of the As Sixtus IV had replaced the old capella maior with the new capella maior palati, the recently finished Sistina, so Paul III demolished the Chapel of S. Niccolo in

a . 1538, and built the present Paolina to take over its functions.

ising Wiapel. He was in fact at work on the +1° site of the old chapel of S. Niccold is now filled by the osaic theme suggested by the bull which Sixtus stairway which descends from the Sala Regia to the Cortile del

IV had promulgated in the late summer of 1480. Maresciallo (¢f. Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Der The archenemy of the faith had finally died in Vaticanische Palast . . . [1935], pp. 103-38, and ©. L. defeat, his forces repulsed by God, qui currum Frommel, “Antonio da Sangallos Cappella Paolina .. . ,”

Pharaonis deiecit in has mare.® 4 above, in Chapter 9, . " . previous reference been made NHS BOTCES TEPUNSee OY » Yt ¢ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, XXVII [1964], 1-42, to which

The Sistine fresco of the drowning of note 1).

Pharaoh and the Egyptians may be seen at two The identity of the painter or painters of the drowning levels of representation. It both tells the story of of Pharaoh and his six hundred chariots in the Red Sea Exodus. and commemorates the Turkish defeat has been the subject of doubt and dispute for many years

T d he left of th . . behi d (cf. Fritz Knapp, Piero di Cosimo, Halle a. S., 1899, pp. 21-22,

owar the ieit of the picture, just behin and Mina Bacci, Piero di Cosimo, Milan, 1966, pp. 128-29 Moses left shoulder, stands the bearded figure and pl. 64). Vasari says that Cosimo Rosselli painted the of Cardinal Bessarion, holding the silver-gilt scene, and Ettlinger, op. cit., thinks he is right; modern reliquary containing the revered head of S._ Scholars have “attributed” it to Piero di Cosimo, Fra

. . ; Diamante, Benedetto Ghirlandaio, Biagio d’Antonio, and

ane rew In a pose which thousands had seen 10 others. Ernst Steinmann, Botticelli, trans. C. Dodgson, April, 1462, at the recepuon of the relic into London, 1901, p. 55, believed that the fresco represented the Vatican. Bessarion had died a decade before _ the papal victory over the Neapolitan forces at Campothis fresco was painted. but he still r in morto, where Turkish akinjis fought in the army of Alfonso

p , st emaine Y 8 y

of Calabria. This interpretation, which has received a rather general acceptance (cf. Paul Schubring, The Sistine Chapel,

5! Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. II, Reg. 20, fols. Rome, 1910, pp. 15-16, 59), is rightly rejected by Ettlinger.

50°51: “. . . Quod si rex Ungariae illum detentum [a Christian opponents, i.e., Ferrante and his son Alfonso, Rhodiensibus Turcum] habeat, tribus regnis illico potietur would hardly be represented as orientals when they had

quae Christiana fuerunt.” just joined with the pope in aiding d’Aubusson and had Cf. the text of the bull in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., shared with Campofregoso the victory over the Turks at

ad ann. 1480, no. 23, vol. XIX (1693), p. 290b. Otranto.

380 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Constantia holding a tall staff, her left elbow life by the contemporary diarist Stefano Inresting on a column, with galleys and crouching _fessura.°® But even a generous judgment of his

Turks, arms, and banners at her feet.®* career will not absolve him of grave misPope Sixtus IV had had ample time to handle demeanor. Although he had a clear vision of the this medal to his full satisfaction and to contem- Turkish problem, and was indeed anxious to plate the Sistine painting before he died on. resolve it by a great offensive against the Porte, Thursday, 12 August, 1484.°° The unending Sixtus was a confirmed and unblushing nepotist, feud between the Orsini and the Colonnesi, who willfully confused the well-being of the which had raged with especial virulence through Church with the aggrandizement of his many the recent wars, threatened for a while todestroy nephews. He had appointed most of the cardinals

wide areas in Rome. The Colonnesi hated the who elected his unworthy successors Innocent della Rovere. Girolamo Riario hastened back to VIII and Alexander VI. the city (from a siege of Paliano); his enterprising wife Caterina seized the Castle of S. Angelo; and §=—_____— their allies, the Orsini, barricaded themselves 56 Diaria, pp. 155-61, on which, however, see Pastor, against attack across the river in the Castle of Hest. Popes, IV, 416-71, and Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. Monte Giordano in the ancient Campus Martius. !999): 640-710, who gives Sixtus more praise than he After Si ’s death the R d probably deserved; cf’ Egmont Lee, Sixtus IV and Men of ter ixtus s deat U c oman populace turne . Letters, unpubl. diss., Univ. of Wisconsin, Madison, 1970, and against the Rovere-Riario faction. ‘The Colonnesi José Ruysschaert, “Sixte IV, fondateur de la Bibliotheque were acclaimed. Sixtus, builder of the Sistine Vaticane (15 juin 1475),” Archivum historiae pontificiae, VII Chapel, refounder of the Vatican Library and (1969), 513-24, with the text of the bull establishing the Archives, patron of the arts and literature, papal library. On the main events of the last four years of beautifier of Rome and of almost thirty other against Otranto and Rhodes in the summer of 1480 until cities in Italy, has been harshly dealt with by his death, see Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, 11, 558-606; and

T $ > >] > > 3

. . Sixtus IV’s pontificate, from the Turkish expeditions

many historians, who have given unwarranted ¢f. Navagero, Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, cols. 1166-91;

; : Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, ibid., XXII, cols. 1214-34; Raynaldus

credence to the unsavory strictures made on his ey oy ann, 1480-1484, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 286 ff.,

TO a full account, with numerous documents and quotations 54 Roberto Weiss, The Medals of Pope Sixtus IV (1471- from contemporary sources. Thirty months after Sixtus’s 1484), Rome, 1961, pp. 21-22, with refs., and nos. 29, death Innocent VIII made provision for the restoration 33. Guaccialotti used the same reverse in a medal struck of the well-known Basilian church and monastery of

shortly afterwards for Alfonso, duke of Calabria. S. Nicola di Casole, which had been partly destroyed 55 Acta Consistorialia, in Eubel, Hierarchia, 11 (1914, repr. _ by the Turks at the time of their occupation of Otranto 1960), 47; S. Infessura, Diaria rerum romanarum, ad ann. (Reg. Vat. 719, fols. 296'—-297', “datum Rome apud 1484, ed. Oreste Tommasini, Rome, 1890, p. 155; Jacopo Sanctum Petrum, anno etc., MCCCCLXXXsexto [O. S.], da Volterra, Diarium romanum, in RISS, XXII1-3 (1904), Idibus Februari, pont. nostri anno tertio,” 1.e., 13 February, 135-37; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II (repr. 1955), 604-6. 1487).

13. INNOCENT VIII, JEM SULTAN, AND THE CRUSADE (1484-1490) WHEN II he thehad Conqueror the meantime Sultan was in revolt. on MEHMED 3 May, 1481, only twodied The In extraordinary turnJem which his fortunes took

surviving sons. The elder was Bayazid [II], from this time was to make him a legendary then governor of distant Amasya, who oc- figure in eastern as well as in western literature. cupied Istanbul on 20 May, and took over Jem was born in Adrianople on 22 December, control of the government. Bayazid’s accession 1459. His mother, to whom he was very devoted,

to the throne was much facilitated by the is said to have been a Slavic princess.” Like most support of the janissaries, who frustrated the Ottoman princes, he acquired an early experi-

efforts of the grand vizir Karamani Muhammad _— ence of government and military command. He

on behalf of the late sultan’s younger and_ was also given to athletics, and enjoyed literary favorite son, Prince Jem (Cem), the governor composition. In December, 1474, he had sucof Caramania (Karaman). Karamani Muham- ceeded his brother Mustafa as governor of mad had tried to conceal the Conqueror’s death Caramania, establishing himself with his staff at

long enough for Jem Sultan to reach the Konya. He had been responsible for the Turkish capital, but his plan had miscarried, and he negotiations with Pierre d’Aubusson, grand

had lost his life in a revolt of the janis- master of the Hospitallers, before the island

saries, who carried his head through the streets of Rhodes was subjected to the extraordinary of Istanbul. Their slogan was Sultan Bayazid and _ siege of 1480, which we have described above,

double pay. Bayazid rewarded their loyalty by in Chapter 11. Now Jem seized Bursa (Brusa)

a special gift of money, which subsequently as his center of opposition. He proposed a became an expensive custom at the accession division of the empire: he would retain Asia,

of each new sultan." and Bayazid would rule European Turkey. The ——_—_____—_ sultan would not hear of it, however, and after 1]. W. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, Ii eighteen days Jem had to give up Bursa as the (Gotha, 1854), 473 ff; Louis Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, fils imperial army bore down upon him. On 20 June

de Mohammed HI, frere de Bayezid 1459-1495, Paris, 1481badly badlv_ def,near d Veni1892, pp. 26 ff.; Giacomo Bosio, Militia diII, San Giovanni ( 1) Jem Was ce cated Yen Gierosolimitano, Il (Rome, 1594), bk. xu, pp. 354 ff; Shehir, and his small army was scattered. He Fr. Babinger, “Die Chronik des Qaramani Mehmed- barely managed to escape to his erstwhile

Pascha, eine neuerschlossene osmanische Geschichtsquelle,” capital of Konya, and thence on 28-29 June iattelungen zur osmanischen Geschichte, IIund (1923-26), 242- i444 the mountain fastnesses of Cilicia with his , reprinted in his Aufsatze Abhandlungen zur Geschichte . ; , Stdosteuropas und der Levante, 2 vols., Munich, 1962-66, mother, his harem, his daughters, and his son II, 1-5. Guillaume Caoursin, vice-chancellor of the Knights Murad, who later resided at Rhodes.

of S. John of Jerusalem and historian of the siege of Jem Sultan’s career aS a ruler was over. By way Rhodes in 1480, has left a first-hand account De cast of Tarsus, Adana, Aleppo, Damascus, where he

regis Zyzymy, one of nine tracts published in his Obsidionis .

Rhodie urbis descriptio, Ulm, 1496. Extensive extracts from spent seven weeks, and Jerusalem he made his Caoursin’s work on Jem Sultan (usually called Zizim by wes- Way to Cairo, where in late September, 1481, he terners) are given in L. Thuasne, ed., Johannis Burchardi Was courteously received by the Burji Mamluk

Argentinensis, pontzficte Siti commeniaru (1489 be Duar “Soldan” Ka’itbey. (1468-1495). From Egypt, Stve rerumcape wuroanarum - ’ VOIS., . Paris, 1883-85, I, append., no. 34, pp. 528-46. There are J em made the Pp ilgrimage to Mecca, the only

brief accounts of Jem’s career by J. H. Mordtmann, in Prince of his house to do so. He returned to the Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1 (Leyden and London, 1908), Cairo on 20 February, 1482, trying once more

—31; on Bayazi , note Cl. Huart, zbid., , , . : . . .

1034-35, and by Halil Inalcik, ibid., new od OO £1968): to arrange some division of the Ottoman and V. J. Parry, new ed., I (1960), 1119-21, with bibliog. empire with the victorious Bayazid, who would raphy; as well as Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. §°0 HO farther than promise him a pension. osman. Reiches, II (1828, repr. 1963), 250 ff. Documents relating to Jem and some of his own letters (from the Archives § —————————

in the Topkapi Palace in Istanbul) have been published in 2 Sigismondo de’ Conti (da Foligno), Le Storie de’ suoi tempi

facsimile by I. H. Ertaylan, Sultan Cem, Istanbul, 1951. dal 1475 al 1510, 2 vols., Rome, 1883, II, 4. Although There is an extensive bibliography relating to Jem (and his Thuasne believed that Jem Sultan’s mother was “issue d’une

portraits) in Semavi Eyice, “Sultan Cem’in Portreleri race royale de Serbie,” Franz Babinger did not (SpatHakkinda,” in the Turkish Belleten, XXXVII (Ankara, mittelalterliche frankische Briefschaften aus dem grossherrlichen

1973), 1-49. Seraj zu Stambul, Munich, 1963, pp. 32-33, note 108, and 381

382 THE PAPACY AND*‘THE LEVANT Finding support in Anatolia, Jem decided again A holiday spirit pervaded the fortress town to take his chances on the roulette of war, and of Rhodes as the Knights and townsmen looked quickly gathering his forces at Aleppo in April forward to the arrival of Jem Sultan. The Grand

and early May (1482), he proceeded to Adana, Master d’Aubusson had ordered a wooden where reinforcements were to join him. His chief pontoon constructed at the shore where Jem ally was the Karaman-oghlu Kasim Beg, the was to disembark. It was covered with cloths of “Gran Caramano,” whom westerners knewasthe gold and silk. The townspeople crowded down king of Cilicia, and who was anxious to re-_ to the shore to watch Jem’s landing, and lined cover the lands and sovereignty which the Con- the flower-strewn streets through which he queror had taken from his father.* Although would have to pass. Many of them climbed to Jem’s army took Ereghli and Ankara, it could the rooftops of their houses. Beautiful maidens

not take well-defended Konya. As Bayazid and their mothers watched from windows

marched against him in mid-June, Jem was decked out with fine hangings. Officials of the obliged again to take flight into the rugged Order, knights, and pages rode richly caparihighlands of Cilicia. Although he was now hard- _ soned horses in a procession which went from

pressed on all sides, without resources or any the grand master’s palace down to the shore. conceivable hope of success, Jem’s fierce pride ‘They went in pairs through the narrow streets. led him to refuse Bayazid’s offer of ahandsome ‘The grand master rode alone on a magnificent pension if he would take up a peaceful abode mount; resplendent in gold embroidery, he was in Jerusalem, which lay safely within the range a striking figure. He halted opposite the church of the Egyptian soldan’s power. Jem soon found it of S. Sebastiano, to await Jem in the Piazza. necessary to let his forces go, and embarked at When the galley bearing Jem Sultan docked,

ancient Corycus on the coast of Lesser Armenia and he stepped onto the pontoon, he was (Gorigos, Turkish Korgos) for the island of received by lords of the Grand Cross with all Rhodes, where he arrived on 29 July (1482). He honors befitting a prince of highest station. had received from the grand master the fullest Cannon were fired from emplacements on the assurances as to his safety before making the walls and towers. Jem was given a “most extraordinary decision to seek aid from the beautiful horse;” all the more important memChristian giaour.* The Hospitallers had made bers of his retinue were also mounted; and the elaborate preparations for his coming. company started forward slowly to the sound of trumpets, drums, and other instruments. The

—_—_—_—— sadness of the scene struck the watching crowds; p. 45, note 139 [Stidosteuropaische Arbeiten, no. 61]). they burst into applause at the sight of the OttoBosio, Militia di San Giovanni, Ii (1594), bk. x, PP: man prince. When Jem had reached the church

357-58; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, 40-53; 529. Inalcik, S. Sebasti he the £ d §ran th d master Sultan,” Encyclopaedia of Islam,pp. II (1965), OF “Djem oO. ve £astiano, € foun 4 Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni, 11 (1594), bks. xu—xi, quietly waiting for him amid the chivalric pp. 360-66. Jem Sultan’s ambassadors had arrived in splendor of mounted knights and floating penRhodes on 10 July (1482); negotiations had proceeded nants. Jem put his forefinger to his mouth three swiftly thereafter to expedite Jem’s coming to Rhodes. times as though to request silence, for “such is According to the safe-conduct which the Grand Master . . d’Aubusson sent Jem, the latter could leave the island the custom of Turkish princes when they ex-

whenever he chose (V. Lamansky, Secrets d’état de Venise, change solemn salutations.” Jem and d’Aubus-

St. Petersburg, 1884, repr. New York, 1968, pp. 261-62). son extended their hands one to the other, Cf. D. Malipiero, Annalt veneti, in Archivio storico italiano,

VII, pt. 1 (1843), 133-34; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp... ————_ 53-64. The date of Jem’s entry into Rhodes is fixed by trenta compagni et andato a Rodi, el resto di suo homeni an archival text in the Malta Library, Archives of the tuti sono dissipadi per tuto et smariti,” adding (to upset the Order at Malta (abbr. AOM), Reg. 76, fol. 94%: “Ingressus Venetians) the unlikely statement: “Al presente veramente illustrissimi domini ZyzymiSoldaniin Rhodum: Die XXVIIII —intendemo che li Rodiensi voleno armar certi suo navilii et

Iullii MCCCCLXXXII quo intravit Rhodum illustrissimus mandar quello cum tuto el suo apparato ala Morea over de d. Zyzymuy Soldanus, frater Magni Turci qui nunc imperat, li ale parte de Italia per comover ancor qualche tumulto filius vero quondam Turci. . . .” His arrival at Rhodes et conturbatio.” Bayazid also stated that he was assuming

was known in Venice before 13 September, when the Venice wished to preserve “the good and sincere and Senate forbade all Venetian rectors and naval officers to faithful peace and friendship which we have between grant Jem asylum or render him the slightest assistance us,” to which the Senate returned an effusive answer on (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, fols. 118%—119" [128%—129"]). 29 September, affirming the peace and congratulating Baya-

In a letter dated 27 August (1482) Bayazid II wrote zid on his “degna et glorioxa victoria conseguita contra the Signoria of Venice that he had defeated Jem, “unde el fradello cum la fuga” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 30, fols. necessariamente el montO sopra uno navilio picolo cum = 123°—124" [133%—134"]).

INNOCENT VUI AND JEM SULTAN 383 and each spoke words of greeting. Then the tribute, give annual gifts, or send an embassy whole cavalcade moved forward, riding in pairs to the Porte every year.’

again. An interpreter rode with Jem and By action of the council on 31 August (1482) d’Aubusson. It took but a little while to reach the decision was confirmed to send Jem Sultan

the Auberge de France, on the Street of the to France, to seek aid of Louis XI to regain Knights, which had been sumptuously pre- his paternal inheritance. From France he wanted pared for Jem and his suite. The grand master to go to Hungary or to some other country from suggested that his guest would wish to rest from which he might attempt, with western help, to the hardships of his voyage. Despite his obesity, lead an expedition against his brother. Pierre Jem dismounted with agility, as Turkish at- d’Aubusson, therefore, ordered the preparation tendants rendered ceremonial assistance. on of the navis thesauri oneraria to convey Jem to either side, went up the stairs of the Auberge, France, and appointed certain members of the

and retired into his rooms, much gratified Order to accompany him and attend to the

(according to Caoursin and Bosio) with the expenses involved. The arrangements were exfriendliness, courtesy, and magnificence of the plained to Jem by interpreters “skilled in Latin reception and hospitality being accorded him by and in Turkish,” and being satisfied, he con-

the Knights of S. John.° firmed the Hospitallers’ plans signo turchico solito.

The wheel of fortune was spinning marvel- He had already promised that, if by divine (and ously for the Knights. Within two years they western) aid he should ever sit upon his father’s had seen their position change froma desperate throne and secure his dicio paterna, he and his siege which might have proved their undoing to descendants would maintain a “perpetual peace” a position almost of arbiter of Ottoman destiny. on land and sea with the grand master of the So it seemed, at least, even to Sultan Bayazid, Hospital and with his successors. He guaranteed

with whom the Hospitallers were soon in freedom of trade to Rhodian citizens and communication. On 17 August, 1482, Pierre merchants, who would be allowed to export d’Aubusson and the council of the Order de- foodstuffs from his dominions without payment cided to send Jem Sultan to Europe, appar- of a gabella commercii or any other exaction. The ently at his own request.®° Ten days later they Hospitallers would be permitted in any or every

were ready to send ambassadors to the Porte. year to remove from Turkey three hundred The text of the pax antiqua of the Grand Master Christians, doubtless slaves, to settle them in Jean de Lastic was reviewed, and note was taken islands belonging to the Order. Jem promised of the issues to be dealt with in Istanbul. The the grand master and the Order 150,000 ducats

Hospital did not intend henceforth to pay in repayment of the expenses they were undergoing for him and his retinue. He swore to turn ° Bosio, II (1594), bk. xin, pp. 366-67. Bosio says that over to them all the islands which his father had

Jem Sultan arrived in Rhodes on 24 July. His account taken from the Christians, giving the grand follows closely that of Caoursin, in Thuasne, Burchardi master and the Order the right to make any diartum, I, 534. The correct date of Jem’s entry into disposition of them that they might wish. And Rhodes is 29 July (see the preceding note, and ¢/. Lamansky, again, when the interpreters had explained the Secrets d'état de Venise, pp. 262-63, doc. dated 4 August, , 1482, and Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 65-67, esp. note 2).

° Malta Library, AOM, Reg. 76, fols. 95°-96': “. 2. I- | 7

lustrissimus et serenissimus dominus Zyzymy Soldanus . . . 7“ AOM, Reg. 76, fol. 97%: “Pro pace cum Magno Turco: instanter postulavit et petit libertatem recedendi de Rhodo Die XXVII mensis Augustii, MCCCCLXXXII. .. . Fuit

et eundi ad partes occiduas quo opportunum fuerit ad per reverendissimum d. magistrum et reverendum consecuritatem sue persone et exequutionem suorum agen- _ silium deliberatum quod tractetur de pace et concludatur dorum, implorando super his favorem et presidium Re- cum Magno Turco qui nunc imperat. . . . Et pro exeligionis, visis necessitatibus in quibus est constitutus, quo | quutione predictorum fuerunt electi ambaxiatores. . . . In audito fuit deliberatum per reverendissimum d. magistrum __ presentia reverendissimi domini magistri et reverendi con-

et reverendum consilium ordinarium multis bonis respec- sili lecta per vice-cancellarium minuta instructionum ac

tibus et urgentibus de causis quod dictus illustrissimus articulorum pacis fiende fuit, etiam lecta pax antiqua dominus Zyzymy Soldanus conducatur ad partes occiduas, facta tempore Magistri Johannis de Lastic et aliorum ad et quod navis thesauri oneraria preparetur ad ipsum con- noticliam rerum agendarum: Demum multis_ colloquiis ducendum, fueruntque deputati et ordinati qui eum con- _ habitis fuit deliberatum quod dicta pax tractetur et con-

ducant et omnia hec exequantur” [there follow three cludatur modo et forma quo ordinatum est per duas

names, of which one is the grand master’s nephew Guy minutas, reiecto omni tributo ac annuo munere et annua de Blanchefort, the deputies being bound to execute their ambaxiata quibus oratores nullo pacto possint assenmission “ad conservacionem persone dicti domini Zyzymi tire. . . .” On the negotiations for peace between d’Aubuspro indemnitate honoreque Religionis predicte”]. son and Bayazid I], see, ibid., fols. 100°"— 104° and ff.

384 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT articles of the agreement to Jem, he had con- “quiet and pacific . . . , so that no war would firmed them signo turchico solito.2 The Hospitallers be waged against Bayazid on his account.””

had employed Jem’s residence among them to Never before and never again could the

good advantage. Christians secure quite the same diplomatic ad-

Jem Sultan and his thirty attendants re- vantage over the Porte as that afforded them by mained at Rhodes only five weeks. On 1 Sep-_ the acquisition of Jem Sultan’s person. On 3 tember (1482) they were on board the Grande January, 1483, the Grand Master d’Aubusson Nef du Trésor, under the command of Guy de_ wrote the pope that the peace with Bayazid did Blanchefort, nephew of the grand master, honor to the Christian Order, and gained a badly bound for France or rather Savoy. On the day _ needed respite for the Hospital’s subjects in the preceding Jem’s departure the grand master Levant. It assured the safety of the castle of S. gave him a banquet which is said to have Peter (Bodrum), at ancient Halicarnassus, which pleased him greatly, the variety of foods and _ had long served and would now serve even more magnificence of the ‘service astonishing him.° as a refuge for Christians who could escape In the meantime the Grand Master Pierre from slavery in Turkish Asia Minor. D’Aubusson d’Aubusson was already treating with the Con- spoke also of the advantages accruing to Rhodes queror’s more successful son. Immediately after from the reciprocal-trade agreements made with Jem Sultan’s arrival in Rhodes, d’Aubusson the Porte. Bayazid had been forced into this

had notified Pope Sixtus IV as well as the treaty “because of his brother, who is in our kings and chief princes of Europe of the pawn power.” But d’Aubusson and the Convent at

which fate had placed in Hospitaller hands. Rhodes would nevertheless remain on guard and Now d’Aubusson negotiated a “true peace,” for continue the refortification of their city, already which the pope granted permission, with Sultan the world’s strongest fortress, as though war Bayazid, under which the Rhodians were to existed between the Hospitallers and the Turks. enjoy freedom of trade in all parts of the Otto- The peace would introduce no somnolence into man empire, paying only the customary tollsand the Order’s concern for its self-preservation. duties. Furthermore, Bayazid bound himself to Possession of Jem imposed a wonderful restraint

pay every year on 1 August 35,000 Venetian on Bayazid, who had recently put to death ducats for the honorable maintenance and Ahmed Pasha, the captor of Otranto, on suscustody of his brother Jem. Since the Knights’ picion of treason, “and . . . some of the leadrevenues had suffered some diminution in con- ing kadis and subashis of the city of Consequence of the great siege of 1480, Bayazid “of stantinople have been strangled,” all because of his own accord” agreed to pay every year (also their assumed partiality for Jem. D’Aubusson on | August) another 10,000 Venetian ducats would keep the Curia informed of further deinto the hands of the grand master at Rhodes. velopments."! This peace bears the date 7 December (1482). The understanding was that Jem was to be kept = ————_

'© Bosio, I (1594), bk. xin, pp. 370-72, 376-80, and cf. _— . Felix Fabri, Evagatorium, III (1849), 290, on the 45,000

8 AOM, Reg. 76, fols. 98'-99". The conciliar decision ducats paid by the sultan to the Knights (in the Bibliothek

to send Jem Sultan to France is dated 31 August, des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart). Fabri follows Brey1482 (ibid., fol. 98"); the articles of agreement between him denbach. Caoursin, in Thuasne, Burchardi diarium, I, and the Order are dated the twenty-second (fols. 98’-99"). 544, says simply that Bayazid undertook to pay 45,000

On the latter date Jem also gave the grand master full gold pieces a year for Jem Sultan’s maintenance, and powers of attorney to deal on his behalf with Bayazid Pierre d’Aubusson would take care “ne dissidii materia II, on the grounds that he wished to compose his differ- oriatur.” On 30 August, 1482, d’Aubusson wrote Pope ences with the latter and live peacefully with him in the Sixtus IV that Jem was being sent to France (Bosio, H, common enjoyment of their inheritance: “Sperat namque 375-76); Sixtus replied in approving terms in a letter eius [i.e., d’Aubusson’s] tractatu, consilio, et prudentia cum dated at Rome on 9 November (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann.

suo germano serenissimo domino Yldrymy Soldano res posse 1482, no. 36, vol. XIX [1693], p. 313a). See in general componi et concordiam iniri qua quiete vivant et paterna Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 81-87. Texts of the treaty of 7 dicione concordi mente gaudeant” (fols. 99Y—100"). Jem also December, 1482, and some attendant documents, in both ratified this document signo turchico solito, which might be Latin and Greek, are given by Sebastiano Pauli, Codice

useful to the Order’s ambassadors to the Porte. diplomatico del sacro militare ordine Gerosolimitano, II (Lucca, ® Bosio, II (1594), bk. xin, pp. 370, 373-75; Zinkeisen, 1737), no. xx1x, pp. 419-30. Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 481; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, "! Pauli, Codice diplomatico, II, no. xxx, pp. 430-31, pp. 76-77, 80-81. According to Caoursin, in Thuasne, where the Latin text of d’Aubusson’s letter to Sixtus IV Burchardi diarium, 1, 536, and Bosio, op. cit., p. 375, Jem is dated 3 January, 1483; Bosio, II (1594), bk. xin, Sultan left Rhodes on 1 September, after thirty-eight days pp. 381-82, with the same letter dated 4 January.

on the island. D’Aubusson wrote again to the pope on 17 May, 1483

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 385 In the meantime Jem Sultan had been landed shown no interest in supporting Jem’s ambition safely at Villefranche in the territory of Duke to replace his brother Bayazid on the throne in Charles I of Savoy on 15 October, 1482. He Istanbul, whatever the concessions Jem might be was taken the next day to Nice, “where there prepared to promise the Christians.* Matthias were many beautiful women,” says Jem’s biog- Corvinus was the only possible crusader in rapher Sa‘d-ad-Din, “and a number of very Europe, by geographical necessity, for his was pleasant gardens.” After four months at Nice, the misfortune to have the Turks as neighbors. Jem was transferred to Chambéry, capital of | Jem Sultan was lodged for a brief while at Savoy, and thence apparently to Les Echelleson Bourganeuf (Creuse, arr. de Guéret), an imthe Guiers (and not to Rumilly), a command- portant Hospitaller commandery, center of the

ery of the Hospitallers, where he arrived Langue d’Auvergne, homeland of the Grand on 20 February, 1483. On 27 June he was Master d’Aubusson, but the Knights soon re-

removed to Le Pouét in Dauphiné. By this tme moved him to the castle of Monteil-le-Vicomte, the Knights had abandoned most of the pretense which belonged to the grand master’s brother of hospitality; poor Jem was merely a prisoner, Antoine d’Aubusson, one of the heroes of the and he knew it well. He was kept for about two — siege of Rhodes. Always fearful lest Jem should months at Le Pouét, and then was removed to _ establish some rapport with his servitors or his

the castles of Rochechinard and Sassenage, surroundings, the Knights moved him often. spending another two months in each place. It After two months at Monteil, they took him to was at this time that Jem appears to have fallen Morterolles (probably in May, 1484), their in love with Philippine-Héléne, the beautiful commandery in the diocese of Limoges. In July, daughter of Jacques, baron of Sassenage. About 1484, they transferred him to Boislamy, in the

February, 1484, Jem was removed from area of the Creuse; the castle belonged to

Dauphiné to the region of the upper Creuse. Antoine de Blanchefort, the brother of Jem’s More than a little doubt remains as to the de- keeper Guy. Here Jem remained for two years tails of his itinerary. Louis XI of France, contemplating the past and living on hopes for who had died at the end of August, 1483, had the future.'* His days were intolerably tedious, and his nights filled with dreams of escape. | (according to Pauli, II, no. xxx1, pp. 431-32) or 26 May = ———__ (according to Bosio, II, 385-86), on which cf. Thuasne, 'S Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 98-99, 106-10, 115-16. On Djem-Sultan, pp. 104-5. Ahmed Pasha had initially sup- 26 August, 1483, Paolo da Colle, a Florentine merchant who ported Bayazid, who owed much to him (Caoursin, in — had had a long association with the Porte (and was an agent Thuasne, Burchard: diarium, I, 529-30, 540, 542). Late in of Lorenzo de’Medici), wrote Bayazid II from Florence of a

the year 1483 Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, vice-chancellor of _ visit he had paid to Jem Sultan in France. Paolo had the Church, became protector of the Hospitallers (Bosio, accompanied a Turkish envoy who had hoped for an I], 386-87). The French Cardinal Jean de la Balue was audience with Louis XI; the envoy’s mission was to see Jem protector of the Order, however, when the first accord was _ or at least to learn “se era vivo 0 morto o con che signore reached in February, 1486, for the surrender of Jem Sultan _habitava” (Babinger, Spédtmittelalterliche frankische Briefto the papacy (Lamansky, Secrets d’état de Venise, pp. 263- _schaften, pp. 21-42, with the text of Paolo’s letter, ibid.,

69; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 138 ff.). Borgia and de la pp. 31-36). Balue hated each other, and on one occasion an exchange Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 121-23, 146, whose chroof insults between them scandalized the Curia (bid., p. 143). nology is inaccurate (see below, note 15). The Venetians Lamansky, op. cit., pp. 201 ff., publishes a series of docu- tried to follow all developments respecting Jem Sultan ments relating to Jem from the Venetian Archives. (Lamansky, Secrets d’état, pp. 209 ff.), and curried favor Concerning the negotiations for peace between the Hos- _ with the Porte by informing Sultan Bayazid of his brother’s

pitallers and Bayazid II in the late summer and fall of movements. When, for example, Antonio Ferro was to 1482, see AOM, Reg. 76, fols. 100‘-103', containing the leave for Istanbul as envoy and vice-bailie, his commis“instructione alli religiosi cavallieri frari Guidone de Monte, _ sion included the following instructions: “Si fueris intero-

Arnaldo comendator de Condat, et Leonardo Prato, nostri gatus de fratre domini Turci [and the pashas were oratori verso lo gran signore lo serenissimo re Bayazit certain to make the inquiry], respondebis quod postquam Soldano,” with the marginal note “pro componenda pace iam antea ille fuit mutatus de loco ad locum et positus cum Turco.” In addition to the proposed articles of peace _ in illa arce sita in regno Francie, prout tunc notificavimus the emissaries received the customary memoriale secretum Excellentie domini Turci per medium fidellissimi nostri (@ibid., fols. 102'-103"). For archival copies of letters ex- Ioannis Dario, nil ulterius intelligere potuimus nisi quod changed between Ahmed Pasha (9 July, 1482) and d’Aubus- —_adhuc in ipsa arce ille reperitur ubi diligenter custoditur.

son (2 September, 1482) and for other relevant docu- Et si quid aliud de illo intellexissemus pro officio beni-

ments, see, ibid., fols. 103°—104' and ff. volentie nostre libenter eidem Excellentie notificavissemus” Sa‘d-ad-Din, “Aventures du prince Gem” (traduites du (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 33, fol. 49° [59°], doc. dated 31 December,

turc de Saad-eddin-effendi par M. Garcin de Tassy), in 1486, and cf., ibid., fols. 65° [75], 95 [105], 104 [114], Journal asiatique, IX (1826, repr. 1965), 157, and cf. 151° [161"], 161° [172°], and Reg. 34, fols. 4” [16%], 11%

Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 98-99. [23%], 15% [27%], 26” [38%], 187% [198%]).

386 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT About July, 1486, Jem Sultan was returned to In their own time the Knights Hospitaller the castle of Bourganeuf, where a tower, still were charged with violating the safe-conduct known as La Tour Zizim, had been built in and pledges they had given Jem Sultan. The 1484 especially for his residence. The tower was French element was predominant in the Hosequipped with special kitchens, Turkish baths, pital, however, and their disposition of Jem and quarters for his Moslem attendants as well would inevitably depend upon the decision of as his Hospitaller guards. Every precaution had the French king. Certainly the Knights prebeen taken to make escape impossible, for Jem vented Jem from going to Hungary or even was the object of endless intrigues on the part establishing direct contact with Matthias Corof various princes, and was himself inclined to vinus, who in 1486-1487 had entertained plans meditate flight on all possible occasions.” At in collusion with Duke Ercole d’Este of Ferlong last, after difficult negotiations between the rara for the flight or release of Jem from French court and the Curia Romana, arrange- his French abode, so that he might march with ments were made for the pope to take custody a Hungarian army to drive his brother from of Jem. On or about 10 November, 1488, Jem the Ottoman throne.’” Through much of the finally left Bourganeuf on his historic journey to Rome. On 5 December he embarked at Lyon =———— to sail, molto adagio, down the Rhone to Avignon, (from a copy of the royal letter in French, thid., fol. his progress likely to be halted at any moment is dived 4 July, 1488: granting the pope custody of Jem if the continuing negotiations should take a turn “Promissio regis Francie super relaxatione Zizimini Sultani for the worse. But the Hospitallers, in whose = Turchi existentis in Francia pro Religione Rhodianorum: charge he remained, fearing (quite rightly) that In Dei nomine amen. Anno a nativitate eiusdem millesimo some impediment might arise to delay Jem’s de- CCCCLXXXVHI, indictione sexta, pontificatus sanctissim1

in Christo patris et domini nostri, domint Innocenti parture fromprovidentia France, suddenly began to travel ,... denti . ivina papae VIII anno quarto, die vero more rapidly. On 1] February (1489) Jem and quarta mensis Iulii. Cum reverendus pater, dominus

his guardians arrived at Toulon, where the Petrus Dambusson, magister Hospitalis Sancti Johannis leroGrande Nef du Trésor and two large galleys solimitani et venerabiles viri Conventus Rodi hospitalis of the Order were riding at anchor. They had elusdem dudum Ziziminum Sultanum, Turchorum tiranni

; d for £ bl ‘nds. but finall germanum, captivum tenerent pro illius tutiori custodia

to walt ten days tor tavorable winds, but nally eum ad partes gallicanas et loca temporalis dominii

sailed from Toulon on 21 February, headed _ serenissimi principis domini Caroli, Francorum regis Chris-

for the Italian coast and Rome. Contrary to tianissimi, traduci fecerint et in illis ex tunc diligenter his every expectation Jem Sultan had spent custodiri ac postmodum sanctissimus dominus noster et almost s ars j S nd France.'* magister ac conventus prefati ex certis rationabilibus causis ost sever year’s Ill oaVOYy a ance. firmiter credentes et arbitrantes Reipublice Christiane et fidei catholice plurimum expedire quod idem Ziziminus ad loca temporalis dominii Romane Ecclesie et presertim 5 Cf. Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 157-63. Jem Sultan was provinciam Marchie Anchonitane traduceretur et custoalso kept under such surveillance as Turkish spies found diretur in illis que propinquiora sunt locis Christianorum

possible. They would presumably have killed or even cap- que _tirannus ille dudum occupavit et occupat.. . {fol. tured him if the opportunity had ever presented itself. See 116°]. the excellent article by V. L. Ménage, “The Mission of an “Et. . . idem sanctissimus dominus noster de dictorum Ottoman Secret Agent in France in 1486,” Journal of — reverendissimorum dominorum Cardinalium consilio et the Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1965, pp. 112-32. The agent —consensu promisit prefatis oratoribus [the envoys’ names are

in question was a Turkish-born seaman named Barak Re’is. _ deleted] et michi notario ut publice persone pro prefato His account of the mission on which he was sent makes it _ serenissimo rege stipulantibus et recipientibus quod idem

clear that Jem was already lodged in the Grosse Tour at Ziziminus non tradetur in manibus et posse alicuius Bourganeuf by October or November, 1486. Ménage has eiusdem regis odiosi et malivoli vel inimici aut alicuius corrected Thuasne’s chronology of Jem’s various places of —alterius quam ipsius s.d.n. iuxta conventa inter suam Sanc-

residence in France. titatem, magistrum, et conventum prefatos. . . . Que

16 Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 213, 215, 222-23. Jem had omnia sanctissimus dominus noster et oratores prefati sibi first arrived in Savoy at Villefranche on 15 October, 1482. —invicem dictis nominibus promiserunt attendere et observare

By a slip of the pen, Thuasne, op. cit., p. 222, writes bona fide et non contrafacere vel venire aliqua ratione vel that “le 21 février, [Djem] quittait la France ou il était causa sub pena mille librarum auri per partem que non demeuré plus de sept années (15 février 1482 = 21 février adimpleret incurrenda et alteri parti applicanda. Quam

1489).” penam una pars alteri et altera alteri dare et solvere The Curia’s own working copy of the French release of | promisit totiens quotiens fuerit contrafactum et pena

Jem Sultan may be found in the Liber rubeus diversorum commissa soluta vel non omnia et singula firma permemorabilium, in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, A. A., Arm. durent . . .” [fol. 1177}. I-XVIHI, 1443, fols. 116Y-118". On 10 April, 1488, Charles 17 Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 146 ff., 165-70. The comVIII gave permission for Jem to be turned over to the pope. mission given by the Venetian Senate to the venerable Jem was to be taken “into the March of Ancona or into diplomat Giovanni Dario on 7 April, 1487 (Sen. Secreta,

some other place in Italy in the lands of the Church” Reg. 33, fols. 64-65" [74°—75"], given in Lamansky,

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 387 year 1487 Corvinus had continued his efforts Soldan Ka’itbey of Egypt, and Pope Sixtus to secure Jem’s release. The Venetians had IV’s successor Innocent VIII. Eastern and maintained a persistent opposition, however, western sources alike indicate that Jem had and urged the pope to prevail upon the French himself expected to go to Hungary, whence king to have him sent to Rome. In the mean- with the aid of Corvinus he might invade time the Venetian envoy at the court of Charles Rumelia. At long last, as we have seen, Charles

VIII did everything he could to frustrate the VIII of France had agreed to release Jem to efforts of an elaborate Hungarian embassy Pope Innocent, to whose troubled reign and which tried (in vain) to get Jem sent to Buda. futile efforts to deal with the “eastern quesIt has often been said that the Hospitallers tion” we shall come shortly. Jem’s plight was to had no desire to lose the 45,000 ducats which serve as a main theme in the propaganda the sultan was supposed to pay annually for being dirécted toward the East, for Innocent his brother’s custody. But the historian of the was planning a crusade. Jem arrived at CiviOrder, Bosio, claims that Jem was supported tavecchia on the Italian coast on 6 March in the grand manner befitting his princely (1489). He entered Rome about 3—4:00 P.M. on station. Guarding him was also expensive. The 13 March.”® Pierre d’Aubusson had already Hospital had to bear the costs of numerous received his reward. A few days before, on embassies to various courts on business relating the ninth, he had been created a cardinal in to his custody or the possible employment of secret consistory,”4 obviously not because he

his presence on a crusade.” had saved Rhodes for Christendom, but because

The diplomatic correspondence of the later he had surrendered Jem to the papacy. Jem’s 1480’s shows repeated attempts being made to coming was a great event. According to Sigisget possession of Jem Sultan by Matthias mondo de’ Conti, there had long been a prophecy

Corvinus and his father-in-law Ferrante of widespread throughout Christendom that the Naples,'® Ferdinand of Aragon, the Mamluk ruler (princeps) of the Turks would come

to Rome before the year 1484, “and he would , reside in the Vatican.” Jem’s arrival in the Secrets d état, p. 214), notes that Sultan Bayazid thought city and lodgment at the Vatican fulfilled the

about his brother Jem continually and was always seeking h ; . fash; h information about him. The commission makes it very clear PFOphecy im most auspicious fasnion, to Y Cc

sultan. ——_

that supplying such information was one means employed joy of the populace at Rome and elsewhere.

by Venetian diplomats to ingratiate themselves with the

* Bosio, II (1594), bk. x11, pp. 384 ff.; Steph. Katona, Corvinus’s efforts to have his illegitimate son John sucHistoria critica regum Hungariae, XVI, 517-20, cited by ceed him as king of Hungary. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11, 482-83; W. Frakndi, 20 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 336, and ed. Celani,

Mathias Corvinus, Konig von Ungarn (1458-1490), Freiburg I, 254 (see below, note 92); A. de Boward, “Lettres de

im Breisgau, 1891, pp. 220-21; and cf. Raynaldus, dnn. Rome de Bartolomeo de Bracciano 4 Virginio Orsini eccl., ad ann. 1482, no. 36, vol. XIX (1693), p. 313a. Rela- (1489-1494),” Mélanges d’archéologie et d'histoire, XXXIII tions were very close between Ercole d’Este of Ferrara and (1913), no. 1, pp. 273-74.

Matthias Corvinus, who tried in 1485 to have Ercole’s *! Innocent VIII created Pierre d’Aubusson a cardinal

young son Ippolito (the later cardinal) made archbishop of _ in the secret consistory of 9 March, 1489, along with four Gran (Raynaldus, ad ann. 1486, no. 37, vol. XIX, p. 372a). others (Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 332-33, and ed.

Matthias Corvinus won his contest with the pope over Celani, I, 251-52). At the same time Innocent created appointment to the archbishopric of Gran, and in 1487 another three cardinals in petto, including Lorenzo Ippolito went to Hungary and was installed in the eccle- de’Medici’s son Giovanni, afterwards Pope Leo X (:bid., ed. siastical primacy of the country (Fraknoi, Mathias Corvinus, Thuasne, 1, 333, note 2; 526-27; 544-45, 548). Note also

pp. 286-90). On the machinations of Venice in 1487, Stefano Infessura, Diaria rerum romanarum, ed. Oreste see Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 152 ff., 164-71, and the | Tommasini, Diario della citta di Roma di St. Infessura documents in Lamansky, Secrets d'état, pp. 213-24; on the _ scribasenato, Rome, 1890, pp. 238-40 (Fonti per la Venetian desire to see Jem Sultan handed over to the pope _ storia d'Italia, no. 5); Bosio, I] (1594), bk. xiv, p. 411; rather than to Corvinus, see esp. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 33, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1489, no. 22, vol. XIX fol. 105% [115%], doc. dated 15 September, 1487, and cf. (1693), p. 397a. In the consistory of 9 March the pope fols. 109% [119%], 150” [160°], and note Reg. 34, fol. 11% had also been obliged to give the red hat to André d’Epinay,

[23%], dated 10 May, 1489. archbishop first of Bordeaux and later of Lyon, brother of

"Corvinus never abated his efforts to get Jem Sultan the French ambassador to the Holy See, and close relative sent to Hungary (Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 198-99, 200, of the Admiral de Graville, virtual ruler of France at that 220-21, 237, 250, 255 ff., and see the documents cited in time (Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 187-98, 201, 213-14, the preceding note in Lamansky’s Secrets d’état). Ferrante 215, 226-27, 236). D’Epinay’s promotion, no less than that was no less active in attempting to get possession of Jem, of d’Aubusson, was part of the agreement under which the

and above all was anxious to keep him from going to French court released Jem to Rome.

Rome (cf. Lamansky, op. cit., p. 227). Corvinus had married 22 Sigismondo de’ Conti, I (1883), 325; Infessura, Diaria,

Ferrante’s daughter Beatrice, who later helped frustrate ed. Tommasini, p. 254.

388 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT For centuries as certainly as day had followed sum not exceeding 8,000 ducats for the sup-

night the demise of one pope had been _ port of refugee nobles who had fled the Turks. followed by the election of another. The era The income from the alum mines was thus to be

was past, however, of such long vacancies on reserved, as it was supposed to be, for the the throne as had preceded the election of Crusade. When the European powers were Innocent IV and Gregory X, Celestine V and finally prepared to launch a real offensive John XXII. In 1484 everyone knew that Sixtus against the Turks, the Church was to conIV would soon have a successor. On 26. tribute 100,000 ducats from the alum revenues, August twenty-five cardinals assembled for the as well as from the imposition of tithes, the conclave in the Vatican palace, where cells sale of indulgences, and other suitable sources had been prepared for them in the newly of revenue. The cardinals held themselves in built Sistine Chapel. The cells were assigned readiness to contribute 20,000 ducats to further

by lot; the cardinals were to eat and sleep the progress of such a “general expedition.” in them. As usual each cardinal was allowed ‘The new pope was also to reform the Curia two attendants (conclavistae), who would serve Romana in capite et membris three months after him and share the general confinement until the his coronation, and was to convoke as soon as election of a new pope. Two of the august possible a general council “according to the form

members of the conclave were ill, and so were’ of the ancient councils, in a safe and coneach allowed three attendants. Early on the venient place.” morning: of the twenty-seventh the Venetian The purpose of this council would be to preach Cardinal Marco Barbo and some of his confréres the crusade, and to effect the reform of the celebrated mass in the Chapel of S. Niccolo da_ entire Church with respect to the faith and Bari, just across the hall (the later Sala Regia) the moral life of the secular and regular from the Sistina, and after certain other cere- clergy, the military orders, the princes, and the monies all the cardinals withdrew to the so- cities and towns (communitates). The pope was called aula tertia (now the east wing of the not to create anyone a cardinal unless he was Sala Ducale), where they continued the dis- over thirty and a doctor of theology or the cussions which they had been holding concern- canon or civil law, “or at least as far as the ing the election “capitulations.” They made sons and nephews of rulers are concerned, various financial provisions for themselves, and is of sufficient literacy.” In an effort to limit all but one of them subscribed to a series of nepotism the cardinals required that the pope capitula, which were to be promulgated in three not add more than one (properly qualified) bulls within the first three days following the _ relative to the Sacred College, which was never coronation in the likely event any one of them under any circumstances again to exceed twenty-

should be elected pope.” four in number. The pope was not to alienate These articles, to which twenty-four cardinals church lands, rights, or properties by enfeoff-

agreed, provided that the new pope should ment or otherwise; he was not to make war or expend, if necessary, all the revenues from the — entangling alliances with any king, duke, prince,

alum mines at Tolfa, the “Cruciata,”-for the lord, or city without the express consent of defense of Christendom against the Turks. two-thirds of the cardinals. Since the bulls

If the revenues did not amount to the sum of to be promulgated announcing these and other 50,000 ducats, the pope was to make available such commitments by the new pope were to

other funds to bring the total up to such a “have the force of a decretal and perpetual

figure. Included in this, however, was to be a_ law,” the members of the College on_ this occasion (as they had often done in similar

—_—_—— “capitulations” in times past) envisaged the apd»eee of the election capita Olin oh government Witexts signatur nty-four cardinals (a : 1 of the Church as an elective

in their own handwriting), may ‘be found in the Bibl. constitutional monarchy.” Even the most hopeApost. Vaticana, Cod. lat. 12,518, formerly in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. XV, tom. 109, fols.§_§ §£————

12'—17', 21° and ff., and cf. fols. 32° ff., 36" ff., copies 24 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 23-54: “. . . ha-

made from the signed originals. Cardinal Pietro Foscari — bentes vim decretalis et constitutionis perpetue inviolabiliter

refused to sign the so-called capitulations, as we are in- observande . . .” (p. 47), and ed. Celani, I, 23-43, 39; Rayformed by the ceremonial diarist Johann Burchard, Diartum, — naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, nos. 28-39, vol. XIX (1693),

ed. Thuasne, I, 32-33, and ed. E. Celani, 1, 30, on which | pp. 337b-—339b; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 232 ff., and cf. pp.

work see the following note. 354-55, and Gesch. d. Papste, II-1 (repr. 1955), 209 ff., and

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 389 cf. p. 320. When Burchard became master of ceremonies of | Reg. Suppl. 695 [formerly 688], fols. 157-158"), but still the “pope’s chapel” in January (1484), there were thirty- made no acknowledgment of his thefts, which required a two cardinals (Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 3-4, but see also fuller confession two years later (ibid., Reg. Suppl. 717 [710], Celani’s edition of Burchard, I, 4-6, with note on p. 4). In _ fols. 159'—160", dated 10 April, 1475, ed. J. Lesellier, “Les describing the conclave of 1484, Infessura, Diaria, ad ann. Méfaits du cérémoniaire Jean Burckard,” Mélanges d'arché1484, ed. Tommasini, pp. 169-70, says, “. . . Cardinales ologie et d'histoire, XLIV [1927], 32-34, and cf. Reg. Suppl. omnes, nemine discrepante, intraverunt conclave in cap- 719 [712], fols. 144’-145", by mod. stamped enumeration).

pella maiori [the Sistina] palatii Sancti Petri, et fuerunt For a brief while Burchard occupied a lowly place in the numero XXV, et tres alii cardinales fuerunt absentes,” and crowd of eighty familiars and retainers in the service of all the sources agree that twenty-five cardinals were in the Cardinal Marco Barbo, who (as Lesellier observes) was then conclave (cf. the Acta Consistorialia, in Arch. Segr. Vati- living in the still unfinished Palazzo Venezia. Burchard had cano, Arm. XXXI, tom. 52, fol. 102", by mod. stamped managed to attract Barbo’s attention and win his favor, and

enumeration, where their names are given). As for the other expectancies in Strassburg followed, as indicated by question of reform, Innocent VIII did finally give serious various bulls of Sixtus IV cited by Lesellier, op. cit., pp. thought to improving the administration of justice in the 14 ff., and especially by Pio Paschini, “A proposito di Curia and especially in the city of Rome, as shown by the Giovanni Burckardo, ceremoniere pontificio,” Archivio della long and interesting bull Consulta diualia sequentes, in Reg. R. Societa romana di storia patria, LI (1928), 33-59. Lesellier

Vat. 692, fols. 168'-174', “datum Rome apud Sanctum is probably a bit too hard on Burchard for the misPetrum, anno etc. MCCCCLXXXVII [blank space left for demeanors of his youth, but like Paschini he affirms the the day and month was never filled in], pontificatus factual reliability of the Liber notarum or Diarium, which is nostri anno quarto,” i.e., after 12 September, 1487,the anni-___ certainly the opinion I have derived from reading the

versary of Innocent’s coronation. entire work.

Page references to Thuasne’s edition of Burchard are Burchard soon left the Palazzo Venezia, entering the given in the better edition of Enrico Celani, Johannis service of Cardinal Giovanni Arcimboldo and next that of Burckardi Liber notarum ab anno MCCCCLXXXIII usque Tommaso Vincenzi, bishop of Pesaro and _treasurer-

ad annum MDVI, in the new Muratori, RISS, XXXII, general, with whom he lived for a short time at the pt. 1, 2 vols., Citta di Castello, 1907-10, 1911-42 (index Vatican, where doubtless his eyes were further opened to still unfinished). Since Burchard is a most valuable source _ the rich possibilities which curial politics presented to an for a span of more than twenty years, something should ambitious young man. As time passed, he acquired at least be said concerning him and the two major editions of his _ one Italian benefice, an appointment as a papal abbreviator

work. before 15 July, 1478 (cf. Reg. Lateran. 786, fol. 216), and Even a rather casual perusal of the Bibliografia dell’Archivio further expectancies, small pensions, and canonries in GerVaticano, 4 vols., Citta del Vaticano, 1962-66, will make clear many. He became an apostolic protonotary on 2 February,

that more than a score of Vatican registers contain im- 1481 (Reg. Vat. 658, fol. 124 by mod. stamped enumeraportant documents relating to the rather checkered career tion), and served on occasion as an advocate in ecclesiastical of Johann Burchard (or Burckard). He was born about courts. 1450 at Hasslach in the diocese of Strassburg, and (con- With the aid of Agostino Patrizzi (Patrizi), who was tiring trary to statements of Thuasne and Gnoli) it is quite cer- of his service as master of papal ceremonies, Burchard was tain that he never took the doctorate in law, and did not named his successor by a bull of investiture dated 29 Novemin fact use the title. At an early age he became one of the ber, 1483 (Reg. Vat. 659, fols. 137”’-138%), dilecto filio secretaries of Johann Wegeraufft, canon of S. Thomas of. Johannt Burckardo, canonico ecclesie Sancti Thomae Argentinen-

Strassburg and vicar-general of the prince bishop. With _ sis, capelle nostre cerimoniarum clerico. . . . The office cost

more enterprise, alas, than honesty Burchard surrep- him, all told, the tidy sum of 450 ducats, as he informs

titiously prepared dispensations from the publication of us himself. Burchard actually took over the responsibilities marriage bans, all duly sealed and with blank spaces left of the office on 26 January, 1484. Whatever his deficiento receive names and dates, intending to sell them for his cies, Burchard loved the hturgy. His Liber notarum (or own profit. He also stole a sword of some apparent value, Diartum) was intended as a sort of formulary or guide and removed a florin from a pouch kept in a room in the _ for his complicated duties as master of ceremonies, but it vicar’s house. When he fell under suspicion, and his own also includes many notes of events occurring in the city bedroom was searched, his thefts were discovered, and so and the Curia Romana. There may be some truth in Leselwere the letters of dispensation. He lost his position in _ lier’s belief that Burchard pillaged the (presumably small) the vicar’s household. In October, 1467, he went to Rome archive of the papal chapel for material on the “science of (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. lat. 12,343, fol. 123" by mod. ceremonies” (Mél. d’arch. et d’hist., XLIV, 27-31), just as the

stamped enumeration), where there was a large German charge is probably true that he refused to share either his

community. knowledge or his collection of ceremonial books with his Having obtained an expectancy to a benefice in the diocese colleagues, especially with his successor Paride Grassi, of Strassburg by a motu proprio of Paul II, Burchard who hated him and charged that he practiced the fine art of was appointed to a living in the church of S. Eligius master of ceremonies “ex diversis libris occultissimis when it became vacant. As usually happened with expec- occultissime” (Thuasne, III, 427, note 2; Lesellier, op. cit., tancies, his appointment was contested, but he won his case _ p. 30).

before the Rota. This decision was rejected in Strassburg, Burchard certainly employed the years in Rome to conhowever, because of the censures which he had incurred _ stant financial advantage. Lesellier and Paschini list numerfor his previous misconduct, censure et pene . . . inhabilitatis ous bulls granting favors or appointments to Burchard, but et infamie macula, which would normally render him ineligible do not attempt to note them all. Thus on 8 June, 1486, for ecclesiastical office. Thus on 2 April, 1473, he confessed Burchard, qui etiam capelle nostre clericus ceremoniarum existit,

his illegal preparation of thé letters of dispensation, to ob- received a benefice in the church of S. Andreas in Worms tain confirmation of his appointment (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, (Reg. Vat. 719, fols. 265’—267', in connection with which

390 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cf. the bull of the same date, ibid., fols. 340’—342’, granting See in general G. Constant, “Deux Manuscrits de Burchard,” a certain Amandus Wolff Eckeboltzbem a benefice in the Mélanges d’archéologie et d'histoire, XXII (1902), 209-10 and

same church of S. Andreas). A bull of 11 April, 1491, _ ff.,and especially Franz Wasner’s general discussion in “Eine recalls Burchard’s involvement in a contest, which required unbekannte Handschrift des Diarium Burckardi,” Hispapal intervention, with one Johann Pfeiffer (Pfifer, Phyfer) torisches Jahrbuch, LXXXIII (1964), 300-31. Although: an and a certain Johann Meyer over a prepositura et canoni- important addition to Burchardiana, no part of Wasner’s new

catus of a church in the diocese of Basel. Pfeiffer and MS. of portions of the Diarium (Bibl. Nazionale, Naples, Meyer claimed the right to exclude Burchard by produc- VI G 23) 1s in Burchard’s own hand, but the MS. does ing an alleged letter of special reservation granted by Sixtus date from the end of the fifteenth and/or early years of the IV. Burchard’s opponents were also opposed to each other, sixteenth century.

and Innocent VIII settled the dispute in favor of the Another copy of the diary in the Vaticana, Cod. lat. ceremoniere: “. . . nosque cessionem ipsam duxerimus ad- 5,632, consisting of 257 fols. and covering the period from

mictendam . . . dicto Iohanni Burchardo, qui etiam con- 2 December, 1492, to the end of 1496, was certainly tinuus commensalis noster et capelle nostre clericus ceri- prepared under Burchard’s own supervision (Celani, I, pp. moniarum existit, premissorum obsequiorum et meritorum = xvilt—xxulI). It was later owned by Paride Grassi (d. 1528), suorum intuitu gratiam specialem facere volentes ipsumque who made numerous notes and comments in the margins.

Iohannem Burchardum a quibuscumque excommuni-_ Burchard kept his extraordinary diary for his own use, alcationis, suspensionis et interdicti aliisque ecclesiasticis sen- _ though after his time the cer*tmonieri were required to keep a

tentiis, Censuris et penis a iure vel ab homine quavis — record of “omnia que in dies aguntur in officio.” Two MSS. occasione vel causa latis si quibus quomodolibet innodatus in Munich (Latt. 135, 137), prepared for Onophrius existit . . . absolventes et absolutum fore censentes, motu. Panvinius about 1562-1564, are also valuable for the proprio,” etc., etc. (Reg. Vat. 754, fols. 64’-68', “datum _ establishment of the parts of Burchard’s text missing from Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc. MCCCCLXXXXI, Codd. Vatt. latt. 12,265 and 5,632. Despite Celani’s rather tertio Idus Aprilis, pont. nostri anno septimo”). Burchard devastating criticism of Thuasne’s edition, I have generally succeeded in wheedling grants from Alexander VI, although supplied references to the latter as well as to Celani’s the latter was not very fond of him (Mario Menotti, ed., _ better text. G. B. Picotti believes that Vatican Cod. lat. 5,632 Documentt inediti sulla famiglia e la corte di AlessandroVI, Rome, as well as 12,265 is probably in Burchard’s hand, which is

1917, nos. 299-301, pp. 226-28, docs. dated in 1495, 1497, quite possible, for after all Burchard began his career

and 1501). as a secretary to the vicar-general of Strassburg, and could

In 1503, after having acquired a number of lucrative | presumably write legibly when he chose to do so. In fact a benefices and various honors, Burchard was appointed comparison of various letter formations in the generally bishop of Orte and Civita Castellana. He died on 16 May, legible Vat. lat. 5,632 (hardly the work of a calligrapher) 1506, in his handsome Gothic house (still preserved, but with the small, crabbed, but not entirely illegible hand of much altered, at no. 44, Via del Sudario, in Rome), and Vat. lat. 12,265 suggests that Picotti is correct. See Picotti’s was buried the next day in S. Maria del Popolo. On article, “Nuovi Studi e documenti intorno a papa AlesBurchard’s life, see especially the articles of Lesellier and = sandro VI,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, V (Rome,

Paschini, cited above, and cf. Thuasne, ed., Burchardi 1951), 173-80, for a discussion of the historical value of the diarium, UI, pp. u ff., and Celani, ed., Liber notarum, I diary, which he believes should be used with at least some (=RISS, vol. XXXII, pt. 1 [1907-10]), pp. xu ff. The in- caution when we come to the Borgias since it is fairly apsufficiency of the MSS. employed by Thuasne makes his _ parent that Burchard disliked the Borgias. edition of Burchard’s text less desirable for use than that Many events relating to the history of the papacy during of Celani, but Thuasne’s notes and the documents pub- the Renaissance as well as the contemporary texts can be lished in his appendices help preserve the value of his understood only with some knowledge of the Vatican palace, volumes, of which indeed Celani has made much use. in which connection the reader should consult some such A fascicule of twenty-seven folia of Burchard’s original plan as that given by Celani in his edition of Burchard’s (autograph) MS. survives (formerly in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, diary (Liber notarum, I, opp. p. 9). Unfortunately Celani’s Miscell., Arm. XII, tom. 13, now in Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, — plan, which has been copied and adapted more than once,

Cod. lat. 12,265), written in so crabbed a hand that is inaccurate. It fails to show the old Chapel of S. Burchard’s successor as master of ceremonies, Paride Grassi, Niccolo da Bari across the aula magna sive prima (the present

said that he must have had the devil for his copyist. Al- Sala Regia) from the Sistina. The Chapel of S. Niccolo, also though Grassi hated Burchard, his strictures on the latter’s. known as the Cappella del SS. Sacramento, was demolished

handwriting are not unjust; Celani, I, opp. p. xvi, repro- in 1538 when the space it had occupied was used for the duces fol. 8° from this MS., and this is not one of the worst descent of the (present) stairway to the Cortile del Marepages. The MS. fragment of the original diary begins on 12 _ sciallo. Also the Cappella Paolina (named after Paul III, who

August, 1503, and ends in May, 1506. I examined it in built it), shown by Celani as existing “ai tempi di InnoJuly, 1966, and in April, 1972. The diary proper stops with cenzo VIII,” was not constructed until after the removal of 27 April, 1506, after which Burchard’s secretary Michael the Chapel of S. Niccolo, which it replaced as the papal Sander added the notices concerning Burchard’s death and _ electoral chamber.

burial (16-17 May) and a few other notices coming The errors in Pastor’s Geschichte der Papste to the contrary, down to 31 May, 1506 (Cod. Vat. lat. 12,265, fol. 27’). The every pope from Calixtus III to Paul III (from 1455 to 1534)

twenty-seven folia of Burchard’s original diary were once was elected in the Chapel of S. Niccolo da Bari, capella bound at the end of Cod. Vat. lat. 4,739, which contains parva sancti Nicolai, not to be confused (as historians the diary of Paride Grassi, who himself bears witness to have usually done) with the tiny chapel on the floor the fact they are in Burchard’s hand (ibid., fol. Iv’): “In above, parva capella superior [Nicolai papae V), named after

fine totius huius voluminis in quinterno alligata erant Nicholas V, who had Fra Angelico decorate it with the still scripta de manu propria Jo. Burchardi comagistri et collige extant frescoes. The name Nicholas has obviously helped mei.” Cf., ibid., fol. 235%, another annotation by Grassi. cause confusion. See above, Chapter 9, note 1.

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 39] ful cardinal could sign his name below the Giuliano della Rovere had been responsible articles, however, because he knew (as Innocent for Cibo’s elevation as bishop, as cardinal, and

VI had ruled when elected pope under similar now as pope. The predominance of his incircumstances) that it was unlawful to delimit fluence was felt even before the coronation,

the authority of the supreme pontiff. which took place outside S. Peter’s on 12 The conclave of 1484 was marked by intense September. The next day Bonfrancesco Arlotti,

electioneering. The papal master of ceremonies, the Ferrarese ambassador to the Holy See, Johann Burchard, took part in the proceed- wrote of Giuliano: “While he could do little ings, and has preserved an extraordinarily or nothing with his uncle [Sixtus IV], he can full account of them in his Diartwm, includ- put through anything with the new pope.””* Two ing the names of all the cardinals’ attendants weeks before this, on 29 August, the astute and the food served during the conclave. Guidantonio Vespucci, the Florentine ambasAs usual the voting took place in the Chapel of sador, wrote Lorenzo de’ Medici that Innocent S. Niccolo da Bari, which no longer exists. VIII had a most kindly disposition, was rather The vice-chancellor Rodrigo Borgia, the most lacking in “letteratura” but not entirely ignorant, prominent of the cardinals supporting the peace and was the creature of Giuliano della Rovere,

of Bagnolo, entered the chapel as pope, at the cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli, who had least in his own opinion. He was to leave it got him made a cardinal: So see that a good still a cardinal. Cardinal Marco Barbo got eleven letter gets off to S. Pietro in Vincoli—he votes on the first scrutiny, taken on the morning of 28 August. Thereupon the energetic dated 12 September, 1484, Innocent notified Francesco Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere worked all day Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, of his election on 29 August

and all night on behalf of his friend, the (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, Busta 834, and affable Genoese Giovanni Battista Cibo, car- ¢- Busta ire XXXII, no. 13, fols. 128-31). ane con-

. “1: temporary diarists note the circumstances attending the

an al of . vecua and ishop of mona, death of Sixtus IV and the election of Innocent VIII: who signe the petitions 0 certain car ina s Sigismondo de’Conti, I, 207-12; Il Diario romano di Gaspare

that night as he knelt in his cell. Cardinal Pontani, gia riferito al “Notaio del Nantiporto” [1481-

Francesco Piccolomini of Siena, amused at the 1492], ed. Diomede Toni, in RISS, III, pt. 2 (1908), pp. turn of events observed: “This is going in 37-42. Toni has shown that this diary, cited by older his-

y - th , e is signing on his knees torians under the title “Notaio del Nantiporto,” is actually

TEVEESE. ¢ PoP Bruns .? the work of the Roman notary Gaspare Pontani, notarius de

and we, who present our requests, remain regione Pontis, who lived from about 1449 to about 1524 standing!” By the morning of the twenty- (ibid., pp. x-vi—tv). On the physical arrangements for the ninth, however, Cibo had seventeen to nineteen conclave which elected Innocent VIII and the similar votes, which ensured his election. The cardinal 2™@"gements for those which elected his successors, deacon, made the announce- So Pt@n2_Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Die Conclaveoff Siena, olena,as 5ranking .? ; . plane: Beitrage zu threr Entwicklungsgeschichte, Citta del Vatiment from the window in the sacrisly behind cano, 1933 (Studi e documenti per la storia del Palazzo the chapel altar: “I announce to you tidings Apostolico Vaticano, fasc. V). of great joy. We have a pope! The most reverend The death of Sixtus IV, with whom the Venetians had

. agoon, where Innocent VIII’s election was known by 7

lord cardinal of Molfetta has been elected Su- pad constant difficulty, was greeted with satisfaction on the preme P ontiff, and he has chosen the name September (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 32, fol. 89"), but the Senate Innocent VIII.” The crowd shouted its approval could show little more enthusiasm for Innocent, who was in the courtyard below. Bells rang in the _ taking his own good time about removing the interdict which

Vatican palace and S. Peter’s basilica. and ‘S!xtus had placed upon their city (iid., fols. 93¥—94", Fusili f th j d shot thei , 121 ff.). Innocent lifted the interdict on 28 February, FuSI 1ers ol tne palace guar S ot t cir puns 1485 (fol. 135%). The Venetian embassy of obedience, in celebration of the new pope’s elevation. consisting of Aloisio Bragadin, Pietro Diedo, Bernardo Antonio Loredan, finally received its comTT mission to go to Rome on 9 Bembo, May,and1485 (fols. 1467-147").

25 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 55-63, and ed. On the remarkable oration of obedience delivered by the

Celani, 1, 43-48. See also the documents in the appendix Portuguese humanist Vasco Fernandes at the Curia Romana

to Thuasne, I, nos. 10, 12, pp. 503 ff., especially on on 9 December, 1485, and its importance in the history of the efforts of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, papal vice-chan- _ geographical exploration, see Francis M. Rogers, The Obecellor, to win votes before the conclave, and, ibid., nos. dience of a King of Portugal, Minneapolis, 1958, and Geo 16-18, 20—28, pp. 510 ff., letters to Lorenzo de’Medici from _Pistarino, “I Portoghesi verso Asia del Prete Gianni,” Guidantonio Vespucci, Florentine ambassador to the Holy Studi medievali, 3rd ser., II (Spoleto, 1961), 75-137, with a

See, dated 24-30 August, 1484; Infessura, Diaria, ed. rich bibliography. Tommasini, pp. 169~73; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, 6 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 217, citing a

nos. 40, 45, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 339b-341la. By a bull letter dated 13 September, 1484.

392 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT is pope and more than pope, et luz é¢ Papa tions were made of.the archbishops of Mainz, et plusquam Papa'l*’ After the election, on 29 ‘Trier, and Cologne, for they were electors of August, when the cardinals had left the Vatican the Holy Roman Empire.*° At any rate, a few

for their own homes, “certain ones sad, but days after their reception at the Porta del

others rejoicing,” the cardinal of S. Pietro in Popolo, the pope received them at the Vatican Vincoli “remained in the palace with the palace in the Sala del Pappagallo. Innocent was

pope.” The following December the pope attended by the cardinals, after the fashion

made the cardinal’s brother, Giovanni della of a secret consistory, but on this occasion the

Rovere, who was then prefect of Rome, the doors of the hall were left standing open. captain-general of the Church, and received According to Bosio, the ambassadors were

from him the oath of fealty “in due and present as well as numerous bishops, prel-

accustomed form.’ ates, and other members of the Curia, who had gathered to witness the ceremony and to Among the various embassies sent to Rome hear the vice-chancellor’s formal address before to render obedience to the new pope, that of the throne.**

the Knights of S. John of Jerusalem most In the grand master’s name Caoursin made

forcibly brought: the eastern question before an unctuous expression of obedience to Innothe Curia Romana. Innocent VIII had informed cent, “eighth pope of this name, true, sole, the Grand Master d’Aubusson of his predeces- and undoubted vicar of our own Lord Jesus sor’s death and his own elevation, as Bosio Christ, successor of S. Peter the Apostle, and informs us, in a “breve amorevolissimo,” which pastor of the Catholic and universal Church.” was dispatched from Rome on 12 September When the good news of Innocent’s election (1484) and arrived in Rhodes on 18 October. had been learned at Rhodes, the Knights, Rather unnecessarily, but according toepistolary citizens, and other inhabitants of the island convention, the new pope urged upon d’Aubus- had rejoiced: “The Rhodians hope, most blessed son an unremitting vigilance in defense of the father, to see the Turkish tyranny extinguished Catholic faith. The vice-chancellor of the Order, under your most fortunate pontificate!” Suggest-

Guillaume Caoursin, was chosen as spokesman ing a mystic connection between Innocent,

of the embassy, which sailed by galley from eighth of the name, and the eight-pointed Rhodes to Ancona in forty days, and made its_ cross of the Hospital of S. John, Caoursin solemn entry into Rome on 23 January, 1485, recalled various Turkish audacities and the by the gate of S. Maria del Popolo, being recent siege with some rather forced classical met by the papal famiglia and guard, various allusions. He made much of the siege and bishops and prelates, the households of the the heroism of d’Aubusson, and well he might; cardinals, and the resident ambassadors of the he spoke of one of the great events and one European princes. The papal master of cere- of the brave men of the century. In concludmonies, Johann Burchard, was inclined to think ing, Caoursin bespoke the pope’s help and that too much ceremony had attended their protection for the Knights. Paride Grassi notes

entry into the city, for the pope and the car- that he spoke “most elegantly,” and Bosio dinals did not commonly send their famiglie has incorporated the oration in his history of to mark the arrival of prelates since they were

“mere subjects” of the Roman Church. Excep“0 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 136-37, and ed. Celani, I, 106.

OT 31 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 137, and ed. Celani, 27 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, append., no. 27, p. 1, 106—7. Burchard was not present, and describes the 518, and on the character and family of Innocent VIII, ceremony inaccurately according to Paride Grassi, who says cf. another letter of 29 August from Vespucci to Lorenzo, that he was an eyewitness, tunc interfui et vidi (Thuasne, ibid., no. 26, p. 517. As master of ceremonies Burchard had I, 137, note 1). According to Paride, the ceremony took much of the responsibility for the elaborate preparations place “hora XX” (about 1:30 p.m. in late January). Be-

before the coronation on 12 September (see, ibid., I, sides the pope, to whom the Knights’ embassy rendered 75-89, and for the coronation itself, I, 90 ff., and ed. Celani, obedience, the cardinals were on hand “and other prel-

I, 58-70, 71 ff.). ates and the household [familia] of the pope.” Burchard 28 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 71, and ed. Celani, dates the Knights’ formal expression of obedience to InnoI, 54, lines 11-13. cent VIII on 26 January, and Paride does not challenge

29 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 124, and ed. Celani, his date. Bosio says that it took place five days after their I, 95; Pontani, Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS, III-2, p. 45; cf. entry into Rome, i.e., on the twenty-seventh, if one counts Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 217, 332-33. inclusively, or on the twenty-eighth.

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 393 the Order.” The Knights had been assured of full of pure balsam, for which he thanked a cordial welcome at the Curia, and Caoursin’s them. He granted the Order certain spiritual turgid rhetoric received close attention and rapt privileges commemorated in a letter dated appreciation, for the pope was much worried 28 April (1485). To Caoursin he also awarded

at this time about an increasing build-up the rank of a count palatine and apostolic of Turkish forces across the southern Adriatic secretary. The envoys returned several times to

at Valona.* discuss their business with the pope, who exInnocent replied briefly but graciously to pressed the strong desire to have Jem Sultan

Caoursin’s discourse, accepting the Hospitallers’ transferred to some fortress in the patrimony, obedience and praising the exploits of d’Aubus-_ where he might still be kept in the Hospitallers’ son and the Order. He said they were worthy custody. Caoursin and his confréres said, howof every honor, and deserved well of the Holy ever, they had no authority to deal with this See. A few days later Caoursin and his fellow problem, and the pope asked them to take the envoys were received by the pope in private matter up with d’Aubusson when they returned audience to discuss the affairs of the Order. to Rhodes. Much honor was shown them during They gave the pope gifts, including a vase their stay in Rome. At the feast of the Purifica-

tion of the Virgin they carried the pope’s TT baldachino, together with the ambassadors of 32 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, I, 137, note; Bosio, Naples, Milan, and Florence. They also received Mina di San Giovanni, II (1594), bk. xiv, pp. 398-400; letters from King Ferrante, asking them to

Caoursin, Obsidionts Rhodie urbis descriptio, Ulm, pass 1496,throug signn.aples h h Napvl hin ff.; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan (1892), pp. 130-31. on clrthei wayback bac tO

23.On 21 November, 1484, Innocent VIII had informed Rhodes, for he had business of the greatest King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary: “Et qui Rhodiani importance to talk over with them. One of

affirmat iturum ininexpeditionem, non tamen ad eorum seeing in Venice. Caoursin and the Turcopolier damna, etsecarissimus Christo filtus noster Fer[dinandus], Rex Sicilie, de illius apparatu qui fit apud Avlonam of the Order went on to Naples, where they

[Valona] significat, atque idem Ragusei affirmant .. .” learned that Ferrante, like the pope, wanted

(Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fol. 69%, by to secure possession of Jem. They gave him the

mod. stamped enumeration). The fear was that Turkish came answer they had given Innocent, and he preparations at Valona betokened an attack upon Italy, as | d dd hi if a Aub Ferrante had warned the pope. Cf. Innocent’s letter to @ 80 ABTS’ to adaress NLMse to uDUSFerrante of the same date (ibid., fol. 70): “Fecit prudenter Son.** The sojourn in Rome was an experience Maiestas tua gratumque nobis fuit quod de his omnibus que

nuper ab immanissimo Turchorum tiranno parari [sic] §=—— apud Valonam et alibi Italiam sensit. . . .” The pope. says 34 Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni, II (1594), bk. xiv, that he has written to the Italian states and especially to pp. 400-1; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 131, 133. In a letter Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, urging them to respond to to the Grand Master d’Aubusson, dated at Rome on 22 the emergency and the peril which Christendom faced in April, 1485, the pope expressed his appreciation of the

the light of this disheartening news. Italy must be de- Hospitallers’ embassy of obedience and of Caoursin’s fended. Cf,, ibid., fols. 73—74, a letter to d’Aubusson, dated “elegant address” (Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1485, no. 7,

30 November (1484), and fol. 74, the pope’s letter dd vol. XIX [1693], p. 350b). The high-minded d’Aubusson potentatus Italie et ad omnes principes Christianos, dated 21 was anxious, however, to secure some fitting reward for his

November, sent to twenty-nine kings, princes, and states. services. He had proposed that his brother Guiscard, I pass over other notices in this register to the same undistinguished bishop of Carcassonne, should be made a general effect. Particular efforts were made at this time cardinal in the next creation. On 28 April (1485) the pope to collect the pecuniae subsidii et cruciatae. There were wrote d’Aubusson of the paternal affection he entermany false alarms relating to possible Turkish attacks upon tained for both him and his brother; he said he would do Italy. This was not one, and we shall presently note what he could when the opportunity arose, provided proper

attacks upon the Anconitan littoral. attention were paid to his wishes respecting Jem Sultan

While the pope was exercised about the assumed activity (Thuasne, op. cit., p. 132, note 2, gives the papal brief). of the Turks, the Venetian Senate received an envoy Guiscard d’Aubusson never became a cardinal. from Sultan Bayazid, who had been offended by the conduct On 22 April, 1485, Innocent VIII wrote (as noted of one Piero Vitturi, the rector of Nauplia. Such was the above) to the Grand Master d’Aubusson and the Knights Senate's desire to maintain their bona pace et amicitia (and (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fol. 160, by their commercial position in the Ottoman empire) that they | mod. stamped enumeration): “Dilecti filii, salutem, etc. Vene-

claimed to have removed Vitturi from office and to have — runt ad nos dilecti fillii Iloannes Quendal Turcupollerius, imprisoned him until they could determine the extent to. procurator generalis et locumtenens, ac Edeardus de Came-

which he had exceeded their instructions (Sen. Secreta, dino, preceptor Langonis, et Guillelmus Caoursin viceReg. 32, fols. 103‘—104', 111, letters dated 2and 29 Novem- — cancellarius Religionis Hierosoly .itane, oratores vestri ad

ber, 1484, to the sultan and to Giovanni Dario, the Re- Sedem Apostolicam destinati qui plenam et debitam eidem

public's secretary in Istanbul). sedi obedientiam vestro et Religionis nomine prestiterunt

394 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT which Caoursin and his fellow envoys could war broke out, in the early summer of 1485, it recall with pleasure when they had gone back was allegedly feared that one side or the to the beautiful island of Rhodes, far from other might well appeal to the Turks for asthe intrigues and preferments of the Curia _ sistance.** However that may be, Innocent fol-

Romana. lowed Giuliano della Rovere’s anti-Aragonese Amid all the tiring ceremonies which claimed _ policy, which was in tune with his own hostility

Innocent VIII’s attention from week to week to Ferrante.?7 On the other hand, Lodovico il (and which Burchard describes with loving atten- Moro lent Ferrante the weight of the Milanese

tion to every detail), the Curia began to make duchy. Lorenzo de’ Medici also rejected the the most far-reaching plans for the crusade. pope’s overtures, and supported Naples against Through the eight years of Innocent’s reign, the papacy. In this respect Lorenzo was only however, these plans were to be frustrated maintaining Cosimo’s old policy of the triple by events in the turbulent kingdom of Naples, alliance which had long bound Florence, Milan, where the revolt of the barons against King and Naples together.** Hungary also sided with Ferrante and his son Alfonso of Calabria,.la Naples, for Matthias Corvinus had married a congiura det baron, was to involve the Curia daughter of Ferrante. Matthias in fact mainin perilous fashion and divert papal resources tained peace with the Turks in order to pursue from the eastern question.” When the barons’ his anti-papal policy, and the Turks are said to

have undertaken to prevent the Venetians

_ from rendering effective aid to the pope.*® Al-

multaque et accurate et eleganter rettulerunt de singulari though Innocent had removed Sixtus IV’s b in eo devotione et fide. Quod et si novum non fuit utpote from Venice in February, 1485, the Senate qui cognoscimus bonum zelum et sinceritatem animi vestri had no intention of putting troops into the

vestra erga sacrosanctum hoc Romanum solium et sedentem 8 nocen emove xtUs Ss Dan iucundissimum tamen extitit tale quid de vobis audire. ffeld to support the pope, but did finally Enarrarunt preterea oratores ipsi eleganti tersaque ora- relinquish the services of the condottiere tione egregiavictoriam facinoradeinsignis vestreetReligionis Rob di S ‘no? dRome vero recentem Turcis habitam oportunum precipue oberto di sanseverino,” whowh entere remedium ad cohibendos ipsorum Turcorum conatus qui ON 10 November (1485) by the gate of S.

classem in Appulos pridem extrusisse feruntur. Hec quidem Maria del Popolo, being met by various members

ut laude digna sunt ita omnibus placuerunt vobisque of the papal and cardinals’ households and

plurimum commendationis et glorie attulerunt. Nos vero ante alios mirifice sumus oblectati et propterea nostra erga vos dilectio propensior quodammodo est effecta. —————— Reliquum est hortari vos ut pro innata virtute animi et J, Naples, 1769; Jos. Calmette, “La Politique espagnole precipua in orthodoxam fidem affectione velitis quod digne dans l’affaire des barons napolitains (1485-1492),” Revue ceptum est viriliter prosequi et rem publicam Christianam historique, CX (XXXVII, 1912), 225-46, with eight docu-

hoc est Dei et Creatoris nostri causam toto animo, toto ments; Giuseppe Paladino, “Un Episodio della congiura studio et toto favore amplecti cum de nulla alia re gloriosius dei baroni: La Pace di Miglionico (1485),” Archivio storico sit benemereri. Nos autem et prefatam sedem semper vobis per le province napoletane, XLIII (n.s., IV, 1918), 44-73, benignos propitiosque in omnibus que cum Deo poterimus 215-52; and Paladino, “Per la Storia della congiura dei

sentietis. Datum Rome, etc. die XXII Aprilis 1485, anno baroni: Documenti inediti dell’Archivio Estense (1485primo.” The papal brief of 28 April answering d’Aubus- —_1487),” ibid., XLIV (n.s., V, 1919), 336-67; XLV (n.s., VI,

son’s request that his brother Guiscard be made a cardinal 1920), 128-51, 325-51; XLVI (ns., VII, 1921), 221-65;

may be found, ibid., fol. 161, together with two other and XLVIII (n.s., IX, 1923), 219-90, a collection of 164

letters to d’Aubusson, dated 28-29 April. documents.

3° A large number of the rebellious barons were put to 6 Sigismondo de’ Conti, I, 229; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad

death. On the so-called “congiura dei baroni,” and their ann. 1486, nos. 3-4, 25, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 366b,

defeat and execution by Ferrante, see the contemporary 369b.

account of the chronicler Ferraiolo, in the Pierpont Morgan 37 Roberto Palmarocchi, La Politica italiana di Lorenzo Library MS. 801, published by Riccardo Filangieri, Una de’Medict: Firenze nella guerra contro Innocenzo VIII, Florence,

Cronaca napoletana figurata del Quattrocento (1956), secs. 1933, passim, and on the alleged fear of Turkish inter16-36, pp. 48-74, where Filangieri’s notes provide addenda __ vention in Italian affairs, zbid., pp. 5, 33-34, 51.

and guidance to the chronicler’s often inaccurate descrip- 33Cf. A. Desjardins (and G. Canestrini), Négociations tion of events. As in Ferraiolo’s account of the Turks in diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, I (Paris, 1859), Otranto, however, his numerous full-page illustrations of the 205 ff. (Documents inédits sur histoire de France, XL). fall of the barons are instructive, showing that a number of 39 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1486, nos. 25-31, vol.

the rebels perished on a guillotine (very like the instru- XIX (1693), pp. 369b-371la; Fraknoi, Mathias Corvinus ment of the French Revolution) which was set up beside the (1891), pp. 227-28; and Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 118Castel Nuovo. Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1484, nos. 19. 47-48, 60, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 341, 343b, and ad ann. 4° Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 32, fols. 1485, nos. 38-39, p. 358, and see Camillo Porzio (fl. 1565), 162°- 164", 1677-168", 173°—181', and note esp. fols. 166%, La Congiura de’ baroni del regno di Napoli contro al re Ferdinando —_177°—178", docs. dated 26 August and 7 October, 1485.

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 395 by the envoys of the various powers. The gonfaloniere, Roberto rode between Cardinal imperial envoy brought him within the gate in Rodrigo Borgia, papal vice-chancellor and the name of the emperor, advocate of the governor of Rome, and Giovanni della Rovere, Church. Roberto was thereafter conducted to prefect of the city and captain-general of the the papal palace where he was received in Church.* He took the field against the Neapolithe rooms of the Camera Apostolica, the usual tan forces on 28 December.**

place for the reception of princes.*! Pope Innocent VIII had some support against

On 30 November Roberto di Sanseverino Ferrante, especially from his compatriots, the took the oath of fealty as Gonfaloniere of Genoese, who began preparations for a fleet.

the Church, swearing “that henceforth from this Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere went to Genoa

hour I will be loyal and obedient to the to encourage them. The barons’ war lasted

Blessed Peter, to the Holy Roman Church,andto a full year or more, with most of the sucyou, my lord Pope Innocent VIII, and to your cesses going to the Neapolitan forces under successors canonically entering office.” It wasan Alfonso of Calabria. In the winter of 1485impressive ceremony (for which Roberto had 1486, however, Sanseverino did break up an in-

arrived a trifle late), not so elaborate as it vestment of Rome by the troops of Alfonso might have been, however, for the Roman _ and the Orsini, although the following May AI-

clergy had doubtless not yet recovered from fonso defeated him at Montorio and again the prolonged obsequies which had followed the advanced upon Rome, while Florentine agents

death of the young Cardinal Giovanni d’Aragona tried to lure the chief cities in the papal (on 17 October, 1485), who had apparently states from their allegiance to Innocent. Carsuccumbed to the plague in Rome while on a_ dinal della Rovere was the backbone of the mission for his father, King Ferrante.” In the opposition to Ferrante. On his advice Innocent procession which followed his investiture as appealed to Charles VIII of France and Duke

ee René of Lorraine, thus reviving the Angevin 41 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 158, and ed. Celani, claim to Naples and Sicily. It was a dangerous I, 124-25; Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini (1890), pp. game. Violent differences of opinion were ex186, 188; Sigismondo de’ Conti, I, 239, 241. Sanseverino pressed in the consistory as to the wisdom came without his army, which arrived on 24 December of this move. which Ferdinand and Isabella of and addressed to the inhabitants of L’Aquila reads (in the Spains watched with natural apprehension.

(Sigismondo, I, 242). A papal brief dated 10 November ; ‘ . .

full): “Hodie hora XXII [about 3:00 p.m.] ingressus est urbem They urged Innocent to make peace. It was to dilectus filius nobilis vir Robertus de Sanctoseverinocum quo transport René to Naples that the Genoese de rebus omnibus colloquemur et deliberationem capiemus. were building their fleet.42 The war went so Postea statim certiores reddemini de lis que inter nos concludentur’” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXI1X, tom. 19,_.§. ———_——~

fol. 56°). This volume of papal briefs, needless to add, 43 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, I, 164-65, and ed. contains many letters relating to Roberto di Sanseverino, Celani, I, 128-30; Pontani, Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS, III-2, as does the Venetian Sen. Secreta, Reg. 32. See in general _p. 51; Raynaldus, Ann..eccl., ad ann. 1485, nos. 40-43, vol.

Ernesto Pontieri, “La Politica di Venezia di fronte allacon- XIX (1693), pp. 358b-359a; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, giura dei baroni napoletani e al conflitto tra Innocenzo _ III-1 (repr. 1955), 227-28, and vol. III-2 (repr. 1956), ap-

VII e Ferrante I d’Aragona (1485-—1492),” in his studies pend., nos. 4-5, pp. 1047-48, docs. dated 12 and 30 Per la Storia del regno di Ferrante I d’Aragona, re di Napoli, October, 1485.

2nd ed., Naples, 1969, pp. 445-525; idem, “L’Atteggiamento ** Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, p. 193; Pontani, di Venezia nel conflitto tra Papa Innocenzo VIII e Ferrante Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS, HI-2, p. 54; Raynaldus, Ann. Id’Aragona . . . ,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane, _eccl., ad ann. 1485, no. 42, vol. XIX (1693), p. 359a; and

3rd_ser., I] (LXXXI, 1962-63), 197-324, and V-VI_ cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 173-74, and ed. (LXXXIV-LXXXV, 1966-68), 175-309; and idem, “La Celani, I, 136. Incidentally, Thomas Palaeologus’s son

‘Guerra dei baroni’ napoletani e di Papa Innocenzo Andreas, who was known at the Curia Romana as the

VIII contro Ferrante d’Aragona in dispacci della diplomazia —imperator Constantinopolitanus, was present in the Sistine

fiorentina,” ibid., IX (LXXXVIII, 1970-71), 197-347; X Chapel on the feast of the Purification of the Virgin (LXXXIX, 1971-72), 117-77; XI (XC, 1972-73), 197-— (2 February, 1486) when the pope blessed the candies, and

254; XII (XCI, 1973-74), 211-45; and a continuation of | Domenico della Rovere, cardinal of S. Clemente, celebrated this article is promised. In these two lengthy studies Pon- mass. The pope had wanted to give Andreas an ordinary tier! has published some 384 documents from the Archividi candle (de cera communi), although the cardinals had just

Stato in Venice and Florence. received candles of white wax, “sed ille dicens albam sibi

* Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, II-1 (repr. 1955), 225-27. deberi, ut cardinali, albam habuit!” (ibid., ed. Celani, I, 137, Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, pp. 186-87, gives Gio- lines 4-6). Andreas cut a pathetic figure in Rome. vanni d’Aragona’s death incorrectly as 19 October, and * Infessura gives a full account of the war in his Diaria,

alleges without foundation that he was poisoned (see ed. Tommasini, under the years 1485 and 1486; cf. Ray-

Pastor, III-1, 226). naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1485, nos. 42, 44, vol. XIX

396 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT badly for Innocent, however, that he was soon’ contention early in the barons’ war, was supready to listen to the Spanish appeals for peace. posed to make its own choice between papal An accord was finally reached in Rome on 11 _ or Neapolitan suzerainty, according to the treaty August, 1486; the humanist Giovanni Gioviano of 11 August (1486). In September, however, Pontano represented Ferrante. (Charles VIII of Ferrante treacherously occupied the city, and the France had promised the pope financial and pro-papal archdeacon Vespasiano de’ Gaglioff, military aid, but there seemed little likelihood the bishop’s brother, was killed in the tumult.”

of its arrival in a form that would do him’ Ferrante never allowed promises to impede any good.) A month later the formal treaty policy. The rebellious barons paid a considerwas announced (on 12 September). Ferrante, able price for the weakness of their papal fearful of the French, had proved conciliatory, ally. The entente between Ferrante and Matthias

acknowledging his kingdom to be a papal fief, Corvinus, as well as the persistent threat of promising to pay the old feudal levy (census) Turkish attack upon Italian shores, finally drew

and the arrears due, and agreeing to grant an Venice into a pact with the papacy. On | amnesty to the rebellious barons upon their February, 1487, the pact was announced in

recognition of his authority.” Rome with trumpets resounding through the

King Ferrante was a practical man. He saw no ancient streets. It was to last for twenty-five reason for excessive haggling over conditions years, “and thereafter for as long as it shall he had no intention of observing. The town of _ please the [contracting] parties.”

L’Aquila, which had been a bone of bloody The apparent end of the war with Naples and the papal-Venetian pact raised the hopes of

——__—_——_ the Curia Romana, but the political economy of (1693), p. 359a, and ad ann. 1486, nos. 1-2, 12, pp. Italy was chaotic. The institutional means were

366, 368a; H. F. Delaborde, L’Expedition de Charles VIUT en lacking to achieve peace in the peninsula, Italie, Paris, 1888, pp. 176 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 249- : . . .

65, and Gesch. d. Papste, 111-1 (repr. 1955), 223-35. The war where every over was trying he despoil his was the main topic of conversation in Rome, as shown by the neighbors, and every state sougnt its own imentries in Pontani’s diary. On 12 February, 1486, Innocent mediate advantage with little regard for the VIII denounced Ferrante as “discordiarum sator bellique consequences. The papacy was caught up in the

Italici nutritor” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, yortex as fully as any other Italian power tom. 19, della fol. Among thethe relating te 191"). ereet unfit to lead crusadebriefs hardly Cardinal Rovere’s mission tovarious Genoa, Iand would noteable . .to:to°

chiefly that of 20 May (1486) appointing Raffaello preach It. In April, 1486, the condottiere

Grimaldi as commander (patronus) of two of the best Boccolino Guzzoni seized the papal town of galleys in the Genoese fleet being prepared for the papal QOsimo, a few miles south of Ancona. He was service (ibid., fols. 385”—386"). Another brief to della Rovere soon in correspondence with the Turks, whom

was intended to make sure that Grimaldi received his h d dmit i he March. I

appointment even if all assignments of galleys had already € propose to admit into the March. inno-

been made (ibid., fol. 386). cent’s insufficient forces could not dislodge The pope’s troubles in Italy were unfortunately not off- him, but Lorenzo de’ Medici bought him off in set by security on the eastern fronts. On 5 July, 1486, he the summer of 1487 as a gesture of friendand Tatars (Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 83’-90", by mod. liness to the baffled Pp ontiff, whose P olicies

issued a plenary indulgence for service against the Turks . : .

stamped enumeration; Reg. Vat. 715, fols: 8'~17', a detailed

crusading indulgence granting the full remission of sins ~~ _

under certain specified conditions). Although Venice was in 47 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 217, and ed. Celani,

close diplomatic contact with the Porte at this time (Sen. I, 165; Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, pp. 209-10, Secreta, Reg. 33, fols. 26° [36"] and 32” [42°], docs. dated esp. pp. 220, 225-6, 232; Pontani, Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS,

28 July and 9 September, 1486), the Senate was soon III-2, pp. 64-65; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1486, nos. strengthening the Venetian fleet for fear of a large Turkish 18-23, vol. XIX (1693), p. 369; Delaborde, Expédition de

armada which was reported as ready to sail (ibid., fol. Charles VIII, pp. 202 ff. There are numerous references 47° [57°]). to the affairs of L’Aquila in the briefs of Innocent VIII. 46 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, I, 207, 208, and 48 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 237, and ed. Celani, 209-10, and ed. Celani, I, 157, 158 (with refs. in note 5), I, 180; Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, pp. 221-22; Pon-

and 159, on the return of Giuliano della Rovere from tani, Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS, III-2, p. 65; Raynaldus, Genoa; Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, pp. 201-3, 205, Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1487, no. 1, vol. XIX (1693), p.

214-15, 219, 220; Pontani, Diario, ed. Toni, in RISS, III-2, 380b; and cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. II, tom. pp. 63-64; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1486, nos. 1, 56, fols. 141'~— 145’, instructions toa papal envoy on his way to

7-17, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 366, 367-68; Delaborde, Florence and Milan, dated 4 September, 1487. On the fate Expédition de Charles VIII, pp. 184-85; Pastor, Gesch. d. of the rebellious barons, note the brief, zbid., fols. 5177 PGpste, I1I-1 (repr. 1955), 231-35, and vol. III-2 (repr. 520%, dated 16 September, 1487: “. . . Demum fere omnes 1956), append., no. 7, p. 1048, doc. dated 11 August, ipsius regni proceres iussu regio capti, detenti, et ut rei

1486. lese majestatis carceribus mancipati fuere” (fol. 518”).

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 397 the ambitious Florentine was now aspiring to raised the Hungarian banner atop the tower dominate. Sixtus IV had been right. Failure of the town hall and fixed it to the masts of to proceed vigorously against the Turk after ships, signalizing the Anconitans’ acceptance of Mehmed II’s death had caused the loss of all Corvinus’s protection.°® Corvinus was anxious

opportunity to do so. Christians in Greece

and the Balkans were entering the long night ~~ . .

of Turkish domination, to do little for ,, as Fraknoi, Mathias1486, Corvinus, p. 229, andVIII ¢. pp.wrote 254-55, . “ae . able 2-63. As early 23 April, Innocent themselves against a military power which held the governor of the March of Ancona (Arch. Segr.

them in SOrry subjection. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fol. 327): “Ex quodam

The passing months and the papal-Venetian magne fidei viro e partibus Segnie nuper accepimus accord did nothing to abate Matthias Corvinus’s egem Hungarie aliquas copias suas navibus versus Anbition to fish in the troubled waters of Ital conam transmittere decrevisse, non tam ut Regi Neapolitano

am DITO nat Y- auxilium ferat quam ut terris nostris damnum aliquod Early in the year 1487 Ancona rejected the inferat.” Cf., ibid., fols. 338", 340, 353". The pope had pope's suzerainty in secret negotiations with received his information about Corvinus's designs upon Corvinus, and in April of the following year Ancona from Count Angelo de’ Frangipani (or Frangipane,

Frankopan), as appears from a brief dated 29 April (bid., fol. 341°).

#9 Sanudo, Vite de’duchi, in RISS, XXII, col. 1241; Ray- In a letter dated at Vienna on 10 May, 1488, Corvinus

naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1486, nos. 30-32, vol. XIX wrote the pope in tones of injured innocence of the de(1693), p. 371, and ad ann. 1487, nos. 6-7, p. 381, on votion he had nurtured for the Holy See from the time of Boccolino, who asked for a force of 10,000 Turks with his boyhood and of the considerable services he had which he would subject all Piceno to Bayazid Il, and there- rendered against Turks, heretics, and schismatics through after all Italy could easily be taken. Cf. Dom. Malipiero, these many years. Indeed, he had recently offered to Annali veneti, ad ann. 1487, in Arch. storico itahano, VII, assist his Holiness in suppressing the revolt of the citipt. 1 (1843), 137; Filippo Ugolini, Storia dei conti e duchi zens of Osimo (which would have put him conveniently d’Urbino, 2 vols., Florence, 1859, 11, 49-57, esp. p. 56, for on the Adriatic coast, next door to Ancona). As for Boccolino’s dealings with the Turks; Moritz Brosch, Papst Ancona, however, he was quite guiltless of seducing Julius I. und die Griindung des Kirchenstaates, Gotha, 1878, _ its citizens from their papal allegiance (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, pp. 40-42, 309-10; Carlo Cipolla, Storta delle signorie italiane A. A., Arm. I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 113"-115"): “. . . Anchoni-

dal 1313 al 1530, 2 vols., Milan, 1881-82, II, 640-42; tanos igitur non credat Sanctitas vestra ab ea [Sancta Sede] Sigismondo de’ Conti, Storie de’ suoi tempi, 1, 272 ff., 310; rebellasse et ad me defecisse, neque suspicetur me illos and G. Cecconi, Vita e fattt di Boccolino Guzzont da Osimo, oblatione vexilli mei aut aliter ab eiusdem obedientia et Osimo, 1889, pp. 50 ff., 74 ff., cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. devotione avocare voluisse. Subditos enim Ecclesie et Sanc-

Papste, I1I-1 (repr. 1955), 233, 237. titatis vestre in officio potius continere quam ab tpsius

Boccolino Guzzoni’s activities in Osimo, where he ob- obedientia abstrahere semper studui, nec ipsi tanquam viously had the support of many- of the inhabitants, peculiari domino aut perpetuo protectori michi adhesere, naturally earned the especial attention and castigation of sed ut sub meo nomine liberiores ac tutiores in mari the pope, who devoted numerous briefs to the subject essent et eis illud a Turchorum rabie, cum quibus in(Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fols. 340%, presentiarum pacem habeo et in qua etiam ipsos An355-356", 357°-358', 360, 372’, 373, 393, 395-96, 426%, chonitanos inclusi, tranquillum redderetur: ad quandam 511%, 512, and 513°, docs. dated in the spring and early mecum intelligentiam condescenderunt et vexillum tandem summer of 1486). On 13 March, 1487, the pope informed _ petierunt ut illo ad salutem commodumque privatum ac the Grand Master Pierre d’Aubusson of Boccolino’s appeal __ terrorem hostis immanissimi uterentur . . .” (fol. 114"). In to the Turks (Bosio, Militia di S. Giovanni Gierosolimi- other words Hungarian suzerainty over Ancona was merely

tano, 11 [1594], bk. xiv, p. 405). Boccolino finally made a device to protect Anconitan commerce from Turkish peace with the Church in July, 1487. The pope was to pay depredation at sea. Innocent VIII should not take this him 7,000 ducats, according to the news Infessura received, arrangement too seriously. Corvinus’s entire letter 1s given and Boccolino was to sell his movable goods in Osimo and ___in a poor transcription in Mathiae Corvini Hungariae regis withdraw from the city (Diaria, ed. Tommasini, p. 227). — epistolae ad romanos pontifices datae et ab eis acceptae, Budapest,

Cf. Enrico Carusi, ed., Dispacci e lettere di Giacomo Gherardi, 1891, no. CLXxxIv, pp. 234-37 (Monumenta Vaticana nunzto pontificio a Firenze e Milano [1487-1490], Rome, 1909, Hungariae, Ist ser., vol. VI). It has also been published by pp. 287-88, doc. dated 3 March, 1489 (Studie testi, no. 21). Theiner. References to Boccolino abound in the Vatican registers. For Ancona was finally and forcibly annexed to the papal

a description of his alleged atrocities, perfidies, and states by the legate of the March in September, 1532, treacherous dealings with the Turks, see Innocent VIII’s during a period of singular prosperity in the city’s

bull of 1 May, 1492, inc. Detestanda iniquorum perversitas, history, by which time it had become (along with Venice

in Reg. Vat. 693, fols. 1997-203", by mod. stamped and Ragusa) a leading center for the distribution of textiles, enumeration, “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno hides, dyes, spices, and foodstuffs. See Peter Earle, “The etc. MCCCCLXXXX secundo, Kal. Maii, pont. nostrianno Commercial Development of Ancona, 1479-1551,” The Ecooctavo,” and on his dealings with the Turks, note esp., nomic History Review, 2nd ser., XXII (1969), 28-44, who sees

tbhid., fols. 200 ff., and Miscellanea, Arm. II, tom. 56, Ancona in this connection “as a true frontier between

fols. 403” ff., by mod. stamped enumeration. Nevertheless, | Islam and Christendom” (p. 40). There was a Turkish colony

the memory of the adventurous Boccolino still remains in Ancona, and the port throve for some time under the fresh in the charming town of Osimo, where the main tolerant policies of the Holy See. See above, Chapter 10,

piazza is named after him. note 57.

398 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to secure possession of Jem Sultan, whose person exposed now to Ferrante’s brazen insolence

would supply a weapon to employ against and next to his armed aggression.” the Porte more valuable to Hungary than any Avignon was still of course a papal city (as it fortress on the eastern front. As a matter of remained until 1791), and it was only there that

fact, Jem had wanted to go into Hungary Innocent VIII, if he was really serious, could at the time he sought refuge in Rhodes,’ be- have thought of going. French relations with

lieving that Corvinus, who was allegedly plan- the papacy were especially close at this time, ning an expedition against Sultan Bayazid, was for Charles VIII required certain dispensations the only ruler in Europe likely and able to for his precipitate marriage to Anne of Brittany, try to set him upon his father’s throne. At who had been betrothed a year before to Maxithat time Venice, at peace with the Turk after milian of Hapsburg, king of the Romans. By the long war which was concluded in January, now it was abundantly clear to Innocent, how1479, was loath to see the East again set on fire ever, that neither Lorenzo de’ Medici nor Lodo-

on Jem’s behalf.°? In the meantime Corvinus vico Sforza would ever assist him against was quite content to see the Italian powers at Naples. If he would have peace, he would

armed odds with one another. His attitude en- have to make it. couraged Ferrante in his shortsighted hostility to the Holy See, manifested by studied insults The failure to achieve peace in the peninto the pope and unwarranted intrusions into — sula had prevented Innocent VIII from having ecclesiastical affairs. At length, on 11 Septem- the satisfaction of seeing a crusade launched

ber, 1489, Ferrante was declared in a public against the Turks. From the first months of consistory to have lost by forfeiture the king- his pontificate disquieting news of Turkish dom of Naples, a papal fief, which now re- activities was reported at the Curia. Bayazid

verted (it was said) by escheat to the Holy was said to be preparing a great fleet for

See. Ferrante’s intransigence was in no way an attack upon Italy. On 21 November, 1484, abated, however, and he seized upon every Innocent had addressed a letter to the Italian diplomatic opportunity to show his scorn for _ states and all the European princes, informing the pope, who cut a sorry enough figure as he_ them that information just received from Fer-

looked in vain for aid from Milan or Florence rante of Naples, from the grand master of or Venice. Innocent talked of departing from Rhodes, and from other sources made clear Italy if the Italians continued to leave him the extent of the Turkish threat, especially to Italy. Time was pressing. The defense of Christendom should be the concern of all the princes °! Sa‘d-ad-Din, “Aventures du prince Gem,” , Journal (the letter was sent to twenty-nine states), asiatique, IX (1826, repr. 1965), 165, indicating Jem Sultan’s and the pope requested that envoys be sent to desire to go from Rhodes to Rumelia. Sa‘d-ad-Din’s story him with full and sufficient powers to pledge that, later on, Innocent VIII urged Jem to go to Hungary, and that he declined, wishing only to rejoin his mother and

children in Egypt, seems unlikely (b:d., p. 166), On = ————— Corvinus’s effort to get possession of Jem’s person, note *4 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 335 ff. (on the arrival the Venetian Senate’s letter of 10 September, 1487, to their of Jem Sultan in Rome, 13 March, 1489, on which see secretary Giovanni Dario, who was to transmit the informa- __ below, p. 407), 346, 364, 390, 410-11, and ed. Celani, 252 ff.,

tion to the Porte (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 33, fol. 104 [114]). 261, 275, 294-95, 309; Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, * Fraknoi, Mathias Corvinus, pp. 216-19, 220; Bosio, ad ann. 1489, pp. 245, 249-50. Innocent VIII’s contemplatMilitia dt San Giovanni, II (1594), bk. xiv, pp. 406-8; and ing the abandonment of Italy is reported in a dispatch of

see above, notes 14, 17-18. the Florentine ambassador to the Holy See, Pierfilippo

53 Cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1487, nos. 9-12, and _‘ Pandolfini, dated 28 July, 1490, given in A. Fabronius, ad ann. 1489, nos. 5-9, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 381b-383a, Laurentii Medicis Magnifici vita, 2 vols., Pisa, 1784, II, 353393b~—394a; Lamansky, Secrets d’état (1884, repr. 1968), pp. 58, on which cf. A. von Reumont, Lorenzo de’ Medici il 227-29. Innocent VIII expressed himself at some lengthon Magnifico, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Leipzig, 1883, HI, 377-78, the trials and treacheries he had suffered at the hands of cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 246-50.

Ferrante, in the instructions issued to a papal envoy on his °° Cf. Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, I, 436, and ed. way to Venice on 22 March, 1489, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Celani, I, 331, with note; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. Miscell., Arm. II, tom. 56, fols. 507'—516", by mod. stamped 1491, nos. 15-16, vol. XIX (1693), p. 405b. Maximilian and

enumeration, inaccurately dated by the copyist “XXII Anne of Brittany had been married by proxy on 19 DeMarcii, 1494 [!], pontificatus nostri anno V:” Innocent cember, 1490; Charles VIII married her on 6 December, VIII's fifth year extends from 12 September, 1488, to 11 1491, and Louis XII on 8 January, 1499. She died at

Sept. 1489. Blois on 9 January, 1514.

INNOCENT VII AND JEM SULTAN 399 the assistance of their principals.** On the same most irritating to Bayazid. Toward the end of day Innocent wrote King Matthias Corvinus of 1483 the sultan had sent envoys to Corvinus,

Hungary, urging him to make peace with the offering a truce on terms advantageous to

Emperor Frederick III, and turn his victorious Hungary; after some negotiation Corvinus ac-

arms against the Turks.*? cepted the terms, and a five years’ truce was

If the danger seemed great—and the Ragusei arranged. Corvinus reminded the European affirmed that it was—so was the opportunity. princes that the defense of Christendom was a Matthias Corvinus, despite his private war with responsibility which they shared in common (a

the aging emperor, seemed to think himself constant papal refrain), and since they had strong enough to take on Sultan Bayazid, neglected to meet their obligation, he had to

especially since the latter was not too firmly look to the well-being of his own kingdom.*°

seated on the throne which his brother Jem In the summer of 1484 Sultan Bayazid

Sultan had contested with him. In 1483 Cor- invaded Moldavia with the aid of the Tatars of vinus had equipped an army of 70,000 men Crimea. He captured two most important for-

(it was said),°° and had tried to persuade tress towns on the Black Sea, Kilia (Kiliya)

the relevant powers to let Jem join him in Hun- and Akkerman (now Belgorod Dnestrovskiy),

gary. Aggressive warfare was, however, the just south of Odessa. Christian efforts to retradition of the Ottoman sultanate. Bayazid cover these towns were to prove unavailing. could best preserve his position and provide When Corvinus protested this aggression, for his future by conquest. Turkish troops Bayazid replied that Moldavia was not included invaded imperial territory, but Matthias Gereb, in the terms of the truce. Actually Hunthe ban of Croatia, scored an impressive vic- garians and Turks had little reason for trusting tory over them, encouraging to Corvinus and_ each other, and Bayazid had, presumably, no intention of abiding by the terms of the truce. °§ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fol. 74, A suresh force of q Te, 7,000 raiders burst by mod. stamped enumeration (this letter has been noted into t € area aroun emesvar (the modern above in a different context); a copy of the original, ‘Timisoara, 1n western Rumania), where on 13 addressed to Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, may September, 1484, Paul Kinizsi met and de-

ee round in ne jn. di Stato ‘ Mantova, Arc stroyed them in battle. Quite understandably

onzaga, Busta 854 1484, (and note, and wid, the7priels cater ** Corvinus thoughts again to .the; December, March, 1487,turned the his latter being

partially destroyed by dampness); Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad crusade. Of all the recipients of the Pope s ann. 1484, nos. 60-61, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 343b-344a;_ letter of 21 November, to which we have Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 256-57. In- just alluded, he had the greatest need to ponder nocent VIII's interest in the crusade is well attested by the its contents,

“Bullae diversorum annorum pontificatus felicis recorda-

tionis d. Innocentii papae VIII,” in Reg. Vat. 771, the On 30 November (1484) Innocent Vill wrote first folio of which begins with a verbal attack upon the the Grand Master Pierre d’Aubusson, acTurks, “hii nephandissimi hostes fidei Catholice.” knowledging receipt of the news he had sent

XIX (1693), p. 344.

7 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 68’— concerning the successes of the Turks in Mol-

70°; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, nos. 62-63, vol.

°8 See in general the reports to the Holy See from the °° Fraknoi, Mathias Corvinus, pp. 219-20; Thuasne, Djem-

papal nuncio in Buda, during the autumn of 1483, in Sultan, p. 127. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. II, tom. 56, fols. 347°— 8 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, nos. 64-65, 358", by mod. stamped enumeration. In the nuncio’s vol. XIX (1693), pp. 344b—345a, and ad ann. 1486, no. 61, opinion Matthias Corvinus is very much the hero of the = ibid., p. 378b; Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni, LH (1594), bk.

unfolding drama: “. . . Beatissime pater, rex Hungarie xiv, p. 403; Frakn6i, Mathias Corvinus, p. 220; Cl. Huart, in Mars ipse est, nihil nisi bellum cogitans et sine sermone Encyclopaedia of Islam, I (1908), 685; Thuasne, Djem-Sultan,

faciens . . .” (fol. 350%). His military preparations were pp. 126-27, from Hammer. On the readiness of Stephen, gigantic (quo vere obstupur). Corvinus’s personality wasnoless the voivode of Transylvania, and Paul Kinizsi, aliud belli

impressive: “. . . Hunc regem si Sanctitas vestra videret fulmen, to meet any Turkish attack, cf. the report to the quanta gravitate, prudentia, suavitate, et quodam lepore __ Holy See, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. II, tom. 56, dicendi polleat, diceret inter primarios Italos habendum et _ fols. 357”’—358', by mod. stamped enumeration, and on

latine lingue incubuisse. . .. Rex intrepidus est...” Bayazid II’s conquest of Kilia and Akkerman, see Nicoara (fol. 357°). Despite a good deal of classical and biblical Beldiceanu, “La Campagne ottomane de 1484: Ses prérhetoric, these reports contain much information concerning _ paratifs militaires et sa chronologie,” in the Revue des Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, Austria, Poland, and above all études roumaines, V—VI (Paris, 1960), 67-77, reprinted in Hungary. The nuncio in question was Bartolommeo his Le Monde ottoman des Balkans (1402-1566): Institutions, de’ Maraschi, on whom see above, Chapter 12, pp. 377-79. société, économie, London: Variorum, 1976.

400 : THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT davia and the increase in their naval arma- return Jem Sultan wi et armis to rule in the ment, sad facts confirmed also by intelligence Ottoman empire if Bayazid made war on any received from Naples. With the usual denun- Christian prince. The departure of the Turkish ciation of the rabid Turk, Innocent informed fleet from the Dardanelles into Mediterranean d’Aubusson of the contents of his encyclical waters, it was said, would be regarded as an of 21 November; expressed his hope that the act of aggression and a violation of the pact princes would respond “like men to so sacred between the Porte and the Knights of Rhodes. an undertaking;” assured the grand masterofhis Bayazid had then professed his peaceful inown papal dedication to the noble cause of pro- tentions, and had even presented d’Aubusson tecting Christians; and finally warned him to be’ with one of the chief relics which Mehmed

on guard against whatever snares or entice- the Conqueror had taken from the treasury ments the serpent might extend to Rhodes of Hagia Sophia, the right arm of John the

from neighboring Istanbul.** One can imagine Baptist, which had once baptized Christ in the how much the defender of Rhodes required river Jordan.** However appealing this diplosuch admonitions from the onetime bishop of matic traffic in relics might be to the con-

Molfetta. temporary mind, most officials of the Curia knew Innocent also reminded Ferdinand of Aragon, _ perfectly well that Istanbul was no weaker and

ruler of Sicily, that his island domain might Rhodes no stronger for the grand master’s well be the next object of the Turkish cupidity acquisition of one of several right arms of for conquest. For years Hungary had been dealt John the Baptist, even though an investigaalmost annual blows. One might hope that the _ tion revealed that the Knights had got the true time would come when the daring arrogance of and authentic relic. the enemy would be repressed by a publicum It was not the desiccated muscle of S. John’s bellum which the Christian world would initiate right arm but money which supplied the sinews

against him. The Turk had taken Asia and of war. On 2 February, 1485, Innocent VIII

Greece while Christians were at odds with one wrote Ferrante of Naples again concerning another. Now he was turning his attention the Turkish question. A fleet of sixty galleys and toward Italy and Sicily. Day and night Innocent twenty transports was needed merely for the thought of nothing else, he said, and he warned defense of Italy, according to the pope, who Ferdinand that Italy and Sicily were quite un- noted that for any offensive action a much prepared to withstand any large-scale attack.” larger naval force would be required. It would Clerks in the papal chancery must have long cost 500 ducats (aure?) a month to maintain remembered that late November of 1484 when each galley, and 1,000 ducats a month to mainthe terror Turcicus filled the new pope’s mind. tain each transport, which would amount to Letters were being sent to all corners of Chris- 200,000 ducats for a period of four months, tendom, recounting the danger, appealing for presumably as long as Italy would require a peace and unity, and requesting the dispatch protective fleet against Turkish attack in any one of envoys to Rome with powers of decision year. But to this we must add, his Holiness and commitment. Among the various letters continued, 1,000 ducats a galley to rotate the written (or at least dated) on the twenty- hulls of twenty galleys, since only forty would

first of the month, was one to Ferrante of be kept in service at any one time, bringing Naples on the defensibility of Italy if only the the cost up to 220,000 ducats. Following a

proper measures were taken.™ formula devised in another connection, the pope

The Curia had been using such means as_ proposed to pay 40,000 ducats, and believed it had to avert the apparent peril. Pierre that the king of Naples and the duke of Milan

d’Aubusson had already been requested to warn should each pay 75,000. The Florentines should Sultan Bayazid that a Christian federation would be assessed for 30,000. Ferrante would learn further details from the papal envoy to Naples.© §1 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 73'—74*, and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, no. 66, §£ —————_—

vol. XIX (1693), p. 345a. * Bosio, II (1594), bk. xm, pp. 387-91; Raynaldus, Ann. * Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 75'-76"; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1484, nos. 72-73, vol. XIX (1693), pp.

eccl., ad ann. 1484, nos. 67-68, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 346b-—347a; Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 (1854), 483.

345-—346a, also dated at Rome on 21 November, 1484. 8 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 112'-113', by mod. 8 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fol. 70; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., stamped enumeration; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1485,

ad ann. 1484, no. 71, vol. XIX (1693), p. 346b. no. 3, vol. XIX (1693), p. 349b.

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 40] Raynaldus supplies the further details from finally regained Sarzana in 1487). Turks or Innocent’s unpublished briefs. Duke Ercole no Turks, peace was a rare commodity in Italy. d’Este of Ferrara was assessed for 8,000 ducats, Innocent VIII again appealed to Ferdinand as were the Sienese; the marquises of Mantua of Aragon to send a strong fleet to Sicily, and Montferrat, 6,000 and 2,000 respectively; where Turkish landings were feared. While the Lucchesi, 2,000, and the despot of Piombino, urging other princes to protect their domains, 1,000. Since efforts would be made to collect the pope followed his own advice. In the early funds from other sources, the total sum being months of 1485 he directed Cardinal Battista sought was well in excess of the amount which Orsini, legate of the March, to look to the Innocent had considered necessary for the fleet. defenses of Ancona and the southward coasts of One could hardly expect every state to pay its Piceno.*8 One Stefano Corso was sent a brief assessment. The Florentines, for example, of commendation dated 25 May, 1486, for his

claimed they could not pay at all. The war vigilance in protecting Fano and neighboring with Genoa had cost them too much, which areas against Turkish raids. Turkish /fuste led Innocent to warn them of the greater were often sighted on the Adriatic in the spring dangers which lay ahead (in a letter of 23 of 1486. On 12 June Innocent ordered that February, 1485), while he pointed out the in- coast guards be organized along the shore of evitable advantages of a just peace.® the March to alert the inhabitants against surThe pope sought Milanese intervention to help resolve the war between Florence and Genoa in order that the Italian states might 87 On the capture of Pietrasanta and Sarzana, cf. Luca jom forces to defend the peninsula against Landucci, Diario fiorentino, ed. lodoco del Badia, Florence, the Turks. Lorenzo de’ Medici’s father, Piero, 1883, pp. 49, 56, trans. Alice de Rosen Jervis, London, had purchased Sarzana, which commanded the 1927, pp. 40-41, 43; Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV, pt. 7 coastal road from Liguria into Tuscany, from (1933), p. 119; Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VII (1888), the G | tt almost t bef twenty . pp. 190-91, pope’s1485) appeal duke ofnote Milan e Genoese years before194. (in (ofThe 23 February, is citedtointhe the preceding from 1468). The Genoese had taken advantage of Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 129°-130°. Cf, ibid., tom. 18, Florentine difficulties about a dozen years fols. 159°-160', a letter to the Florentines dated 26 April, later, however, in the war that followed the 1485, and, ibid., tom. 19, fols. 196-197", letters dated 15 Pazzi conspiracy, and had repossessed Sarzana. | epruary, alt a and 1 that, when Pitter cho made beIn 1484 the Florentines took Pietr ta. fift tween the Genoese and Florentines, the latter should return n € Plorentines too etrasanta, Cen the castle of Sarzanello to the Genoese. Sarzana surrendered miles to the south of Sarzana. An agreement to the Florentines after a siege of forty days on 22 June, was made whereby the Florentines would retain 1487 Sigismonde OO I [1883], 281; Infessura, Diaria,

ter f th0 ment t bei kent. th Ceresana; ed.ofToni, in RISS, II1-2 [1908], erms € agreemen nho cing Kept, . € Pontani, p. 67). OnDiario, the affair Sarzana and the complicated

war soon broke out again (the Florentines relations of Florence and Genoa, see Roberto Palmarocchi,

La Politica italiana di Lorenzo de’Medici: Firenze nella guerra contro Innocenzo VIII, Florence, 1933, passim, esp. pp. 11-12,

15-22, 55 ff., 80-81, 114-16, 194 ff., 210 ff.

8 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1485, no. 4, vol. XIX 6 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 102’-103, 106, 108”, (1693), p. 350a; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, W11-1 (repr. 1955), 110, 112-114”, 129%-130, 139, 147-148", 156; Adolf 257. Raynaldus, no. 3, gives the Florentine assessment as Gottlob, Aus der Camera Apostolica des 15. Jahrhunderts, 30,000 florins, and in no. 4 as 36,000. In a letter of 23. Innsbruck, 1889, pp. 126-27; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. February (1485) to the duke of Milan the pope estimates 1485, no. 5, vol. XIX (1693), p. 350a; Pastor, Gesch. d. the total cost of the crusading fleet at 300,000 ducats Pépste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 220-21, 257. On the failure of the (Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 129-130"). The letter of the _Florentines to live up to the terms of peace with Genoa

same date to the Florentines may be found, ibid., fols. (in April, 1486), cf. Infessura, Diaria, ed. Tommasini, 130’-131%. On 6 March the pope wrote Ercole d’Este of — pp. 199, 222, and Raynaldus, ad ann. 1486, no. 34, p. 371b, Ferrara that “ex diversis locis quotidie huc rumores et certi and ad ann. 1487, no. 8, p. 381b.

quidem nuntii afferuntur de ingenti apparatu quem Turcus 6 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fol. 401%: “Intelleximus ex toto conatu facit ut Italiam invadat, et nisi celeriter et in| plurimorum verbisac litteris diligentiam tuam in custodienda tempore occurratur, facile unusquisque potest existimare civitate nostra Fani aliisque circumvicinis locis et in rerem Italicam in aperto discrimine versari . . .” (zbid., fol. _ pellendis Turcis qui'regionem istam infestabant: laudamus 139, where a note in the register gives the assessments, summopere prudentiam et diligentiam tuam hortamurque as noted in the text, for Siena, Mantua, Lucca, Montferrat, ut in bono proposito et laudabili incepto perseveres in and Piombino). The lord of Piombino was Jacopo d’Ap- diesque maiorem huiusmodi custodie ad quam missus es piano, an immoral character, to whom Innocent admin- [Corso was a papal constable] curam atque industriam istered chastisement on 4 June, 1485 (zbid., fol. 183),and who = adhibeas. . . .” He was promised financial reward for his

was later dispossessed by Cesare Borgia. services.

402 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT prise landings and thus to make possible con-__ protection.”7 The fact that Innocent’s father

certed counterattacks upon the enemy.”° had been born on the island of Rhodes,” was Although Bayazid I dealt with hisenemies no conceivably an additional reason for his concern

more honestly than they with him, the Turkish for the colonists who lived in the midst of a fuste operating off the Adriatic coast probably Turkish sea. In any event he claimed to be belonged to corsairs, whose raids were a matter doing all he could to organize a grand offen-

of private enterprise, and not undertaken by sive against the Porte. During this period order of the Porte. In an imperial firman of Bayazid never seemed to be far distant from early July, 1486, Bayazid acknowledged the Innocent’s thoughts. To Ferdinand and _ Isareceipt in Istanbul of a letter from the Venetian _ bella, reges Hispaniarum, he wrote on 8 February,

Signoria protesting that corsairs, obviously on 1486, to continue their war against the Moors the Adriatic, had robbed and sunk certain . and, when they had been overcome (debellati), Venetian vessels. Bayazid made clear his dis- to turn their arms against the Turk and achieve approval of such depredation, and recognized a like victory over that “truculent enemy.”” the Republic’s right to punish pirates, as agreed When Casimir IV of Poland asked for a crusadupon in the “capitulations” which existed be- ing bull, the pope ordered that it be sent to tween the two states. He also stated that he him. Casimir had also requested the right to rehad ordered the sanjakbeyi and kadis of Albania tain three-fourths of the amounts collected, reto look into the whole business, punish the mitting only one-fourth to the Holy See. Perculprits, make good the losses, and report back mission was promptly granted for this, although to the Porte. The Signoria was even invited Innocent reminded him that it had always been to send an agent of their own to conduct an _ customary to-send a third of such collections investigation.”’ Bayazid did not want a renewal to the Camera Apostolica, where there was a of the war with Venice, not with Jem Sultan pressing need for money for operations against in Christian hands, but the Turks were appar- the Turks.” ently not sparing what little remained of the

so-called Genoese empire in the Levant. In December, 1486, Innocent dispatched the

The Genoese colony at Chios appealed to French ecclesiastic Raymond Peraudi (Pérault)

the pope for protection against frequent harassment by the Turks. Innocent replied that all his 3 Cf. Bosio, Militia di San Giovanni, H (1594), bk. xiv, slender resources were being employed in the pp. 404-5, who shows, however, that the Genoese of defense of Italy, but he would send help tO Chios were also appealing directly to d’Aubusson. Pauli, Chios when he could.” In the meantime he © Codice diplomatico, Il (1737), nos. xxxvi ff., pp. 435 ff; requested the Grand Master d’Aubusson, who Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 141-42. The Knights of Rhodes . . were themselves not immune from the Turkish danger, and (as we know) had a non-aggression pact with on 11 December, 1486, Innocent VIII was preparing to take Bayazid, to take the Genoese colony under his such steps as he could “pro defensione civitatis et insule predictarum” (Reg. Vat. 692, fol. 97, and cf. the bull of 15 July, 1488, ibid., fols. 215 ff).

TT 74 Cf. Jacques Heers, Génes au XV® siécle, Paris, 1961, p. 422. 7” Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fol. 427", by mod. stamped 7 Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fol. 182, by mod. stamped

enumeration, postscript to a letter addressed to the governor enumeration.

of the March: “Post scripta intelleximus ex ultimis litteris 7% Arm. XXXIX, tom. 19, fol. 476", by mod. stamped tuis preter alia nonnullas Turcorum fustas in isto Mari enumeration: “Carissime in Christo fili noster, salutem etc. Hadriatico apparuisse, quare operam dabis ut omnes terre Expediri mandavimus bullam cruciate quam petiisti et licet et loca marittima intenta sint studiosissime ad circum- moris sit semperque fieri consueverit ut tertia pars prospectandum undique si quod Turchorum navigium se ventuum ex similibus concessionibus cruciate percipienostendat quod cum perspexerint quisque vicinis suis signo dorum ad cameram apostolicam perveniant, tamen conaliquo id manifestet ut omnes in tempore una convenire templatione Maiestatis tue cuius catholicam mentem et possint ad subveniendum ubi opus erit.” Cf. Raynaldus, optimam dispositionem erga nos et S.R.E. magni facimus Ann. ecel., ad ann. 1486, no. 31, vol. XIX (1693), p. 371a, et gratissimam habemus de quarta tantum parte contenti where the text has been rather carelessly transcribed, and fuimus ut cognoscas nos tibi plurimum tribuere et que

Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 257. pro te possumus libenter facere. Hortamur Maiestatem

™ Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, Busta 6, tuam [ut] velit ordinare et efficere ut quarta huiusmodi doc. dated 1 dec. Regeb 891 (3-12 July, 1486), cited in pars et portio proventuum et reddituum omnium ex ipsa

the “Regesti Bombaci,” Busta 20. cruciata colligendorum et percipiendorum ad eandem

™ Arm. XXXIX, tom. 18, fols. 161’-162'; Raynaldus, cameram apostolicam omnino perveniat sicuti te pro tua Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1485, nos. 5~6, vol. XIX (1693), p. 350. religione et equitate facturum speramus. Datum Rome, The Genoese on Chios had written the pope on 11 March etc. die XII Iulii 1486, anno secundo.” Cf., ibid., fols.

(1485); his reply is dated 29 April. 476’, 526.

INNOCENT VIII AND JEM SULTAN 403 to the Emperor Frederick III to discuss the Gratian of Villanova was again to try to induce possibility of German participation in the cru- the emperor, the German electors and princes, sade. At the same time the Spanish theologian, and especially Maximilian to prepare for war Gratian of Villanova, procurator-general of the against the Turks. His instructions, dated 12 Carmelites, was sent to the court of Maximilian April, 1487, emphasized the great danger which

in the Netherlands. Although Frederick thought Europe was facing. The princes must be he had some cause for complaint against the awakened from their slumber. Events were to pope, he gave a surprisingly favorable recep- prove that the danger was not as great as

tion to the project for a crusade. Gratian of the pope believed it to be. Whenever the

Villanova was back in Rome by April (1487) to princes were awakened from their slumber, report on Maximilian’s approval. For Peraudi however, they were likely to go to war with this was the beginning of a distinguished diplo- one another. Maximilian was deeply involved matic career which was to extend over almost in Flanders and had serious differences with

twenty years, until his death in 1505. Later France. Frederick III had to carry on the

years were to find him nuncio or legate in war with Matthias Corvinus, and was then trying Germany, France, and Italy. He was to receive to raise forces in Germany to win back Austria the bishopric of Gurk in 1491 and’the red hat from the victorious Corvinus.’® Innocent conin 1493. Trithemius has left a glowing tribute tinued his apparently futile efforts to bring to Peraudi’s zeal for justice and contempt for about concord among the Christian princes. worldly goods. Encouraged by Peraudi’s letters He sent an embassy to Charles VIII of France, and Gratian’s report, Innocent stated on 20 and warned him in several letters to compose April (1487) that he was devoting all the his quarrels with Maximilian, pointing out how

revenues of the Roman Church to the crusade, much better it would be to shed Turkish retaining barely enough to support the papal than Christian blood. Charles did not reply.

household, and declared that the cardinals were Bivins of their own accord far more than a tithe of the monograph by Johann Schneider, Die kirchliche of their incomes to the same noble cause.” und politische Wirksamkeit. des Legaten Raimund Peraudi On 13 November (1487) Innocent promulgated (1486-1505), Halle, 1882. Gottlob, loc. cit., dates the bull the bull Universo pene orbi, in which he dilated Universo pene orbi 20 May, 1487, and Pastor, Hist. Popes, upon the seriousness of the Turkish threat to Ma e imisdiates 27 May, 1486, altered to 20 April, 1487, Germany and Italy, affirming his determination may be found in Reg. Vat. 692, fols. 121%-124%, “datum to leave no stone unturned to arouse Chris- Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc. MCCCCLXXXVII, tendom to offensive action. He announced the Idus Novembris, anno quarto,” which makes clear its emperor’s readiness to go on the crusade with Promulgation on 13 November, 1487. The bull contains an the other. kings and princes, and imposed 4 eloquent condempation. of that “son of iniquity and alum- a : : nus of perdition, Buccolino Gazonio [Boccolino Guzzoni},” year’s tithe upon all imperial churches and willing ally of the Turks. Lionello Chieregato and Antonio churchmen. Peraudi and Gratian of Villanova Florez were named collectors of the tithe in French territory

. . er . d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 258. The bull

were named the tithe inthe ind, to's. 123",had are aiveanee Plenary indulgence . ;collectors-general . or serviceofagainst Turks been1grante the bu ne imperial comains, with all the he: need Catholice ‘Ade? on 5 july, 1486 (Arm. XXXII, om. 21,

acu lies and rights pertaining to their func fols. 83*—90', by mod. stamped enumeration), followed by tion.”° a plea for action against the Turks on 6 March, 1487 (ibid., fols. 97°—98*). About seven years later Gratian of TO Villanova was sent by Alexander VI on an embassy to the % Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1487, no. 4, vol. XIX French court (arriving at Tours on 13 January, 1494), but (1693), p. 38la; cf. A. Ciaconius, Vitae et res gestae despite his reputation for diplomatic adroitness he handled

pontificum romanorum, ed. A. Oldoinus, III (1677), col. 172. his mission badly (Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VII en

The pope also noted that the Emperor Frederick could — /talie, pp.-296, 307-9). not embark on a crusade without the co-operation of the 9 Instructiones a S.D.N. ad serenissimum Romanorum regem other kings and princes. He repeated the pledge to devote date Magistro Gratiano de Villanova .. . , in Arch. Segr. all the revenues of the Roman Church to the crusade, Vaticano, Miscell., Arm. II, tom. 56, fols. 132’-136%, dated “vix tenui parte pro nostre familie sustentatione retenta,” 12 April, 1487 (in a seventeenth-century MS. copy). Cf. in the bull Universo pene orbi of the following 13 November Gottlob, Histor. Jahrbuch, V1, 450-51; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,

(1487), in Reg. Vat. 692, fol. 122° (see the following note). ad ann. 1487, no. 5, vol. XIX (1693), p. 381b. Some On 6 March, 1487, an apostolic bull had been issued of years later, on 27 February, 1492, Gratian of Villanova adhortatio contra Turcum (Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 97.- | was granted a pension by the pope for his services,

98‘, by mod. stamped enumeration). “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc. MCCCCL* Adolf Gottlob, “Der Legat Raimund Peraudi,” His- |XXXX primo [O.S.], quarto Kal. Martii, pont. nostri anno

torisches Jahrbuch, V1 (Munich, 1885), 438-39, 450, acritique octavo” (Reg. Vat. 693, fols. 63°-67°).

404 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Conditions in the Netherlands went from bad to _ says that the clergy held meetings to protest the

worse. The rebellious burghers of Bruges took tithe in various places throughout the empire, Maximilian prisoner in early February, 1488; and finally had recourse to the old device of

held in confinement for more than three appealing from the pope ill-informed to a pope months, he sent envoys to the pope, asking’ well-informed.® Innocent had to abandon all for his assistance.*° Frederick prepared for hope of seeing the tithe collected from the military action, and requested ecclesiastical sanc- Germans, who as usual would not willingly pay

tions against the defiant Flemings. Not long their allotted share of the costs for an expediafterwards Archbishop Hermann of Cologne tion against the Turks. After all, they had a first laid Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres under the inter-__ line of defense in the Hungarians, whom they dict.*! As for the pope, he kept crying peace, disliked. But what of France, traditional home

and there was no peace. of crusaders?

On 4 May, 1488, the crusading tithe was In November, 1487, Innocent sent Lionello

imposed upon all officials of the Curia Romana Chieregato of Vicenza, then bishop of Trau without exception, including the cardinals.* (Trogir in Dalmatia), and the papal protonotary The crusading imposition was a failure in Ger- Antonio Florez as nuncios to Paris, where on

many. A year before (on 26 June, 1487), Sunday, 20 January (1488), Chieregato deBerthold von Henneberg, archbishop of Mainz livered an eloquent discourse before Charles (1484-1504), and the electors of Saxony and VIII and members of his court. He held up

Brandenburg had appealed to Innocent for before their eyes the model of their crusadexemption from the tithe to be paid in the ing ancestors and contrasted their own failure

empire, pleading that the German Church to respond to the dire needs of the Church had been ravaged by war and impoverished by and of their Christian neighbors in Italy who extortion. For centuries the German Church lived in constant fear of a Turkish invasion. had been, to be sure, in the hands of noble The news soon came, however, of the Flemings’ families, whose younger sons like vampires had imprisonment of Maximilian and thereafter of been living on the blood and booty of their the interdict laid upon their chief cities, against disheartened flocks. Johannes Trithemius, abbot which Charles protested on the grounds that of the Benedictine monastery of Sponheim, Flanders wasa French fief, and that the Flemings were quite justified in their opposition to Haps-

—_______— burg pretensions.** The anti-Roman faction at 89 In a letter dated at Innsbruck on 12 March, 1488, Frederick indignantly informed Innocent of his son Maxi- =———_____ milian’s imprisonment by the rebellious citizens of Bruges 83 Joann. Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses, 11 (S. Gall,

(A.A., Arm. I-XVIII, 1443, fols. 108’.-109"% by mod. 1690), 529, cited by Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. stamped enumeration): “. . . ipsi Brugenses nescitur quo 1955), 260. On the difficulties of Gratian of Villanova spiritu ducti contra apostoli doctrinam iurisiurandi re- and other collectors and sub-collectors of the crusading ligionem fidelitatem prestitam ac omnes vires equi et tithe, cf. Innocent’s bull of 16 March, 1488, “datum Rome equitatis rationem violentas manus in ipsum serenissimum apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc. MCCCCLXXXVIII, filium nostrum [Maximilianum] iniecerunt ex suoque regali decimoseptimo Kal. Aprilis, [pont. nostri] anno quarto,”

palatio ad quandam privatam domum iuxta sui furoris in Reg. Vat. 692, fols. 226"-228". _ an

libitum deduxerunt et ibidem ipsum in contemptum sacra- 84 Thuasne, Djem-Sultan, pp. 173 ff., 179-94, 211-13;

tissime regalis unctionis misere et ignominiose trac- Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 260-62; Pio tant... .” Frederick informed the pope that his Holi- Paschini, Leonello Chieregato, nunzio d’Innocenzo VII e di ness was bound to favor anointed kings above others Alessandro VI, Rome, 1935, pp. 54 ff. (Lateranum, new and favor even an inferior person of any sort above the _ ser. 1-3). On 3 November (1488) Pope Innocent lifted the rabble, “contra huiusmodi populi nephandos.” He also wrote __ interdict as part of his bargain with the king of France to

to the College of Cardinals (¢bid., fol. 110). secure the person of Jem Sultan. On the mission of 81 Gottlob, Histor. Jahrbuch, V1,451-—52; Heinrich Ulmann, Chieregato and Florez to Paris, see Reg. Vat. 692, fols.

Kaiser Maximilian I., 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1884-93, 1, 19 ff.; 120'-121%, 123’, 125, 146-162, and Reg. Vat. 693, fols. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1488, nos. 1-2, vol. XIX 132'-140", by mod. stamped enumeration. Innocent VIII

(1693), p. 387b. granted Florez a pension on 12 September, 1484 (Reg. 8 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 692, fols. 206'-207', Vat. 700, fols. 27'—29", and Reg. Vat. 720, fols. 285"—287’).

“datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno etc. MCCCC- Cf. also Reg. Vat. 700, fols. 31° ff., 57° ff., 148% ff. LXXXVIII, quarto Nonas Maii, pont. nostri anno quarto,” I have made no effort to record the papal favors bemisdated 6 May (1488) by Gottlob, op. cit., p. 444. But the stowed on Florez, but he received others on 10 December,

collection of all tithes was a source of never ending 1486 (Reg. Vat..719, fols. 747-75", 98'-99") and on 13 frustration to the Curia Romana (Reg. Vat. 692, fols. 22-24, | November, 1490 (Reg. Vat. 751, fols. 223"-224", by mod.

34” ff., 39 ff., 43 ff. etc, 110, 174 ff., 177 ff., etc., stamped enumeration, and cf. Reg. Vat. 752, fol. 162, dated 235 ff., et alibi). 14 November, 1490).

INNOCENT VII AND JEM SULTAN 405 the French court, defenders of the old Prag- for negotiation. To ready speech and a warm matic Sanction of Bourges, was delighted with manner, he added the gentle, courteous per-

the turn of events. sistence of the born diplomat. Within ten days Raymond Peraudi now went to France, where he had helped bring about peace between it was hoped he might effect some measure of Maximilian and the French envoys at the Reichpeace between Charles VIII and Maximilian. stag. From France Peraudi returned to Germany On 21 July (1489) Peraudi wrote the pope that to attend the Reichstag which opened on 6 about 10:00 P.M. the preceding evening “peace

July, 1489, at Frankfurt on the Main. He had been concluded and stipulated by oath, at bore with him a papal brief dated 12 April his own hands as the apostolic nuncio, by Maxtand addressed to all the Christian princes, in milian, most serene king of the Romans, which Innocent re-emphasized the imminence and by the envoys of the French king, to be of the Turkish peril, and warned of the ter- observed in perpetuity between the aforesaid rible increase of Turkish power. He urged the kings.” The articles of peace, Peraudi wrote, princes to send envoys to Rome immediately would be forwarded to Rome as soon as poswith sufficient authority to commit their prin- sible. Peraudi’s letters arrived on Thursday, cipals to a plan for the crusade. There must 30 July, and just before the midday meal were be peace in Europe. Innocent said that not

. : profit.

only was he willing to pledge all the resources §=— Sanudo, op. cit., pp. 236-41, 250, 267, 291, 340, and 7 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, p. 248. esp. pp. 344-45; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 112-13. § Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 265, 267. § Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VII (1888), p. 575. * Sanudo, op cit., p. 231.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 485 would strengthen Sultan Bayazid’s position. nothing better than such an opportunity.” Bayazid was reported to be preparing a great Alexander now added to the fortifications of S. armada of some two hundred sail. Delighted by Angelo. The ditches surrounding the castle the news of his brother’s death, he had ac- were excavated, and “mosaics, pieces of porcorded a Venetian envoy a most cordial recep- phyry and serpentine, ancient coins and other tion, speaking happily of the “bona paxe” beautiful things” were uncovered by the diggers.

between the Porte and the Signoria. When The Tiber was diverted into the ditches, and some of the pashas asked why the Venetians made to flow around the castle. The pope and were also building up a large armada and re- Ascanio Sforza, vice-chancellor of the Church, cruiting stradioti, the envoy remarked that were reconciled. The latter returned to Rome when one’s neighbor’s house is on fire, itis well in March, telling the pope that they should

to have a supply of water on hand." “let bygones be bygones: let us start over again”

The Neapolitan house was on fire, and the (recedant vetera, nova sint omnia). Venetian conflagration threatened to spread. Charles VIII diplomats had helped to bring them together. had issued orders that all naval caulkers and ‘Thereafter Ascanio was often closeted with the joiners in the southern kingdom should come to pope, and discussed with him their current Naples, “because he wanted to have trees cut problems, “especially the league which was being

down and to prepare other things in order to devised at Venice, which was much desired build a very large fleet,” says Sanudo, who also _ by his brother, the duke of Milan, for fear lest

notes that the Genoese were preparing ten he should lose his state.””” galleys for the French king. When the Venetian In Venice in the meantime the French amenvoys in Naples informed Charles of the Turk- bassador Philippe de Commines, the sire d’Arish fleet in the making, he rephed laconically genton, was generally aware of what was tran-

that he would be ready for any eventuality. spiring as he witnessed the arrival of envoys By now Charles had come to distrust the in- sent by Maximilian, Ferdinand of Aragon, and tentions of the Venetians, and rarely granted Lodovico il Moro, but he could learn no details

their envoys an audience.” of the projected alliance. The envoys’ secre-

If there were political fires aglow in Italy, they taries, who could come and go easily, began the were lighting a gloomy sky. There was so much discussions secretly and at night, says Comrain in Venice in March, 1495, that it seemed mines, for the Venetians and the duke of Milan more like the advent of winter than summer. could risk no public exposure of their machiOn the twenty-seventh it snowed. Foreign rela- nations until they could be certain of the final tions reflected the weather. Diplomats discussed conclusion of the anti-French league. The the anti-French league in quiet corners; Alex- Milanese envoys, professing ignorance of what ander VI was very fearful of announcing his was going on, had the effrontery to ask Comadherence to it. The king of France was too mines whether he could tell them the purpose close at hand, and Rome would probably be his of the Spanish and German embassies. When first objective if the pope came out against him. Commines remonstrated with the Signoria conThe Curia Romana was said to be considering cerning the rumors he had heard with respect a possible flight to Ancona. Alexander was loath to the league, the doge told him that he ought to leave Rome, however, and asked the Vene- not to believe what was being said about town: tians and Lodovico il Moro for five hundred

light horse and a thousand infantry for the —

greater protection of the city “and especially ” Sanudo, op. cit., pp. 276-77, and cf. pp. 326-27. There of his own person.” He thought it best not to were always those who like Savonarola and Pietro Dolfin, leave the city, because too many cardinals would general ne the Camaldolest might have seen in the deposi-

+m. ; ion O exander € nrs reat act O at rerorm

hee deposition and clect another ia to declare which the Frateschi expected of Charles VIII (¢. G.

Soranzo, Il Tempo di Alessandro VI Papa e di Fra Girolamo

would probably have been too great for them to Savonarola, Milan, 1960, pp. 18-30 and ff.). Dolfin, however, resist. Indeed Sanudo states that they wanted soon came to believe that Savonarola was going too far in

his attacks upon the pope and the Curia. 8 Sanudo, op. cit., pp. 256-57, 337; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 244, and ed. Celani (in RJSS, XXXII-1), I, 578; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 72’-73" [84%-85" by

10 Sanudo, op. cit., pp. 348-50, and cf. pp. 351, 360. modern enumeration], letter of the Senate to the Venetian

1 Sanudo, op. cit., p. 259. envoy in Milan, dated 11 March, 1495.

486 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT there was freedom of speech in Venice, and the Neapolitan investiture and coronation. S. anyone could say what he wished. The Re- Pol arrived on 28 March. He claimed that the public, Commines was informed, had never king was ready to go on the much-heralded contemplated a league against the king of crusade against Sultan Bayazid, and requested France. The Venetians wanted a league formed the pope to exhort the Italian powers to assist between the king of France and the kings of his expedition. Charles asked that a cardinal be Spain and Germany, together with the Italian sent to Naples to place the crown upon his head, states, “and that it should be directed against as had been promised. Otherwise he might find the Turk.” They complained to Commines, how- it necessary to receive the crown in Rome. ever, of the way in which Charles VIII con- (Charles had already indicated that he would tinued to hold papal and Florentine possessions, like to spend Holy Week in Rome, where he particularly Pisa, for had not Charles often wanted to celebrate Easter.) S. Pol had let it be stated that all he wanted in Italy was the known that, although the king was well aware of Neapolitan kingdom and a basis for operations the negotiations in progress at Venice, he was against Turkey? Yet at that hour he seemed to certain his Holiness would do nothing detribe anxious to seize whatever he could in Italy mental to the king’s interests. and to be making no demands upon the Turk at The pope replied that his response would have all. ‘he Venetians also noted the threat which to be determined after a consistory. According the duke of Orléans and his followers in nearby — to Sanudo, he immediately sought Venetian and

Asti posed for Lodovico il Moro and the Milanese advice as to what that response should Milanese. But they promised Commines they _ be. S. Pol was so insistent upon an answer that would take no diplomatic or other action until the pope summoned a consistory on the twentyhe could communicate with Charles VIII and ninth. The pro-French cardinals were in favor of receive a reply concerning French intentions. acceding to the king’s requests, but there was “De tout advertiz le Roy,” says Commines, “et some objection to the investiture and corona-

euz mesgre responce.”"* tion, since Ferrante II was still within the On his way back to Naples from a mission to boundaries of the Neapolitan realm. Everyone, Florence in search of funds, Guillaume Bri- including the pope, professed joy in the king’s connet, the new cardinal of S. Malo, stopped victory, and praised his announced intention of off at Rome to confer with Alexander VI. Like. going on the crusade: “et zerca a andar contra everyone else engaged in Italian politics at a infedeli,” the pope told S. Pol, “metteremo ogni high level, Brigonnet knew that the anti-French nostra forza.” As for the investiture and the league was being discussed by those who feared coronation, the pope needed to know more the consequences of Charles VIII’s astonishing precisely the terms upon which the king made success. But Briconnet learned nothing from his request. There were of course various Alexander. Less than three weeks after Bri- political problems as well as facts of canon law connet’s departure for Naples, Francois de _ to be considered. The pope was well disposed Bourbon, the count of S. Pol,came to Rome ona _ toward his Majesty. S. Pol might write to the formal embassy from Charles to request again king, and say that the pope would oblige him. There was no need, however, of his coming to

————————-. Rome and indeed, if he did, he might not find

androt, ’ —4VU. fu etaus O ommines mission to 7 oct ’

Mey communes. Momotres, ox Nereis 19, ed. B. de the Curia in the city. Alexander acknowledged Venice in 1494—1495 may be found in Kervyn de Letten- that he was being urged to jom a league being hove, Lettres et négociations de Philippe de Commines, HU formed by the chief powers In Christendom, (Brussels, 1868), 104 ff., esp. pp. 162 ff. (Académie 4a li primi potenti dil mondo, and again requested

Royale de Belgique). that the body of Jem Sultan be sent to him.”

Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, Il, 344 and ed. Gelani, >, During these weeks Rome was marked by dis-

I, 578. On 15 March (1495) Briconnet, having just re- orders. The vagaries of papal policy were

turned to Naples from Florence and Rome, informed the reflected in the streets and public squares. On Venetian envoy Paolo [Domenico?] Trevisan that he knewofthe 1 April (1495) some Swiss mercenaries on their league being formed in Venice, and that “mons. di Arzen-

ton [Commines} etiam ha scritto al Roy ch’é una fama in =———_ Rialto di questa liga” (Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, 16 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 263, 277-79; pp. 262-63). Of course Trevisan denied all knowledge of Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 248, and ed. Celani,

it. Sanudo has described Commines’ audience with the I, 581; and cf. Segre, “Lodovico Sforza... ,” Arch.

Venetian Signoria (ibid., p. 271). stor. lombardo, 3rd ser., XX (XXX, 1903), 401-3, 406.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 487 way home were attacked by the pope’s Spanish supposed to last for twenty-five years, and inguard. About sixteen of them were killed, a cluded five major “Italian” powers—the pope, woman also. Numerous Swiss were robbed of the duke of Milan, and the doge of Venice, their possessions, allegedly by order of Cesare as well as Maximilian, king of the Romans, who Borgia, who was now showing himself openly possessed certain historic rights in the peninin the city, obviously contemptuous of French _ sula, and Ferdinand and Isabella, who exercised

opinion. Rumor had it that Cesare was re- sovereignty over Sicily and Sardinia. The obtaliating against the Swiss because, when Charles _jectives of the league were said to be the preser-

VIII was in Rome, some of the mercenaries vation of peace in Italy, the success of the faith, had seized 800 ducats and various other valu-__ the guarantee of papal and imperial rights, and ables belonging to his mother Vannozza.”’ the protection of the contracting parties against Despite the unrest and the anti-French senti- aggressors, including those then holding states in ment in the Curia Romana, the count of S._ the peninsula. Each member of the league was Pol was probably not entirely prepared for what to furnish 8,000 horse and 4,000 foot in the followed. On 29 March, however, the day after event of need although the pope was to furnish

his arrival in Rome, he had watched the pope a contingent only half as large as his con-

bless the golden rose which, it was announced, federates on whose behalf he would employ his

was being sent to the doge of Venice.’® He _ spiritual weapons. Money or ships might be realized that such a public demonstration of the substituted for troops. Other powers would be pope’s attachment to the Republic boded ill for admitted into the league on the same terms.

the king of France. Maximilian was to be allowed free passage to

Alexander VI had no further need to dis- Rome for his coronation, the Venetians and semble or to spare the sensibilities of the Milanese agreeing to furnish him “going and

French envoy. The formal instrument ofa“Holy coming” with an escort of four hundred menLeague” was signed in Venice on 31 March in at-arms, which meant in fact a cavalcade of the chamber of the ailing doge, Agostino Bar- 3,200 horse.*!

barigo. The envoys of the high contracting Meanwhile, on 1 April, the doge had sumparties had worked until the second hour of the moned Commines, who was lodged on the Isola S. night (about 9:00 P.M.) to give the final touches Giorgio Maggiore. The doge informed him of

to the text and to supervise the preparation of the league, protesting the greatest good will

five official copies of the document: “Von diesem toward Charles VIII. Even as the doge spoke, the

Machtebund,” says Gregorovius, “datiert die bells of S. Marco pealed “in segno de grande Geschichte des neuen Europa.”’® Formation of alegreza.” Sanudo says that Commines was the league was announced in Rome on Saturday, astonished at the news, but stated that he had 4 April, “pro communi Christianorum bene- for some time suspected what was going on, ficio et cura ac totius Italie quiete.”*° It was although he had never really believed that such 7 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 248-49, and ed. 71 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 256, 257-58, Celani, I, 582; cf. Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, p. 270-71, 277, and esp. pp. 283-88; J. Christ. Ltnig,

292. Codex Italiae diplomaticus, | (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1725), pt. 8 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 248,anded.Celani, 1, sect. 1, no. xxiv, cols. 111-18; Malipiero, Annali

I, 581; Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 279-82; veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 333-34, 336-37; Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1_ Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, VI (Venice, 1903), bk.

(1843), 334-36. Occasionally events are given slightly xvii, no. 4, pp. 6-8; H. Ulmann, Kaiser Maximilian

different dates in Sanudo and Burchard: for facts relating J., I, 282-85; Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VIII, pp. to the papal court I usually follow the latter, who was an 590-91; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 465-67, and Gesch. d. eyewitness and participant in most of the events he describes. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 420-21. Beginning on 1 May ‘°F. Gregorovius, Gesch. d. Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, 2nd (1495) Venice took into her employ as a condottiere the ed., VII (Stuttgart, 1873), 378, trans. Annie Hamilton, pope’s son Juan Borgia, duke of Gandia, who however “colle from 4th ed., VII, pt. 1 (London, 1900), 395. The Vene- sue milizie potra stanziare negli stati papali ed ubbidira con tian archival text of the “articles of the league” (capitula esse al papa . . .” (Predelli, Commemoriali, V1 [1903], bk.

ligae), dated 28 March, 1495, may be found in the Sen. xvm, no. 10, pp. 8-9). Venice engaged various other Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 77’—-79* [89*-91']. The Senate re- condottieri at this time (ibid., VI, bk. xvi, nos. 13, 15, joiced in the union of papacy and empire, coniunctis 18, 19). No end of diplomatic dexterity had been necesduobus gladus, against the ambition of the French king _ sary to put together the league, on the formation of which

(tbid., fols. 81¥.-82" [93%—94"]). note Segre, “Lodovico Sforza... ,” Arch. stor. lom*° Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 250, anded.Celani, bardo, 3rd ser., XX (XXX, 1903), 374-78, 384-85, 388-97,

I, 583; cf. Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, p. 288. 399 ff.

488 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT an alliance would actually be formed. When _ servation di stadi,” because they understood that

Commines alluded to the hazards that would the Turk was preparing a great armada.

now beset the king’s homeward march, the doge Charles was almost beside himself with indig-

replied that, if he returned as a friend, he nation: “So they have formed a league because would encounter no trouble. If he returned as__ the Turk is equipping a fleet!” he cried: “Great an enemy, the alliance would be invoked against fear they have of the Turks!” He assailed the him: “But write the king,” he was urged, “that Venetians’ participation in the league as disby joining this league we have had no desire to graceful, and reminded the envoys that he could break the friendship we have with his Majesty. cut off their trade with Flanders if he wished.

Nay, we wish to be good friends, and this Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere tried in vain to league has been formed for the preservation of calm him. Charles would not be calmed: He had our states. . . .°** Commines has himself re- given Perpignan and Elna to the king of Spain; ported his appearance before the Signoria, and he could halt Maximilian in his tracks with a

says that the doge told him the league had single letter; he excoriated the pope and the three purposes: 1) the defense of Christianity duke of Milan, uttering furious threats against against the Turk; 2) the protection of Italy; and the latter. He had been invited by other kings, 3) “la preservation de leurs estatz.”*? This was he said, to join a league; he had never wanted

the old refrain. to do so; now he would look to himself, and Charles VIII was informed of the league by not inform Venice of his decisions. Charles was Domenico Trevisan and Antonio Loredan, standing by a window as Trevisan and Loredan Venetian envoys in Naples, during the late withdrew. He hardly turned to them as they morning of 5 April (1495). They told the king departed, hurrying off to their lodgings to send that the league had been formed “per con- home a request that they might be allowed to

return to Venice.*4 News of the league was simultaneously pub22 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, p. 285. Sanudo dwells lished with th 5 t elaborate festi ne P on Commines’ extreme dejection (zbid., pp. 285~—86), ob- . Isnhec wit! © Most elaborate Testviles a serving that he was particularly bitter against Lodovico il Venice, Milan, and Rome on Palm Sunday, 12 Moro, charging the latter with treachery, for “if it had April (1495).2° The French had reason for not been for him, the king would not have gone into distress but certainly not despair. Whoever had

Italy” (p. 286), Lodovico il Moro for a friend obviously reCommines, Mémoires, bk. vil, chap. 20, ed. B. de Man- red » one

drot, II, 224, and cf. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres QUITed No enemy. Maximilian was also a shaky et négociations, II, 176 ff. On 7 April, Alexander VI sent the following brief relating to the purposes of the league —=————_

to Duke Ercole I d’Este of Ferrara (Arch. di Stato di 4 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 294-95; Delaborde, Modena, Cancelleria marchionale poi ducale Estense, Es- pp. 595-96; G. Soranzo, Il Tempo di Alessandro VI Papa, pp.

tero: Carteggio di principi e signorie, Italia, Roma, 280-81. In May, 1495, the galleys were not sent to Flanders

Busta 1295/10, no. 22): because of Charles’s threat (Sanudo, op. cit., p. 330).

“. . . Quoniam rerum nostrarum successibus nobilitatem *° Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R.-Fulin, pp. 299-306; Malituam .. . plurimum letari non dubitamus, ideo tibiprotua piero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), consolatione significamus pro communi Christianorum 337; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 251-52, and ed. quiete ‘nostraque ac totius Italie tranquilitate nuper initam Celani, I, 583-84; cf. Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, et conclusam fuisse ligam et confederationem inter nos et pp. 146, 147; Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres et négoctacarissimos in Christo filios nostros Maximilianum Romano- tions, II, 179 ff.; Cipolla, Signorie italiane (1881), 11, 720-21.

rum ac Ferdinandum Hispanie reges et Helisabet reginam After the celebration of a public mass in S. Peter’s on illustres necnon nobiles viros Augustinum Barbadico incly- Palm Sunday, the sermon was delivered by Lionello tumque Venetorum dominium ac Ludovicum Sfortiam Chieregato, now bishop of Concordia, extolling the formaAnglum Mediolani duces pro qua gratias acturi omnipo- tion of the league and preaching the necessity of the tenti Deo bonorum omnium largitori ac totius consolationis crusade. Chieregato’s sermon is given in an appendix to et pacis auctori in proxima die dominica celebritatis Sigismondo de’ Conti, Il, 439-44. Chieregato had also palmarum dictam ligam et fedus in ecclesia Sancti Petri given the sermon of 2 February, 1487, before Pope Innoprincipis Apostolorum solemniter in Dei nomine publicari cent VIII and the Sacred College, commemorating the faciemus. Que res cum ad communem letitiam et publicum __ previous alliance of the Holy See with Venice (Sigismondo,

commodum pertineat, hortamur et requirimus nobilitatem I, app., pp. 423-27). On 28 July, 1492, he had delivered tuam ut dicta die factis processionibus et reliquis in huius- the funeral oration on Innocent VIII in S. Peter’s. See modi publica letitia servari solitis idem fedus in locis Pio Paschini, Leonello Chieregato, nunzio, d’Innocenzo VIII e tuo dominio subiectis publice intimari et proclamari di Alessandro VI, Rome, 1935, pp. 49-52, 89, 94 (Lateranum, ignesque et omnia letitie solita signa fieri mandes ut solem- __ new ser., I-3).

nis illa dies agatur et ad omnes federis tam salutaris Here we must note that from 12 April to 10 December, gaudium perveniat. Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum 1495, there is a most unfortunate gap of eight months in

sub annulo piscatoris die VII Aprilis MCCCCLXXXXV, Burchard’s Diarium (cf. E. Celani, ed., Liber notarum [in

pontificatus nostri anno tertio. L. Podocatharus.” RISS, XXXII, pt 1], I, pref., p. xxv).

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 489 ally, as Charles had suggested to the Venetian the news that the Venetians were sending 10,000

envoys. Although as king of the Romans he _ horse and 2,000 stradiots for the pope’s prowanted to receive the imperial coronation at the tection. Rome remained in a turmoil, however, pope’s hands, he was no lover of the Venetians, and the citizens got along badly with the Spanand had proposed to Charles an alliance against iards. Robberies and murders were of daily them the year before. A settlement of the Bur- occurrence. Sensible men did not go about the gundian dispute in Maximilian’s favor would city at night.?’

presumably bring him to the French side in a On 17 May Domenico Trevisan and Antonio hurry. Considering the peril to which the Turks Loredan returned to Venice from their mission

constantly exposed the Hapsburg lands in to the French king in Naples. They reported to central Europe, Maximilian was dedicated tothe the Senate that Charles lacked men as well as crusade, of which French propagandists had money. He had no more than 12,000 horse and

made so much during the whole course of 8,000 foot, not counting about 3,000 Italian Charles’s expedition. The Venetians prepared horse and some other infantry whom he would

for war, “non volendo pero romper alcuna_ have to leave in the Regno. The Neapolitans lianza al Re de Franza.” Charles and his’ were utterly weary of French insolence. Charles advisers had the same point of view. Until they was now anxious to be gone, having loaded had withdrawn safely north of the Alps, they upon his galleys and other ships a “bona parte could see no good reason for manifesting their di le cosse dil castello . . . per mandar in hostility toward Venice. When on 1 May the’ Franza,” including the bronze gates of the Venetian envoys left Naples, Charles very Castel Nuovo and the bronze statue of Alfonso courteously furnished them with an armed es- the Magnanimous. He was much aroused against

cort of a hundred horse because the roads _ the Venetians. Trevisan and Loredan had re-

were unsafe.”® mained in their house from the time the league Charles VIII planned his return march by way was announced until they went to the king

of Rome with 8,000 horse and 4,000 foot, to ask his permission to leave Naples. Alleaving in Naples and the southern kingdom though he gave it readily, his councillors told

5,000 French horse and 4,000 foot as well as them to inform the Signoria that it must

4,000 Italian infantry, which had been recently maintain its alliance with the king, “and that he

recruited for his service. The date for his de- would not have come into Italy if he had not parture was tentatively set as 10 May; he ex- had the alliance [with Venice].” Nevertheless, the pected to be in Rome on the twentieth; and Venetians were now preparing to inflict as great thereafter he would go on to Florence and Pisa. losses as they could upon their erstwhile friend He made an accord with the Genoese, promis- as he tried to return to France.”8 ing them (according to Sanudo) possession of

the French-held towns which had formerly Although the French kept up the pretense

belonged to Florence. of planning a crusade,”’ Sigismondo de’ Conti is Since the announcement of the league Alex- certainly right in emphasizing that after Jem

ander VI had known nothing but anxiety, Sultan’s death, Charles VIII seemed to have despite the constant assurances of the Venetian given up all thought of actually embarking on and Spanish ambassadors. On 4 May he sum- an expedition against the Turks.” Abandoned moned a consistory to consider quid faciendum. by Milan and facing the sudden hostility of The question was whether to await the French Venice, Charles lacked even the means to hold king’s coming to Rome or to seek safety by removal elsewhere. A delegation of some three 27 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 325-28, 336-37. hundred citizens, led by the caporiont or chief On 7 May, 1495, the Senate wrote the Venetian capofficials of the thirteen regions, was admitted to _tain-general of the sea “chel re de Franza par habi in animo

the papal palace. They pledged their fidelity to CO" 700" darme FF when ee ool. da Napo" “ ven

Alexander, whom they offered hostages, but dPReg. vfs Pree EL Oo HON ; el toPontefice” (Sen. Secreta, 35,Secreta fol. Ren 99"38[110"]).

they said they needed arms and bread. Both 28 Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 314, 340-41; Malipiero, Annali the Curia and the citizens were heartened by — veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 339-40.

9 Cf. Delaborde, pp. 598-99. TT 5° Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 112: “Navium, quibus in Epi*6 Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 322 ff.; Delaborde, pp. 596-97. rum traiiceretur, facultatem nullam habebat, et Zizimus, in

Minor acts of hostility to the French were soon evinced by quo maxima spes frangendi Turcorum vires sita fuerat, members of the league of Venice (Predelli, Regestt det morte ut supra demonstravimus [ibid., p. 111, and see

Commemoriali, V¥ [1903], bk. xvit1, nos. 22, 23, 24, 30). above, p. 482] erat subtractus.”

490 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Naples. Although Pastor finds it “incompre- and Milanese troops in northern Italy. On 20 hensible” that he should have wasted precious May (1495) he finally left Naples, to which he time trying to induce the pope to grant him the never returned. Gilbert de Bourbon, count of investiture of the kingdom,” the fact is that he Montpensier, an energetic jouster but a letharwished to commemorate his conquest byas many gic administrator, remained in the city as the political symbols as possible. If the pope would _ king’s viceroy with some 7,000 horse and 5,000 not formally invest him with the kingdom, he foot under hiscommand. About one-third of this would attend to his own coronation which, if it army of occupation was Italian. Charles began suffered the serious defect of papal noncom- _ his northward march with about 12,600 men, of

pliance, would at least signalize the historic whom almost all were ultramontanes.** In a

fact of conquest. consistory of 25 May the frightened pontiff

Charles was crowned king of Naples on 12 decided to leave Rome. On the morning of the May.* Without the consent of the pope, long twenty-seventh he departed for Orvieto, leaving recognized as suzerain of the southern king- the Genoese Antoniotto Pallavicini, cardinal of dom, the brilliant ceremony had no meaning’ S. Anastasia, as his locotenente. The officials

but what force of arms could give to it. A of the Curia remained in the city, while twenty French embassy promised the pope regular pay- cardinals accompanied his Holiness into the ment of the annual census of 50,000 ducats ‘Tuscan hills. When the pope realized how many and even to pay arrears of another 100,000 Venetian horse (Sanudo says about 10,000) were which Ferrante and Alfonso had owed the apparently deployed for action in the areas Church. The envoys, Cardinal de Bilhéres, through which he was traveling, he said: “We Philippe de Bresse, and Francois de Luxem- are worse than women, and if we had known bourg, also informed the pope that the king that so many valiant men were at hand, we wanted to come to Rome “as a good son of should not have left Rome.” The Venetian Holy Church,” to talk with his Holiness— ambassador, who had however urged the pope outside the city if need be—“and that . . . they to withdraw from the city, was pleased by this should reach some conclusions about the expe- recognition of the Republic’s determination to dition against the Turks.” Always seeking to gain fulfill its responsibilities under the league: time, Alexander summoned a consistory on 22. “Beatissime Pater, I have always told your May, and then informed the three envoys that Holiness the truth.” The pope replied, “You are

he would send his own agents to the king, our dearest friend,” and asked the delighted

but that he needed more information and time envoy to ride beside him. The papal entourage

to render his judgment concerning the in- arrived in Orvieto on Saturday, 30 May.

vestiture. Eventually he would give the king his Despite the presence of numerous troops

answer in writing.* around the city, Alexander still felt unsafe, Knowing that the pope would not grant him and now considered going on to Perugia.”

the coveted investiture until the “Greek calends,”

Charles Vii wee concerned about the Oper J, de la Pilorgerie Campagne et bulletins (1866), pp. 279,

OO 605-7.

ations of a Spanish squadron a Sicihan waters 281; Commines, Mémoires, bk. vii, chap. 1, ed. B. de Man-

and fearful of a possible union of Venetian drot, II, 230 ff.; Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp.

356, 606; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 113; Delaborde, pp.

*' Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, WI-1 (repr. 1955), 422, and 3° Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 356-58. On the cf. Hist. Popes, V, 468. On 8 May (1495) Guillaume appointment of Cardinal Pallavicini as legate in Rome during Briconnet, cardinal of S. Malo, came to Rome from the pope’s absence, see Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1495, Naples, “et alozo in palazo dil Papa” (Sanudo, Spedizione, nos. 20-21, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 443-44, where the bull of

ed. R. Fulin, p. 337); he requested the investiture of nomination should be dated “octavo Kal. Iunii” (25 May, Naples for Charles sine praejudicio terctt, which Alexander 1495), Cf. A. Ciaconius, Vitae et res gestae pont. roman.,

VI refused pro nunc (ibid., pp. 338-39, and ¢f. pp. ed. A. Oldoinus, III (1677), col. 130A. (Pastor, Hist.

343, 347). Popes, V, 470-71, and note, was wrong in stating that the ** Notar Giacomo, Cronica di Napoli, ed. Paolo Garzilli, English Cardinal John Morton was appointed legate in Rome

Naples, 1845, pp. 190-91; Delaborde, pp. 602-3. The on this occasion, but the error is corrected in the last French also celebrated their conquests with jousts and German edition, Gesch. d. Papste, vol. UI, pt. 1 [1924, tournaments, which lasted from 23 April to 1 May (Sanudo, _ repr. 1955], pp. 424-25). Cf. Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch.

Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 314-15; Delaborde, pp. 600-2). stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 342, 344; Diario ferrarese, in 33 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 343, 347. Cardinal RISS, XXIV-7, p. 152; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 110°%-

de Bilhéres, de Bresse, and Frangois de Luxembourg 111° [120%—121%], letters of the Venetian Senate dated arrived in Rome on 19 May (ibid., p. 343). On Cardinal 1-4 June, 1495.

de Bilhéres, see below, note 100. Cardinal Antoniotto Pallavicini is buried in S. Maria del

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 491 Great events seemed to be in the making. and Elna), and now added his weight to those Letters from Naples dated 24 May, which ar- opposing the king of France. The Emperor rived in Venice on the thirty-first, confirmed Maximilian, also a newly found friend of Charles VIII’s departure, “et che Napoli resto Charles VIII, was pursuing the same dubious molto povero et quasi ruinato, et li cittadini policy as Ferdinand of Aragon. Come va queste mal contenti.” The French had apparently cosse? The Venetian secretary gave the pashas reached the end of their success. Troops of the stock answer: the allies were only seeking Ferrante II had already landed in Calabria and _ the “conservatione di stadi loro.” The Turks had

retaken Reggio, where some two hundred of course anticipated the reply before they

French were killed. The people of Taranto asked the question. Their purpose was obviously also wanted to surrender, although the local to illustrate the unreliability of the Christian baronage feared Ferrante’s vengeance for their states, even in dealing with one another. The desertion of his cause. He granted them a_ secretary’s report of 12 May shows, however, public pardon; he could always deal with them that Bayazid was still not absolutely sure of later. The French were now withdrawing from Jem Sultan’s death.* Calabria, in flight toward Naples. The Arago- On the unreliability of his erstwhile friends nese reconquest of the southland had begun.°® Charles VIII could have told the sultan a good In the harbor at Brindisi was a Turkish fusta, deal. Charles arrived in Rome on 1 June (1495),

which had brought an envoy of Sultan Bayazid accompanied by Cardinals Giuliano della to offer Ferrante II eighteen thousand troops Rovere, Jean de Bilhéres, and Paolo di Campothen at Valona, whose services were said not fregoso of Genoa. The legate Pallavicini placed yet to be needed. Adversity pursued the French. the Vatican palace at his disposal, observing Venetian naval forces might have acquired all that his Holiness had departed to insure the Apulia at this time, in Sanudo’s opinion, if king’s every comfort and convenience. Charles their commander had been given leave tounder-_ declined the invitation and, after a prayer of

take such an extensive operation.*” thanksgiving before the high altar in S. Peter’s,

In the meantime the vagaries of Christian was lodged in Cardinal Domenico della Rovere’s politics were raising questions in Istanbul, sumptuous palace in the Borgo. (Domenico was where it was only too clear that the Venetian with the pope in Orvieto.) In accordance with league had entirely frustrated Charles VIII’s his earlier promises Charles removed the garrialleged intention of using Naples as his point of | sons from Terracina and Civitavecchia (and he departure for a crusade. The secretary of the needed the troops), but the French garrison was

Venetian embassy at the Porte informed his left at Ostia, undoubtedly at Giuliano della government by letters dated 12 May (1495) that Rovere’s request. Since most of the pope’s the pashas had been asking him how it had Spanish guard had gone with him to Orvieto,

come about (come va queste cosse?) that Lodovico and Charles had kept most of the Swiss out of

il Moro had invited King Charles into Italy the city, the Romans suffered much less from and now joined the league against him. The this second occupation than had been feared. Venetians, who could have prevented his com- On Wednesday, 3 June, Charles attended an ing, had calmly watched him prosper, and now _— early-morning mass in S. Peter’s, took his leave

organized the league against him. The pope had_ of Pallavicini on the steps before the church, declared his friendship for the king of Naples, and resumed his northward march to Baccano, and then granted Charles an uncontested pas- where he spent the night.*® Hoping to confer sage through papal territory. The king of Spain’ with the pope, Charles had sent Perron de

had promised his good faith and peace, for

which he had received two 38counties (Perpignan ~~ Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 374. The Venetian secretary in

rs Istanbul was Alvise Sagundino, on whose presence in

Popolo, in the first chapel on the left as one enters the Venice, see Segre, “Lodovico Sforza... ,” Arch. stor.

church; the inscription on his sarcophagus reads, “Anto- lombardo, 3rd ser., XX (XXX, 1903), 378-79. Sagundino niotus Card. S. Praxedis, mortem prae oculissemper habens, knew the Turks well, and had in fact just gone back to vivens sibi pos[uit] an. MDI.” He died on 10 September, 1507. Istanbul (Segre, Joc. cit.), after having been “noviter 36 Sanudo, Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, pp. 361-62, 372, 377, | retornato da la Porta” on 1 April, 1494 (Arch. di Stato di

415-16 and ff., 430-31, 440, 460-61, 501 and ff.; Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 2” [14¥]). Malipiero, Annals veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 3° Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 365-66; Malipiero, Annali (1843), 352; Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, pp. 153-54, — veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 345, a letter of

a pro-French source. Francesco Guidiccioni, dated at Rome on 8 June, 1495; 37 Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 373. Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 114.

492 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Baschi on an embassy to Orvieto, but the day have retained Sarzana, Sarzanello, and Pietra-

after Perron’s arrival his Holiness set out for santa ‘as a lure to the Genoese populace, Perugia (on 5 June), intending to keep a safe whose co-operation he wanted at this critical

distance from the French.* juncture of French affairs.

On 13 June (1495) Charles entered Siena, Charles VIII left Siena on 17 June, ap-

where Commines awaited him with such infor- pointing his cousin, the young count de Ligny, mation as he had been able to acquire con- as captain-general of the city. On the eighteenth

cerning Venetian intentions. During his four he was at Poggibonsi, where he_ received days in Siena Charles gave his approval toa plan Savonarolaand listened respectfully to the friar’s

to seize Genoa from a pro-Milanese faction solemn warnings of his royal responsibility to headed by the brothers Agostino and Giovanni reform the Church. The next day Charles was

Adorno, who were prepared to aid the French at Castelfiorentino. By this time it was only so long as Lodovico il Moro directed them generally known that a state of war existed

to do so. In view of il Moro’s changed atti- between the French and the members of the tude toward the French, the Adorni were now league. Some ten days before (on 8 June) adleading the Genoese into the Venetian camp. vance units of the French army had sacked Cardinal Campofregoso (or Fregoso) had been the papal town of Toscanella. The Venetians three times doge of Genoa. He was eager for had more than once informed Commines that, an opportunity to turn the tables on the Adorni; if Charles withdrew from Italy as a friend, he

to Charles, Genoa was a necessary link in the would be treated as such. Since the sack of long line of communications from France to ‘Toscanella had apparently taken place in violaNaples. Charles’s need and Campofregoso’s _ tion of Charles’s orders for a peaceable advance, ambition were both frustrated, however,and the it might have been argued that there were Adorni were not dislodged from power until extenuating circumstances.* There had been Charles’s successor seized Milan a few years numerous other incidents, however, and the later.41 The Florentines, almost desperate in Venetians had for some time regarded an open their anxiety to regain Pisa and the various break with the French as inevitable. On 5 June

fortresses which Piero de’ Medici had sur- Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua and

rendered to the French, had already sent envoys husband of Isabella d’Este, had been appointed to Charles. In return for the prompt restora- “governor-general” (governador zeneral) of the

tion of these places the Florentines pledged Venetian forces,** which were now prepared themselves not to enter the anti-French league to attack the French when a favorable opporand to add 70,000 ducats to the 30,000 still tunity presented itself.

owing on the loan they had made him the The opportunity was not long in coming. preceding November. They would also furnish Following the Val d’Elsa to the Arno, Charles him with a condotta of three hundred men-at- entered Pisa (on 20 June), where he remained arms and two thousand foot under the command _ for three days, subjected by the Pisans to constant

of Francesco Secco. Commines thought that the importunities to guarantee their freedom king ought to accept the offer, retaining only against the Florentines.** From Pisa Charles Livorno (Leghorn) until the French army had went to Lucca, where he spent the twentyreached Asti. But a contrary opinion pre- fourth, and then pushed on to Pietrasanta and vailed.” In any event Charles would certainly Sarzana. The king’s councillors were now uncer-

tain what route should be taken northward.

piero, Annali, p. 342. as 40 Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 367, and cf. pp. 401-3; Mali-

“ Cardinal Campofregoso died in Rome on 22 April, 3 Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 386, 403, 426-27; Commines, 1498, not living quite long enough to witness the fall of the Mémoires, bk. vin, chaps. 2-3, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, Adorni (Ciaconius, Vitae et res gestae pont. roman., ed. 241-43. The duke of Orléans’ seizure of Novara from Oldoinus, III [1677], cols. 77-78, and note Philip P. Lodovico il Moro (befere 13 June) had also reduced the Argenti, The‘ Occupation of Chios by the Genoese, 1 [Cam- chances of Charles's being able to withdraw from Italy in bridge, 1958], 260, 263-64, 273-74). Cf. Sigismondo peace (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 121‘, 122‘—123', 136 de’Conti, II, 115; Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 375-76, 396-97, [131%, 132-133", 146]).

400, 413, 429-30, 436, 441, 461-62, 466, and 510-11; *4Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 113° [123"], and cf.

Delaborde, pp. 613-16, 626-27, 657-58. Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 370.

* Commines, Mémoires, bk. vi, chap. 2, ed. B. de 45 Commines, Mém., vu, 4, ed. B. de Mandrot, IIE,

Mandrot, II, 240; Sanudo, Spedizione, ‘pp. 387, 393-94, 244-45; Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 421; J. de la Pilorgerie, 462-63; Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres et négoctations de pp. 303-4; Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VII, pp.

Philippe de Commines, II (1868), 206 ff., 213-14. 620-21. -

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 493 Commines states that at Sarzana for the firsttime Venetians had told Commines that together with

he heard it said that the French would have to the duke of Milan they could put 40,000 men fight a battle with the allies.“° When it was _ into the field. They had not been exaggerating. decided to go down the mountainous Taro val- On the whole the quality of their troops was ley, the army advanced to Pontremoli, where the high. Agents of the Republic had recruited king stayed from 29 June to 2 July. Savonarola’s numerous stradiott from the Morea and Albania.

prophecy that God would conduct the king to Commines has described the stradioti, whose safety seemed to be coming true. Pontremoli muster he had watched on the Lido at Venice. was an important stronghold; the Italian allies They dressed like Turks, he tells us, except should have occupied it with a large force.*” that they did not wear turbans. They were a Charles’s ill-disciplined Swiss sacked the town, hardy lot, and could sleep outdoors at any which belonged to the duke of Milan,* lending season of the year. They rode Turkish horses. additional credence to the charge of cruelty Brave in combat, they took no prisoners, but

which the Italians were now generally making cut off the heads of their captives. Years against the French. The rugged descent of the before, Mehmed the Conqueror had paid them Taro valley led to Fornovo (Forum Novum), on a ducat a head, and (says Commines) “the the right bank of the river,*? near which the Venetians did likewise.” The stradioti, allegedly Italian allies were concentrating most of their unaccustomed to artillery, were shy of cannon

forces. fire, before which they would retreat.*! Sanudo’s The Swiss mercenaries labored over the account makes clear that there were also

mountain passes with the French artillery which numerous stradioti in the Milanese and BoloCharles VIII had wisely refused to abandon = gnese contingents of the allied army.

despite the advice of some of his councillors. The stradioti were the first to strike a blow From the heights looking into the river valley at the French. On 1 July the allied commander Commines says the French could see the Italian Francesco Gonzaga had set up his camp at host, which he estimated at about 35,000 men, Giarola, between Fornovo and Parma. French of whom four-fifths were in Venetian pay.°° The advance units were soon in Fornovo; the stradioti scored two minor successes against them. Gon-

zaga was elated by this apparently auspicious *6 Commines, vu, 5, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 248-49. beginning.” He undoubtedly trusted too much 47 Commines, vin, 6, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 250-51. in the numerical superiority of his forces, but *®Commines, vi, 6, ed. B. de Mandrot, I], 251-52; like all condottieri who served the Serenissima Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 436-37; J. de la Pilorgerie, pp. he was hampered in his preliminary planning

3 Me Sec do. Spedisi ; and movements , Spedizione, pp. 422-23. Commines, vu,by 7, too . . detailed instructions

ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 256-57, notes that Fornovo is from Venice. His opponent, Charles VIII, Spent

at the foot of the mountain (actually high hills) at the the night of 3 July at Cassio, and was at

beginning of a plain: he says that the avarice of the Italians, Terenzo on the evening of the fourth. The next who much outnumbered the French, was so great that they day the French army was descending in battle

awaited their enemy in the plain, lest the French should

be able to escape into the mountains (with the rich order upon Fornovo, efforts having failed to Neapolitan booty they were believed to be carrying), and Negotiate a peaceful passage northward. Owing then fall back upon Pisa, Pietrasanta, and Sarzana. The to the diversion of forces to Genoa, the French environs of Fornovo are illustrated by a map appended to. qjq not number more than ten or twelve B. de Mandrot’s edition of Commines’ Mémoires, vol. HH thousand tired, (1903). Concerning the charge of French cruelty, wemen, may . hungry, and slowed down note that on 15 June, 1495, the Venetian Senate had by a long baggage train. But they had managed written Alexander VI, “Visum nobis fuit atrocissimum tO keep much of their artillery.

et abominabile facinus patratum a Gallis in illis terris On Monday morning, 6 July, envyron sept ecclesie, in quibus depredatis tantam stragem hominum

crudelissime fecerunt . . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol, ————— 123° [133*]). Later, on 22 July, the Senate was to write 30,000 men in the Venetian army alone, on which cf. the Venetian envoy at the Curia, “Quis enim non novit Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), caedes, rapinas, strages, violentias, et inauditas Gallorum 349-51, 354, 357.

crudelitates, potissimum in terris et locis ecclesie per- °! Commines, vill, 7, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 257-58.

petratas . . .” (zbid., fol. 143" (153°). Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 319, 329, had observed Com-

°° Commines, vir, 8, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 261, and mines on the Lido “a veder la mostra di stratioti.” cf. the report of Gilbert Pointet in J. de la Pilorgerie, *? Alessandro Luzio and Rodolfo Renier, “Francesco

Campagne et bulletins (1866), pp. 351 ff., which sets the Gonzaga alla battaglia di Fornovo (1495) secondo i docusize of the Italian forces at 36,000 to about 40,000 men. menti mantovani,” Arch. stor. italiano, 5th ser., VI (Florence, Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 393, 422, says there were more than 1890), 212-16, 231 ff.

494 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT heures, Charles VIII mounted his handsome contained the spoils of Naples), as it moved black horse, a gift of the duke of Savoy, slowly along the hillsides above the combatants and summoned Commines to him. Lacking the on the left bank of the Taro.

build and stance of a warrior, Charles sur- The stradioti, placed on the nearby hilltop of prised Commines that morning: he looked Montebago and instructed to delay their attack splendid and spoke bravely and wisely. Then until the French lines should begin to crumble, Commines recalled Savonarola’s words that God could not abide the thought of missing a share would take the king by the hand and guide him of the plunder. They swept down from their along the road to safety and to honor. Com- eminence upon the baggage train. When loaded

mines had for some time advised the king’s with booty, Italian, Greek, and Albanian alike councillors to try to negotiate rather than fight thought only of getting back across the river to their way out of the difficulty in which they the encampment at Giarola. By an almost infound themselves, and now the king had sum- credible turn of fortune, the Italians were

moned him “to talk if these people want to talk.” themselves in disorganized retreat, racing for the If a free passage were still negotiable, Brigonnet fords over the river or taking their chances by

and Gié were to take part in the discussions. plunging into the swiftly moving waters. The

Commines answered the king: “Sire, I will do it French gave chase all along the embattled bank. willingly, but I have never seen two such great Varlets and grooms, sutlers and cooks finished armies so close to each other go their ways with- off Italian men-at-arms, thrown from their

out fighting!”°* horses amid the rocks and unable to secure a

Although the time was past for talking, Bri- footing in the current. Of the thousands of connet and Commines dictated letters to the Italians who withdrew from the scene of battle, Venetian provveditori in Gonzaga’s camp, some made their way to Parma, others to Reggio stressing the king’s peaceful intents and urging d’Emilia. The French might have converted the

them to come to a parley. The French army Italian defeat into a disaster if they had

crossed the Taro to the left bank (bya ford which pursued them across the river.** But they were remained passable to the village of Bernini) —————— despite the rocks and heavy rains. It was a wise a Commines describes in detail the battle of Fornovo, in

move, Gonzaga's strongly fortified position at pHi Bs pantie (Mii Giarola, on the right bank of the Taro (near and commented on various other sources in his notes).

the road to Parma), became irrelevant. Rather Malipiero has incorporated in his Annali veneti, in Arch. than wait for an attack upon. their well-pre- _ stor. italiano, VU-1 (1843), 356-63, four letters by Venetian pared defenses, the Italians would now have to _ officials who witnessed the battle, one of whom stated that take the initiative across the rocky terrain of the “havemo habudo senza dubio gloriosa vittoria!” The official river. In the area of Fornovo the Taro can be piacer et 1ucundita de animo” for the outcome at Fornovo,

. Venetian reaction, expressed on 8 July, was one of “singular

forded farther downstream opposite Felegara in which Gonzaga had won “immortal gloria . . . per

and, more easily, at Oppiano. By whatever tuto el mondo” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 134” [144”] ff.). fords the Italians undertook to cross the river Both sides claimed victory, and the first (unofficial) news to attack the French, a relentless rain increased Fyancesi” which had even included the capture of Charles the difficulties of their offensive with each yyy (Malipiero, op. cit., p. 355). Sigismondo de’Conti, II, passing hour. But attack they didina murderous 116-26, gives a full account of the battle, as do Paolo mélée, riding and wading through water up to Giovio, Hist. sui temporis, u, in Opera quotquot extant omnia,

their midriffs. For a brief while it looked as Basel. 1578, pp. 64-76, and of course Marino Sanudo,

5 . Spedizione, ed. R. Fulin, esp. pp. 446-56, 464-66, 473-82,

though Gonzaga S assurance of victory would be 535-37. Cf. A. Desjardins, Négociations diplomatiques de la jusufied. The heavy rains were diminishing the = France avec la Toscane, I (1859), 624-27; J. de la Pilorgerie, effectiveness of the French artillery. At a critical pp. 321-61, esp. the letter of Gilbert Pointet dated at Asti

point in the battle, when persistent attack 0 !5 July; Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, pp. 159-60.

There is a well-written (but unduly pro-French) account of

would probably have overwhelmed the French, events at Fornovo in Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VIII,

Gonzaga’s light horse and infantry left the pp. 634-47, but see esp. A. Luzio and R. Renier,

Italian knights and men-at-arms the task of “Francesco Gonzaga alla battaglia di Fornovo,” Arch. stor. crushing the enemy, and headed for the baggage Haltano, on ser., VI pair 20826, with numerous docu:

train (which they had been encouraged to believe (pp. 31 3-19) In July the Tar se have been easy

—_— to cross at almost any point, but the heavy rains had pro53 Commines, Mém., vu, 10, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, duced strong currents which were rendered even more 267 —68. treacherous by alternate stretches of sand and rock.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 495 tired, and the way to Asti lay open..Although with the allied Italian command,°? the French neither side had succeeded in destroying the army went by way of Borgo S. Donnino and other, the French had won. However, when the Fiorenzuola, over the Trebbia above Piacenza and

French pushed on to Asti in a haste that re- past Castel S. Giovanni and Tortona, through sembled flight, the Italians could well believe the Lombard plain on a seven days’ march of themselves the victors. The French treasure had _ eighty miles to the safety of Asti, where they been looted, and Gonzaga, who was not yet arrived on 15 July.® On the sixth, however, the thirty, gained a great reputation as a brave and__very day of the battle of Fornovo, Ferrante II resourceful soldier. Mantegna painted his Virgin had appeared in the harbor of Naples aboard of Victory, now in the Louvre, to celebrate ship in a Spanish fleet, “volendo ritornar nel Gonzaga’s alleged success on the banks of the Regno.” On the following day he entered the city Taro. Gonzaga was able to say that he had and lodged in the Castel Capuano although the

freed Italy and redeemed the honor of his French still held the Castel Nuovo, the Castel

countrymen.” On 24 July the Venetian govern-_ dell’Uovo, and a number of other strongholds in

ment promoted him from “governor” tocaptain- the city. At the same time the Aragonese general of all the forces of the Republic,°° and banners were raised in Capua, Aversa, and elsepoets of the day extolled his performance at where. The French conquest was being rapidly Fornovo with a patriotic verve such as had rarely undone.”

been felt in Italy since the time of Petrarch. In mid-July the Genoese, rejecting the appeal of Cardinals della Rovere and Campofregoso, Some days after the battle of Fornovo the captured the French fleet carrying some of the Ferrarese diarist recorded in his chronicle that spoils from Naples. Thus the famous bronze the news had come to Ferrara of how the Vene- doors of the Castel Nuovo, said to have cost tians had been celebrating the rout of their own 20,000 ducats, were recovered,” for the Genoese forces. According to him, they wanted to make later returned them to Ferrante, who restored their subjects believe that the Republic’s effort them to their sockets, where they may still be against the king of France had been successful, seen (now bearing, however, the marks inflicted

their usual practice being to greet losses and by Gonsalvo de Cordova’s gunners during the bad news with bonfires, bells, and festivals.5”7 siege of Naples in 1503). On 17 July (1495) The diarist shared the pro-French or rather anti- Charles VIII left Asti, and divided his time for Venetian sentiments of his master, Duke Ercole the next two months between Chieri and Turin.

d’Este. Fornovo had been reported at Venice as Charles now found an apparent ally in the a victory, and was officially so regarded.*® After Florentines, however, to whom by an agree-

further attempts on Commines’ part to parley ment reached at Turin on 26 August he re-

stored Pisa and Livorno. He also granted them ——___ Sarzana, Sarzanello, and Pietrasanta, with the 5 Cf. Gonzaga’s letters of 12 and 16 July, 1495, to proviso that if the Genoese accepted French

Cardinal Ippolito d’Este and Elisabetta of Urbino, in Luzio suzerainty within two years, the Florentines ane Arch. stor. Madonna tahano, VI (1890), 223-4, and note |.cf., weretbid., to surrender n Renter, Mantegna’s della Vittoria, pp. .these places “into the king’s 226-27. The small church in which the painting once hung hands that he May give them to the Genoese, has been secularized, but may still be found in presentday Mantua at the corner of the Via Madonna della Vit- §=————————

toria and the Via Domenico Fernelli. When I last saw it 59 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. 136%, 142, 143” [146y, (in 1970), it housed a workshop. Facing the Via Fernelli,a 152°, 153°], where of course Commines is referred to as side portal is framed by a fine ogival arch. The painting, “Monsignor de Argenton.”

which celebrated the alleged Italian victory over the 6° Commines, Mém., vin, 13-14, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, French in 1495, was lost to Napoleon’s troops in January, 287-98, with notes; Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 487-89, 1797, during another French invasion, on which see Ales- 506-8; Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, p. 161; Des-

sandro Luzio, “La‘Madonna della Vittoria’del Mantegna,” jardins, I, 626; Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VIII, pp. Emporium, X (July—Dec., 1899), 358-74, with several un- 652-57.

published documents. 5! Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 501-3, 517 ff., 530 ff., 572 ff.;

*6Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 1447 [154°]; Malipiero, Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 Annal veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 372; (1843), 367, 372; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 130; Sen.

Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 527. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 1417 [151°].

*’ Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV, pt. 7 (Bologna, 1933), *® Cf. Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 510: “. . . le porte enee di

p-58 161. Castelnuovo di Napoli, le qual costono ducati 20 milia, ut Cf. Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriali, V1 (1903), bk. dicitur. . . .”

XVII, no. 32, p. 13. 8 Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VIII, pp. 657-58.

496 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and in compensation he promises to give the to these very days. . . . We have been ill content with Florentines other lands closer to their own and __ the shedding of blood. Here nothing less has been to bring about friendship between Genoa and reported than that there have been bonfires of joy in Florence.” Otherwise after two years Florence Rome, [with some people] believing that we were might retain the towns with their fortresses. dead or taken a prisoner to Milan or Venice.

The Florentines were bound to pay the king, The king had also been informed that the pope within twenty-four days, 30,000 ducats still and some of the cardinals were sending men and owing from the convention of November, 1494, money to help Ferrante II in Naples. His HoliThey were also to grant the Pisans a general ness would do well to contemplate the advanamnesty, loan the king another 70,000 ducats for tages of neutrality. Charles wrote that he inthe period of one year, and furnish him with tended to preserve his kingdom of Naples and two hundred and fifty men-at-arms “per soccorso _ so to increase his strength as entirely to frustrate

delle genti francesi [che] sono nel regno di the evil intentions of his enemies. If bloodshed

Napoli.” lay ahead, Charles regretted it “with all his In the meantime Alexander VI had returned _ heart:” he would rather turn his arms against the

to Rome on 27 June with twenty-one cardinals, Turks.°® Such communications had no effect enthusiastically welcomed by the populace.” He upon the pope, who on 8 September wrote the

soon forbade the Florentines to join any al- Florentines of the restraints he had imposed liance with Charles VIII, whom he had already upon the king of France, called upon them to threatened with excommunication on 5 August. rescind their pact of 26 August, and reminded Detailing the offenses committed by the French them of the necessity of Christian union “be-

in Italy, the pope reminded Charles of the cause of the danger of a Turkish attack upon grievous loss which the Christian cause had us” (ob Turcarum in Christianos invasionis perisuffered in the death of Jem Sultan, qui manibus culum). If the Florentines persisted in their tuis pert, and charged the French with worse alliance with the French, however, his Holiness conduct than that exhibited by the Goths in warned them they would incur the penalties of their invasion. He commanded the king and his_ excommunication and an interdict to be laid followers to lay down their arms and promote upon all their territories.® peace in Christendom.” On 21 August Alex- However boldly Charles VIII might proclaim ander sent the doge of Venice a laudatory his intention to reconquer Naples, his presence brief: the Venetians had won immortal fame by was badly needed in France, which was now their heroic liberation of Italy from French threatened by qa double attack from Germany oppression.*” On the same day Charles VIII and Spain. Thousands of Swiss mercenaries wrote the pope from Chieri that he was directing were recruited in the cantons with the aid of the castellan of Ostia to refrain from inter- Florentine money and other inducements. On 9 fering with shipments of food up the Tiber, of October (1495) the worried Lodovico il Moro which the pope had complained. He observed accepted a treaty of peace with Charles, largely

that the French victory at Fornovo had been negotiated by Commines, who loved secret

the work of God, parleys. Lodovico recognized French suzerainty

who knows well that our intention was to proceed OV€T the Milanese fief of Genoa, and promised to against the Turks for the increase and exaltation of allow free passage to limited numbers of French

the faith and Holy Church, had it not been for the troops through Milanese territories to help

machinations and evil spirits which have impeded us Charles preserve his hold on Naples. If Venice

not subscribe to the treaty, Lodovico was OT to furnish five hundreddidmen-at-arms for service

. ’ . € orentines I not receive Sarzana, ° *

” pegarans Négociations, L 626-88: Sanudo, Spedizione > with the French against the Serenissima. Novara

Sarzanello, and Pietrasanta, owing to the French com- was to be restored to Lodovico in return for mandant’s violation of the king’s pledge (Commines, vill,

21, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 343-45, and cf. Sen. Secreta, © —______

Reg. 35, fols. 158%, 171° [168%, 181°]). 8 Letter, “data a Quier die 21 Augusti 1495,” in Sanudo, 8 Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 439; Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Spedizione, pp. 579-81. On the rumor of the king’s death,

Arch. stor. ttatiano, VUI-1 (1843), 352. dangerous for the French cause in Naples, cf. Commines, 86 Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 Mém., vu, 15, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 303-4. (1843), 383-89; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 131-41; Sanudo, 6° Papal brief, “datum Romae sub annulo piscatoris die

Spedizione, pp. 546-47. octavo Septembris 1495,” in Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 584-

87 Malipiero, op. cit., pp. 391-93. 86.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 497 an indemnity of 50,000 ducats to Louis d’Or- especially from Monopoli, on the Adriatic coast,

léans, who had held the city since June.”” which the Venetians had seized from the

Charles agreed not to support Louis’s claim to French) as well as to guarantee that Ferrante the Milanese duchy. Throughout almost three II should not be recognized as a member of weeks of negotiations the Venetians had wanted the league. Going by way of Milan, Commines to preserve the league and have the Neapolitan arrived in Venice on the evening of 4 November, question adjudicated by the pope, the emperor, accompanied by a retinue of ten persons. The and the king of Spain. (Small chance Charles Signoria had directed various patricians to meet VIII would have had with that trio of judges!) him, but few came, the others pleading the lateThe Venetians were willing to accept French ness of the hour.” suzerainty over Naples, which Ferrante II might Commines was lodged on the Salizzada S. recognize by an annual payment. (But of course Moise, in the house of Matteo Barozzi, just west

Alexander VI was suzerain of the Neapolitan of the Piazza S. Marco. He was received by kingdom, and for generations the annual census the Signoria on the morning of the seventh. had been paid to the pope.) The Venetians ‘The old doge, Agostino Barbarigo, observed, were allowed two months to accept the terms of “My lord, you have lost weight!” Commines the treaty. Although the allies had claimed that replied, “Most serene prince, the trials of war the league of Venice was not specifically di- have done it, and besides, when I was here berected against the French king, everyone knew fore, it was your lordships’ hospitality which that its purpose had been his expulsion from maintained my good appearance.” He then exItaly. Lodovico’s desertion of his allies was a_ plained that his royal master wished to be at shattering blow to the league. The Spanish am-__ peace with the Venetians; however, he wanted bassador was disgusted; in Venice Lodovico was them to send no further aid to Ferrante II, for castigated as a traitor. He advanced various the French intended to reconquer the kingdom sophistical arguments in his own defense, as- of Naples. Commines had to wait two weeks for serting that he was going to Venice personally his answer, during which time he took note of

to vindicate his honor.” three days of general processions, almsgiving, After vainly trying to arrange an interview and public sermons whereby the Venetians

with Lodovico il.Moro, Charles VIII began his sought divine aid in making the right decisions. return to Lyon on 15 October. Before his de- He was impressed by the apparent general piety,

parture, however, he sent Commines back to “and in truth [Venice] seems to me the most Venice to secure the withdrawal of the Republic’s reverent city that I have ever seen in ec-

forces from the kingdom of Naples (and clesiastical matters. . . .” The churches were

well adorned and equipped, “and in this respect I a7°regard [the Venetians] as quite equal to the Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 621, and not 500,000 ducats, as Romans, and I believe that the grandeur of their stated by Delaborde, Expédition de Charles VIII, p. 670. Cf. Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 142, and Kervyn de Lettenhove, § ——————_—

Lettres et négociations, 11, 227-31. ” Commines had been very active and in constant touch

“% Commines, Mém., vit, 16—18, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, with the Senate before coming to Venice (Sen. Secreta,

314-29; Sanudo, Spedizione, pp. 608-27; Malipiero, Annali Reg. 35, fols. 169°, 170%, 171¥-172", 173", 174", 174-175" venett, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 395-97. One of and ff. [179¥, etc.], docs. dated September, 1495, and fols. the articles of 28-31 March, 1495, establishing the leagtie 191% [201°] ff., 195’—-196" [205"-206"}, dated 2-8 Novemfor the preservation of the status quo in Italy, was to the _ ber, giving the time of Commines’ arrival and reception by

following effect: “. . . Si forte occurreret, quod Deus the Senate “heri mane” [of the seventh]); Kervyn de avertat, quod ad bellum deveniretur, non possit quovis Lettenhove, Lettres et négociations de Philippe de Commines, It

modo fieri pax nisi cum scientia sociorum et cum reser- (1868), 234 ff., and III (1874), 98-99; Commines, Mém., vatione et sine praejudicio presentis confoederationis et vin, 19, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 332; Sanudo, Spedizione, ligae” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 78% [90%], article no. p. 651. Charles VIII arrived back in Lyon on 7 November, vil, Lunig, Codex Italiae diplomaticus, I, pt. 1, sect. 1, no. 1495, taking up residence in the archiepiscopal palace near xxiv, col. 113). The intent of the statement was quite the church of S. Jean, remaining until 9 February, 1496. clear: if war occurred, peace should be made only with the He presented to the churches of Lyon the pieces of common consent of the allies. But the critical phrase em- artillery he had captured in Italy in order to have bells ployed was scientia sociorum, as Lodovico il Moro informed made of them. Sigismondo de’Conti, II, 142, says of Charles the Spanish ambassador, not consensu sociorum: “Et mostrato “in regnum suum septimo Idus Novembris [the seventh]

ditto capitulo el Duca a l’ambassador, disse: el dice saputa, sese recepit,” which the editors, loc. cit., incorrectly transnon dice consultatione: lo ho za scritto a la Majesta dil - late “il dodici di novembre!” On the Venetian retention of Re vostro . . .” (Sanudo, op. cit., pp. 608-9). Such were the |Monopoli, note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 147° [157°]; Reg.

difficulties of dealing with Lodovico il Moro. 36, fol. 70° [82"]; and Reg. 38, fols. 174 [183], 200” [209%].

498 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Signoria proceeds therefrom. . . .” Asthe days his conference with the doge, Commines left passed the Venetians hoped to learn that the Venice to go by way of Milan over the Alps to Aragonese forces had captured the Neapolitan Chambéry and thence to Lyon, where he arfortresses then under siege. On 17 November rived on 12 December to make his report to Commines was .invited to hear the Signoria’s the king. Charles VIII’s expedition was over, answer, “qui fut de refux de toutes mes de- a memorable chapter in both French and Italian mandes,” to the effect that the Venetians had . history. Although Charles dreamed and spoke no war with the king of France: what they had constantly of his intention to retake the kingdone, was merely to aid their ally, the duke of dom of Naples from Ferrante, he never reMilan, whom the king had wanted to destroy. turned to Italy. The Aragonese reoccupied the Privately the doge renewed to Commines the Castel Nuovo on 8 December, 1495, and the old offers that with the pope’s permission Castel dell’Uovo on 17 February following. Ferrante should do homage to Charles VIII for Ferrante died on 6 October (1496), and his the southern kingdom and pay Charles an an-_ uncle Federigo, prince of Altamura, succeeded nual cens of 50,000 ducats, which sum the him as king of Naples.” As the months dragged Venetians themselves would advance. As surety on, the French were obliged to surrender one for such a loan to Ferrante, they would retain place after another, but it was not until 18-20

the ports they then held in Apulia such as January, 1497, that they gave up Taranto to

Monopoli, Brindisi, Otranto, Trani, and some _ the officers of the new king who, however, from

others. the day of his coronation was harassed by the According to Commines, the doge assured disaffection of certain of his magnates.

him that Don Ferrante would grant Charles As though the difficulties of the French insome place in Apulia (presumably Taranto . vasion had not been harassment enough for which the French still held) as his point of Alexander VI, natural forces added the terrible departure for the expedition against the Turks, inundation of Rome on 4—6 December, 1495.

“dont le Roy avoit fort parlé quant il entra en The Tiber overflowed its banks to reach the

Ytalie, disant que a ceste fin faisoit ceste entre- disastrous levels still recorded by an inscription

prinse. . . .” Commines describes the doge’s on the facade of S. Maria sopra Minerva and

alleged proposals as a grievous display of by markers still exhibited in the Castel S.

hypocrisy, “for it was a lie, and one cannot hide Angelo.” At least there was no alarming news

his thoughts from God.” The doge had not finished. He assured Commines that if the —-—W¥— French king went on the crusade, all Italy | ™Commines, Mém., VIII, 19-20, ed. B. de Mandrot, H, would contribute to his effort, the king of the 334-39; Sanudo, Spedizione, p. 656, Malipiero, Annali Romans would fight at his side, and Venice venetit, in Arch. stor. wahano, VII-1 (1843), 403, 406; Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres et négociations, I1, 239-40,

would herself supply one hundred galleys and 31.4 i11, 100-101. Sigismondo de’Conti, II, 15] ff., devotes

five thousand horse.” Publicly the doge stated the first half of the twelfth book of his Historiae sui

that, having apprised the members of the league temporis to the Aragonese reconquista of the Neapolitan of the purpose of Commines’ mission, the SB Senudo Diarii, I, cols. 344-56; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Venetian government would have to await the Thuasne, II, 335, and ed. Celani, I, 645. In July, 1496, advice of the several allies. Immediately after Charles VHI was gathering a fleet “pour le fait de nostre royaulté de Naples” (J. de la Pilorgerie, Campagne et

TT VI, bk. xvi, nos. 78-79, p. 25).

bulletins, pp. 473-74, and cf. Predelli, Regestz det Commemoriah,

73 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 198% [208%], dated 17 Novem- 7° Cf. the interesting letters sent from Rome by two

ber, 1495; Commines, Mém., vi, 19, ed. B. de Mandrot, Venetians on 4 and 8 December, 1495, in Malipiero, HI, 333-34, with notes; Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 409-15, et négociations, 11, 234-37; Delaborde, pp. 672-73. On 5 summarized in Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), November the Venetian Senate had decided to send troops 429-32, with refs. to other sources; Burchard, Diarium, ed.

and 10,000 ducats to assist Ferrante in Naples (Sen. Thuasne, II, 252-58, and ed. Celani, I, 584—88, esp. the Secreta, Reg. 35, fol. 194° [204°]; Sanudo, Spedizione, note on p. 585; cf. Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 271, of p. 652). Ferrante ceded Venice the Apulian ports on 2! © slight value; Diario ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, p. 166, which

January, 1496, to secure the continued assistance of the observes that the Tiber flood reached eighteen cubits, Venetians (Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, “pit che mai facesse;” Luca Landucci, Diarto fiorentino, ed.

VII-1 [1843], 418-22, and Marino Sanudo, J Diarii, vol. 1. del Badia, Florence, 1883, p. 120, trans. Alice de Rosen I, ed. F. Stefani, Venice, 1879, cols. 12-15). Cf. Predelli, Jervis, London and New York, 1927, p. 98; A. Ciaconius, Regesti det Commemoriali, VI (1903), bk. xvim, nos. 38-39, Vitae et res gestae pont. roman., ed. A. Oldoimus, III

pp. 16-17. On what remained to the French of their (1677), col. 164D. The “idrometro” on the south face of conquest of southern Italy in April, 1496, cf. Sanudo, the church of S. Rocco also records the height of the

Diarzi, I, cols. 132-33. flood of December, 1495.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 499 from the East, and no cause to worry about western Mediterranean. From the diplomatic the Turks, whom the pope had come to look correspondence collected by the indefatigable upon almost as allies during the French in- Sanudo we know of Charles VIII’s preparations vasion. When the Venetian secretary Alvise (or lack of them) for his return to Italy; the Sagundino had returned from Istanbul, he Venetians’ recruitment of stradioti at their varibrought the reassuring information that al- ous stations in the Morea; the futile expedition though Sultan Bayazid II had an income of of Maximilian I into northern Italy; the desire 2,400,000 ducats, he spent all his money main-_ of the citizens of French-held Taranto to surtaining separate courts for his six or seven sons render to Venice—or to the Turk;* the return

and eight sons-in-law. He reported that the Con- home of two Venetian citizens of the Zorzi family

queror had left Bayazid a vast treasure, but who had been enslaved as boys when the Turks that he was a peaceful man, whom his pashas_ took Negroponte twenty-six years before (in had to urge to make war.” Although it is easy 1470);8* and, as almost always, the Turkish raids

to find in contemporary texts the usual state- and Christian counter-attacks on the Hunments of the Turkish menace, there was little garian front. fear of the crescent in the West at this time, Alexander VI’s unsuccessful war against his “car le Turc qui regne est de petite valeur.””° old enemies, the Orsini, in which he managed only to secure his hold over the castle towns of It was just as well. Alexander VI was too Anguillara and Cerveteri, did not add to papal much preoccupied with re-establishing his own _ prestige.** He had tried to expropriate some of position to worry about the Turks. According to Sanudo, he spent 80,000 florins on the forti- 81 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 367, 376-79, 380, 382-83, 400, fications of the Castel S. Angelo. He was short of 410-11,420-21, 441-42, 447, 454, etc. Three-fourths of the funds and was deriving no income from France, population of Taranto were said to be Slavs, Albanians, but remained firm in his alliance with the league and Greeks, the rest native Tarentines or Aragonese (tbid.,

of Venice,”® for the great fear was always that I, 377). me Venetians regarded a inclnatione [che] : 80 Regi;back. monstrano haver etTarentini de darse a Turchi” “pernitioCharles VIII was going to come C§in- sissima supramodum detestanda,” as theasSenate wrote ning with the year 1496 the extraordinary their provveditore in Monopoli on 1 October, 1496 (Sen. Diarit of Marino Sanudo inform us in al-_ Secreta, Reg. 36, fol. 70° [82")). The Senate was willing, most incredible detail concerning the affairs of however, to receive the Tarentine envoys who were ex-

ll Ital d indeed of fF W pected to come to the lagoon to offer their city to the

ail Italy and indeed Of most of Europe. WE Republic (ibid., fol. 77° [89"]), and did in fact receive them

learn of the dispatch of Turkish envoys tO with “summa benivolentia et amicitia,” but put off their Naples, Milan, and Venice, and the activities of offer to submit to Venetian rule with a rather vague answer. Turkish corsairs from the Archipelago to the The Senate finally suggested that the Tarentines seek reconciliation with the king of Naples, which appeared to render the envoys desperate. The whole affair caused prolonged and apparently excited discussion among members of the

% Sanudo, Diari, I, 397-400, gives somewhat conflicting Senate ‘ob incomparabilem magnitudinem potentie details, and dates Sagundino’s report to the Venetian Turcorum incredibilemque facilitatem medio Tarenti inSenate on 2 December, 1496, also noting “che ancora vadendi et occupandi totam Italiam, a quo succederent non dubita [el Signor turcho] di Giem sultam suo fradello, solum infinita mala et incommoda, sed etiam certissimus et voria el suo corpo volentiera.” Cf. Malipiero, Annali interitus reipublice Christiane!” (fols. 81°-83', 86-89’, venett, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 147, who dates 91'-95" [93° ff.], with quoted text on fol. 83%). Everyone reSagundino’s report [the same one?] to his return from an called the Turkish occupation of Otranto in 1480-1481. The

earlier mission on 9 November, 1495. Malipiero gives problem which the Senate faced, disappeared in January, Bayazid’s income as 2,200,000 ducats, and says he had six 1497, however, when the Aragonese acquired Taranto sons and seven sons-in-law, “cadaun de i quali tien corte (Sanudo, Diari, I, 498-99), to the obvious dismay of many

separada.” a Tarentine.

Sagundino was given a commission for one of his several 8 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 379. embassies to Istanbul on 30 May, 1496 (Sen. Secreta, 83 Tbid., I, 199, 295. The Hungarians and Poles made a

Reg. 36, fols. 27’—28* [39°—40* by mod. enumeration]), and _ truce with the Porte in January, 1497 (ibid., I, 552, and cf.

was soon on his way back to Istanbul (cbid., fols. 99° ff. col. 800), but in April, 1498, the report reached Venice of

[111* ff.]). He knew the Turks well, having served on’ a league formed against the Turks by the Poles, Hun-

previous missions to the Porte (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 35, fols. garians, Bohemians, and Russians (ibid., I, 950). 2¥ [14” by mod. enumeration], 87, 11’—12', dated April to *4 Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 165-72; Malipiero, Annali

June, 1494, and cf. above, note 38). venett, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 484-85; Sanudo, 78 Commines, Mémoires, bk. v1, chap. 5,ed. B. de Mandrot, Diarii, 1, 447, 472, 478, 483-84, 506-7, 547; Burchard,

II, 127, and cf. chap. 17, pp. 201-2. Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 355, and ed. Celani, II (1911-42,

79 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 6. unfinished), 15 [=RISS, XXXII, pt. 1]; Guicciardini, Storia

°° Cf. the pope’s brief of 4 September, 1496, to the d'Italia, III, 5, ed. G. Rosini, I (Paris, 1837), 446-51. Peace doge of Venice, in Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 295-99. The French was made between the pope and the Orsini on 5 February,

still held Ostia (zbid., col. 297). 1497.

500 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT their chief possessions in order to give them dinner had probably been given in honor of his

to his favorite son, Juan Borgia, duke of brother Cesare, who was soon leaving for Gandia. On 9 March (1497), however, the Span- Naples. Suddenly bidding Cesare goodbye when ish captain Don Gonsalvo Fernando of Cordova they had reached their father’s former palace

succeeded in forcing the French to surrender [the present Palazzo Sforza-Cesarini on the Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere’s fortress at Corso Vittorio Emmanuele], Juan departed with Ostia, which made the shipment of food up the a masked man (facie velata), who had been Tiber both less expensive and less hazardous.” calling on him almost daily at the apostolic The pope had deprived Giuliano of his bene- _ palace for the past month. Cesare watched Juan fices “come nemicho di la sedia apostolicha,’ disappear into the gathering dusk. Obviously he

says Sanudo, without the consent and despite intended to keep some sort of assignation

the opposition of the College of Cardinals. His (alibi solatti causa), presumably a clandestine brother Giovanni della Rovere, from whom the love affair. That was the last time Juan was

pope was still trying to collect the 40,000 seen alive by either family or friends. His ducats taken from the Turkish envoy, was failure to return during the course of the foldeprived of his title of prefect of Rome.*’ lowing day, Thursday the fifteenth, spread consternation throughout the Vatican palace. As evening began to fall on Wednesday, Burchard says the pope was “omnino con14 June (1497), the pope’s son Juan Borgia, tristatus ac totis visceribus commotus,” oversecond duke of Gandia and captain-general of _whelmed with worry and sick at heart.

the military forces of the Holy See, who on the ____S

seventh had added to his titles and POSSES~ Jost (Gesch. d. Papste, 11-1 [repr. 1955], 327, note 1), was sions the newly created duchy of Benevento _ found toward the end of 1947 during certain work of restoand the cities of Terracina and Pontecorvo,® tation being carried out in the basilica of S. Marco in Rome. left a dinner for family and friends given by Her burial stone had been used, face down, as a paving

hi her V de’ C inh . d block, probably from the middle of the seventeenth century. is mother Vannozza de . atanel In her var The bronze filler had been gouged out of the lettering,

near the church of S. Pietro in Vincoli.? The — which was somewhat defaced in the process. The stone has now been cleansed of the adherent mortar, and set up on the

OO right wall of the portico of S. Marco. 85 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 465-66, 507, 522, 527-28, 539, 547, Vannozza was buried (in 1518) in S. Maria del Popolo, 555-56, 561, 569-70; Diario ferrarese,in RISS, XXIV-7, p.171; | but her monument (like scores of others) was removed in

Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, II, 358-59, anded. Celani, the reconstruction of the latter church. Her children are II, 18-19. Don Gonsalvo resented the figurehead command listed in the order of their birth, as usual in such inscripof the pope’s son Juan Borgia, the duke of Gandia, to _ tions, and the text makes clear that Cesare was the eldest.

whom precedence was accorded in court ceremonies Her funerary inscription had been published in Vincenzo (Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 360, and ed. Celani, — Forcella, Iscrizioni delle chiese e daltri edificii di Roma dal II, 19). The fortress at Ostia remains in an excellent state — secolo XI fino ai giorni nostri, 14 vols., 1869-84, I, no. 1276,

of preservation. On the composition of the army of Don p. 335, from a copy made in 1576. It has been reprinted, Gonsalvo [Gonzalo Fernandez de Cérdoba], see PaulStewart, with corrections, by Antonio Ferrua, “Ritrovamento del“The Santa Hermandad and the First Italian Campaign of l’epitaffio di Vannozza Cattaneo,” Archivio della Societa Gonzalo de Cérdoba, 1495-1498,” Renaissance Quarterly, romana di storia patria, LXXI (1948), 139-41: “D.O.M. /

XXVIII (1975), 29-37. Vannotiae Cathaneae, Caesare Valentiae, / loanne Gandiae, *6 Sanudo, I, 450, report of January, 1497; Malipiero, Iafredo Scyllatii et / Lucretia Ferrariae ducibus _filiis

Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 488. nobili, / probitate insigni, relligione eximia, / pari et aetate et *7 Sanudo, I, 555, reports from Rome received in Venice _ prudentia, optime / de xenodochio Lateranensi meritae, / on 14 March, 1497. In 1474 Giovanni della Rovere (d. 1501), Hyeronimus Picus fideicomm. procurator / ex testamento

lord of Sinigaglia (Senigallia), had married Giovanna posuit: / Vixit annos LXXVI, menses HII, dies XIII. / (d. 1514), sister of Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, duke of |Obiit anno MDXVIII, XXVI Novembris.” Urbino, the last of his line. Their son Francesco Maria On Vannozza, note Celani, I, 562—64, note 2. She was rich, della Rovere (born in 1490) was regarded as the heir tothe and in her later years a benefactress of churches in Rome duchy of Urbino, toward which the Borgias were directing and a patroness of artists, on which see P. Fedele, “I their covetous attention. A vassal of the Church, Guidobaldo — Gioielli di Vannozza ed un’opera del Caradosso,” ibid.,

commanded the papal forces in the war against the Orsini, XXVIII (1905), 451-71, with eight documents. Mario but he was hardly a committed partisan of the Borgias. Menotti has published 470 documents relating to the family, Eventually Francesco Maria succeeded Guidobaldo as duke friends, and retainers of Alexander VI in Documenti inediti of Urbino (in April, 1508). Cf. Jas. Dennistoun, Memoirs sulla famiglia e la corte di Alessandro VI, Rome, 1917; these of the Dukes of Urbino,.ed. Edw. Hutton, II (London and documents are largely concerned with grants of revenue

New York, 1909), 282-83, 291—300, 313 ff. and benefices, marriages, investitures, etc., and payments for

88 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 386-87, and ed. Cesare Borgia’s soldiery (from March, 1500). Those having

Celani, II, 41; Sanudo, Diariz, I, 650b. to do with Vannozza, ibid., nos. 12-24, pp. 9-18, are

*°It may not be irrelevant to observe that Vannozza conspicuous in Menotti’s collection, and include Vannozza’s

de’Catanei’s funeral inscription, which Pastor believed to be __ will dated 15 January, 1517 (no. 23).

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 501 Investigation revealed that a certain Giorgio Gandia, was fished out ‘of the Tiber, his throat Schiavone (Georgius Sclavus),a lumber merchant slit and his body bearing eight other wounds.

with a yard on the Tiber near the Church and Obviously the motive for his murder had not Hospital of S. Girolamo degli Schiavoni (hard by been robbery. He was completely and expenthe street which ran from the bridge of S. Angelo _ sively dressed; his gloves were still tucked under directly to the church of S. Maria del Popolo),” his belt; his purse contained thirty ducats. His had seen a man mounted on a white horse, and _ body was taken to the Castel S. Angelo, where four servitors who addressed him as signore, under the watchful eyes of Burchard’s colleague,

throw a body into the river about 2:00 a.m. Bernardino Gutterii, it was washed, clad in (circa horam quintam) on Thursday. Giorgio was _ military garments, and prepared for burial. That

keeping watch on board a little boat tied up Friday evening, about 9:00 p.m., Juan Borgia’s along the river bank, lest anyone steal part of a body was carried from S. Angelo to the church recent shipment of lumber. He stated that, after ofS. Mariadel Popolo, preceded by one hundred two of the footmen had emerged from an alley and twenty torches and all the prelates of the and looked up and down the waterfront without palace cum magno fletu et ululatu. He seemed less

seeing anyone, they had withdrawn, and the dead than asleep when he was interred in the other two appeared and surveyed the gloomy church, “where he remains to this day.” scene in the same way. There was still no one “When the pope understood,” says Burchard, in sight. Then the horseman appeared with a body dangling behind at him, over theDiarium, rear 1 slung Burchard, ed. Thuasne, II, 387-90, with ap:

of his horse and steadied by the first two foot- ong. no. 28, pp. 669-70, and ed. Gelani, II, 42-44, with men, who walked on either side of their grue- notes of Thuasne and Celani; Sanudo, Diarii, I, 651-52, some charge. At the river’s edge the horse- 653-55, 657-58, the last entry being a letter dated 16 June, man turned his mount around, tail to the water; 1497, from Ugolino Matteo in Rome to Niccolo Paniglino the two footmen flung the corpse as far out as of Udine, then apparently in Venice, which agrees closely h Id. The h ked wheth h with Burchard’s account of the duke of Gandia’s murder. they could. € horseman askea Ww emer the Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), body had sunk, and they answered, Signor 489-91, gives a letter sent from Rome on 17 June, also in si!” Then he asked what that black thing was Sanudo, I, 658-60, where the text is better, and see, ibid., floating down there; they replied it was the I, 660-63, copies of letters sent by the pope on 19 June dead man’s and one of death, them sank. it by informing dukedoge’s of Milan consolatory and the doge of Venice of . oancloak, | Gandia’s together withthethe answer throwing stones at it. Now the three of them of the twenty-ninth. I have found a copy of the letter of 19 joined the other two footmen who had been June to Duke Lodovico Sforza of Milan in the Arch. di keeping watch. Their job done, they all disap- Stato di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero, Carteggio di

peared into the night. principi, Roma, Busta 1295/10, no. 29. Note in general the

Wh h 1 horiti ked Gj . Diarto ferrarese, in RISS, XXIV-7, p. 200; Alois Knopfler, “Der en the papal authorities aske 10T§10 Tod d. Herzogs von Gandia,” Theologische Quartalschrift, LIX

Schiavone why he had not reported such a (Tubingen, 1877), 438-76; A. Luzio and R. Renier, “Re-

heinous crime to the governor of the city, he _ lazione inedita sulla morte del duca di Gandia,” Archivio della said that in his time he had seen a hundred *:- Societa romana di storia patria, X1 (1888), 296-303, a letter bodies thrown into the Tiber at the same spot. dated at Rome (1497) the Carlo Marquis Francesco onzagaon by 16 the June Mantuan envoytoGian Scalona, whose

No account had ever been taken of them. He account corresponds more or less to that of Burchard;

had therefore attached no particular importance _ Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 493-96 ff., with several minor errors,

. apste, -4 (repr. ; — .~ an -2 (repr. ,

to this one. The next step was to recover the an¢ eG 10s 085), 443 PP. na til va O56)

body. purciard was her to understand that ppend., nos. 38-42, pp. 1064-68. The news of Gandia’s some three hundred his ermen and Givers Were = murder was generally known in Florence by 19 June assembled for the purpose with their nets and (Luca Landucci, Diario fiorentino, ed. del Badia [1883], p. 153, grappling hooks. Before the hour of vespers on _ trans. Alice de Rosen Jervis [1927], p. 123).

Friday the sixteenth Juan Borgia duke of The Italians commonly began the first hour just after , sunset (from after 5:00 p.m. to after 9:00 p.m., depending

OO on the season), but the practice varied, and reports of time ° Cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Celani, Il, 42-43, and note are often careless and (with reference to the same event) 3: “. . . juxta seu prope hospitale sancti Hieronymi Scla- inconsistent with one another. In mid-June Burchard is vorum nuncupatum, in via qua de ponte sancti Angeli properly beginning the first hour just after 9:00 p.m. in recta via itur ad ecclesiam beate Marie de Populo. ...” the three specific references to time in his description of The Hospital no longer exists, but did so into quite modern — the death and burial of Juan Borgia (in Celani’s edition, times. The Church once attached thereto is now called the — vol. I, p. 42, line 19; p. 43, 1. 19; and p. 44, 1. 8), and Ven. Chiesa di S. Girolamo dei Croati (or degli Illirici); it in the text above I have so indicated the hours of the day was entirely rebuilt by Sixtus V in 1588, and is located at and night, on which see B. M. Lersch, Einleitung in die

the east end of the modern Ponte Cavour. Chronologie, I (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1899), 8-9.

502 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT “that the duke had been killed and thrown like marriage to Lucrezia Borgia the pope was dung into the river, he was quite overcome, determined to annul; and even Gioffredo and in grief and bitterness of heart he shut him- Borgia, prince of Squillace, Gandia’s brother, the

self up in his chamber and wept terribly. . . . accusation against whom the pope himself sumHe neither ate nor drank from the evening of marily dismissed in the consistory of 19 June.® Wednesday the fourteenth to the following We may agree with Enrico Celani that we shall Saturday, nor from Thursday morning to the probably never learn with certainty who was following Sunday did he get even an hour’s really guilty; some document may still be found sleep. . . .”” Ascanio Sforza wrote his brother in one archive or another, “ma esso non sara Lodovico il Moro on 19 June that the pope had mai tale da precisare il vero assassino.”® Those Just said in consistory that he could only view’ who struck the nine blows that felled Gandia his son’s murder as a divine punishment for his were presumably not the true assassins. The own failings, and that now his thoughts were Orsini may have been responsible for the deed, turning to the improvement of his own way of but for weeks to come (according to the Venelife and to the reform of the Church, for which — tian envoy Niccolé Michiel) popular opinion in

latter purpose he had immediately appointed a Rome attributed it to Ascanio Sforza, who

commission of six cardinals.” removed himself from the city to Frascati,

Neither the murderer of the duke of Gandia Grottaferrata, and Genazzano, where he found nor the reason for his violence was ever dis- the atmosphere healthier (and not alone because covered. Certainly, as the Florentine ambassador of the persistent plague in Rome).°? InformaAlessandro Bracci wrote the Dieci di Balia the tion ‘reaching Venice in December (1497), day after the body was discovered, whoever was however, was to the effect that the pope was

responsible “has certainly handled the affair determined upon the ruin of the Orsini, “e

well, has had his wits about him and much _ questo perché li Orsini certo havia fato amazar courage, and in any event it is recognized that suo fiol ducha di Gandia.”®* Later on, when he has shown a masterly touch. . . .”** Diligent Cesare Borgia was earning the almost universal rumor fastened the guilt on a number of per- reprobation of Italy, he was widely believed sons—the Orsini and the Sanseverineschi; Car- to have begun his secular career with fratridinal Ascanio Sforza and Duke Guidobaldo of cide.8® Some months after Gandia’s death Urbino; Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, whose

- %*Burchard, Sanudo, Diarit, I, 653. The pope also disclaimed belief Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 390-91, and ed. in Giovanni Sforza’s guilt. Celani, II, 44. Burchard’s diary stops here, to be resumed °° Celani, in his edition of Burchard’s diary, Johannis on 7 August. Gregorovius, Storia della citta di Roma, VII, Burckardi liber notarum, II (1911-42, unfinished), p. 44, note

474, believed that Burchard found it advisable to discon- 2 [in RISS, XXXH, pt. 1]. tinue his chronicle of events at the papal court for some 97 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 686, 689, 695, 698, 710, 737, 843. As time after Gandia’s death; but Celani, loc. cit., note 3, doubts late as June, 1498, a Venetian report was received to the this, observing that most lacunae in the diary come during _ effect that the pope had found out who had murdered the the summer months when presumably Burchard employed duke of Gandia, and that Cardinal Ascanio was implicated the customary summer vacation to attend to his own affairs. (ibid., I, 994), which seems however most unlikely (Pastor, * Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 500 ff., 512 ff., and append., nos. Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 [repr. 1955], 451-52).

37-38, 40, pp. 552-54, 557, and Gesch. d. Papste, 11-1 8 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 827, 883, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. (repr. 1955), 448 ff., 457 ff., and III-2 (repr. 1956), append., Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 452-54, and Knopfler, in Theo-

nos. 39-40, 42, pp. 1064-66, 1067-68. Since Ascanio logische Quartalschrift, LIX, 467-69, who believes that the Sforza did not attend the consistory, his letter of 19 June Orsini together with Ascanio Sforza were responsible for the (Pastor, III-2, append., no. 39, pp. 1064-65) is presumably crime. a less certain account of the consistory than the report dated °° Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1, 454-58, and cf. Luzio and the twentieth of the Venetian ambassador, who was present Renier, in Arch. della R. Societa rom. di storia patria, XI, (Sanudo, Diari, I, 653-54), in which the pope is alleged to 296-99, and Knépfler, in Theologische Quartalschrift, LIX, have said that “if we had seven papacies, we would give them 456-61, 470-76, who first demolished Gregorovius’s quite all to restore the duke’s life,” which would seem to indicate unwarranted attribution of the murder of Gandia to Cesare.

that Alexander VI, even in the midst of his announced Apparently the first reference to Cesare as the probable dedication to reform, was likely to put the interests of the murderer of his brother comes on 22 February, 1498, Borgias before those of the Church. But at least through when Giovanni Alberto della Pigna wrote Duke Ercole d’Este June and July, 1497, the pope’s reform program produceda from Venice, “Di nuovo ho inteso'che de la morte del spate of documents, on which note M. Tangl, Die papstlichen duca di Gandia fu causa il cardinale suo fratello .. . Kanzletordnungen, Innsbruck, 1894, repr. 1959, pp. 386-421. e detto avviso di detta morte l'ho da buonissimo luogo” * Thuasne, ed., Burchardi diarium, U, append., no. 28, (Maria Bellonci, Lucrezia Borgia [1939, repr. 1969], pp. 112, p. 670, letter dated at Rome on I7 June (1497). 505-6, and cf. Woodward, Cesare Borgia, pp. 118-19). Later

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 503 Cardinal Jean de Bilhéres, the abbot of S. Denis offices of the Curia.’®' Despite the sincerity of and French ambassador in Rome, commissioned most members of the reform commission, time

Michelangelo to do the extraordinary Pieta soon made it clear that, if the Curia was connow in S. Peter’s, in the first chapel on the ceivably corrigible, the pope was not, and the right as one enters the church. Almost from ambitions which he had entertained for the inthe time when Michelangelo’s work was first competent duke of Gandia seemed likely to be

exhibited, there have been those who have seen _ shifted to the far sturdier shoulders of Cardinal Gandia’s features and his beard in those of the Cesare Borgia. dead Christ and (still more) his mother Vannoz- On 22 July (1497) Cesare left Rome with a

za’s features in those of the Virgin.’ retinue of three hundred horse on the most

The pope’s reform commission of six car- important—and the last important—function dinals, two auditors of the Rota, and their vari- that he was to perform as a member of the ous assistants held regular morning sessions in Sacred College. He was going as legatus de the Vatican. A reform bull was drafted in the Jatere to Naples, “in which kingdom,” Venetian midsummer of 1497, regulating papal elections, intelligence stated, “conditions were more discondemning simony and nepotism, and for- turbed than they had ever been.” Alexander VI bidding the alienation of church lands under the _ had selected him to crown Federigo as king of guise of vicariates. According to the bull, no car- Naples. The ceremony was to take place in dinal should hold more than one bishopric or Capua. When Cesare arrived there, his cavalcade

receive an annual income of more than 6,000 was said to number seven hundred, “which ducats from all his benefices. Members of the would give great expense to the king, who Sacred College should also limit their households is very poor.” Federigo had summoned all his

to eighty attendants, their stables to thirty barons to Capua to attend the coronation. Some mounts, and their funeral expenses to 1,500 of the more powerful personages in the kingflorins. They should not go about the city atnight dom failed to appear. In mid-August Federigo

without lanterns or attend jousts, carnivals, received at Cesare’s hands the crown, scepter, comedies, or other frivolous entertainments. and orb, and thereafter distributed some titles Abuses were to be eradicated from the papal and knighthoods. The Venetian envoy noted chancery, the penitentiary, and various other that there were few jewels in the crown.” The

last and perhaps the most upright of the

—_______ Aragonese kings of Naples was beginning his on, Sigismondo de’Conti, Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and the brief reign. '°9

Venetian ambassador Paolo Capello all fixed responsibility After the coronation the king and the cardinalfor Gandia s cea Holy See raolo 5 May, 1199. (Sea. legate returned to Naples with the chief members Secreta, Reg. 37, fols. 92’-93" [106’—107']), by which time

the gossips had been busy for more than a year. Capello’s || ~~ predecessor in the Venetian embassy in Rome had been the 101 Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 458-62, and discreet Girolamo Donato, elected on 4 October, 1497 (ibid... I11-2 (repr. 1956), append., no. 43, pp. 1068-72; Christ. G. Reg. 36, fol. 166" [178"]). There is no doubt that Cesare Hoffmann, Nova scriptorum ac monumentorum . . . collectio,

ordered the strangulation of Duke Alfonso of Bisceglie, 1 (Leipzig, 1731), 520-22, who also gives excerpts from Lucrezia’s second husband, on 18 August, 1500, after which _ proposed reforms of the College under Martin V, Sixtus IV,

he was widely believed to have been guilty of his brother’s and Julius III, as well as from the Councils of Basel and

assassination. Thus in May, 1504, Cesare’s henchman the Lateran; Sanudo, Diarii, I, 653-54, 655, a letter of

Micheletto, while a prisoner in the Torre de Nonain Rome, _Ugolino Matteo dated at Rome on 8 July, 1497, also ibid., was “interrogato della morte de assai persone, dei quali quei__col. 844; cf. Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano,

de piu conto sono el duca de Gandia . . . ,” etc. (Pasquale VII-1 (1843), 494. Villari, ed., Dispacci di Antonio Giustinian, III [Florence, 102 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 694-95, 698, 709-10, 713, 719-21;

1876], 129). J. C. Liinig, Codex Italiae diplomaticus, 11 (Frankfurt and

*°° Mario Menotti, “Vannozza Cattanei e i Borgia,” Nuova Leipzig, 1726), pt. 2, sect. 2, doc. no. 133, cols. 1309-12, Antologia di lettere, sctenze ed arti, 6th ser., CLXXXVI __ papal brief to Federigo informing him of Cardinal Cesare’s (=CCLXX, Rome, 1916), 470-86, esp. p. 478. Commonly __legatine mission to perform the coronation (misdated 9

and erroneously called Jean Villiers de la Groslaye [or June, 1498). Grolaie], the cardinal’s name was actually Bilhéres- ‘63 With reference to the famine in Naples in September,

Lagraulas; see Chas. Samaran, Jean de Bilheres-Lagraulas, 1497, Sanudo notes “that the king, Don Federigo, especially cardinal de Saint-Denis, un diplomate francais sous Louis XI et favored the people, for which reason the barons hated him”

Charles VII, Paris, 1921, p. 13, note 2, and on his relations (Diarii, I, 793), and the impoverished Federigo soon had to with Michelangelo, ibid., pp. 78-80. Jean de Bilhéres died take the field against the rebellious barons (ibid., I, 796). in Rome on 6 August, 1499 (Burchard, Diarium,ed. Thuasne, Cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 408, and ed.

II, 549-52, and ed. Celani, IJ, 156—57). Celani, II, 55.

504 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of the court and the diplomatic corps. The stark to be losing his wife, was to be made a caravarice of Borgia demands was such that the dinal and receive Cesare’s benefices and income! Florentine envoy Alessandro Bracci had written At any rate Lucrezia’s marriage to Giovanni on 19 July (1497): “It would not be astonishing if Sforza of Pesaro was being dispensed. It was the poor king had recourse to the Turk in his__ certainly a fact in Sanudo’s opinion “che questo despair, were it only to free himself from these papa fa cosse excessive et intollerabile!”!’ On annoyances.”' Cesare arrived back in Rome on _ that score at least there could be no doubt. the night of 5 September, lodging at the mon- Sanudo received his information concerning astery of S. Maria Nova, his titular church, where Alexander VI and Cesare Borgia from the Vene-

the cardinals rode out to meet him the follow- tian envoy to the Holy See, Niccolo Michiel, ing morning. Although in the public consistory who had received it from Cardinal Costa of Lis-

which followed, the pope altered customary bon.’ Burchard had noted the coolness which proceedings slightly to do especial honor to developed between Costa and Cesare upon the Cesare (as Burchard supposed), neither father _latter’s return from Naples. Although Costa had

nor son spoke a word to each other.’ What gone out more solito to the monastery of S.

private communications may have passed be- Maria Nova, he arrived rather late, did not enter tween them while Cesare was in Naples, it is the monastery, failed to dismount from his mule impossible to say, but by mid-September it was _ when Cesare appeared, and did not speak to him

understood in Venice that the pope wanted at all.’ One of the more upright members of

Cesare to give up the red hat and his ecclesias- the College, George Costa was not impartial tical benefices. His father was planning to estab- where Cesare Borgia was concerned. But resiglish a state for him in Italy, it was said, and nation from the College was Cesare’s idea, not to make him gonfalonier of the Church. Rumor his father’s. When in early December (1497) had it that he wanted to marry Cesare to Fer- Giangiacomo Sclafenati, the cardinal of Parma, rante II’s widow, a niece of the king of Spain, died in Rome, Alexander VI gave all his beneand that he was requesting King Federigo to _fices to Cesare. Sanudo records their value as invest him with the principality of Taranto as 12,000 ducats a year, “uno bel presente de a dowry.’ Some days later additional informa-_ beneficii. . . .”"° Whether the pope was trying tion was entered by Sanudo in his Diari to to dissuade Cesare from returning to lay life by the effect that Cesare, who had about 35,000 heaping ecclesiastical wealth upon him or was ducats a year revenue from his benefices and thus holding Sclafenati’s benefices in abeyance was the second richest cardinal in the College, for subsequent disposal, is not clear. Pastor wanted to resign his position and embark on a_ cites a letter of 24 December from Cardinal military career (or per esser cupido di exercitarst Ascanio Sforza to Lodovico il Moro in which in cosse bellice). His father was granting him the Cesare was said daily to be increasing his efdispensation to marry. Furthermore, the scan- forts to leave the College, while the pope was dalized Sanudo goes on to note that Alexander anxious, if Cesare’s resignation had to be, that VI was even planning to dissolve his younger it take place under the guise of the best preson Gioffredo’s marriage to Sancia of Aragon, text possible and with a minimum of scandal."*

princess of Squillace, on the grounds that it Alexander VI had troubles enough without

was still unconsummated, in order to marry her the Turk. On the day of the duke of Gandia’s to Cesare, who had already made her his_ disappearance (14 June, 1497) a priest who slept mistress anyhow. Although Sanudo appears not above the chapel in S. Peter’s, a practice

to believe all this gossip, he says it was cur- —H—

rent in Rome. King Federigo was thought 107 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 792—93. (Sanudo is summarizing a willing to make Cesare prince of Taranto; the diplomatic dispatch from Rome, presumably from the Vene-

pope was going to make him captain of the tian ambassador Niccolo Michiel, sometimes it is hard to Church. Don Gioffredo, who was thus supposed disunguish Sanudo port.) s impressions from those of the writer of 108 Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 795. TTT 109 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, II, 403, and ed. 104 P_ Villari, Niccolo Machiavelli, trans. Linda Villari, I Celani, II, 52.

(New York, 1898), 195; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 519, and 110 Sanudo, Diariz, I, 832. Gesch. d. Papste, I1l-1 (repr. 1955), 462-63; and ¢f. 11. Pastor, Hist. Popes, V, 520, and Gesch. d. Papste, WI-1

Sanudo, Diarii, I, 758. (repr. 1955), 463, quotation from a letter in cipher, dated 105 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 402-4, and ed. at Rome on 24 December, 1497, in the Milanese State Celani, H, 51-52. Archives. Cf. Sanudo, Diarit, 1, 863, 871, which latter notice 106 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 787. lists the titles which Cesare allegedly proposed for himself.

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 505 properly forbidden, had seen mysterious torches Florentine apothecary Luca Landucci heard the carried by the unseen legion of Lucifer."” Six news in Florence on 3 November. ‘The thundermonths later on the night of 16 December an __ bolt had struck the angel, which fell among the

unearthly, terrifying voice filled the Vatican, munitions, setting them on fire and hurling frightening the pope and the residents of the wood and stones, crossbows and armor across palace half to death, and many knowing per- the river: “it was a frightful thing!’ It was sons identified the phenomenon as Gandia’s also, as Sanudo noted, a portent of something ghost. Extraordinary events seemed of almost to come. weekly occurrence. Late in the night of 14 Alexander VI had no need of further troubles, September the pope suddenly ordered the arrest but they were in the offing. To the flood of of his first secretary Bartolommeo Flores the Tiber, the murder of the duke of Gandia, (Florido), archbishop of Cosenza, and had him the adverse reaction to the cynical annulment imprisoned in the Castel S. Angelo for issuing of Lucrezia Borgia’s marriage, Cesare’s deter-

a vast number of fraudulent bulls and briefs, mination to quit the College, the scandal of some of an extraordinarily daring nature, as_ Flores’ forgeries and _ falsifications, and the well as bestowing benefices and expectations obvious portents that left all Italy discussing

without papal knowledge or consent, grants of Alexander’s ill-starred reign, must be added the exemption from the jurisdiction of ordinaries, Curia’s struggle with the courageous and astute and the like: Burchard notes that Flores was Fra Girolamo Savonarola, prior of the Dominibelieved to have issued about 3,000 false briefs, can convent of S. Marco in Florence. Savoa scandal likely to shake the ecclesiastical struc- narola’s prophetic utterances were a constant

ture of Europe to its foundations. Deprived of source of embarrassment and irritation to

his archbishopric, and stripped of “all honor, Rome. Although in his long experience of Italian dignity, order, and benefices,” after trial by a affairs the wily pope had watched reformers commission, Flores was lowered by a rope into come and go, this time he feared that the burnthe terrible cell known as the Sammarocco or ing sincerity of Savonarola’s sermons was conSammalo, of which Benvenuto Cellini later had a__verting Florence into a city of saints hostile to brief experience, in the Castel S. Angelo. In his papacy. Since the’ expulsion of the Medici the Sammarocco, Flores could live as long as_ from Florence (in November, 1494), the friar

bread, water, and oil for a lamp, a breviary, had been the dominant political as well as

the Bible, and the epistles of S. Peter might _ religious influence on the banks of the Arno. He sustain him.'!* Flores had offered no defense; had helped keep the Florentines loyal to’ the his confession was said to have been gained by French alliance, to the vast annoyance of the trickery. His fate was such that even the stolid pope and the Venetians. Again and again he

Burchard was moved to compassion. had proclaimed Charles VIII as God’s emissary

Flores was lowered to his destiny on the eve- to reform the Church and remove the notorious ning of 28 October. The next morning, Sunday _ rascalities of the Curia. The persistent attachthe twenty-ninth, lightning struck the powder ment of Florence to France gave added incentive magazine in the great upper tower of the Castel to Charles VIII’s announced intention of re-

S. Angelo, destroyed the marble figure of the turning to Italy. The Florentines were quite angel, and ruined the battlements of the fortress, certain that he was coming back."'® Of course

scattering stones into the Borgo and across a long tradition bound the city of the red lily the Tiber. Fifteen persons were injured. Mali- to the royal fleur-de-lys. Florentine bankers and piero says the effects of the lightning pene- merchants had made fortunes in France, which trated even to the papal antechamber. The _ was still the major market for Florentine manufactures and the (now sadly diminished) woolen

12 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 656-57 industry. | "3 hid. 1. 842. 879, While the pope, whose own career was more

114 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 405-6, 408-11, Of a scandal than that of Flores, celebrated and ed. Celani, H, 54, 55-58; Sanudo, I, 787; cf. E.

Lavagnino, Le Chateau Saint-Ange, Rome, 1950, p. 8. Al 9 ————— though the report that Flores had issued 3,000 false briefs 115 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, Il, 411-12, and ed. is a patent exaggeration, I know of no reason to assume that Celani, II, 58; Sanudo, Diarii, I, 814, 815; Malipiero, the charge against him was trumped up by the Borgias to Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 497; Luca seize his property (Villari, Machiavelli, Engl. trans., 1, 195- | Landucci, Diario fiorentino, ed. lodoco del Badia, Florence, 96). Flores died in the Castel S. Angelo on 23 July, 1498 1883, p. 159, trans. Alice de Rosen Jervis (1927), p. 127.

(Burchard, ed. Thuasne, II, 490, and ed. Celani, II, 114). 116 Cf. Sanudo, Diari, I, 491-92.

506 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mass in the Sistina, Flores was dying in the development which affected the papacy during Sammarocco. Savonarola was untiring in his this era had its relevance to the Curia’s attiexcoriation of priestly vice and corruption. On tude toward the Turk and the crusade, there 7 November, 1496, a papal brief had rescinded are obviously limits to the extent to which we the independence of S. Marco, and ordered all may pursue interests as peripheral as that of persons concerned (including Savonarola) un- Savonarola’s defiance of Alexander VI. At the der pain of excommunication to unite the con- end of February, 1498, however, Savonarola vent to the recently created Tusco-Roman con- made a notable assault upon the corruption gregation, to whose vicar the friar would be of the clergy and Rome: “Write to Rome that

subject. Actually the brief was addressed to the friar who is in Florence, together with

sixteen convents, of which S. Marco was but one. his followers, is ready to fight against you as Savonarola was not mentioned in it, but it was against the Turks and pagans! . . .”™” obvious against whom it was directed."’ Savo- As the friar contemplated a universal appeal narola defied the brief as he had earlier ones; fora general council, the Curia planned to arrest he continued his passionate parade of prophecy, the Florentine merchants in Rome and to seize inspired by texts from the Old Testament. He their goods to force the vacillating Signoria to had long been comparing Rome to Babylon and _ send that “son of iniquity” to Rome for trial. denouncing the pope who, he was quoted as_ Tension had been running high in Florence for saying, was worse than a Turk while (be this months when Savonarola’s devoted follower Fra as it may) the sultan was reported to have had Domenico da Pescia accepted the challenge of some of Savonarola’s sermons translated into a rival Franciscan preacher, Francesco di Puglia,

Turkish in order to read them himself.* The to test the validity of the friar’s doctrine and inevitable time came on 13 May, 1497, when contentions through the ordeal by fire, which a papal brief was issued to the Florentines after much bickering on both sides was finally excommunicating “a certain Fra Girolamo Savo- set for 7 April. Savonarola’s enemies in the narola” and forbidding all association with him Signoria skillfully exploited the situation. AIlunder pain of the same excommunication. The though the contending Dominicans and Minorbrief was translated into Italian, and printed ites assembled in the Piazza dei Signori for the to secure it a wide circulation. Ironically ordeal, to which the excited populace had been enough, it bore the signature of Bartolommeo looking forward as the spectacle of the century, Flores, the pope’s first secretary—but this was_ the fire was never lighted. The Minorites de-

not a forged brief!'"* layed the proceedings by one trivial objection Landucci informs us that Savonarola’s ex-

communication was officially published inda. Camerino, ae ; ar ; . . of excommunication was one Giovanvittorio

Florence in five different churches on the who had been banished by the Eight, and lingered long in morning of 18 June. He heard it read him- Siena, fearful of entering Florence; Giovanvittorio, an enemy self in S. Spirito.”° Although every major of Savonarola, was in fact refused a safe-conduct when he

requested one, and he improperly gave the briefs to someone else to deliver to their addressees. Only five churches of

OO Orders opposed to Savonarola accepted delivery of the docu117 The Latin text may be found in the Bullarium Ordinis ments (Ridolfi, Savonarola, I, 297-301, and II, 188-89, FF. Praedicatorum, ed. Thos. Ripoll, IV (Rome, 1732), 124-— _ notes). 25, and see esp. Roberto Ridolfi, Vita di Girolamo Savonarola, 121 Ridolfi, Savonarola, I (1952), 334, from the sermons on

I (Rome, 1952), 269-71. Exodus; cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 26—28, and Gesch. d. Papste, 48 P. Villari, Girolamo Savonarola, I (new ed., Florence, III-1 (repr. 1955), 490-92. On the other hand Alexander VI

1930), 445, 462, and trans. Linda Villari, London, 1897, said on the same day that “even Turks would not endure pp. 423, 439; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 13-16, and Gesch. d. such insubordination against lawful authority” (bid., VI, 29,

Papste, IlI-1 (repr. 1955), 477-80. and III-1, 493). Savonarola had stated in May, 1496, that

119 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 632-33. Sanudo says that he repro- “. . . tu non troverai che la Chiesa fusse mai in peggiore duces the Italian translation circulating in Florence in che oggi . . . , io ti mostrer6d che la non fu mai in pegprinted form (ibid., I, 633-34). P. Villari, Girolamo Savona-__ giore termine che oggi,” while the following February he

rola, II (new ed., Florence, 1930), append., no. 5, gives the was expecting soon to witness “el flagello della Italia, la Latin text, previously published by Del Lungo, which had _ renovazione della Chiesa, la conversione delli turchi.” He set been addressed to the friars of the Badia (pp. xxxIxX—-XL). store by the divine conversion of the Turks, and seems not

Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 20-21, and Gesch. d. Papste, to have been much interested in the crusade. And we may III-1 (repr. 1955), 484-85, and esp. Ridolfi, Savonarola, 1, note en passant that Savonarola never called Alexander VI

296 ff. the Antichrist, although his followers later did so (Romeo 120 T anducci, Diario fiorentino, ed. del Badia (1883), pp. De Maio, “Savonarola, Alessandro VI e il mito dell’Anti152-53, with note; trans. Alice de Rosen Jervis (1927), cristo,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXXII [1970], 533-59, and

pp. 122-23. The bearer of the numerous copies of the brief —_¢f. below, Chapter 17, note 144).

THE FRENCH IN NAPLES 507 after another (presumably by prearrangement Savonarola, however, appeared to have solved with the Signoria), and the Dominicans were one of the pope’s major problems at a time hardly less stubborn. Time passed. The crowd when his attention was being drawn most grew restless and suspicious. Finally a heavy forcibly toward France. rain came. Both sides withdrew from the piazza.

Back in S. Marco, Savonarola claimed a victory, The allies of the Holy League were now at but the Florentines had expected a dramatic odds with one another. A truce was negotiated miracle of some kind, such as a true saint and at Lyon on 25 February, 1497, suspending prophet should—somehow—have contrived to _ hostilities between France and the Spanish king-

give them. Their profound disappointment, doms from 25 April to 1 November.!? There abetted always by agents of the Signoria, now was much anxiety at Venice, but Charles VIII produced an extraordinary reaction against had finally, reluctantly, agreed to include Italy Savonarola. The following evening, the gloomy _ in the truce.’ It appeared that Ferdinand and Sunday of Florentine history, a howling mob Isabella might be prepared to join with Charles attacked the convent of S. Marco. Savonarola_ in a division of the Neapolitan kingdom and and Domenico da Pescia were arrested and taken certain other parts of Italy. Maximilian was to the Palazzo, where their comrade Fra Sil- again evincing his hostility toward the Venevestro was brought next morning. Savonarola _ tians. Unless he had his own interests to serve, was confined in the “alberghettino,” the tower Alexander VI was always an undependable

cell where Cosimo de’ Medici had been im- ally and, as we shall see, he was becoming prisoned in September, 1433. Subjected to re-_ disenchanted with the upright Federigo of peated tortures, his confessions “edited,” he was_ Naples. The prospects looked good for Charles tried twice before a secular commission, and _ VIII’s success in another expedition into Italy

then tried a third time before two ecclesiastical when on 7 April, 1498, he died suddenly at commissioners sent by the pope from Rome to the chateau of Amboise. The duke of Orléans see that injustice was done. He was tortured became Louis XII of France. Months before

again, and adjudged to be a heretic and a this (in the preceding August) Marino Sanudo

schismatic. On 23 May (1498) Savonarola was had recorded in his diaries that he had seen a hanged with the friars Domenico and Silvestro, large gold ducat, worth two ordinary ducats, and their bodies were burned in an elaborate which Louis had already struck bearing the auto-da-fé in the Piazza dei Signori, where a_ significant legend, “Louis of Orléans, duke of memorial set into the pavement still attests the Milan and Asti.”!26 This was the shape of things

ignominy of that day.’?? The execution of to come.

122 Ridolfi, Savonarola, I (1952), 347-85, 392-407, with —————— notes in vol. II; Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 40-51, and Gesch. Rome, 1969, in which Cardinal Oliviero Carafa, protector

d. Papste, I1I-1 (repr. 1955), 503-14; Sanudo, Diarii, I, of the Dominican Order, figures almost as prominently as 900, 920, 930-32, 935, 940, 942, 946-47, 951-52, 955, Savonarola.

968-69, 987-88, 995; Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 193-95; 3 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 550, 585-90, and cf. Predelli, Luca Landucci, Diario fiorentino, ed. del Badia, pp. 162-79, Regesti dei Commemoriali, V1 (1903), bk. xvi, no. 105, p. 30.

and Engl. trans., pp. 130-44; Burchard, Diarium, ed. 124 Sanudo, Diarii, 1, 788. This truce was of some imThuasne, IH, 444-54, 461-73, and ed. Celani, 11, 81-86, portance in the career of Savonarola in Florence, whose 92-99; various texts and documents published in A. Ghe- defiance of the corrupt Curia constituted one of the larger rardi, Nuovi Documenti e studi intorno a Girolamo Savonarola, problems of Alexander VI’s papacy (cf. Ridolfi, Vita di

2nd ed., Florence, 1887; the extensive appendices to P. Girolamo Savonarola, I, 281, 318-19). Villari, Storia di Girolamo Savonarola, 2 vols., new ed., 125 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 711, 712—13, 866-68. Florence, 1930; and Jos. Schnitzer, Quellen u. Forschungen 126 Sanudo, Diarii, I, 713. The coin was shown to Sanudo zur Geschichte Savonarolas, 4 vols., Munich and Leipzig, by Marco Lipomani (Lippomani), Venetian envoy to Milan.

1902-10. | As for the death of Charles VIII, we may note that ComThe clash between Savonarola and Alexander VI con- mines, Mémoires,-vu, 25, ed. B. de Mandrot, II, 380-81, says

tinues to let loose a stream of books. Besides such that while passing under a gate at the chateau of Am-

popular works as those of Michael de Ila Bedoyere (New _ boise, the king struck his forehead and died nine hours York, 1958), Pierre van Paassen (New York, 1960), later. Commines says that he was not himself present in Christian Loubet (Paris, 1967), and Giacinto M. Scaltriti Amboise at the time, and his account seems unlikely in (Turin, 1970), we have the long, stalwart work of Jos. view of the contemporary reports of Charles’s death given Schnitzer, Savonarola, ein Kulturbild aus der Zeit der Renais- in Sanudo, I, 935-39. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, sance, 2 vols., Munich, 1924; the four detailed studies of II, 457, and ed. Celani, II, 88, states that “Carolus VIII, Giovanni Soranzo in Il Tempo di Alessandro VI Papa e di Fra rex Francorum, apoplexia vita functus est . . . ,” which Girolamo Savonarola, Milan, 1960; and the learned mono- seems to have been the fact. Cf. Malipiero, Annali veneti, in graph of Romeo De Maio, Savonarola e la Curia Romana, Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), 500.

17. THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION: FRANCE AND SPAIN, THE PAPACY AND VENICE (1498-1503) M OST STUDENTS of history probably share _ lines appealing to popes and emperors in earlier

the view that makes the last decade of the generations, certain states now professed a

fifteenth century the beginning of the modern French or Spanish allegiance, which was deterera. The first voyage of Columbus opened upthe mined by the leader of the state. Florence was new world; Savonarola was the last great pro-French, and Naples pro-Spanish. Milan was

medieval preacher; and the expedition of at first pro-French, as we have seen, and then Charles VIII initiated the contest between pro-Spanish,' as Lodovico il Moro determined.

France and Spain for the control of Italy. To The papacy was pro-Spanish, and then became the thoughtful observer there was a peculiar pro-French, as Alexander VI was soon to detercorrespondence of one enemy to another in the mine. The Venetians looked out for themselves, three major groupings of the powers with which and the Ferrarese feared them. The lesser states we shall be primarily concerned from this yielded to political necessity to survive in time

point on. In eastern Europe the loosely knit of crisis, pursuing policies of expediency in empires of the Turks and the Germans faced order to live from day to day. Principles were each other along the harassed Hungarian fron- for the philosophers who could afford them. tier. The small but rich Italian states, of which The historical sources are almost too numerous. Venice and the papacy were for various reasons The archives preserve miles of documentary the most important, had for centuries been evidence. fighting futile wars among themselves, often The extraordinary extensiveness of Sanudo’s appealing to outsiders, especially the Germans Duari, for example, would make possible the and the French, for aid against one another. accounting of events throughout this period in That tendency, which had continued tothe close such detail as to satisfy any historian, even one of the fifteenth century, was now fraught with whose passion for completeness might exceed

new perils. his common sense. Statements of fact and rumor,

France, Spain, and England were to fight letters, memoranda, private reports, official among themselves in the generations that lay documents, and texts of treaties keep us inahead. Warfare demands of its participants a formed of developments in Venice and Rome, large measure of equality and likeness; other- Milan, Mantua, and Ferrara, Naples, Florence, wise the stronger power simply imposes its will Pisa, Genoa, and Montferrat, as well as in France,

on the weaker, and the more advanced on the Spain, and Germany, and on the eastern front. more primitive. France, Spain, and England No Venetian could overlook the affairs of the were much alike, nationally organized mon- Levant. Sanudo keeps careful record of news archies, whose kings could control their reve- from Istanbul and Alexandria.* More than nues, armies, and administrations to a larger once Sultan Bayazid II is said not to be a man extent than any heads of states since Hellenistic of action. We are informed that Florence, Man-

and Roman times. It was an age given to tua, and Ferrara sent missions to Istanbul,

political speculation, and contemporaries were giving presents to the sultan, and trying to

well aware of all these factors. damage the Turkish opinion of Venice.* When

The anti-Turkish tradition was by and large Jacopo Contarini, the Venetian envoy to Spain too strong for the Italians to have recourse to the Turks for assistance against their enemies, Ch Sanud Dian, 1. 1099. In late Ausust. 1498

although they sometimes did so, as wh en Boc- Ferdipand of Aragon assured the Milanese ambessador that colino Guzzoni turned to Istanbul for aid against he would aid Lodovico il Moro in the event he were the pope, and the Aragonese of Naples for aid attacked (although aggression against Milan could only

against the French. But the Italians always had rome from vous are France, wit whom Peay had they thought) better allies in Christendom, and ‘1°! Some Ome been discussing the blessings Of peace). a a white ‘hey tried to exploit for their 2 Sanudo,552, Diarii, I, 83-84, 136-37, 295, 323-24, 387, 624-25, 634-40, 643-45, 678-80, 691 ff., 702-4,

own advantage the great resources of the French 707_8, 726 ff., 739-41, etc., 809, 823, 846 ff. or Spanish. Almost like the Guelfs and Ghibel- —* Jbid., 1, 846. 508

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 509 and previously to Portugal, returned home on 9 __nuncios were sent to France on 4 June to console

June, 1498, he was most restrained in his praise him for the death of his predecessor and to of Ferdinand and Isabella, who in his opinion congratulate him upon the honor which had had joined the league only to defend them- come to him.® selves with Venetian money against France. According to the written instructions which Contarin1 believed in fact “che spagnoli sono Alexander VI gave to his nuncios, they were to piu di parole cha de fati.”* Even shrewd Vene- inform Louis that his Holiness had hoped ever tians were obviously capable of egregious mis- since his election as pontiff to see the organiza-

takes. tion of a crusade against the Turks, “perpetual Sanudo’s diaries recount many events which, enemies of our faith.” He had wished, as much however petty they now seem to us, were much as God would allow him, in this respect to imi-

discussed on the Rialto in his day. On 16 tate the noble examples set by his uncle Calixtus February (1497), for example, the news reached III and by Pius II, but unfortunately the times Venice that on the preceding 7 January a ship, had been adverse to such an undertaking, and commanded by one Piero Brocheta and belong- many obstacles had been put in his way. ing to Alvise Contarini, was wrecked on the Louis’s ascent to the throne of France renewed island of Sapienza, just off the coast of Modon. _ the hopes of his Holiness and those of the entire The ship was loaded with about 20,000 ducats’ Christian commonwealth that with his Majesty’s

worth of wool from Saloniki. Since it had sunk aid it might be possible to embark upon the only to half-mast, there were hopes of salvage. expedition. The peace must be kept in Italy; A few sacks of wool and the ship’s rigging the pope hoped to be able to resolve any conand tackling had been recovered, but in any _ troversies that might arise; and it was his earnevent both insurers and shareholders (asegura- est desire that all the Italian powers should dori et parcionevelt) had clearly suffered great support the crusade. Louis’s ancestors, in whose

loss.° footsteps he would be following, had employed

Despite the supposedly good relations existing almost all the resources of France in the combetween the Serenissima and the Porte, Vene- mon cause of Christendom. They had often protians and Turks could easily find themselves tected the popes from assault and oppression. at odds and soon in hostile encounter almost An expedition against Sultan Bayazid II would anywhere in Levantine waters.® But generally bring the new king immortal glory. As for there was peace, and the sultan was even said to Louis’s claim to the Neapolitan kingdom, the desire a formal accord with Maximilian, king of pope now offered, as he had offered Charles the Romans.’ Of course such an Ottoman peace VIII, to weigh the justice of that claim with with Maximilian might not be the best thing for full impartiality. He reminded Louis, however,

Venice. that for well nigh fifty years the dukes of The Venetians would soon be casting anxious Orléans as well as the kings of France had

eyes toward the East. Just now, however, they left the Milanese duchy in the hands of the were giving their main attention to Lodovico il Sforza family, and the Sforzeschi claimed that

Moro, with whom they disagreed over the they had been legally invested with the duchy affairs of Pisa. When their envoys offered Louis by the emperor. There is a prophetic touch in XII the congratulations of the Republic upon _ the instructions: that if his Majesty entertained ady desive for an But if his Majesty decides to reject our counsel and alliance with them, he would find his wishes quite great an effort of war will bring to both the Italian in accord with their own.° When Louis notified — and French nations the destruction of cities, slaughter

. - invade the duchy, let him carefully consider that so

the pope of his accession, three apostolic of peoples, and loss of souls, and that [his Majesty]

ee will receive more of calamity and infamy than honor

‘Ibid, 1, 987. and glory from such renewal of the tumults of

5 Ibid., 1, 514. It was presumably another Piero Brocheta war: who was captain of a grain ship sailing from Sicily when

it was seized by a French corsair in March, 1497 (ibid., 1,571)... ———————

S Ibid., 1, 728-32, a letter dated at Candia on 10 July, ® Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, II, 474-75, and ed.

1497, and ¢f. cols. 739, 744, 757, 1071-73. Celani, II, 100-1.

7 Ibid., 1, 736. *° Thuasne, ed., Burchardi diarium, II, append., no. 31,

5 Ibid., I, 1011-12, and cf. in general Camillo Manfroni, pp. 673-76. The pope also exhorts Louis XII not to favor Storia della marina italiana, Rome, 1897, pp. 212 ff. or protect Giovanni della Rovere, prefectus Urbis, who had

510 | THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Actually, however, Alexander VI had become Naples and worried about the apparent accord

more interested in the aggrandizement of his just reached between the warring families of son Cesare Borgia than in the well-being of Colonna and Orsini, Alexander VI had been either Italy or France. In the summer of 1497 entering into close negotiations with Louis XII. Cesare had decided to resign from the Sacred Sigismondo de’ Conti says that Cesare “burned College, as we have seen, and the Borgias were with a great desire to see France,” and on 28 soon hoping to acquire the kingdom of Naples September the pope wrote the French king with by means of matrimonial alliances. On 21 July, his own hand that “we are sending your Majesty 1498, Lucrezia was married to the young Al-_ our heart, namely our beloved son the duke of fonso, duke of Bisceglie and Quadrata, natural Valentinois, than whom we hold nothing more

son of Alfonso II.’ But Alexander VI failed dear. . . .”” From this brief it is clear that the to secure Cesare’s marriage to Carlotta of French duchy of Valentinois had been formally Naples, the daughter of King Federigo, who promised or already granted to Cesare although

wrote the Gran Capitano Gonsalvo de Cordova the actual investiture was performed later. By on 24 July, 1498, that the pope’s motives and an odd chance the cardinal of Valencia (card. evil designs upon the kingdom of Naples were Valentinus) had become the duke of Valentinois notorious, as were his insatiability and de- (dux Valentinensis); poets and seers could play with praved desires—the more he had, the more he the correspondence of names (nomen et omen); wanted—and now he sought “with the greatest for the present Cesare’s projected journey to

insistence . . . marriage between our legiti- France seemed the augury of a great career.

mate daughter and the cardinal of Valencia, a Although he withdrew from Rome quietly and thing as extraordinary and unbecoming as could without pomp on the morning of 1 October,’ ever have been imagined, and contrary to all a fortune had been spent on his entourage. His reason. . . .” Federigo stated he would prefer clothes were of silk and velvet, glittering with to lose his kingdom, his children, and life it- gold and precious stones. Many of his horses

self rather than to give his consent.” were shod with silver, their saddle-cloths stitched On 17 August (1498) a secret consistory with pearls. Sanudo notes that Cesare was said unanimously granted the request of Cesare to have spent 100,000 ducats on such accoutreBorgia, cardinal of Valencia, “to return to the ments. Boarding a French galley at Civitavecchia

world and contract marriage,’ or as Sanudo on 3 October, he landed at Marseille on the puts it, “et farsi soldato et maridarsi.”’* On the nineteenth. In Avignon he was received by same day Burchard records the arrivalin Rome Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who was now

of the French envoy Louis de Villeneuve, quite reconciled with the pope, and had rebaron of Trans, who had come “to conduct the ceived back his fortress at Ostia. Passing through reverend lord cardinal of Valencia into the king- Lyon (on 25 October), Cesare arrived on 19

dom of France.” Annoyed with the king of December (1498) at Chinon, where Louis XII was then residing. His entrance into the town was of unparalleled magnificence; the king received committed public rapine in papal territories by robbing the him in the dining hall of the castle; Cardinal

urkish envoy of 40,000 gold florins, etc. (see above, . .

Chapter 15, note 32). The magnitude of the sum seemed della Rovere was with the king. Cesare brought as offensive to the pope as the violence of the act. Cf. Sigismondo de’Conti, II, 200; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1,56,and ~— Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 519-520. 8 Giuseppe Molini, Documenti di storia italiana, I (Florence, 1! Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 493-94, and ed. 1836), 28-29, “datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum die Celani, II, 116; Sanudo, Diari, I, 1030, 1042; Pastor, XXVIII Septembris;” Sigismondo de’Conti, II, 200; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 521-22, and III-2 Hist. Popes, V1, 60-61, and Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr.

(repr. 1956), append., nos. 44—46, pp. 1072-73. 1955), 523-24. The pope received back Cesare’s annual Giuseppe Canestrini, Documenti per servire alla storia revenues of some 32,000 ducats; Cardinal Juan Borgia “the

della milizia italiana (in Archivio storico italiano, XV, Florence, Younger” was given the coveted archbishopric of Valencia

1851), pp. 235-36. Federigo also dwells on the “effrenata (Sanudo, Diarii, II, 67, 1269). This Cardinal Juan Borgia is cupidita e rapacita de’Veneziani” (ibid., p. 233), whom he __ not to be confused with his uncle of the same name, who

regards as fit allies for a degenerate pope. Alexander VI was archbishop of Monreale in Sicily; the younger Juan, was said to draw 50,000 ducats a year from the kingdom _ good friend and contemporary of Cesare, died in January,

of Naples (zbid., p. 235, and Sanudo, Diarit, Hf, 1102). 1500 (cf. above, Chapter 14, note 99, and Wm. H. * Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 492—93, and ed. Woodward, Cesare Borgia, London, 1913, append., no.

Celani, IT, 115-16. 11, pp. 385-86, with some errors in dating).

201. Celani, II, 118.

14 Sanudo, Diarit, I, 1054, and cf. Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 16 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 495-96, and ed.

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 51] Louis the dissolution of his union with Jeanne came clear that Cardinal della Rovere could not de France to make possible the king’s marriage induce Carlotta of Naples (who resided in to Anne, the duchess of Brittany, his predeces- France) to accept Cesare Borgia for her husband.

sor’s widow, as well as the red hat for Georges This was why Cesare had gone to France, d’Amboise, archbishop of Rouen. With gifts like however, and Spanish ire had been evoked in these Cesare could be assured of a royal wel- vain as the Neapolitan princess humiliated the

come.’” Borgias by the firm dignity of her refusal.'? She The Venetian ambassador in Rome re-_ said she would not marry Cesare without her ported to his government in a dispatch dated father’s consent, which was not likely to be

10 December that there had been an altercation forthcoming. In vain did the pope protest that the previous day in the consistory between the the king of France had promised Cesare the pope and Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. The latter daughter of King Federigo.” charged that Cesare’s going into France would On 12 March the Venetian ambassador in prove to be “la ruina de Italia,’ to which his Rome wrote that the pope had finally been adHoliness promptly replied that it was Ascanio’s_ vised that the negotiations for Carlotta’s hand

brother il Moro who had invited the French “é anda in fumo,” and that if Cesare had not

into the peninsula.” been in France, the pope would be making an

Since the Venetians were firm in their oppo-_ accord with the duke of Milan.*? Two months sition to Milan and were seeking an alliance before (on 19 January) the envoy had written the with France, the pope’s new pro-French policy home government that the pope was saying he seemed likely to assure Louis XII’s hegemony in wanted “to pacify Italy in order to attend to

Italy, which was a distasteful prospect to Turkish affairs.””? When everything was going Ferdinand of Aragon, who had his own de- badly in the Curia, one usually talked about the signs upon Naples. On more than one occasion ‘Turks. The body of Jem Sultan had been reduring the winter of 1498-1499 the Spanish turned to Istanbul early in the year 1499.8 and Portuguese envoys upbraided Alexander.VI The complete assurance of his brother’s death for simony, lectured him on the need for reform, may have helped to induce Bayazid II to resume

and threatened him with a church council. hostilities against the West. Disquieting news Alexander found scant comfort in Louis’s bland reached Venice from time to time concerning assurance that there was no cause for alarm, Turkish activities or demands.” because the French had an understanding with Spain. Papal policy seemed especially mistaken —=—————— when, after the alienation of Ferdinand, it be- '® Sanudo, Diarit, I1, 279-80, 343, 349-50, esp. cols. 385, 412-13; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 506-7, and

TT ed. Celani, II, 124, on the pope’s reception of the Spanish "Cf. Sanudo, Diari, I, 1059, 1091, 1095, esp. cols. envoys (23 January, 1499); Zurita, Anales, V (1670), fols. 1110-11, and II, 11, 15, 25, 39, 67, 83, 102, 112, 157-58, 159-161"; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 62-66, and Gesch. d. 158-59, 163, 175, 186, 199, etc., 317-18, 320-22, 765, etc., Péapste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 525-28. 827. The reconciliation of Alexander VI and Cardinal della 20 Sanudo, Diarii, I1, 434-35, 448. Rovere had been a long process (zbid., I, 695, 700-1, 738, 21 Ibid., I1, 530-31. 833, 924, 1091). As for Cardinal della Rovere’s fortress at 22 Ibid., I1, 364. Ostia, the Spanish commander Gonsalvo de Cordova had 23 Ibid., I1, 430, 436, 596, 610, 1172.

taken it from the French castellan “Minaldus de Guerra” 24 Ibid., I1, 289-94, 336, 419-27, 760, 781 ff., 790. ff., (Menaut d’Aguerre) in early March, 1497, “bombardis et 822-23, 833, 839 ff. Although pirates and the plague made machinis,” as described by Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, travel in the Levant hazardous for individuals toward the II, 358-59, and ed. Celani, II, 18-19. Menaut, who was’ end of the fifteenth century, two Florentine ecclesiastics brought into the pope’s presence, was dealt with in surly (among others) undertook a journey to the Holy Land during fashion by his Holiness, and (as reported by Burchard) the reign of Bayazid II, leaving home in late July, 1497, doubtless owed his life and freedom to the fact that and returning in mid-November, 1498. They sent more than Gonsalvo had taken him “under his protection.” About twenty letters home, preparing them in duplicate in an eighteen months later (on 26 August, 1498) Menaut _ effort to make sure of their reaching their destination. accused the pope of employing against the garrison at They sailed from Pesaro (on 1 September) for Ragusa, Ostia “poisons en eawe artificielles, en autre maniere de whence they traveled overland to Adrianople (Edirne) and veinin et en feu ardant et fumee empoisonnant,” on which Istanbul. Thereafter they went to Brusa (Bursa), Cyzicus, see Gilbert Ouy, “Le Pape Alexandre VI a-t-il employé les Troy, Lesbos, Pergamum, Phocaea, Chios, Patmos, Haliarmes chimiques?” Recuetl de travaux offert ad M. Clovis carnassus, Rhodes, Cyprus, and the Holy Land, where Brunel . . . , II (Paris, 1955), 321-24 (Mémoires et docu- they spent two weeks, and returned to Florence by way ments publiés par la Société de l’Ecole des chartes, XII). of Cyprus, Modon, and Venice. The details of their journey 8 Sanudo, Diari, II, 217: “. . . et il papa disse: ‘Sapete are extraordinarily interesting. See Eve Borsook, “The

ben, monsignore, chi é stato causa,’ etc.” Travels of Bernardo Michelozzi and Bonsignore Bonsignori

512 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Turkish affairs were not foremost in the Fight months before this, in September, 1498, pope’s thoughts, however, when on 24 May a_ the Venetians had been informed that Alexletter was read in consistory from Louis XII, ander VI along with the king of Naples, the written in the latter’s own hand, announcing duke of Milan, and the Florentines had sent the marriage of Cesare Borgia on 10 May tothe envoys to Istanbul complaining that the VeneFrench princess Charlotte d’Albret, who also tians wanted to attract Louis XII into Italy. wrote sua manu a letter of filial devotion to Since there was no representative of the Rehis Holiness, expressing the pleasure she tookin public then in Istanbul, “except for merchants obeying the wishes of the king and her father in and the like,” Andrea Zanchani was chosen marrying Cesare and hoping to come soon to Venetian envoy to the Gran Turco for four

Rome “ad osculandum pedes sue Beati- months with a salary of one hundred ducats a

tudinis. . . .”*° His Holiness immediately be- month and an allowance of five ducats a day for came full of praise for the Venetians (now the “expenses of the mouth.” Although Zanchani allies of Louis XII), worried about their fortunes was to protest against Turkish piracy in the in the Levant, and recalled how they had stood Aegean and lawless incursions into Venetianalone “anni 19 in guera col Turcho,” thus held Sebenico, Trau, and Spalato, the purpose of adding two or three years to one of the greatest his embassy was to keep the Turk in his usual trials in Venetian history. Now the pope wanted _ peaceful frame of mind.?’

to join with the French and the Venetians; Certainly Lodovico il Moro’s suspicions of looked forward to the expulsion of Lodovico il Venice were quite justified. Sanudo summarizes

Moro from Milan; and placed his hopein France letters dated at Blois on 29 October and 3 and Venice that his son Cesare “might have November (1498) received from the Republic’s

some place in Italy.” envoys to Louis XII. An agreement had been reached in principle between the envoys and

in the Levant (1497-98),” Journal of the Warburg and the mins s councilors, Dut solutions ved he

Courtauld Institutes, XXXVI (1973), 145-97, with the texts quire ; to certain pro ems. Louls wanted the of seventeen letters. Travel had been easier when Felix Signoria to assure him 1,500 men-at-arms and Fabri made his two pilgrimages to the Holy Land (in 1480 4,000 infantry, preferably Swiss. He also wanted

and 1483) d. Papste, WLM ( -] 1955), 530 ,the grand master astor,Gesch, Gesch. d. Papste, (repr. , note, . : : of Rhodes and the Floren-

and cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 532, and ed. tines included in the pact, and was eager to Celani, II, 142: Sanudo, Diarii, II, 759-60. Part of the Secure control of Pisa, so that the Florentines price of Charlotte d’Albret’s hand was a red hat for her would not render any assistance to the duke of brothér Amanieu. On Cesare Borgia’s marriage as well as Milan. Finally, he requested 100,000 ducats to the tortuous path by which Alexander VI withdrew from pay 6,000 Swiss mercenaries for a period of six his entente with Milan and Naples to enter an alliance h her h ‘shed the V ti t with France, see the detailed study of Léon G. Pélissier, ONS, or rather he wished the Venetians to

“Sopra alcuni documenti relativi all’alleanza tra Alessandro meet the paymasters demands for the period. If VI e Luigi XII (1498-1499),” Archivio della R. Societa the campaign (impresa) exceeded six months, romana di storia patria, XVII (1894), 303-73, and XVIIJ_ Louis would himself pay the additional sums in(1895), 99-215, with numerous hitherto unpublished

documents. —_

6 Sanudo, Diarii, II, 776, esp. cols. 798-99: “. . . siché for aid to the Venetian Senate “non sine singultibus et

el papa é diventato tutto francese.” Cf., ibid., II, 812-13, lachrymis;” he was told, however, that the Venetians were 826-27, 832-33, 923, 958. As time passed, the pope kept the pope’s “devotissimi filii,” and the Republic’s ambassador accusing Lodovico il Moro of inciting Sultan Bayazid II to Rome was instructed to inform the pope of Giovanni's against the Venetians, to whom the pope soon sent Cardinal secret trip to Rome, in disguise and with only two servants

Juan Borgia (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fols. 110%-111" (fols. 161’—162' [175’-176']). Later on, Cesare occupied [124%-125'], doc. dated 19 August, 1499) to enlist the Urbino. Republic’s support for Cesare’s territorial ambitions in Italy 27 Sanudo, Diari, I, 1090, 1095-96, and II, 101, 164, (ibid., fols. 125° ff. [139° ff.], docs. dated 19-23 September). 362, 459, 530, 598 ff., 677, 684, 791, 842, 856, et alibi; The Senate gave the Borgias continued assurance of their Pietro Bembo, Historiae venetae libri XH, Venice, 1551, bk.

co-operation (fols. 133° [147'], 152 [166], 153" [167°], iv, fol. 60. Zanchani was elected envoy,to the Porte on 155’-156" [169°-170"]), but at the end of November 15 September, 1498 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 45" [59")), (1499) Venetian forces occupied Faenza to prevent its falling but had still not left Venice two months later (ibzd., fol. 58*

into Cesare’s hands (fols. 157¥-158" [171%—172']). The [72%], dated 15 November). His commission is dated 20 Venetians would not interfere with Cesare’s occupation of | November (fols. 60°—63' [74'—77*]), and contains an interest-

Imola, Forli, and Pesaro (fol. 156%), but drew the line at _ ing, brief sketch of the foreign policies of France, Florence, Faenza, Urbino, and Rimini (fols. 160, 162", 163", 166", and Milan (fol. 61° [75']). The Senate had, as usual,. been 175, 176° (174 ff.]). In mid-December Lucrezia Borgia’s keeping an eye on the Turkish fleet (foils. 2%—3", 31°, erstwhile husband, Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro,appealed 71° [16¥ ff.], docs. dated in 1498).

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 513 volved. Details were discussed of the projected Fleeing first to the Colonnesi, Ascanio later division of Lodovico il Moro’s territories be- boarded a Neapolitan ship for Genoa, and then tween the Venetians and the king of France.”® joined _his brother in Milan. The lines were As Alexander VI became estranged from King _ being drawn for a new French invasion of Italy,

Federigo of Naples and il Moro, he kept in con- this time with Milan as its objective. A diplostant touch with the Venetian ambassador in matic revolution had taken place. Now Venice Rome, anxiously watching Cesare’s progress in and the .papacy would support the king of

France. In the meantime, on All Saints (1 France. Lodovico il Moro would naturally op-

November, 1498), he had appeared in church pose him, and so of course would King Federigo. with an armed guard for fear, it was said, of il Naples, however, was too far from Lombardy

Moro, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, and King and the king too poor for Lodovico to expect Federigo.”? When the pope became firmly com- much help from that quarter.

mitted to the French alliance, after the an- The Turk had figured prominently in French nouncement of Cesare’s marriage to Charlotte propaganda during the expedition of Charles d’Albret, Ascanio Sforza once more found the VIII. It seemed likely that he would do so atmosphere of Rome singularly unhealthful. again as Louis XII tried his luck on the roulette One Sunday morning (14 July, 1499), pretend- of war. News of Turkish preparations was dising that he was going hunting, he left Rome _ turbing the minds and upsetting the plans of by the gate of the Castel S. Angelo without the Venetians.*' To be sure, Federigo of Naples securing papal permission for his departure.*° wrote Alexander VI, urging him to promote peace among the Christian princes in order that

a28they might meet the Turkish danger with the Sanudo, Diarii, I, 112, and ef. cols. 336, 343-44, 348, strength of union, but a Venetian dispatch 453 ff., 522-26. The Franco-Venetian treaty (of 9February, from Milan (dated 17 July, 1499) stated that 1499) was confirmed at Blois on 15 April, 1499 (Predelli, | gqovico il Moro had just sent “Don Fernando, Regesti dei Commemoriali, VI [1903], bk. xvi, nos. 149-50, f the d f the M h f th pp. 39-40). See A. Lizier, “Il Cambiamento di fronte della son of the espot O t € Morea, nephew oO the politica veneziana alla morte di Carlo VIII. . . ,” Ateneo lord Constantine [Arianiti, governor of Montferveneto, CXX (1936), 20 ff. On 20 February the Senate’ rat], to the Turk with five horses. . . .”3* Two wrote Andrea Zanchani of the “vera intelligentia et lianza” days later the pope informed the Venetian which had been reached on the ninth with Louis XII (Sen. ambassador in Rome that il Moro was respon-

Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 77° [91¥]). . ; 29 Sanudo, Diarii, Il, 102, 113. sible for the Gran Turco’s restlessness, because

30 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I], 546, and ed. he was sending money to Istanbul. It was even Celani, II, 154. Even Lucrezia’s husband Alfonso of Aragon reported that plans had been made for the Turks fled to Naples “absque licentia, scitu et voluntate pontificis”

(ibid., ed. Thuasne, II, 548, and ed. Celani, II, 155).

Cf. Sanudo, Diarti, H, 933, 959, 1017. Obviously Luca =~

Landucci’s information that Cardinal Ascanio had passed 31Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 73 [87], docs. dated

through Florence sconosciuto on 13 July was inaccurate (I. 15 January, 1499 (Ven. style 1498); fols. 82", 83" [96 f.], del Badia, ed., Diario fiorentino dal 1450 al 1516, Florence, docs. dated 26 March; and fols. 88 ff. [102 ff.], 91%, 94,

1883, p. 197). 96° ff., docs. dated up to 27-29 June. . Cesare Borgia was now beginning his remarkable career =? Sanudo, Diarii, 11, 938. Constantine Arianiti was the

of conquest. Alexander VI was busy collecting munitions uncle of the late marquise of Montferrat and the guardian for him, in which connection note the pope’s letter of 11 of her two young sons, heirs of the Monferratine possesDecember, 1499, to Francesco Gonzaga, the marquis of — sions. Constantine had been a close friend of Commines, Mantua: “Dilecte fili, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem: who had wanted to see him made “king of Macedonia” in

Intelligentes ex litteris dilectorum filiorum Cardinalis de the time of Charles VIII (Kervyn de Lettenhove, Lettres Borgia et ducis Valentinensis [Cesare] in castris, que ad et négociations, II, 225). He belonged to the family of the presens ad Imolam posita sunt, pulverem pro bombardis Arianiti-Comneni, whose genealogy is given (probably et aliis machinis bellicis defecisse, cum nos hinc de illo inaccurately) by Hopf, Chroniques gréco-romanes, geneal.

providere’ non possimus, hortamur nobilitatem tuam pro tables, p. 535. Constantine later became the envoy of ea fiducia quam in ea locavimus ut istinc pulverem in Maximilian of Hapsburg in Rome, and figures rather maiore quam poteris quantitate pro expeditione suscepta prominently in the correspondence of the Venetian envoy

Imolam ad prefatum ducem quam primum mittere velis. to the Holy See, Antonio Giustinian, who often calls Pro quo litteris tuis certiores effecti libenter pretium per- him “Costantino Cominato” (P. Villari, ed., Dispacei di solvemus nobisque preterea rem gratam facies. Datum Rome _ —_ Antonio Giustinian, 3 vols., Florence, 1876, vols. II-III, and

apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die XI_ cf. vol. HI, p. 350, note 1). Cf Celani’s edition of Burchard, Decembris MCCCCLXXXXVIIII, pontificatus nostri anno II, 445, note 2; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 146 [155]; octavo” (Arch. di Stato di Mantova, Arch. Gonzaga, and Franz Babinger, Das Ende der Arianiten, Munich, 1960, Busta 834, brief expedited by the papal secretary [later pp. 37-48.

Cardinal] Adriano Castellesi). 33 Sanudo, Diarii, II, 958, and cf. col. 970.

514 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT to go through the Tyrol to Como in order to 27 February, Landucci wrote in his diary that aid the harassed duke of Milan.** In July, he had heard the Turkish ambassador had gone 1499, a Turkish envoy was said to be on his_ to Rome to request a safe-conduct of the pope way to Milan to demand the 200,000 ducats “for the Turks to go to Milan against the king which il Moro had promised the sultan for of France: but it was not granted.”*8

attacking Venice, and il Moro was quoted in a If the Turks could not reach the king of dispatch from Turin as having said that “the France, they could at least get at his allies,

Turk will reach Venice as soon as the French the Venetians. After the famous Turco-Vene-

do Milan!’6 tian peace had been made in 1479, the lion banner of S. Mark still flew from the battleThe years 1499-1500 were full of rumorsand ments of Lepanto in continental Greece and even the expectation of Turkish incursions into from those of Coron, Modon, and Navarino, Italy. The Florentine apothecary Luca Landucci Nauplia, Monemvasia, and a few other places

noted in his diary the reports of Turkish in the Morea. The Venetians continued to hold depredation of the country around Zara and _ some of the Ionian islands, especially Corfu, the

the capture of Corfu. He also says that the northern Sporades, Tenos, Mykonos, and the

king of Naples was alleged to have informed great island of Crete. Cyprus was also a Venethe pope that, if the latter did not help pre- tian possession. Obviously the evangelist still

vent any attempt by Louis XII to invade the had a large stake in the Levant. The Vene-

Regno, he would call upon the Turks for as- tians had excluded from the peace of 1479 their sistance. Landucci believed the Turks would erstwhile friend Leonardo III Tocco, duke of have come into Italy if the French expedition Leucadia and so-called despot of Arta, who had had not in fact been directed against Milan exercised for some thirty years a prosperous

rather than Naples. On 19 October (1499) dominion over the islands of Leucadia (S. Landucci picked up the information from Venice Maura) and Ithaca, Cephalonia and Zante. Of that the Turks had raided to within twenty his family’s old claims to the despotate of Epirus

miles of the city. News on the Rialto was (Ianina), acquired by marriage and by conominous. The Turks had burned seventeen quest, all that had remained to Leonardo on villages, taken 8,000 prisoners, and killed a like the mainland was the fortress of Vonitza, number of others. Refugees were flooding into near the ancient Actium, on the Gulf of Arta the areas close to Venice, and the government (Ambracia). Mehmed the Conqueror had lost had arrested for dereliction of duty its com-_ little time in proceeding against the Tocchi, who

missioners and military commanders in the were driven from Vonitza and from their

afflicted regions. Under the twenty-fifth of the beautiful islands. In the late summer (of 1479) month Landucci recorded the rumor that 20,000 Leonardo had fled for his life before a Turkish Turks had arrived at Valona, and some were armada which had sailed from Valona to his even said to have passed into Apulia. A few island base at Leucadia.” months later (on 15 February, 1500) “it was said Leonardo found refuge in Naples, where he also that the Turkish ambassador had come to was well received by King Ferrante, who gave Naples, and that the king had-.received him him a pension of 500 florins (as we have seen) with great honours and jousting.”*’ Again, on

—_ Jervis (1927), pp. 158, 161, 163, 165; cf. Burchard, Diarium, 34 Ihid., II, 1018. ed. Thuasne, II, 578, and ed. Celani, II, 176. Parts of

35 Tbid., 11, 910, 911, 912, 915. Friuli were a shambles in 1499—1500 as a result of Turkish

36 Ibid., I1, 933: “. . . el Turcho sara a Veniexia che _ raids, on which see Antonio de Pellegrini, “Danni recati francesiin Milan.” On 19 July Lodovicoil Moro deniedtothe dai Turchi nel 1499 ai villaggi di San Martino e San Venetian ambassador the charges being made against him _ Leonardo nel territorio di Aviano,” Memorie storiche forogiu-

with respect to the Turks, but he acknowledged he had liesi, VIII (1912), 193-96, and Pellegrini, Le Incursioni sent an envoy to Istanbul, and reminded the ambassador _ turchesche in Friuli ed 1 castelli di Porcia e di Brugnera, Note e of the “potentia informidabile” of the Turk (ibid., II, 1004, documenti (1470-1499), Udine, 1911, on which note P. S. 1032-33). In early August the Milanese ambassador to the _Leicht, in the Memorie storiche forogiuliesi, VII (1911),

Holy See defended il Moro against the papal and Venetian 271-73. charges that he had incited the Turks against the Republic 38 Del Badia, ed., Diario, p. 207; Engl. trans., p. 166. (II, 1088, and cf. cols. 1089-90). Federigo of Naples, also Cf. also Landucci’s entries for 9 May and 5 September (1500),

apprehensive of Louis XII’s coming Italian expedition, the latter being the report of the Turkish capture of negotiated a peace with the Porte dated 17 July (IJ, Modon; 19 June and 13 July (1501); 10 March (1502); as

1020-23). well as 28 May and 28 October (1509). 371. del Badia, ed., Diario fiorentino dal 1450 al 1516, 39 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 29, fols.

Florence, 1883, pp. 197, 201, 203, 206, trans. Alicede Rosen 34%—35" [44%—45'].

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 515 and bestowed upon him the lands of Briatico an alliance with Ferrante of Naples to one with and Calimera in Calabria. In 1480 he appeared the Venetians. Experience had shown the Tocin Rome (like the Palaeologi before him), where _ chi, however, that Venice could not protect them

Sixtus IV gave him an annual pension of from the Turks. The Neapolitans proved even 1,000 ducats and promised him 2,000, as still less effective allies, being soon caught up in the attested by one of the frescoes of the Corsia French invasion of their own realm. Sistina in the Ospedale di S. Spirito in Rome. The sage statesmen of the Serenissima had Although Venice soon acquired Zante (1482) relied too long on Sultan Bayazid’s reputation and eventually Cephalonia (1500),*° Turkish for pacificity. They should have known that the rule persisted, with a single brief interlude ‘Turks, like all conquerors, would allow no end (1502-1503), for more than two centuries in S. to conquest but their own defeat, that ambition Maura. Such had been the price paid by outstrips success itself. After years of neglect, Leonardo Tocco and his family for preferring Venice suddenly took a great interest in the fortified town of Lepanto (Naupactus), her last

, Navagero, . a important possession on the Greek mainland. Storia veneziana, in RISS, XXIII, 1180-81. One Giovanni (Zuan) Viaro, rector and prov-

Venice seized Cephalonia alsowas in 1482-1483, shortly after fF the in late 1498 her occupation of Zante, but soon obliged to survediitore O upl€died place, diedOctober. in late cto er, ’ render it to the Porte, which also exacted an annual Of his exertions to set the Lepantine defenses tribute of 500 ducats for Zante (ibid., 1189AB). This, in order.*! It was too late. ture 19, and Miklos Pyan Sanuee in his 1 dint (e.g. The news ; , is, and cf. of. Miklosich Uuller, Acta et diplomata, . arrived in Venice at the beginning of

III, 332-33; Stefano Magno, in Sathas, Docs. inédits, V1, 234, the following year (1499) that the Gran Turco and ibid., I, 315-16; Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriah, V had ordered the flambulari of Trikkala and the [1901], bk. xvi, no. 205, p. 248, and ibid., bk. xv, no. 169, Morea “venir a la expedition di Lepanto.” The

p. 317). Turkish land forces were to be aided by a large The Venetians had succeeded, more or less, in getting fleet 42 Then reports came pouring in. Some said

the Turks tothree recognize their to Zante Cephalonia Turkagainst . h . hthe after more than years’ effort (cf.right Sen. Secreta, Reg.and the ur was preparinghe to marci

30, fols. 8Y-9', 11 [18"-19", 21], docs. dated 29 April and Albanians; others found his objective in Rhodes 7 May, 1481; Reg. 31, fol. 121”, dated 5 January, 1484 or Syria, Corfu or Apulia. The bailie of Corfu iven. ste 1483]; and Reg. 32, fol. 50, dated 14 June, a5’). repaired the walls of the nearby fortress of The Republic's astute secretary, Giovanni Dario, who had B trinto, the better to defend his island charge. pashas, had inevitably been drawn into the negotiations. Fears were entertained for “Yisola nostra di Dario was resident in Istanbul, and vigilant in the inter- Cypro. *8 Conditions in Lepanto had long been

concluded the peace of January, 1479, with Mehmed II’s . ‘cps : ests of his government throughout most of the years scandalous although Viaro had repaired the 1484-1486 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 31, fols. 125, 128°, 132, 136°-137%; Reg. 32, fols. 25, 50, 92, 104, 111, 132, 141, alls and ous out the toss. Efforts were ne 147°-149', 156"-157', 168, 194, 196'-197'; and Reg. 33, CiNg made to protect the povert against the

fols. 11 [21], 12” [22%], 147 [24"], 23¥-24" [33°-34"], potenti by the administration of summary justice, 26° [36°], docs. dated from January, 1484, to July, 1486). | but in a matter of months it was hard to right When Bayazid II dismissed Dario, the Venetian Senate the wrongs of thirty years. Supplies had been was distressed, for his performance at the Porte had been mismana ge d. There were four i mportant castles diplomacy. When it became known that Dario’s return to 42 the district of Lepanto— Galata, Peritorio, Istanbul would be welcome, the Senate gladly sent him back Uromario, and Neocastro. A survey of 18 on Mi) de appropriate galley 8%) Secreta, Reg. 33, fol November, 1498, revealed their walls to be in

remarkable even by the exacting standards of Venetian. o. - os

» aoc. date arcn, . € commission [for ? . +t; ; :

his return to the Porte is dated 7 April (1487); he was to sae disrepair, Savin racking doco.

sail on the Loredana, and preserve the Republic’s “good Token, garrisons un er strengt an poor ypeace” with the Turks (ibid., fols. 64”-65' [74"-75"]). Hehad paid. Indeed the garrison of Uromario consisted

arrived in Istanbul by 25 May, and was well received at of one old woman, and the Venetian inspector

ni113 “TNO court 95 [105], and cf. ff. {oundJohannes the gates open ff.]). On(fol. Dario’s career, seefols. Fr.103 Babinger, ' : . when he visited the

Darius (1414-1494), Sachwalter Venedigs im Morgenland, und castello! Prop erly maintained, however, Uro sein griechischer Umkreis, Munich, 1961, to which reference '1aT10 would be hard to take because of Its

has already been made. hilltop location and the single approach to its After the death of Leonardo III the title despot of Arta’ walls. Recommendations were made to restore

was inherited by his son Carlo III, who served as captain of

the Sacred College in Rome at the time of Alexander VI’s_ =——--death (Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 244, and ed. “1 Sanudo, Diarit, II, 165, letter from Lepanto, dated 1 Celani, II, 355). For the genealogy of the Tocchi, cf. the | November, 1498. rather inaccurate tables of Hopf, Chron. gréco-romanes, p. 530, ® Ibid., 11, 289-90, 554.

pp. 488-89. 610-12, 677, 790.

and for their later history, Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, 8 Ibid., II, 290-91, and ef. cols. 382, 554, 597 ff.,

516 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the defenses of the castles and to man them of France was helping to arm Rhodes. The

properly, and everything necessary could be envoy presented a letter written in Greek from done (according to the inspector) from two Sultan Bayazid, which was read in the Senate.

years’ local revenues.“ Bayazid expressed pleasure in the doge’s good Every report from Istanbul bore witness tothe health, commended Zanchani for the competent Gran Turco’s extensive naval preparations. The discharge of his assignment to the Porte, and

numbers and kinds of ships were usually confirmed the “good peace” (bona paxe) which specified; much of this information was proba- obtained between the Republic and the Porte.*

bly fairly accurate. The naval objective was not Although Pierre d’Aubusson, the grand so clear, and rumor continued to identify it as master of Rhodes, wrote the Doge Agostino Syria or Rhodes, Apulia or Corfu, but as time Barbarigo on 5 April, 1499, that everyone passed, Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) was added held the opinion that the Turkish expedition

to the list. On 2 March, 1499, the Venetian would be directed against the Knights Hos-

envoy to the Porte, Andrea Zanchant, wrote the _ pitaller, he informed the doge that no faith home government that the Turkish armada _ could be put in the infidel: the Knights would would be in action by May; to the usual specula-_ be ready, and could hope again to enjoy their tion about Rhodes, Apulia, and Syria, he added “old course of victory.”4® D’Aubusson knew of the observation that some people now thought the hospitable reception Zanchani had received the Turks would sail against “our places in the in Istanbul. He was sure that the latter would Morea, . . . Modon, Coron, Nauplia, and Le- have no difficulty fulfilling his commission, but panto.”*° Without knowing it, Zanchani was he prayed God might grant the Christians that getting pretty close to the facts. Whenon 10 May union of strength and concord of spirit which he returned to Venice from Istanbul, Zanchani_ could produce a great victory over the Moslem. reported in such detail as he could on the great The letter has an odd sound, as though the Turkish naval armament, which he now ex- doge were expected to read between the lines. pected to set sail in May or June. He did not ‘The Venetians could see no point, however, in know where it was going, but he did not believe reading between the lines of d’Aubusson’s it was the sultan’s intention to attack any of the _ letter. They had too many other letters to read, Republic’s possessions. Zanchani thought it quite most of which repeated the common assumplikely that Rhodes would be the objective, be- tion that the Turkish armada was going to cause it was being said in Istanbul that the king attack Rhodes. After all, Venice had been at peace with the Porte since most members of the

eaSanudo, me Diarti, Senate were young men. Bayazid had just conII, 292-94. On 22 May, 1498, the firmed the bona paxe which old Giovanni Dario Venetian government a “counhad negotiated t t Derore. bef, cil of thirty” (doubtlesssuspended composedthe of operation potent?) asofan illegal goua wenty years

and unheard-of body conducting the affairs of Lepanto, At a consistory held in Rome on Monday, 10 obviously as a consequence of the failure of the home June (1499), Alexander VI had a letter from government to attend to the affairs of the colony (Lamansky, q’Aubusson read to the cardinals. It was dated Secrets d'étatof deLepanto Venise, p. 593, note 1). to Forasome reason 4+official Rhodes on“fuora 30 April. .The the gulf seemed Venetian « grand master dil mondo” (Sanudo, II, 292), which had made it possible wrote he had been informed “that the Turk for local worthies to “grow fat” at the expense of the himself was getting ready a huge fleet of about surrounding peasantry and others. Special care was being three hundred sail to lay siege to the city of taken to garrison Modon and supply it with adequate Rhodes, where he was expected to arrive for provisions (Sathas, Docs. inédits, I, 317). In response to a . . . ; petition from the leaders of the Lepantine community, certain sometime in May: [d’Aubusson] susthe Venetian Senate had made some rather inexpensive pected that the siege would be a long one, provisions on 23 July, 1485, for both the defense and the because the Turk was coming in person to the economy of “quella fidelissima comunita nostra” (Sathas, nearby province of Lycia, where vast prepara-

V, Sanudo, 7—12,Diarii, doc.Il,dated 31 July). . ; tions were being made of all things essential to 597. On the eight kinds of vessels

most commonly used by the Turks from the fourteenth century to the seventeenth, see Svat Soucek, “Certain §=————— Types of Ships in Ottoman-Turkish Terminology,” Turcica, 47 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 94 [108], doc. dated 16

VII (1975), 233-49. May, 1499; Sanudo, Diarii, II, 695-96, 702. Sanudo gives

46 Sanudo, Diarii, II, 598-99, and cf. col. 612. It was an Italian translation of the sultan’s letter, which is dated

widely believed, however, that Rhodes was to be the destina- 15 March. Cf., ibid., II, 980 ff. Zanchani had left Istan-

tion of the armada (ibid., II, 626, 666, 710, 712, 716, bul on 18 March. 757, 794, etc.). 48 Sanudo, Diarii, II, 666.

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 517 a siege.” D’Aubusson had therefore warned the houses, after which the poor islanders were religious of his Order to come as soon as_ visited by a fusta of the flambulario of Negropossible to the assistance of Rhodes, and now he __ ponte, which seized two more men and another humbly begged his Holiness, as universal pastor seventeen animals. The main body of the fleet

of the Church, to grant the Hospitallers auxilium entered the Gulf of Coron, where it did conet favor as well as the other concessions which — siderable damage to Venetian property and in-

crusaders received for service “against the _ stallations. The Venetian captain-general of the perfidious Moslems.” When the letter had been sea, Antonio Grimani, prepared careful plans

read, Alexander announced that he would for a possible attack upon the Turks, but

indeed assist: the threatened Hospitallers—if timidly refrained from making the attack.” His any members of the Order in Italy had not yet indecision caused confusion in the Venetian paid their arrears (arrelagia) and the annate for fleet. During the first week in August it became the current year 1499, they were to do so, but abundantly clear that the Turkish fleet was thereafter they should pay nothing more forthe headed for Lepanto, not Corfu,** and it must next three years. Four days later Alexander have been equally clear to those on the spot that observed in the consistory that the Turk might Grimani was miscast in the role of admiral. The already have placed Rhodes under siege. Car- Curia Romana was informed of developments. dinal Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini (later With bared head and on bended knees the pope Pius III) outlined the proposals being made to _ said special prayers that “God should give victory

assist the Hospitallers: funds would be collected, to the Signoria.”°** The Turks burned five and the pope would send briefs to allthe princes _ churches in the area between Coron and Modon.

appealing for their help. This was whateveryone A Venetian provveditore found three heads in the Curia had assumed would be done. Alex- along the road, one of a priest.*® Sanudo is full

ander also wanted to know more precisely, of details. The costs of what had become a however, what measures the Holy See had taken war between the Republic and the Porte to help frustrate the great Turkish siege of | mounted with each passing hour. The Venetian

Rhodes in Sixtus IV’s time.” rectors of terra ferma were busy collecting the The Turks had concealed their plans exceed- subsidies which the Senate had demanded (on 11

ingly well, yet inevitably the suspicion grew into July, 1499) from Padua, Vicenza, Verona, certainty that they intended an attack upon Brescia, Bergamo, Crema, Ravenna, Treviso, either Lepanto or the Moreote possessions of Asolo, Udine, Cividale, Bassano, and other the Republic.*° By 21 July (1499) it seemed mainland possessions of Venice, “laqual defende pretty clear to a Venetian naval commander at el nome Christiano da la perfidia de infideli.”°® Modon that the Turkish objective was in fact Lepanto.*' Two large fuste and a brigantine of —% sanudo, Diarii, 11, 1122-26, and ¢f. cols. 1241 fF. the Turkish fleet raided the island of Aegina, Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 (1843), carrying off seven men and three hundred 174-75, who participated as a provveditore in the events capi di animali. The Turks burned a number of he describes; P. Bembo, Hist. veneta (1551), bk. v, fols. 65 ff. Antonio Grimani had become capitaneus generalis

maris in mid-April, 1499 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 48 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 1 (from 86" [100"]); his commission is dated 30 April (zbid., fols. the Archivum Consistoriale), fols. 60, 63-64, and cf. fols. 88'-90"[102' ff.]). Grimani was an imposing personality. He

68%, 70°. was thought to be the man to meet what might prove to

°° Sanudo, Diari, 11, 740, 757, 840, 857, 867, 873, 918, beaserious emergency: “The reason, as you know, for your 919, 920, 978, 979 ff., 1004-6, etc., 1065-66, 1073-74. election and your mission has been the report and wideThe Curia Romana still believed, as of 4 July (1499), that spread knowledge of the powerful fleet of the Turks .. .” the Turkish armada would sail for Rhodes (zbid., H, 912), (ibid., fol. 88” [102°]). He was to follow every move of the but on | August a papal bull imposing a double tithe on Turks, and his reports were to be sent in the cipher then the Venetian clergy lamented the Turkish assault upon the being used by the Venetian mission in Istanbul. If the Republic’s territories (Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriah, VI Turks attacked Rhodes, he was to take no action, but was

[1903], bk. xvi, no. 157, p. 41). “manfully” to defend all the overseas possessions of the

*t Sanudo, Diarit, II, 1054. Despite the Venetian peace with Republic, including the islands of the duchy of Naxos (fol.

the sultan, “confirmata solennemente per lui cum il nobel 90").

homo Andrea Zanchani orator nostro,” by 27-29 June, 53 Sanudo, Diari, II, 1126-29, 1141 ff. 1499, the Senate had become grievously aware that the 54 Ibid., II, 1134-35. Turks’ “grandi apparati . . . maritimi et terrestri” had in § Ibid., 11, 1154. fact been prepared “in molte parte contra de nuy et per 56 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 1047 [118"], where the terra et per mar” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fols. 97%, 98" “subsidii Christiani” being levied on the cities and towns of

[111% f.], and cf. fols. 100 ff.). terra ferma amount to 56,100 ducats.

518 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians were not getting much fortheir the Turks. © It was a severe blow to Venetian money. Grimani failed to prevent the Turkish _ prestige; immediately the incompetent Grimani fleet from entering the Gulf of Corinth. Letters was “in grandissimo odio a tuta la terra.”® By from Lepanto dated 14 August (1499) brought a vote of the Senate on 14 September he was

to Venice the sad news that the Turks were removed from his post, and on the following

encamped around the city although the battle day Melchior Trevisan was elected captain-genhad not yet begun.” A French fleet of twenty- eral of the sea. Trevisan’s commission contwo sail, composed largely of Hospitaller ships, tains the notice that Alexander VI had just arrived in mid-August in the waters off Zante granted a plenaria indulgentia de colpa et de pena

with the intention of assisting the harried as well as all the benefits of the coming

Venetian admiral.*® On 21 August, however, jubilee (for the year 1500) to those who were

the besieged in Lepanto learned that 1,500 serving and had served in the Venetian

janissaries had arrived the previous morning to armada.™ As for Grimani, after a desultory trial

support the efforts of the Turkish naval com- in Venice he was banished to the island of manders.*? While we need not be concerned Cherso (Cres) in the Quarnero (on 12 June, 1500).

with minor episodes in the Veneto-Turkish A distinguished name nonetheless counted for struggle,’ we must note that the French captain much on the lagoon. Twenty-one years later (on was no more anxious for a decisive engagement 6 June, 1521) Antonio Grimani was elected with the Turkish fleet than was Grimani, andon_ doge of Venice.® In the meantime the Venetians 29 August (1499) Lepanto was surrendered to ————_— 51 Sanudo, Diarii, I1, 1339-40, and vol. III (1880), ed. R. Fulin, cols. 11 ff.; Malipiero, Annali veneti, pp. 178-80;

To Hajji Khalifeh, History of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, 5? Sanudo, Diarii, 11, 1230-35, 1287. trans. James Mitchell, London, 1831, pp. 19-21. As late as

°8 Ibid., II, 1237 ff., 1253, 1291, where the armada francese 3 September, 1499, as the (still uninformed) Senate wrote

is given as twenty-two sail. Malipiero, Annali veneti, p. Grimani, the Venetians were hoping for victory (Sen. 177, says the French fleet consisted of “16 nave, 3 galie, Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 115” [129%]), but by Grimani’s

2 fuste, e un bergantin.” own letters of 25, 27, and 29 August, received in Venice 59 Sanudo, Diarit, II, 1240. on the morning of 13 September, the loss of Lepanto be-

Cf., ibid., II, 1257-59, 1290-92, 1322-23, 1325-26, came known, to the Senate’s immense distress (ibid., fols. 1332. Malipiero, Annali veneti, pp. 176-77, describes the 119° ff. [133° ff.]). Lepanto had been under Venetian personal heroism of the Venetian captains Alban d’Armer domination for ninety-five years, having been acquired in and Andrea Loredan, and criticizes the admiral Grimani 1404 (Chronicon venetum, in RISS, XXIV [Milan, 1738], cols.

as “homo de poco cuor.” Actually the Turkish fleet, al- 113-14). though Grimani reported that it amounted to 260 vessels, On the fall of Lepanto, note also Hans-Albrecht von contained many navilit picolt, and was clearly a much _ Burski, Kemal Re’ts: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der titrkischen

weaker armament than the Venetian fleet with a total of 88 Flotte, diss. Bonn, 1928, pp. 40 ff.; Georges Vajda, “Un legni da battagha (cf. in general L. Fincati, “La Deplorabile Bulletin de victoire de Bajazet II,” Journal asiatique, Battaglia navale del Zonchio [1499],” in Rivesta marittima, XVI CCXXXVI (Paris, 1948), 91-92, where the date 27 August

[Rome, Feb. 1883], esp. pp. 187-201). Zonchio was not (1499) is given for the occupation of the fortress; and modern Navarino, located to the south of the island of G. S. Ploumides, “’Eyypaga yita tn Bevetroxpatovpévyn Sphacteria, but Navarino Vecchio to the north; the well- Nadzaxro,” in the’Ezernpis ‘Eratpeias Bulavrivav Szovbar, preserved Venetian castle just above the modern town of XXXIX-—XL (1972-73), 500-1.

Navarino did not of course exist in the fifteenth and 82 Sanudo, Diari, II, 1335; Malipiero, pp. 181-82;

sixteenth centuries. In the so-called “battle of Zonchio” Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 570, and ed. Celani, the Venetians lost a few ships and eight hundred men; it II, 170. was chiefly remarkable for the ineptitude of Grimani and 63 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fols. 121%-122" [135%-136"]. the subsequent loss of Lepanto. Fincati’s views concern- Trevisan’s commission, dated 26 September, 1499, is ing Grimani’s handling of his command have a special _ preserved, ibid., fols. 128’-131" [142” ff.]. As usual, the interest since he was a well-known tactician and rear _ election took place in the Maggior Consiglio. admiral in the Italian navy. Probably the years of peace 64 Ibid., fol. 129 [143]. Trevisan was given a copy of the with the Turks had lessened the effectiveness of most Vene- _ bull.

tian commanders, who Manfroni says had become “pit 8 Sanudo, Diarit, III, 5, 46-47, 49, 58-59, 100, 102-3, amantt del loro avere che dell’onore” (Storia della marina 143-44, 172-75, etc., and esp. cols. 387-90, 393-94. See in ittahana, Rome, 1897, pp. 216-17). Such leadership would — general S. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, V (1856),

obviously help demoralize the common seamen. Manfroni 134-44; L. Fincati, in Rivista marittima, XVI (1883), also believes that Fincati was unjustified in heaping all the 204-13; C. Manfroni, Storta della marina italiana (1897),

blame for the loss of Negroponte in 1470 upon the _ pp. 214-22; Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant (1908), pp. shoulders of Niccol6 da Canale, offering this criticism of 492-94; H. Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, II (1920, repr.

Fincati’s work: “In una parola il suo lavoro ha intenti 1964), 409-11. Antonio Grimani was imprisoned before 10 regionali, e per iscolpare i marinai veneti, getta la colpa November, 1499 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 153% [167°]); d’ogni loro sconfitta sull’infelice loro condottiero” (Man- he was granted an “absolution di l’exilio” in June, 1509

froni, op. cit., p. 71, note 3). (Sanudo, Diari, VIII, 412-13, and cf. col. 502).

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 519 had to carry on the badly managed war with gary. The Hungarians could help to relieve the

Turkey. pressure on Venice, “and we too have taken

steps to send our representative [to Hungary] Some months after the Turkish acquisition of to this effect.” Maximilian I, the king of the Lepanto, Sultan Bayazid II is alleged to have Romans, was also in a position to help, and an stated that up to then the Venetians had been appeal must be addressed to him. “A universal wed to the sea, but henceforth it belonged to crusade was once declared against the infidels him. Louis XII told the Republic’s envoy that, in the time of Pope Urban II,” the Senate while the Venetians were wise in their deliber- stated, “and there followed therefrom the ations and possessed of great riches, they lacked greatest benefits to Christendom.” At that time courage in warfare (tanto timor haveti di la 300,000 or more Christians set out on expedimorte), whereas the French undertook the trials tions against the common enemy; just as many of war with the determination to win or die. The or even more could now be organized to strike burden of defeat was not lightened by humili- at the Turks.67 One such letter must take the ation, and how often in the years to come would _ place of several which could easily be cited to visitors to Venice who witnessed the state festival illustrate the terrible concern which gripped

of the Sensa, in which the doge married the the Senate after the Venetian loss of Lepanto.

sea, mutter under their breath the mocking lines The Turks now built the twin forts of

of Joachim du Bellay:™ “Rumelia” and the “Morea,” the ruins of which

Maj still doit guardlethe strait of Lepanto, ais lon ce do; que; ;lon meilleur estimer,the. :narrow ye .

C’est quand ces vieux coquz vont espouser la mer, gateway to the Corinthian gulf. While in Venice

Dont ilz sont les maris et le Turc l’adultere. the unfortunate admiral Antonio Grimani was languishing in prison, comforted and defended As the Senate wrote the Venetian representa- by his loyal sons (of whom one was Cardinal tives then at the court of Louis XII, “With the Domenico), the diplomats were busy. Maximilian seizure of Lepanto, the fearsome enemy now confirmed his peace with Venice, and “offered wants to occupy the rest of the Peloponnesusand to proceed against the Turks;” on 18—19 Novemall the Levant, where the greatest alarm prevails. er (1499) Russian envoys arrived in the city “per

On the other front a huge Turkish force of far ligha contra i Turchi.” The Russians had

more than twenty thousand horse has at this instructions also to go to Rome and into France very hour invaded Istria’ and Cividale [Forum

Julium], as you will perceive from the summaries of dispatches which we are sending you.” —e sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 132 [146], dated 28 SepVenice had become the “shield and bulwark” of tember, 1499, and on the Venetian mission to Hungary, Christendom, and although she would do her _ ibid., fols. 135 [149], 146% [160°], 164 [178], 174 [188], best, she could not bear so great a burden by 1817-182" [195'- 196°], et alibi. Ladislas II of Hungary and herself. The Senate had been much comforted Bohemia had, however, already renewed his treaty of peace with Bayazid (on 1 May, 1498), on which see V. Corovié, by the assurance of French help, but speed was “per Friedensvertrag zwischen dem Sultan Bayazid II. und necessary. In the meantime heartfelt approval dem Kénig Ladislaus II.,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenwas given to Cardinal d’Amboise’s idea that landischen Gesellschaft, XC (new ser XV, repaig, 1936),

Ee 1 ; sé — OJ. ar WI urkey waS doubtless bpeyon e resources

rw i aac Shou “hi te raya iI that he of Venice (G. Priuli, Diarii, II, 14, in RISS, new ed., vol. sno : CSIs om Mis Offensive agains us. XXIV, pt. 3). Louis XII later sent two heralds to IstanLouis had already named an envoy to Ladislas pul. They passed through Venice toward the end of July,

II, king of Hungary and Bohemia; Alexander 1500, on their return to France, but the Senate could Vi was also about to send a nuncio to Hun- take no satisfaction in their report. The Turks were up

to their old tricks, ‘‘fallacie et versutie,” the Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador to the French court, “dicendo et

OO dimonstrando una cossa in parolle et facendone cum effecti °6 J. du Bellay, Les Regrets, no. cxxxiul, ed. Pierre Grimal, unaltra per poter mandar ad executione el suo cativo Bibl. de Cluny, vol. 50, Paris, 1948, p. 181; Kretschmayr, _ pensiero contra de nuy et contra tuta la Christianita” (Sen.

Gesch. von Venedig, II, 411-12, 463. For Louis XII’s_ Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 51” ff. [61% ff.], dated 31 July, statement to the Venetian ambassador Antonio Loredan, 1500). The Senate was also very critical of the Grand see Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1_ Master Pierre d’Aubusson. Two Turkish envoys were ac(1843), 183, and Sanudo, Diarii, II, 11: “Vui, venitiani, | companying the heralds to France; they came without safeseti sapienti in le vostre deliberation, habondanti de richeze, _ conducts: “Nuy habiamo allozati questi ambassatori Turchi

et poveri de animo e virilita in le vostre guerre: tanto commodamente, ma ben non li lassamo parlar ad alcuno” timor haveti di la morte! E nui tolemo le imprese di __(ibid., fol. 52"). The Turkish envoys accomplished nothing

guerra con animo de morir o vencer.” at the French court (fols. 57° ff. [67% ff.]).

520 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in further pursuit of the same objective. The spoke of Venetian love for the Signor Turco Venetians sent Alvise Manenti, secretary of the and the Republic’s long-continued good faith Council of Ten, to Istanbul to undertake nego- toward the Porte. During all Jem Sultan’s later

tiations for the re-establishment of peace and years, from his residence in Cairo to. his the réstitution of Lepanto. He was to proceed imprisonment in Rome, Venice “had never tried with extreme caution, because there was talk in to make a move against his Excellency, and had

the European chanceries of a general league always wanted friendship and peace with him against the Turks. Malipiero has incorpo- more than with any other ruler in the world.” rated in his Annali a long report which Manenti Manenti requested the return of Lepanto, which

sent the Signoria concerning the course and as a commercial center under Venetian admineventual failure of his difficult mission. He ar- istration would be more profitable to the sultan rived at Castel Tornese on 20 December and at than if he kept possession of it in his own hands. Patras. on the twenty-second, accompanied by He blamed the war on Lodovico il Moro, whom a cavalry force of the Turkish commander Ali God had punished with the loss of Milan, and Pasha, who received him very courteously onthe appealed to the pashas “that they might support twenty-third, professing a great love for Venice my just request, which means peace for the lords

and for peace. Ali Pasha said that the “young and peoples who live through two thousand Turks” (2 giovani) at the Porte were all for miles of territory.” war; they had diverted the expedition from One of the pashas answered him that Venice Rhodes to Lepanto. “He said that the Signoria’ was to blame for the war, because subjects of knew that the bad offices of the duke of Milan, the Republic in Albania and the Morea were and of other evil Christians, have been the cause continually guilty of thefts and homicides to of this war, and God has punished him, and the serious injury of subjects of the Porte, “and

made him lose his state,” of which we shall we have written to the Signoria to punish have more to Say in its proper context. them, but it has never done so.” The Vene-

With endless protestations of his friendship tians had not appreciated the boon of years of for Venice and his dedication to peace, “be- peace with the Porte, although relying on that cause those who do not want peace are evil peace they had been able to defeat their enemen,” Ali Pasha furnished Manenti with the op- mies, acquire Cyprus, lands in Apulia, and portunity to buy horses, although he “bought Cremona and other places in Lombardy. The them at great expense.” He also gave Manenti other pashas agreed with the speaker. They his secretary as an escort to Adrianople, were astonished that Manenti could ask for the doubtless as a means of checking up on his return of Lepanto. No one who valued his life activities and the progress of his mission. On would dare suggest it to the sultan, who had 27 December Manenti was at Lepanto. He ar- “decided to have the sea as his boundary with rived at Adrianople on 17 February (1500), the Signoria.” As for Lodovico il Moro, he had having seen constant evidence of Turkish mili- had no influence upon the sultan’s decision to tary and naval preparations for the coming attack the Signoria’s possessions, “but rather season. On 22 February he was received at the the reasons which have been stated.” Manenti Turkish court (the sultan was at Adrianople). protested gently, choosing his words, that his After presenting his letters of credence and government knew nothing of the alleged homipaying his hosts the usual compliments, Manenti_ cides and thefts. ... The Turks had little more to say: “Ambassador, we have heard you "Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, III, 41, 86, 118, 125, 127, 132, 4¥eely, and have told you the sultan’s inten162, 171; P. Bembo, Hist. veneta (1551), bk. v, fols. tions. Tomorrow we shall tell him all that you 71%—72*. Manenti’s instructions may be found in the have said, and on Monday we shall give you his Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fols. 148'— 150° [162'—-164"]; they in- answer.” Manenti then returned to his lodgings.

rimani (zbid., fol. 182° [196"]). .

Guided an investigation of the charges against Antonio On Monday, 94 February, Manenti was sum6° Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 moned again to the Porte. The spokesman for (1843), 188-89, 191. On Manenti’s meeting with Ali the pashas said that the sultan was still deterPasha (“Halli Bassa”), note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. mined to make the sea the dividing line be4° [14"], 15* [25"]. Sanudo, Diarii, III, 61, notes the appear- tween Turkish and Venetian territories. The ance of two Russian envoys before the Venetian Signoria has declared. however. they had all urged the on 1 December, 1499, and ¢f,, ibid. , cols. 54—55, 66: they were pashas ea, NOW ve ; y la d ree expected in Rome on 26 December (col. 135), and note Sultan to make peace with Venice, “which they

col. 136, and Romanin, V, 144. all know to have been a good and faithful

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 521 friend of their lord, in the time of Jem Sultan the Florentines, were informing and even adas at other times. . . .” The price of peace vising the sultan. Several documents attest the would be the cession to the Porte of the fortress close and amicable relations then being cultitowns of Nauplia, Modon, Coron, and Monem-_ vated between the cities on the Arno and the

vasia, as well as an annual gift to the sultan Bosporus. In February, 1499, the Florentines of 10,000 ducats, “as was given to his father.” were preparing to send Geri Risaliti as a special The Turks would send an envoy (schiavo) to envoy to Istanbul “renovare la antiqua amicitia,” Venice with Manenti to bring back the Signoria’s to seek confirmation of the privileges and imreply. If the Venetians wished to make peace on munities granted to them in the past, and to thank these. terms, they should send an ambassador to his Ottoman majesty for the good treatment the Porte. “If not, God would work his will, always hitherto accorded Florentines. He was to

and [they said] that we were to leave immedi- petition for full continuance of the trading ately, for the matter did not brook any delay.” rights which the Florentines had enjoyed in Manenti replied that these were heavy de- ‘Turkish territory “now for many years.” Risaliti’s

mands. Venice would not be able to accept commission abounds in praise of Bayazid’s them. He would never have believed that any father, Mehmed the Conqueror, “principe di such request could be made. The pashas said immortal memoria.” The Florentine governthere was no point in further discussion. On 26 ment wanted the free and secure passage of February Manenti received a brocaded gown as_ goods and merchants through the sultan’s a gift from the sultan, and on the following dominions, and reminding Risaliti that quarrelday called on the leading pasha for a further some Florentines had often brought “infamia a brief exchange of views and to bid him good- _ tucta la natione nostra,” the government wanted

bye. The Turk was as intractable as previously: him to unite the members of the Tuscan “I think that he had been informed by the colony in Istanbul in tighter bonds of amity Florentines, our good friends. . . .” The sultan to one another. Since oddly enough the Florenwould begin his campaign in April, and it was tine archives contained no copy of the “articles, public knowledge that he had sworn to proceed _ privileges, and immunities,” the confirmation against Nauplia, Modon, Coron, and Monem-_ of which Risaliti was to request, he was to have vasia. Manenti picked up various piecesofrumor acopy made in Istanbul, written in a good hand and information in Adrianople: The king of on paper of good quality, “authenticated accord-

France was actually not well disposed toward ing to the custom of the country in two

Venice; an envoy of Maximilian and Lodovico languages [nell’ una lingua et Valtra], or at least il Moro had arrived in Turkey; the sultan had in Greek,” which he was to bring back with him sent a military mission into Hungary “to keep upon his return to Florence. Risaliti set out for that king at peace with him;” and so on. “The Istanbul on 9 May (1499) as Bayazid was befirst pasha is planning the attack [impresa] upon ginning the Lepantine campaign.” A year later, the Morea; the second, upon Cyprus; the third, .as Bayazid was embarking on another career of the island of Sicily; the fourth, the kingdom of conquest, the Florentine Signoria sent him heartNaples; the fifth, Friuli, and he is asking for felt thanks for his gracious reception of Risaliti

men, and he promises to go all the way into and his favorable consideration of their re-

Lombardy.””° quests.” Manenti was probably not far wrong in his By the beginning of April, 1500, Alvise

assumption that the Serenissima’s buon amici, Manenti was back in Venice, where he made

ee his report to the Senate.” The Turkish prepara-

_ ™Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. stor. italiano, VII-1 tions which he had noted on the long journey (1843), 193-96; Romanin, V, 144-49; and on Manenti’s

return to Venice in the spring of the year 1500, see ——_

Sanudo, Diariz, III, 171, 179-81, with a summary of 1 Giuseppe Muller, ed., Documenti sulle relazioni delle Manenti’s report; c¢f., zbid., cols. 188, 190-91, 192-93, 194, citta toscane coll’ Oriente, Florence, 1879, pt. 1, no. ccrx, 197,and Manfroni, Marina italiana, p. 222. During February, pp. 242-44, and cf. docs. ccvi—ccvul, ccx, ccxm1 ff.

1500, one day after another brought news of the “maximi 2 Muller, Documenti, pt. 1, no. ccxu, pp. 245-46, docs. apparatus domini Turci et terra et mari ad invasionem dated at Florence, 23~—27 May, 1500. Christianorum” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 37, fol. 187 [200], 3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 14 ff. [24 ff.]. Published re189*— 190° ff. [202 ff.]): the Turks were now using Lepanto ports to the Senate of envoys to Istanbul, including that as a base of operations as well as other places within easy of Alvise Manenti on 9 April, 1500 (Sanudo, Diarii, III, reach of the Italian coast, and the Venetians were moved 179-81), are listed in Francesca Antonibon, Le Relaztoni a

to a new burst of activity. stampa di ambasciatori veneti, Padua, 1939, pp. 28 ff.

522 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT from Lepanto to Adrianople had not been with- Coron now surrendered. From this terrible out obvious purpose. From May the rumors and_ disaster Venetian power in the Morea found reports of the sultan’s advance began; Bayazid recovery impossible. himself was leading a large army into the —————— Morea. At this critical juncture the. Venetian qnest of Modondays on \, August . of Coron seven later. (1500) and the capitulation captain-general of the sea, Melchior (or Marchio) Having received “diebus hiis” the news of the Turkish

Trevisan, fell ill, and on 28 July (1500) occupation of Modon, Alessio Celidonio, then bishop of

Benedetto Pesaro was appointed his successor.” Gallipoli in southern Italy, a suffragan see of Otranto The Venetians made great efforts to send men (Eubel, Hierarchia, II [1914, repr. 1960], 157), addressed and provisions to Corfu, Modon, Coron, and three anti-Turkish tracts called sermones to Oliviero Carafa, Nauplia. Modon pr d to be th Itan’ b- cardinal of Naples, between 15 October and 1 November, Nauplia, MOCO p ove oO De Me sultans O ,, 1500. The tracts are entitled De ratione belli in Turcos jective, one of the eyes of the Republic. ineundi, De bello in Turcos apparando, and De bello cum Tureis On 17 August (1500) Don Gonsalvo Fernando = gerendo; the contents are summarized, with illustrative quode Cordova, the “grand captain,” offered the tations, in N. Iorga, ed., Notes et extraits pour servir @

Spanish fleet to the Venetians “in socorso de Uhistoire des cronsaes ou x¥ siecle, V area Po) no. Modon et altri luochi nostri de Levante.” But “aitrarick Politicche Problematiken sar Ta J. Biss'ing:

0 ; ; we ; Militarisch-Politische Problematiken zur Turkenfrage im

after a six weeks’ siege the janissaries had madea__ 15. Jahrhundert,” Bohemia: Jahrbuch des Collegium Carolinum,

lucky assault upon the battered walls of the V (Munich, 1964), 117-21, 126-27, 133-36. famous seaport, capturing Modon on 9 August Celidonio, who was born in Sparta, lamented the loss of

: . . the Morea, meum natale solum. He thought that4.7.1 he saw“ the (1500), as supplies and reinforcements were si . : a7 .just eginning of the end, “atque utinam falsus sim vates!

coming 1nto the harbor.” Navarino and even (Iorga, Notes et extraits, V, 314). The Christians had brought : some of the tragedy upon themselves by their own discord and divisiveness, while the Turks had shown a unity of

OO leadership and possessed an abundance of resources lacking 74 Cf. Sanudo, Diarit, III, 333. in the West. Moral reform must be the first step toward ™ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 50'-51" [60°-61"], “com- effective defense against the Turks. The clergy must do missio . . . Ser Benedicti de Cha de Pesaro,” the Ca de its part. Clerics with an annual income of more than 200 Pesaro possibly being the Palazzo Pesaro-Fortuny on the ducats (aurei) should give one third of their revenues for

Campo S. Benedetto. the war against the Turks, and so should the cardinals, if

76 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 60’-61" [70"—71%], letters their income exceeded 2,000 ducats a year. The pope should

dated 2 September, ‘1500, to Gonsalvo, to the Venetian make a like contribution, and should summon a “conventus captain-general of the sea, and to the Venetian ambassador Christianorum omnium” to meet in some town in the lower

in Rome. . Alpine regions.

7 Sanudo, Diarii, III, 419, 485, 488, 502, 526-27, 574, At this congress the unity of Christendom should be 599-600, 602, 610 ff.; 620 ff., 637, 640, and esp. cols. proclaimed, a papal call to arms issued. This crusading

688-94, 717-19, etc., 824 ff.; Hajji Khalifeh, Maritime Wars congress must not be called a council, however, “quandoof the Turks, trans. Jas. Mitchell, London, 1831, pp. 21-22. quidem . . . nomen quoque ipsum quibusdam nostrorum On 5 September (1500) official letters were authorized by suspectum esse video” (ibid., V, 318). Celidonio had prothe Venetian Senate to be sent to the pope and the _ posals for the economical feeding and housing of the delecardinals, the king of the Romans, the king of France, the gates to the congress, which should be divided into “nasovereigns of Spain, and the kings of Hungary, Poland, tions” (as at Constance in 1414-1418) to avoid the usual

England, Portugal, and Naples, as well as the duke of quarrels. Burgundy and the Electors of the Empire, to inform them The congress should declare the existence of a new all of the calamitous loss of Modon (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, Christian alliance, and itself vote for another war against

fols. 63” ff. [73% ff.], and Sanudo, III, 750-52). the Turks, who were to be assailed both by land and by sea.

The Senate wrote Alexander VI that they had always The commander-in-chief of the crusading forces should posstated to an unbelieving Europe that Venice was not strong sess the qualities of a Cicero, “Marcus Tullius, au[c]tor enough to carry the Turkish burden by herself. Now the eminentissimus!” (V, 320). We may leave the interested bulwark had been broken: “Expugnatum est Mothonum, _ reader to pursue Celidonio’s proposed routes for his two or viris omnibus illis fortissimis ad unum trucidatis praeter eos three crusading armies and for his fleet, which (especially

dumtaxat qui sese ac suos ut a foedissima hostium the latter) must be prepared for five years’ service (V, servitute subtraherent cum uxoribus et liberis in propriis 320-22). Displaying an unecclesiastical interest in arms and domibus sponte concremarunt! Lachrymabile horrendum- armor, Celidonio was full of tactical advice for the deploy-

que spectaculum!” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 63%). The ment of troops in the field as well as. for the naval Venetians claimed that Bayazid II had led 150,000 men into maneuvers which the crusading high command should folthe Morea (ibid., fol. 64°). The fall of Modon was known — low. He acknowledged that his advice was not based upon

in Rome by 10-11 September (Burchard, Diarium, ed. experience (and nothing is more obvious), “sed ex aliqua Thuasne, III, 75, with note, and ed. Celani, II, 242). Cf. rerum cognitione.” Envoys should be sent, he said, to Uzun Manfroni, Marina italiana, pp. 224-28, and Jos. von Ham-_ _Hasan’s eldest son and the soldan of Egypt and other mer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, II (repr. 1963), 316 ff. eastern enemies of the Turks to enlist their aid. He recalled

For Bayazid I1’s official description of the Moreote cam- the crushing defeat of Sultan Bayazid I by Timur the Lame paigns of 1499-1500, see Georges Vajda, “Un Bulletin de (at Ankara in 1402), “victum a se devinctumque catenis victoire de Bajazet II” [dated 8 November, 1500], Journal argenteis ac ferreis cancellis inclusum secum ducens” (V, asiatique, CCXXXVI (1948), 87-102, which places the con- 328). This brief summary may do less than justice to

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 523 The Republic now held in the Morea only the the resumption of free trade and the mutual castle of Monemvasia and those at Nauplia, to- return of prisoners and runaway slaves, the gether with the latter town’s dependencies at Venetians would agree to continue paying the Kastri and Thermisi on the mainland opposite annual tribute of five hundred ducats for the barren island of Hydra. The Turkish war Zante.*! These years were long remembered on went on. In the years 1500-1501 there were few weddings in Venice; commerce lagged, and 9————— employment fell; banks failed; and they were The sultan wrote the doge and Signoria again on 5 August, fortunate who knew whence tomorrow’s bread !503,. that the slave Ali, who had taken the treaty to 78 XAT: . . Venice with the Venetian ambassador, had returned to would come.” With the aid of the Spanish fleet Istanbul with Messer Andrea Gritti, who had duly reunder Gonsalvo de Cordova, the Venetian ported that the doge had accepted the text and sworn to captain-general Benedetto Pesaro besieged and its observance. The doge had also accepted the necessity took the castle of S. George, the capital and of settling the claims being made by the Porte as a result commandin gp osition on the island of Cepha- of the Venetian seizure of certain Turkish goods or property

lon; b 1500).72 the island of S. Maura 3, doc. dated at onia 54D (on ecemper, ), andd aafteron{Istanbul II dec. safer 909). (ibid., AndreaBusta Gritti remained in IstanGonsalvo’s return to Sicily the captain-general, bul as the Republic’s new ambassador. He was beginning assisted by thirteen papal galleys (under the a distinguished career which would lead to his election as command of his cousin Jacopo Pesaro), captured doge twenty years later. He had been in Istanbul (as a

S. Maura (on 30 Au t I 502) B detto’ merchant) when the war broke out the between the Porte and . Bust, > DENCCEILO'S Venice. Being imprisoned during summer of 1499

tomb in the church of the Frari in Venice (Malipiero, Annali veneti, in Arch. storico italiano, VII-1 still recalls these exploits. We shall return to [1843], 172-73), he had been freed in January, 1502, on them later. The Venetians would have to sur- which see James C. Davis, “Shipping and Spying in the render S. Maura to the Turks, however, when Early xvi s7ay yenenan Doge, 1496-1502,” Studi venepeace Was finally agreed to by the sultan in 81 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 39, fols. 62°-64' [74"-76"], docs. dated Istanbul on 13-19 December, 1502, and con- 23 January, 1503, when the news of Bayazid’s willingfirmed by the doge in Venice on 20 May, 1503.8° ness to make peace had reached Venice. On 4 May Andrea

Among various other provisions guaranteeing Gritti was elected ambassador to the Porte to see to the

necessary last formalities of the peace (ibid., fols. 81%—82" [93”—94']). Gritti’s commission, dated 16 May (fols. 84%—87*),

_— specifies that “per la forma di capituli de la pace nuy siamo celidonto s views, put aCf. GfFranz that they merit more spaceMaura tenuti ad doe cosse essentiale, l’unaprisoners, é la restitutione deand S. than ave given them. Babinger, “Alessio [together with the Turkish cannon, Celivonto (+1517) und seine Turkendenkschrift,” in Beitrage l’altra restituir .i .homeni robe che furono zur Siidosteuropa-Forschung, Munich, 1966, pp. 326-30. munitions], prese a Napoli dede Romania .” (fol.et85" [97"]). On 20 8 Hajji Khalifeh, Maritime Wars, pp. 22-23, on the sur- May the doge swore to abide by the terms of the peace in render of Navarino and Coron; Coron fell on 16 August, the presence of the Turkish envoy (fols. 89'-91"). The 1500 (Sanudo, Diarii, 111, 770-74), and Navarino about the Venetian regimina throughout the Levant and the Adriatic same time. Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 72" [82"]; were notified of the final arrangements for peace in letters

Roman ondeMiller, Tei ntronh, Manna vatanspp.PP. dated Be May, ons ort. Crete, Cyprus, Zante, and -30; Wm. Latins in the Levant, —98; ephalonia; Nauplia, Monemvasia, an egina; Tenos, Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, 11,412—14. Onthe plightof Skyros, Skiathos, rand Skopelos; Zara, Spalato, Sebenico,

the Lippomani bank in May, 1500, cf. Sanudo, Diarz, II, Traut, Lesina, Curzola, and other fortress towns on the

356, et alibi. Dalmatian coast (fol. 93" [105"]). Hostilities were supposed

Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 87° [97°], 97" [107°]; P. to cease on 14 December, 1502, and the fact that they did Dian ,111, Marina 231-32. TolNote 42" [S6")). Note in general Sanudo, Dian, IV, 1V. 11,1340 3 ; ffnaManfroni, italiana, pp. ialiana, —32.pp. , fol. 42°40,t]). in general Sanudo, Diarii, Pesaro also recovered Navarino (“Zonchio”) at the beginning 667-68, 751-52, and V, 22, 56-27, 32, 41-48; Predelli, of December, 1500 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 92, letters Regesti dei Commemoriali, VI, bk. xrx, nos. 9-12, pp. 65-66,

to Pesaro dated 27-28 December, replying to his of the docs. dated 14 December, 1502, and 20 May, 1503.

MO.nme sth i the, Bayazi month) wrote ad he the D As for Pope Alexander VI during this period, we should ecember, Doge note that on eptember, , five weeks or more after Leonardo Loredan and the Signoria that he had presented _ the fall of Modon, he addressed a brief to Gonsalvo de

the Venetian ambassador in Istanbul with the proposed Cordova directing him to join his fleet to that of the treaty of peace, and had himself sworn in the ambassador’s’ Venetians for action against the Turks (Sanudo, III, presence to observe its terms. In the meantime Bayazid 824-26). The pope had been trying for some time to get was sending to Venice his “slave” Ali, to whom the doge and _Gonsalvo to move into eastern waters (ibid., III, 577, 589-

Signoria were to give a copy of the treaty in full agreement 90, 752-54); on the papal fleet of thirteen galleys which with the one which the Venetian ambassador had received. aided Benedetto. Pesaro to take S. Maura, note SigisBayazid allowed sixty days for Ali’s return to the Bosporus, mondo de’ Conti, II, 278-79, on which see below, p. 533. during which time he would observe the peace. The doge Cf. Predelli, Commemoriali, VI, bk. xvii, nos. 216 and

was to swear on the four gospels to abide by the treaty 220; Romanin, V, 151-54, with a brief summary of the (Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, Busta 3, treaty of 1502-3; Zinkeisen, II, 537-38, 540-43; Pastor,

doc. dated at Istanbul 24 jumadi II 908). Hist. Popes, V1, 100-1, and Gesch. d. Papste, U1I-1 (repr.

524 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the lagoon as marking the first great decline On 24 February (1500) a Turkish envoy rode

in the failing strength of the Republic. through the streets of Rome to the apostolic palace for an audience with the pope. He was During this time of troubles for Venice Alex- accompanied by the Venetian ambassador. The ander VI had not been entirely inactive on curious Johann Burchard, master of ceremonies, behalf of Christian interests in the Levant. In knew that something was afoot, but apparently

the early autumn of 1499 he had asked the acquired no information about the Turk’s misEuropean princes to send envoys to a congress sion. Raymond Peraudi, the cardinal of Gurk,

which was to meet in Rome the following March _ believing that the envoy’s presence in Rome be-

to initiate a crusade. But there were many who tokened an effort on the sultan’s part to avert thought that the self-seeking pope could be the preaching of a crusade, suddenly left his trusted only to advance the interests of the legatine mission in Perugia and hastened back house of Borgia. There was little response to to the Curia. He arrived in Rome on 6 March, his summons, which was repeated in early “without the pope’s permission, as I have underFebruary, 1500. A brief dated the third of the stood,” says Burchard.* On the eleventh the month and addressed, among others, to the pope held a secret consistory to which he sumFlorentines warned of the recent Turkish devas- moned all the ambassadors of the Christian tations (in the Morea and in Hungary) and the powers. There came to the consistory the reprecapture of Lepanto as well as of the prepara- sentatives of Maximilian, Louis XII, Henry VII tions which the Turks were making bothonland of England, Federigo of Naples, and Ferdinand and at sea to renew the war in the spring. The of Aragon, as well as those of Venice, Savoy, pope was sure that the princes would respond and Florence. The pope spoke of the danger pro rei magnitudine que omnes tangit, and claimed which threatened Christendom, and said that in to have received a number of zealous responses. October, 1499, he had written all the kings and He asked that Florentine envoys be sent to Rome princes of Europe requesting them to send en-

with full and sufficient mandate “for the con- voys with instructions “ad consulendum et

clusion and provision of everything required for providendum necessitati Christiane.” When no

this so sacred and necessary expedition.”® one had replied, he had issued his warning again. Burchard understood that someone stated at the consistory that peace and concord 1955), 559-60; Manfroni, Marina italiana, pp. 239, 242; would have to be established among the princes Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, pp. 498-500. See in general before the Turkish problem could be properly

Gaetano Cogo, “La Guerra di Venezia contro i Turchi dealt with. The pope had high praise for the (1499-1501), Nuovo Archivio veneto, XVIIT (1899), 5-76, Venetians, who were holding the Turks at bay,

348-421, ibid.,de’ X1X (1900), documents, d government, for the S ‘sh b diIsapand L’Ultimaand Invasione Turchi in Italia 97-138, in relazionewith alla anne ort ¢€ panish but was

politica europea dell’estremo Quattrocento, Genoa, 1901; also the pointed with the German, French, and N eapoli-

dissertation of Hans-Albrecht von Burski, Kemal Re'ts: tan response to his appeal.** Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der turkischen Flotte, Bonn, 1928. Eight letters, all original, dating from December, 1500, to = =——————

September, 1502, written by the Venetian admiral Bene- tribuendumque in hanc sanctam expeditionem proximis detto Pesaro to the doge and heads (capi) of the Council of | Kalendis Martii in hac alma urbe cum aliis principum Ten may be found in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Capi _ oratoribus coram nobis conveniant,” in Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

del Consiglio dei Dieci: Lettere di rettori e di altre cariche, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols. 124-126", by mod. stamped Busta 301. Several of Pesaro’s letters are dated February, enumeration, “datum Rome M. quad. 99.” The copyist’s title 1500 [i.e., 1501] “ex triremi nostra in portu Corfoy.” They — of this bull, Exortatio contra Turcos post acceptum Modon et

relate to movements of the fleet, supphes, and the like. Coron, is wrong since the Turks did not take Modon and * Muller, Documents, pt. 1, no. ccx1, p. 245, brief dated Coron until August, 1500. at Rame on 3 February, 1500. Similar briefs were sent to 83 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 16, 23, 39, and ed. Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua (Pastor, Gesch. d. _Celani, II, 202, 206, 216; J. Schneider, Die kirchliche u. Papste, I1I- [repr. 1955], 549, note 5), to Ercole d’Este, politische Wirksamkeit d. Legaten Raimund Peraudi (1486duke of Ferrara (see below, note 84), and to other princes 1505), Halle, 1882, pp. 53-54, cited by Pastor, Gesch. and states. These texts state that envoys of the recipients d. Papste, I1I-} (repr. 1955), 550, note 1. were to convene in Rome on 1 March. Alexander VI 84 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 24, and ed. Celani, issued various bulls and briefs on behalf of Venice during II, 207; Zurita, Anales, V (1670), fol. 175; Raynaldus, 1499~— 1500 (Predelli, Regesti dei Commemoriali, V1 [1903], bk. Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1500, nos. 5-6, vol. XIX (1693), p.

xvi, nos. 157, 159, 165-68). There is a copy of the bull 487. Sanudo, Diari, III, 342, summarizes a report from the issued in the autumn of 1499 (this one to Grand Duke Venetian ambassador in Rome of a consistory held on 16 Alexander of Lithuania), seeking envoys “ita ut pleno suf- = May in which the crusade was discussed at length. Burchard

ficienti mandato ad providendum, concludendum, con- records no such consistory in his diary. On 3 February,

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 525 Shortly before the secret consistory of 11 Taleazzi) had been ordered to arm themselves March (1500) Alexander VI had asked Stefano like western archers; 2) 80,000 irregular horse’ Taleazzi, titular archbishop of Patras and_ or akinjis, guos “Acanzeos” vocant equestres, who

bishop of Venetian Torcello, to prepare in like the timariots were said to serve without

writing what would today be called working pay; 3) 10,000 to 15,000 janissaries, who were papers for an expedition against the Turks. well known as the sultan’s élite infantry; and Taleazzi wrote three crusading tracts, but it is 4) 40,000 to 50,000 mariners, quos [“Asapos”’] not clear that they were of much value to the nos ferentarios, vulgo vastatores vel cernedas Curia Romana. In the first tract, called Sum- vocamus,2> who were maintained in a state of marium de considerationibus pro expeditione contra readiness at the expense of the provinces (or Turcos, he explored briefly twenty-three “con- vilayets). The Turks were said to have killed as siderations” relating to the crusade, but the work many as 40,000 Christians during the past two

is so general as to have been of littke more years. When the Christian offensive was than hortatory value to anyone who read it, and launched, booty would of course be taken, and

sufficiently misleading as to suggest that the ‘Taleazzi was of the opinion that “all things Turks had munitions and armament enough for captured must be kept in the hands of the an army of 300,000 warriors. Taleazzi’s survey Apostolic See, . . . to be divided later.” Much of contemporary politics and hostilities reveals, money would be necessary to support the however, knowledge as well as some serious Christian host. A thirtieth should be imposed thought about the problems of individual states, upon the laity, two tithes upon the “exhausted”

but the rhetorical assertion that the crusade Italian clergy, and a third upon the ultramonrequired a decade of peace in Europe as well tane clergy, “especially in churches which have

as the union of the faithful was unlikely to good revenues.” But no one was to be forced; prove helpful to the pope and his advisers. everyone was to be the object of benign perIndeed, the whole tract reminds us of that suasion. “I have wanted hastily to make note kind of anti-Turkish literary exercise to which of these few things today,” Taleazzi concludes, Erasmus alludes with a laugh in his introduction “despite some physical indisposition, in order to

to the Praise of Folly.® satisfy the anxiety I feel in my heart and to

Taleazzi’s second tract, called a Declaratio meet the wishes of your Holiness, to whom I generalis, begins with a somewhat erroneous humbly commend myself.”® historical sketch of the crusades, and then seeks to assess the military strength of the Ottoman empire. The sultan’s manpower is divided into

tmars, que [ 5 , ) sua’ Kngue "Tima ae et 8 T have here identified the asapi as “mariners” on the basis of autem armigeros, who some years before (says Bembo, the Venetian bailie in Istanbul, wrote his government that the Turks were building ships, apparently

. such texts as the following: On 20 June, 1517, Leonardo

rs for an attack upon Christian territories, “et ordenato 1500, Alexander had rehearsed the Turkish peril, as we have mandino per la Turchia e Grecia a far scriver asappi et noted above (e.g., in the brief of that date to Duke homeni da remo, che sono signali a tempo nuovo sia per

Ercole d’Este of Ferrara), “nobilitatem tuam hortantes atque far grossissima armata, la qual armata sara a danno de’ quo possumus studio et diligentia requirentes ut ad id Christiani’ (Sanudo, Diarii, XXIV, 506). A letter written on temporis [i.e., Kalendis Martiis] pro conclusione ac pro- 13 March, 1518, in the name of Cardinal Giulio de’Medici,

visione rerum omnium huic tam sancte ac necessarie states that the Turks “haveano scripto 60 mila asapi, expeditioni necessariarum tuos quoque oratores cum pleno’ cioé gente da remo, de quali due terzi erano turchi ac sufficienti mandato ad nos mittere velis” (Arch. di Stato et il resto cristiani” (Cesare Guasti, ed., “I Manoscritti

di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero: Carteggio di prin- Torrigiani donatial R. Archivio Centrale di Stato di Firenze,” cipi, Roma, Busta 1295/10, no. 51). A serious start on plans = Archivio storico italiano, 3rd ser., XXI [1875], 231). Tommaso

for a crusade was now made at the consistory of 11 Contarini, who succeeded Leonardo Bembo as bailie in

March. Istanbul, reported on 2 June, 1520, “el Signor [Turcho]

8° See the valuable study of Bernardino Feliciangeli, “Le aver licentia li asapi di la Grecia, resta solum 12 milia, Proposte per la guerra contro i Turchi presentate da_ siché ¢ da pensar non habbi a ussir grossa armada. . .” Stefano Taleazzi, vescovo di Torcello, a Papa Alessandro (Sanudo, XXIX, 13-14). A similar letter from Ragusa

VI,” Archivio della R. Societa romana di storia patria, XL_ relates “come el Signor Turco avea dato universal licentia

(Rome, 1917), 5-63, with the previously unpublished text a tutte le gente da remo et da fatti . . .” (ibid., XXIX, of Taleazzi’s first tract (op. cit., pp. 42-50), which was 14, and ¢f. col. 15, “che ’l Signor fece dar licentia a tutti written between February and April of the year 1500. li asapi et homeni da remo’). Taleazzi later delivered the sermon contra Turcos at the tenth 87 Feliciangeli, “Le Proposte per la guerra contro i Turchi,”

session of the Fifth Lateran Council on 4 May, 1515. pp. 50—53, gives the text.

526 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Taleazzi’s third lucubration is called a De- that nothing was really going to be done to claratio magis particularis, and he thus refers to its launch the crusade.

contents: News was always anxiously awaited from HunSince . . . I have said enough about the power of Bary: for the great fear was that the Hun-

the Turk, let us now come first to the army we need garians might agree to an accord with the sultan, for such an attack [upon him]. Secondly, [let us speak] Who had sent an envoy to Buda. The Veneof the funds necessary for maintaining the army each ian envoys to the Hungarian court were told

year for ten years at least—otherwise it would be that it would be a good idea if King Maxibetter to stop planning than to attempt so greata ven- milian would join Louis XII against the Turks. ture for one or two years. Thirdly, we shall consider The Hungarian barons, they were also told, were the means of raising money, and fourthly of carrying ° quite willing to fight, but the prelates preon the war, both by whom and in what way [our ferred peace, because they were likely to end up objectives] may be better and more easily [achieved]. paying a disproportionately large share of the

Taleazzi then provides a rather haphazard list costs of war.” The Venetian Senate worked of the personnel and matériel which he regarded hard to enlist the aid of John Albert, king of as essential to the crusade: ten cannoneers each Poland, as well as that of his brother, Ladislas I to be paid 8 to 10 ducats a month, ten physicians of Hungary and Bohemia, seeking to conclude

at 10 ducats, twenty surgeons at 7 ducats, with them a “confederation and league” against apothecaries, sappers, artisans, blacksmiths, the _unspeakable Turks.” The response of

bakers, tailors, and saddlers, as wellasahundred Ladislas was encouraging, for he promptly anwomen for washing clothes; also of course heavy nounced that he would make no new truce and lighter artillery, ammunition, transport, (¢nduciae) or reach any other entente = (znweapons, tools, baskets, draught horses, grain, teligentia) with the Turks that did not include meat, wine, hay, fodder, and so on. He had in Venice, and “this we have certainly been most

mind an army of more than 50,000 men, costing grateful to hear!”*

hundreds of thousands of ducats, and believed —_The fall of Lepanto had dramatized the Turk-

that his army could best get into Turkey ish peril. Even Henry VII of England appeared through Albania since the Adriatic could be much concerned, and on 7 April, 1500, he wrote crossed from Brindisi, Otranto, Bari, or Ancona. Louis XII at length concerning the great Turk-

An approach by land through Croatia and ish naval | preparations which Louis had inSerbia was also practicable. A large fleet of formed him were going to be employed very galleys, transports, and other ships was a neces- shortly against Italy, “which would cause the sary adjunct to the land forces which Taleazzi greatest terror to all Christendom. . . .” Henry

had in mind. agreed heartily with his “dearest and most Although Taleazzi’s tracts smell more of the li- beloved brother and cousin” on the necessity

brary lamp than of the camp fire, the sincerity of beating back the Turkish armada, but of his effort and his devotion to the crusading England was so far from the sultan’s naval ideal are quite apparent. His honesty is also objectives that the king and his council Saw no

refreshing: practicable way to like helptorepulse the Turk,VI as . . oo, they would certainly do.” Alexander For getting the crusade under way and maintaining it . . . , should think—considering the bad opinion 68 Feliciane i “P » pp 53-63 which other nations have of us because of funds a co oidor Diani, Il, 287-88 "and of, cols. 316-17, 356— hitherto collected In valr and diverted to other USeS~~ 57. Vettore Soranzo and Sebastiano Giustinian received that your Holiness might concede the tithes and of- their commissions and instructions as the Republic’s envoys

ferings to be collected. . . . In this way the princes, ~ Buda on 10-12 March, 1500 (Sen. Secreta, Reg.

towns, and people could be sure of the true purpose 38, fols. 2-6" [12¥—16"]). On Hungary, note in general, and good intention of the Apostolic See, and more _ ibid., fols. 54 ff. [64 ff.], 75% ff., 88” ff., 102" ff. [112° ff.], willingly approach all tasks, and we ourselves should 129° ff., and Reg. 39, fols. 22° ff. [34 ff].

be freed of work as well as of suspicion. * Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 2%, 5Y—6" [12”, 15’—16"].

*1 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 6"—8" [16'—18"], 11% [21%],

Taleazzi closed his third tract with the hope that a letter of 12 March, 1500, to Alvise Manenti, who was

the data he had collected and his reflections likewise to make no truce with the Turks that did not

might possibly be of some use to the pope, mse the Kings of both Hungary and Poland. and with the acknowledgment of a suspicion of vIr’s letter to Louis XII, “scrita in la cita nostra de Londra, his own, suspitio quod nihil fiet, the suspicion el septimo zorno de aprile, 'ano 1500, avanti pasqua.”

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 527 would be in the line of fire, however, if the (King Maximilian’s subjects had suffered even Turks really planned to attack Italy as they had more than those of Venice.) The pope would done twenty years before. In early May (1500) himself accompany the Christian princes on the he proposed in the consistory the imposition of crusade and shed his own blood if necessary (or

the crusading tithe upon the clergy of France, so at least the bull stated), and the cardinals Germany, Hungary, and elsewhere for use would willingly go too because of their pious against the Turk. The cardinals were to be in- devotion to the faith. The tithe was demanded cluded, “e lui papa vol esser il primo.” The of all ecclesiastical revenues, everywhere and cardinals were not enthusiastic about paying the of every possible description, to help finance tithe, but the pope insisted. He also wanted the crusade against the Turks. Those who failed to send a cardinal-legate into Hungary, to unite to pay their tithe exposed themselves to ex-

the Italian powers, and to do whatever else communication and deprivation of their

would make possible the expedition against the churches, benefices, and offices. The cardinals

Turks.” were also to pay the tithe, which would last Alexander had already imposed a levy of one _ for three years. Copies of the bull of 1 June were twentieth upon the property of the Jews (on 4 to be read in all churches on Sundays or other February, 1500) as well as a tthe upon the in- feast days, and the bull was to be expounded come of the clergy, both assessments to be paid in the vernacular whenever necessary to make its for three years.** On | June Alexander issued contents clear to all.®

the crusading bull Quamvis ad amplianda, in Alexander VI also wrote Louis XII of France which the Turks were assailed with the usual that his Majesty knew well the papal efforts of abusive epithets, “perfidissimi Turce, Christi recent and earlier years to promote the crusade. nominis hostes, christianum sanguinem siti- Turkish strength had been increasing daily; so entes.” Both this year and the year before, had Turkish audacity, encouraged by Christian powerful Turkish forces had been invading negligence. The preceding summer Lepanto Venetian possessions (in Greece), devastating had fallen, and Germany had been harried. cities and towns, carrying off thousands into The one remedy for Turkish madness was the servitude, laying waste wide areas with fire union of the princes under the aegis of Rome. and sword, desecrating churches, and seeking The pope had tried in vain to assemble on 1 day and night to subvert the law of Christ and March a congress of representatives of the

subject all Christians to the hideous sect of powers “with sufficient mandate and full

Islam. Now the Turks had a stronger fleet anda authority to act, transact, and conclude.” But larger army (says the pope), and they planned to seize all the strategic coastal points and = ——W——— Christian ports leading to the states of the * Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, 46-53, and ed. Church “ac presertim ad hanc almam Urbem Celant, II, 220-24; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1500,

. . 59 nos. 7-8, vol. XIX (1693), pp. 487-88. Another bull, also

nostram in qua P etrl sedes est locata. . dated I June, 1500, imposed the twentieth upon the Jews If Rome fell, which God forbid, the Turks did (Burchard, op. cit., ed. Thuasne, III, 53—56, and ed. Celani,

not doubt that they could acquire world Il, 224-26; Raynaldus, ad ann. 1500, no. 9, vol. XIX, pp. dominion. They were elated by their successes, 488-89). On 21 June, 1500, a jubilee was declared for and saw the Christian princes at odds with one Hungsryand Foland prosanca expeiioneconra Turco another, intent upon their private interests, 134”, “undecimo Kal. Julii, p[ontificatus nostri anno] octavo”). neglecting the common good. It wasno wonder = On _22 May, 1500 (XI Kal. Iunii, pont. nostri anno that the Turks had been able toinflictirreparable 9/avo), if in fact the date is not the same as the prelosses upon Christians in Germany, Hungary, ceding, the kings of Poland and Hungary were granted a Poland. Croatia, and other eastern territories. portion of the tithe to be levied super spiritualibus by the

, , bull Universo pene orbi [meant to recall Innocent VIII’s crusading bull with the same incipit, dated 13 November, TTT 1487] (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XXXII, tom. 21, fols.

93 Sanudo, Diarii, III, 309, 327, 342-43, 352, 354-55, 135'-137¥, “datum Rome, anno M. quingentesimo, XI Kal. 378-79. On French objections to paying the crusading Lunii, pont. nostri [anno] octavo”). Alexander’s bull recalls tithe, see Augustin Renaudet, Préréforme et humanisme a the tragedies attending the fall of Lepanto the year before. Paris (1953), pp. 316-19. Alexander was then granting the Now the Turks were preparing a fleet and a land army to Venetians the right to collect two tithes a year (Sen. Secreta, assail Hungary and Poland, for the sultan had not yet

Reg. 38, fol. 96" [106*]). spilled Christian blood enough to satisfy him. The Turkish ** Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 46, and ed. Celani, peril is the major theme running through the Venetian

II, 220: the levies were posted on the doors of the chancery. Senatus Secreta, Reg. 38, a bulky volume.

528 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not all the powers had sent representatives, When it came to paying the crusading tithe, and those who came had lacked the authority one may doubt that Alexander VI really “wanted

to commit their principals. In the meantime to be the first,” but he was serious about the

Turkish envoys had been pressing King Ladislas_ cardinals’ paying the tenth part of their incomes

of Hungary to renew his peace with the Porte. for the purpose of outfitting a fleet. The papal Ladislas would prefer war, however, provided master of ceremonies, Burchard, has preserved he were supplied with the necessary funds and alist of cardinals with an indication of the income with dependable allies. The Hungarians were of each (as prepared in the fall of 1500 and the “bulwark of Christendom” (antemurale Chris- published early in 1501). The chief importance

ttanitatis). Now the pope had recourse to the of Burchard’s list, which contains forty-five king of France, who had become an Italian names, lies in the information it furnishes prince with his conquest of Milan. The Turkish concerning the annual incomes of almost all peril must be met with speed; otherwise “Italy members of the Sacred College. The amounts will be done for” (de Italia actum erit). The eyes are given in ducats: of Europe were turned toward Louis. The pope

was looking to him also. The Spanish sovereigns Income Tithe

were zealous for the faith, anxious about their _

island of Sicily, and ready to take action. The 1. Oliviero Carafa lon 10,000 1,000

Spanish fleet might be joined to that of Venice, whom see Ciaconiuswhose power was well known. If Louis would Oldoinus, IT, cols.

now aid the Hungarians, the other princes 1097-1105].

would hearken to the call and follow his ex- 2. Giuliano della Rovere 20,000 2,000 ample. Louis could employ the tithe for the [later Pope Julius IT]. crusade. The pope, the cardinals, all the of- 3. Giovanni Battista Zeno 15,000 1,500 ficials of the Curia, and all the clergy every- [died 8 May, 1501, on where in Europe would pay, the tithe. Mey whom see Cjaconiuswou give in act not on y their INCOMES ut Oldoinus, I, 1112-13, their very lives, if the need presented itself,

for the safety of their fellow Christians. and HI, 208].

4. Giovanni Michiel [died 12,000 1,200

10-11 April, 1503, ibid., 11, 1113-14, and % Sanudo, Diarii, III, 435—38, brief undated, but entered IIL. 209. b P

by Sanudo under June, 1500. In a brief to Cardinal , 209, ut see Fastor, Ippolito d’Este, dated 13 February, 1501, Alexander began Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-1

with the sad reflection “quo in articulo res Christiana [repr. 1955], 585, for

verseturdomino et quibus quantisque abinnotescunt imanissimo ut Turd, corum nunc urgeatur,periculis que adeo theheate]. nulla opus sit eorum commemoratione vel repetitione 5, George Costa [Ciac.- 7,000 700 ..., and came to the tithe which the cardinals were to Old., III, 55—56]. pay, “. . . etiam de ipsorum fratrum consilio et unanimi . consensu per omnes cardinales tam absentes quam pre- 6. Girolamo Basso della 11,000 1,100 sentes decimam omnium beneficiorum et officiorum suorum Rovere [ibid., III, 64].

imposuimus, quam ipsi non modo promptissimo et liberali 7. Domenico della Rovere 10,000 1,000 animo unanimiter sed ultro etiamsusceperunt, maiorem [diedquod 22 April, longe summampersolvendam decimam excedentem He 1501 pri, , nihil esse putarent indignius quam in hac tanta Chris- ibid., I11, 76-77, 208]. tianitatis necessitate atque discrimine se cardinales solos im- 8. Lorenzo Cibo [died 9] 10,000 1,000

munes esse.” D b 1503. ibid Because of the amplitude of their wealth and honors ecempber, » LOI. ,

Alexander knew that the cardinals were anxious to make III, 124-26]. payments as befitted their status “. . . ut carissimo in Christo filio nostro Wadislao Hungarie et Boemie regi illustri bellum Turcis potenter terrestri et valido exercitu. ———————

illaturo XL m. aureorum persolvantur classisque Sancte than which nothing was closer to the pope’s heart. If only Romane Ecclesie nomine instructa cum cardinale legato _ the princes and especially the illustrious king of the Spains preficiendo primo statim vere mittatur si nos contingeret, would respond to the need of Christendom, “non veremur non veniente Francorum Christianissimo [rege] vel Hispania- | quin brevi res Christiana in bonum statum restituatur.

rum rege illustri, sicut speramus et optamus, cum ea Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris personaliter non proficisci.” A commission of three cardinals die XIII Februarii MCCCCCI, pont. nostri anno nono”

was to receive the tithes of their fellows in the Sacred (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero: College; the funds were to be used solely for the crusade, Carteggio di principi, Busta 1295/10, no. 58).

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 529

Income Tithe Income ‘Tithe 9. Antoniotto Pallavicini 10,000 1,000 26. Raffaele Riario Sansoni 18,000 1,800

[abid., III, 129-31]. [ibid., III, 70-76]. 10. Juan Borgia “the 10,000 1,000 27. Giovanni Colonna [ibid., 3,000 300 Elder” [died 1 August III, 80].

1503, ibid., III, 167, 28. Ascanio Maria Sforza 30,000 3,000 210]. [vice-chancellor of the 11. Giovanni Battista Or- 10,000 1,000 Church, brother of sini [died 22 February, Lodovico il Moro, zbid.,

1503, ibid., Il1, 85-86; Ill, 86-88].

Burchard, ed. Celani, 29. Giovanni de’ Medici 6,000 600

II, 351]. [later Pope Leo X].

12. Giovanni Antonio di 8,000 800 30. FederigodiSanseverino 13,000 1,300

Sangiorgio [Ciac.- [zbid., II], 142-44].

Old., III, 168]. 31. Ippolito d’Este [ibid., 14,000 1,400

13. Bernardino Carvajal 10,000 1,000 Ill, 176-78].

[2bed., III, 170-71]. 32. Giuliano Cesarini [ibid., 2,000 200 14. Raymond Peraudi 3,000 300 III, 179].

[ibid., III, 172-73]. 33. Alessandro Farnese 2,000 200

15. Juan de Castro [ibid., 2,000 900 [later Pope Paul IIT].

III, 185-86]. 34. Lodovico Borgia- 10,000 1,000

16. Juan Lopez [died 5 10,000 1,000 Lanzol [nephew of

August, 1501, ibid., UI, Cardinal Juan, 2bid.,

186, 208]. III, 191-92].

17. Domenico Grimani 7,000 700 «39- Marco Cornaro nihil nihil

[ibid., 111, 180-81]. (Corner), qui nutlos

18. Giacomo Serra [ibid., 2,000 200 habet redditus (says

III, 192]. te oun [Ciac. -Old., 19. Pietro Isvalies [2bid., 2,000 200 36. Guillaume Briconnet 12,000 1,200 HI, 195]. [ibid., III, 182-83]. 20. Francisco Borgia [ibid., 3,000 300 37 Philippe de Luxem- 9.000 900 II, 196]. _ bourg [zbid., III, 21. Juan Vera [zbid., III, 3,000 300 184-85].

196]. 38. Georges d’Amboise 9,000 900

22. Luigi Podocataro [a 2,000 200 [cardinal archbishop of

Cypriote Greek from Rouen, ibid., III, Nicosia, died 25 August, 187-90]. 1504, ibid.; II, 197]. 39. Amanieu d’Albret 2,000 200 23. Antonio Trivulzio fin 6,000 600 [brother-in-law of Celani’s edition of Cesare Borgia, ibid., Burchard Cumanus Ill, 191]. stands for Comensis, 40. Luis Juan de Mila 8,000 800 cardinal of Como; Ciac.- [cousin of Alexander Old., III, 197-98]. VI, ibid., 11, 989-90].

24. Giovanni Battista Fer- 3,000 300 41. Diego Hurtado de 14,000 1,400

rari [died 20 July, 1502, Mendoza [died 24

ibid., III, 199, 208]. October, 1502, ibid.,

25. Francesco Piccolomini 9,000 900 III, 190, 208].

[later Pope Pius III, 42. Luigi d’Aragona [zbid., 2,000 200

died 18 October, 1503 |. III, 187].

530 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Income ‘Tithe A tax levied upon all officials of the Curia

43. Pi dAub Romana, certain municipal officials, and > fierre a /udUssOn uponupon fourteen hospitals in the city was intended [grand master of the to produce 12,442 ducats.** Venetian dispatches Hospital of S. John of from Rome appear to attest: Alexander VI’s Jerusalem, died 3 July, serious intention to support both the Republic

1503, wbid., III, 134-40, and the kingdom of Hungary against the Turks. 209]. In a three-hour consistory held on 13 July

44. Frederick Casimir [son Hi qui in bello (1500) the cardinals proposed giving the Hun-

of the king of Poland, existunt, nihil garians a subsiey o Con. aucats; the pope

Lucia in Septemsoliis, " , died 19 M P h. 1503 On 12 September the Florentine envoy to the

cardinal-deacon of S. solvunt. aenen 28 to make It F , and no action was

7 iW, HII, 178. ies 40 208]. 08 Holy Francesco Capello, the Signoria ibid. thatSee, “yesterday morning thewrote sad news came of 45. Thomas Bakocs the loss of Modon . . . ,” although the fact had [cardinal archbishop of already been learned from unofficial sources.

95 ].97 —_—_____ Gran, ibid., III, 192-

ed. Thuasne, III, 113-16, and ed. Celani, II, 266-68). For

349,000 34,900 the convenience of the interested reader references are given to the lives of the cardinals concerned in A. Ciaconius,

Vitae et res gestae pont. roman., ed. A. Oldoinus, vols. a7 II-III, Rome, 1677. I have noted the dates of death (as For this list see Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, given by Eubel) of those cardinals who died during the three56-57, and ed. Celani, II, 226-27. In Thuasne’s edition _ year period that payment of the crusading tithe was to be in the twenty-third name, Cumanus (=Comensis, i.e., Antonio effect. Twelve of the cardinals in this list of forty-five

Trivulzio), is omitted; it is also omitted in Raynaldus, were created on 28 September, 1500 (Burchard, Diarium, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1500, no. 9, vol. XIX (1693), p. 489, ed. Thuasne, III, 76-78, and ed. Celani, II, 242-43). and in Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 91-92. Pastor, VI, 93, note, Trivulzio was one of the twelve (Sanudo, III, 881). Burchard

observes that A. Gottlob, “Der Legat Raimund Peraudi,” gives the sums the new cardinals were alleged to have Hist. Jahrbuch, V1 (1885), 444-45, says that the cardinals paid for the red hats. The number of Spaniards and were bound to pay an annual total of 34,900 ducats for the Catalans in the list of cardinals is notable. Of fortyyears 1501, 1502, and 1503 to help support the war against four cardinals created during the reign of Alexander VI, the Turks: In the English translation of his great work Pastor, sixteen were natives of the Iberian peninsula (Pastor, VI, 92, got a total of only 34,300 ducats, as a consequence Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 [repr. 1955], 633, and E. Mintz, of omitting Trivulzio’s tithe of 600 ducats. Unfortunately Les Arts a la cour des papes, Paris, 1898, p. 144, note 1). in the last German edition, Gesch. d. Papste, III, pt. 1 (1924, For the dates of creation of the older members of the repr. 1955), 551-53, although he cites Celani’s edition of | Sacred College appearing in the assessment list, together with

Burchard, he obviously has not used it very carefully. He a miscellany of other relevant data, see Conrad Eubel, still believes “dass die Kardinale als Turkenzehnten im gan- _-Hierarchia catholica, II (1914, repr. 1960), esp. pp. 12 ff.

zen 34,300 Dukaten zu zahlen haben: die Steuer der The family relationships of the Borgia cardinals, not easy romischen Beamten und Spitdler wird auf 11,076 Dukaten to keep straight, may be checked in Wm. H. Woodward, angesetzt, was als Gesamtsumme 45,376 Dukaten ergibt.” Cesare Borgia, London, 1913, append., no. u, pp. 383 ff., All three figures are inaccurate; the correct sums (I where unfortunately occasional errors of dates occur. The

believe) appear above in the text. tithes imposed on the cardinals (e.g., Giuliano della Rovere)

At this point we must note that Celani’s edition of may not accurately reflect their incomes, but may well have Burchard’s text assigns Raffaele Riario Sansoni(no. 26inthe had the “criterio di colpire gli avversari o i tepidi amici

list) only 8,000 ducats’ income (instead of 18,000) andsoonly dei Borgia” (G. B. Picotti, La Politica italiana sotto il ponti800 ducats’ tithe (instead of 1,800). Celani’s edition also _ficato di Giulio I, Pisa, 1947-48, p. 109). On the evil repu-

assigns Briconnet (no. 36 in the list) only 7,000 ducats’ tation in financial matters of Cardinal Giovanni Battista income (instead of 12,000) and so only 700 ducats’ tithe Ferrari, the confidant of Alexander VI, cf. M. Tangl, (instead of 1,200). These reductions for Sansoni (1,000) and = Die papstlichen Kanzleiordnungen, Innsbruck, 1894, repr. 1959,

Brigonnet (500) would lower the total of the cardinals’ pp. 388-—89. tithe by 1,500 ducats. But since Gottlob, dus der Camera 88 Cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 57—60, and ed. Apostolica (1889), pp. 65-66, had already shown that forty- Celani, II, 227-30, where the latter text appears to be one cardinals were to pay a total of 34,900 ducats, much better (numerous officials and the charges against Celani’s text is apparently inferior here to that of Thuasne — them being omitted in Thuasne’s edition). Pastor, Hist. Popes,

(except that Celani restores the cardinal Cumanus or Co- VI, 92, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-1, 551, reckons the levy mensis): four of the cardinals listed above paid no tithe. On upon the curial officials and hospitals as 11,076 ducats, but 4 February, 1501, the bull (dated on the first of the month) | again (although he cites Celani) he used only Thuasne’s

imposing the tithe for three years was “published” by deficient text.

being affixed to the doors of the papal chancery (Burchard, % Sanudo, Diarii, III, 521.

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 531 The Venetian ambassadors went immediately to dil turco,’ was to be sent mto Germany, the Vatican palace, where they read in con- Denmark, and the northern kingdoms. Juan sistory letters confirming what had hithertobeen Vera, the newly created cardinal of Salerno,

a rumor. The pope and the cardinals were was supposed to go to France, Scotland, profoundly disturbed. On the twelfth the England, and Spain; Pietro Isvalies, who had Sacred College was again assembled, and al- also received the red hat in the recent creation though Capello understood that no definite of cardinals (on 28 September), was being sent steps were taken for action against the Turks, it to Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland.’ If we seemed quite clear that the pope and cardinals would make suitable provision for the common =—————— good of Christendom as well as for Venice. The —_ ' Sanudo, Diarii, III, 892-93, and ¢f. cols. 1171, 1174. pope wanted Gonsalvo de Cordova’s fleet, which Apparently neither Louis XII of France nor the Spanish then in Sicilv. to join the Venetian armada °°v°"!8"° wished to receive a papal legate to promote

was Y> lO J : the crusade (zbid., III, 1166). Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38,

(as we have seen), and spoke of sending legates £9}. g9v [99], 87", and Predelli, Regesti det Commemoriali, V1,

to appeal for help in France and Germany. bk. xvi, no. 169, pp. 43-44, dated 20 January, 1501, Alexander complained, however, to the Vene-_ relating to Cardinal Isvalies in Hungary, and see, zbid., no.

a ; . oe y be found in Arch. Segr.

tian envoys that the Republic had not assisted aa P. aru Caters March, 1901. din Arch. §

Cesare Borgia In his designs upon Rimini Vaticana, Miscellanea, Arm. H, tom. 56, fols. 331 ff., by and Faenza, to which they replied that the mod. stamped enumeration: “Instructiones dilecto filio Venetians were now ready “et abracciare il nostro Ray. tituli Sancte Marie Nove presbytero cardinali ad Ducha Valentinense et tenerlo per loro buon -.- - Maximilianum, Romanorum regem illustrissimum, Geluol t darli ld ti t _ electores, principes S.R.I. et nationem germanicam legato §U0I0 Cl Carl sO Oo con opume et CON- nostro: Cum res impiissimorum Turchorum sicut omnibus

venienti conditioni.” The papal answer was that palam est cum aperto totius Christianitatis periculo in dies the time had passed for fine words. Action fortius invalescant, cogitamus quod semper hactenus feciwas needed on Cesare’s behalf.!% However much m™uwus remedia oportuna adhibere et quod potissimum iudi-

he might be concerned about the Turkish suc- camus catholicorum principum animos ad eam rem movere . . ut presto sint ne propter temporis intervalla penitudo cesses in Greece, obviously the pope intended = moram sequatur neve posterior diligentia priorem negligento take as much advantage as he could of the _ tiam emendare possit. . . .” From his earliest days in the

Venetians’ dire predicament to advance the papacy Alexander had been anxious (according to the

fortunes of his son Cesare, who was then em- document) to free the Christian world ab infanda Turchorum

barki th t of the R scabie et rabie, but he had made little progress because arking upon the conquest O € Komagna. of the dissension in Europe, the princes’ cool response, and

On 5 October (1500) three legates a latere his own sins (et peccatis etiam nostris causantibus). Turkish were chosen in consistory. Raymond Peraudi, success had been fostered by Christian negligence and “qual 4 gran praticha, é caldo a queste cosse disunion. Now Lepanto, Modon, and Coron had fallen,

“magnaque edita clade ferocius in Christianos assurgit [tirannus ille Turchorum] et per tota illa littoralia loca 10° Thuasne, Burchardi diarium, III, 76, note, gives the text liber debacchatur nulli sexui, nulli aetati, nulli ordini of most of Francesco Capello’s letter of 12 September, 1500, parcendo et sacra omnia profanando et polluendo, fitque to the Florentine government. Cf. the summary of the Vene- victoria quotidie insolentior et ad interiora iam Italie tian ambassadors’ own accounts, dated 11-12 September, _penetrare omni conatu meditatur, cuius furori nisi oporof their dealings with the pope and cardinals in Sanudo, tuno tempore obviam eatur obsessam immo oppressam Diarti, III, 788-89. Although the pope told one of the _ Italiam brevi sentiemus . . .” (fol. 332"). “Sciat [Majestas Venetian ambassadors, Marino Giorgio (Zorzi), that “de- sua] quoque pecunias illas omnes [i.e., decimas, cruciatam, siderava morir per la fede,” Giorgio reported that his Holi- et jubileum in locis et dominiis Majestatis sue et tota ness seemed to be more interested in Cesare Borgia’s Germania], que inde proventure sunt, etiam ad nos et ec-

conquest of the Romagna (ibid., III, 856). clesiam spectantes, in predictum fidei opus et non in alium

Sanudo’s diaries are a whole private archivio di stato, a usum, integre et sine aliqua diminutione converti devast reservoir of information, from which the historian bere . . .” (fol. 334°). may easily derive an excessive documentation to illustrate Maximilian, the princes, and the German electors were to

facts or points of view which no one is likely to dispute, appoint the custodians of the crusading funds to be colbut in the present context we may quote the Venetian lected; these custodians were to keep the money until it ambassador’s statement of 2 December (1500), “Chome il could be used for the expedition against the Turks, papa solum a a cuor limpresa di Romagna, e dil turcho “[illa expeditio] in Thurcos, in qua dies noctesque versi cura pocho, licet dicha voler andarvi im persona” samur, ac studia et curas omnes nostras convertimus . . .” [i.e., to go personally on the crusade] (ibid., III, 1166). I (fol. cit.). “. . . Et affirmes deliberationem nostram omthink the ambassador’s statement is probably not far from nimodam per quam decrevimus cum sacro collegio nostro the truth although Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, I1I1-1 (repr. 1955), ad hanc sanctam expeditionem non solum nostras et Ecclesie

554, 560-61, refuses to accept the fact. The ambassador _ facultates omnes verbo et opere prestare sed personam etiam had already made the same statement on 28 September nostram tanquam hostiam Deo placentem omnino offerre

(Sanudo, III, 879). . . .” (fol. 334"). Alexander VI’s plan for two land armies

532 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT must follow one of these legates, let it be was realized from the sale of indulgences in Peraudi, whose task was especially difficult, Germany, but in October, 1502, Peraudi’s for the Germans were notoriously indifferent vice-legate, Bishop Tommaso Malombra of to the crusade and always ready to accuse the Curzola, informed the Venetian government Curia Romana of collecting money under false that some 300,000 Rhenish gulden had probably

pretenses. The Turkish menace was an old been collected. The Venetian ambassador Zactheme in Germany. It had just been discussed, caria Contarini, who left Germany toward the and men and money requested, at the Reichstag end of the year 1502, estimated the sum at of Freiburg in 1498 and at that of Augsburg about 400,000 gulden.’% in 1500. Peraudi left Rome on his legatine These figures seem excessively high, but obmission on 26 October (1500) to announce viously the sale of the jubilee indulgences was the jubilee and crusading indulgences to a_ not unsuccessful in Germany. The tithe was also people who would prove almost as inhospitable collected from the English clergy. Henry VII is as their winter. He carried with him the cru- _ said to have contributed £4,000, notwithstanding sading bull Domini et salvatoris (dated 5 October, his unwillingness to furnish either ships or 1500). Although King Maximilian placed various soldiers for the crusade. In France the clergy obstacles in his path, Peraudi was able to set were more conspicuous for their complaints than

forth the purpose of his mission before the for their contributions. On 30 May (1501),

imperial government at Nuremberg in the late however, a triple alliance was announced in summer of 1501. It was agreed that one-third Rome of the pope, the king of Hungary, and of the proceeds from the sale of indulgences the Venetian Signoria; it was celebrated by

should go to Peraudi to cover the costs of ringing the large bell on the Capitolium and

collection; the other two thirds were to be kept by lighting the customary bonfires throughout

in Germany and to be spent only for the war the city.°* The pope had already pledged a against the Turks. The pope had, however, subvention of 40,000 ducats a year to assist

already renounced all claim to share in the pro- the Hungarians to make war on the Turks; the ceeds of these indulgences, and ordered that all

the funds collected were to be employed in =———— Germany.! It would be hard to say how much Germany on Monday, 26 October, 1500 (zbid., III, 977).

There is a brief account of Peraudi’s mission in Pastor,

Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 554-56, 612-13, anda full account in Heinrich Ulmann, Katser Maximilian I., I1 and a fleet was rather similar to that discussed at the Curia (Stuttgart, 1891), 40-94. Peace was announced in the fall of in the early summer of 1490 (fols. 335 ff.). “. . . Nos ex 1501, a perpetua pax, between Maximilian and Louis XII; the introitibus nostris tam temporalibus quam spiritualibus, qui former was to take the cross, and Louis was to protect the omnes non ascendunt ad summam ducentorum millium Hapsburg dominions (Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III,

ducatorum, quotannis quadraginta millia ducatorum dare 165-66, and ed. Celani, II, 302; also Sanudo, Diarit, obtulimus, aliis etiam principibus in hoc contribuentibus IV, 152-56). Peraudi returned from his German legation

...” (fol. 337"). “. .. Nam si pro desiderio nostro’ in October, 1504 (Burchard, ed. Thuasne, III, 367-68,

expeditio generalis per omnes principes Christianos pec- and ed. Celani, II, 461).

catis nostris facientibus fieri non possit, nos tamen et 103 Sanudo, Diarii, IV, 369, 374, 696: “. . . 300 milia Majestas sua si voluerit, ut optamus, etiam rex Christianis- fiorini di Rens . . .” (ibid., col. 374)—“. . . zercha fiorini simus ac Hungarie et Polonie reges illustrissimi, et do- 400 milia . . .” (ibid., col. 696). Tommaso Malombra reminium Venetorum omnes contra Thurcos consociati dic- mains the most important personage in the history of the tam exequutionem auxiliante Domino suscipiemus” (fol. church of Curzola (Koréula), where his handsome sarcoph338"). My MS. source (Arm. II, tom. 56), being of the agus is affixed to the south wall of the cathedral. Despite seventeenth century, has altered more classico the spelling the names now inscribed on the (reused) sarcophagus, it is of the original text (Sanctae Mariae Novae presbyter for Malombra’s funeral monument; his recumbent figure lies Sancte Marie Nove presbyter, etc.), which I have restored. atop the sarcophagus, his thin face being done from a Pietro Isvalies’s instructions for the legation to Hungary, death mask, of which there is a later copy in the adjoin-

Bohemia, and Poland, dated 18 November, 1500, may also ing episcopal museum.

be found in the Miscellanea, Arm. II, tom. 56, fols. 104 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 141, and ed. 469°-486', by mod. stamped enumeration. They take Celani, II, 285-86; Sanudo, Diarii, IV, ed. N. Barozzi much the same form, mutatis mutandis, as those issued (Venice, 1880), cols. 41-42. The purpose of the alliance

to Peraudi. was “ad offension et destrution et extermination del 1 From N. Paulus, Gesch. d. Ablasses im Mittelalter, 111 perfido turcho et del stato suo, et a conservation et defesa

(Paderborn, 1923), 215-16 and ff., and cf. A. Gottlob, de la christiana religion e de li comuni stadi, contra “Der Legat Raimund Peraudi,” Hist. Jahrbuch, V1, 459-60. __esso turcho.” Cf. Manfroni, Marina italiana, p. 235. Fifteen Peraudi’s troubles with Maximilian had been foreseen: “Il months later there was talk of forming a new league which

re di romani non lo aceptera per esser francese” (Sanudo,_ should include the king of France (Sen. Secreta, Reg. Diari, II, 939, and cf. cols. 1175, 1231-32); he left for 39, fol. 30" [427], dated 2 September, 1502).

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 533 Venetians agreed to furnish 100,000 ducats We have already noted that according to the and press the war against the Turks at sea."°° terms of the Turco-Venetian peace of 1502The Hungarians under the desultory King 1503 the Republic was obliged to return the Ladislas II accomplished even less than the island of S. Maura to the Porte. The Venetians Venetians, who (as we have seen) seized the needed peace; their finances were almost exisland of S. Maura despite stubborn Turkish hausted; their trade had suffered badly. Since resistance. In this exploit Alexander VI had a_ the Hungarians could not carry on war with the hand. Turks without the Venetian subsidy, on 22 In the spring of the year 1502 Alexander February, 1503, King Ladislas accepted a seven

added thirteen galleys to the Venetian fleet in years’ truce with the Porte.’ Five months later eastern waters.'°* Of these, five galleys had been (on 1 August) Benedetto Pesaro was relieved of

armed in Venice, six in Apulia, and two in his command as captain-general “per la grave et Ancona. Sigismondo de’ Contisays thatthe papal periculosa egritudine de febre et fluxo.”"® He galleys were equipped by means of money left died soon after.*"' The Turks had won their war

by Giovanbattista Zeno, late cardinal of S.

Maria in Porti nephew of Paul II. At his

d a hy P ohn oO 4 8 uF © 1501) Z had b 50°]). The sources include Sigismondo de’Conti, II, 278-79;

eatn in Padua (on 8 May, ) Zeno had be- ga nudo, Diarii, IV, 19, 45, 46, 63 ff, 79-82, 307, 308, queathed the sum of 60,000 ducats to the Vene- 313-17 and ff., 340, the last refs. relating to the captian Senate to help prosecute the war against ture of S. Maura; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, the Turks. ?° Cardinals’ testaments were largely 135-36, and ed. Celani, IT, 282-83; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,

: __adann. 1502, nos. 19-21, vol. XIX (1693), p. 537; Zinkeisen,

subject to the pap a le ull, put Alexander, re II, 541; Guglielmotti, III, 30-48; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, quested that Zeno’s legacy xe employe tO TH-1 (repr. 1955), 559-60; Manfroni, Marina italiana, p. outfit the thirteen galleys which were placed 9239. The Turco-Venetian war made life in the Aegean under the command of Jacopo Pesaro, bishop Archipelago extremely dangerous during the autumn of

of Paphos and a cousin of Benedetto Pesaro, 1502 (Sanudo, Diarit, 1V, 401 ff.). : , tain-veneral of the Venetian fleet. Bisho On Cardinal Giovanbattista Zeno, note Eubel, Hierarchia caplain-g¢ OP catholica, I (1914, repr. 1960), 15, 55b, where his death is

Jacopo joined Benedetto on the island of Cerigo, dated 7 May (after the Acta consistorialia), and esp. whence the two Pesari launched their successful Giovanni Soranzo, “Giovanni Battista Zeno, nipote di attack upon S. Maura (Leucadia), which fell to Paolo II, cardinale di S. Maria in Portico (1468-—1501),” et 108 in Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia, XVI (Rome, 1962), the Christian assaults on 30 August (1502). 249-74, where the date of his death is given as 8 May in accordance with the text of his sepulchral monument (op. TT cit., pp. 270, 273), which is in the “Zen Chapel” of S. 5 Sanudo, Diarii, U1, 1536-38, 1606; Predelli, Regesti Mark’s, entered to the right of the atrium, in the southdet Commemoriali, VI, bk. xvin, nos. 172, pp. 44-45, and _— west corner of the basilica. A papal brief dated the very

176-77, pp. 45-47; Romanin, V, 151; Zinkeisen, II, day of Zeno’s death, and addressed to Duke Ercole d’Este

514-15; Kretschmayr, II, 414. The alliance was concluded _ of Ferrara, had reserved all the cardinal’s goods, money,

in Buda on 13 May, 1501. The Venetians paid their 100,000 jewels, and gold and silver plate for the apostolic ducats (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 168% [177%]). treasury “pro hac sancta expeditione contra perfidos Tur66 In August, 1501, Alexander had planned to arm ten cos.” The pope revoked whatever “testandi et disponendi galleys “per conto dela cruciata” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, facultas” either he himself or his predecessors might have fol. 158” [167*]). For months reports had been reaching granted Zeno, word of whose death in Modena had Venice of huge Turkish preparations for a great offensive just been (incorrectly) reported to the Curia (Arch. di against Christendom (ibid., fols. 168% [177%], 173” [182%], Stato di Modena, Cancelleria Estense, Estero: Carteggio di

194° [203°]). principi, Roma, 1295/10, no. 60, dated 8 May, 1501).

107 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 1527-153" [161'—162"], 109 Sanudo, Diarti, 1V, 879-84, doc. dated 22 February,

letters of the Senate dated 23 July, 1501, to the Venetian 1503 (Ven. style 1502), and V, 26-27, 32, 41 ff., 84; ambassador in Rome, seeking Alexander VI’s validation of | Lamansky, Secrets de’état de Venise, pp. 330-36; Zinkeisen,

the legacy, and note, ibid., fol. 159° (168"], and fols. HH, 517-18. The Venetian surrender of S. Maura involved 167*—168"(176*—177"], 178°-179" (187*-188"].Oftenliving endless details and petty problems (Sen. Secreta, Reg. beyond their means (and falling into debt) to maintain their 39, fols. 154" ff. [166" ff.], and Reg. 40, fols. 2° ff. exalted social position, few cardinals resident at the Curia [16° ff.], 8% [22°], 9° [23°], 15° [29°], 36 [50], 58%—59"

left estates as large as that of Zeno (cf. in general [73‘-74"]).

D. S. Chambers, “The Economic Predicament of Renais- 19 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 39, fol. 99° [111°]. sance Cardinals,” Siudies in Medieval and Renaissance His- “* Benedetto Pesaro's tomb may still be seen over the

tory, III [Lincoln, 1966], 289-313). entrance to the sacristy of S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari in

16 The news of the taking of S. Maura reached Venice Venice. His funeral inscription celebrates the capture of on the morning of 16 September, as the Senate was pre- Leucadia (S. Maura) and Cephalonia, and recalls that pace

paring to send an envoy to Istanbul “in la materia de composita he died in 1503 on the island of Corfu. His

tractar la pace cum el Signor Turco, che veramente ne cousin Jacopo, “qui Turcas bello, se ipsum pace vincebat,” é molto a cor” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 39, fols. 37*-38" [49*- is also buried in the Frari. His sarcophagus is on the wall

534 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT with Venice, taking advantage of the realign- Lodovico’s flight was known in Rome by 4 Sepment of aggressions and hostilities in Europe tember.!!® Louis XII entered Milan on 6 Oc-

and especially in Italy. tober, being received with the most elaborate

Hardly a decade before (in 1494-1495) Alex- civic ceremonies."’* He withdrew from the city ander VI had appealed to Sultan Bayazid II for on ’7 November to return to France."

aid against the king of France. Of late he had In a rapid reversal of French fortunes, howbeen appealing to the king of France for aid ever, Lodovico re-entered Milan on 5 February, against the sultan. The Venetians had been 1500, “con gran jubilo,” supported by Swiss and opposed to the king of France, with whom they German mercenaries.’* Lodovico made prompt were now in alliance. Lodovico il Moro had _ overtures to the Venetians, trying to lure them invited Charles VIII into Italy, and now Charles’s__from the French side: he informed the Signoria

successor had driven him from Milan. A diplo- that the Gran Turco was his friend and, if the matic revolution had occurred although, ac- statesmen of the Republic so wished, he was tually, events had followed a logical course. willing to employ his good offices “a pacifichar Lodovico il Moro had alienated the Venetians, le cosse,” referring presumably to the expected whose cupidity had been stimulated by the pos- Turkish offensive in the Morea."” The Venesibility of sharing with Louis XII some of the _ tians were not favorably disposed toward friends spoils of Milan. Alexander’s animus had been of the Turk at this time, however, and no one aroused against Federigo of Naples, and his on the lagoon took very seriously Lodovico’s ambitions for his son Cesare had driven him influence at the Porte. Besides, the Venetians into the French camp. The success of Louis had had quite recent experience of the Turkish

XII in Italy had excited the jealousy of regard for a formal peace as well as of the Ferdinand of Aragon, who was casting his own quality of Lodovico’s friendship. Concentrating

covetous eyes upon the rich peninsula. When his forces in the region of Novara, Lodovico Ferdinand had learned of the death of Charles met the long-expected French counterattack on VIII, he had piously informed the Venetian ambassador that “God helps the good!”""* God }=——¥—_—_ is also reputed to help those who help them- 13 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 562-63, and ed. selves, among whom Ferdinand himself could Celani, II, 165, with notes; Senarega, De rebus genuensibus,

. RISS, XXIV, 567; Wm. H. Woodward, Cesare Borgia,

certainly be counted. London, 1913, pp. 146-47; Piero Pieri, Il Rinascimento e la crist militare italiana, Turin, 1952, pp. 377 ff. The In the late summer of 1499 Louis XII’s army facts are too well known for extensive annotation.

had overrun the Milanese duchy, easily vindi- "4 Sanudo, Diarii, II], 23-26; Burchard, Diarium, ed.

cating the old claims of his house. Lodovico il pauasne: on 564-68, an ec cela i, 5. tr Jean

. cAattthe toend uton, Chroniques, ed.note). Maulde la Claviere, I, . (see Moro fled from Milan of Augus the following take refuge with Maximilian in Germany. Be- 15 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, I, 575, and ed. fore his departure he warned the Venetian Celani, IH, 174. The French cleric Jean d’Auton (1466. « i end me the 1528), Chroniques de Louis XII, ed. René de Maulde la Line f no my ores or Ven a - d me Claviére, 4 vols., Paris, 1889-95 (publ. by the Société de ng o France as a unc con BUST. assure YOU phistoire de France), describes in detail the French conquest that you will have him at dinner!” The news of of Milan. Maulde la Claviére also gives a number of valuable documents in a series of piéces annexes appended to his first

TT three volumes, including some letters from Ascanio Sforza to the left as one enters the south doorway of the church. to Lodovico il Moro in April and May, 1499 (I, 324 ff., Jacopo died in his eighties on 24 March, 1547 (. . . vixtt 334), as well as a number from Cesare Guasco, Milanese annos Platonicos, according to his epitaph). In 1519 he envoy in Rome, to il Moro, one of which (dated 15 July, commissioned Titian's famous painting, the Madonna diCa 1499) is full of the charge being made by the pope Pesaro (unveiled in December, 1526), which was placed to “ch’ el Duca de Milano habij provocato el Turcho contra the left of his tomb, above the Pesaro Altar. On a red Venetiani” (I, 339-47). Maulde la Claviére also publishes banner in the painting the Borgia arms are depicted, two or three discourses by the Greek humanist John (Janus) as on an earlier altarpiece (now in the Antwerp Museum) Lascaris, who served as a French publicist during the which Titian did for Jacopo shortly after the Pesari took Milanese war (I, 359-78). Leucadia from the Turks, on which cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. 116 Sanudo, Diarii, III, 103, 105-6, 107~8, 110-12, 116, Papste, {1-1 (repr. 1955), 559-60; Erwin Panofsky, Prob- 123, 132~—33, etc.; Jean d’Auton, Chron., ed. Maulde la lems in Titian, New York, 1969, pp. 178-79, with figs. Claviére, I, 177 ff. 16, 185-86; and Philipp Fehl, “Saints, Donors and Columns "7 Sanudo, Diari, III, 120. According to Sigismondo in Titian’s Pesaro Madonna,” in Renaissance Papers 1974 de’Conti, II, 272—73, about this time 6,000 Turks entered

(1975), pp. 75-85, with refs. Italy through the Julian Alps, devastating and burning vil112 Sanudo, Diari, 1, 970, on 21 April, 1498. lages as far as the river Livenza.

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 535 10 April. He was defeated and captured. imprisoned at Bourges, and (if we may glance Sanudo had followed his adventures with great ahead) only gained his freedom on 3 January, care. After midnight on 11-12 April a courier 1502, at the behest of Cardinal Georges d’Amreached Venice bringing word of the battle of boise, with whom he returned to Rome on 10 Novara; admitted into the doge’s presence, he September, 1503, to enter the conclave which stated, “Bone nuove! El signor Lodovicho é elected Pius III (on 22 September). Ascanio died sta preso da francesi. . . .” On the morning of in Rome toward the end of May, 1505. He was

the twelfth, says Sanudo, all the Veneto was buried in the church of S. Maria del Popolo,

full of the good news."® where his sepulchral monument by Andrea Lodovico was later imprisoned in the castles of Sansovino has evoked the admiration of the art Lys-S.-Georges in Berry and Loches in Tou- historian as well as of the tourist.’”*

raine. His brother, Cardinal Ascanio, fled from —

Milan during the night of the tenth, falling non solum nostro ipsiusque collegii desiderio satisfacient, into the hands of the Venetians,"’? who turned sed etiam iusticie, debito, honori, et rebus suis bene him over to the king of France.!2° Ascanio was _ consulent. Quos certificare poteris quod ipse Ascanius nullibi quietius quam apud nos manere poterit . . .” (fol. 342°).

TT “... Et eos ad hanc liberationem inducendos poteris 118 Sanudo, Diarii, II, 145, 147, 149-50, 154 ff., 163 ff., adducere inconvenientia que occurrerunt ex detentione 170-71, 175-76, 187 ff., 207, 213, and esp. cols. 214 ff. cardinalium et ut antiquiora omittantur sciunt quod tota for the news of 10 April, and cf. cols. 225-226, etc., 265, patria Austrie fuit supposita ecclesiastico interdicto propter 269; Jean d’Auton, Chron., ed. Maulde la Claviére, I, 242— detentionem bone memorie Cardinalis Sancti Petri ad Vin-

61; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 20 [30], docs. dated 13 cula detenti a Sigismundo archiduce Austrie qui liberato April, 1500. On the French establishment in Milan, see Léon __ dicto cardinale absolutionem tamen obtinere non potuit nisi G. Pélissier, Documents pour histoire de la domination fran- _ prius clare memorie Federicus Tertius Imperator eius frater caise dans le Milanais (1499-1513), Toulouse, 1891 (Biblio- coram legato apostolico veniam suppliciter Alexis genibus

théque méridionale, 2nd ser., vol. I), and Pélissier, Docu- _ petiisset . . .” (fol. 343). The reference is to Cardinal ments relatifs au régne de Louis XII et a sa politique en Nicholas of Cusa’s difficulties with Sigismund of the Tyrol Italie, Montpellier, 1912 (Notes italiennes d’histoire de (see above, Chapter 7, note 54). France, fasc. XXXV), the latter volume giving documents Alexander gave two other instances of the results of of the period 1499-1501. The best general account of — secular authorities’ detaining cardinals, including Cardinal the French victory over Lodovico Sforza and of Louis Riario’s detention by Lorenzo de’ Medici after the Pazzi XII’s occupation of Milan is also by Pélissier, Louis XH conspiracy in 1478 (but it seems rather unlikely that he et Ludovic Sforza, 2 vols., Paris, 1896 (Bibliotheque des would have laid the Republic under the interdict if the Ecoles francaises d’Athénes et de Rome, fascs. 75-76), which Signoria had ventured to keep Ascanio under arrest). If deals in large detail with all the diplomatic and military — the Venetians stated that they wanted to refer the matter to maneuvers as well as with the involvement of the Vene- the French king, the bishop of Tivoli was to reply “quod tians, Ferrarese, Mantuans, Germans, Swiss and others in nos qui etiam ipsi regi afficimur, nichil petimus in damnum the events which culminated in Louis’s finally securing the _ vel iniuriam sue Majestatis, sed repetimus quod nostrum est

full submission of the Milanese duchy to his authority. et quod ad nos et non aliquem ahum pertinet” (fol. 119 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 20’-21' [30’-31'], dated 344"). If the Venetians persisted in their refusal to sur14 April, 1500; Sanudo, Diarz, III, 219, 223-24, 225, render Ascanio, however, Alexander acknowledged that

227-30, 232 ff., 250. the situation would be awkward: “. . . Scis quod id nobis

120 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 25%, 33 [35% ff.]; Sanudo, _molestissimum foret et quod versaremur in magnis angustiis,

Diaru, III, 259-60, 265, 280, 284, 285-86, etc.; Burchard, quia effugere vellemus quantum possibile esset publica-

Diarium, ed. Thuasne, HI, 41, 46, and ed. Celani, Hl, tionem dictarum censurarum et penarum. . . .” But if on 218, 220; Jean d’Auton, Chron., ed. Maulde la Claviére, the way the bishop of Tivoli learned that Ascanio had I, 262-67. Alexander VI was of course pleased by the fled to the French or had been promised or surrendered capture of the Sforzeschi (Sanudo, III, 254-55). In early to them, he was to stop in his tracks, and wait for June (1501) he appropriated much of Ascanio’s movable further instructions from Rome (fol. 345"). Before 30 May property, including twelve famous silver gilt statues of the the bishop of Tivoli knew that the Venetians had efApostles (Burchard, op. cit., ed. Thuasne, III, 141, and ed. fected “la consignation del Cardinale Ascanio in mano de Celani, II, 286): Ascanio’s treasures had been secreted ina la Christianissima Maesta” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol.

monastery; apparently Alexander had just learned their 33" [43°]). whereabouts. On the imprisonment of il Moro and Ascanio 121 Sanudo, Diarii, IV, 234, notes the release of Cardinal

in France, see Jean d’Auton, op. cit., 1, 278-84. Ascanio Sforza in an entry of late February, 1502 (Ven. When Alexander first learned of Ascanio’s capture by the — style 1501), and says that he was then “in gratia dil re,” Venetians, he dispatched Angelo Leonini, bishop of Tivoli, and on Ascanio’s coming to Rome with d’Amboise, to the Signoria in an effort to have Ascanio sent to Rome _ ¢f., ibid., V, 72, 76, 81, 82; Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne,

(Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. II, tom. 56, fols. III, 268-78, and ed. Celani, II, 373-87, on the election of

341 ff., by mod. stamped enumeration): “. .. Itaque Pius III. Ascanio was joyfully received by the Romans quantum potes [from the instructions addressed to the upon his return to the city (Burchard, op. cit., ed. Thuasne, bishop of Tivoli on 4 May, 1500] commodatioribus III, 262-63, and ed. Celani, II, 368-69). Cf. Sanudo, verbis instabis ut prefatum cardinalem libere ut debent V, 81, 82. After the election of his old enemy Giuliano nobis restituant eo modo ut ad nos tuto perveniat in quo’ della Rovere as pope, Ascanio lived quietly in Rome, but

536 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT For the Italians the future looked dark indeed __ was better than none.'** When he proposed to

during the last few years of Alexander VI’s_ Ferdinand that they divide the kingdom of reign. The advancement of the Borgias under Naples between them, he received a guarded the banner of the fleur-de-lys was hardly con- consent. By the treaty of Granada, in Novemsistent with the well-being of either Italy or the ber, 1500, the high contracting parties finally papacy, for Ferdinand of Aragon would in- agreed that the French should take the northern, evitably contest French hegemony in the penin- and the Spanish the southern, half of the kingsula. The major development in Italian politics dom.!”°

at this time was certainly the French conquest The interests of the great powers always of Milan. The Venetians and Hungarians determined the course of crusading history. In needed the crusade to relieve the Turkish pres- April, 1501, the Venetian Senate tried to persures to which they were exposed with the ad- suade Louis XII not to undertake a campaign vent of the campaigning season each spring. of conquest in Italy. They explained to a French

Later on, the popes saw in the crusade a_ envoy who had brought a “secret communi-

means of diverting the French (and Spanish) cation” to the lagoon that the Spanish and Portufrom the Italian scene. Although Alexander VI guese fleets were soon going to effect a rendez-

was more of a politician than a statesman, vous in Sicilian waters. The Venetian and

his interest in the crusade probably had the French fleets were supposed to join them in the same objective. But now he was chiefly con- “sanctissima expeditione contra el Turcho.” cerned to use the presence of the French in_ Louis would thus be choosing an inopportune northern Italy to help establish his son Cesare time to embark upon the “Neapolitan enterBorgia in a new duchy in the Romagna, prise.” Once more the Venetians would probawhile Cesare’s ambition encompassed the ex-_ bly be left to meet the Turk by themselves. tension of his power to Urbino and Tuscany, The Hungarians were facing total ruin, and the March of Ancona, Camerino, and else- might have to reconsider their rejection of peace

where. It was said of Cesare that “habet with Bayazid. A French campaign in Italy diabolum in corpore,”’? and this was a mild would also diminish Maximilian’s apparent

description of his character. readiness to participate in the crusade. Having

Louis XII regarded his initial successes as the no alternative, the Senate stated that, as always, prelude to the conquest of Naples and possibly Venice would defer to the wisdom and good will of the entire peninsula. He had the mind of a_ of his most Christian Majesty.”° The winds of merchant, however, which is why he under- speculation were blowing in all directions.

stood the Venetians, and as he recalled his In May, 1501, it was reported in Venice predecessor’s retreat in the summer of 1495, he that Federigo, per mezo di reali di Spagna, was felt obliged to count the probable costs of a offering to give Louis 300,000 ducats and to pay Neapolitan campaign. His Milanese success had an annual tribute of 100,000 to be left at peace

excited the envy and hostility not only of in the southern kingdom.’ A month later the

Ferdinand of Aragon, but also of Maximilian Venetian envoy to France wrote from Lyon that of Hapsburg and even Henry VII of England,’ Louis had declared he was sending the French who could not watch with complete equanimity fleet against the Turks, for like most kings of the aggrandizement of his near neighbor across

the Channel. Nor would Ferdinand see King ~ Federigo of Naples ousted without a struggle; By early September, 1499, Federigo of Naples knew that

. , . the French conquest of Milan meant his own undoing

but Ferdinand’s own avarice was well known, (ganudo, Diarii, II, 1313). and Louis was of the opinion that half a loaf 25 The treaty of 11 November, 1500, is given in J.

Dumont, Corps diplomatique, III, pt. 2 (1726), pp. 445-47, TT and see in general Carlo Cipolla, Le Signorie italiane dal without losing his interest in politics (cf. P. Villari, ed., 1313 al 1530, 2 vols., Milan; 1881, II, 771 ff.; Luigi

Dispacci di Antonio Giustinian, 11 [Florence, 1876], 400-1, Simeoni, Le Signorie, 2 vols., Milan, 1950, II, 758 ff.; and

411-13, and III, 14-15, 46, 53, 165, 167-68, 194-95, Tommaso Pedio, Gli Spagnoli alla conquista dell’Italia, 3rd 226-27, 242, 265, 291-92, 293, 331, etc.; Sanudo, Diarti, ed., Reggio Calabria, 1974, pp. 48 ff. VI, 84, 171, 176, notice of Ascanio’s death in May, #26 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 127’-128" [136%-137°], 1505, on which see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 40, fols. 104Y-105 dated 17 April, 1501, and cf, zbid., fol. 160° [169°]. The

[119’-—120]). Hungarians agreed to a seven years’ truce with the Turks on 122 Sanudo, Diari, 1V, 439. ) 22 February, 1503, as stated above, p. 533. 123 Cf. Sanudo, Diarit, III, 36. ' 127 Sanudo, Diarii, 1V, 38.

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 537 France, Louis professed allegiance to the cru- the two duchies would revert to the Holy See, sade. He also wanted the assistance or at least the unless the emperor-elect were expressly granted

neutrality of Venice. The French army was said a papal mandate to hold his hereditary share to be strong enough to conquer Naples without of the southland. No woman inheritor could naval support, and “more than a yearagohe had marry a king of the Romans. Both the French reached an accord with the king of Spain, with and Spanish holders and inheritors of the diwhom he has divided the kingdom [of Naples] vided realm were to pay each year to the Holy

in half. . . .”8 The rights of Federigo were See a census of 4,000 ounces of gold on the thus cavalierly set aside. French and Spanish feast of S. Peter the Apostle (29 June). Every

commanders were instructed to take over their three years they were each to give the pope a sovereigns’ respective shares of his erstwhile good white palfrey “in recognition of his true dominion. Federigo eventually sought refuge in dominion of their kingdom and duchies.” ‘ToFrance, where his daughter had been educated.”° gether they were to pay, when they had finally Louis and Ferdinand were soon to discover, taken over their new possessions, 50,000 marks however, that it is not easy to divide a kingdom sterling for their investitures, the amount to be with an ally. It is simpler to conquer it for divided equally by the two sides. They were not

oneself. to seek or hold office in lands under papal The division of Naples had of course in- jurisdiction, including the Romagna, and ecvolved the pope, who was suzerain of the clesiastical rights of all kinds were protected by kingdom. Alexander VI was quite ready to detailed stipulations. The bull was subscribed by participate in the spoliation of Federigo’s realm, the pope and eighteen cardinals.'”° which he confirmed in a long bull dated 25 Alexander VI had joined the Franco-Spanish June, 1501. The document charges Federigo league. On Tuesday morning, 29 June (1501), with breaking his oath of fealty to the pope, on the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, the Roman

receiving and aiding rebels against the Holy clergy streamed from their churches and

See, violating the freedom of the Church, and monasteries in procession headed for the basilica “what is worse and more abominable and quite of S. Peter, where in the papal presence Girounworthy of a Christian prince,” maintaining lamo Porcari, bishop of Andria, announced the intelligence with the Turkish sultan, with whom adherence of the Holy See to Louis XII’s entente he had frequently exchanged embassies in an with Ferdinand of Aragon. The day before, from effort to encourage a Turkish invasion of Chris- a loggia of the Castel S. Angelo, the pope had tian territories, even Italy. The pope sanctioned watched a French force of twelve thousand foot

the division of the realm in the interests of and two thousand horse, with thirty-six cannon peace and the crusade. The cities of Naples and following behind them, march over the Tiber on

Gaeta, the Terra di Lavoro, and the province their way to Naples.’ Burchard indicates that of the Abruzzi were to go to Louis with the title no statement was made of the articles of the king of Naples and Jerusalem; the territories of league, but they were known to many persons. Calabria and Apulia were to go to Ferdinand Doubtless more than one observer in the basilica and Isabella with the titles duke and duchess of on that June day, as the Venetians were losing

Calabria and Apulia. (As a papal preserve out to the Turks in the Morea, had cause to Benevento was excluded from the division.) wonder at a pope joining two royal thieves in Both the French and Spanish sovereigns, and the partition of southern Italy—to keep peace their heirs after them, were to swear fealty and in Christendom, he said, and to promote the do homage according to a prescribed text which crusade!

would guarantee the continued suzerainty of the §=——___— papacy over southern Italy. In the event that any 130 The bull is given in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. one of the sovereigns or their successors should 1501, nos. 5B 72, vol MIX (1683), PP- 027 es cue be elected king of the Romans, the Regno or 131 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, HII, 148-50, and ed.

be ardini, oloria la, V¥, J, €d. rlorence, oalani, , 4, . Celani, II, 290-91; Sanudo, Diarizz, 1V, 61—62; Jean d’Auton,

TTT Chroniques, ed. Maulde la Claviere, II, 35-37. (The dispatch #8 Sanudo, Diarii, 1V, 52, and cf. col. 65; Raynaldus, in Sanudo, loc. cit., dated 29 June, gives different figures for

Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1501, no. 50, vol. XIX (1693), p. the size of the French force on its way to Naples.) Cf. 519; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fols. 136’-137" [145’-146"], Sanudo, IV, 82. Jean d’Auton, op. cit., LH, 32-33, indicates

138°— 139". that French and Spanish soldiers fought in the streets of 29 Cf. Sanudo, Diarii, lV, 146, 175, 176-77, 190-91, 234. Rome over the Neapolitan question.

538 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT At the beginning of July, Cesare Borgia’s entire sum of 25,000 marks for the right of troops left Rome to aid the French in their investiture. Alexander still wanted Louis and his occupation of the Neapolitan kingdom. He fol- heirs, however, henceforth to pay the feudal fee lowed them some time later, and during the of one good white palfrey for the kingdom of night of 26 July the news was brought to the Naples.'** It was a small charge. pope of Cesare’s capture of the important city Before the French and Spanish turned their

of Capua. Seized by the treachery of one of arms in force against the Turk, they were to the inhabitants (whom Cesare promptly killed), go to war with each other. The French and the the city was sacked. It was related in Rome that Hospitallers had rendered some naval aid to the some six thousand persons, including priestsand Venetians before the fall of Lepanto in August, monks, women and children, lost their lives in 1499, as we have seen, and a Spanish fleet under the senseless carnage. The Curia Romana had _ Gonsalvo de Cordova had assisted the Venetian

already learned of the French occupation of admiral Benedetto Pesaro in his attack upon Aversa, Nola, and numerous other places. In Turkish-held Cephalonia in December, 1500. the meantime the standards of Aragon were But it all seemed to no avail. Durazzo fell, and -being raised throughout Calabria and Apulia, where the soldiers of Gonsalvo de Cordova were 84 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1501, no. 75, vol. XIX

hastening to take over the two duchies in ac- (1693), p. 528. Louis XII describes his extensive plans cordance with the terms of the papal bull of and preparations against the Turks in the commission issued

25 June.’ The French commander Stuart @t this time to Philippe de Cléves et la Marck, lord of d’Aubigny entered Naples on 4 August and Ravenstein, governor of Genoa and admiral of the (French) occupied all the castles by an agreement with the Maulde la Claviére, II, 78-83, note. Actually the French defeated King Federigo, who was allowed to _ merely planned a naval parade in eastern waters to justify withdraw to Ischia, where he might reside collection of the crusading tithe in France: Alexander VI also undisturbed for six months to see whether he 224 allegedly collected 60,000 dzures in France to arm twenty

. . kingdom of Naples, given in Jean d’Auton, Chron., ed.

ld solicit aid f ‘vabl galleys in Venice, but clearly did not use the money, if

could solicit aid trom any source, conceivably p. got it, for that purpose (zbid., 11, 83-84, note).

the Turks. If no such aid was forthcoming _ Ravenstein did lead a French expedition to the East,

within this period, Federigo was to surrender _ launching an unsuccessful attack upon Mytilene at the end Ischia also to d’Aubigny.'? This was the end of of October, 1501, which Jean d’ Auton, op. cit., II, 149— royal power for Federigo, and as he relinquished 93, describes in great detail, attributing the failure of the the broken reins of government, he must have are various references to Ravenstein in Sen. Secreta, Reg. recalled his brother Alfonso II’s own abdication 38. He had a very difficult return voyage (d’Auton, II,

. French to the inadequacy of their Venetian allies. There

seven years and recalled also his despair- from nae A geGenoa progress to on the French armada se esbefore ; e followed in Sanudo, Mytilene andcanbac Ins Gescription of rule in Naples as a burden to the West again (Diarz, IV, 71, 113, 145-46, 148-49,

too heavy to bear. 180-81, 205-6, 207-8, 211, 231), where Venetian dis-

The French seemed to be doing very well. On patches claim that the Christians failed to take the island 97 August, in consideration of Louis XII’s de- “per manchar di piere e polvere” (col. 180), which is possible,

votion to the faith and to the Church, and 24 “per pusilanimita de’francesi” (col. 207), which seems

. h | dv taking steps which shoul d less likely. On 4 December, 1501, the Venetian Senate since Ne was already taking step had rather prematurely informed their envoy in Spain of lead to an expedition against the Turks (tuque — Ravenstein’s “sloriosa victoria de la insula de Metellino” etiam in presentiarum contra ipsos perfidos Turcos (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 181° [190"}), but by the fol-

facere coepisti), the pope remitted completely the toot - Jal¢f.30fol. or roor "}, and *}).better (ibid., fol. 194° census of 4,000 ounces of gold as well as the At Trent on 13 October, 1501, Cardinal Georges d’Am-

boise negotiated an “inviolate and perpetual union and as132confederation” with Maximilian, king of the Romans, with Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, 151, 152-53, the provision “quod Christianissimus Francorum rex secunwhose text says that about four thousand were killed in dum totam suam potentiam juvet serenissimum Romanorum Capua, and ed. Celani, H, 292, 293; Jean d’Auton, Chron., regem, futurum imperatorem, contra perfidissimos Turcas ed. Maulde la Claviére, II, 61-62, who says that the streets Christianae religionis rabidos hostes, si et in quantum reliqut ran with blood; Sanudo, Diarii, 1V, 76-78, givesa summary Christiani reges et principes aut major eorum pars suam of avuisi from Rome dated 27 July; Guicciardini, V, 5, ed. Caesaream majestatem etiam juverint. Et hoc proximis

Florence, Salani, 1963, I, 492-93. tribus annis facere teneatur” (J. C. Ltinig, Codex Italiae

33 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 154-55, with diplomaticus, I [1725], pt. 1, sect. I, no. xxv, col. 118). An refs., and ed. Celani, Il, 295; Cronica di Napoli di Notar article also provided for the release of Ascanio Sforza and Giacomo, ed. Paolo Garzilli, Naples, 1845, p. 242; Jean the restoration of his offices and benefices (col. 119). An d’Auton, ed. Maulde la Claviére, II, 70—75, with the docs. _ interpretation of certain articles in the treaty was added

in the notes; Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 164° [173']. at Blois on 13 December, 1501 (cols. 120-24).

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 539 the Turks appeared to be invincible,’ as the had warned Alexander VI not to assist the pope lamented in a bull of 23 October, 1501,%° French, whose situation in the Neapolitan kingand yet he had done little to halt the Turkish dom was going from bad to worse, and two days

advance in the ten years of his papacy.'"7 Now later he wrote that the Spaniards were not he was to have no opportunity to do-so. likely to make peace since they were preparing It had been easier for the French and Spanish’ for war with the certainty of victory.’°®

to divide the kingdom of Naples by verbal and On 16 May Giustinian reported that affairs written agreements than to arrange the _ had reached a desperate pass. It was said that boundary lines with final specificity." The is- Capua, Aversa, and Cerignola had been lost. On sues could not be resolved by diplomacy; Louis the eighteenth he learned that Louis XII, XII and Ferdinand of Aragon soon had recourse indignant at the continued Spanish success, was to war. Efforts to arrange a peace failed. On preparing to strike back. He was sending 1,800 12 May, 1503, Antonio Giustinian informed ‘the _ lances into the field, and was negotiating for the Venetian government that Gonsalvo de Cordova hire of 10,000 Swiss and Gascon mercenaries. The next morning the news reached Rome that from Monday (the fifteenth) the Spaniards had

135 Cf, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 38, fol. 168" [177°]. b hi y ¢ rtillery t ) Na te and on

136 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1501, no. 78, vol. XIX cen rushing a y to pies, .

(1693), pp. 528-29. In the first audience which Alexander Wednesday Gonsalvo de Cordova had himself VI granted the newly appointed Venetian envoy to Rome, entered the city. To make a good impression Antonio Giustinian, on 4 June, 1502, he complained of the on the Neapolitans, Gonsalvo had lowered the

projected peace between the Republic and the Turk: price of wheat from fifteen to five carlini a

subiunse pero, sorridendo, che non credeva, per esser ‘sh had b db

sacrilegium et nefandum . . .” (Pasquale Villari, ed., Dispaccti THeasUre. Spanish cannon had been mounted be-

di Antonio Giustinian, ambasciatore veneto in Roma dal fore the Castel Nuovo, defended by no more 1502 al 1505, 3 vols., Florence, 1876, I, 15). With this than five or six hundred French infantry, and audience begins the long series of Giustinian’s detailed Spanish troops were being sent to oppose the

dispatches to the Venetian Senate Consiglio dei Fbe h for of cc thenho Carigliano Dieci; his commission, issued onand 21 the May, 1502, may renelocated O ces”rthoca oc8°

found in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 39, fols. 9'-10" [21-227]. The old Cardinal Oliviero Carafa, from whom Alexander, sorridendo, probably knew that the Turco-Vene- Giustinian was getting information, was much tian peace was more than likely (cf. ‘Villar, Dispacct, I, distressed, for in Gonsalvo’s SUCCESS he Saw the

aa 58); on 7 June the Senate denied it (Sen. Secreta, ruin of his own family. The Carafeschi had eg. 39, fol. 14 [26]), but was soon trying almost desperately b dul F 140 G | id to end hostilities with the Turks (ibid., fols. 32° ff. [44° cen unduly pro- rene ° OnsalvO was Sal ff.]). On the relations of the papacy with Venice at this to have 20,000 men in the southern kingdom, time, cf. Roberto Cessi, ed., Dispacct degli ambasciatort’ which would make the French reconquest very

nr a oe a wma pees Gate H, Venice, ee difficult, as Giustinian reminded the pope. Venezie), » vit Hf. (R. Deputazione di storia patria per le Jeyander VI, although disturbed by the enter'57 The pope was, however, always ready enough to make — PI'IS€ of the Spaniards, had lost his affecpromises and issue anti-Turkish briefs (cf. Villari, Dispaccidi tion for the French. He was looking out solely A. Guustinian, I, 20, 24, 26, 28, 43, 48-49, 68). In early for his own advantage.'*! September, 1502, Alexander VI was much annoyed with : the Venetians for allegedly making the Turkish peace, “della Thus it went from day to day and from week

qual sempre parla quando li manca che dir, perché la to week. ‘The pope had little faith any longer ghe dispiace quanto dir se possa .. .” (ibid., I, 105): Im French arms, and was seeking ways to ally Giustinian adds that the pope wanted nothing so little as himself with the Spanish, “perche li vede potenti,

that Venice should be free of the burden of war with qybita delle cose sue per la unione che hanno

Turkey (cf., ibid., I, 178-79, a dispatch of 27 October, Col > He fF, d the Col . 1502). On 8 December the envoy notified the pope that cum Colonnesl. € feared the Colonnesi, as peace had in effect been made (ibid., I, 250 ff., 263 ff, did the rest of the Roman baronage. Actually 507 ff.). It is interesting to note that, according to Giustinian, it made little difference to Alexander VI the pope was planning in October to give the son of the whether the French or Spanish ruled in Naples. despot of the Morea, “che é persona de poco valor,” com-

mand of a troop of two hundred light horse “for public

effect” (zbid., I, 164). —_—_——_———-

'88 Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. R. de Maulde la 189 Villari, Dispacci, II, 14, 15.

Claviére, II (Paris, 1891), 249-56 and ff.; Sanudo, 40 Villari, Dispacci, 11, 15-17. On 16 June Giustinian

Diari, 1V, 160, 335, 359, 370, 371, 421 ff., 441, 477-78, reported that Gonsalvo had taken the Castel Nuovo in etc., 526-30, etc. There were frequent armed encounters Naples (zbid., 11, 39-40); on the twenty-seventh he wrote between the French and Spanish all through the summer __ that the Spaniards were bombarding the Castel dell’Uovo of 1502. Cf. Villari, ed., Dispacct di Antonio Giustinian, (ibid., H, 52), which they took on 11 July (IJ, 68).

I, 40-41, 103-4, 118-19, 154, 41 Villari, Dispacci, II, 18, 45-46.

540 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT He merely wanted to protect Cesare Borgia in hold the conclave in the Castel S. Angelo.'** On the Romagna.’ The crusade was largely for- 3 September, however, they decided to assemble

gotten during the anxiety and turmoil of this in the Sistina, for the Vatican chapel of S.

period. Niccolo da Bari was the usual place for the The Franco-Spanish war for the Neapolitan cardinals to elect a pope.’* kingdom had not reached its final issue, however, when the reign of Alexander VI came 44 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, HI, 238-46, and ed. rather abruptly to an end. Feeling ill on Clani, 11, 351-57. Gf Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 267 ff. Saturday, 12 August (1503), Alexander was be- Thuasne, op. cit., HI, append., nos. 14-15, pp. 447-50; lieved to have the febris tertiana, in the treatment _ Villari, Dispacci, 11, 107-39, daily reports of Antonio of which some fourteen ounces of blood were Srustinian to the Venetian government Raynaldus, Ann. drawn from his aged veins on the hfteenth. On 540-41; Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 132-37, and append., how Thursday, the seventeenth, he was given medi- 9-11, pp. 617-19, and Gesch. d. Papste, I1I-1 (repr. cine, but was obviously fighting a losing battle. 1955), 588-94, with refs., and III-2 (repr: 1956), append.,

. . eccl., ad ann. 1503, nos. 10-12, vol. XIX (1693), .

Early in the morning of the eighteenth he made __n0s. 53-55, pp. 1076-78. The incredible sight of the pope's his confession. and mass was said in his pres- corpse, el piu brutto, monstruoso et orrendo corpo di morto che f . si vedesse mat, senza alcuna forma né figura de omo, as ence. At the hour of vespers he received ex- Giustinian described it (Villari, Dispacci, II, 124-25), helped

treme unction and died. He was laid in state link the deceased with the devil, and played its part in the in the Sala delle Arti liberali (in the Borgia _ later legend of the papal Faust, leading in some quarters Apartment), which adjoins the room in which he R the identification ot Alexander vt with ne Antichrist died. Cesare Borgia, who was also sick, sent dell’Anticristo,” Rivista storica italiana, LXXXII [1970],

. 143 . . omeo De Maio, “Savonarola, Alessandro e il mito

Micheletto Corella (who had murdered the 545-59),

leaders of the Orsini faction about eight months __ The story that both Alexander VI and his son Cesare before, at Sinigaglia and Castel della Pieve) with were poisoned at a dinner in the villa of Cardinal Adriano some cutthroats to secure all doors leading to Castellesi da Corneto (on 5 or 6 August) has been widely the pope s apartment and take possession of the has been very persistent (note J. Schnitzer, Der Tod Alexpapal treasure, some of which they overlooked. anders VI., Munich, 1929, and cf. P. M. Baumgarten, The palace doors were opened shortly before “Um den Tod Alexanders VI.,” Historisches Jahrbuch, L

; . believed almost from the time of their deaths. The legend

7-00 P.M., and the pope’s death announced. [1930], 109-13), but Pastor has shown how unlikely Accor ding to the diarist Burchard. Cesare did it IS, and Pio Paschini, “Adriano Castellesi, cardinale di

. ; . , ; S. Grisogono,” in Tre Illustrt Prelatt del Rinascimento,

not visit his father during the latter’s last Rome, 1957, pp. 61-62, also rejects it. On 23 August illness, nor did the dying pope once mention _ the Venetian Senate addressed a formal letter of condolence

either Cesare. or Lucrezia Borgia. to the ltd ih (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 39, fols. 102°—103" [114%—115")).

On the MOMs of 19 August the bloated, Although Cesare Borgia eventually complied with the

blackened body of Alexander VI was uNncere- various demands of the College, the cardinals wanted him moniously buried, to the jeers and blasphemies out of Rome. After protracted negotiations he withdrew

of the workmen, in a corner (to the left of from the city on 2 September (Burchard, Diarium, : ed. Thuasne, III, 248-56, and ed. Celani, 1, 358-64; me nat) Ps the nap of S ' aa ven Villari, Dispacci, II, 167-72). The first of the nine days of

epbri, acjomimg o. reters. Vn the twenty- Alexander VI’s obsequies was observed on 4 September. second, at the fourth meeting of the Sacred Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere arrived in Rome on the College in the church of S. Maria sOpra same day. On Alexander’s death and the subsequent plight Minerva, a chastened Cesare Borgia was said of Cesare, cf. 65-66 Sanudo, oe73-75, V, “ F, Stefani 1881), cols. and ff., 76-78, 80-82,(Venice, 83-84, and to be rea dy to Swear’ fealty to the College, Sigismondo de’ Conti, II, 289-90. Both the Borgia popes, and (subject to his doing so) was reappointed Calixtus III and Alexander, are now buried in the church captain of Holy Church “usque ad electionem of S. Maria di Monserrato in Rome. Their modest sarfuturi pontificis.” The cardinals then decided to cophagus, the work of F. Moratilla in 1881, is attached

to the wall of the first chapel on the right as one enters TT by the front portal. The late King Alfonso XIII of Spain 142 Cf. Villari, Dispacci, II, 21-23, 24 ff., and Piero Pieri, is buried below them in the same chapel.

“La Guerra franco-spagnuola nel Mezzogiorno (1502- 1 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 257, and ed. 1503),” Archivio storico per le province napoletane, new ser., Celani, II, 364; Sanudo, Diarii, V, 86. According to Bur-

LXXII (ann. XXXII, 1952), 21-69. chard, loc. cit., ed. Celani, “. . . Decretum fuit et de

143 Cf. Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 239, and ed. eorum mandato [i.e., of the fifteen cardinals who had Celani, II, 352: “. . . et posuerunt eum in alia camera ante gathered on 3 September in Oliviero Carafa’s palace] post

salam in qua mortuus est, super unam lecticam, super prandium intimatum . . . quod ordinaretur conclave in panno setonino cremisino et tapete pulchro” (text from capella maiori palatii [the Sistina] apud Sanctum Petrum

Celani). loco solito et quod fierent XXXVIII camere .. .” f{ie.,

THE DIPLOMATIC REVOLUTION 541 Probably no pope’s death has ever been less __ enterprises, the Borgia pope found the means to lamented. Alexander VI’s reign had been full of restore S. Niccolé in Carcere (his titular church warfare, which he feared, and intrigue, which he as a cardinal) and SS. Apostoli. He completed loved. As cardinal and pope, for almost fifty the new roof on S. Maria Maggiore, which his years, he had performed his ecclesiastical duties uncle Calixtus III had begun, and reconstructed according to the religious etiquette of the Curia the apse of S. John Lateran. He strengthened Romana. His orthodoxy was that of one indif- the ancient circuit of the Aurelian Wall around ferent to theology. Not all his efforts had been Rome, and added to the fortifications of Subiaco, directed toward evil. He had given some support Tivoli, Civitella, Civita Castellana, Nepi, Osimo, to the monastic orders, resisted lay encroach- and Civitavecchia. In the Vatican palace he built ments upon ecclesiastical properties, and im-_ the Torre Borgia, and commissioned Pinturicchio posed the first censorship upon the German __todecorate the so-called Appartamento Borgia (in press (by the bull Jnter multiplices dated 1 June, an area of the palace which Nicholas V had entirely

1501)."° In 1493 he had drawn lines of de- rebuilt). Here he lived during his last years. marcation dividing the new worlds of West Alexander also restored the thirteenth-century Africa, America, and the East Indies into zones _ passageways along the wall extending from the

for conquest and colonization by the Portuguese Vatican to the Castel S. Angelo. The Castel and Spanish,'*’ though his lines were super- as it appears today is largely his work. He was seded in 1494 by those established in the treaty also responsible for laying out the old Via

of Tordesillas. Alessandrina, now the Borgo Nuovo.'*?

Alexander had extended little patronage to Some famous buildings went up in Alex-

the humanists and added few books to the ander’s reign. Before his elevation to the papacy Vatican Library, for he much preferred to use he had built the handsome palace now known his resources to enrich his family and promote . under the name Sforza-Cesarini, which he gave

the political ambitions of his son Cesare. He to Ascanio Sforza (together with the vicebuilt far less than his immediate predecessors chancellorship and various other consideraalthough he did some important building. On 5 tions) for the latter’s support in the conclave May, 1499, tor example, Alexander paid a visit, which made him pope. Cardinal Raffaele Riario accompanied by a dozen cardinals and a large built as his palace the well-known Cancellaria,

armed guard, to the construction site of the and Cardinal Guillaume Brigonnet built the

University of Rome, “ubi papa vidit structuram church of S. Trinita dei Monti on the Pincio. novi studii et mandavit in pluribus locis stratas ‘The German envoy Matthias Lang laid the corampliari. . . .”"4° Work on the University con- nerstone of the church of the German hospice,

tinued until the end of the pope’s reign (the S. Maria dell’Anima, on 11 April, 1500, at

building was later reconstructed by Alexander which time the papal diarist Johann Burchard VII, a Chigi). Despite the diversion of his was still doubtless the prefectus fabricae as he money into spectacles and into Cesare’s military had been the year before. Buildings in Renaissance Rome are always interesting. Burchard cells for the cardinals and the conclavistae]. But as always mentions many that are still well known to us. during this period the actual voting would take place in In March, 1500, Burchard finished the construc-

, ata im seiner ; ; ; ’

the parva capella (cf. ed. Celani, II, 172, line 40), the tton of his own house, now in the Via del chaps ee Niccolo Ga Bar on wen se Franz Ehrie Sudario (no. 44), a small palace of pure German Entwicklung bis sun Mitte des XV. Jahrhunderts, Citta del Gothic, certainly designed by a northern archi-

Vaticano, 1935, pp. 103-9, 123 ff. While the voting [¢Ct. This house once had a beautiful semiproceeded in the Chapel of S.,Niccoldé, the conclavistae circular stairway (probably like that of the

were locked up in the Sistina (op. cit., p. 105). Frauenhaus at Strassburg), handsome ribbed 46 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1501, no. 36, vol. XIX

(1693), pp. 514-15; Heimrich Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen. =—=——————

Bicher, 2 vols., Bonn, 1883-85, I, 54-55, with a German “9 Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, V1, 165-81, and esp. Gesch. translation of the important parts of the bull; Pastor, d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), 635—56, where the first ediHist. Popes, V1, 154-56, and Gesch. d. Papste, HI-1 (repr. tion (the text of the English translation) is largely re-

1955), 614-15. written and much improved. The bibliography is exten-

147 Pastor, Hist. Popes, VI, 159-64, and Gesch. d. Papste, sive, and néed not concern us here, but mention should

III-1 (repr. 1955), 619-23. perhaps be made of Eugéne Miintz’s well-known book Les

48 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, II, 530, and ed. Arts a la cour des papes Innocent VII, Alexandre VI, Pie III Celani, II, 140; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, III-1 (repr. 1955), (1484-1503), Paris, 1898, pp. 144 ff., where numerous

624. archival and other texts are given.

542 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT vaulting, an impressive loggia, and a pleasant reminders of the past quite unknown to the courtyard. Unfortunately the exterior of the modern Roman who scurries about his business. house has been rebuilt, but the interior still Who that daily traverses the old Via dell’Arco reveals the Gothic construction which Vasari di Parma (R. V), which leads into the decaying deplored as barbaric. On one side Burchard’s Piazza Lancellotti (near the Via de’ Coronari), asview encompassed the sumptuous gardens of sociates the name with Giangiacomo Sclafenati, Giuliano Cesarini, cardinal bishop of Ascoli the cardinal of Parma, whom we have had more Piceno, who was much annoyed when in 1491 than one occasion to note in this volume? The Burchard acquired the land with a dilapidated nearby Piazza Nicosia recalls Aldobrandino house from the famous monastery of Farfa. Orsini, archbishop of Nicosia in Cyprus, whose Today the Torre Argentina derives its name appointment to office in 1502 Burchard records from the location of Burchard’s house, and in his diary.’*' In the same area the Via d’Ascanio recalls its builder’s native city of Strassburg (R. IV), which runs from the Via della Scrofa

(Argentina).'°° to the little Piazza di Firenze, preserves the It was perhaps to be expected that the notable memory of Cardinal Sforza, and gives us the lofigures of Alexander VI’s reign should make a_ cation of his gardens. The statue of “Pasquino” great impression upon posterity. Although every _ still stands at a corner of Piazza Navona, near

tourist who reads his guidebook knows that the spot where Cardinal Oliviero Carafa had it Alexander gave the Castel S. Angelo very set up, by a wall of his own house. The statua much the form it still retains, there are nu- magistrt Pasquino nuncupata is also referred to by merous more subtle, more tenuous memorials of Burchard,!*? and we shall have cause to mention

this period to be found by the antiquarian, it in the next volume.

If in 1492 the conclave had elected the worst

—————— of the cardinals in Alexander VI, few were en‘°° On Burchard’s house, see E. Celani’s edition of the — tirely aware of the fact. Many of the cardinals were

TL, 347-50, note, and esp. D. Gnoll, “La Torre Argenina ‘MUCH, like him. Alexander had, to be sure, in Roma,” in Nuova Antologia di lettere, scienze ed arti, vol. 135 lacked the delicacy to add hypocrisy to his other

(May-June, 1908), pp. 596-605. failings. They were a robust lot, those cardinals,

Strassburg was known first as Argentoratum and later as and some of them would leave worthier heirs to Argentina. The “modern” name Strateburgus occurs firstin drink their Caecuban wine. the sixth century (Celani, HI, 336, note). Burchard was

actually a native of Hasslach, near Strassburg (see above, ~—

Chapter 13, note 24). A stemma found in the house at no. 151 Burchard, Diarium, ed. Thuasne, III, 224, and ed. 44, Via del Sudario, corresponds to Burchard’s seal. Cf. Celani, IH, 339. Friedrich Noack, Das Deutschtum in Rom seit dem Ausgang 182 Burchard, Diartum, ed. Thuasne, III, 157, and ed. des Mittelalters, 2 vols., Berlin and Leipzig, 1927, I, 12, Celani, II, 296. The statue of Pasquino now stands at the

who gives the house its old number (45). corner of the Palazzo Braschi.

INDEX No names of modern scholars (and no references to their works) are included in this index ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz II, Abu-Faris, Hafsid ruler of Tunisia Agapito de’ Rustici, Italian hymn-writer (ca. 1460), 229

1394-1434: 47 Agostino, abbot of Casanova (in 1457), 191n

Abruzzi, 477, 481, 537 Agostino de’ Renieri, Venetian official (in 1450), 101n Abu-‘Abd-All4h Muhammad XII (‘‘Boabdil’), Nasrid king Agostino de’ Rossi, Milanese envoy to Rome (1466), 263, of Granada 1485-1492 (d. 1533?), 424 279-282, 295n Acanius, Manuel, Byzantine governor of Imbros (in 1444), Agramunt, Guillermo, papal official (ff. 1424), 40n

87 Ahmed, father-in-law of Omar Beg; Ottoman official (in Acciajuoli, Florentine banking family, 219, 246n 1459), 219 Acciajuoli, Angelo (di Jacopo di Donato), cousin of Nerio II; | Ahmed, son of Bayazid 11; Ottoman prince (d. 1512?), 410 Florentine (ff. 1439), 62-64, 154n, 155 Ahmed I, Ottoman sultan 1603-1617: 136n

Acciajuoli, Antonio I, bastard son of Nerio I; lord of Thebes Ahmed Beg, son of Turakhan; Ottoman general (in 1452),

1394-1435, duke of Athens 1403-1435: 5, 7, 8n, 18, 146, 148, 149 50, 51, 63n, 283; wife of, see Maria (Melissena?) Ahmed Pasha, Geduk, Ottoman general (d. ca. 1482),

Acciajuoli, Antonio II, brother of Nerio II; duke of 340-344, 384, 385n

Athens 14392-1441: 63n Akkerman (Belgorod Dnestrovskiy), 399

Acciajuoli, Nerio I, lord of Corinth 1371-1394, duke of Akova (Matagrifon), 196, 197n, 220

Athens (1388) in 1394: 233 Alain de Coétivy, bishop of Avignon 1437-1474, cardinal

Acciajuoli, Nerio Il, grandnephew of Nerio I; duke of 1448-1474: 162, 165n, 166, 169, 185n, 187n, 207

Athens 1435-21439, 1441-1451: 51, 63n, 71, 72, Alamanni, Piero, Florentine envoy (in 1492, 1494), 438n, 464 96, 97n, 103, 104, 108; wives of, see Maria (Melissena?), Alaric, Visigothic king 395-410: 12n

Chiara Zorzi Alban d’ Armer, Venetian captain (in 1499), 518n

Achaea, 13, 14, 32, 35, 56, 70, 148, 220, 227, 284n; princes Albania, 19, 21n, 27, 30n, 37, 49n, 72, 73n, 74n, 86, 92, 95n,

of, see Charles I of Anjou 1278-1285, Charles III of 99, 100, 102, 103n, 162, 171, 175, 187n, 192, 194n, 195,

Durazzo 1383-1386, Ladislas of Durazzo 1386-1396, 205, 206n, 208, 232, 245, 251, 262n, 273, 278-283, Pedro de San Superano 1396-1402, Centurione II 288n, 289-292, 325, 327, 328, 329n, 340n, 343, 365n, Zaccaria 1404-1430, Thomas Palaeologus 1432-1460; 402, 415, 446n, 493, 520, 526 princess of, see Caterina Zaccaria 1432-1460 Albanians, 2n, 11, 17-19, 36, 38n, 48n, 69n, 93, 96n,

Acquapendente, 470 97, 99, 101, 102, 147—149, 158, I61n, 162, 171, 193, Acroceraunia, 426 194, 196, 197, 199, 210, 219, 220, 227, 231, 232n, 235, Acrocorinth, 3, 96, 196-198 241, 245n, 247-249, 252n, 254, 255, 267n, 268n, 278

Acropolis (of Athens), 12n, 51, 189n, 219, 283, 284 279, 287, 310, 326n, 333n, 372, 481, 494, 499n, 515

Adalia, see Satalia Albano, 434

Adam de Montaldo, Genoese chronicler, 114n, 120n, 129n Albari (or Firmani), Martino, archbishop of Durazzo

Adana, 381, 382, 410 1492-—1499: 481

Adda river, 156, 335 Albert Il, Hapsburg duke (V) of Austria 1404-1439, king

Adorni, Genoese family, 368, 492 (1) of Hungary, (II) of Bohemia, and (II) of Germany

Adorno, Agostino and Giovanni, brothers; Genoese leaders 1438-1439: 6, 57, 58, 66n, 74, 75, 165n; wife of,

(fl. 1495), 492 see Elizabeth (of Luxemburg)

Adramyttium (Edremit), Gulf of, 238 Alberti, Leone Battista, Italian architect and humanist (b. Adrianople (Edirne), 12, 21, 29, 34, 37, 38, 69n, 70n, 71, 73, 1404, d. 1472), 107, 252 76-84, 87-89, 91, 94, 95, 99-101, 110, 112, 113n, 114, Albigensians, heretical sect, 1 123n, 135-137, 143, 145, 171, 173, 184n, 196, 198, Albizzi, Florentine family, 40n, 54, and see Rinaldo deghi

219n, 223, 227, 228, 293n, 332, 335n, 381, 425, 482n, Albizzi

51 In, 520-522 Albornoz, cardinal, see Gil de Albornoz

Adriatic Sea, 5n, 7, 49n, 53n, 73, 99n, 109, 137, 162, 192, Albrecht Achilles (of Hohenzollern), brother of Friedrich 231, 240, 268, 269, 279, 283, 290, 291, 296, 333, 340n, II; margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach (to 1470), mar-

341-343, 350, 366, 372, 393, 397n, 401, 402, 419n, © grave (and elector) of Brandenburg 1470-1486:

446, 466, 473, 497, 523n, 526 151-153, 157, 203, 216n

Aegean Sea, 5n, 7n, 14, 19, 30, 70, 81, 95, 122n, 166, Alemanto, Venetian factor (in 1451), 103 187-189, 203, 207, 220, 221, 239, 242, 251, 263n, Aleppo (Halab), 381, 382 283, 298, 300, 303, 309, 318, 330, 337, 346, 402, 453, Alessandria, bishop of, see G. A. Sangiorgio 1478-1499

461, 512; islands of, see Archipelago Alessio (Lesh, Lezhé), 8n, 19, 28, 30n, 72, 290, 327

Aegina, 18, 330, 517, 523n; Gulf of, 3n; lords of, see Alioto Alessio de’ Cesari, bishop of Chiusi 1438-1462, arch-

II de Caupena 1418-1440, Antonello de Caupena bishop of Benevento 1462-1464: 229n

1440-1451 Alexander 1, son of Casimir IV; grand duke of Lithuania

Aeneas Sylvius, cardinal, see Pius I] 1492-1506, king of Poland 1501-1506: 524n

Aenos, 92, 188, 227, 228n, 293; lord of, see Dorino II Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia), nephew of Calixtus III;

Gattilusio 1455-1456 cardinal 1456-1492, archbishop of Valencia 1458-

Aetolia,149 300385n, 1492,390n, pope 391, 1492-1503: 159,421n, 167n, 424, 315, 426n, 357n, 427, 380, Aetos, 395, 403n, 543

544 | THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 428, 429n, 431-466, 468-480, 482, 484-492, Andreas de Molino, Venetian commander (in 1466), 284n 496-514, 515n, 516-519, 522n, 523n, 524-534, Andreas de Palatio, papal envoy (in 1444-1445), 78n, 86,

535n, 536-542 89, 90n, 91n

Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi), pope 1655-1667: 541 Andreas of Trebizond, son of George; papal secretary Alexandria, 85n, 276, 277, 417, 508; Melkite patriarchs of, (in 1457), 257 46 (1430), and see Philotheus I 1437-1450; titular Andreono da Parma, Italian condottiere (in 1470), 300 Latin patriarch of, see G. Vitelleschi 1435-1440 Andreozzo, Paolo, Venetian at Negroponte (1470), 302 Alfonso, bastard son of Alfonso II; duke of Bisceglie Andria, bishop of, see G. Porcari 1495-1503 and Quadrata (d. 1500), 503n, 510, 513n; wife of, see © Andronicus II Palaeologus, son of Michael VIII; Byzantine

Lucrezia Borgia co-emperor 1272-1282, emperor 1282-1328 (d. 1332),

Alfonso II (d’ Aragona), son of Ferrante I and Isabella; 197n : duke of Calabria (to 1494), king of Naples 1494-1495: Andros, 8, 93n, 292; lady of, see Maria Sanudo 1371-1384;

338, 340n, 344, 345, 372n, 373, 374, 379n, 380n, 394, lords of, see P. Zeno 1384-1427, A. Zeno 1427-1437, 395, 424, 427, 429, 443, 447-451, 453, 454, 456, Crusino I Sommaripa 1439-1462, Giovanni Sommaripa 458-460, 464, 465, 468, 470n, 471, 476-480, 483n, 1466-1468, Crusino II Sommaripa 1468-ca. 1500 490, 491, 510, 538; bastards of, see Alfonso, Sancia Androusa (Druges), 33, 226 Alfonso V (“the Magnanimous”), son of Ferdinand I; Angeli da Scarperia, Jacopo, Italian humanist (ff. 1395),

king of Aragon-Catalonia and (I) Sicily 1416-1458, 257

king (I) of Naples (1435) 1442-1458: 40, 43, 65, 69n, Angelico, Fra (Guido di Pietro, Giovanni da _ Fiesole),

86n, 87, 98, 99, 102, 103, 109, 128n, 140, 153-158, Florentine painter (b. ca. 1387, d. 1455), 58n, 271, 162, 163, 166, 170, 171, 173, 185-187, 189, 192n, 379n, 390n

193, 205, 446n, 478, 479, 489 Angelo, bishop of Orte and Civita Castellana 1486-1492:

Alfonso V, grandson of John I; king of Portugal 1438-1481: 408

101n, 158, 181n, 190, 212n, 263, 372n, 376 Angelo de’ Cialfi, papal collector in Germany (1473), Alfonso I d’ Este, son of Ercole I and Eleonora; duke of 296n Ferrara 1505-1534: 500n; wife of, see Lucrezia Borgia Angelo de’ Frangipani (Frangipane, Frankopan), count

Alhambra, palace (in Granada), 422 (fi. 1486), 397n

Ali Pasha, Ottoman official (in 1493), 439, 520, 523n Angelus, Paulus, archbishop of Durazzo 1460-1469: 290 Alighieri, Michele, Trebizond envoy (in 1460), 222n Angers, 360; bishop of, see Jean de la Balue 1467-1491 Alioto II de Caupena, lord of Aegina 1418-1440: 17, 18 Angevins, French dynasty in Naples 1266-1442: 103, 155,

Alpheus (Charbon) river, 18 156, 206, 213, 214n, 231, 232, 234, 262n, 326, 395,

Alps, mountains, 156, 184, 205, 243, 288, 299n, 355, 448, 448; and see Charles I of Anjou (1266) 1268-1285,

452n, 461, 465n, 489, 498; Julian, 534n Robert 1309-1343, Charles III of Durazzo 1381-1386,

Altamura, prince of, see Federigo d’ Aragona (to 1496) Ladislas of Durazzo 1386-1414, Joanna II 1414-1435,

Altavilla, count of, see Luigi di Capua René I (titular 1435-1480), Charles VIII (titular

Amadeo VI (“the Green Count”), count of Savoy 1343-1383: 1495-1498); in Hungary 1342-1382 and Poland

108n 1370-1382, see Louis I; see also Jean d’ Anjou, Margaret

Amadeo VIII, grandson of Amadeo VI; count of Savoy of Anjou, René II

1391-1416, duke 1416-1440, antipope (as Felix V) Anghiari, battle of (1440), 55 1439-1449, cardinal 1449-1451: 6, 25, 65, 107 Angiolello (degli Angiolelli), Giovanni Maria, Vicentine Amadeo IX, son of Louis; duke of Savoy 1465-1472: 305 notary (d. 1524), 94, 95n, 129n, 241n, 253, 297n, 302n,

Amalfi, duke of, see A. Piccolomini 303n, 316n, 322n, 327; brother (Francesco) of, 95n, Amanieu d’ Albret, son of Jean III; cardinal 1500-1520: 129n, 303n

512n, 529 Anglicus, Constantine Platris, Czech envoy (in 1451), 45n

Amanus, mountains, 410 Anguillara, 437-439, 442, 443, 499, and see Domenico

Amastris (Amasra), 237 d’ Anguillara Amasya, 316, 381 Anjou, duke of, see René I 1434-1480; see also Charles I Amboise, 507, and see Georges d’ Amboise of Anjou, Jean d’ Anjou, and Margaret of Anjou

Amiroutzes, George, Byzantine scholar, at Council of Ankara, 382; battle of (1402), 2, 3, 5n, 50n, 108n, 522n Ferrara-Florence (in 1438), at Trebizond (in 1461), anna of Hapsburg, daughter of Albert (II) and Elizabeth;

60n, 62, 237, 238, 274 , , wife of William (II1) of Saxony-Thuringia 1446-1462:

Ammanati “Piccolomini,” Jacopo, bishop of Pavia 1460-— 905

350n' 560 D7in, 974, o76n, 3798" sian 509 245n, Anna or Moscow, qaugnter or Basil I; wife of John VIII Amorgos, 8, 9n; lord of, see Giovanni Querini 1446—ca. 1451 a acologus 1411-1417: 11

BOS» ° A f Brittany, daughter of Francis II; duchess 1488— Amyclae, ete eee ; a: 1514, wife of220 Charles ae VII 1491-1498, wifeay, of Louis XII Anatolia, see Asia Minor 1499-1514: 398, 422, 511n . . . Anadolu Hisar, 89, 110, 144

Anchialus, 3] Anne of France, daughter of Louis XI; wife of Pierre II de

Ancona, 46, 132n, 166, 167n, 186n, 210, 221, 228, 230n, Beaujeu 1474-1503, co-regent of France 1483-1492 262n, 268-270, 285-287, 295n, 331, 367, 371, 392, 393n, (d. 1522), 483n_ 396, 397, 401, 415, 418, 425, 427, 454-456, 485, Antioch, Melkite patriarch of, see Marcus II (1426/1427-d. by 526, 533, and see Ciriaco of Ancona; March of, 40n, (1434/1435); principality of, 413 71, 167,208, 221, 365n, 386n, 396, 397n, 401,411,426, Antiparos, 93n

434, 473n, 475, 536; ships from, 112n, 132 Antipopes, see Benedict XIII (Avignon 1394-1423),

André d’ Epinay, archbishop of Bordeaux 1479-1500, of John XXIII (1410-1415), and Amadeo VIII of Savoy

Lyon 1488-1500, cardinal 1489-1500: 387n (Felix V, conciliar 1439-1449)

INDEX 545 Antivari (Bar), 19, 30, 194n, 339; “Anonymous of,” 72n, — Arianiti (“Comnenus”), Constantine, son of George; regent of

73n, 102n Montferrat 1495-1499 (d. 1531), 481, 513; see also

Antoine d’ Aubusson, brother of Pierre; lord of Monteil-le- Constantine Comnenus, 463n Vicomte (in 1483), 385; son (d. 1480) of, 358n Arianiti Topia Golem Comninovic (“Comnenus”), George, Antoine de Blanchefort, brother of Guy; lord of Boislamy Albanian chieftain (d. 1461), 88, 102n, 103n

(in 1484), 385 Arimondo, Pietro, Venetian noble (ff. 1453), 133n

Antonello, Sicilian (ff. 1472), 317 Arles, archbishop of, see N. Cibo 1489-1499

Antonello de Caupena, bastard son of Alioto II; lord of — Arlotti, Bonfrancesco, Ferrarese envoy to Rome (1484), 391

Aegina 1440-1451: 18 Armagnac, count of, see Jean IV 1418-ca. 1450

183n Armenia, Lesser, see Cilicia

Antonino (Forcilioni), archbishop of Florence 1446-1459: = Armenia, 315

Antonio d’ Alessandro, Neapolitan envoy (in 1493), 438n, Armenians, 65, 136n, 222n, 331, 335

440, 442n Arnaldo, Hospitaller (fl. 1482), 385n

Antonio da Cosenza, Italian condottiere (in 1464), 251n Arnau de Caupena, brother of Alioto II; lord of Piada Antonio da Massa, Franciscan, papal legate (in 1422), 1418-1460: 17, 18

42—44, 45n Arnessano, Gianfrancesco, of Lecce, Italian donor (ff. 1614),

Antonio da Montecatino, Ferrarese envoy to Florence (1480), 374; wife (Marcia Lucia) of, 374

351n, 353n, 355n, 356n Arno river, 55, 60, 64, 154, 247, 336, 364, 466, 467, 492, 505,

Antonio de Brancato, Syracusan captain (fl. 1480), 360n 521

Antonio de’ Medici, Florentine envoy to Istanbul (1479), 337 — Arras, bishop of, see J. Jouffroy 1453-1462

Antonio de Santo Martino, Catalan (ff. 1495), 458n Arrivabene, Giovanni Pietro, Mantuan envoy to Rome

Antonio di Ricciardo, Peretolan (fl. 1439), 63, 64 (1466), 279

Antonio Maria, de Tuscanis, jurist and papal secretary (in Arsenal (in Venice), 28, 37, 64, 77, 84, 298

1456), 172n, 173n Arta, 71, 97, 98; despots of, 147, and see Carlo I Tocco

Anzio, 376, 476 1418-1429, Carlo II Tocco 1429-1448, Leonardo III Aphamnia, 82 Tocco 1448-1449 (titular after 1449), Carlo III Tocco Apulia (Puglia or Puglie), 132n, 139, 188n, 189, 231, 232n, (titular to 1518); Gulf of, 514 279, 342, 343, 356, 362, 364, 394n, 439, 491, 498, Asan, Giovanni (“Centurione’”), see Zaccaria, G. A.

514-516, 520, 533, 537, 538 Asan, Matthew, Byzantine general (in 1452), 146, 149, 197,

Aquilano, Ambrogio, Franciscan friar (fl. 1458), 180 198, 220, 223

Aquileia, patriarchate of, 50n; patriarchs of, see L. Trevisan Asanes, Demetrius, Byzantine officer (in 1444), 70

1439-1465, M. Barbo 1470-1491, D. Grimani_ Asanina, Zoe (or Theodora), sister of Matthew Asan;

1497-1517 wife of Demetrius Palaeologus 1441—1470: 146, 224, Arabs, 48n, 49n, 334 227, 228

Aragon-Catalonia, 40, 155, 166, 186, 189n, 191, 194n, 246n, — Ascoli, see E. Parisiano d’ Ascoli; bishop of, see G. Cesarini

422, 442, 538; Hospitallers from, 346n, 349; kings of, (adm.) 1500-1510

see Ferdinand I 1412-1416, Alfonso V 1416-1458, ‘Ashik-Pasha-Zade, Turkish historian, 115n, 316n John If 1458-1479, Ferdinand II 1479-1504; see also Asia Minor (“Asia,” Anatolia), 2, 22, 43, 44, 49n, 50, 71,

Charles (of Viana), Joanna of Aragon 74n, 75, 76, 77n, 79, 84, 86, 89, 92, 94-96, 108, 110,

Aragona, see Alfonso II, Beatrice, Eleonora, Federigo, 115n, 124n, 127, 176, 184, 187n, 196, 209, 237-239, Ferrante I, Giovanni, Joanna (Isabella), and Luigi 254, 279, 291-293, 295, 315-318, 331-333, 351, 354,

d’ Aragona 363, 364, 371, 381, 382, 384, 400; troops from, 100,

Aragonese, 153, 361; in Italy, 326, 340n, 343, 375, 451, 122, 126, 127, 175 466, 468, 471n, 476, 477, 480, 481, 483, 484, 491, Asolo, 517

495, 498, 499n, 503 Asopus river, 196

Arbe (Rab), 441 Assisi, 106n, 204, 268; bishop of, see Francesco de’ Oddi Arcadia (Kyparissia), 35, 226; lords of, see A. A. Zaccaria (d. 1444-1456

1401), Centurione II Zaccaria 1401-1432 Asti, 452, 461, 463, 478, 484, 486, 492, 494n, 495, 507

Arcadia, district, 146, 197, 220 Astypalaea (Stampalia), 8, 9; lord of, see G. Querini 1412/ Arcamono, Anello, Neapolitan envoy to Rome (1480), 351n 1413-ca. 1451 Archipelago (Egeopelagus; Aegean islands), I, 7, 25, 30,37, Athens, city, 12n, 51, 52, 71, 97, 189n, 198, 219, 241, 87, 104, 147n, 149, 184, 194n, 237, 239, 263n, 273, 285, 249, 253, 282n, 283, 284, 302n, 336n; titular arch288n, 298, 299, 305, 306, 307n, 330, 335, 363, 415, 427, bishop of, see N. Protimo (from 1446) 453, 454, 461, 499, 533; duchy of, see Naxos Athens, duchy of, 5, 7n, 51, 72, 81, 96; dukes of, see Nerio

Arcimboldo, Giovanni, bishop of Novara 1468-1484, I Acciajuoli 1394, Antonio I 1403-1435, Nerio II

389n Athos, Mount, 92

cardinal 1473-1488, archbishop of Milan 1484-1488: 1435-71439, 1441-1451, Antonio II 1439?-1441

Ardicino della Porta, cardinal 1489-1493: 434n Atlantic Ocean, 333, 335 Arezzo, 168, and see Giacomo d’ Arezzo; bishop of, see Attica, 51, 284

Roberto 1434-1456 Aubusson, see Antoine, Guiscard, and Pierre d’ Aubusson

Argenton, lord of, see Philippe de Commines Augsburg, 216; Reichstag of (1500), 532

Argolid, 146 Augustinians, order, see Giacomo de Curti, Simonetto da Argos, 8, 17, 35, 93, 197n, 223, 241, 242, 247-249, 274n Camerino

Argyropoulus, George, Greek poet (ffl. ca. 1450), 90n Aurelio, Marco, Venetian envoy (in 1471), 311 Argyropoulus, John, Greek humanist (d. 1487), 171, 246n Aurispa, Giovanni, Italian humanist (b. 1369, d. 1459), 257 Arianiti (“Comnena”), Andronica, daughter of George; Austria, 7n, 150n, 151, .165n, 168, 205, 213, 261, 295, 330n,

wife of Scanderbeg (wid. 1468), 88n 333, 371n, 377, 399n, 403, 442, 535n; dukes and

546 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ) archdukes of, see Hapsburgs; see also Margaret of Barbo, Pietro, cardinal, see Paul II Austria Barcelona, 101n, 168; 170, 191n Auvergne, 347, 385, 409; Hospitaller priors of, see Pierre Bardanes, George (“Atticus”), Orthodox metropolitan of

d’ Aubusson, Guy de Blanchefort; Hospitallers from, Corfu (from 1219), 374

346n, 349 Bari, 525; duchy of, 484; duke of, see L. Sforza 1479-1494 Avars, 334 Barletius, Marinus, Albanian historian (d. 1512?), 72, 73, Aversa, 343, 495, 538, 539 101n, 267n, 280n, 282n, 328n Avignon, 39, 53, 162, 306, 364, 386, 398, 450, 474n, 510; Barozzi, Matteo, Venetian noble (fi. 1495), 497

bishopsdeof, see J. panese Gohn Giuliano XXII) 1310-1312, Barsbey, soldan of Egypt and Syria 1422-1438: Alain Coétivy 1437-1474, della Rovere 45n,Mamluk 48n

Avranches, Gulus bebop s papal * and Bartolommeo de’377-379, Maraschi,399n, bishop of Citta di Castello bishop of, vicar see J.abBochart _ 1474-1487: 409 Aydin, 9n, 108; emir of, see Umur Pasha 1334-1348 Bartolommeo della Rovere (fi. 1487), 438n

Azov, Sea of, 48n, 322, 333 Basa, Domenico, Roman printer (ff. 1584), 203n Basel, 53, 61, 390n; Compacts of (1436), 293, 294, 295n;

Baccano, 491 Council of (1431-1449), 3n, 4n, 52-54, 57, 59, 62, Bacs, archbishop of, see Kalocza 65, 75, 91, 99, 149, 153, 159, 160, 201n, 215, 293, 294,

Baden, see Johann of Baden; margrave of, see Karl I 503n

1453-1475 Bashkent (Kara Hisar), battle of (1473), 316

Badoer, Sebastiano, Venetian envoy to Milan (1495), 465n Basil I, grand duke of Moscow 1389-1425: 319n

Bagnolo, peace of (1484), 377, 391 Basilians, order, 4n, 374, 375, 380n, and see Nectarius Bakocs, Thomas, archbishop of Gran 1497-1521, cardinal Basilicata (Sicyon), 97 1500-1521, titular patriarch of Constantinople 1507- _—_— Bassano, 517

1521: 530 Bathory, Stephen, voivode of Transylvania (in 1479), 238n,

Balaban Beg, Ottoman general (d. 1467), 279, 282 330, 378, 399n

Balbano, Girolamo, papal secretary (in 1490), 420 Battista de’ Franchi, Genoese (ff. 1453), 138 Baldassare da Spino, papal envoy to France (1488), 406 Battista di Campofregoso, doge of Genoa 1478-1483: 324 Baldwin of Boulogne, brother of Godfrey of Bouillon; Battistina di Usemari, granddaughter (“niece”) of Innocent count of Edessa 1098-1100, king (I) of Jerusalem VIII; wife of Luigi d’ Aragona (m. 1492, marriage

1100-1118: 413 annulled by 1494), 423n, 429

Balkans, I, 19, 37, 47, 48, 49n, 50, 57, 58, 74, 77, 79, 81, Bavaria, 205, 261; dukes of, S€€ Wilhelm II (Straubing

, , ; of Murad I; Ottoman sultan _ . , 2, 5n,

Balsichi, john “Albanian chicttain yt ‘MAY 310 Payal TL Ow nan sultan 1389-1403 (a. 1403), 3 Bn, ean eS) 116 G17, 118. 124 in the Ottoman service 8, 12, 26, 50n, 89, 99, 108n, 110, 509,

, ; , , Bayazid II, son of Mehmed II; Ottoman sultan 1481-1512: .

Baltazar de Liechtenstain, noble at Rhodes (in 1480), 358n, y 95n, 316, 328n, 330, 341n, 359, 363n, 371, 377-379,

n 381~—387, 393n, 397n, 398-400, 402, 405n, 407n,

pan). 336,937. Florentine assassin 409-414, 418-422, 425-429, 430n, 431n, 435n,464, 436, , , , : 389 437, 438n, 439,(d.442, 445, 449, 451-458, 463,

Bandini de’ Piccolomini, Francesco, great-grandson of 468n, 470n, 475, 476, 480-482, 484-486, 488, 491, Laudomia; archbishop of Siena 1529~1588: 202n, 203n 499, 506, 508, 509, 511-516, 519-526, 527n, 533n, Bank of S. George (Uffizio di S. Giorgio), 143, 144, 167n 534, 536, 537 Barak Re’is, Ottoman agent (in 1486), 386n _, Beatrice d’ Aragona, daughter of Ferrante I and Isabella; Barbara of Hohenzollern, niece of Albrecht Achilles; wife of wife of Matthias Corvinus 1476-1490, wife of pe uovico I] Gonzaga 1433-1478 (d. 1481), 203, 228, Ladislas (VI) 1490-1500 (marriage annulled; d. 1508),

n 378, 387n, 394, 434n, 438, 445

274 n

Barbarigo, Agostino, doge of Venice 1486-1501: 425n, Beatrice Este. dau tswife ; ghter of Ercoled’ I and Eleonora; s0ln 516 454, 450, 482, 485, 467, 488, 490-498, of Lodovico Sforza 1491-1497: 483n

Os . , ,Jacopo, Beaucaire, sénéchal of, seeinEtienne de Vesc Barbarigo, Venetian provveditore the Morea (d. 1466), 253-257, 282n, 283, 284, 328n Beaufort, Pierre Roger de, cardinal, see Gregory XI Barbarigo, Paolo, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (1465), 273, Beccaren Antonio, Italian humanist (b. 1394, d. 1471), Barbaro, Ermolao, Venetian envoy to Rome (1490), 418n Beirut, 85n, 103, 272, 417 Barbaro, Francesco, Italian humanist (b. 1398, d. 1454), 54 Belgrade (Alba Greca, Beograd), 58, 66n, 69n, 77, 142n,

Barbaro, Niccolé, Venetian physician at Constantinople 213n, 293n, 306, 425, 427; siege of (1456), 173-184,

(fl. 1453), 110, 111, 112n, 113-116, 117n, 118, 119, 187, 188, 194

120n, 121, 122, 125n, 126, 127, 128n, 129n, 130—132 Bellini, Gentile, Venetian painter (b. 1429, d. 1507), 274n, Barbaro, Zaccaria, Venetian envoy to Rome (1480), 340, 345, 329, 330n; brother (Giovanni) of, 274n

365, 367, 370, 376n Bellini, Leonardo, Venetian artist (ff. 1462), 241n Barbarossa, see Frederick I Belvedere, court (in the Vatican), 410n, 411 Barbary Coast, 329n, 441 Bembo, Bernardo, Venetian envoy to Rome (1485), 391n

Barbiano, Carlo, Milanese envoy to France (1494), 452n Bembo, Francesco, Venetian noble (fl. 1424), 22n Barbo, Marco, bishop of Vicenza 1464-1470, cardinal Bembo, Giovanni, castellan of Modon (in 1461), 226 1467-1491, patriarch of Aquileia 1470-1491: 315, |Bembo, Leonardo, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (1517), 525n

318n, 388, 389n, 391 Bembo, Lodovico, Venetian official (in 1470), 304

INDEX 547 Bendedei, Battista, Ferrarese envoy to Rome (1480), 345n, Bocchiardi, Paolo, Troilo, and Antonio, Genoese leaders

351n, 355n, 356n at Constantinople (1453), 127

Benedetto, archbishop of Mytilene (from 1459), 118n,238n, Bocciardi, Giorgio, brother of N. Cibo; papal official

939n (in 1492), 421n, 428, 436, 445, 455-457, 468n,

Benedict, cardinal 1200-1216: 374 475n; brothers (Ambrogio, Tommaso) of, 421n, 445 Benedict XIII (Pedro Martinez de Luna), cardinal 1375-— —Bochart, Jean, bishop of Avranches 1453-1484: 308

1394, pope at Avignon 1394-1423: 39, 41n, 42n Bodrum, see Halicarnassus Benedict XIV (Prospero Lorenzo Lambertini), pope 1740-— —_— Boeotia, 51, 70n, 196, 248

1758: 463n Bogdan, Serbian chancellor (in 1444), 78

Benedictines, order, 17n, and see J. Trithemius Bogomils, heretical sect, 177, 193, 240n

Benevento, 375n; archbishops of, see Alessio de’ Cesari Bohemia, 2, 28n, 45, 67, 86, 99, 152n, 154n, 164n, 165n,

1462-1464, L. Grifo 1482-1485, L. Cibo 1485-1503, 205, 234n, 275n, 293-295, 304, 315n, 321n, 330n,

L. Podocataro 1503-1504; duchy of, 500, 537 334n, 377, 408n, 416n,.445, 531, 532n; kings of,

Beninbene (Beneimbene), Camillo, Roman notary 1467-— see Sigismund 1419 (1436)—1437, Albert II (V, of

~ 1505: 462, 463n Hapsburg) 1438-1439, Ladislas I 1453-1457, George

Bentivoglio, Giovanni II, lord of Bologna 1462-1506 of Podébrady 1458-1471, Ladislas I] 1471-1516, and

(d. 1508), 368 Matthias Corvinus (titular 1478-1490); people of,

Benzio, Lactantio, Italian adventurer (fl. 1492), 439, 440 see Czechs

Berat (Belgrado), 192n, 194 Bohemond I, prince of Antioch 1099-1111]: 212, 413

Bergamo, 46, 335, 517 Boislamy, 385 Berger, Johann, of Nordlingen, German cannoneer (ff. Bologna, 40n, 50n, 53, 54, 55n, 59, 64, 98, 133n, 139, 149,

1480), 347n, 350 162n, 163, 167n, 204, 207, 213n, 218, 219n, 243, 245,

“Berlabei,” Ottoman executioner at Otranto (d. 1480), 374 246, 261, 262n, 264, 275n, 302, 307, 319n, 368, 370n, Bernard of Villamarina, Catalan admiral (in 1450), 99n 371, 454, 493, and see Lodovico da Bologna; bishop of, Bernardino de’ Frangipani (Frangipane, Frankopan), count see YT. Parentucelh (Nicholas V) 1444-1447; lord of,

of Segna (fl. 1493), 441 see G. Bentivoglio 1462-1506

Bernardo de’ Benvoglienti, Sienese at Naples (in 1456),187n —Bolvani, 76

Bernardo del Roi, Spanish official (in 1492), 424n Bona of Savoy, daughter of Louis; wife of G. M. Sforza

Bernini, village of, 494 1466-1476 (d. 1485), 366n Berrhoea, town of, 227 Bonatto, Bartolommeo, Mantuan envoy to Rome (1461), 228 Berry, 535 Bondumier, Giovanni, Venetian official at Negroponte Berthold von Henneberg, archbishop (and elector) of (d. 1470), 301, 302 | Mainz 1484-1504: 404, 522n Boniface VIII (Benedetto Caetani), cardinal 1281-1294, Bertini, Antonio, bishop of Foligno 1461-d. by 1486: 265 pope 1294-1303: 1,271n

Bertoldo d’ Este, Italian condottiere (d. 1463), 248, 284 Bonifacio IV Paleologo, brother of Guglielmo VI; marquis of

Bertoldo di Giovanni, Florentine sculptor (d. 1491), 364 Montferrat 1483-1493 (d. 1494), 401; wife of, see Bertrandon de la Broquiére, Burgundian traveler and Maria Brankovic

writer (d. 1459), 69n, 176 Bonn, 201n

Bessarion (of Trebizond), Orthodox archbishop of Nicaea Bonsignori, Bonsignore, Florentine cleric (fl. 1498), 511n

(to 1439), cardinal 1439-1472, titular patriarch of Borbotia, 149 Constantinople 1463-1472: 56n, 60-62, 65, 66n, 72n, Bordeaux, 369; archbishop of, see André d’ Epinay 98, 137n, 149, 162, 168, 207-210, 212—218, 219n, 228, 1479-1500 229, 235, 237n, 240, 243-247, 253n, 266, 270n, 273, Bordonia, 220, 225

275, 287, 295, 299n, 312, 313, 315, 379 Borghese, Galgano, co-author of dispatch from Naples Bethlehem, 417 (in 1456), 187n Bevazan, Lodovico, secretary of the Venetian Council of Borgia, Alfonso, cardinal, see Calixtus HI

Ten (in 1453), 138 Borgia, Cesare, son of Rodrigo and Vannozza; arch-

Biemmi, Giammaria, Italian priest and writer (1. 1742), 72n, bishop of Valencia 1492-1498, cardinal 1493-1498,

73, 102n duke of Valentinois 1498-1507, lord of Pesaro

Biondo, Flavio, Italian historian (b. 1388, d. 1463), 215, 1500-1503, duke of Romagna 1501-1503 (d. 1507),

260, 318n 256n, 401n, 434, 439, 444, 459, 460, 471-475, 477, 260, 318n 536, 538, 540, 541; wife of, see Charlotte d’ Albret

Biondo, Gasparo, son of Flavio; papal secretary (in 1463), 479, 480, 487, 500, 502-505, 510-513, 531, 534, Biondo di Stefano de’ Rinucci, Tommaso, papal chaplain Borgia, Francisco, nephew of Rodrigo; bishop of Teano

(from 1464), 260n 1495-1508, archbishop of Cosenza 1499-1511,

Birago, Lampo, Lombard humanist (fl. 1454), 156n cardinal 1500-1511: 458, 529 © Bisceglie, duke of, see Alfonso (d. 1500) Borgia, Galceran, nephew of Rodrigo; Hospitaller (/1. 1494), Blachernae, palace of (in Constantinople), 42, 118, 122, 125 458

Black Death (plague, 1348-1350), 38n Borgia, Gioffredo (Geffré), son of Rodrigo (?) and

Black Sea (Euxine), 6, 7, 31, 47, 48, 85, 88-90, 108n, Vannozza; prince of Squillace (from 1494), 443,

143, 150, 161, 167n, 222n, 237, 331, 333-335, 399 444, 446, 449, 450, 460n, 484, 500n, 502, 504; wife of, Blanche (Bianca) of Montferrat, daughter of Guglielmo VI see Sancia Paleologo; wife of Charles I of Savoy 1485-1490 Borgia, Juan (“the Elder”), son of Juana; ‘archbishop of

(d. 1509), 452n Monreale 1483-1503, cardinal 1492-1503:

Blois, 398n, 512, 513n, 538n 443n, 449, 450, 471, 510n, 512n, 529

Boccaccio, Gianandrea, bishop of Modena 1479-1495: Borgia, Juan (“the Younger”), grandson of Juana; bishop of

424n, 434, 435n, 461, 475n Melfi 1494-1496, cardinal 1496-1500, archbishop of

548 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Capua 1496-1498, of Valencia 1499-1500: 444n, Branda da Castiglione, bishop of Piacenza 1404-1411,

510n cardinal (conciliar) 1411-1443: 47n

Borgia, Juan, son of Rodrigo and Vannozza; duke of Brandenburg, 205; margraves (and electors) of, see Friedrich

Gandia (d. 1497), 441, 450, 460n, 487n, 500~—505 It 1440-1470, Albrecht Achilles 1470-1486, Johann Borgia (-Lanzol; de Borja), Juana, sister of Rodrigo (ff. Cicero 1486~1499, Joachim I 1499-1535

1450), 444n Brankovic, Catherine, daughter of George; wife of Ulrich,

Borgia; Lodovico, grandson of Juana; archbishop of Valencia count of Cilli, 1433-1456 (d. after 1490), 184, 306, 311

and cardinal 1500-1511: 529 Brankovic, George, nephew (and adopted son) of Stephen

Borgia, Lucrezia, daughter of Rodrigo and Vannozza; wife Lazarevic; despot of Serbia (1398) 1427-1456: 26, 69n,

of Giovanni Sforza 1493-1497 (marriage annulled), 76-79, 80n, 82n, 83, 84, 90, 99, 100, 135, 171, 174, wife of Alfonso of Bisceglie 1498-1500, wife of 178, 183, 184, 306 Alfonso d@’ Este 1501-1519: 434, 440, 500n, 502, Brankovic, Gregory, son of George; titular co-despot of

503n, 504, 505, 510, 512n, 513n, 540 Serbia 1457-1458 (blinded 1437, d. 1459), 77, 184n Borgia, Pietro Sorio (fl. 1495), 479 Brankovic, Helena, daughter of Lazar; wife of Stephen VII

Borgia, Rodrigo, cardinal, see Alexander VI Tomasevic 1459-1463 (d. 1474), 193n

Borgias (Borja-Lanzol), Catalan family, 186n, 390n, 441n, Brankovi¢, Lazar, son of George; co-despot of Serbia (1456)

460, 463n, 500n, 502n, 504, 510, 511, 512n, 524, 1457-1458: 184n, 193n

530n, 534n, 536 Brankovic, Mara (Maria), daughter of George; wife of Borgo S. Donnino, 495 Murad II 1436-1451 (d. 1487), 76, 77, 184, 306, 311

Borgo S. Sepolcro, 156n Brankovic, Maria, daughter of Stephen; wife of Bonifacio 1V

Borsano, Luca, bishop of Foligno 1490~—1522: 427 1485-1494, regent of Montferrat 1493-1495: 513n Borso d’ Este, bastard son of Niccolo III; marquis of Brankovic, Stephen, son of George; co-despot of Serbia Ferrara 1450-1470, duke 1470-1471, duke of (1456) 1457-1458, despot 1458-1459 (blinded 1437, Modena and Reggio 1452-1471: 108n, 151n, 153, d. 1477), 77, 184n

154n, 262n, 300, 305 Brankovic, Vuk II, son of Gregory; despot of the Serbs (in

Bosch, Sebastian, German captain at Rhodes (ff. 1480), southern Hungary) 1471-1485: 238n

360n, 361n ) Brasov (Kronstadt), 238n

Bosio, Giacomo, Italian chronicler of the Hospitallers (fl. ca. Breisacher, Marquard, German imperial envoy to Rome

1600), 348n, 383, 387, 392, 408n, 411 (1494), 446, 451

Bosnia, 7n, 38n, 48, 67, 68, 74, 83n, 85n, 93, 95n, 108,171, Brescia, 46, 73n, 120n, 121n, 125n, 247, 517; Duomo in, 247 176, 187n, 192n, 194n, 205, 206n, 208, 234n, 235, 240, Breslau (Wroclaw), 177n, 182n, 295; bishop of, see Rudolf

242, 250, 274, 288n, 290, 293n, 326, 327, 330, 334, von Riidesheim 1468—1482

371n, 405n, 416; kings of, see Stephen V Tvrtkovic Briatico, in Calabria, 515 1421-1443, Stephen VI Thomas 1444-1461, Stephen — Briconnet, Guillaume, bishop of S. Malo 1493-1514, cardi-

VII TomaSeviێ 1461-1463, Nicholas of Ujlak nal 1495-1514, archbishop of Rheims 1497-1507, of

1472-1492 Narbonne 1507-1514, abbot of S. Germain-des-Prés

Bosporus, 3, 10, 17n, 43, 44, 46, 55, 57, 65, 77, 78, 84, 85, 1501-1507: 444n, 452n, 474, 475, 486, 490n, 494, 89, 9In, 109-112, 117, 118, 121, 123, 136, 137n, 138, 529, 530n, 541; wife of, 475n 140n, 141, 147, 161, 198, 284, 295, 311, 332, 339, 346, Briconnet, Guillaume, son of Guillaume; bishop of Lodéve

348, 436, 521, 523n 1489-1515, of Meaux 1515-1534, abbot of S. Germain-

Bosso, Matteo, Italian writer (fl. 1490), 409 des-Prés 1507-1534: 475n

Botta, Jacopo, bishop of Tortona 1476-1496: 408n Brindisi, 268, 364, 415, 454, 469n, 483, 491, 498, 526; archBoua (Bua), Peter (“the Lame”), Albanian chieftain 1453- bishop of, see Francesco de Arenis 1477-1483

1489: 147, 252n Britius de Pannonia, Franciscan, Bosnian envoy to Rome

Bouchales, Manuel, Greek commander (in 1460), 220, 226 (1455), 192n

Bouches-du-Rhone, 484 Brittany, 322n, 412, 422, 456; duchess of, see Anne 1488-

Boudonitza, 5—7, 23, 24n, 302n; marchioness of, see Gu- 1514: duke of, see Francis Il 1458-1488 glielma de’ Pallavicini 1311-1357; margraves of, see Brixen (Bressanone), 214n; bishop of, see Nicholas of Cusa Niccolo I Zorzi ca. 1335-1345, Jacopo I Zorzi 1388—- 1450-1464

1414after (titular 1414, after rocheta, 1416), Niccolo Zorzi (tituBroch(fl. ; , , 1497), 509 lar, 1416, d. d. 1436) Piero,ITVenetian captain

Bourbon, dukes of, see Jean II 1456-1488, Pierre 11 1488- Brognolo, Floramonte, Mantuan envoy to Rome (1492), 435 1503, Charles 1505-1527; see also Francois, Gilbert, Brognolo, Giorgio, Mantuan envoy to Rome (1494), 469n,

and Louis de Bourbon, Suzanne de Beaujeu 474n, 482n Bourganeuf, 385, 386 Bruges, 404

Bourges, 535; Pragmatic Sanction of (1438-1461), 59, 232, | Brunswick (Braunschweig), duke of, 153

338, 405, 452 Brusa (Bursa), 94, 95, 331, 335n, 348, 381, 482n, 511n

Brabant, 412 Bruzzo, Leonardo, Italian artist (fl. 1455), 192n

Bracci, Alessandro, Florentine notary (in 1497), 457, 458n, Brysis, 33n

502, 504 Bua (Boua), Theodore, Albanian captain (fl. 1479), 328, 329

Bracciano, 372n, 373, 470, 471 : Bucharest (Bucuresti), 238n

Braccio da Montone, Italian condottiere (d. 1424), 39,40n Buda, 74, 77, 78, 82, 83, 88n, 165, 173, 175-177, 184, 186n, Bracciolini, Poggio, Italian humanist (b. 1380, d. 1459), 89, 192n, 218, 234n, 238n, 273, 377, 378, 387, 399n, 408,

376n Budua (Budva), 19 91, 107, 257, 260, 377n; son (Battista Poggio) of, 260, 526, 533n

Bragadin, Alotsio, Venetian envoy to Rome (1485), 391n Bulgaria, 6, 74n, 334 Bragadin, Lorenzo, Venetian envoy to Martin V (1418), 44 Bulgarians, Bulgars, 5, 48, 50, 93, 115, 158, 235, 334, 335n

INDEX 549 Buonaccorsi, Filippo (“Callimachus”), Italian historian and Campofregosi (or Fregosi), Genoese family, 368, and see

envoy of the Poles (d. 1496), 80 Battista, Paolo, and Pietro di Campofregoso

Burchard (Burckard), Johann, bishop of Orte and Civita) Campomorto, battle of (1482), 376, 379n

Castellana 1503-1506 (d. 16 May, 1506), 370n, 372n, Campora, Giacomo, bishop of Caffa 1441-—d. by 1459: 131n 388n, 389n, 390n, 391, 392, 394, 407, 408n, 417, 420, Candia (Herakleion, Iraklion), 7, 8, 28n, 109, 1l11n, 131n,

423,424, 427-429, 432, 438n, 440, 441, 446, 448n, 449, 132, 137n, 273, 296, 300, 301n, 303n, 354n, 509n, and 450, 456, 458, 459, 462n, 463n, 468, 470-475, 476n, see Simon de Candia; War of (1645-1669), 336n 477, 479, 482, 487n, 488n, 500, 501, 502n, 504, 505, Canina (Kanine), 308

507n, 510, 511n, 524, 528, 530n, 537, 540-542 Cantacuzenus (“Palaeologus”’), Constantine, son of John;

Burchio (Bourkos) bay, 301, 302 count palatine of the Lateran (from 1446), 96

Burgundy, 73, 75, 77, 86, 94n, 102, 143, 155, 176, 191n, Cantacuzenus, John, Byzantine governor of Corinth 1445-

206, 222n, 235, 261, 263n, 267, 309, 315, 322n, 325, 1453: 96

414n, 448, 451, 452, 489; dukes of, see John of Nevers Cantacuzenus, John VI, emperor, see John VI Cantacuzenus

1404-1419, Philip III 1419-1467, Charles 1467-1477, Cantacuzenus, Manuel (“Ghin”), grandnephew of John; Maximilian 1477-1482, Philip IV (I, of Hapsburg; lord of Maina (to 1453), “despot” of the Morea 1453-

titular 1482-1506) 1454 (d. after 1460), 96n, 148, 197; wife of, see Maria Bursa, see Brusa (“Cuchia”) Burzenland (Brasov), 57 Cantelmo, Sigismondo, Ferrarese envoy to Naples (in 1494),

Butrinto, 515 476n

Byzantine empire, 1-3, 5, 6, 11, 12n, 14, 15n, 16-20, 27, Canterbury, archbishop of, see J. Morton 1486-1500 28n, 31, 34-36, 38n, 40, 41, 44, 48, 50, 67, 70,73, 81,82, Caoursin, Guillaume, Hospitaller vice-chancellor (in 1480),

84, 99, 104-106, 108-110, 113n, 114, 117n, 122, 133, 346n, 347, 348n, 350, 352n, 353n, 354n, 355, 357-359, 142, 146, 150, 154, 157, 195, 208, 225, 315, 319, 330—- 362, 363, 381n, 383, 384n, 392-394, 408n, 409, 410, 334, 379, 461, 476, 477n, 479; emperors of, see Justinian I 411n, 421n; brother (Sidrianus) of, 360n 527-565, John VI Cantacuzenus (1346) 1347-1354, Capaccio, bishop of, see L. Podocataro 1483-1503

and Palaeologi _ Capello, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Rome (1492), 430n,

Byzantines, see Greeks, Orthodox Christians 432n, 436, 439, 440

a oo 290, 306-308, 310, 311

Byzantium, see Constantinople; see also Byzantine empire Capello, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (d. 1471), Caccia di Fara, Stefano, Italian Jurist (ft . 1453), 150n, 151n Capello, Francesco, Florentine envoy to Rome (1500), 530, 531

Caetant, Benedetto, cardinal, see Boniface VIII Capello, Paolo, Venetian envoy to Rome (1499), 503n

Caffa (Kaffa, Feodosiya), 28n, 46—48, 111n, 135, 136n, 145, Capello, Vettore, Venetian commander (d. 1467), 147, 148,

144, 146, 161, 166n, 167n, 188n, 222n, 314, 331, 372n; 949 943 951n. 257. 269. 277n. 282n. 283-2986. 290

bishops of, 47, and see G. Campora 1441-d. by 1459; 991. 996. 336n_ , , , , , fall of (1475), 321, 322, 324, 325, 327n, 333, 334n, 340 Ca ‘strano sce Giovanni da Capistr

see Mamluks appadocia, 314, 315

Cairo, 29n, 45, 277, 381, 417, 425, 456, 520; soldans at, GP 11 apistrano |

; , groponte (d. 1470), . . . .

Calabria, 46, 98, 367, 491, 515, 537, 538; dukes of, see Alfonso Cappella di S. Andrea (in the Vatican), 230n, 270n

(II), Ferrante (II) Capponi, Neri, Florentine Statesman (fl. 1450), 155

Calbo. Alvise. Venetian official at Ne Capponi, Piero, Florentine agent (in 1494), 452

301, 302 Capranica, Angelo, bishop of Rieti 1450-1469, cardinal Calbo, Zanoti, Venetian castellan of Coron and Modon (in 1460-1478: 315 ; 1499), 34n Capranica, Domenico, cardinal 1426-1458: 137n, 140, Calcaterra, Jacopo, Milanese envoy to Rome (1456), 178, 168, 209n ; 183, 187 Capua, 442n, 443n, 481, 495, 503, 538, 539; archbishops

Calco, Bartolommeo, Milanese secretary (in 1492), 433 of, see J. Borgia 1496-1498, J. Lopez 1498-1501, G. B. Calimera, in Calabria, 98, 515; lord of, see Leonardo III Tocco Ferrari 1501-1502; Hospitaller prior of, 361; pilgrim Calixtus LII (Alfonso Borgia, or Alonso de Borja), bishop of from, 9n, 352n; prince of, see Ferrante (II, to 1494) Valencia 1429-1455, cardinal 1444-1455, pope 1455- Carafa, Alessandro, brother of Oliviero; archbishop of 1458: 3n, 4n, 54, 76n, 105n, 106n, 145, 146, 158, 159n, Naples 1484-1503: 449 160, 162-173, 177, 181n, 182-187, 189-194, 196, Carafa, Andrea, Neapolitan agent (in 1493), 438n 199n, 200, 204n, 205n, 208n, 214, 237n, 246n, 257,258, Carafa, Oliviero, archbishop of Naples 1458-1484, cardinal

271n, 390n, 405n, 432n, 435, 509, 540n, 541 1467-1511: 315-318, 431, 432n, 433, 435, 438, 443,

Camaldolesi, 485n 444, 449, 471, 507n, 522n, 528, 539, 540n, 542

Cambrai, League of (1508), 333 Caramania (Karaman), 76, 89, 109, 254, 292, 295, 317, 381; Camera Apostolica, 43, 46n, 60n, 62, 69n, 166n, 170n, 275n, princes of, 22n, 273n, and see Ibrahim Beg 1423-1464,

296n, 309, 314n, 321, 378n, 395, 402, 434, 459, 484 Kasim Beg (d. 1482)

Camera (or Sala) del Pappagallo (in the Vatican), 228, 392, | Carastinus, Theodore, Byzantine envoy (in 1443), 75n, 76n

427, 471, 474 Caravallo, Mauro, castellan of Coron (in 1461), 226

Camerino, 296n, 536; and see Giovanvittorio and Simonetto Carcassonne, bishop of, see Guiscard d’Aubusson 1476—1495

da Camerino SO Cardinals, Sacred College of, 39, 56n, 153n, 163n, 169, 200,

Camisato, Domenico, bishop of Rieti 1469-ca. 1476: 321n 214n, 235n, 243n, 259n, 272, 312n, 313, 322, 356n, 388,

Campagna, Roman, 376, 437, 438, 448, 459, 477 406, 430, 431, 433, 435, 437, 443, 468, 469, 473n, 474, Campano, Giovanni Antonio (Giannantonio), bishop of 475, 488n, 500, 503-505, 510, 518n, 528n, 530n, 531, Cotrone 1462-1463, of Teramo 1463-1477: 200n, 540; of S. Anastasia (in 1492, 1494), see A. Pallavicini;

203n, 260 of S. Clemente and S. Marcello (in 1428), see Branda da

Campisio, Giovanni, Italian humanist (fl. 1444), 76n Castiglione and A. Casini; of S. Clemente (in 1492), see

550 , THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Domenico della Rovere; of S. Pietro in Vinculi (in 1492), Catalonia, 166, 167n, 168, 191, 217; Hospitallers from, see Julius I 346n, 349; see also Aragon-Catalonia Carducci, Lorenzo, Florentine consul at Pera (1479), 337 Caterina, wife of Andreas Palaeologus, 275n, 462

Cariati, 443; count of, see G. Borgia (from 1494) Cattanei, Giovanni Lucido, papal protonotary 1487-1505: Carinola, count of, 450 450n Carinthia, 159, 165n, 194n, 205, 295, 327, 330, 333, 377, | Cattaro (Kotor), 339, 481n

399n, 409, 444; duke of, see Frederick (IIE) Caucasus, 48n

Carlo de’ Baroncelli, Florentine consul at Pera 1472-1476: Caupena, see Alioto II, Antonello, and Arnau de Caupena

336 Cavriani, Galeazzo, bishop of Mantua 1444-1466: 213

Carlotta of Naples, daughter of Federigo d’ Aragona (fi. Celestine V (Pietro da Morrone), pope in 1294 (d. 1296,

1498), 510, 537 canonized), 388

Carmelites, order, see Gratian of Villanova Celidonio, Alessio, bishop of Gallipoli 1494-1508 (d. 1517), Carniola, 7n, 50n, 159, 194n, 205, 326, 330, 333, 377, 3’78n, 522n, 523n

399n, 409; duke of, see Frederick (111) Cellini, Benvenuto, Italian artist (b. 1500, d. 1571), 483n, 505 Cartagena, 434; bishop of, see B. Lopez de Carvajal 1493-1495 — Celts, 114

Carvajal, see Juan and B. Lopez de Carvajal Cem Sultan, see Jem Sultan Carystus, 6; lords of, see Niccolo II Zorzi 1406-1436, Gia- | Cenchreae, 3n

como II (“Marchesotto”) 1436-1447 Centurione, Cosma, Italian captain at Rhodes (ff. 1480), 362

Casanova, abbot of, see Agostino Cephalonia, 18, 32n, 63n, 98, 290, 341, 514, 515, 523, 533n, Casimir IV, son of Ladislas H Jagiello and Sophia; grand 538; counts palatine of, see Carlo | Tocco 1381-1429, duke of Lithuania 1440-1492, king of Poland 1447- Carlo Il Tocco 1429-1448, Leonardo HI Tocco 14481492: 90, 91, 106n, 152, 153, 190, 205, 294, 295, 304, 1479 377, 402, 412, 444, 530; sons of, see John Albert, Alexan- —_ Cerignola, 539

der I, Frederick Casimir Cerigo (Cythera), 330, 441, 533

Casini, Antonio, bishop of Siena 1409-1426, cardinal 1426— Cerminitza, 88

1439: 47n | Cerretano, Jacopo, Italian diarist of the Council of ConCasole, 345, 374, 375, 380n stance, 39n

Caspian Sea, 334n Cerveteri, 437, 438n, 442, 443n, 499 Cassandra, peninsula, 24-28 Cervia, 335

Cassandrea (Potidaea), 24 ; Césarini, Giuliano, cardinal 1426-1444: 61, 62, 67, 69, 75,

Cassino, see Monte Cassino, San Germano 76, 77n, 78, 80n, 82, 83n, 84n, 85, 87, 88, 89n, 90-92

Cassio, 493 Cesarini, Giuliano, bishop of Ascoli Piceno (adm. 1500-

Castel Capuano (in Naples), 482, 495 1510), cardinal 1493-1510: 444, 529, 542

Castel del Monte, 374 Cesena, 256; bishop of, see P. Mansi 1487-1504; lord of, Castel della Pieve, 540 Chalandritza, 34, 35; lord of, see A. A. Zaccaria (d. 1401) Castel dell’ Uovo (in Naples), 478, 482, 483, 495, 498, 539n see D. Malatesta 1432-1465

Castel Leone, 411; lord of, see C. Castracano Chalcis, see Negroponte

Castel Nuovo (in Naples), 153n, 394n, 426n, 478n, 483, 489, | Chalcocondylas, Basil, brother of George (ff. ca. 1440), 97n

495, 498, 539 Chalcocondylas, Demetrius, son of Basil; Greek humanist

Castel S. Angelo, or Castello, see Sant’ Angelo (b. 1424, d. 1511), 97n

Castelferentino, 480 51, 97

Castel Tornese, see Chloumoutsi Chalcocondylas, George, Byzantine in Athens (fl. 1436),

Castelfiorentino, 492 Chalcocondylas, Laonicus (Nicholas), son of George; ByzanCastellest da Corneto, Adriano, cardinal 1503—1521/1522: tine historian (b. ca. 1423, d. ca. 1490), 32, 35, 51, 89n,

513n, 540n 97, 103, 110n, 114, 118n, 121n, 126n, 128n, 130n, 134,

Castellorizzo (Castelrosso), 99n 147, 148, 161n, 189n, 197, 199n, 219-221, 225-297,

Castelnuovo, 465 242, 249

Castiglione, Giovanni, bishop of Pavia 1453-1460, cardinal Chalon-sur-Sa6éne, 76n

1456-1460: 151-153, 157, 166, 185n, 192n Chambéry, 385, 452n, 498

Castile, 217, 246n, 315n, 321, 422, 423n, 426, 460; Hospital- Chappe (Zappe), Paulinus, Cypriote envoy and commissioner

lers from, 346n, 349; kings of, see John II 1406-1454, of the indulgence of 1452-1455: 158n Henry IV 1454-1474, Ferdinand V (II) 1474-1504 Charles (“the Bold”), son of Philip 111; duke of Burgundy (1516), Philip I in 1506; queen of, see Isabella 1474- 1467-1477: 304, 305, 309, 325, 326n

1504; ships from, 111n Charles, son of Louis I and Valentina Visconti; duke of

Castracano, Cristoforo (‘“‘Macrino”), Italian assassin (d. 1490), Orléans 1407-1465, poet, 155, 156, 206n, 235

411, 412, 413n Charles I, son of Amadeo IX, duke of Savoy 1482-1490:

Castriota, George, see Scanderbeg 385; wife of, see Blanche of Montferrat Castriota, Giovanni,:son of George (Scanderbeg) and Andro- Charles II, son of Charles I and Blanche; duke of Savoy nica; Albanian leader (ca. 1480), 329 1490-1496: 494 Castriota, Hamza (Branilo), nephew of Scanderbeg; Albanian Charles VI, king of France 1380-1422: 6, 206n leader (d. 1463), 219n Charles VII, son of Charles VI; king of France 1422 (crowned

Castrocaro, 465 1429)—1461: 53, 59, 150, 151n, 153, 155, 156, 158, Catafigo, 88 165n, 183n, 185, 190, 201n, 205, 206, 212n, 214n, 215, Catalano, Giovanni, Neapolitan commander (in 1455), 192n 216, 448

Catalans, 1, 7, 17, 34, 35, 48n, 68n, 70, 133, 135, 148, 162, | Charles VIII, son of Louis XI; king of France 1483-1498,

163, 186n, 191, 192n, 231, 269, 322n, 349, 446, 450, titular king of Naples 1495-1498: 386, 387, 395, 396,

458n, 460, 476, 530n 398, 403—406, 408, 411, 412, 422, 424, 425, 428, 430,

INDEX 551 436, 437, 440, 442, 443, 444n, 446-453, 455-499, Circassians, 48n 507-509, 511, 513, 534; wife of, see Anne of Brittany Ciriaco de’ Pizzicolli of Ancona, Italian humanist (d. ca. Charles VIII (Knut Knutsson), king of Sweden 1449-1457: 1452), 54, 64, 70-72, 78, 79, 82, 83n, 87, 88, 92-98,

153, 158 142n, 145

Charles, son of John II of Aragon-Catalonia; prince of | Cirignano, Giovanni, Lucchese jurist (fl. 1453), 150n

Viana (d. 1461), 189n Cithaeron, Mount, 196, 248

Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier, son of Gilbert and Chiara __Citta di Castello, bishop of, see Bartolommeo de’ Maraschi

Gonzaga; count of Montpensier 1501-1527, duke of 1474-1487 Bourbon 1505-1527, constable of France 1515-1527: Civeri, 330

483n; wife of, see Suzanne de Beaujeu Cividale del Friuli (Forum Julium, Forogiulio), 327, 517,519 Charles I of Anjou, Angevin king of Naples and Sicily (1266) | Civita Castellana, 434, 435n, 541; bishops of, see Angelo

1268-1282, “king” of Albania 1272-1285, prince of 1486-1492, J. Burchard 1503-1506

448, 462, 484 510, 541

Achaea 1278-1285, king of Naples 1282-1285: 326, Civitavecchia, 239, 373, 387, 408, 472, 473n, 474, 480, 491,

Charles III of Durazzo, Angevin duke of Durazzo 1368- Civitella, 541 1386, king of Naples 1381-1386, prince of Achaea Cladas, Corcondilo (Korkodeilos Kladas), Greek leader

1383-1386, claimant to Hungary 1385-1386: 154 (in 1479), 328, 329

Charlotte d’ Albret, daughter of Jean III; wife of Cesare Clarini, Martino, agent at Ragusa (in 1457), 191n

‘ Borgia 1499-1507 (d. 1514), 512, 513 Clement VII (Giulio de’ Medici, bastard son of Giuliano),

Charlotte de Lusignan, daughter of John II and Helena archbishop of Florence and cardinal 1513-1523, pope Palaeologina; queen of Cyprus 1458-1464 (d. 1487), 258 1523-1534: 525n |

Chasteau Rouge, 354 Clermont, bishop of, see E. Aubert (Innocent VI) 1340-1342

Cheb (Eger), 205 Cleves, duke of, see John 1449~1481; see also Philippe de Cheilas, Nicephorus, Greek poet (ca. 1440), 253n Cléves

Cherso, 518 Cocco, Cristoforo, Venetian (fl. 1444), 85n

Chiaromonte, count of, 450 Cocco, Niccolo, Venetian envoy (in 1470), 306-308, 310, 311 Chieregato, Lionello, bishop of Tra. 1484-1488, of Con- Coco, Giacomo (or Jacopo), Venetian galley commander at

cordia 1488-1506: 403n, 404, 406, 408, 488n Constantinople (1453), 111, 119-121 Chieri, 495, 496 Colchis, 161 China, 2 Cold Springs, at Constantinople, 118, 119, 120n

Chinon, 510 Colelli, Bernardo, envoy of Arta to Pius II (in 1459), 212

Chios, 2n, 14, 70, 71, 80n, 93, 111n, 112, 117, 118n, 123, Coliseum (in Rome), 107, 441 129, 132, 134, 135, 143-146, 161, 167n, 188, 239, 245, Collenuccio, Pandolfo, Ferrarese envoy to Rome (1494),

262n, 314, 322-324, 355, 372n, 402, 454, 480, 511n, 459n, 460n, 461n, 466, 469

and see Leonard of Chios; lords of, see Benedetto Zaccaria Colleoni, Bartolommeo, Italian condottiere in the employ

1304-1307, Martino Zaccaria (co-lord 1314-1329) of Venice (d. 1475), 280, 286n Chiusi, bishop of, see Alessio de’ Cesari 1438-1462 Cologne, 41, 153, 203n; archbishops (and electors) of, 392, Chloumoutsi (Clermont, Castel Tornese), 32, 148, 199, and see Dietrich (of Mors) 1414—1465, Hermann (of

227, 520 Hesse) 1480-1508; University of, 41

Christian I (of Oldenburg), king of Denmark and Norway Colonna, Fabrizio, Roman leader (d. 1520), 450, 459, 469n

1448-1481: 153, 158, 190 Colonna, Giovanni, cardinal 1480-1508: 434, 474, 477, 529

Chrysoberges, Andreas, brother of Theodore; Dominican, Colonna, Oddone, cardinal, see Martin V

archbishop of Nicosia 1447-ca. 1451: 43n, 46 Colonna, Prospero, Roman leader (d. 1523), 459n, 469 Chrysoberges, Maximus, brother of Theodore; Dominican Colonna, Roman family 1, 162, 380, 424, 431, 434, 458,

(fl. 1420), 43n 459, 469, 470, 472, 475n, 477, 481, 484, 510, 513, 539

Chrysoberges, Theodore, Dominican, bishop of Olena Columbus, Christopher, Genoese explorer (b. 1451, d. 1506),

1418-ca. 1429: 42-44, 46 333, 508

Chrysoloras, Thomas, envoy of Thessalonica to Venice Commines, see Philippe de Commines

(1425), 24n Comnena, Maria, sister of John IV (of Trebizond); wife of

Chrysolorina, Manfredina, mother-in-law of F. Filelfo; John VIII Palaeologus 1427-1439: 31n

captive (in 1454), 71n Comnena, Theodora (Despina-Khatun), daughter of John

Church 222, 237, 238n

Church, Latin, or Roman Catholic, see Roman Catholic IV (of Trebizond); wife of Uzun Hasan (from 1458),

Cibo, Franceschetto, son of Giovanni Battista (d. 1519), Comneni, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Trebizond 1204407, 418, 419, 427~—430, 437, 438n; wife of, see Mad- 1461, see John IV 1447-1458, David 1458-1461; see

dalena de’ Medici also Andronica, Constantine, and George Arianiti;

Cibo, Giovanni Battista, cardinal, see Innocent VIII Maria and Theodora Comnena

Cibo, Lorenzo, archbishop of Benevento 1485-1503, cardi- Comnenus, Constantinus (possibly Constantine Arianiti

nal 1489-1503: 427, 429, 432, 435, 528 “Comnenus”), Roman official (in 1518), 463n; son

Cibo (Bocciardi), Niccolo, nephew of Giovanni Battista; (Giovanni) of, 463n archbishop of Arles 1489-1499: 420, 421, 427, 428, Como, 514; bishop of, see A. Trivulzio 1487-1508

430n, 436, 456n, 457 Concordia, bishop of, see L. Chieregato 1488-1506

429 mander (in 1437), 53

Cibo, Theodorina, daughter of Giovanni Battista (fi. 1492), Condulmer, Antonio, nephew of Gabriele; papal com-

Cilicia, 189, 190n, 381, 382 Condulmer, Francesco, nephew of Gabriele; cardinal 1431Cilli (Celje), count of, see Ulrich (d. 1456) 1453: 61n, 68, 69, 84-87, 92, 140n Cimarosto, Italian condottiere (d. 1466), 278 Condulmer, Gabriele, cardinal, see Eugenius IV

552 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Conegliano, 327 Conza, archbishop of, see Giovanni de’ Conti 1455-1484

Conrad (of Daun), archbishop (and elector) of Mainz 1419- Copais, Lake, 196

1434: 41 Coppini, Francesco, bishop of Terni 1459-1463: 168n,

Constance, 41, 42n, 61; Council of (1414-1418), 2, 7n, 39- 172n, 206n 41, 44, 53n, 153, 160, 165, 294, 327n, 522n Coppola, Giovanni Battista, Neapolitan envoy to France Constantine XI Palaeologus (“Dragases”), son of Manuel II (1492), 424n and Helena (Dragas); co-despot at Mistra 1428-1443, Copts, 65, 104n despot 1443-1448, Byzantine emperor 1448 (crowned Cordova (Cérdoba), see Gonsalvo Fernando de Cordova 1449)— 1453: 5n, 16, 17, 31-35, 38, 40, 51, 52, 56, 64, ~~ Corella, Micheletto, henchman of Cesare Borgia (jl. 1500),

69, 70, 72, 82n, 94-98, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110n, 111, 503n, 540

112, 113n, 114, 116, 119, 120, 122-125, 126n, 128,129, Corfu, 8, 9, 22, 30n, 64, 138, 141n, 199n, 226, 268, 286, 132, 133, 140n, 142n, 146, 147, 171, 198, 209, 233, 253, 291, 296n, 304, 306, 307n, 308, 310, 311, 317n, 330,

256, 348n; wife of, see Maddalena de’ Tocchi 339, 341-343, 345, 366, 426, 480, 514-517, 522, 523n, Constantinople (Byzantium, Istanbul), 4n, 10-12, 15-17, 524n, 533n; archbishop of, see Isidore of Kiev (adm. 19-21, 24, 26n, 31, 34, 42-46, 49n, 51-53, 54n, 55, 56, 1458-1459); Orthodox metropolitan of, see G. Bardanes 57n, 59-61, 64, 65, 67—71, 76—78, 80n, 82, 86, 87, 89, (from 1219) ) 91-95, 103-105, 108-116, 120, 134n, 136n, 137, 140— Corinth, 3n, 13, 32, 70, 148, 189n, 196n, 197, 198, 199n, 143, 152, 161, 164, 165, 173, 177, 181n, 183n, 187, 220, 223, 248, 249, 265: Gulf of, 70n, 330, 518, 519: 188n, 197, 198, 218, 219n, 226, 228, 238, 249, 250, Isthmus of, 4, 5n, 52, 70, 146, 196, 248, 249, and see 254, 257, 273, 274, 279, 283-288, 292, 296, 298n, 301, Hexamilion; lord of, see Nerio I Acciajuoli 1371-1394; 302, 306-308, 311, 316, 317, 319, 323, 328-337, 339- Orthodox metropolitans of, 3n, 4n, and see Marcus 343, 345n, 347, 348, 352, 355, 359, 360n, 363n, 364, 1454-1466 365, 371n, 381, 383-385, 393n, 400, 402, 408-412, Corinthia, 196, 197 418-420, 421n, 422, 425, 427, 429, 436, 439, 441,442, Corio, Bernardino, Milanese historian (fi. 1500), 435n 444, 445, 449, 451n, 453-457, 464, 468, 476, 478, Corner (Cornaro), Caterina, wife of James II de Lusignan 480, 481, 482n, 484, 491, 499, 508, 511-513, 514n, 1468-1473, queen of Cyprus 1473-1489 (d. 1510), 258 515n, 516, 519n, 520, 521, 523; fall of (1453), 90, 93n, Corner (Cornaro), Marco, cardinal 1500-1524: 529 100, 104, 111n, 112n, 114-140, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150, Corner, Niccolé, Venetian noble in Crete (fl. 1465), 273

153n, 156, 162, 167, 171, 176, 179, 207, 208, 235, 239, Corneto, 39n, 240n, and see A. Castellesi da Corneto; 242, 246, 257, 293n, 315, 333, 346, 351n, 363, 416n, bishop of, see A. Farnese (Paul III) 1501-1519 424, 468; Fourth Council of (869-870), 105n; Latin Coron, 8-13, 16, 23, 28, 30, 34n, 35-37, 40n, 44, 64, 65, Empire of (1204-1261), 99; patriarchs of, see Ignatius 93, 103, 104, 106n, 148, 188, 207, 222n, 226, 233, 237, 847-858, 867-877, Photius 858-867, 877-886; Ortho- 241, 242, 254, 257, 283, 304, 330, 339, 514, 516, 517, dox patriarchs of, 331, and see Joseph II 1416-1439, 521-522, 523n, 524n, 531n; bishops of, see C. Garatone Metrophanes II 1440-1443, Gregory III 1443-1450, 1437-1448, Johannes de Justis 1457—d. by 1479; Gulf

1451, Gennadius II (G. Scholarius) 1454-1456, 1462- of, 517

1463, 1464-1465; titular Latin patriarchs of, see A. Corrado de’ Marcellini, bishop of Terracina 1458-ca. 1489:

Correr (Gregory XII) 1390-1405, G. Contarini 1424- 365n

ca. 1451, Isidore (1452) 1459-1463, Bessarion 1463- —_Correr, Venetian family, 104 1472, T. Bakécs 1507-1521, M. Corner (ca. 1506-1507) Correr, Angelo, cardinal, see Gregory XII 1521-1524; Venetian bailies at, 16, 17, 20, 21, 42,65n, — Correr, Filippo, Venetian noble, owner of land in the Morea

328, 329, 436, 437n, 480, and see F. Viaro, G. Diedo, (in 1452), 104; Venetian envoy to Cairo (in 1465), 277 B. Emo, M. Soranzo, G. Minotto, B. Marcello, L. Vitturi, | Corsica, 167

P. Barbarigo, B. Gritti, O. Giustinian, L. Bembo, T. Corsignano, see Pienza

Contarini, D. Trevisan Corso, Stefano, papal constable (in 1486), 401

Contarini, Alvise, Venetian shipowner (in 1497), 509 Cortese, Alberto, Ferrarese envoy to Venice (1480), 342n,

Contarini, Andrea, Venetian noble (fl. 1424), 22n 344n, 354n, 375n

Contarini, Bartolommeo, Venetian adventurer in Athens Corycus (Gorigos, Korgos), 317, 382

(ft. 1453), 104; wife of, see Chiara Zorzi Cos (Lango), 348n, 353n, 360n; preceptor of, 393n

Contarini, Bertuccio, papal envoy to Venice (1466), 280 Cos (Stanchio, Istankoy), island, 145, 347, 354

Contarini, Catarino, Venetian noble at Constantinople Cosenza, see Antonio da Cosenza; archbishops of, see B.

(ft. 1453), 133 Flores (Florido) 1495-1497, F. Borgia 1499-1511

Contarini, Geronimo, Venetian galley commander (in 1493), Cosimo de’ Medici, virtual ruler of Florence 1434-1464;

44] 54, 60n, 62, 63n, 155-157, 19in, 206n, 246, 247, 262n,

Contarini, Giovanni, titular Latin patriarch of Constanti- 265, 278, 336, 394, 436, 448, 507

nople 1424-ca. 1451: 4n Cossa, Baldassare, antipope and cardinal, see John XXIII

Contarini, Jacopo, Venetian envoy to Spain (1498), 508,509 Costa, George (Jorge), archbishop of Lisbon 1464-1500, Contarini, Lorenzo, Venetian noble, captured by the Turks cardinal 1476-1508: 427, 428, 431, 435, 444, 504, 528

at Thessalonica (1430), 30n Cotrone, bishop of, see G. A. Campano 1462-1463

Contarini, Matteo, patriarch of Venice 1456-1460: 190n Councils, oecumenical, 2, 39n, and see Nicaea (787), Fourth

Contarini, Paolo, Venetian at the Curia Romana (fl. 1467), of Constantinople (869-870), Fourth Lateran (1215),

281 Lyon (1274), Constance (1414-1418), Basel (1431454 (1512-1517), Second Vatican (1962-1965); other, see Contarini, Tommaso, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (in 1520), Pavia-Siena (1423-1424) Contarini, Pietro, Venetian governor of Naxos (from 1494), 1449), Ferrara-Florence (1438-1439), Fifth Lateran

520n Cracow (Krakow), 80n, 90, 190n; bishops of, see Z. Olesnicki

Contarini, Zaccaria, Venetian envoy to Germany (1502), 532 1423~—1455, Frederick Casimir 1488-1503

INDEX 553 Crema, 517 Dacia, 153n, 333 Cremona, 71, 72n, 520, and see Giannone of Cremona Dagna (Danja), 101n Crete, 4n, 21, 28n, 30, 31n, 37n, 65n, 66n, 68n, 80n, 92, Dalmatia (Illyricum, Illyria), 5n, 6, 7, 21n, 41, 68, 71, 74, 92, 103, 109, 131n, 132, 137n, 139n, 147, 184, 197n, 209, 158, 167, 169n, 178n, 184, 190n, 193, 194, 209, 221, 240, 210n, 226, 237, 247, 273, 291, 300-303, 306, 330, 335, 978, 280, 290, 292, 301, 328, 365n, 404, 427, 441n, 446;

336n, 454, 514, 523n; archbishop of, see F. Vallaresso 451n, 523n ;

1425-1443; dukes of, 4n; seamen from, 7; ships from, Damascus (Dimashq), 277, 331n, 381, 417

27, 29, 111, 112n Dandolo, Andrea, Venetian provveditore in the Morea

Creuse river, 385 (1464), 252, 253 Crijevic, Ilija, Ragusan writer, 291 Dandolo, Gerardo, son of Jacopo; Venetian (ff. 1429), 27n Crimea, 158, 161, 322, 331, 333, 334, 399 Dandolo, Jacopo, Venetian captain of Thessalonica (1424),

Crispo, Francesco III, bastard son of Giovanni III (d. 1494); 22: ambassador to Murad II, 27, 30n

duke of Naxos 1500-1518: 453, 454 Dandolo, Marco, Venetian noble (ff. 1424), 22n _

Crispo, Giovanni II, duke of Naxos 1418-1437: 20, 25, 37,38 Dante Alighieri, Italian poet (b. 1265, d. 1321), 215, 222n Crispo, Giovanni III, grandson of Niccolo; duke of Naxos Danube river, 49n, 56n, 58, 69n, 78, 85, 88, 89, 90n, 100,

1480-1494: 453, 454 142n, 173-175, 177-181, 183, 185, 193n, 233, 241,

Crispo, Niccolo, brother of Giovanni II; regent of Naxos 243, 279, 331, 333, 334, 378, 439n

1447-1450: 25, 37 Dardanelles (Hellespont, straits of Gallipoli), 22, 25, 64, 78,

Cristoforo da Soldo, Brescian chronicler (fl. 1463), 140n, 79, 84-87, 89, 92n, 95, 96n, 132, 187, 251, 254, 285,

247, 270n 286, 289, 290, 292n, 298, 300, 302, 317, 350, 400, 426, 350n Dario, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (d. 1494), 328,

Cristoforo de’ Buondelmonti, Florentine scholar (fl. 1410), 464, 480

Critobulus, [Hermodorus] Michael, Imbriote noble (fl. 1444), 329n, 339, 385n, 386n, 393n, 398n, 515n, 516 87, 88n, 106n, 110, Liln, 112, 114, 115,117, 118,120n, Darse, Jean, lord of S. Loup (2. 1480), 369 124, 125n, 126n, 127, 128, 130, 133, 134, 161n, 188, Daulia, 70 189n, 196-198, 199n, 219, 220, 223, 225-228, 239n, Dauphiné, see Viennois

241, 249, 279, 293n Davanzo, Piero, Venetian captain at Constantinople, flight

Crivelli, Lodrisio, Italian humanist (ff. 1458), 123n, 169, of (in 1453), L11n

170, 201n, 204, 259 David and Damian, Greek monks (fl. 1416), 6n

Croatia, 7n, 41, 158, 194n, 292, 326, 333, 378n, 441, 444— David Comnenus, brother of John IV; emperor of Trebizond

446, 451, 456, 526, 527; ban of, see M. Gereb 1458-1461 (d. 1463), 222, 237, 238n

Croia (Krujé), 72, 100-102, 103n, 193n, 196n, 278, 279, Decembrio, Pier Candido, Italian humanist (fl. 1450), 107 281-283, 290, 311n; fall of (1478), 327, 328, 329n Dejanovic, Constantine, Macedonian lord (d. 1395), 56; Crusade (cruciata, passagium generale, sancta expeditio), 1, 2; daughter of, see Helena (Draga8) First (1096-1099), 212, 413; Fourth (1202-1204), Della Rovere, Ligurian family, 380, 457, 484, and see Barto-

335n, 374 lommeo, Domenico, Francesco Maria, Giovanni, and

Cumans (Kumans, Polovtzi), 334 Girolamo Basso della Rovere; see also Julius II (Giuliano) Cumino, Albanian leader (in 1464), 252n and Sixtus IV (Francesco) Curia Romana, 2, 4n, 14, 16, 41-47, 53, 54, 56n, 59,61n,62, Delos, 70 65, 67, 68, 69n, 76n, 92n, 104, 109, 159-161, 169, 185n, Delphi, 70 188, 190, 191, 193, 205, 208, 214, 215n, 216, 223, 224, Demetrius de Albania, Franciscan, Bosnian envoy to Rome

229, 235n, 236n, 238n, 240, 245, 246, 251, 252, 257- (1455), 192n 259, 261, 263, 264, 266, 268, 269, 273, 279, 280, 282, Demotica, 302n

289, 293, 294, 295n, 296, 298, 299, 304-306, 309n, Demunessi, Domenico, Italian-Turkish interpreter (1. 314n, 315, 316, 318n, 320, 321, 322n, 324, 338, 340, 1470), 301, 302 343, 355, 364, 365, 366n, 368-370, 372n, 377, 379, Denmark, 531; king of, see Christian I 1448-1481 384, 385n, 386, 388, 389n, 391n, 392-394, 395n, 396, Desht-i Kipchak, see Kipchak steppe

398, 400, 404, 405n, 410, 411, 415, 417, 418, 422, Dibra (Deber) river, 73, 100

423, 426, 427, 430, 434, 438, 439, 444, 449, 452, 453, Diedo, Alvise, Venetian captain at Constantinople (1453),

456, 457, 461n, 466, 470, 471n, 475n, 485-487, 489, llln, 131, 132

490, 493n, 503, 505, 506, 507n, 511, 517, 524, 525, Diedo, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Rome (1482), 376n

528, 530, 532, 533n, 538, 541 Diedo, Giovanni, Venetian bailie at Constantinople (1417), 10

Curzola (Korcula), 523n, 532n; bishop of, see T. Malombra_ Diedo, Marco, Venetian bailie at Durazzo (1457), 193n

1463-1513 Diedo, Pietro, Venetian envoy to Rome (1485), 391n Cutrofiano, 344 Diether von Isenburg, archbishop (and elector) of Mainz

Cyclades, 70, 92 1460-1461, 1476-1481 (d. 1482), 217

Cydonia, ll1n Dietisalvi di Nerone, Florentine (ff. 1454), 154n

Cyllene, Mount, 196 Dietrich (of Mors), archbishop (and elector) of Cologne Cyprus, 29n, 45-47, 71, 80n, 99n, 103, 109, 158, 162, 184, 1414-1463: 41

188n, 206n, 208, 253n, 258, 262n, 299, 511n, 514,520, Digenis, Greek painter (ff. 1458), 197n 521, 523n, 542; kings of, see Janus 1398-1432, John II Diplokionion (Two Columns, Besiktas), Constantinople,

1432-1458, James II 1464-1473; queens of, see Char- 117, 118, 122n, 127n, 131 lotte 1458-1464, Caterina Corner 1473-1489 Dishypatos, Alexius, Byzantine admiral (in 1444), 87

(to 1440) see Uzun Hasan 1466-1478

Cyzicus, 511n; Orthodox metropolitan of, see Metrophanes Diyar-Bakr (Amida, Diyarbakir), 222, 237, 272; ruler of, Czechs (Bohemians and Moravians), 45, 99, 100, 153, 295, DJugosz, Jan, Polish historian, canon of Cracow (d. 1480),

296, 335n, 414, 416, 456, 499n 80, 82n, 83n, 91 |

554 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Dobruja, 56n Egypt, 29n, 45n, 46-48, 65, 71, 99n, 101n, 162, 189, 190n,

Docianus, John, Byzantine rhetorician (15th century), 35n 277, 306, 316n, 324, 329n, 334n, 335n, 347n, 379, 381, Dolfin, Pietro, general of the Camaldolesi (ff. 1495), 485n 398n, 410, 411n, 413, 417, 420n, 449; fleet of, 85, 87, Dolfin, Zorzo, Venetian chronicler of late 15th century, 71, 88n, 92; soldans of, see Saladin 1169-1193, Mamluks

122n, 133n Elbasan, 278

Domenico, cleric at Veglia (in 1471), 274n Eleonora d’ Aragona, daughter of Ferrante I; wife of Ercole I

Domenico d’ Anguillara (d. ca. 1488), 438n _ @ Este 1473-1493: 375, 434, 483n

Domenico da Pescia, Dominican preacher (d. 1498), 506, Elias de Bourdeilles, archbishop of Tours 1468-1484: 308

507 Elis, in Greece, 18, 32, 197, 198, 219, 227

Domenico de Magistris, Italian factor (in 1451), 145n Elizabeth (of Luxemburg), daughter of Sigismund; wife of Domenico della Rovere, cardinal 1478-1501, archbishop of Albert (II) of Hapsburg 1422-1439 (d. 1442), 57, 68,

Tarentaise 1479-1482, bishop of Turin 1482-1501: 74, 75

395n, 431, 432n, 434, 491, 528 Elna, county of, 488, 491 Dominicans, order, 52, 98, 105, 208n, 362, 412, 507, and see Emo (Aymo), Benedetto, Venetian envoy and bailie at Con-

A., M., and T. Chrysoberges, Domenico da Pescia, F. stantinople (from 1421), 11, 12, 26, 27n Fabri, George of Siebenburgen, Giovanni de Curte, Emo, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Hungary (1464, 1469), Giovanni di Montenero, John of Ragusa, Juan de Torque- 268n, 297; to Cairo (1472), 277

mada, Leonardo, G. Savonarola, Silvestro, and Simon Empoli, 465 )

de Candia England, 2, 40, 45n, 47, 165, 191n, 206, 217, 239, 246n, Domokos, 302n 262, 277, 287, 304, 315, 324, 367, 405n, 412, 448, 460, Don river, 150 479, 508, 526, 531; Hospitallers from, 346n, 349; kings Dona (Donato), Francesco, doge of Venice 1545-1553: 333n of, see Henry IV 1399-1413, Henry V 1413-1422, Donado da Lezze, Venetian author (d. 1526), 95n, 297n, Henry VI 1422-1461, 1470-1471, Edward IV 1461-

302n 1470, 1471-1483, Henry VII 1485-1509

Donatello, Florentine sculptor (b. ca. 1386, d. 1466), 63n English, 40, 153, 213n, 233, 235, 334n, 370, 413, 414, 456, Donato, Alvise, Venetian envoy to court of Urbino (1471), 312 460, 532; Channel, 536

Donato, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Rome (1445), 92 Ephesus, lord of, 22n; Orthodox metropolitan of, see M. Donato (Dona), Girolamo, Venetian envoy to Rome (1491), Eugenicus 1437-1445

425, 426, 428, 430n, 503n Epirus, 18, 71, 72, 97, 290, 329, 340n, 426, 469n, 489n, 514 Donato de’ Donati, Florentine (ff. 1454), 154n 81n, 525

Donato, Leonardo, doge of Venice 1606-1612: 248 Erasmus, Desiderius, Dutch humanist (b. ca. 1466, d. 1536),

Doria, Branca, Genoese noble honored by Hospitallers Ercole I d’ Este, son of Niccolé II; duke of Ferrara 1471-

(fl. 1481), 360n 1505: 327n, 340n, 341, 342n, 343, 344n, 345n, 347n, 20n, 31n, 32n 386, 387n, 401, 433n, 434n, 435n, 440n, 444, 459n,

Dorotheus, Orthodox metropolitan of Monemvasia (fl. 1590), 350n, 351n, 354n, 355n, 356, 360n, 365n, 375, 376n,

Dotha of Siena, Italian condottiere (in 1459), 211 460n, 466, 475n, 476n, 488n, 495, 502n, 524n, 525n, Dovizi da Bibbiena, Bernardo, cardinal 1513-1521: 465 533n; wife of, see Eleonora d’ Aragona

Doxas, Albanian chieftain (d. 1460), 196, 227 Ereghli (Eregli), in Asia Minor, 382

Dracula, see Vlad III Erizzo, Paolo, Venetian bailie at Negroponte (d. 1470), 95, 143n, 145 Erlau (Eger), 434; bishops of, see G. Rangone 1475-1486,

Drapperio, Francesco, Genoese merchant at Galata, 79, 94, 301, 302

Drava river, 176 Ippolito d’ Este 1497-1520

Drivasto (Drisht), 8n, 19, 30n, 327 Erolo, Berardo, bishop of Spoleto 1448-1474, cardinal

Ducagin, Albanian family, 103n 1460-1479: 295

Ducas, Byzantine historian (ff. 1455), 6n, 65, 76, 103, 105n, — Erzinjan (Erzincan), in northeastern Turkey, 316

110n, 112, 113n, 114n, 115n, 116n, 118n, 119, 120n, Eschenloer, Peter, chronicler of Breslau (ca. 1460), 177n 12In, 125n, 126n, 127, 128n, 129-131, 134, 161n, Estensi, ruling family at Ferrara 1208-1597: 248, 344n,

189n, 239n 345n, 375, 448, 461, and see Niccolo III 1393-1441,

Duése, Jacques, cardinal, see John XXII Borso 1450-1471, Ercole I 1471-1505, Alfonso I 1505-

Dulcigno (Ulcinj), 19, 339 1534; see also Beatrice, Bertoldo, Ippolito, and Isabella

Duodo, Andrea, Venetian noble (ff. 1466), author of Pro d’ Este

bello peloponnensi, 251n, 252n Ethiopia, 104

Dupuis, Mary, Auvergnat soldier (f!. 1480), 347, 350, 353n, Etienne de Vesc, sénéchal of Beaucaire (in 1494), 471, 483n

354, 355n, 357n, 358, 359n Etruria, 437, and see Tuscany

Durazzo (Durrés), 8, 19, 28, 30, 100n, 101, 196n, 279, 283, Euboea, see Negroponte 289, 339, 453, 468, 538; Angevin rulers of, see Charles III Eydaimonoioannes, Nicholas, Byzantine envoy to Council of

and Ladislas of Durazzo; archbishops of, see P. Angelus Constance (in 1416), 40, 42-44 1460-1469, M. Albari (Firmani) 1492-1499; Venetian Eugenicus, John, Byzantine orator (ft. 1427), 32, 60n

bailie at, see M. Diedo Eugenicus, Marcus (“Mark of Ephesus”), Orthodox metroDutch, 334n politan of Ephesus 1437-1445: 60-62, 65, 66 Eugenius IV (Gabriele Condulmer), nephew of Gregory XII;

Ebro river, 162 bishop of Siena 1407-1408, cardinal 1408-1431, pope

Echinades (Curzolari), battle of the (1427), 19, 32 1431-1447: 2, 4n, 45n 47, 48, 50, 52-55, 56n, 57, 59, Eckeboltzbem, Amandus Wolff, German cleric (ft. 1486), 390n 60n, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66n, 67-69, 71, 75-78, 80n, 81n, Eduardo de Camedino, Hospitaller preceptor (in 1485),393n 84-86, 88, 89n, 91-93, 169, 214, 260n, 271 Edward IV, Plantagenet (Yorkist) king of England 1461-— Euphrates river, 49n

1470, 1471-1483: 276, 277, 347n, 369, 370, 373 Euxine, see Black Sea

INDEX 555 Evangelista, Italian conspirator (ff. 1492), 425n cardinal 1500-1502, archbishop of Capua 1501-1502:

Evliya Chelebi, Turkish traveler (d. 1669), 112n 529, 530n

Evora, bishop of, see G. Meneses (1476—d. by 1485) Ferrer, Antoni, Catalan nuncio (in 1456), 191n

; Ferrer, Francesc, Catalan poet (fl. 1444), 88n

Fabri, Felix, Dominican pilgrim to the Holy Land (d. 1502), F erro, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1487), 385n

512n Ficino, Marsilio, Italian humanist (b. 1433, d. 1499), 246n,

Fabriano, 268, 317n, and see Niccol6 da Fabriano ; 429n . .

Fabrizio del Carretto, grand master of the Hospitallers 1513- Field of Bread, see Kenyérmezo

1591: 357 Fiesole, 278, 336n; Giovanni da, see Fra Angelico

Faenza. 325. 338n. 375, 512n. 531 Fifth Lateran Council (1512-1517), 503n, 525n

Fano 999n 401 411 , , Filastre, Guillaume, bishop of Tournai 1460-1473: 261 Farfa monastery 549 Filelfo, Francesco, Italian humanist (b. 1398, d. 1481), 71n, Farnese, Alessandro, cardinal, see Paul III _ 107, 142n, 211n, 250n, 257, 259, 267; son (Mario) of, 259n Farnese, Giulia, sister of Alessandro; mistress of Alexander Filippo de’ Medici, archbishop of Pisa 1461-1474: 317n

VI (d. 1524), 444, 469 Filippo de’ Patriarchi, notary of Forli (in 1494), 456n, 457

Federigo d’ Aragona, son of Ferrante I and Isabella; prince Fillastre, Guillaume, cardinal (conciliar) 1411-1428: 39n

of Altamura (to 1496), king of Naples (1496) 1497- Firenzuola, 495 |

1501 (d. 1504), 443n, 459, 498, 499n, 503, 504, 507, Firmant, Martino, see M. Albari

510, 512-514, 522n, 524, 534, 536-538 Flanders, 239, 309, 324, 403, 404, 412, 488 Federigo da Montefeltro, lord of Urbino 1444-1474, duke Florence, city, 39, 41, 52-54, 59-61, 63-67, 71, 80n, 105,

1474-1482: 190, 191, 246n, 312, 338n, 339n 140, 191n, 204, 205n, 206n, 208, 242n, 246n, 260, 276, Federigo de Petiis, Milanese envoy (in 1426), 95 280, 331, 336, 337, 344n, 351n, 353n, 355n, 356n, 385n, Federigo di Sanseverino, cardinal 1489-1516: 432, 434, 469, 41 ln, 418, 430n, 431, 437, 438n, 456n, 457, 462, 465-

529 468, 470, 484, 486, 489, 496, 501n, 505, 506, 507n,

Felegara, Italian town north of Fornovo di Taro, 494 513n, 521, 531n; archbishops of, see G. Vitelleschi 1435—

Felix V, antipope, see Amadeo VIII of Savoy 1437, L. Trevisan 1437-1439, Antonino (Forcilioni) Feltre, bishop of, see J. Zeno 1447-1460 1446-1459, Giulio de’ Medici 1513-1523; Council of, Ferdinand I, king of Aragon-Catalonia and Sicily 1412- Séé Ferrara-Florence, Duomo in, see Santa Reparata

1416: 6 Florence, republic of, 25, 40n, 46, 52, 75, 98, 109, 138n,

Ferdinand II, son of John II of Aragon; king (V) of Castile 154-157, 161n, 163, 167n, 183n, 185n, 190, 199, 207, and Leén 1474-1504, of Aragon-Catalonia and Sicily 222n, 231, 234, 246, 247, 256n, 261, 262n, 264, 265, (1469) 1479-1504, of Spain and Naples 1504-1516: 275, 276, 278, 287, 288, 289n, 299n, 300, 305, 308, 314, 189n, 321, 373, 387, 393n, 395, 400-402, 411, 417, 422, 325, 326, 336-339, 343-345, 356, 366n, 368, 375, 376, 423n, 424, 438n, 440n, 442, 463n, 466, 471, 478, 479, 393-395, 396n, 398, 401, 411n, 426, 428, 430, 437, 482, 485-488, 491, 497, 504, 507, 508n, 509, 511, 522n, 443, 448, 454, 465, 486, 508, 512n, 524; rulers of, see 524, 528, 531n, 534, 536, 537, 539; wife of, see Isabella Albizzi, Medict

of Castile Florentines, 5, 21, 51-53, 55, 60-62, 77n, 81, 82, 86, 112n,

Fernandes, Vasco, Portuguese humanist (fl. 1485), 391n 132n, 137n, 153-156, 191, 222n, 275n, 278, 287, 337, Fernando, nephew of C. Arianiti; Milanese captain (in 1499), 338, 345n, 364, 371, 373n, 400, 401, 418, 421n, 443,

513, 539n 452, 460, 464-468, 478, 479n, 492, 495, 496, 504-507,

Fernando, Gonsalvo, see Gonsalvo Fernando de Cordova 51in, 5 12, 521, 524 . . .

Fernando de Vergonde, Galician noble at Rhodes (jl. 1480), Flores (Florido), Bartolommeo, bishop of Sutri and Nepi

369 1489-1495, archbishop of Cosenza 1495-1497 (d.

Ferraiolo, Neapolitan chronicler (ca. 1490), 372n, 394n 1498), 440, 505, 506 a

Ferrante (Ferdinand) I (d’ Aragona), bastard son of Alfonso I Florez, Antonio, papal nuncio to Paris (1487), 403n, 404,

(V of Aragon); king of Naples 1458-1494 and (II) of 406, 408, 480

Sicily 1479-1494: 103, 189n, 205-207, 214n, 231, 232, | Fluvia, Ramon, Aragonese knight at Rhodes (ff. 1480), 361

951, 278n, 279-282, 288, 299n, 300, 305, 310, 315n, Fluvian, Anton, grand master of the Hospitallers 1421-—

316n, 318n, 325, 329, 337-345, 351, 355, 356, 359, _ 1437: 14 -

360n, 361, 364—366, 368, 375, 376, 379n, 387, 393-396, Foligno, bishops of, see A. Bertini 1461-1486, L. Borsano

397n, 398, 400, 407, 418, 422-427, 429, 432, 434, 436- 1490-1522 440, 442-449 459, 464, 468, 477n, 490, 514,515; wives Fonseca, Pedro, cardinal (Avignonese) 1412-1422: 41, 42n,

of, see Isabella di Chiaramonte, Joanna (III) of Aragon 43 Ferrante II (“Ferrantino”), son of Alfonso II (@’ Aragona); Fontanus, Jacobus, historian of the second siege of Rhodes prince of Capua (to 1494), duke of Calabria 1494-1495, (ft - 1522), 352n king of Naples 1495-1496: 424, 427-429, 459, 469-—_ Forli, 205n, 260, 325, 338, 456n, 465, 512n

471, 477-481, 483, 484n, 486, 491, 495-498, 504; Fornovo, battle of (1495), 483n, 493-496 wife of, see Joanna (IV, “Isabella”) d’ Aragona (his aunt) Forogiulio, Forum Julium, see Cividale

Ferrara, 39, 54, 55n, 59, 60, 62, 63, 66n, 108, 167n, 199, Fort S. Nicholas (at Rhodes), 263n, 310, 351-354, 360n, 204, 208, 209, 248, 325, 327n, 335, 338, 343, 344n, 351n, 361, 362 353n, 368, 375, 376, 426, 430n, 433, 440, 448, 477n,495, Fortini, Giovanni, papal notary (ff. 1468), 56n 508, 535n; rulers of, see Niccolo III d’ Este 1393-1441, Forum (in Rome), 107 Borso d’ Este 1450 (duke 1470)—1471, Ercole I d’ Este Foscari, Francesco, doge of Venice 1423-1457: 4n, 16, 19,

1471-1505 20, 21n, 24, 26, 28, 30n, 33n, 67, 70n, 75n, 103, 106n,

Ferrara-Florence, Council of (1438-1439), 4n, 45n, 54, 56— 122n, 137n, 140, 141In, 147-149, 163n, 183n, 193, 194n

63, 65, 66n, 69, 71, 84n, 93, 97, 105, 106, 208 Foscari, Pietro, cardinal 1477-1485: 388n

Ferrari, Giovanni Battista, bishop of Modena 1495-1502, Foscarini, Alvise, Venetian envoy to Rome (1464), 251

556 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Foscarini, Lodovico, Venetian envoy to Rome (1464, 1470), Frederick I (“Barbarossa”), Hohenstaufen king of Germany

163n, 212n, 268, 298, 299 1152-1155, emperor 1155-1190: 215

Fourth Lateran Council (1215), 39 Frederick II, grandson of Frederick I; Hohenstaufen king France, 1, 40, 45n, 59, 65, 99, 136n, 156, 158n, 165, 166, (I) of Sicily 1197-1250, emperor of Germany 1212 167n, 199, 205, 213, 217, 218, 222n, 262, 264n, 286, (crowned 1220)—1250: 374, 481n 287, 315, 322n, 338, 366-370, 383, 384, 385n, 386, Frederick II (“the Peaceful”), Wettin duke (and elector) of 403-409, 411, 412, 414n, 426, 433, 435, 438, 440, 441, Saxony 1428-1464: 217, 294

447n, 448, 452, 460-462, 467, 475, 480, 483, 484,492, Frederick III (‘the Wise”), grandson of Frederick II; Wettin

496, 499, 505, 507-514, 519, 527, 531, 532, 534, 537, duke (and elector) of Saxony 1486-1525: 404, 522n

538n; Hospitallers from, 346n, 349, 383; kings of, 509, Frederick I (“the Victorious”), brother of Ludwig IV; Wittels-

and see Charles VI 1380-1422, Charles VII 1422-1461, bach count palatine of the Rhine 1449 (elector 1451)

Louis XI 1461-1483, Charles VIII 1483-1498, Louis —1476: 217n

XII 1498-1515; see also Jeanneand Madeleine of France; Frederick Casimir, son of Casimir IV; bishop of Cracow regents of, see Pierre II de Beaujeu and Anne of France 1488-1503, archbishop of Gniezno 1493-1503, cardi-

1483-1492 nal 1493-1503: 444, 530

Francesco da Tiano, Italian condottiere in the Morea (1464), ‘Freiburg, Reichstag of (1498), 532

255 French, 7, 40, 153, 206, 207, 215, 231-235, 267, 269, 294, 1483: 342n 424, 430, 433, 434, 442, 445, 446, 448-456, 458-500,

Francesco de Arenis, archbishop of Brindisi (and Oria) 1477- 325, 338, 349n, 370, 396, 398, 4lIn, 413-~-415, 422-

Francesco de’ Oddi, bishop of Assisi 1444-1456: 174, 175 505, 508, 511-514, 518, 519, 524, 534, 535n, 536—540 Francesco de’ Pazzi, Florentine assassin (d. 1478), 336 Frescobaldi, Antonio, Hospitaller (fl. 1455), 166, 167

Francesco de Schracten, papal notary (in 1494), 462 Friedrich II (of Hohenzollern), margrave (and elector) of Francesco della Casa, Florentine envoy to the French court Brandenburg 1440-1470 (d. 1471), 152n, 217

(1494), 45I1n Friuli, 7n, 50n, 299n, 307, 311, 327, 329n, 335, 365n, 441n,

Francesco della Rovere, cardinal, see Sixtus 1V 514n, 521

Francesco della Siega, Venetian notary in Milan (ff. 1424), Fucecchio, 466

17n, 26n Furian, Bartolo, Venetian armorer at Constantinople (1453),

Francesco di Benedetto, papal official (in 1454), 156n 131

Francesco di Guccio, Florentine official (in 1439), 62, 63 Fust, Johann, German printer at Mainz (b. ca. 1400, d. 1466),

Francesco di Puglia, Franciscan preacher (ff. 1498), 506 159 Francesco Maria della Rovere, son of Giovanni and Gio-

vanna da Montefeltro; duke of Urbino 1508-1516,

1521-1538: 500n Gabriele da Verona, Franciscan (fl. 1455), 164

Francis II, duke of Brittany 1458-1488: 291 Gaddi, Angelo, Florentine artist (fl. 1367), 63n Francis of S. Anatolia, abbot of S. Niccolo in Osimo, papal Gaeta, 102, 471, 483, 537; Jacopo da, see Yakub Pasha; see

governor of Monemvasia (in 1461), 225 also Niccolé da Gaeta

Franciscans (Minorites), order, 34n, 42, 130n, 133n, 167, Gagliano, 437n 182n, 192, 208n, 209, 457n, 506, and see Antonio da _— Galafato, A., Italian (fi. ca. 1440), 93 Massa, A. Aquilano, Britius de Pannonia, Demetrius de Galata, 42, 43, 118, 119, 120n, 121, 125, 127, 128, 131, 134,

Albania, Francesco di Puglia, Gabriele da Verona, Gio- 135, 136n, 143, 145; Tower of (Santa Croce), 120n, vanni da Capistrano, Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, Jacopo 135; see also Pera de Primaditiis, Jacopo della Marca, John of Segovia, Galicia, 362 Lodovico da Bologna, Mariano da Siena, Niccolo de _ Galilee, titular prince of, see Henry de Lusignan (d. 1426) Fara, Roberto da Lecce, and Valentino da Treviso; see —_ Gallinaro, Cirillo, Italian tapestry-maker (fl. 1455), 192n

also Sixtus IV and Sixtus V Gallipoli (in Italy), 374, 483; bishop of, see A. Celidonio

Franco, Oliverio, Italian freebooter (ff. 1418), 13, 14n, 18 1494-1508

Francois de Bourbon, count of S. Pol (in 1495), 486, 187 Gallipoli (in Thrace), 22, 23n, 25, 26n, 85, 87, 95, 96n, 136, Francois de Luxembourg, French envoy to Rome (1495), 490 145, 293n, 317, 411, 425, 464; battle of (1416), 7, 8, 318;

Franconia, 262 governors of, 64; and see Khalil Beg, Zagan Pasha; strait

Frangipani, comital family at Veglia (to 1480) and Segna, of, see Dardanelles

240n, 274n, 296, 297, 444n, and see Angelo, Bernardino, Gandia, duke of, see Juan Borgia (d. 1497)

Giuliano Mirto, and Stefano de’ Frangipani Garatone, Cristoforo, bishop of Coron 1437-1448, titular Frankfurt am Main, 57n, 201n, 203n, 213n; Diet of (1454), patriarch of Jerusalem (d. 1448), 65

152-154, 157-159; Reichstag of (1489), 405 Gardiki, 16n, 38, 226

Frasak, Athanasius, Orthodox metropolitan of Semendria _ Garigliano river, 539

(Smederevo) in 1444: 78 Gascons, 452, 539

Frascati, 458, 459, 502 Gaspare da Verona, biographer of Paul II (ca. 1475), 272n

Fraticelli (Frateschi), religious reformers, 295n, 485n Gattilusi, Genoese family at Lesbos 1355-1462: 188, 238, 239 Frederick III, Hapsburg duke of Styria 1435-1486 (1493), Gattilusio, Domenico, grandson of Jacopo; lord of Lesbos king (IV) of Germany 1440-1452, emperor (III) 1452- 1445-1458: 141n, 188, 189n, 238 1493, archduke (V) of Austria 1457-1486 (1493), 58, Gattilusio, Dorino II, nephew of Jacopo; lord of Aenos 1455-

74, 89n, 91n, 107, 109, 149-153, 154n, 155n, 157, 158, 1456 (d. after 1488), 188

163, 165n, 172, 175, 184, 185n, 188n, 190, 201n, 204, Gattilusio, Jacopo, lord of Lesbos 1403/4—1428: 25 205, 213, 214n, 215-218, 233, 234, 236, 250, 295, 296, Gattilusio, Niccol6, brother of Domenico; lord of Lemnos

299n, 300, 304, 310, 311, 326, 327, 330n, 353, 354n, 1449-1456, of Lesbos 1458-1462: 188, 238 357n, 373, 377, 378, 395, 399, 403, 404, 408, 409,412, Gaul, 334 414, 416, 446, 535n Gaza, 331n

INDEX 557 Gaza, Greek monk (ff. 1409), 3 (Hohenstaufen) 1152-1155 (1190), Frederick II

Genazzano, 502 (Hohenstaufen) 1212-1220 (1250), Sigismund (of

Geneva, 39 Luxemburg) 1410 (1414)-1433 (1437), Albert II

Genévre, Mount, pass, 461 (V of Hapsburg) 1438-1439, Frederick IV (of HapsGennadius II, patriarch, see G. Scholarius burg) 1440-1452 (III, 1493), Maximilian I (of Haps-

438n, 440n Germiyan, 108

Gennaro, Antonio, Neapolitan envoy to Milan (in 1493), burg) 1486~1493 (1519) Genoa, city, 47, 48n, 111, 138n, 139n, 144, 155, 163,.167n, Ghent, 404

168, 181n, 214n, 232, 288, 356, 364, 367, 368,371,372n, Gherardo, Maffeo, patriarch of Venice 1468— 1492, cardinal

395, 396n, 450, 452, 459n, 484, 492, 493, 513, 538n; 1489-1492: 432, 435 archbishop of, see Paolo di Campofregoso 1453-1495, Ghibellines, 374, 508

1496-1498 Ghinucci, Francesco, Sienese accountant (fl. 1456), 170n

Genoa, republic of, 2n, 10n, 12n, 42, 47, 48, 50, 134, 135, | Giacomo d’ Arezzo, Mantuan envoy to Pius II (1463-1464),

138n, 139n, 143-146, 163, 166n, 167n, 168, 186, 194n, _ 264, 269

261, 288, 314, 321-324, 366n, 368, 396n, 401, 496,508; Giacomo de Curti, Augustinian (ff. after 1480), 357n, 359n doges of, see Pietro di Campofregoso 1450-1458, Paolo Giacomo di San Genesio, papal physician (d. ca. 1490), 430

di Campofregoso in 1462, 1463-1464, 1483-1487, Giannone of Cremona, Italian condottiere (in 1459), 211,

Battista di Campofregoso 1478—- 1483 224n

Genoese, 7, 28n, 46-48, 64, 82, 85n, 87, 89, 92, 101n, 104, Giarola, 493, 494 111, 112, 116-129, 130n, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136n, Gilde Albornoz, archbishop of Toledo 1338-1350, cardinal

137n, 138, 143-146, 148, 153, 163, 166, 188, 195, 237, 1350-1367; 325

239, 262n, 287, 322, 333, 335, 355, 360n, 372n, 376n, Gilbert de Bourbon, count of Montpensier (d. 1496), 483n, 391, 395, 401, 402, 421n, 425, 454, 459, 467, 480, 485, 490; wife of, see Chiara Gonzaga

489, 490, 495 Giorgi, Giorgio, see Zorzi

Gentile, Giovanni Battista, Genoese conspirator (ff. 1492), Giorgi (Zorzi), Niccolo, Venetian provveditore and envoy, at

425n Thessalonica (1423-1424), 20-22, 23n

Gentile de’ Marcolfi, papal governor of Monemvasia (in Giorgio, Giovanni, Venetian noble (fl. 1427), 27n

1461), 224, 225 Giorgio (Zorzi), Marino, Venetian envoy to Rome (1500),

Geoffroy de Thoisy, Burgundian naval commander (in 531n

1444), 78 Giovanna da Montefeltro, daughter of Federigo; wife of

George (de Saluzzo), bishop of Lausanne 1440-1461: 186n Giovanni della Rovere 1474-1501 (d. 1514), 500n George of (Kunstat and) Podébrady, regent of Bohemia Giovanni Alberto della Pigna, Italian correspondent of 1451-1458, king 1458-1471: 164n, 165n, 205, 218, Ercole d’ Este, on the murder of Juan Borgia (in 1497),

294-296; son of, see Victorin 502n

George of Saxony, bombardier at Rhodes (d. 1480), 354,355 |Giovannid’ Aragona, son of Ferrante I and Isabella; cardinal

George of Siebenburgen, Dominican, writer (d. 1502), 1477-1485: 395

57, 58n Giovanni da Capistrano, Franciscan preacher (d. 1456,

George of Trebizond, papal secretary (d. 1486), 257, 258n, canonized), 153, 154, 164, 173-175, 177, 178, 179n,

274 180, 181n, 182, 183, 184n, 187, 208n

George “the Chartophylax,” Otrantine poet (ca. 1240), 374 Giovanni da Castro, papal alum finder (in 1461), 239, 240 Georges d’ Amboise, archbishop of Narbonne 1491-—1494,of Giovanni da Tagliacozzo, Franciscan writer (fl. 1460),

Rouen 1494-1510, cardinal 1498-1510: 511, 519, 529, 173n, 175n, 176-181, 182n

535, 538n Giovanni de’ Bicchi, Sienese commander (in 1464), 267n Georgians, 222n Giovanni de’ Conti, archbishop of Conza 1455-1484,

Gerace, marquis of, see Luigi d’ Aragona cardinal 1483-1493: 432n, 435, 444 Gerard, French cleric (ff. 1458), 203n Giovanni de Curte, Dominican, papal nuncio in March of Gereb, Matthias, ban of Croatia (in 1483), 378n, 399 Ancona (1455), 167, 168

German (“Holy Roman”) empire, 149, 153, 154, 157, 158, Giovanni de’ Gagliofi, bishop of L’ Aquila 1486-1493: 396 160, 205, 215, 392, 406, 468, 487n, 522n; electors of, | Giovanni de la Guardia, Milanese envoy to Genoa (in 1455),

see archbishops of Cologne, of Mainz, and of Trier, 163

kings of Bohemia, margraves of Brandenburg, pals- Giovanni de’ Medici, cardinal, see Leo X graves of the Rhine, and dukes of Saxony; emperors of, Giovanni de Mercato Novo, Venetian merchant (ff. 1451),

see Frederick I 1155-1190, Frederick II 1220-1250, 145n

Sigismund 1433~1437, Frederick III (1440) 1452- Giovanni de’ Pigli, Peretolan (fl. 1439), 63, 64 1493, Maximilian I 1493-1519; see also Germany, Giovannide’ Reguardati, Venetian envoy to Hungary (1444),

kings of 77n, 82, 83n, 86, 88n

Germans, 40, 57, 59, 99-101, 114, 121, 150, 151, 153, 158, Giovanni de’ Sacchi, archbishop of Ragusa 1490-1505:

160, 173, 174, 176, 178, 182n, 201n, 203, 205n, 213, 429, 459 215-218, 222, 225n, 233, 234n, 235, 264, 326, 330n, Giovanni della Rovere, brother of Giuliano; count of 334, 335n, 347n, 370, 378, 389n, 403-405, 413-416, Sinigaglia and duke of Sora (d. 1501), 338, 392, 395, 451, 470, 473, 476n, 485, 508, 524, 532, 535n, 541 454, 455, 457, 458n, 468n, 475n, 481, 500, 509n; wife Germany, 1, 40, 65, 99, 150n, 152, 154, 158, 159, 165, 166n, of, see Giovanna da Montefeltro 167, 173n, 174, 186, 191n, 195, 205, 206n, 213, 214n, Giovanni della Tela, Venetian at Nauplia (in 1463), 249 215, 216, 218, 246n, 296n, 315, 319, 321n, 330n, 367, Giovanni di Montenero, Dominican provincial (in 1439), 60 370, 371n, 378, 389n, 403-405, 408, 412, 460, 474, Giovanni Giorgio Paleologo, son of Bonifacio IV and Maria;

479, 496, 527, 531, 532, 534; Hospitallers from, 346n, marquis of Montferrat 1530-1533: 513n

349; kings of (“kings of the Romans”), see Frederick I Giovanni Maria degli Angiolelli, see G. Angiolello

558 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Giovanni Maria del Monte, cardinal, see Julius HI Gonzaga, Lodovico II, son of Gian Francesco I; marquis of Giovanni IV Paleologo, marquis of Montferrat 1445-1464: Mantua 1444—1478: 88n, 151n, 153, 154n, 163, 168,

153 169, 172n, 173n, 186, 189n, 200n, 201n, 203, 228n,

Giovanvittorio da Camerino, papal agent (in 1498), 506n 239n, 240n, 262n, 263n, 264, 269n, 271n, 272, 280, 288, Giovio, Paolo, Roman historian (b. 1483, d. 1552), 482n, 289, 304, 305, 312, 316, 318, 320, 321, 325, 326n; wife

494n of, see Barbara of Hohenzollern

Girolamo Basso della Rovere, cardinal 1477-1507: 431, Gorizia, 330, 441n

435, 528 Goslawicki, Andreas Lascary, bishop of Poznan 1414-1426:

Girolamo de Novello, Italian condottiere (fl. 1467), 286 42n

Gisdanic, Stojka, envoy of Ladislas of Poland and Bohemia _ Gothia, 161

to Murad II (1444), 78, 80, 82 Goths, 5, 267, 496

Giuliano de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo and Chiara; duke of | Gozzoli, Benozzo, Italian painter (b. 1424, d. 1498), 201n,

Nemours (d. 1516), 466, 467 208

Giuliano de’ Medici, son of Piero; Florentine co-ruler Gradenigo, Leonardo, Venetian noble, captured by the

1469-1478: 314n, 316n, 336, 337 Turks at Thessalonica (1430), 30n

Giuliano della Rovere, cardinal, see Julius II Gran (Esztergom), archbishops of, see Dionysius Széchy Giuliano Mirto de’ Frangipani (Frangipane, Frankopan), 1440-1465, John Vitéz 1465-1472, Ippolito d’ Este

' bishop of Tropea 1480-d. by 1499: 450 1487-1497, T. Bakécs 1497-1521

Giulio de’ Medici, cardinal, see Clement VII Granada, kingdom of, 206n, 315n, 321; fall of (1492), Giustinian, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Rome (from 1502), 422-424; king of, see Abu-‘Abd-Allah Muhammad XII

539, 540n 1485-1492; treaty of (1500), 422, 536

Giustinian, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Hungary (1464), Granea (Grain, Kranj), sanjak of, 451n; titular archbishop of,

268n; to Rome (1470), 298, 299 see A. Zamometi¢c 1476-d. by 1482

410n, 414n 390n, 392, 448

Giustinian, Onfreo, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (1489-1490), Grassi, Paride, papal master of ceremonies (d. 1528), 389n,

Giustinian, Orsato, Venetian envoy (in 1445) and com- Gratian of Villanova, Carmelite procurator-general (in

mander (d. 1464), 92, 212n, 251 1486), 403, 404n, 414n

526n Graz, 149, 150

Giustinian, Sebastiano, Venetian envoy to Hungary (1500), | Graville, Louis Malet de, admiral of France (d. 1516), 387n

Giustiniani, Genoese pseudo-family at Chios, 93, 112n, 323. Great Schism (1378-1417), 2, 39-41, 62 Giustiniani-Banca, Andreolo, Genoese at Chios (d. 1456), Greece, 12n, 17, 35, 38, 41n, 43, 44, 50, 56, 62, 68, 70, 71, 73,

70n, 78, 79, 93-95 ~ 74n, 75n, 77, 81, 82, 83n, 84n, 92, 93, 96, 104, 105, 139n,

Giustiniani-Longo, Giovanni, Genoese commander at Con- 150, 153n, 171, 181n, 183, 207, 208, 210, 211, 229, 232,

stantinople (d. 1453), 111, 112, 116, 117n, 119, 120n, 235, 246, 254, 262n, 263n, 267n, 273, 299, 324, 327,

121-129, 132, 134, 149n 330-333, 334n, 337, 341, 342, 366, 397, 400, 416n, 446,

Glarentza, 13, 14n, 18, 32-35, 37, 97, 148, 256 456, 460n, 464, 514, 525n, 527, 531

Glogau, 294 Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) Church, 41, 43, 45n, 46, 53, 59, Gloucester, duke of, see Humphrey (d. 1447) 61, 75, 84n, 98, 105, 111, 133, 171, 208n, 232, 417, and Gniezno (Gnesen), archbishop of, see Frederick Casimir see Orthodox Christians

1493-1503 Greeks (Byzantines), 9, 11, 12, 16, 17, 20, 24, 28, 29, 31, 33,

Gobellinus, Johannes, vicar at Bonn, copyist of Pius II’s 36, 38, 41, 42, 44-46, 48n, 49n, 50, 51, 66, 69, 81, 82,

Commentarit (in 1464), 201n, 202n, 203n 84n, 87, 93, 95, 97, 99, 104, 105, 108, 109, 114, 116-119, Godfrey of Bouillon, advocate of the Holy Sepulcher 121-128, 130n, 132n, 133, 136, 139n, 142, 144, 147,

1099-1100: 1, 212, 413 148, 150, 161, 162, 171, 187n, 195-197, 199, 201, 210,

Golden Horn, 110, 112-115, 117-119, 121, 123, 124, 127, 912, 218, 219, 221, 227, 248, 249, 2529n, 254, 255, 268n,

138 984, 292, 301, 323, 324, 331-333, 335, 354, 357, 481,

Golubac, 78, 84 ; 494, 499n, 529; see also Orthodox Christians

Gonela, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Milan and Genoa Gregoras, Nicephorus, Byzantine historian (d: 1360), 32n

(1467), 288, 336 . Gregory III (the Protosyncellus; “Mammé”), Catholic and

Gonsalvo Fernando d e Cordova (Gonzalo Fernandez de Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1443-1450, Cérdoba), Spanish commander in southern Italy 1451 (d. 1459), 4n, 61, 65 (d. 1515), 495, 500, 510, 511n, 522, 523, 531, 538, 939 Gregory IX (Ugolino de’ Conti da Segni), cardinal 1199Gonzaga, Chiara, daughter of Federico I; wife of Gilbert de 1997. pope 1997-1941: 325. 481n Gonzaga, Elisabetta, daughter of Federico I; wife of Guido- regory X (Tedaldo Visconti), pope 1271-1276: 388

Bourbon 1481-1496 (d. 1503), 483n C > POP ine . 54) oma . Gregory XI (Pierre Roger de(d. Beaufort), baldo da5 Montefeltro 1489-1508 1526),cardinal 495n 1348-1370 Bory 8 , , Gonzaga, Federico I, son of Lodovico II and Barbara of pope 1370-1378: 325 om ° Gregory XIIof(Angelo Correr),318, titular Hohenzollern; marquis Mantua 1478-1484: Sorypatriarch — & ae P

of Con-

338n, 343n, 344n, 356, 366n, 368n, 371, 373n stantinople 1390-1405, cardinal 1405-1406, pope

Gonzaga, Francesco, son of Lodovico II and Barbara; 1406-1415: 39, 52 . .

399 pope 1572-1585: 202n, 203n

cardinal 1461-1483: 240n, 262n, 263n, 280, 312, 320, Gregory XIII (Ugo Buoncompagni), cardinal 1565-1572,

Gonzaga, Gian Francesco I, lord of Mantua 1407-1433, Grifo, Leonardo, bishop of Gubbio 1472-1482, archbishop

marquis 1433-1444: 88n . of Benevento 1482-1485: 372n

Gonzaga, (Gian) Francesco Ii, son of Federico I; marquis Grimaldi, Boruele, Genoese podesta of Pera (1444), 82 of Mantua 1484-1519: 391n, 399n, 401, 405n, 410n, Grimaldi, Raffaello, Genoese galley commander (1486),

426, 433n, 435, 439n, 450n, 455, 482n, 483n, 492-495, 396n 501n, 513n, 524n; wife of, see Isabella d’ Este Grimani, Antonio, Venetian captain-general of the sea

INDEX 559

520n 145

(1499), doge of Venice 1521-1523: 444, 517-519, Hamza Beg, Ottoman admiral (1453, 1455), 124, 127, 144, Grimani, Domenico, son of Antonio; patriarch of Aquileia Hangacs, Albert, bishop of Veszprém 1458-d. by 1489: 242n,

1497—1517, cardinal 1493-1523: 444, 519, 529 297

Grioni, Zaccaria, Venetian galley commander at Con- MHapsburgs, dynasty in Austria 1282-1780: 75, 80n, 165n,

stantinople (1453), 132 297, 369, 377, 378, 404, 460, 489, 532n, and see Albert V Venice 1523-1538: 523n 1453), Frederick V (III) 1457-1486 (1493), Maximilian

Gritti, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1503), doge of (11) 1404-1439, Ladislas (V) 1440-1457 (archduke Gritti, Battista, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (1479), 339, 341n I 1486-1493, Philip I 1493-1506; in Germany, see

Gritti, Triadano, Venetian envoy to Rome (1455), 163n Albert II 1438-1439, Frederick III 1440—1493,

Griza, Nicholas, Albanian leader (in 1464), 252n Maximilian I (1486) 1493-1519; see also Anna, Grosswardein (Nagyvarad, Oradea), 106n; bishops of, see Margaret, and Sigismund (Tyrol 1439-1496)

J. Vitéz 1445-1465, John de Pruisz 1477-1492 Hasslach, 389n, 542n

Grottaferrata, 429, 450, 502 Hattin, battle of (1187), 90

Guaccialotti, Andrea, Italian artist (ff. 1481), 379, 380n Helena (Dragas), daughter of Constantine Dejanovic; wife Guarino da Verona, Italian humanist (b. 1374, d. 1460), 257 of Manuel II Palaeologus ca. 1393-1425 (d. 1450), 56 Guasco, Cesare, Milanese envoy to Rome (1499), 514n, 534n Hellespont, see Dardanelles

Gubbio, bishop of, see L. Grifo 1472-1482 Henry IV, son of John II; king of Castile and Leon

Guelfs (Parte Guelfa), 154, 325, 508 1454-1474: 158, 206n, 212n, 321

Guglielma de’ Pallavicini, marchioness of Boudonitza Henry IV (“Bolingbroke”), Plantagenet king of England 1311-—1357, wife of Niccolo I Zorzi ca. 1335-1345 1399-1413: 40n

(d. 1357), 6n Henry V, son of Henry IV; Plantagenet king of England Guglielmo and Giovanni de’ Pazzi, Florentine bankers 1413-1422: 6 (fl. 1474), 314n Henry VI, son of Henry V; Plantagenet king of England Guglielmo VI Paleologo, brother of Giovanni IV; marquis of 1422-1461, 1470—1471: 47, 150, 153, 158, 206, 212n;

Montferrat 1464-1483: 305, 356, 368n wife of, see Margaret of Anjou

Guglielmo VII Paleologo, son of Bonifacio TV and Maria; Henry VII, son-in-law of Edward IV; Tudor king of England

marquis of Montferrat (1493) 1512-1518: 513n 1485-1509: 414n, 422, 479, 522n, 524, 526, 532, 536 Guicciardini, Francesco, Florentine historian (b. 1483, d. Henry de Lusignan, brother of Janus; titular prince of

1540), 482n, 503n Galilee (d. 1426), 45 Rome (1495), 491n Heraclea, 108n

Guidantonio, Florentine envoy to Paris (1479), 338n Henry of Soemmern, cleric resident in Rome (1453), 114n, Guidiccion1, Francesco, source for events in Naples and 115n, 118n

Guido de Monte, Hospitaller (ff. 1482), 385n Hermann (of Hesse), archbishop (and elector) of Cologne Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, son of Federigo; duke of Urbino 1480-1508: 404, 522n 1482—1508: 500n, 502; wife of, see Elisabetta Gonzaga Hermannstadt (Nagyszeben, Sibiu), 118n, 136n Guidobono, Antonio, Milanese envoy to Venice (1455, 1461), Herzegovina, 93, 250, 290

163, 174n, 232n Hexamilion (‘‘six-mile” wall), 3n, 4, 5, 9, 11-14, 38, 41, 70,

Guidotti di Colle, Antonio, Florentine envoy to Rome 95-97, 146, 196, 248, 249, 254, 256, 265n, 293n

(1493-1494), 443n, 444, 460 Hohenstaufen, imperial dynasty in Germany and Italy 1138-—

Guiers river, 385 1268: 1, 99, and see Frederick I (1152) 1155-1190,

Guillaume d’ Estouteville, cardinal 1439-1483, archbishop Frederick II (1197) 1212 (1220)—1250

of Rouen 1453-1483: 56n, 139, 168, 207, 272,275,299, | Hohenzollern, ducal dynasty in Brandenburg, 205, 216, and

355, 356n, 459n; son of, see G. Tuttavilla see Friedrich II 1440-1470, Albrecht Achilles 1470-

19in, 194n Hohenzollern

Guillem Pong de Fenollet, Catalan cleric (in 1456), 168, 188n, 1486, Johann Cicero 1486-1499; see also Barbara of Guiscard d’ Aubusson, brother of Pierre; bishop of Car- Holy Lance, 421n, 425, 427-430, 431n

cassonne 1476-1497: 393n, 394n Holy Land, see Palestine

Gurk, bishops of, see Ulrich (Hinnenberger) 1453-1469, Holy League (1495), see Venice, League of

R. Peraudi 1491-1501, M. Lang 1501-1523 Holy Roman Empire, see German empire

Gutenberg, Johann, German printer at Mainz (b. ca. 1397, Holy (or Apostolic) See, 1, 2, 15, 41, 46, 47, 55, 59, 65n, 86,

d. 1468), 158, 159 88n, 92, 98n, 147, 160, 165, 167n, 168, 169, 170n, 172n,

Gutterii, Bernardino, papal ceremoniere (in 1497), 501 184n, 185, 190n, 191n, 192n, 194n, 221, 224n, 225, 232, Guy de Blanchefort, nephew of Pierre d’ Aubusson; 235n, 240, 243, 244, 251, 257, 258n, 269, 281, 286, 289, Hospitaller prior of Auvergne (to 1512), grand master 291, 293-295, 306, 307, 309, 312, 314, 318, 321, 325, 1512-1513: 383n, 384, 385, 407, 408, 418, 420, 326n, 331n, 336, 338, 340, 351n, 355n, 368, 369, 376n,

461 . 377, 378n, 387n, 391, 393, 397n, 398, 399n, 402, 405, 406,

Guzzoni, Boccolino, Italian condottiere (in 1486), 396, 397n, 414, 416, 417n, 418, 420, 423n, 425, 426, 429, 430, 434,

403n, 508 436, 437, 439, 440, 442, 448, 450n, 451, 453, 460, 461, 469,

Gypsies, 136n, 174n 470, 473, 476, 488n, 500, 513n, 517, 525, 526, 530, 537

Holy Sepulcher, church (in Jerusalem), I, 103, 232; advocate

Haemus mountains, 76 of, see Godfrey of Bouillon

Hagia Sophia, cathedral (in Constantinople), 42, 111, 125, Hospitallers (Knights Hospitaller of S. John of Jerusalem,

131, 150, 400 Knights of Rhodes), military order, 2n, 3, 14, 42, 85n, 87,

Hajji Khalifa (Katib Chelebi), Turkish historian (d. 1657), 92, 99n, 102n, 144, 145, 188, 189, 203, 238n, 239, 245,

360n 251, 253, 262n, 263n, 276, 277, 281, 293, 307, 309, 310, 314,

Halicarnassus (Bodrum), 347, 348n, 384, 511n; Mausoleum 318n, 343, 346-365, 378, 382-387, 392, 393, 400, 402n,

of, 353n 406, 407n, 408-411, 418-420, 421n, 426, 435, 436,

560 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 448n, 449, 451, 458, 516-518, 538; grand masters of, Infessura, Stefano, Roman diarist (fi. 1480), 201n, 317n, 380,

see A. Fluvian 1421-1437, Jean de Lastic 1437-1454, 389n, 395n, 397n, 411, 412, 418, 419, 424n, 427, 431n,

P. R. Zacosta 1461-1467, G. B. Orsini 1467-1476, 435, 442, 444

Pierre d’ Aubusson 1476-1503, Guy de Blanchefort Inkerman, king of, 158 1512-1513, Fabrizio del Carretto 1513-1521; other Innocent IV (Sinibaldo Fieschi), cardinal 1227-1243, pope knights, see Arnaldo, G. Borgia, Eduardo de Camedino, 1243-1254: 388 A. Frescobaldi, Guido de Monte, L. Prato, J. Quendal, Innocent VI (Etienne Aubert), bishop of Clermont 1340Sergio, and William; vice-chancellor of, see G. Caoursin 1342, cardinal 1342-1352, pope 1352-1362: 391 *

Hradisté (Radisch, Tabor), 295 Innocent VIII (Giovanni Battista Cibo), bishop of Molfetta

Hugh le Maisné, French crusader (in 1099), 413 1472-1484, cardinal 1473-1484, pope 1484-1492:

Humphrey, son of Henry IV of England; Plantagenet duke 159, 357n, 380, 387, 389n, 390n, 391-432, 433n, 434-

of Gloucester (d. 1447), 47 437, 438n, 448, 449, 450n, 453, 475n, 488n; father of,

Hundred Years’ War (1337-1453), 2, 155 402

Hungarians, 56n, 68, 69n, 73, 75n, 76, 79, 80n, 81, 84-87, Innocent XI (Benedetto Odescalchi), pope 1676-1689: 90, 94, 96, 99, 100, 106n, 114, 121, 123, 150, 153, 157, 336n 159, 165, 169n, 172, 174-181, 183n, 186n, 187n, 216, Ionian Sea, 166, 373, 514 218, 222, 233-236, 238n, 240n, 241, 243, 254, 261,264, Ippolito d’ Este, son of Ercole I and Eleonora; archbishop of

272, 275, 276, 280, 287, 288n, 291, 292, 293n, 295, 297, Gran 1487-1497, cardinal 1493-1520, bishop of Erlau 306, 312n, 326, 327n, 330, 335n, 377, 378, 399, 404, 409, 1497—1520: 387n, 444, 495n, 528n, 529 413, 414, 439n, 451, 453, 456, 499, 508, 519, 526, 528, _—Ireland, 167, 246n

530, 532, 533, 536; see also Magyars Iron Gate, 90n

Hungary, I, 5n, 6, 7n, 17n, 25n, 26n, 28, 57, 65n, 67,68, 73, Isa, son of Bayazid I; contender for Ottoman sultanate 75, 77-79, 80n, 83, 86, 87, 92, 94, 99, 100, 102, 106, 151, (in 1402), 2n 152n, 159, 165, 166, 169n, 171, 173-177, 184-187,191, Isa Beg, Ottoman governor (in 1462), 241, 249 193n, 194n, 197, 205, 206, 208n, 213, 214n, 217, 218, Isabella d’ Este, daughter of Ercole I and Eleonora; wife of 991, 222n, 233, 234, 236, 241, 242n, 250, 267, 268n, 273, (Gian) Francesco II Gonzaga 1490-1519 (d. 1539), 274, 276, 279n, 290, 296, 315, 321n, 330, 333, 334, 335n, 483n, 492 377, 383, 386, 387, 394, 397-400, 406, 408, 409, 415, Isabella di Chiaramonte (Clermont), wife of Ferrante I 416, 422, 426, 429, 438, 445, 456, 519, 521, 524, 526, 1445~—1465: 478n 527, 530, 531, 532n; kings of, see Louis I (Angevin) Isabella of Castile, daughter of John I; wife of Ferdinand II

1342-1382, Charles III of Durazzo (Angevin claimant of Aragon 1469-1504, queen of Castile and Leén 1385-1386), Sigismund (of Luxemburg) 1385 (1387)- 1474-1504: 189n, 362, 395, 402, 417, 422, 423n, 424,

1437, Albert I (V of Hapsburg) 1438-1439, Ladislas IV 438n, 440n, 463n, 479, 482, 487, 488n, 507, 509, 522n, (III, the Jagiellonian) 1440-1444, Ladislas V (Postumus, 528, 531n, 537, of Hapsburg) 1444-1457, Matthias Corvinus 1458 Isabella of Naples, daughter of Alfonso II; wife of G. G.

(crowned 1464)—1490, Ladislas VI (11 of Bohemia) Sforza 1489-1494 (d. 1524), 437 1490-1516; regent of, see John Hunyadi 1446-1452 Isaias, Orthodox bishop of Stauropolis (in 1439), 61

Huns, 5 Ischia, 482, 484, 538

Hunyadi, John (Janos), voivode of Transylvania 1440- Ishak Beg, son of Yigit Beg; Ottoman grand vizir (ca. 1420),

1456, regent of Hungary 1446-1452: 66, 69, 70, 73n, 38n

74-76, 77n, 78, 79, 81, 84, 87-91, 97n, 99, 100, 106, Ishak Pasha, Ottoman general (in 1453), 115, 124 123, 142n, 165n, 171, 172, 174-183, 187, 192, 204, 234, Isidore (“of Kiev,” or “the Ruthenian”), Orthodox metro-

377; sons of, see Laszl6, Matthias Corvinus politan of Kiev (1436) 1437-1442, cardinal 1439-1463, Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego, archbishop of Seville 1485- titular Latin patriarch of Constantinople (1452) 1459-

1502, cardinal 1500-1502: 529 1463: 3, 4n, 5n, 56n, 60-62, 65, 66, 111, 114n, 120n,

Hurifis, Shiite sect, 88 122, 131n, 137n, 147, 185n

Hus, John, Czech reformer (b. 1373, d. 1415), 39n,45n, 294 —_Isidorus, Nicholas, Greek “judge” (in 1453), 136 Hussites (Utraquists), 40, 45, 78, 91n, 164n, 165n, 205, 234n, Islam, 47, 49n, 88, 94n, 104, 109, 158, 182, 187, 208, 219:

293-295; see also “Waldensians” (Taborites) 233, 240n, 258n, 272, 291, 293n, 304, 333, 364, 397n,

Hydra, 330, 523 411, 422, 423n, 527, and see Moslems

Isma‘ll I, grandson of Uzun Hasan; Safavid shah of Persia 1502~—1524: 95n

(1429), 34 (d. 1470), 256n

Jagrus, Marcus Palaeologus, Byzantine envoy to Murad II __Isotta degli Atti, wife of Sigismondo Malatesta 1456-1468 Janina, 6; despots of, see Carlo I Tocco 1418-1429, Carlo HI Issus, Gulf of, 410

Tocco 1429-1430 (titular to 1448) Istanbul, see Constantinople

Ibrahim Beg, brother-in-law of Murad II; prince of Istria, 240n, 270, 301, 311, 327, 519 Caramania 1423-1464: 29, 76, 77, 79, 84, 86, 89, 108, —_Isvalies, Pietro, archbishop of Reggio di Calabria 1497 — 1506,

109, 140n, 222, 237n, 254n, 382 cardinal 1500-1511: 529, 531, 532n

Ibrahim Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (in 1425), 23, 24, 25n,34 Italy, 1, 17n, 26n, 33, 34, 37, 39, 40, 45, 46, 52-56, 58, 65, 66,

Ignatius, patriarch of Constantinople 847-858, 867-877: 68, 74, '75n, 76n, 93, 98, 101, 103n, 104, 107, 109, 118n,

105n 120n, 123, 132n, 137n, 140, 141, 147, 149, 150, 152~

Illyria, llyricum, see Dalmatia 155, 157, 170, 171, 175n, 178, 184, 189, 190n, 193, 202n,

Ilok, 183 206-209, 212, 218, 224, 231, 235, 236, 238n, 239, 240, Imbros, 87, 188, 189n, 190n, 220, 227, 283, 287, 300 244, 246, 247, 252, 253n, 256, 257, 261, 263n, 264, 265, Imola, 325, 338, 454, 512n; lord of, see G. Riario 1473-1488 266n, 274n, 276, 278-280, 283, 287-289, 291, 296, 298,

India, 331, 335, 417 299, 305-310, 314-316, 318-321, 324-327, 329n, 331,

INDEX 561 - 333-335, 337, 340-345, 350, 355, 356, 361, 364-371, Jean de Lastic, grand master of the Hospitallers 1437-1454:

373-375, 379, 380, 382n, 386n, 393n, 396-398, 400- 69n, 99n, 188n, 383 404, 405n, 411, 413, 422, 426n, 429n, 430, 432, 435- Jeanne of France, daughter of Louis XI; wife of Louis XII

438, 439n, 440, 442, 445-449, 451-456, 460-462, 464, 1476-1498 (marriage annulled; d. 1505), 511 467, 468, 470, 473, 475, 478, 479, 482-492, 495-499, Jehan de Waurin (Wavrin), author of the Croniques d’ Engle502, 504, 505, 507-514, 517, 526-528, 531n, 534, 536, terre (writtenca. 1446-1474), 77n, 78n, 80n, 81n, 87, 91n

537; Hospitallers from, 346n, 349, 354-356, 358 Jem (modern Turkish: Cem) Sultan, son of Mehmed II; Ithaca, 514 Ottoman pretender (d. 1495), 347, 371, 378, 379, 381-

Ithome, 149, 219, 226; Mount, 146 387, 393, 398-400, 402, 404n, 405n, 406-416, 418-420,

Ivan III (“the Great”), grandson of Basil I; grand prince of 491n, 422-426, 428-431, 435n, 436, 437, 439-442, Moscow 1462-1505, czar of Russia 1492-1505: 318- 444, 445, 448, 449, 453-458, 464, 468n, 471-477,

320; wife of, see Zoe Palaeologina 480-482, 484-486, 489, 491, 496, 499n, 511, 520, 521; mother of, 381, 398n, 410

Jacob von Sirk, archbishop (and elector) of Trier 1439- Jerome (Faulfisch) of Prague, Hussite martyr (d. 1416), 39n

1456: 153, 157, 158 Jerusalem, 1, 2, 90, 103, 134, 142, 164, 183, 331n, 381, 382,

Jacobi, Giovanni, supervisor of galley construction in Rome 413, 417, 425, 447n, 463; crown of, 222n; kingdom of,

(1455), 170 413, 537; Melkite patriarch of, see Theophanes II (in

Jacobus da Cadaporto, Dalmatian cleric (fl. 1455), 194n 1430); titular Latin patriarch of, see C. Garatone (d. Jacobus Radulphi, clerk of Sacred College (ff. 1439), 56n 1448) Jacopo d’ Appiano, despot of Piombino 1474-1510: 401 Jews, 9, 33, 132n, 142n, 144, 145n, 172, 174n, 177, 182n, 184,

Jacopo da Gaeta, see Yakub Pasha 208n, 262n, 264n, 265, 266n, 274n, 296, 316n, 323, 329, Jacopo da Recanati, see J. Venier 331, 335,417, 527, and see D. Mavrogonato, Yakub Pasha Jacopo (Gherardi) da Volterra, Roman diarist (fl. 1480), ( Jacopo da Gaeta); quarter (Giudecca) of, 93n, 301, 302,

201n, 318n, 341, 345, 368, 369 __ 353n, 354, 358, 360n

Jacopo dalla Castellana, on the siege of Negroponte (in 1470), Jihlava (Iglau), 293

302n, 303n Joachim I, son of Johann Cicero; margrave (and elector) of

Jacopo de Cortonio, papal official (in 1444), 88n Brandenburg 1499-1535: 522n

Jacopo de’ Languschi, Venetian in the papal service (fl. 1452), Joachim du Bellay, French poet (b. ca. 1522, d. 1560), 519

71, 122n, 142n, 258n Joanna II, daughter of Charles III of Durazzo; Angevin

Jacopo de’ Mucciarelli, papal official (in 1459), 213 queen of Naples 1414-1435: 39, 481, 483

Jacopo de Primaditiis, Franciscan, envoy (in 1442), 67n Joanna (IIT) of Aragon, daughter of John II; wife of Ferrante

Jacopo de Promontorio de Campis, Genoese merchant I 1476-1494 (d. 1517), 477, 478, 504

(d. 14872), 181n, 184n, 199n Joanna (IV, “Isabella” d’ Aragona, daughter of Ferrante I

Naples in 1458, 207 1518), 477, 504

Jacopo de’ Tebaldi, cardinal 1456-1465, archbishop of and Isabella; wife of her nephew Ferrante II (in 1496, d. Jacopo della Marca, Franciscan preacher (b. 1391, d. 1476, | Jodocus de Helpruna, source for Turkish attacks upon

canonized 1726), 173n, 181, 208-210 Transylvania in 1438: 57

Jacques, baron of Sassenage (in 1484), 385 Johann Cicero, son of Albrecht Achilles; Hohenzollern

Jajce, 250, 251n margrave (and elector) of Brandenburg 1486-1499: Jakmak, az-Zahir, Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 404

1438-1453: 92, 109 Johann of Baden, brother of Karl I; archbishop (and elector)

Jalca, George, envoy of Thessalonica to Venice (1425), 24n of Trier 1456-1503: 522n

James II, king of Scotland 1437-1460: 153 Johannes de Fieru, a defender of Rhodes in 1480: 360n James II de Lusignan, bastard son of John II; king of Johannesde Hanglis, envoy of Thomas Palaeologus to Pius II Cyprus 1464-1473: 258, 293, 306, 307n, 318; wife of, see (1460-1461), 224n

Caterina Corner Johannes de Justis, bishop of Coron 1457-d. by 1479: 204

Janbalat, Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1500-1501: John, bastard son of Matthias Corvinus (ff. 1490), 387n

522n John XI, Coptic patriarch (in 1450), 104n

Janus de Lusignan, king of Cyprus 1398-1432: 29, 45,46 John II, king of Castile and Leon 1406-1454: 43 Jaume de Perpinya, Catalan in the service of Calixtus III John II, son of Ferdinand I; king of Navarre 1425-1479, of

(fl. 1456), 166n, 186, 187n, 231n Aragon-Catalonia and Sicily. 1458-1479: 158, 189n, 305

Jean IV, count of Armagnac 1418-ca. 1450: 40 John I (“the Great’), king of Portugal 1385-1433: 43

Jean II, duke of Bourbon 1456-1488: 406n John VIII, pope 872-882: 105n

Jean III d’ Albret, king of Navarre 1484-1516: 512 John XXII (Jacques Duése), bishop of Avignon 1310-1312, Jean d’ Anjou, son of René I; Angevin claimant to Naples cardinal 1312-1316, pope 1316-1334: 388

(in 1462, d. 1471), 231 John XXIII (Baldassare Cossa), cardinal 1402-1410, pope

Jean d’ Auton, French chronicler (d. 1528), 534n, 535n, (conciliar) 1410-1415, cardinal in 1419: 39, 40n

537n, 538n John Albert, son of Casimir IV; king of Poland 1492-1501:

Jean de Bigny, noble at Rhodes (in 1480), 362 445, 451, 522n, 526, 532n

Jean de Bilhéres-Lagraulas, abbot of S. Denis (to 1493), John VI Cantacuzenus, Byzantine co-emperor 1346-1347,

bishop of Lombez 1473-1499, cardinal 1493-1499: emperor 1347-1354 (d. 1383), 76, 148n

430, 431n, 444, 490, 491, 503 John IV Comnenus (“Kalojoannes”), emperor of Trebizond

Jean de Chassaignes, French envoy to Rome (1481), 369 1447-1458: 158, 222, 237n

Jean de Ganay, president of the Parlement de Paris (in 1494), John de Bonisio, Venetian notary (/!. 1426), 26

471, 475, 476 John II de Lusignan, son of Janus; king of Cyprus 1432-

385n, 408, 409n Palaeologina

Jean de la Balue, bishop of Angers and cardinal 1467-1491: 1458: 109, 158n, 253n, 258; wife of, see Helena

562 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT John de Pruisz, bishop of Grosswardein 1477-1492: 378 Kenyérmezo (“Field of Bread”), battle of (1479), 330

John de Revo, preacher (ff. 1457), 168 Khalil Beg, Ottoman governor of Gallipoli (in 1426), 24

374 115, 123, 124, 133, 135, 293n

John Grassus, Otrantine poet (ff. 1235), 374; son (Nicola) of, Khalil Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (d. 1453), 94, 95, 109,

John of Cleves, nephew of Philip III of Burgundy; duke of Khorasan, 334n

Cleves 1449-1481: 206 Khushkadam, az-Zahir Saif-ad-Din, Mamluk soldan of

John (“the Fearless”) of Nevers, duke of Burgundy Egypt and Syria 1461-1467: 276, 277

1404-1419: 7 Kiev, 334n, and see Sophia (of Kiev); Orthodox metropolitan

John (Stoikovic) of Ragusa, Dominican, conciliar envoy (in of, see Isidore (1436) 1437-1442

1434), cardinal (conciliar) 1440-1443: 53n, 60n Kilia (Kiliya), 399 John of Segovia, Franciscan, cardinal (conciliar) 1440-1449 Kinizsi, Paul, ban of Temesvar (in 1479), 330, 399

(d. 1458?), 53n, 233 Kipchak steppe (Desht-i Kipchak), 331

John VIII Palaeologus, son of Manuel II and Helena; Kljué, 240n

Byzantine co-emperor 1421-1425, emperor 1425- Knights Hospitaller, or of Rhodes, see Hospitallers 1448: 10-12, 15n, 16, 17n, 18, 19, 25n, 26n, 31,32,33n, K6niggratz (Hradec Krdlové), 377 34, 35, 40-46, 52, 53, 54n, 55-67, 68n, 69-71, 75n,76n, Konya, 79, 254n, 381, 382 79n, 82, 87, 92, 97, 98, 105, 155, 208; wives of, see Anna Koran (al-Qur’an), 8, 95n

of Moscow, Sophia of Montferrat, Maria Comnena (of Kortiach, Mount, 22, 25, 26

Trebizond) Kossovo, battle of (1389), 99; battle of (1448), 65n, 97n, 99, Jordan river, 400 100, 171, 180, 182 Joseph II, Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople 1416- Kovin, 174, 175 1439: 3n, 41-43, 46, 52, 53, 59, 64, 208 KruSevac, 293n

1473: 206n Kurdistan, 315

Jouffroy, Jean, bishop of Arras 1453-1462, cardinal 1461- Kunoviza, Mount, 77n Juan de Carvajal, cardinal 1446-1469: 140, 149, 151, 152, Kyritzes, Demetrius Apocaucus, Greek secretary to Mehmed

165n, 166, 169n, 172—175, 178, 181n, 182n, 183, 184n, II (in 1454), 71n, 142n 185, 186n, 190n, 191, 192, 194n, 20In, 204n, 213n, 217, 269, 272, 275, 289, 295, 299n ©

Juan de Castro, cardinal 1496-1506: 529 L’ Aquila, 395n, 396, 434, 477; battle of (1424), 40n; bishop Juan de Torquemada, Dominican theologian, cardinal of, see Giovanni de’ Gagliolfi 1486-1493

1439-1468: 53n, 207, 233, 282 Laconia, 52, 197, 221

Julius II (Giuliano della Rovere, nephew of Sixtus IV), Ladislas Jagiello, grand duke of Lithuania 1382-1401, king

cardinal 1471-1503, bishop of Avignon 1474-1503, (II) of Poland 1386-1434: 7, 43n; wife of, see Sophia pope 1503-1513: 107, 369, 370n, 391, 392, 394, 396n, (of Kiev) 414n, 423n, 427, 428, 431-435, 437, 438n, 442-444, Ladislas (“the Jagiellonian”), son of Ladislas Jagiello and 450, 451n, 452, 454, 456n, 457, 459, 472, 474, 476, 477, Sophia; king (III) of Poland 1434-—1444, (IV) of 479, 484n, 488, 491, 495, 500, 510, 511, 528, 530n, Hungary 1440-1444: 57, 66, 68, 69n, 70n, 73n, 74-84,

535n, 540n 86-92, 171

Julius III (Giovanni Maria del Monte), archbishop of Ladislas (“Postumus”), son of Albert (II) of Hapsburg and Manfredonia (Siponto) 1513-1544, cardinal 1536- Elizabeth; duke of Austria 1440-1453, archduke 1453-

1550, pope 1550-1555: 503n 1457, king (V) of Hungary 1444-1457, (1) of Bohemia

Junius, Geronimo, clerk of the Sacred College (from 1468), 1453~—1457: 74, 75, 109, 131n, 15In, 152, 153, 157, 158,

56n 164, 165n, 169n, 171-176, 179n, 183, 184, 189n, 193,

Justinian I, Byzantine emperor 527-565: 5 195n, 205, 295

Ladislas, son of Casimir IV of Poland; king (II) of Bohemia

Kaffa, see Caffa 1471-1516, (VI) of Hungary 1490-1516: 295, 296, 416, Ka’itbey, Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1468-1496: 438, 442, 445, 451, 456, 519, 521, 522n, 526, 528, 532, 347, 348n, 381, 382, 387, 407, 408, 410, 411, 416, 417, 533; wife of, see Beatrice d’ Aragona

420n, 425, 448, 449, 451, 456 Ladislas of Durazzo, son of Charles III; Angevin king of Kakaboulia, heights of, in the Morea, 329 Naples 1386-1414, prince of Achaea 1386-1396:

Kalamata, 33, 220, 221, 226, 256, 303 154, 290

Kalavryta, 3, 32, 35, 198, 220, 227 Laiming, Leonhard, bishop of Passau 1424-1451: 77n, 80n,

by 1502 Lampsacus, 87

Kalocza and Bacs, archbishop of, see Peter de Varda 1481-d. 89n

Karaja Beg, Ottoman general (in 1453), 115, 124, 127, 176 Landi, Ascanio, historian of Velletri (f2. 1495), 479 Karamani Muhammad, Ottoman grand vizir (d. 1481), 381 Landucci, Luca, Florentine apothecary (ji. 1498), 505, 506,

Karl I, margrave of Baden 1453-1475: 153, 157 513n, 514

Karytaina, 220, 226, 255 Lang, Matthias, bishop of Gurk 1501-1523, cardinal and Kasim Beg (“Chasimpuerg”), Ottoman envoy (in 1492), 425, archbishop of Salzburg 1512-1540: 541

427-429, 439n, 451n, 454, 455, 457, 458n, 510n Langada gorge, 198

Kasim Beg, son of Ibrahim; prince of Caramania (d. 1482), Languedoc, 452n

317, 382 Larissa, 34, 302n; of Argos, 248, 249

Kastritza, 220, 225 534n

Kastri, 330, 523 Lascaris, Janus, Greek humanist (b. ca. 1445, d. 1535), 457n,

Thomas 1456-1457: 165n, 183, 184

Katabolenos, Ottoman secretary (in 1460), 223; son of, see Laszl6, son of John Hunyadi; voivode of Transylvania

Kavalla, 302n Lateran, church and palace (S. John, or S. Giovanni in Kay, John, English poet (fi. 1490), 347n Laterano, in Rome), 200n, 441, 541; count palatine of,

INDEX 563 96; see also Fourth Lateran Council, Fifth Lateran Lippomani, Venetian banking family, 523n

Council Lisbon, archbishop of, see G. Costa 1464-1500

Laudomia de’ Piccolomini, sister of Enea Silvio (Pius II), Lithuania, 4n, 41n, 91n, 246n; grand dukes of, see Ladislas

(ft. 1440), 202n Jagiello 1382-1401, Casimir (IV) 1440-1492, AlexLauria, count of, 450 ander I 1492—1506

Laval, 462 Livenza river, 534n

Lausanne, 99; bishop of, see George (1440-1461) Livadia, 70, 227, 248, 302n Lavant, bishop of, see Rudolf von Riidesheim 1463-1468 Livonia, 4n

Laxenburg, truce of (1461), 218 Livorno (Leghorn), 465, 467, 492, 495 Lazarevi¢, Stephen, count of Serbia 1389-1402, despot Loches, 535

1402—1427: 25, 26 Lodéve, bishop of, see G. Brigonnet 1489-1515 Le Pouét, 385 Lodi, 17n; peace of (1454), 140, 141, 156, 162, 288, 289, 299,

Lecce, 268, 344, 345n, 374, and see Roberto da Lecce 307, 437

Lemnos, 64, 87, 112, 166n, 188, 189, 190n, 203, 220, 227, | Lodovico (Severi) da Bologna, Franciscan missionary (fl.

287, 292, 300, 3lin, 328; lord of, see N. Gattilusio 1460), 164, 222n

1449-1456; papal governor of, see J. Navarre 1461— Lodovico de Narnia, papal secretary (in 1457), 192

1465 Lodovico il Moro, see L. Sforza

Leo X (Giovanni de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo and Chiara), —_Loidoriki, 72

cardinal 1489-1513, pope 1513-1521: 165n, 387n, Lolli, Gregorio (“Goro”), cousin of Pius II; papal envoy to

432n, 463n, 466, 467, 529 Venice (1460), 150n, 221, 259-261; mother (Barto-

Leon, 246n, 315n, 321, 423n; kings of, see Castile lommea) of, 259 Leonardo, Dominican (fl. 1492), 425n Lombardy, 25, 60, 109, 156, 299n, 326, 459, 461, 495, 513,

Leonardo, priest at Arezzo (in 1456), 168 520, 521; troops from, 459n

Leonardo da Vinci, Italian artist (b. 1452, d. 1519), 337 Lombez, bishop of, see Jean de Bilhéres 1473-1499 Leonardo de’ Benvoglienti, Sienese envoy (in 1453), 137n, Lomellino, Angelo Giovanni, Genoese podesta of Pera

150n, 152, 153, 264-267 (1453), 119, 129n, 131, 134, 135, 137; brother and

Leonardo of Chios, archbishop of Mytilene 1444-1459: nephew (Imperiale) of, 134, 135n, 137 1lin, 112n, 114, 115n, 116, 118n, 120n, 12in, 122, Longo, Geronimo, Venetian galley commander (1470), 300, 123n, 125, 126n, 128, 129, 130n, 131n, 132-134, 137, 301

239n Lope de Valdaro, papal captain of Monemvasia (1461), 225

Leondari, 16n, 38, 97, 219, 220, 226, 249 Lopez, Juan, bishop of Perugia 1492-1498, cardinal 1496Leonini, Angelo, bishop of Tivoli 1499-1509 (d. 1517), 535n 1501, archbishop of Capua 1498-1501: 529 Leontaris, Andronicus, Byzantine envoy to Venice, Ferrara, Lopez de Carvajal, Bernardino, bishop of Cartagena 1493—

and Rome (1451), 108, 109n 1495, cardinal 1493-1522: 444, 529

Leontaris, Demetrius and Michael, Byzantine magnates Loredan, Alvise (or Luigi), Venetian commander (1444,

(fl. 1453), 208 1462), 83n, 84-87, 89n, 91, 92, 242, 243, 247, 251

Leontarius, Demetrius Lascaris, Byzantine admiral (d. 1431), Loredan, Andrea, Venetian captain (in 1499), 518n

19 Loredan, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Charles VIII (1495),

Leopardi, Alessandro, Italian sculptor (d. ca. 1522), 286n 391n, 484, 485, 488, 489, 519 Lepanto (Naupactus), 8, 30, 34, 138, 141n, 147, 197, 222n, Loredan, Bernardo, Venetian duke of Thessalonica (from 237, 241, 247, 300, 327, 330, 339, 514-522, 524, 526, 1424), 22

527, 531n, 538; battle of (1571), 19, 318; Gulf of, 516n; | Loredan, Jacopo, Venetian captain-general of the sea (1453),

Strait of, 519 121, 122, 140, 141, 163n, 251, 252n, 253~—257, 273, 277,

Les Echelles, 385 283, 285-287, 290-292 Lesbos (Mytilene), 14, 92, 161, 166n, 188, 189n, 208, 221, Loredan, Leonardo, doge of Venice 1501-1521: 523, 524n, 238, 239, 242, 251, 262n, 274, 290, 293n, 511n, 538n; 535

lords of, see Jacopo Gattilusio 1403/4—1428, Domenico _Loredan, Pietro, Venetian captain-general (1416, 1423-

Gattilusio 1445-1458, Niccol6 Gattilusio 1458-1462 1424), 7, 8, 16, 2In, 22, 23, 26n

Lesina, 523n Lorenzo da Pesaro, Milanese envoy to Rome (1466-1467), Leto, Pomponio, Italian scholar (ff. 1465), 80n, and see 980-282

“Pomponiani” Lorenzo de’ Medici, brother of Cosimo; Florentine merchant

Leubing, Heinrich, German politician (ff. 1460), 217 (d. 1440), 60n, 62

Leucadia (Santa Maura, Leukas), 98, 341, 514, 515, 523,533, Lorenzo (il Magnifico, “the Magnificent”) de’ Medici, son of

534n; dukes of, see Cephalonia, counts palatine of Piero; Florentine co-ruler 1469-1478, ruler 1478-

Leuktron (Beaufort), 220 1492: 275n, 314, 316n, 325, 326, 336-340, 356n, 364,

Librafratta, 465 365, 368, 375, 385n, 387n, 391, 392n, 394, 396-398,

Libya, 47 401, 419n, 420, 429, 430, 432, 436, 437, 448, 465, 467, Liége, bishop of, see Louis de Bourbon 1455-1482; 535n; wife of, see Chiara Orsini

diocese of, 41n Loreto, 268, and see Santa Maria di Loreto

Ligourio, 283 1508

Ligny, count of, see Louis de Luxembourg Lorraine, dukes of, see René I 1431-1452, René II 1473-

Lille, 143 of Poland 1370-1382: 74 Limoges, 385 Louis, son of Amadeo VIII; duke of Savoy 1440-1465:

Liguria, I[11ln, 163, 401, 461 Louis I (“the Great”), Angevin king of Hungary 1342-1382,

Lindus, 347, 349n 152, 153 Linz, 201n, 412 Louis, brother of Charles VI of France; duke of Touraine (1497), 507n Valentina Visconti

Lipomani (Lippomani), Marco, Venetian envoy to Milan 1386-1391, of Orléans 1391-1407: 206n; wife of, see

564 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Louis XI, son of Charles VII; king of France 1461-1483: Maffei, Timoteo, archbishop of Ragusa 1467-1470: 278

214n, 232, 234-236, 264n, 266, 267, 287, 288n, 294, Magaducha, Manoli, subject of the despot of Mistra (/i. 304, 308, 315n, 327n, 338, 359, 366, 369, 370, 373, 383, 1429), 33n, 34n

385, 448, 466, 483n ‘ Magliana, 430

Louis XII, son of Charles (of Orléans); duke of Orléans Magnesia (Manisa), 94, 95, 100, 348 1465-1498, king of France 1498-1515: 206n, 398n, Magno, Stefano, Venetian annalist (d. 1572), 94, 284, 292,

4992, 448, 458n, 459n, 478, 484, 486, 492, 497, 507, 302n, 329n, 453

508n, 509-514, 516, 519, 521, 522n, 524, 526-528, Magyars, 74,75, 174n, 176, 216, 334, 416,andsee Hungarians 531n, 532n, 534-539; wives of, see Jeanne of France, Mahmud Pasha (Angelovi¢c), Ottoman grand vizir 1456-

Anne of Brittany 1468, 1472—1473 (d. 1474), 115, 124, 142n, 196n, 223,

Louis de Bourbon, brother of Jean II; bishop of Liége 296, 237, 238, 240n, 241n, 248-251, 274, 293, 296,

1455-1482: 200 298, 300, 302, 316; father (Michael) of, 293n

Louis de Luxembourg, cousin of Charles VIII; count of Maina, 255; lord of, see M. Cantacuzenus; peninsula of,

Ligny (in 1495), 492 220, 268, 311n, 328

Louis de Villeneuve, baron of Trans (fl. 1498), 510 Mainz, 41, 158, 159; archbishops (and electors) of, 392,

Louis I, marquis of Saluzzo 1416-1475: 153 and see Conrad (of Daun) 1419-1434, .Theoderic (of

Lubeck, 319n Erbach) 1434-1459, Diether von Isenburg 1460-1461, Luca de’ Tolenti, papal nuncio to counts of Segna (Senj) in 1476-1481, Berthold von Henneberg 1484-1504

1462: 240n . Majorca (Mallorca), 191, 434 219, 220 1568, prince 1568-1605, duke 1605-1623: 431n Lucca, 153, 163, 207, 247, 261, 262n, 264, 275n, 344, 356, Malatesta, Cleopa, sister of Pandolfo; wife of Theodore II

Lucanes, Nicephorus, Greek adventurer (ff. 1458), 199, Malaspina, Alberigo Cibo, marquis of Massa (1548) 1553-

368, 373n, 401, 466, 469n, 492 Palaeologus 1421-1433: 5n, 32, 33, 41, 253

Ludwig (IV) of Wittelsbach, count palatine of the Rhine Malatesta, Domenico (Malatesta Novello), brother of Sigis-

(and elector) 1410-1436: 6 mondo; lord of Cesena 1432-1465: 256, 376n

Ludwig (IX), Wittelsbach duke of Bavaria-Landshut 1450-— Malatesta, Pandolfo, archbishop of Patras 1424-1430 (d.

1479: 151-153, 216n 1441), 16, 32-35

Luigi d’ Aragona, bastard son of Ferrante I; marquis of Malatesta, Pandolfo, son of Roberto; lord of Rimini 1482Gerace (in 1491), cardinal 1494-1519: 423n, 429, 449, 1500, 1503 (d. 1534), 256n

529: wife of, see Battistina di Usemari - ' Malatesta, Roberto, son of Sigismondo; lord of Rimini 1470-

Luigi di Capua, count of Altavilla (in 1494), 478n -1482: 256, 375n, 376

Luis Juan de Mila, nephew of Calixtus III; cardinal Malatesta, Sallustio, son of Sigismondo and Isotta; lord of

1456-15102: 529 Rimini 1468-1470: 256n

Lull, Ramon, Catalan missionary (d. 1315 or 1316), 233 Malatesta, Sigismondo Pandolfo, lord of Rimini 1432-1468:

Lunati, Bernardino, cardinal 1493-1497: 444, 469 212, 251-257, 274, 284, 286, 376; secretary of, 241n,

Lusatia, 296 248n, 249n, 252n, 284; wife of, see Isotta degli Atti Lusignan, royal dynasty in Cyprus 1192-1474, see Janus Malipiero, Domenico, Venetian chronicler (b. 1428, d. 1515),

1398-1432, John II 1432-1458, Charlotte 1458-1464, 952, 301-303, 441, 454, 455, 494n, 505, 518n, 520; James II 1464-1473; see also Henry de Lusignan brothers (Leonardo and Francesco) of, 301n Lutfi Beg, Ottoman envoy to Venice (1479), 339 Malipiero, Marino, Venetian official (in 1470), 304

417 233, 235n, 236, 240

Luther, Martin, German reformer (b. 1483, d. 1546), 159, | Malipiero, Pasquale, doge of Venice 1457-1462: 163n, 207,

Lutherans, 293, 417 Malletta, Albrico, Milanese envoy to the French court (1464), Luxembourg, see Francois, Louis, and Philippe de Luxem- 267n, 288n

Lycia, 516 1463-1513: 532 Lycus river, 113, 114, 126 Malta, 66n, 411

bourg, Sigismund, Elizabeth (of Luxemburg) Malombra, Tommaso, bishop of (Stagno and) Curzola

Lydia, 96 Mamluks, “Burji,” slave dynasty in Egypt and Syria 1382—-

Lyon, 267n, 327n, 386, 406n, 450, 451n, 452, 497, 498, 507, 1389, 1390~—1517: 29, 45, 88n, 99n, 104, 277, 316n, 346,

510, 536; archbishop of, see André d’ Epinay 1488—- 411, 417, and see Barsbey 1422-1438, Jakmak 1438-—

1500; Council of (1274), 43 1453, Khushkadam 1461-1467, Ka’itbey 1468-1496,

Lys-S.-Georges, 535 JanbalatMandraki 1500-1501 (later Port of Galleys), harbor at Rhodes, 352, 353 Manenti, Alvise, Venetian envoy to the Porte (1499), 520,

Macedonia, 48, 56, 96, 184, 196, 209, 227, 279, 282, 293, 521, 523n, 526n

334n, 481, 513n Manetti, Giannozzo, papal secretary (d. 1459), 107, 155, 161,

Machiavelli, Geronimo, Florentine (ff. 1454), 154n 259, 260

Machiavelli, Niccold, Florentine statesman and writer Manfredonia, archbishop of, see Giovanni Maria del Monte

(b. 1469, d. 1527), 467, 503n (Julius III) 1513-1544 Macrino, see C. Castracano Manrique, family, 462n

Maddalena de’ Medici, daughter of Lorenzo and Chiara; wife Mansi, Pietro, bishop of Cesena 1487-1504: 413, 414

of F. Cibo 1487-1519 (d. 1528), 429, 430, 437 Mantegna, Andrea, Italian painter (b. 1431, d. 1506), 409, Maddalena de’ Tocchi (“Theodora”), daughter of Leonardo 410n, 495 Il Tocco; wife of Constantine XI Palaeologus 1428— Mantineia (in Arcadia), 146, 197

1429: 32, 33n Mantineia (in Laconia), 24, 197, 221, 226n, 255

Madeleine of France, daughter of Charles VII (wife of | Mantua, 39, 88n, 170n, 172n, 204, 221, 223, 240n, 371, 439n,

Gaston de Foix 1461-—1470, d. 1486), 165n 450n, 455, 495n; bishop of, see G. Cavriani 1444-1466;

INDEX 565 Congress of (1459), 159, 190n, 201, 204-208, 210-219, 426, 429n, 434n, 438, 441; wife of, see Beatrice d’ Ara-

229, 232, 235, 245, 257, 264n, 288; marquisate of, 190, gona 203, 239n, 261, 264, 275n, 368, 375, 401n, 440, 508, | Mavrogonato, David (‘the Jew”), Venetian agent (in 1469), 535n; rulers of, see Gian Francesco I Gonzaga 1433- 296, 297n 1444, Lodovico II Gonzaga 1444-1478, Federico I Maximilian I, son of Frederick HI; duke of Burgundy Gonzaga 1478-1484, (Gian) Francesco II Gonzaga 1477-1482, Hapsburg king of Germany and archduke

1484-1519 of Austria 1486-1493, emperor 1493-1519: 366, 377, 1521: 522n 447, 451, 452, 456, 463, 464, 468, 471, 478, 479, 482,

Manuel I, nephew of Alfonso V; king of Portugal 1495- 398, 403-405, 409, 412, 414, 416, 422, 441, 442, 446,

Manuel II Palaeologus, Byzantine co-emperor 1373-1391, 485-489, 491, 497-499, 507, 509, 513n, 519, 521, 522n, emperor 1391-1425: 3-6, 7n, 9-12, 15-17, 19-21, 24, 524, 526, 527, 531n, 532, 534, 536, 538n 31, 40-44, 58, 108n; wife of, see Helena (Dragas) Mayr, Martin, chancellor of archbishop of Mainz (in 1457), Manung der cristenheit widder die durken (1454), 158, 159 160, 205

Marathi, in the Morea, 226 Mazara, 477, 478n Marathon, 301 Meaux, bishop of, see G. Briconnet 1515-1534 Marcello, Bartolommeo, Venetian bailie at Istanbul 1454— Mecca, 381

1456: 110n, llln, 140-142 Mechra, Albanian count (ff. 1468), 291

Marcello, Giacomo, provveditore in the Morea (1470), 303 Medici, Florentine banking family (rulers 1434-1494), 54,

Marco de Mello, Venetian agent (ff. 1480), 343 55, 59, 60n, 63n, 64, 69n, 155, 191, 208, 246n, 247, Marcus II, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Antioch 1426/ 275n, 278, 280, 314, 317n, 332, 336, 339, 344, 437,

1427-d. by 1434/1435: 46 452, 466, 467, 484, 505, and see Cosimo 1434-1464,

Marcus, Orthodox metropolitan of Corinth 1454-1466: 198 Piero 1464-1469, Giuliano and Lorenzo 1469-1478, Margaret of Anjou, daughter of René I; wife of Henry VI of Lorenzo 1478-1492, Piero 1492-1494: see also Antonio,

England 1445-1471 (d. 1482), 106n Filippo, Giuliano, Lorenzo, and Maddalena de’ ,Medici,

Margaret of Austria, daughter of Maximilian I; wife of Clement VII (Giulio), Leo X (Giovanni)

Philibert II of Savoy 1501-1504, Hapsburg regentofthe Mediterranean Sea, 74, 155, 194, 276, 304, 306, 316n, 334,

Netherlands 1507-1530: 422n 335n, 400, 411, 422, 442, 499

Maria (Melissena?), wife of Antonio I Acciajuoli (wid. 1435), | Megalopolis, 146, 219

wife of Nerio II Acciajuoli (from 1435), 50, 51 Megarid, 70

Maria (“Cuchia”), wife of Manuel Cantacuzenus (in 1453), Mehmed I (Chelebi, “the Gentleman”), son of Bayazid I;

148 contender for the sultanate 1402—1413, Ottoman sultan

Maria of Trebizond, see Comnena, Maria 1413-1421: 2, 3, 6-8, 12, 37, 94n, 108n

Mariano da Siena, Franciscan (fl. 1457), 169n Mehmed II (Chelebi.to 1453, thereafter Fatih, “the ConMarini, Antoine, Czech envoy to Venice (1462), 294 queror’), son of Murad II; Ottoman co-sultan 1444/

Marino, 429, 459, 460, 477, 479 1445-1446, sultan 1451-1481: 32n, 48, 58n, 71, 73n, 76,

Maritsa river, 76, 188, 227 80, 87-89, 93n, 94, 95, 99, 100, 103, 104, 108-110, Marmara (Proconnesus), 87 lin, 112-115, 117-119, 120n, 121-127, 130n, 133Marmara, Sea of (Propontis), 6, 69, 87, 108n, 113-115, 117, 138, 140-150, 152n, 158, 161, 163, 171, 172n, 173-181, 122, 124, 127, 130, 131 187~189, 192-200, 210, 212n, 214n, 218-228, 232Marmaris (Physkos, Fisco), 348-351, 359 235, 237-242, 244, 247-250, 254, 258n, 263, 267, 272—

Maros river, 330 276, 278, 279, 283, 286, 287, 289-293, 295, 296, 298-

Marseille, 510; ships from, 19 302, 305-312, 314-317, 320, 321, 325, 327, 328n,

Martin V (Oddone Colonna), cardinal 1405-1417, pope 329-333, 334n, 335, 337, 338n, 339, 340n, 341-343, 1417-1431: 2, 15, 16, 28, 35, 39-48, 52, 53, 101n, 441, 347, 348, 350n, 355, 359, 360n, 362-364, 366n, 371-

503n 373, 376, 377, 379, 381-384, 397, 398, 400, 407, 409-

Maruffo, Baldassare, Genoese envoy to Istanbul (d. 1454), 413, 421n, 442, 493, 499, 514, 515n, 521

143 Melfi, bishop of, see J. Borgia 1494-1496

Marullus Tarchaniotes (Tarcagnota), Michael, Latin poet Melissenus, Leo and Nicephorus, Byzantines (ca. 1420), 51

(fl. 1494), 457n; wifepolitan of, see Alessandra Scala “Melissenus Oc ssureus) miler (P Orthocox nies), : wt of Monemvasia, compiler (Pseudo-Sphrantzes),

ere Toces (fron 8) 4b 1; wile of Leonardo d. 1585: 3n, 20n, 31n, 32n, 35, 51, 52n, 89n, 110n, Mascoletto, Roman constable (in 1492), 424 llIn, 113n, 114n, 116n, 117n, 118, 120n, 12in, 122-

‘ . , 124, 125n, 126, 128, 129, 133n, 142n, 224n, 225, 226, Malaspina 1548-1623 _ Melos, 453, 454

Massa, 466, and see Antonio da Massa; ruler of, see A. C. 998n

Matteo, Ugolino, source for the murder of Juan Borgia (in Menaut d’ Aguerre, French castellan at Ostia (to 1497), 511n

1497), 501n, 503n Meneses, Garsias, bishop of Evora 14762-1485: 372, 373

Matthew of Hnatnice, Czech diplomat (in 1451~1452),45n ~~ Menteshe, 108

Matthias, bishop of Vilna 1422-1453: 91 Merili, Pietro, Italian notary (fl. 1492), 433n Matthias Corvinus, son of John Hunyadi; king of Hungary Mesembria, 31, 108n 1458 (crowned 1464)—1490, titular king of Bohemia Mesih Pasha, a Palaeologus, Ottoman commander at Rhodes

(crowned 1469) 1478-1490: 94, 95n, 165n, 184, 204, (1480), 348, 350, 353-355, 357n, 358, 359, 360n, 362

205, 213, 214n, 216, 233, 234, 236, 238n, 241, 249,250, Mesopotamia, 222, 237, 293n, 315 252n, 254, 267, 268n, 272, 273, 274n, 275, 276, 279n, Messenia (Messene), 146, 197, 198; Gulf of, 226 280, 281, 287, 288n, 294-297, 300, 304, 320, 321n, 326, Messina, 415, 478n

327, 330, 339, 340, 368, 373, 377-379, 385-387, 393n, Metrophanes II, Orthodox metropolitan of Cyzicus (to 394, 396-399, 403, 407-409, 412, 415, 416, 417n, 422, 1440), patriarch of Constantinople 1440-1443: 65

566 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Meyer, Johann, German cleric (fl. 1491), 390n duchy of, 248, 261, 275n, 289n; duke of, see Borso d’ Este Michael VIII Palaeologus, Byzantine co-emperor at Nicaea 1452-1471 1259-1261, emperor in Constantinople 1261-1282: Modon, 8-13, 15, 16, 23, 28, 30, 35-37, 40n, 44, 64, 65, 86,

35, 98 93, 103, 104, 108, 138, 147, 148, 188, 199n, 207, 222n,

Michailovic, Constantine, of Ostrovica, alleged author of the 226, 227, 233, 237, 242, 249, 251, 252, 257, 286, 293, Memoirs of a Janissary (fl. after 1455), 172n, 238n 300, 304, 318, 330, 339, 441, 454, 509, 511n, 514, 516,

Michel, Jehan, French “prophet” (ff. 1493), 447n 517, 521, 522, 524n, 530, 531n; Orthodox bishop of, see Michelangelo Buonarroti, Florentine artist (b. 1475, d. 1564), J. J. Plousiadenus 1492-1500

431n, 503 Moesia, 78, 79, and see Serbia

Michelozzi, Bernardo, Florentine cleric (ff. 1498), 511n Mohacs, battle of (1526), 296, 297

1396, d. 1472), 63n 1457-1504

Michelozzi, Michelozzo, Italian architect and sculptor (b. Moldavia, 152n, 320, 331, 335, 399, 400; ruler of, see Stephen

Michelozzi, Niccolo, Florentine (ff. 1492), 434 Molfetta, bishop of, see G. B. Cibo (Innocent VIII) 1472Michiel, Alvise, his anti-Turkish proposal to Venetian Senate 1484

(in 1427), 36 Molin, Maffio, Venetian galley commander (ff. 1444), 70

Michiel, Fantino, Venetian captain-general of the sea (1425), | Moncastro (Maurocastro, Cetatea Alba, Akkerman), town on

21n, 22-26 right bank of the Dniester estuary, 161 328 Palaeologus (to 1461); Orthodox metropolitans of, 3n, Michiel, Niccolo, Venetian envoy to Rome (1497), 502, 504 and see M. “Melissenus” (d. 1585), Dorotheus (ff. 1590);

Michiel, Giovanni, cardinal 1468-1503: 434, 435, 528 Monemvasia (Epidaurus Limera), 4n, 197, 211n, 224, 225, Michiel, Girolamo, Venetian merchant in Istanbul (ff. 1463), 329, 330, 514, 521, 523; Greek governor of, see Manuel

Michiel, Tommaso, Venetian noble (fl. 1427), 27n papal captain of, see Lope de Valdaro (in 1461); papal

Miglionico, peace of (1485), 394n governors of, see Gentile de’ Marcolfi, Francis of S.

Milan, city, 17n, 25, 26n, 39, 71n, 137, 140, 167n, 199, 201n, Anatolia (both, 1461)

211n, 250n, 259, 278, 288, 366n, 367, 372n, 428, 433— Mongols, 334n 436, 461, 484, 488, 492, 496-498, 513, 514, 534, 535; Monolithus, 347, 349n archbishops of, see G. Sforza 1454-1457, G. Arcimboldo Monopoli, 437n, 497, 498, 499n

1484-1488 Monreale, archbishop of, see Juan Borgia 1483-1503

Milan, duchy of, 50n, 55, 59, 98, 140, 153-157, 161n, 163, Montani, Bartolommeo, papal chamberlain (ff. 1492), 428 184, 190, 191n, 193n, 206n, 207n, 211, 231, 235, 247, Montano, Cola, Milanese humanist (fl. 1470), 326 256n, 261, 262n, 263-265, 275n, 279-282, 289n, 305, Monte Cassino, abbey, 189 325, 326, 338, 340, 343-345, 367, 368, 375, 376, 393, Monte S. Giovanni, 480 394, 396n, 398, 401, 426, 428, 432, 436, 437, 440, 443, Montebago, 494 448, 456, 468, 469, 484, 486, 489, 490, 493, 496, 497, Montefeltro, see Federigo, Giovanna, and Guidobaldo da

499, 507-509, 511-514, 520, 528, 534, 535n, 536; Montefeltro

claimant to, see Louis XII; dukes of, see Gian Galeazzo Montefiascone, 469; bishop of, see A. Farnese (Paul III)

Visconti 1395-1402, Filippo Maria Visconti 1412-1447, 1501-1519 Francesco Sforza 1450-1466, Galeazzo Maria Sforza Monteil-le-Vicomte, 358n, 385 1466-1476, Gian Galeazzo Sforza 1476-1494, Lodovico Monterano, 437

Sforza 1494-—1500 Montferrat, 261, 275n, 368, 401n, 508; marquises of, see Miletus (Palatia), 292; lord of, 22n Giovanni lV Paleologo 1445-1464, Guglielmo VI 1464Mincio river, 203, 305, 306 1483, Bonifacio IV 1483-1493, Guglielmo VIT (1493)

Minio, Bartolommeo, Venetian provveditore and captain of 1512-1518, Giovanni Giorgio 1530-1533; see also

Nauplia (in 1479), 328, 329 Blanche (Bianca) and Sophia of Montferrat; regents of, Minorites, see Franciscans see Maria Brankovié 1493-—1495, C. Arianiti 1495-1499 Minotto, Girolamo, Venetian bailie at Constantinople (d. Monticelli, 434, 435n 1453), 111n, 133, 134n, 135, 142; son of, 133, 135; wife | Montorio, battle of (1486), 395

of, 134n Montpensier, counts of, see Gilbert de Bourbon (d. 1496),

Miraballi, Italian banking family, 191n Charles de Bourbon 1501-1527

Miraballi, Alessandro, Italian banker (ff. 1456), 170n Moors, see Moslems Mirabilia, Ambrogio, senator of Rome (in 1492), 433 Morava river, 171, 174, 193n Mircea (“the Elder”), voivode of Wallachia (in 1395), 56n Moravia, 153, 295, 296

Misagne, 483n Morea (Peloponnesus), 1, 3, 4, 5n, 8-18, 21n, 23, 27, 31-36, Mistra, 3, 16n, 17, 32, 33n, 35, 36, 38, 70, 71, 82n, 93, 97, 146, M08 Ti hig. ae Lis. de nares ears lee 106 198, 220, 223, 225, 252, 253, 255; despotate of, see , ‘ Ms - on ‘ ; . ‘ ’ ’

Morea; bishop of, 3n247-249, 197n, 198-200, 205, 206n, 207-213, 226. . aeOrthodox 7 228, 241-243, 251-257, 265, 268,218-223, 273n, 274,

Mocenigo, Andrea, Venetian captain-general of the “Gulf 978, 284, 286n, 288n, 289, 291, 293, 303, 319n,

(1426), 25-27, 29n 328-330, 333, 335, 336n, 365n, 371n, 373, 382n, 405n,

Mocenigo, Giovanni, brother of Pietro; doge of Venice 1478- 415, 481, 493, 514-517, 519-524, 534, 537; despotate

1485: 328n, 329, 338n, 339, 340n of, 5n, 10, 11, 18, 32, 33, 34n, 35, 56, 69, 81, 93, 96, 104,

Mocenigo, Pietro, grandson of Tommaso; doge of Venice 148, 161, 211, 223, 226, 462, 463n; despots of, see

1474-1476: 303, 317, 320, 325n Palaeologi

Mocenigo, Tommaso, doge of Venice 1414-1423: 7n, 13,15, Morelli, Girolamo, Florentine envoy to Milan (1478), 337n

19, 44n Morezina, Aegean pirate (ca. 1455), 220, 221

Modena, 319n, 533n; bishops of, see N. Sandonnino 1465— Moro, Cristoforo, doge of Venice 1462-1471: 236, 240, 1479, G. Boccaccio 1479-1495, G. B. Ferrari 1495-1502; 241n, 250n, 251n, 252n, 254-256, 257n, 263, 266-270,

INDEX 567 272, 278, 283, 286, 291, 292, 294, 296, 297, 305, 307, 98, 99n, 102, 103, 143, 154-157, 171, 189n, 192n, 206,

311n; wife of, 270n 213, 231-234, 247, 256n, 261, 262n, 264n, 275n, 278, Moro, Lorenzo, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1451), 103, 108, 281, 289n, 299, 300, 305, 314-317, 320, 326, 338-345,

109, 145n 365n, 368-372, 375, 376, 393-396, 398, 422, 424-426,

Morosini, Antonio, Venetian chronicler (ff. 1430), 30n 429, 432-434, 437, 442-444, 446-451, 455, 456, 460, Morosini, Bartolommeo, Venetian noble (ft. 1424), 22n 463, 466-474, 476-486, 489, 490, 495-499, 503, 504, Morosini, Elisabetta, and Pietro and Marco di Paolo, 507-511, 512n, 514, 521, 524, 536-540; kings of, see

Venetians (fl. 1471), 274n Charles I of Anjou (1266) 1268-1285, Robert 1309-

Morosini, Francesco, Venetian governor of Naxos (in 1494), 1343, Charles III of Durazzo 1381-1386, Ladislas

453, 454 1386-1414, Alfonso I (V of Aragon) (1435) 1442-1458,

Morosini, Girolamo, Venetian galley commander (1452), Ferrante (Ferdinand) I 1458-1494, Alfonso II 1494-

lin, 132 1495, Ferrante II 1495-1496, Federigo 1496-1501;

Morosini, Pietro, Venetian envoy to Rome (1467), 289 princesses of, see Carlotta and Isabella of Naples, Morosini, Silvestro, Venetian captain-general of the sea Beatrice, Eleonora, and Joanna (Isabella) d’ Aragona;

(1430), 30, 68n queen of, see Joanna II 1414-1435; titular kings of, Morterolles, 385 see René (I of Anjou) 1435-1480, Charles (VIII of Morton, John, archbishop of Canterbury 1486-1500, France) 1495-1498 cardinal 1493-1500: 429, 444, 474, 490n Napoleon Bonaparte, emperor of the French 1804-1815

Moschopolis (Voskopojé), 333n (d. 1821), 349, 495n

Moscow, 62n, 216n, 318-320; “Anonymous of,” 113n; grand Narbonne, archbishops of, see Georges d’ Amboise 1491-

duke of, see Basil I 1389-1425; grand prince of, see 1494, G. Briconnet 1507-1514 Ivan III 1462-1505; Orthodox metropolitan of, see Narni, 268, 427, 428, 472, 477 Zosimus (in 1492); see also Anna of Moscow Naupactus, see Lepanto

Moslems (Moors, Saracens), 1, 2, 23, 40, 46, 48, 87, 88n,90, Nauplia, 7, 8, 11, 17, 20, 23n, 30, 35, 93, 108, 148, 198, 207,

99n, 101n, 124, 135-137, 176n, 177, 182, 194n, 267, 237, 248, 249, 252, 283, 292, 318, 330, 339, 514, 516, 276, 277, 298, 315n, 321, 331, 332, 335, 346, 349n, 386, 521-523 402, 410, 413, 415-417, 422, 423n, 424, 516, 517. Navagero, Andrea, Venetian chronicler (d. 1529), 327 Mostenitza, Moreote fief of the Teutonic Knights, 35 Navarino, Vecchio (Zonchio, Zonklon), 10n, 14n, 226, 227,

Mouchli, in the Morea, 197, 220, 253 514, 518n, 522, 523n Miuhlenbach (Sebes), 57 Navarre, 349n; kings of, see John II 1425-1479, Jean III Murad, son of Jem; Ottoman prince (d. 1523), 381 (d’ Albret) 1484-1516 Murad I, Ottoman ruler 1362-1389: 8, 99 Navarre, John, papal nuncio (in 1458), governor of Lemnos

Murad II, son of Mehmed I; Ottoman sultan 1421-1451: 2, 1461-—1465: 169n, 194, 225n 12, 19, 21-23, 24n, 25-27, 29-31, 34, 36n, 37,42,48n, Navarrese, 18, 35, 38n, 414 51, 52, 57, 58, 68, 69n, 70n, 71-74, 76-84, 86, 89,90, Naxos, 9, 327, 453, 454; archbishop of, see Niccolo da 91n, 94-97, 99-103, 114, 123n, 141, 161n, 176, 181n, Gaeta 1479-d. by 1504; duchy of, 2n, 8, 37, 141n, 262n,

184, 212n, 250, 254n, 293n, 482n; wife of, see Mara 454, 517n; dukes of, see Niccolo II dalle Carceri

Brankovic 1371-1383, Giovanni II Crispo 1418-1437, Giovanni

Murad Re’is, Ottoman admiral (in 1522), 349n III Crispo 1480-1494, Francesco Crispo (1494) 1500Musa, son of Bayazid I; contender for Ottoman sultanate 1518

1402-1413: 2 Nectarius (Nicola of Otranto), Basilian abbot of Casole (ca. Mustafa, dervish (ff. ca. 1420), 88n 1220-1235), 374 Mustafa, son of Bayazid I; Ottoman prince (d. 1402?), 2n; | Negroponte (Chalcis), city, 6-10, 23, 51n, 57n, 64, 65, 70, 92,

impostor (1415-1422), 2, 12; impostor (in 1426), 23n, 26 93, 122n, 138, 139n, 196n, 198, 207, 237, 242, 284n, Mustafa, son of Mehmed II; Ottoman general (d. 1474), 95n, 285, 286, 292, 293, 299, 411; archbishops of, see

316, 381 Constantinople, titular Latin patriarchs of; fall of (1470),

Mustafa Beg, Ottoman envoy to Rome (in 1490), 418-422, 95n, 300-309, 312, 314, 315, 365, 405n, 499, 518n;

425, 453 Giudecca of, 301, 302; Venetian bailies at, 9, 10, 51n, Mycenae, 146 138, 301, 302 Mykonos, 8, 9, 20, 330, 514 Negroponte (Euboea), island of, 4n, 5-9, 18-20, 28, 30, 37, Myliadema, in Thrace, 82 38, 44, 52, 70, 92, 139n, 140, 141n, 146, 164n, 199n, Mytilene, 188, 238, 251, 464, 538n; archbishops of, see 200n, 242, 254, 278, 285, 286, 289, 293, 297, 300-303, Leonardo of Chios 1444-1459, Benedetto 1459-1481?; 328, 329, 415, 464, 480, 517

island of, see Lesbos Nemea, 196

Neopatras (Hypate), 302n

ablus, sanjak in western Palestine, . esi, in the Morea, 33 n : hi _

Nabl tak | Palestine. 331 Neorion, on the Mamara coast, 115

Naillac Ton er of (at Rhodes), 351, 352 NCP 434, 541; bishop of, see B. Flores (Florido) 1489-1495

Naples, city, 80n, 108, 128n, 139n, 140, 153n, 175n, 185n, Netherlands. 403. 404: f M FA . 186, 187, 189, 226, 251, 282, 308, 310, 317, 329, 336, “< 150721880 eae garet Of musirTa 338, 341, 342n, 345, 350n, 351n, 356, 359, 360n, 364- .

366, 374, 393, 395, 400, 407, 41 In, 423, 427, 429, 438n, Nettuno, 376 _ 439, 447, 449, 453, 454, 460n, 464, 473, 474,477, 478n, Neustadt, see Wiener Neustadt 479, 480, 482-486, 488-491, 494-497, 500, 514,537— Neville, Richard, earl of Warwick (d. 1471), 277n 539; archbishops of, see Jacopo de’ Tebaldi in 1458, Nicaea, 374; Council of (787), 39n; Orthodox archbishop of,

O. Carafa 1458-1484, A. Carafa 1484~—1503 see Bessarion (to 1439)

Naples, kingdom of (“Sicily;” the Regno), 1, 39, 42n, 74n, 87, | Niccoli, Niccolé, Florentine humanist (b. 1364, d. 1437), 54

568 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Niccolo da Ca Pesaro, Venetian captain of the “Gulf” Omar Beg, son of Turakhan; Ottoman general (in 1456), 52,

(1494), 453 146, 148, 149, 198, 219, 241, 248, 249, 252-255, 284,

Niccolo da Canale, Venetian envoy (1453), captain-general 303, 329 of the sea (1470), 147, 267, 273, 286, 287, 292, 293, Oppiano, ford of the Taro river, 494

298n, 299-304, 307, 518n Orchomenus, fortress in Arcadia, 197

Niccolé II dalle Carceri, double-triarch of Negroponte Oreos, town in northern Euboea, 70 (Euboea) 1358-1383, duke of Naxos (the Archipelago) Orléans, dukes of, 509, and see Louis I 1391-1407, Charles

1371-1383: 93n 1407-1465, Louis II (XII) 1465-1498

Niccol6 da Fabiano, supervisor of galley construction in Orsini, Roman family, 162, 373, 380, 395, 431, 449, 471,

Rome (1455), 170 499, 500n, 502, 510, 540

Niccolo III d’ Este, marquis of Ferrara 1393-1441: 55 Orsini, Aldobrandino, archbishop of Nicosia 1504-1524: Niccol6é da Gaeta, archbishop of Naxos and Paros 1479-d. 542

by 1504: 327n, 453 Orsini, Alfonsina, wife of Piero de’ Medici 1487-1503

Niccol6 da Martoni, Capuan pilgrim to Greece and the Holy (d. 1520), 437

Land (fl. 1394), 9n, 352n Orsini, Chiara, wife of Lorenzo de’ Medici 1469-1488: 437

Niccolo da S. Severino, envoy of Ladislas of Poland and Orsini, Gentile Virginio, Roman baron (d. 1497), 437, 438n,

Hungary to Venice (in 1440), 66 _ 440, 442, 443, 450n, 459

Niccolé de Fara, Franciscan, companion of Giovanni da_ Orsini, Giovanni Antonio del Balzo, prince of Taranto (in

Capistrano (fl. 1456), 176n 1460), 103, 206n, 231, 232n, 342

Nice, 84n, 385 Orsini, Giovanni Battista (Giambattista), cardinal 1483Nicholas I, pope 858-867: 105 1503: 401, 432, 434, 435n, 469, 476, 529

Nicholas V (Tommaso Parentucelli da Sarzana), bishop of | Orsini, Giovanni Battista, grand master of the Hospitallers

Bologna 1444-1447, cardinal 1446-1447, pope 1447- 1467-1476: 306, 307, 309, 310 1455: 98-100, 101n, 102, 103n, 104-107, 109, 111n, Orsini, Latino, bishop of Trani 1439-1448, cardinal 1448118n, 120n, 121n, 128n, 130n, 131n, 132n, 133n, 134, 1477: 168, 280 137, 139, 140, 148n, 149-151, 153-162, 164, 165, 166n, Orsini, Niccolo, count of Pitigliano (in 1492), 428, 430, 441,

187n, 190n, 205, 213, 214, 230, 257, 259, 271n, 288, 450

289n, 299n, 307, 376n, 390n, 541 Orsini, Orso, bishop of Teano 1474-1495: 445 Nicholas de Simon de Goze, Ragusan envoy to the Porte Orsini, Paolo, soldier, friend of the Medici, 466

(1441), 74n Orsova, town on the Danube, 90n

Nicholas of Cusa, cardinal 1448-1464, bishop of Brixen Orte, bishops of, see Angelo 1486-1492, J. Burchard 1450-1464: 149, 150n, 152, 165n, 214n, 215n, 233, 1503-1506

243n, 269n, 270n, 535n Orthodox, or Eastern, Christians (Greeks), 9, 16, 39n, 40-44,

Nicholas of Ujlak (Ujlaky), king of Bosnia 1472-1492: 46, 49n, 53, 54n, 58-62, 65, 66, 68, 78, 93, 96, 98,

250, 25I1n 104—106, 109, 125, 132n, 136n, 146, 177, 208, 210, 241,

Nicola, Italian town near Carrara, 465 319, 331, 417, and see Greek Orthodox Church, Russian Nicola, Otrantine poet, son of John Grassus, 374 Orthodox Church Nicola of Otranto, abbot of Casole, see Nectarius Ortonovo, Italian town near Carrara, 465

Nicopolis, 85, 90, 279; battle of (1396), 1, 7 Orvieto, 410, 490-492

Nicosia, 4n, 45, 158n, 529; archbishops of, 258, and see Osimo, 225, 396, 397n, 541 A. Chrysoberges 1447-ca. 1451, A. Orsini 1502-1524 Osmanlis, see Ottomans

Nile river, 49n Ostia, 185, 186, 317, 365, 418, 430, 437, 450, 451n, 459, Nio, island in the Aegean, 453 460, 469, 470, 473n, 474n, 491, 496, 499n, 500, 510, Nish (Nis), 76, 77 511n Nola, Italian city northeast of Naples, 538 Oswald, burgomaster of Hermannstadt (in 1453), 118n, 136n

Nona (Nin), town in Croatia, 74 Otranto, 454, 469n, 481, 483, 498, 522n, 526; archbishop of,

Normans, 456 see S. Pendinelli 1451—1480; fall and sack of (1480), North: Africa, 47, 48n, 415, 416, 424, and see Barbary 32n, 324, 333, 339, 340n, 341-345, 350, 356, 359, 364, Coast, Tunis 365, 370n, 373, 379, 380n, 384, 405n, 499n; recovery of

Norway, 167; king of, see Christian I 1448-1481 (1481), 330n, 366n, 368, 370-374, 376, 379, 394n; Notaras, Lucas, Byzantine grand duke (d. 1453), 105, 122, Terra d’, 66n, 344, 362, 364

123, 126n, 133, 134; sons of, 133, 134 Otrar, 2

Novara, 492n, 496; battle of (1500), 534, 535; bishops of, Otricoli, Italian town south of Narni, 268 see B. Visconti 1429-1457, G. Arcimboldo 1468-1484 Otto (of Ziegenhain), archbishop (and elector) of Trier

Novgorod, 319n 1418~—1430: 41

Novo Brdo, 58, 84, 115n, 171-173, 293n Otto del Carretto, Milanese envoy to Rome (1462), 206n, Nuremberg, 152, 319n, 427, 532; Diet of (1460), 213, 216 232n, 246n, 263, 264

Ottoman court, cultural life at, 142n Ottomans (Osmanli), Turkish caliphal dynasty 1299-1923,

Odessa, 399 see Murad I 1362-1389, Bayazid I 1389-1402, Mehmed Olena, town in the Morea; bishop of, see T. Chrysoberges I (1402) 1413-1421, Murad II 1421-1451, Mehmed II

1418-ca. 1429 1451-1481, Bayazid II] 1481-1512, Selim I 1512-1520, 1439-1455: 91 Ahmed, Isa, Jem, Murad, Musa, Mustafa (2), Suleiman,

Olesnicki, Zbigniew, bishop of Cracow 1423-1455, cardinal Suleiman I 1520~1566, Ahmed I 1603-1617; see also

Olivier de Morat, soldier at Rhodes (in 1480), 358n, 360n and Turks Olmiitz (Olomouc), 153; peace of (1478), 295 Ottone di Lapo de’ Niccolini, Florentine envoy to Rome Olzina, Antonio, papal commander (to 1456), 166, 167 (fi. 1463), 246, 265

INDEX 569 Padua, 54, 62n, 64, 517, 533; bishop of, 272; University of, | Palazzo S. Marco (in Rome), 472-474

14, 54 Palazzo Vecchio (in Florence), 336, 466, 507 270n 413, 417, 425, 447n, 461, 468; pilgrimage to, 1, 99n,

Paganino, Milanese envoy to Pius II, at Ancona (in 1464), Palestine (“the Holy Land”), 69n, 146, 183, 187, 316n, 331n,

Paladini, Luigi, Neapolitan envoy to Rome (1493), 440n, 445 104, 176, 196n, 511n, 512n Palaeo-Achaea, 221 Paliano, 380 Palaeologi, Byzantine imperial dynasty at Nicaea 1259-1261 Pallavicini, north-Italian family, 6, and see Guglielma and Constantinople 1261-1453: 10n, 12, 16, 31, 33n, 35, de’ Pallavicini 38, 46, 49n, 56, 71, 109, 146, 148, 149, 162, 199, 200, Pallavicini, Antoniotto, cardinal 1489-1507: 429, 432, 434, 252, 268, 319, 348, 461, 462n, 515, and see Michael VIII 474, 490, 491, 529 (1259) 1261-1282, Andronicus II (1272) 1282-1328, Palmieri, Matteo, Florentine diplomat (ff. 1467), 246n

Manuel IE (1373) 1391-1425, John VIII (1421) Palmoti¢c, Junija, Ragusan author, 291 1425-1448, Constantine XI (1448) 1449-1453; at Pamplona, 434 Mistra, see Theodore I 1382-1407, Theodore If 1415— —Pandolfini, Pierfilippo, Florentine envoy to Rome (1490),

1428 (1443), Thomas 1428-1432, prince of Achaea 398n, 419n, 420, 421n 1432—1460, Constantine [XI] 1443-1448, Demetrius Pandone, Camillo, Neapolitan agent (d. 1495), 480, 483 1449-1460 (titular 1460-1470), Andreas (titular 1470-— —_ Paniglino, Niccold, resident of Udine (ff. 1497), 501n

1502); at Thessalonica, see Andronicus 1408-1423; at Pantokrator, monastery (in Constantinople), 24, 31, 98 Montferrat, see Giovanni IV 1445-1464, Guglielmo Panvinius, Onophrius, Italian historian (fi. 1562), 390n VI 1464-1483, Bonifacio IV 1483-1493, Guglielmo Paolo da Colle, Florentine agent and merchant (fl. 1483),

VII (1493) 1512-1518, Giovanni Giorgio 1530-1533; 385n see also Blanche (Bianca) and Sophia of Montferrat; Paolo di Campofregoso, brother of Pietro; archbishop of

Helena (2) and Zoe Palaeologina; George, John, and Genoa 1453-1495, 1496-1498, doge in 1462, 1463Manuel (2) Palaeologus; Constantine Cantacuzenus, 1464, 1483-1487, cardinal 1480-1498: 163n, 371-373,

Marcus lagrus, and Mesih Pasha 379, 434, 444, 491, 492, 495

Palaeologina, Helena, daughter of Demetrius and Zoe Paolodi Mariano (“Romano”), Roman sculptor (fl. 1460), 230 (Theodora) Asanina (d. ca. 1470), 199, 200, 220, 224, Papal states, 39, 40, 52, 54, 98, 164n, 166, 213, 276, 280,

227, 228 288n, 325, 331n, 336, 340n, 365n, 367, 375, 386n, 397n,

Palaeologina, Helena, daughter of Theodore II and 416, 427, 432, 460, 468-470, 473n, 477

Cleopa; wife of John II of Cyprus 1442-1458: 253n Paphos, 4n; bishop of, see J. Pesaro 1495-1547 “Palaeologina,” Lucretia (wife of Jacopo Rinaldi; d. 1487), | Parentucelli, Tommaso, cardinal, see Nicholas V

463n Paris, 404, 406, 427, 428, 484n; Parlement of, 471, 479n;

Palaeologina, Zoe (“Sophia”), daughter of Thomas and University of, 40n, 185n

Caterina; wife of Ivan III 1472—1503: 216n, 318-320 —‘Parisiano d’ Ascoli, Emilio, senator of Rome (in 1489), 407

Palaeologus, Andreas, son of Thomas and Caterina; titular Parma, 493, 494, and see Andreono de Parma; bishops of, despot of the Morea 1470-1502: 146, 275n, 318n, 319, see G. Sclafenati 1482-1497, G. A. Sangiorgio 1499-—

373, 395n, 461-463; son (?, Fernando) of, 513; wife of, 1509 see Caterina Parnassus, Mount, 70, 374 Palaeologus, Andronicus, son of Manuel II and Helena; Paros, 92, 93, 327; archbishop of, see Niccolo da Gaeta despot of Thessalonica 1408-1423 (d. 1429), 19-21, 23, 1479-d. by 1504; lord of, see Crusino I Sommaripa

24, 28, 31, 40 1414-1420, 1425-1462

Palaeologus, Demetrius, son of Manuel II and Helena; Pasquino, statue, in Rome, 542 despot at Mistra 1449-1460 (d. 1470), 31, 40, 56, 70, Passau, bishop of, see L. Laiming 1424-1451 108, 146-149, 161n, 162, 171, 196-200, 209, 219-221, Patmos, 189n, 511n 223-225, 227, 228, 291, 312n; wife of, see Zoe Patras, 14, 16, 27n, 32-35, 38n, 56n, 70, 97, 148, 197, 198,

(Theodora) Asanina 211, 219, 220, 228, 229, 249, 256, 282n, 284, 285, 318n,

Palaeologus, George, Greek commander (in 1460), 220 520; archbishops of, see S. Zaccaria 1405-1424, Palaeologus, John, son of Andronicus of Thessalonica P. Malatesta 1424-1430, S. Taleazzi 1485-1514

(fl. 1423), 24 (titular); Gulf of, 221, 293

Palaeologus, Manuel, governor of Monemvasia (in 1460), 224 _ Patrizzi (Patrizi), Agostino, bishop of Pienza (and Montalcino)

Palaeologus, Manuel, son of Thomas and Caterina (fl. 1472), 1484-ca. 1495: 202n, 229n, 260, 389n, 423, 475n ,

319n Paul, abbot of S. Maria de Trefandena (fl. 1455), 194n

Palaeologus, Theodore I, brother of Manuel II; despot at Paul II (Pietro Barbo, nephew of Eugenius IV), cardinal

Mistra 1382-1407: 3, 4 1440-1464, pope 1464-1471: 55n, 80n, 140n, 159,

Palaeologus, Theodore IJ, son of Manuel II and Helena; 163n, 164n, 168, 190n, 214n, 225n, 243n, 253, 256, 258, despot at Mistra 1415-1428, co-despot 1428-1443, lord 260n, 270n, 271, 272, 274-276, 278-282, 287-289,

of Selymbria 1443-1448: 3, 6, 10-18, 31-33, 35, 36, 291, 292, 294-299, 300n, 304-310, 311n, 312, 313n, 40, 41, 56, 69, 70, 82, 253; wife of, see Cleopa Malatesta 319, 326n, 389n, 405n, 431, 533 Palaeologus, Thomas, son of Manuel II and Helena; co- Paul III (Alessandro Farnese), cardinal 1493~—1534, adm. despot at Mistra (1418) 1428-1432, prince of Achaea bishop of Corneto and Montefiascone 1501-1519, 1432-1460, claimant to Byzantine throne 1453-1465: pope 1534-1549: 271n, 390n, 444, 529 11, 31, 32, 34, 35, 40, 56, 70, 97, 108, 146-149, 161n, Paul V (Camillo Borghese), pope 1605-1621: 248 162, 171, 188, 196-200, 209-211, 219-224, 2926, 228- Paul I, Romanov czar of Russia 1796-1801: 349 230, 268, 275n, 288, 318, 319, 326n, 348n, 373, 395n; ~— Pavia, 61, 20In, 444; bishops of, see G. Castiglione 1453-

wife of, see Caterina Zaccaria 1460, J. Ammanati 1460-1479, A. M. Sforza 1479-

Palapanno, Antonio, Rhodian pensioner (in 1480), 358n 1505

Palatinate (Pfalz), 205; counts (palsgraves) of, see Rhine Pavia-Siena, Council of (1423-1424), 40, 43n

570 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pazanike, Moreote fortress, 197 Philibert I, son of Amadeo IX; duke of Savoy 1472-1482:

Pazzi, Florentine banking family, 191n, 194n, 246n, 275n, 356

336, 337n, 339, 401, 448, 535n, and see Francesco, Philip I (“the Handsome”), son of Maximilian I; titular duke

Giovanni, and Guglielmo de’ Pazzi (IV) of Burgundy 1482-1506, Hapsburg archduke (1)

Pechenegs (Patzinaks), 334 of Austria 1493-1506, king (1) of Castile in 1506: 522n

Pedro (“Bordo”) de San Superano, vicar of Achaea 1386-— ‘Philip III (“the Good”), son of John of Nevers; duke of

1391, prince of Achaea 1396-1402: 18 Burgundy 1419-1467: 69n, 75n, 76n, 77, 84-86, 94,

Pedro de Urrea, archbishop of Tarragona 1445-1489: 106n, 120n, 137n, 143, 151-153, 154n, 173, 190, 206,

166, 167, 186n, 187 217, 218, 222n, 235, 236, 249, 261, 262, 263, 266, 267,

Pedro Martinez de Luna, cardinal and antipope, see 273n, 276n, 279, 287, 288, 294

Benedict XIII Philip, nephew of Frederick I; Wittelsbach palsgrave (and 347n, 360n Philippe de Bresse, French noble (ff. 1495), 484, 490

Peixo, Lodovico, captain of a transport, at Rhodes in 1480: elector) of the Rhine 1476-1508: 522n

Pelagius (Galvani), cardinal 1205-1230: 374 Philippe de Cléves et la Marck, nephew of John of Cleves;

Pellene, 196 lord of Ravenstein 1492—1528: 538n

Peloponnesus, see Morea Philippe de Commines, French envoy to Venice (1494-

Pendinelli, Stefano, archbishop of Otranto 1451-1480: 345, 1495), lord of Argenton, historian (d. ca. 1511), 452n,

364, 374 455, 461n, 467, 477n, 478, 481, 485~488, 492-498,

Penteskuphi, rocky height in Corinthia, 197 507n, 513n

Pera (Galata), 68n, 70n, 79, 82, 87, 89n, 92, 115, 117-119, Philippe de Luxembourg, cardinal 1495-1519: 529 121, 128, 129, 132, 134, 136n, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, —Philippine-Héléne, daughter of Jacques of Sassenage (fl.

336, 337, 411n, and see Galata 1484), 385

Peraudi (Pérault), Raymond, bishop of Gurk 1491-1501, Philomatis (Filomati), Antonios and Markos, Greek shipcardinal 1493—1505: 402, 403, 405, 406, 408, 412, 444, masters (in 1456), 132n 457, 458, 461-463, 470, 472, 474, 476, 477, 479, 482, Philotheus I, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Alexandria

484, 524, 529, 531, 532 1437-1450: 61 .

Peretola, town northwest of Florence, 63, 155 . Phlius, town in the northern Morea, near Mount PolyPeretta di Usemari, sister of Battistina (ff. 1492), 429 phengos, 196, 227 Peretti, Alessandro, grandnephew of Felice (Sixtus V); Phocaea, New, 79, 95, 145, 239, 322-324; Old, 145, 239,

cardinal 1585-1623: 230n 322, 323, 511n Pergamum, 95, 348, 511n Pholoe, Mount, 18

Perotti, Niccolo, Italian humanist (b. 1430, d. 1480), arch- Photius, patriarch of Constantinople 858-867, 877-886

bishop of Siponto (Manfredonia) 1458-1480: 107 (d. 892?), 105

Perpinya 1404-1411

Perpignan (Perpinya), county of, 488, 491, and see Jaume de__— Piacenza, 444, 495; bishop of, see Branda da Castiglione

Perron de Baschi, French envoy to Alexander VI (1495), Piada, 17, 18; lord of, see Arnau de Caupena

442n, 491, 492 Piccinino, Jacopo, Italian condottiere (d. 1465), 164n, 166,

Persia, 95n, 237n, 272, 31 1n, 314, 315, 321, 329n, 331, 334n, 170, 171, 231 417; shahs of, 417, and see Isma‘il I 1502-1524 Piccinino, Niccolo, Italian condottiere (d. 1444), 55, 59

Persian Gulf, 335n Piccolomini, Italian family, 202n, 203n, 205n, 252, and see

Persians, 49n, 88, 142n, 222n Laudomia de’ Piccolomini, Pius II (Enea Silvio), Pius

Perugia, 190n, 191, 204, 458n, 490, 492, 524; bishop of, III (Francesco Todeschini); see also J. Ammanati and

see J. Lopez 1492-1498 F. Bandini

Peruzzi, Bernardo, Florentine (ff. 1479), 337 Piccolomini, Aldello, papal ceremoniere (in 1492), 427

Pesaro, 35n, 253, 338n, 344, 454, 511n, 512n, and see Piccolomini, Alfonso, duke of Amalfi (in 1492), 429 Lorenzo da Pesaro; bishop of, see T. Vincenzi 1475- Piccolomini, Jacopo Silveri, letter to, by Cardinal Francesco 1479; lords of, see C. Sforza 1473-1483, G. Sforza Todeschini Piccolomini, on the Andreis (in 1464), 229n

1483-1500, 1503-1510, C. Borgia 1500-1503 Piceno, 397, 401, 405n

Pesaro, Benedetto, cousin of Jacopo; Venetian captain- Pienza (Corsignano), 200, 204n, 207n, 211n, 258, 259, 270; general of the sea (d. 1503), 522, 523, 524n, 533, 538 bishop of, see A. Patrizzi 1484-ca. 1495 Pesaro, Jacopo, bishop of Paphos 1495-1547, commander __ Piero de’ Medici, son of Cosimo; Florentine ruler 1464-

of papal galleys against the Turks (in 1502), 523, 1469: 275n, 278, 401

533, 534n Piero de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo and Chiara; Florentine ruler

Peter de Varda, archbishop of Kalocza and Bacs 1481-d. by 1492— 1494 (d. 1503), 437, 438n, 442n, 443, 451n, 452,

1502: 378 459, 460, 464-467, 473, 484, 492; wife of, see Alfonsina

Peterwardein (Petrovaradin), 174 Orsini Petrarch (Francesco Petrarca), Italian poet (b. 1304, Pierre d’ Aubusson, Hospitaller prior of Auvergne (to 1476), d. 1374), 495 grand master of the Hospitallers 1476-1503, cardinal

Pfeiffer, Johann, German cleric (fl. 1491), 390n 1489-1503: 310, 346-351, 353-355, 357-359, 360n,

Phanarion, Moreote village, 33n 361- 364, 379, 381-385, 386n, 387, 392, 393, 394n, Phanes (Fane), castle on the northern coast of Rhodes, 349 397n, 398-400, 402, 406, 407, 409n, 410, 411, 418-420,

Phasis, port on the Black Sea, 48; river (Rioni), 161 425, 435, 448, 453, 458, 461, 512, 516, 517, 519n, 530

Pheneus (Phonia), town in Arcadia, 196 Pierre de Beaumez, Belgian at Rhodes (in 1480), 360n

Pheraclus (Feraclo), Rhodian castle, 347, 349n, 361 Pierre II de Beaujeu, brother of Jean II; co-regent of France

Pherae (Velestinon), 198 1483-1492, duke of Bourbon 1488-1503: 483; wife of, Phileremus (Fileremo), Mount, 347, 349, 350 see Anne of France

INDEX 571 Pierre de Gié, viscount of Rohan and marshal of France (in _ Pollatuolo, Antonio, Florentine sculptor and painter (b. 1429,

1494), 471, 472, 494 d. 1498), 431n

Pietrasanta, 401, 465-467, 492, 493n, 495, 496n “Pomponiani,” 272n, 295n, and see Pomponius Leto Pietro da Noceto, papal secretary (1451, 1455), 106n, 161n; Pontani, Gaspare, Roman notary (d. ca. 1524), author of the

169n 437n

brother (Jacopo) of, 106n Diario romano formerly called the “Notaio di Nantiporto,”

Pietro da Vernazza, Genoese philanthropist (fl. 1428), 47 391n

Pietro de’ Tebaldeschi da Norcia, Roman senator (in 1456), Pontano, Giacomo, Neapolitan envoy to Rome (1492), 425n,

Pietro di Campofregoso, doge of Genoa 1450-1458 (d. Pontano, Giovanni Gioviano, Italian humanist (b. 1426,

1459), 135n, 138, 143n, 144, 163, 166n d. 1503), 396, 422, 425n, 426, 429, 447n, 480n, 484

Pignera, Lupo and Pedro, Galicians at Rhodes (in 1480), 362 Pontecorvo, Italian town west of Cassino, 500

Pilsen, city in Bohemia, 295 Pontelli, Baccio, Italian architect (d. 1492), 338, 437

Pindus mountains, 72 Pontiko, fortress town in the Morea, 199, 226 Pinturicchio (Bernardino di Betto), Italian painter (b. ca. Pontine Marches, 376

1454, d. 1513), 541 Pontremoli, 465n, 493 1474-1510 Popes, see Nicholas I 858-867, John VIII 872-882,

Piombino, 401n; despot of, see Jacopo d’ Appiano Pontus, 115n, 161

Piotrkow, city in Poland, 86 Urban II 1088-1099, Gregory IX 1227-1241, Innocent Piraeus, harbor of Athens, 283, 284 IV 1243-1254, Gregory X 1271-1276, Celestine V in Pirot, town northwest of Sofia, 77 1294, Boniface VIII 1294-1303, John XXII 1316-

Pisa, 61, 166n, 452, 465, 467, 486, 489, 492, 495, 496, 508, 1334, Innocent VI 1352-1362, Gregory XI 1370-1378,

509, 512; archbishop of, see Filippo de’ Medici 1461— Urban VI 1378-1389, Gregory XII 1406-1415,

1474 Martin V 1417-1431, Eugenius IV 1431-1447,

Pisitillo, Gabriele, Italian at Rhodes (in 1480), 350n Nicholas V 1447-1455, Calixtus III 1455-1458, Pius

Pistoia, 62, 63, 71, 155, 336n Il 1458-1464, Paul II 1464-1471, Sixtus IV 1471Pitigliano, count of, see N. Orsini 1484, Innocent VIII 1484-1492, Alexander VI 1492-

Pius II (Aeneas Sylvius, or Enea Silvio Piccolomini), bishop of 1503, Pius III in 1503, Julius IT 1503-1513, Leo X

Siena 1450-1458, cardinal 1456-1458, pope 1458- 1513-1521, Clement VII 1523-1534, Paul III 1534-

1464: 76n, 77n, 80, 81n, 89n, 91, 100n, 106n, 147, 149— 1549, Julius II 1550-1555, Gregory XIII 1572-1585,

154, 157, 159-161, 162n, 163, 167n, 182, 187n, 190n, Sixtus V 1585-1590, Paul V 1605-1621, Alexander 200, 201, 202n, 203-222, 223n, 224-226, 228-236, VII 1655-1667, Innocent XI 1676-1689, Benedict 237n, 239n, 240, 243-247, 249, 250n, 251-253, 256- XIV 1740-1758 262, 263-272, 274-276, 287, 288n, 291, 293-295, 309, Porcari, Girolamo, bishop of Andria 1495-1503: 537

322, 356, 369, 405n, 417, 427, 466, 468, 509 Porcari, Stefano, Italian conspirator against Nicholas V Pius IJI (Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini, nephew of (d. 1453), 107 Pius II), cardinal and bishop of Siena 1460-1503, pope _— Porcellio, Giannantonio, Neapolitan court poet and historian

in 1503: 200n, 202n, 229n, 230n, 268n, 275n, 391, 427, (fl. 1460), 259 429, 432n, 434, 435, 438-440, 444, 465, 468, 469n, Pordenone, Italian town west of Udine, 327

517, 529, 535 Porphyrogenitus, palace of (in Constantinople), 114, 115, Plataea, 196, 198, 248 125, 126, 127n Platamona, 24, 302n Porte, see Ottomans Platina (Bartolommeo de’ Sacchi), Italian humanist (b. ca. Porto, town north of Ostia, 418, 434, 435 1421, d. 1481), 200n, 201n, 203n, 208n, 219n, 272n Porto Longo, harbor on the southwestern Moreote coast, 226 Pletho, George Gemistus, Byzantine philosopher (b.ca. 1360, Portogruaro, town in Friuli, 307

d. 1452), 33n, 62, 66n, 97, 252, 253, 274; sons Portugal, 1, 167, 479, 509; Hospitallers from, 346n, 349;

(Andronicus and Demetrius) of, 33n kings of, see John I 1385-1433, Alfonso V 1438-1481,

Po river, 326 541

Plousiadenus, John Joseph, Orthodox bishop of Modon Manuel I 1495-1521

1492-1500: 66n Portuguese, 41, 335n, 349, 372, 391n, 414, 456, 511, 536,

Podocataro, Luigi, bishop of Capaccio 1483-1503, arch- Poznan (Posen), 78n, 90n; bishop of, see A. L. Goslawicki

bishop of Benevento 1503-1504, cardinal 1500-1504: 1414-1426

436n, 449, 488n, 529 Pozzuoli, 483n

Poggibonsi, town south of Florence, 492 Prague, 45n, 165n, 294, and see Jerome of Prague; Four Poggio Reale, eastern suburb of Naples, 483 Articles of, 294; Hussite archbishop of, see J. Rokycana Pointet, Gilbert, French writer (fl. 1495), 494n Prato, 62-64, 71, 155; Duomo in, 63n

Pola (Pula), 64 Prato, Leonardo, Hospitaller (ff. 1482), 385n

Poland, 4In, 67, 68, 75, 86, 87, 90, 91, 152n, 154n, 165, 167, — Prino, village on the island of Euboea, 4n 190n, 205, 262, 315, 321n, 330n, 331, 335n, 399n, 408n, —‘Priuli, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Florence (1471), 308n

428, 527, 531, 532n; kings of, see Louis I (Angevin) Priuli, Paolo, Venetian provveditore in the Morea (1467),

1370-1382, Ladislas II Jagiello 1386-1434, Ladislas 286

III 1434-1444, Casimir IV 1447-1492, John Albert Propontis, see Marmara, Sea of

1492—1501, Alexander I 1501-1506 Protimo, Niccolo, titular archbishop of Athens (from 1446),

Poles, 69n, 80n, 81, 86, 87, 152n, 233, 335n, 413, 414, 416, 96

456, 499n Provence, 407, 452n; count of, see René I 1434-1480; d. 1494), 336, 429n, 457n ships from, 111n

Poliziano, Angelo (‘Politian”), Italian humanist (b. 1454, Hospitallers from, 346n 349, 354; seamen from, 7;

572 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Prussia, 91, 262 144, 162, 169n, 184, 188-190, 194n, 203, 208, 221,

Pteleum, 6n, 8; lords of, see Niccolo II, Jacopo I, and 239, 251, 253, 262n, 263n, 276, 299, 309, 314, 317,

Niccolo III Zorzi 346-350, 359, 361, 363, 381-384, 387, 392~—394, 398,

Puglie, Puglia, see Apulia; see also Francesco di Puglia 400, 402, 406, 409n, 411, 420, 435, 453, 458, 511n, Pusculo (Pusculus), Ubertino, Brescian poet of the fall of 515-517, 520; Knights of, see Hospitallers Constantinople (fi. 1453), 120n, 12In, 125n, 128n, Rhone river, 386

129n, 134n Rialto (in Venice), 354n, 486n, 509, 514

Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Sixtus IV; lord of Imola and Forli (d. 1488), 324, 325, 336, 338, 343, 344, 355, 367,

Quadrata, duke of, see Alfonso (d. 1500) 375, 376, 380, 434, 437; wife of, see Caterina Sforza

Quarnero, 441, 518 Riario (S i), Raffaele, cardinal 1477-1521: 356n, 424

nea . ; —432, , , , 530n, 535n, 541

Quendal, John, Hospitaller turcopolier (in 1485), 393n aro vere 4 16, 509 ina ~ : mn, , Querini, Giovanni, count of Stampalia (Astypalaea) from Ri i. Fl ‘ne banki . 7 1434, and lord of Amorgos from 1446: 9n icasoll, Florentine banking family, 275n , woe , : Riccardo de Glemona, chancellor of Modon (in 1422),

15

Querini, Giovanni (Zanachi), rector of Tenos and Mykonos Rieti. bish f AC ‘ca 1480-1469. D. Carni (from 1411), lord of Astypalaea (“count of Stampalia,” leu, Dishops 1469-ca. 1476ol, see A. Vapranica 7 » , Gamusato

from 1412/1413), 9 Riga, 62n

Quer (or Quirini), Lauro, Venetian humanist (ff. 1453), Rimini, 252, 253, 256, 287, 512n, 531; tyrants of, see Sigismondo Malatesta 1432-1468, Sallustio Malatesta 1468-1470, Roberto Malatesta 1470-1482, Pandolfo Radino, Calojanni, envoy of Thessalonica to Venice (1425), Malatesta 1482—1500, 1503

24n Rinaldo degli Albizzi, anti-Medicean Florentine statesman,

Ragusa (Dubrovnik), 73-75, 77, 83n, 84, 89n, 100n, 102, exiled 1434, d. 1442: 55, 63n

142n, 158, 169n, 171, 173n, 184n, 191n, 193, 194n, Risaliti, Geri, Florentine envoy to Istanbul (1499), 521 195n, 208, 221, 232n, 240, 243, 262n, 269, 270n, 279, — Risigliano, 344

286, 290, 291, 343, 344n, 359, 375, 393n, 397n, 399, Rizzardo, Giacomo, Italian chronicler of the Turkish capture 419n, 425, 427, 511n, 525n; archbishops of, see G. (or E. ?) of Negroponte (1470), 301, 303n Saraca 1341-1361, J. Venier (from 1440), T. Maffei Rizzio (Riccio), Michele, Neapolitan in the service of France

1467-1470, Giovanni de’ Sacchi 1490-1505; see also (d. 1515), 483, 484n

John of Ragusa Rizzo (Riccio), Antonio, Italian sculptor (b. ca. 1430,

252n, 284n 71n

Rahova (Rahovitsa), battle of (1475), 321n d. 1498), 285

Ralr, Nicholas and Michael, Albanian leaders (in 1464), Rizzoni, Martino and Giacomo, Veronese scholars (fl. 1442),

Rangone, Gabriele, bishop of Erlau 1475-1486, cardinal Robert (“the Wise”), grandson of Charles I of Anjou;

1477-1486: 364, 365n Angevin king of Naples 1309-1343: 326

Rascia, 78n, and see Serbia Roberto, bishop of Arezzo 1434-1456: 168

Ratdolt, Erhard, Venetian printer (ff. 1480), 73n Roberto (Caracciolo) da Lecce, Franciscan preacher (d.

Ravenna, 315n, 335, 517 1483), 139, 191n, 247

Ravenstein, lord of, see Philippe de Cléves Roberto di Sanseverino, Italian traveler (in 1458) and

Red Sea, 335n, 379 condottiere (in 1485), 162n, 196n, 394, 395

363n 295

Regensburg (Ratisbon), Diet of (1454), 151-154, 158; Dietof Rochechinard, 385 ,

(1471), 310 , Rohan, viscount of, see Pierre de Gié

Reger, Johann, German printer at Ulm (fl. 1496), 346n, Rokycana, John, Hussite archbishop of Prague 1435-1471: Reggio d’ Emilia, 494; duke of, see Borso d’ Este 1452-1471 Romagna, 25, 40n, 247, 299n, 325, 459, 465, 531, 536, 537,

Reggio di Calabria, 491; archbishop of, see P. Isvalies 1497- 540; duke of, see Cesare Borgia 1501-1507

~ 1506 Roman Catholic Church, 2, 39-44, 45n, 46, 52, 53, 59, 60n,

Regno, see Naples, kingdom of 61, 62, 65, 68, 75, 78, 84, 98, 105, 106, 111, 133, 136n,

René I (“the Good”), Angevin count of Guise, duke of Bar 146, 163, 164n, 171, 184n, 187n, 200, 204, 214, 215, 1430-1452, of Lorraine 1431-1452, and of Anjou 224n, 234n, 235, 246, 253n, 261, 265n, 267n, 271, 275n, 1434-1480, count of Provence 1434-1480, titular king 282, 294, 299n, 312n, 318, 319, 321, 331, 338n, 356n,

of Naples 1435-1480: 103, 156, 205 368n, 380, 388, 392, 395, 397n, 403, 404, 416-418,

René II, grandson of René I; Angevin duke of Lorraine 420, 425, 431n, 432n, 433n, 442, 447n, 448n, 450n, 451,

and Bar 1473—1508: 395 453, 458-460, 467, 468, 490, 492, 496, 502, 504, 505,

Reuwich, Erhard, of Utrecht, Dutch artist (ff. 1483), 352n 517, 528n, 537, 538, 540; states of, see Papal states Reyes, Bernardino, noble at Rhodes (in 1480), 358n, 360n Romania, galley of, 454; pasha of, 74 Rheims, archbishop of, see G. Brigonnet 1497-1507 Romano, Paolo, see Paolo di Mariano Rhine, counts palatine (and electors) of, see Ludwig IV of Romans, kings of, 537, and see Germany, kings of Wittelsbach 1410-1436, Frederick I 1449-1476, Philip Rome, 4n, 15, 39, 40n, 42, 46, 47, 50, 52, 54, 57n, 58, 73n,

1476-1508 75, 92, 102, 106-109, 134, 135, 137-139, 140n, 145,

Rhineland, 158, 262 146, 150n, 151n, 152, 154n, 156-160, 163n, 164, 170, Rhodes, city, 309, 310, 346, 348n, 381-384, 410, 418n, 171, 178, 183, 185n, 186n, 187, 188n, 189, 190, 192, 193, 421n; Giudecca of, 353n, 354, 358, 360n; siege of (1480), 200, 20I1n, 203-205, 206n, 207, 209n, 213, 215, 216n, 324, 333, 342-362, 364, 365, 370n, 371n, 379, 380n, 218, 219n, 222, 228-230, 234n, 236n, 240n, 243n, 252,

381, 385, 405n; siege of (1522), 349, 351, 352n, 354, 259n, 264-266, 268, 271-273, 275n, 278-282, 292,

358; fall of (1523), 349 295n, 305, 307, 310, 313n, 314, 318-321, 322n, 325,

Rhodes, island of, 1, 9, 32n, 71, 78, 85, 88n, 92, 99n, 112, ' 332, 338, 341, 343, 345, 346, 350, 355, 364-369, 372n,

INDEX 573 376, 378-380, 384n, 386, 387, 389n, 391n, 392-396, 230, 268, 270n, 281n, 314n, 318, 389n, 391, 428-431, 403, 405-409, 411-414, 416, 418, 420, 421n, 422-437, 459, 474, 488n, 491, 503, 504, 537, 540 438n, 439-442, 446-450, 452, 454-456, 458-463, 465, Saint Peter, Hospitaller castle (at Bodrum, Halicarnassus), 466, 468—474, 476, 477, 479, 482, 483n, 484-491, 492n, 347, 348n, 353n, 384 496, 498, 500n, 501n, 502-508, 510, 511, 513-516, Saint Pol, count of, see Francois de Bourbon 519, 520, 522n, 524, 527, 530, 532, 534, 535, 537n, Saint Salvator in Chora, monastery (in Constantinople), 130 538, 539, 540n, 541; see also Curia Romana; Hospitaller Saint Stephen, church (in Constantinople), 42

prior of, 362; University of, 541 Sainte-Chapelle (in Paris), 427

Rossano, county of, 484 Saladin, Aiyubid soldan of Egypt (1169) and Syria 1174Rouen, archbishops of, see Guillaume d’ Estouteville 1453- 1193: 90

1483, Georges d’ Amboise 1494-1510 Salento, 343, 345, 374 Roupele, fortress town in the Morea, 197 Salerno, archbishop of, see J. Vera 1500-1507

295 Saloniki, see Thessalonica

Roverella, Lorenzo, papal legate in eastern Europe (1467), Salona (Amphissa), 302n

Rovine, battle of (1395), 56n Saluzzo, marquis of, see Louis I 1416-1475

Rovira, Gabriele, clerk of the Sacred College (1468), 56n Salvarium, fortress in the Morea, 226 Rudolf of Anhalt, German prince in Rome (1494), 468 Salzburg, 330; archbishop of, see M. Lang 1512-1540 Rudolf von Rudesheim, bishop of Lavant 1463-1468, of | Samarkand, 2

Breslau 1468-1482: 295 Samastri, Genoese commercial station, dependency of Caffa

Rumeli Hisar, 110, llin, 118, 144 (Feodosiya), 144

Rumelia (European Turkey), 48n, 49n, 114, 334, 381, 387, Samile, “bishop” (ff. 1453), 118n, 136n

398n Sammarocco, prison (in Castel Sant’ Angelo), 505, 506 Rumilly, 385 Samos, 88n Rupert of Simmern, bishop of Strassburg 1440-1478: 389n Samothrace, 188, 189, 227, 283 Russia, 4n, 37, 41n, 62, 318-320, 331, 334, 349, 499n, 519, San Carlo al Corso, church (in Rome), 372n

520n; czars of, see Ivan HI 1492-1505, Paul I 1796— San Ciriaco, church (at Ancona), 230n, 268 |

1801; slaves from, 48n San Domenico, church (later S. Maria del Castello on Chios),

Russian Orthodox Church, 318, 319 129n

Ruzini, Francesco and Marco, Venetian nobles (ca. 1450), San Francesco, church (at Ferrara), 62

103, 104, 108 San Francesco (Tempio Malatestiano), church (at Rimini), 252

San Francesco di Paola, church (in Otranto), 373, 374 San Germano (Cassino), 481; peace of (1230), 481n Sabellico, Marcantonio Coccio, Venetian historian (b. 1436, San Giacomo degli Spagnoli, church (in Rome), 423, 424

d. 1506), 284n San Gimignano, 80n _ .

Sa‘d-ad-Din, Khoja, Turkish chronicler (fl. 1495), 110n, 47 GOT8!O Maggiore, Benedictine abbey (in Venice), 1'7n,

118n, 129n, 133n, 385, 398n, 468n, 477n, 482n San L ne D hurch (in R 970n. 471

Sadoleto, Niccolo, Ferrarese envoy to Naples (and Valona) an -orenzo In Mamaso, Chure (in Rome), n, in 1480-1481: 341-345, 347n, 350n, 351n, 356n, 24 Marco, church (in Rome), 440, 463n

360n, 365n San Marco, church (in Venice), 487, 500n

y:

Safad, sanjak in western Palestine, 331n San Marco, Dominican convent (in Florence), 505-507; Safavids, royal dynasty in Persia 1502-1736, 417, and see prior of, see G. Savonarola (d. 1498)

Isma‘il I 1502-1524 San Niccolo, church (later mosque, at Alessio), 290

Sagundino, Alvise, Venetian envoy to the Porte (in 1494 san Niccolo, monastery (at Osimo), 225 . and on later occasions), 451n, 455n, 491n, 499 an Niccolo da Bari, onetime chapel (in the Vatican), 271, Sagundino, Niccol6, Venetian secretary (d. 1463), 128n, 314n, 379n, 388, 390n, 391, 432, 540, 541n

142n, 238n San Nicola di Casole, monastery near Otranto, see Casole

Saint Albans, battle of (1455), 206 San Fetronto, church (at Bologna), 245

Saint Andrew, church (at Patras), 34 San Pietro in Montorio, church (in Rome), 462, 463 Saint Andrew's head, 4n, 228-229, 230n, 318n, 379, 427 29a" S€astiano, church (at Rhodes), 382

. 7?Anthony, , , ; ; Santo Stefano, (in353, Italy), 465, Saint church (on Rhodes), town 349, 352, 361, 362 ,.

467

Saint Denis. abbot of de Bilhares-L I Santo Stefano, church (in Milan), 326 2 aor On, See Jean e BIN eT es--agraulas Santo Stefano, hill (on Rhodes), 350, 351 Saint George, fort (in Croatia), 441 Sancia (Xances), bastard daughter of Alfonso II; wife of Saint George (in the Morea), 220, 226 Gioffredo Borgia (from 1493), 443, 444, 446, 449, 504 Saint George (on Cephalonia), 523 Sander, Michael, secretary of Johann Burchard (fl. 1506),

Saint George (on Skyros), 301 390n Saint Germain-des-Prés, abbots of, see G. Briconnet (elder Sandonnino, Niccolé, bishop of Modena 1465-1479, of 1501-1507, younger 1507-1534) Lucca 1479-1499: 322n |

Saint John, Hospitaller church (at Rhodes), 352n, 406 Sandy Point (Saburra), on Rhodes, 350, 353

Saint John, monastery (in Constantinople), 130 Sangiorgio, Giovanni Antonio (di), bishop of Alessandria

Saint John, monastery (on Patmos), 189n 1478-1499, of Parma 1499-1509, cardinal 1493-1509:

Saint Loup, lord of, see J. Darse 444, 529

Saint Malo, bishop of, see G. Brigonnet 1493-1514 Sanseverineschi, family suspected of complicity in the mur-

Saint Mary Magdalene, church (near Belgrade), 181 der of Juan Borgia (in 1497), 502 Saint Nicholas, church (at Patras), 34, 228 Sansovino, Andrea, Italian sculptor (b. 1460, d. 1529), 535

Saint Nicholas, monastery (near Berrhoea), 226 Sansovino, Francesco, Italian historian (ff. 1568), 11 in, 112n Saint Peter, church (at Rome), 107, 161n, 166, 200n, 229, Sant’ Andrea della Valle, church (in Rome), 230n, 270n

574 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sant’ Angelo, castle (in Rome), 186n, 258n, 259, 380, 406, 195, 196n, 205n, 207n, 219n, 231, 232, 245, 251, 262n, 418, 423, 424, 431, 436, 441, 458, 469, 470, 472-474, 273, 274, 278-282, 287, 289-291, 312, 327, 343; wife

476, 485, 498, 499, 501, 505, 513, 537, 540-542 of, see Andronica Arianiti

Santa Croce, convent (in Venice), 93n Scandinavia, 190n, 217, 246n, 262, and see Denmark, NorSanta Croce, Franciscan convent (in Florence), 457n way, Sweden Santa Maria d’ Aracoeli, church (in Rome), 240n, 413n Scarampo, Niccolo and Lodovico, heirs of L. Trevisan Santa Maria del Popolo, church (in Rome), 355, 371, 372n, (fi. 1465), 55n 390n, 392, 394, 428, 441, 490n, 491n, 500n, 501,535 Scardona (Skradin), 74 Santa Maria della Pace, church (in Rome), 338 Schiavo, Tommaso, Dalmatian condottiere (d. 1470), 301,

Santa Maria di Loreto, shrine, 429, 430 302

Santa Maria di Monserrato, church (in Rome), 540n Schiavone, Giorgio, Roman lumber merchant (in 1497), 501 Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, church (in Venice), 523,533n Schlick, Gaspar, chancellor of Bohemia (in 1429), 28n Santa Maria in Via Lata, church (in Rome), 4n, 428, 444n,472n Schoffer, Peter, German printer at Mainz (b. 1425?, d. 1502),

Santa Maria Nova, church (in Rome), 504 159

Santa Maria Novella, church and Dominican convent (in Scholarius, George (Gennadius II), Orthodox patriarch of

Florence), 52, 54, 64 ! Constantinople 1454-1456, 1462-1463, 1464-1465

Santa Maria sopra Minerva, church and Dominican convent (d. ca. 1472), 45n, 60, 61, 66, 88n, 137n

(in Rome), 58n, 98, 498, 540 Schott, Peter, canon of Strassburg (ff. 1480), 370n

Santa Maura, see Leucadia Sclafenati, Giangiacomo, bishop of Parma 1482-1497, Santa Reparata (now Santa Maria del Fiore), cathedral (at cardinal 1483-1497: 431, 432, 434, 441, 504, 542 Florence), 61, 336 Scotland, 167, 217, 246n, 262, 413, 414, 531; bishops of, Santa (or Hagia) Sophia, church (in Thessalonica), 28 309; king of, see James II 1437-1460; soldiers from, 475

Santameri, 227 Scutari (Chrysopolis, Uskudar), suburb of Istanbul, 348

Santonino, Paolo, Italian traveler (ff. 1486), 327n Scutari (Scodra, Shkodér), town in Albania, 8, 19, 30, 73n, Santorin, 8, 453 101, 282n, 327, 328, 469n Sanudo, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Rome (1469), 296 Sebastopolis, town at the mouth of the Phasis (Rioni) river, 161 Sanudo, Maria, half-sister of Niccolo II dalle Carceri; lady Sebenico (Sibenik), 29, 30n, 74, 193, 441n, 442n, 451n, 512,

of Andros 1371-1384: 93n 523n; bishop of, see U. Vignatus 1454-ca. 1469; count

Sanudo, Marino (“the Younger”), Venetian historian (b. 1466, of, 426n d. 1533), 30, 37, 120n, 140, 141, 269, 285, 371n, 470, Secco, Francesco, condottiere in Florentine employ (1495),

476-479, 481-487, 488n, 489-491, 494n, 499, 500, 492

503n, 504, 505, 506n, 507-510, 511n, 512, 515n, 517, Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), 39n

519n, 524n, 528n, 531n, 535, 538n Segna (Senj), 292, 297, 441, 444, 446, 456; counts of, 240n, Sapienza, island off the harbor of Modon, 509 296, 297, and see Stefano de’ Frangipani

Sara-Khatin, mother of Uzun Hasan (ff. 1461), 237 Segovia, see John of Segovia

1361: 74 sultan’ 1512—1520: 410

Saraca, Giovanni (or Elias?), archbishop of Ragusa 1341-— Selim I (Yavuz, “the Grim”), son of Bayazid II; Ottoman

Saracens, see Moslems Seljuks (Selchtkids), Turkish dynasty in Anatolia (“Rum”)

Sardinia, 487 1071-1302: 49n Sarija Beg, Ottoman official (in 1432 or 1447), 97n Selymbria, 69, 70

Sarsina, Italian town south of Cesena, 168 Semendria (Smederevo), 58, 84, 193n, 205n, 219, 326; Saruja Pasha, Ottoman general (in 1453), 124 Orthodox metropolitan of, see A. FraSak Sarzana, 401, 465-467, 492, 493, 495, 496n; see also Nicho- Semlin (Zemun), 183

las V Senftleben, Heinrich, German (fl. 1454), 152

Sassenage, 385; baron of, see Jacques Sequin (Sechin, Syedra), 317 Satalia (Adalia), 317, 318 Serbia, 6, 48, 58, 74, 77-79, 86, 99, 100, 115n, 150n, 161, Sava river, 58, 175-181, 233, 250, 333 171, 173, 176, 184, 193, 194n, 196n, 219, 236, 293n, Savelli, Roman family, 459, 475n 330, 331, 334, 371n, 462, 463n, 526; despots of, see Savelli, Giovanni Battista, cardinal 1480-1498: 368, 418, Stephen Lazarevi¢ (1389) 1402-1427, George Branko-

434, 435n, 472, 474, 477 vic (1398) 1427-1456, Stephen Brankovic¢ (1456) 1457-

Savona, 167n 1471 (with brothers Gregory and Lazar to 1458)

Savonarola, Girolamo, Dominican prior at Florence (b. 1452, Serbs, 47, 48, 50, 56, 58n, 73, 76, 81, 83, 84, 90, 93, 97,

d. 1498), 447n, 466n, 467, 485n, 492-494, 505-508 99, 100, 123n, 161, 172n, 174n, 177, 219, 235, 292,

Savoy, 53, 167n, 206n, 261, 262, 322n, 384-386, 452n, 524; 335n; king of, see Stephen IV Dushan 1331-1355; ruler

count of, see Amadeo VI 1343-1383, Amadeo VIII of (in southern Hungary), see Vuk II Brankovic 1471-— 1391-1416; duchess of, see Blanche; dukes of, see Ama- 1485 deo VIII 1416-1440, Louis 1440-1465, Amadeo IX Serenissima, see Venice, republic of 1465-1472, Philibert I 1472-1482, Charles I 1482— Sergio di Seripando, Hospitaller admiral 1462-1465: 239n 1490, Charles II 1490-1496; see also Bona of Savoy Serra, Bartolommeo, papal agent (in 1494), 458n Saxony, 205, 262, 269, and see George of Saxony; dukes Serra, Giacomo, cardinal 1500-1517: 529 (and electors) of, see Frederick II 1428-1464, Freder- Serres, 302n ick II] 1486-1525; see also William (Thuringia 1428-— Servopoulos (“Servopolus”), Franculius, Moreote Greek

1482) envoy to Rome (in 1456), 199n

Scala, Alessandra, wife of the poet Marullus (ff. 1494), 457n Seville, archbishop of, see D. Hurtado de Mendoza 1485-1502 Scalona, Gian Carlo, Mantuan envoy to Rome (1497), 501n Sfetigrad, 100

Scanderbeg (George Castriota), Albanian national hero Sforza, Ascanio Maria, son of Francesco and Bianca; bishop

1443-1468: 72, 73, 88n, 93, 99-103, 162n, 167n, 192- of Pavia 1479-1505, cardinal 1484-1505: 423, 428,

INDEX 575 431-435, 437, 439, 440, 442n, 444, 450, 458-460, 464, Sigismund, cousin of Frederick III; Hapsburg duke of the 469-472, 474n, 478, 485, 502, 504, 511, 513, 529, 534n, Tyrol 1439-1496: 214n, 215n, 535n

535, 536n, 538n, 541, 542 Sigismund (of Luxemburg), king of Hungary 1385 (1387)-

Sforza, Caterina, bastard daughter of Galeazzo Maria; wife 1437, of Germany 1410 (1414)-1433, of Bohemia 1419

of G. Riario (1473) 1477-1488 (d. 1509), 325, 380 (1436)—1437, emperor (1410) 1433-1437: 6, 7, 17n,

Sforza, Costanzo, nephew of Francesco; lord of Pesaro 1473—- 25n, 26n, 28, 40n, 41, 50, 53, 57, 74

1483: 338n Silber, Euchar., Roman printer (ff. 1480), 346n

Sforza, Francesco, son-in-law of F. M. Visconti; duke of Silesia, 294—296 Milan 1450-1466: 137n, 139, 140n, 153-157, 161n, Silifke (Seleucia), 317 i162n, 163, 166, 170n, 171, 173n, 174n, 175, 178, 183, Silvestro, Dominican friar, follower of Savonarola (d. 1498),

184, 185n, 187, 189n, 190n, 192n, 193, 196n, 199n, 507

206, 207, 210-212, 219n, 231, 232n, 234, 242n, 246, Simeon of Suzdal, Russian cleric (fl. 1440), 62n | 250n, 259n, 262n, 263-265, 267, 270n, 278, 280, 288, Simon de Candia, Dominican, inquisitor (from 1457), 105n

298; wife of, see Bianca Maria Visconti Simonetto da Camerino, Augustinian friar, negotiator of the Sforza, Gabriele, archbishop of Milan 1454-1457: 185n peace of Lodi (on 9 April, 1454), 156 Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, son of Francesco and Bianca; duke _Sinigaglia (Senigallia), 455, 456, 458n, 475n, 540; lord of,

of Milan 1466-1476: 279-282, 288, 299n, 300, 305, see Giovanni della Rovere 314, 325, 326, 336; wife of, see Bona of Savoy Sinope, 237, 293n

Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, son of Galeazzo Maria and Bona; Sistine Chapel (Sistina, in the Vatican), 271n, 379, 380, 388,

duke of Milan 1476-1494: 356, 366, 367, 375, 437, 389n, 390n, 395n, 413, 417n, 430, 436, 471, 506, 540,

443, 444; wife of, see Isabella d’ Aragona of Naples 541n

Sforza, Giovanni, cousin of Lodovico; lord of Pesaro 1483-— Sixtus IV (Francesco della Rovere), Franciscan, cardinal

1500, 1503-1510: 440, 502, 504, 512n; wife of, see 1467-1471, pope 1471-1484: 159, 200n, 201n, 230,

Lucrezia Borgia 251n, 271n, 312n, 313n, 314-316, 318-322, 324-326,

Sforza, Lodovico Maria (“il Moro”), son of Francesco and 330, 336, 338-341, 343-345, 353n, 354n, 355, 356, Bianca; duke of Bari 1479-1494, of Milan 1494-1500 357n, 359, 360n, 361, 363n, 364-373, 375-380, 384, (d. 1508), 366, 367, 375, 377, 394, 398, 400, 401n, 408n, 387, 388, 389n, 390n, 391, 394, 397, 405n, 414, 422, 412-424, 432, 433, 435n, 436, 437, 438n, 440, 442n, 423m, 437, 448, 462, 503n, 515, 517 443, 444, 446, 450, 452n, 455n, 460, 461, 464, 465n, Sixtus V (Felice Peretti), Franciscan, cardinal 1570-1585, 469, 474, 478, 482, 483n, 484-488, 491-493, 496- __ pope 1585-1590: 501n 498, 501n, 502, 504, 508, 509, 511-514, 520, 521, 529, Skiathos, island in the Aegean, 87, 141n, 311n, 523n

534, 535; wife of, see Beatrice d’ Este Skopelos, 87, 141In, 311n, 523n . .

Sgouros, Peter and George, Greek shipmasters (in 1453), Skopie Oe city on the Vardar river (in Macedonia),

Shabeee (Gabac), 396 Skyros, largest of the northern Sporades, 87, 141n, 300, Shah Rukh, son of Timur; Timurid Gur-khan 1405-1447: 301, 311n, 523n .

76n Slankamen, village in northern Serbia, 178

Shiites, 88 Slave One ‘ton 101 176, “997 334, 381, 409, 481, 499n Sicily, 1, 66n, 68n, 117, 118n, 167, 184, 187, 188, 189n, and see Czechs Poles Serbs. Uskoks Wends , ,

209, 238n, 342, 395, 400, 401, 411, 415,35, 477, 487,Gulf 490,of, S .239 ;?‘, . myrna (Izmir), 317;

509n, 510n, 521, 523, 528, 531, 536; kings of, see Freder- Soderini, Niccol6, Florentine envoy to Genoa (ff. 1453)

ick (II) 1197-1250, Charles I of Anjou (1266) 1268- 138n 154n ’ y ° , 1282, Ferdinand I (of Aragon) 1412-1416, Alfonso I Soderini, Paolantonio, Florentine envoy to Venice (1494), 464

(V) 1416-1458, John (II) 1458-1479, Ferdinand II Sofia. 76. 77. 99. 181. 250. 279. 293n, 332. 334n

1479-1516; seamen from, 7, 317n; see also Naples, So iano. villa e south of Lecce 344 , ’

kingdom of (“Sicily”) S fer John ; al envoy and collector of the crusading tithe Siebenbtirgen, see Transylvania; see also George of Sieben- — ayes oY (1456-1457), 185n, 187n, 191n

__ biirgen Sommaripa, Crusino I, son of Maria Sanudo (and Gasparo

Siena, 52,61, 69n, 137n, 149, 151, 153, 163, 164n, 166, 167n, Sommaripa); lord of Paros 1414-1420, 1425-1462, of 170, 171, 175n, 190, 204, 207, 213n, 215, 224n, 231n, Andros 1440-1462: 92, 93 247, 259, 261, 262n, 264, 266, 267n, 268, 275n, 289n, Sommaripa, Crusino II, brother of Giovanni; lord of Andros

326, 337, 338, 344, 345, 356, 365, 368, 373n, 377n, 1468~1488, d. ca. 1500: 340 40 aa, 228, 440, Fp 366, 108, A 0, araewi and Sommaripa, Giovanni, grandson of Crusino I; lord of Andros see Dotha of Siena, Mariano da Siena; archbishop of, 1466-1468: 299 F. wriwe TV), eae 88s bishops of, vee Conguimer Sophia (Sonka, of Kiev), wife of Ladislas Jagiello 1422-1434 “ugenius tV) } - » AA. Gasini — £220, AA. 9. (d. 1461), 80n, 90, 91 Piccolomini (Pius IT) 1450-1458, F. T. Piccolomini Sophia of Montferrat, aunt of Giovanni IV; wife of John VIII (Pius IIT) 1460-1503; Council of, see Pavia-Siena; Uni- Palaeologus 1421-1426 (d. 1437), 41

Siei aahde’ °"Conti ae (da Fol , papal Sora, duke(b.of, see Giovanni dellaenvoy Rovere igismondo (da Foligno), secretary ca. Soranzo, Giovanni, Venetian to Rome (1467), 289

1440, d. ca. 1512), author of the Historiae sui temporis Soranzo, Marino, Venetian bailie at Constantinople (1444),

(1475-1510), 364n, 387, 409, 410, 415n, 419n, 422n, 82 424, 429, 431, 433, 444, 450n, 461n, 482, 489, 494n, Soranzo, Niccold, son of Marino; Venetian noble (fl. 1444), 82

503n, 510, 533, 534n Soranzo, Vettore, Venetian envoy to Naples (1471), captain-

1466), 240n 350n, 526n

Sigismund, son of Stephen VI Thomas and Catherine (fl. general of the sea (1480-1481), 308, 329n, 341-343,

576 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Soriano, Rocca, 434, 472 Suleiman I (Kanuni, “the Lawgiver;” “the Magnificent”), Spain, 1, 42n, 43, 45n, 150, 162, 206n, 262, 304, 315, 324, son of Selim I; Ottoman sultan 1520-1566: 23n, 333n,

329n, 370, 406, 417, 422, 433-435, 440n, 460, 468, 349n

474, 477, 496, 507, 508, 511, 531; Hospitallers from, Suleiman Beg, Ottoman envoy to Ladislas of Poland and 349; king of, see Ferdinand (II of Aragon) d. 1516; queen Hungary (1444), 78, 79, 83

of, see Isabella of Castile (d. 1504) Suleiman Pasha, Ottoman official (in 1494), 451n

Spalato (Split), 74, 193n, 280, 339, 512, 523n Suriano, Andrea, Venetian senator (in 1430), 29, 30 Spaniards, Spanish, 40, 215, 233, 235, 269, 325, 370, 403, Sutri, bishop of, see B. Flores (Florido) 1489-1495 414, 415, 424, 456, 458, 461, 470, 472, 485, 487, 489- Suzanne de Beaujeu, daughter of Pierre II, lord of Beaujeu

491, 495, 508, 511, 522-524, 528, 530n, 536-541 and duke of Bourbon (1488—1503), and Anne of France; Spanocchi (or Spannochi), Ambrogio, Sienese banker (d. wife of Charles de Bourbon 1505-1522: 483n

before 1494), 170, 449 Sweden, 167; king of, see Charles VIII 1449-1457

Sparta (Lacedaemon), 97, 220,522n; Orthodox metropolitan Swiss, 452, 459n, 472, 473, 476, 486, 487, 491, 493, 496,

of (in 1460), 220 512, 534, 535n, 539

Sphacteria, 518n Syra, island in the Aegean, 453

Sphrantzes, George, Byzantine official and historian (d. ca. Syria, 99n, 139n, 189, 190n, 232, 272, 277, 306, 316n, 324,

1477), 11, 24, 31-34, 51, 52n, 58, 69, 96, 110, 112n, 329n, 347n, 351n, 410, 411, 417, 515, 516

113, 114n, 116, 122, 123, 125, 126n, 146, 147, 198, 199, Syropoulos, Sylvester, Byzantine historian of the Council

220, 224—228; Pseudo-Sphranizes, see “Melissenus” of Ferrara-Florence (fl. 1437-1438), 41, 45n, 60n, 62,

Spinelli, Tommaso, Italian banker (ff. 1456), 170n 64n, 66n

Spinola, Luciano, Genoese envoy to Istanbul (1454), 143 Széchy, Dionysius, cardinal 1439-1465, archbishop of Gran Spitzinuri, Nicholas, papal collector in Poland (1455, 1465), 1440-1465: 91n, 164n, 165n, 184n

190n Szeged, 80, 81, 83, 91, 100, 176

Spoleto, 204n, 224, 268, 410, 479; bishop of, see B.-Erolo . Szilagyi, Michael, brother-in-law of John Hunyadi; Hungar-

1448-1474; duchy of, 40n ian commander (in 1456), 174, 184n

Sponheim, 404

Sporades, 141n, 514 Tabia, town in the Morea, 16n, 38 Squillace, 443, 484; prince of, see G. Borgia Taborites, see “Waldensians”

Stampalia, see Astypalaea Tabriz, 321

Stanga, Antonio, Milanese envoy to Naples (1494), 450n Tafur, Pero, Spanish traveler (in 1436), 99n

Stauropolis, Orthodox bishop of, see Isaias Tagliacozzo, 459, 477, and see Giovanni da Tagliacozzo Stefano, Giovanni (“Quinto Emiliano Cimbriaco”), Vicentine Taleazzi, Stefano, bishop of Torcello and titular archbishop

humanist (ff. 1480), 371n of Patras 1485-1514: 525, 526

Stefano de’ Frangipani, count of Segna (in 1470), 242n, 297 Tana (Azov), 48, 11 1n, 131, 132, 322, 333 Stefano de’ Nardini, papal nuncio to Germany (1459), 205n Taranto, 189, 344, 364n, 469n, 483, 491, 498, 499; prince

Stella, Piero, Genoese (fl. 1453), 138 of, see G. A. Orsini; principality of, 504

Stephen (“the Great”), ruler of Moldavia 1457-1504: 95n, Tarchaniotes (Tarcagnota), Michael Marullus, poet, see

152n, 238n, 320n, 321n Marullus

Stephen (Urosh) IV Dushan, Nemanyid king of the Serbs ‘Tarentaise, archbishop of, see Domenico della Rovere 1479-

1331-1345, “emperor” 1345-1355: 74 1482

Stéphen V Tvrtkovic (Tvrtko II), king of Bosnia 1421- Taro river, 493-495

1443: 67, 68 Tarragona, archbishop of, see Pedro de Urrea 1445-1489

Stephen VI Thomas, bastard nephew of Stephen V Tvrt- Tarsus (in Cilicia), 381, 410 kovic; king of Bosnia 1444-1461: 83, 192, 193, 194n; Tarsus (in the Morea), 196

ine Vukcic Milan (d. 1485), 366n Stephen VII TomasSevic, son of Stephen VI Thomas; Tatars, 28n, 42, 48n, 87, 152n, 334, 396n, 399

sons of, see Sigismund, Stephen VII; wife of, see Cather- Tassino, Antonio, lover of Bona of Savoy, regent duchess of

king of Bosnia 1461-1463: 193, 228n, 235, 240n, 288; Taygetus, 225, 226

wife of, see Helena Brankovi¢ Teano, bishops of, see O. Orsini 1474-1495, F. Borgia 1495-

Strassburg (Strasbourg), 370n, 389n, 390n, 417, 541, 542; 1508 bishop of, see Rupert of Simmern 1440-1478 Tedaldi (or Tetaldi), Jacopo, Florentine merchant at the fall

Strozzi, Florentine family, 246n of Constantinople (1453), 112n, 113n, 114, 115n, 116, Strozzi, Palla, Florentine humanist (b. 1372, d. 1462), 63n 117n, 118n, 121, 122n, 124n, 129n, 130n, 131, 132n, Stuart d’ Aubigny, Robert, count of Beaumont-le-Roger, 137, 142n French commander in the Neapolitan campaign of Tegea, 146, 197, 249

Stylaria, 52 349 301 Tenedos, 8, 91, 251

1501: 538 Telos (Tilos), Hospitaller island between Nisyros and Rhodes,

Styra (Stura), castle of, on the island of Negroponte (Euboea), Temesvar (Timisoara), 174, 399; ban of, see P. Kinizsi Styria, 7n, 50n, 149, 159, 165n, 194n, 205, 314, 330, 333, Tenos, 8, 9, 20, 330, 514, 523n 377, 378n, 399n, 409; duke of, see Frederick (III) 1435- Teramo, bishop of, see G. A. Campano 1463-1477

1486 (1493) Terenzo, Italian town south of Fornovo di Taro, 493

Subiaco, abbey of, 434, 435n, 541 Terni, 268, 477; bishop of, see F. Coppini 1459-1463 Sublime Porte, 333n, and see Ottomans Terra di Lavoro, 481, 537

Suleiman, son of Bayazid I; Ottoman prince, governor of Terracina, 376, 458, 464n, 471, 472, 480, 491, 500; bishop

European Turkey, contender for sultanate 1402-1411: of, see Corrado de’ Marcellini 1458-ca. 1489 2, 108n Teutonic Knights, military order, 35, 152n, 335n

INDEX 577 Thasos, 188, 189, 190n, 227, 283 Tortona, 495; bishop of, see J. Botta 1476-1496 Thebes, 5, 51, 52, 70, 72, 97n, 103, 302; lord of,see AntonioI Torviolli, 73

Acciajuoli 1394-1435 Toscanella, 492 Theiss river, 178 Toulon, 386 Theoderic (of Erbach), archbishop (and elector) of Mainz Touraine, 444n, 535; duke of, see Louis I 1386-1391 1434-1459: 153, 160 Tournai, bishop of, see G. Filastre 1460-1473

Theodore, Serbian envoy (in 1471), 311 Tours, 232, 403n, 462; archbishop of, see Elias de Bourdeilles Theophanes II, Melkite (Orthodox) patriarch of Jerusalem 1468-1484

(in 1430), 46 Tranchedini da Pontremoli, Nicodemo, Milanese envoy Thermaic Gulf, 37 (in 1462), 242n Thermisi, 330, 523 Trani, 86n, 498; bishop of, see L. Orsini 1439-1448 Thermopylae, 6, 196 Trans, baron of, see Louis de Villeneuve

Thessalonica (Saloniki), 19-31, 37, 241, 293, 302, 332,509; Transylvania (Siebenbirgen), 57, 118n, 17], 174, 238n,

despot of, see Andronicus Palaeologus 1408-1423; 334n, 442; voivodes of, see J. Hunyadi 1440-1456, Gulf of, 257n, 283; Orthodox metropolitans of, 19, 20n, Laszl6 1456-1457, S. Bathory (in 1479)

302, 481 1488

23, 28; Venetian “duke” of, see B. Loredan Trau (Trogir), 74, 193n, 441n, 442n, 451n, 512, 523n; bishops Thessaly, 6, 48, 51, 96, 196, 219, 220, 248, 279, 293n, of, see L. Trevisan 1435-1437, L. Chieregato 1484Thomas, son of Katabolenos; Ottoman envoy (in 1460), 223. Trebbia river, 495

Thomas, William, English publisher (d. 1553), 312n Trebizond, 28n, 48, 111, 119, 131n, 132, 188n, 232, 233n,

Thrace, 79, 82, 92, 96, 115n, 239, 279 293n, and see Andreas, Bessarion, and George of Trebi-

Tiber river, 107, 185, 186, 268, 318n, 371, 407, 436, 441, zond; emperors of, see John IV Comnenus 1447-1458, 450, 459, 470, 485, 496, 498, 500, 501, 505, 537 David Comnenus 1458-1461, and see Maria and TheoTimur (Lenk, “the Lame;” Tamerlane), Timurid Gur-khan dora Comnena; empire of, 104, 161, 222, 237, 238n, 1369-1405: 2, 50n, 237, 522n; son of, see Shah Rukh 364, 371n, 462, 477n

534n 339, 340

Tirgoviste, city in Wallachia, 238n Trent, 62n

Titian (Tiziano Vecelli), Venetian painter (b. 1477, d. 1576), Trevisan, Benedetto, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1479), Tivoli, 159, 240n, 471, 541; bishop of, see A. Leonini 1499-— ‘Trevisan, Biagio, Venetian physician (fl. 1400), 54

1509 Trevisan, Domenico, Venetian bailie at Istanbul 1553-1554:

Tocchi, counts palatine of Zante and Cephalonia, dukes of 222n

Leucadia, despots of Ianina and Arta, 97, 98, 290, 341, Trevisan, Domenico, Venetian envoy to Rome, Istanbul, and

de’ Tocchi 486n, 488, 489

in the kingdom of Naples, 514, 515, and see Maddalena Naples (1489, 1493, 1495), 407n, 436, 441, 484, 485, Tocco, Carlo I, count palatine of Cephalonia and Zante, Trevisan, Gabriele, Venetian galley commander at Constanti-

duke of Leucadia 1381-1429, despot of Ianina and nople (1453), 111, 118, 119, 121, 132 Arta 1418-1429: 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 32 Trevisan, Jacopo, Venetian noble (ff. 1424), 22 Tocco, Carlo H, son of Leonardo IJ; despot of Ianina 1429- Trevisan, Lodovico, bishop of Trat 1435-1437, archbishop

1430, count palatine of Cephalonia and Zante, duke of of Florence 1437-1439, patriarch of Aquileia 1439Leucadia, and despot of Arta 1429-1448: 33n, 71, 98 1465, cardinal 1440-1465: 54-56, 78n, 90n, 91n, 162, Tocco, Carlo III, son of Leonardo III; titular despot of Arta 167n, 168-170, 184-190, 193, 194, 196, 207, 225,

(d. 1518), 341, 515n 270n, 271

Tocco, Leonardo II, brother of Carlo I; lord of Zante 1399-d. Trevisan, Melchior (Marchio), Venetian captain-general of

after 1414: 32 the sea (1499-1500), 518, 522

Tocco, Leonardo III, son of Carlo II; despot of Arta 1448- Trevisan, Paolo, Venetian envoy to Naples (1495), 486n 1449 (titular thereafter), count palatine of Cephalonia Trevisan de la Barba, Vettore, Venetian noble, captive of

and Zante, duke of Leucadia 1448-1479 (titular there- the Turks (in 1453), 142n

after), lord of Calimera (ca. 1480—d. ca. 1499), 98, 212, Treviso, 517, and see Valentino da Treviso; March of, 299n 213, 242n, 273n, 275n, 291, 307, 312n, 319, 326n, 341, Tricarico, prince of (Juan Borgia), 450 342, 514, 515; brothers (Giovanni and Antonio) of, 341; Trier, 41; archbishops (and electors) of, 392, and see Otto

wife of, see Francesca Marzano (of Ziegenhain) 1418-1430, Jacob von Sirk 1439-1456,

Tocco, Turno, bastard son of Carlo I; naval commander Johann of Baden 1456-—1503

(in 1427), 19 Trikkala, market town in Thessaly, 34, 515

Toledo, archbishop of, see Gil de Albornoz 1338-1350 Tripoli (in Africa), 441

Tolfa, alum mines at, 1, 239, 240, 271, 275, 281, 298, 299n, Tripolitza (also Tripolis), 146, 197n

309, 31l4n, 318n, 324, 356n, 388 Trithemius, Johannes, Benedictine abbot of Sponheim (b.

Tommasi, Pietro, Venetian secretary and envoy to the Hun- 1462, d. 1516), 403, 404

garian court (1461-1462), 233, 234 Trivulzio, Antonio, bishop of Como 1487-1508, cardinal

Tomor, Mount (Maj’-e-Tomorrit), 194 1500-1508: 529, 530n

Tophane (at Constantinople), 118 Tropea, bishop of, see Giuliano Mirto de’ Frangipani 1480-d.

Torcello, bishop of, see S. Taleazzi 1485-1514 by 1499

Torcello, John (or Zanachio), papal agent and Byzantine Trotti, Giacomo, Ferrarese envoy. to Milan (1492-1493),

envoy (1442-1443), 67-69 433, 435, 440n

Tordesillas, treaty of (1494), 541 Troy, 134, 350, 511n

Torquemada, cardinal, see Juan de Torquemada Trype (Trypi), town in the south-central Morea, 198 Torres, Pedro (Pere), Barcelonese, superintendent of galley Tunis (Tunisia), kingdom of, 47, 329n; rulers of, see ‘Abd-

construction in Rome (1455-1456), 170 al-‘Aziz II 1394-1434, ‘Uthman 1435-1488

578 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Turakhan Beg, son of Yigit Beg; Ottoman general (d. 1456), | Vallaresso, Girolamo, Venetian councillor at Coron (d. 1463),

16, 17, 24, 25n, 34, 36, 38, 52, 96, 97, 146, 148, 149, 171; 241, 248

sons of, see Ahmed, Omar Valmontone, 479, 480 Turin, 461, 495, 514; bishop of, see Domenico della Rovere Valona (Avlona), 308, 340-343, 345n, 368n, 372, 393, 466,

. 1482-1501 468, 469n, 480, 481, 491, 514

Turkish rule in the Balkans, 48—50, 330-335 Valori, Filippo, Florentine envoy to Rome and Naples (1493Turkomans, Ak-Koyunlu (“White Sheep”), 237, 272, 314; 1494), 421n, 428, 429n, 430, 431, 433n, 434, 435n, 436,

Kara-Koyunlu (“Black Sheep”), 237n 437n, 438, 441, 442, 458, 464n

Turks, 1—9, 11-31, 33-38, 40—48, 49n, 50, 51, 54, 56-59, Vannozza de’ Catanei, mother of Cesare, Juan, Gioffredo,

61, 64, 66-79, 80n, 81-84, 85n, 86-106, 108-154, and Lucrezia Borgia (d. 1518), 434, 450n, 473n, 487, 156-167, 169-201, 203-216, 217n, 218-229, 231- 500, 503; husband of, 450n 258, 260, 261, 262n, 263-337, 339-388, 392-394, Varna, battle of (1444), 78n, 79-84, 87, 88, 89n, 90-94, 96, 396-405, 407-420, 425-429, 435-442, 444-446. 448- 98, 99, 180, 182, 212n 451, 453-461, 464, 466, 468-471, 476n, 478, 481, Vatican, palace (in Rome), 56, 106n, 107, 161n, 164, 169, 482, 484-486, 488-491, 493-496, 498-500, 504, 506, 228—230, 258-260, 265, 270, 271, 281n, 296n, 319, 508, 509, 510n, 511-528, 530-534, 536-539; see also 349n, 371n, 372n, 379, 380, 387, 388, 389n, 390n, 391,

Ottomans, Seljuks 392, 395, 397n, 406-410, 418-420, 42In, 422, 423,

Tuscan war (1478-1480), 337, 340, 355, 375 427, 429-432, 435, 436, 440, 441, 458-460, 466, 469,

Tuscany (Tuscia), 25, 40n, 154, 247, 325, 345, 401, 464, 471-475, 489, 490n, 491, 500, 503, 505, 524, 531, 540,

465, 477n, 490, 521, 536 541 ville (ff. 1494), 459, 469 Veglia (Krk), 274n, 441 Tyburn, 312n Velletri, 376, 472, 479, 480 Tyrol (Tirol), 514; duke of, see Sigismund 1439-1496 Vendome, 370n

Tuttavilla, Girolamo, bastard son of Guillaume d’ Estoute- Vatika, region of southeastern Morea, 330

Tyrrhenian Sea, coast of, 376 Vendramin, Andrea, doge of Venice 1476-1478: 298, 299

Venetians, 5, 7, 8, 10, 13, 17, 21, 26, 30, 36-38, 48n, 52, . 64, 81, 82, 86, 89, 90, 92n, 95n, 101, 104, 109, 111, ree eae Bee 827, Oke OT 116-128, 130n, 131-133, 135, 138, 139n, 141, 142,

Ulm. 346n. 363n J 153, 154, 166, 193n, 195, 227, 240n, 248, 249, 254,

Ulrich (Hinnenberger), bishop of Gurk 1453-1469: 153 a son 270 a aaa le eas * oe ae 1,380, Ulrich, count of Cilli (d. 1456), 75, 171, 172, 175, 176, 183, 519. B35 536. Roy pn, 2Oons bleor n, 184, 306; wife of, see Catherine Brankovic , ? » SCE aso Venice, TEpubie O

. . .von . . Richental, Veneto,Swiss 54,chronicler 154, 276, Ulrich of the 478, Council535 of . . Venice, city, 7, 10, 15, 17n, 20, 27-29, 33, 37, 38, 44, 50n,

. 54-56, 57n, 59, 60, 64, 66n, 67, 73-—75, 76n, 80n, 84, . ; 90n, 93n, 95n, 100n, 103, 104, 108, 109, 111n, 122n,

Constance (d. ca. 1437), 39n Umbria, 39, 40n, 247, 325

;R1-d.’’>,:’’’’’

Umur Pasha, emir of Aydin 1334— 1348: 9n 133n, 137, 138, 139n, 140, 142n, 150n, 156, 161n, 163

Urban, Hungarian (or Rumelian) cannon-founder (d. 1453), 167n, 174n, 178, 219n, 232n, 243-245, 247, 248n, 251, Urban II (Odo of Lagery), pope 1088-1099: 164, 413, 519 253, 255, 256, 262n, 270-273, 275, 280, 282n, 284n, . . 9 ; pope 285-287, 289, Urban VI (Bartolommeo Prignani), 1378-1389: 41n 290, 294, 307, 308, 310, 312n, 327, 329,

. . ; 331, 345n, 350n, 354n, 363n,479-481, 367, 371, 382n, 393, 397n, 485, 488, 491, 493, 494n,

Urbino, 190, 375, 454, 512n, 536; dukes of, see Federigo . 412, 439, 441,da 455n,

Montefeltro 1474-1482, Guidobaldo da Montefeltro

1482-1508, Francesco Maria della Rovere 1508-1516 496, 497, 501n, 502, 504, 507, 509, 511n, 514, 516,

15291-1538 , 518, of 519, 521, 522, 523, 533, 535;487-489, Giudecca 491-493, of, 93n; : : League (“Holy League,” 1495),

Uskoks (Uscocchi), Slav refugees (in 1469), 297 8 , .

M. 1435-1488: Gherardo 1468-1492 ruler .sof1460, Tunisia 348 , ; 7 7 “ - eg

‘Uthman, Abi-‘Amr, grandson of ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz I; Hafsid 497, 499, 507, 509; patriarchs of, see M. Contarini 1456—

Utraquists. see Hussites Venice, republic of (or “of S. Mark,” the “Serenissima”),

Uwair brother of Uzun Hasan (fl. 1474), 321 2, 3n, 4n, 5—30, 33-38, 40n, 41n, 42, 44-46, 50, 5In,

Uzes 334 , 52—55, 57n, 66-68, 69n, 70n, 72—78, 82, 83n, 84-86, Uzun Hasan, Turkoman ruler of Diyar-Bakr 1466-1478: 91-94, 95n,133n, 99, 101, 104, 106n, 108,154-157, 109, 110n, 132n, 137n,103, 139-143, 146-149, 163, 95n, 222, 223, 237, 238n, 254, 272, 291, 293n, 310, 311, 314-317, 320, 321, 327n, 522n; sons of, 321, 522n; 164n, 169n, 170, 171, 173, 183n, 184, 185n, 190, 194n,

fe fsOf, ThSee dora Cc "1 , omnena , , , 199n, 201, 207, 210n, 212n,233-237, 213n, 214n, wite BNeocora 991, 222,206n, 225, 227n, 228n, 231, 238n, 218n, 240— 259, 261, 262n, 263, 264n, 265-278, 279n, 280-312,

Val d’ Elsa, 492 313n, 314-318, 320-322, 324-330, 333, 335-345, Valencia, 163, 166, 191, 434; archbishops of, see Rodrigo 351n, 355, 356, 364n, 365-367, 369-371, 375-379, Borgia (Alexander VI), 1458-1492, Cesare Borgia 382n, 385n, 386n, 387, 391, 394, 396-398, 402, 407, 1492-1498, Juan Borgia (adm.) 1499-1500,,L. Borgia 408, 414, 416-418, 420, 425-429, 430n, 433, 435, 436, 1500-1511; bishop of, see Alfonso Borgia (Calixtus III) 438-443, 445, 446, 448, 450, 453-456, 461, 464, 465,

1429-1455 468, 469, 471-474, 478, 481, 483n, 484-499, 505, 507-

Valentino da Treviso, Franciscan (fl. 1455), 164 509, 511, 513-524, 526-528, 530-539; doges of, see T. Valentinois, 510; duke of, see Cesare Borgia (from 1498) Mocenigo 1414-1423, F. Foscari 1423-1457, P.

Valerian, Roman emperor 253-260: 5 Malipiero 1457-1462, C. Moro 1462-1471, P. Mocenigo Valla, Lorenzo, Italian humanist (b. 1406, d. 1457), 107 1474-1476, A. Vendramin 1476-1478, G. Mocenigo Vallaresso, Fantino, archbishop of Crete 1425-1443: 59n 1478-1485, A. Barbarigo 1486-1501, L. Loredan

INDEX 579 1501-1521, A. Grimani 1521-1523, A. Gritti 1523— Visconti, Tedaldo, see Gregory X

1538, F. Dona 1545-1553, L. Donato 1606-1612 Visconti, Valentina, daughter of Gian Galeazzo; wife of Venier, Andrea, Venetian envoy (in 1448), 100n Louis I of Orléans 1387-1407 (d. 1408), 155, 206n, 235 Venier, Antonio Andrea, Venetian churchman (in 1450), 106n Visegrad, 74

Venier, Delfino, Venetian provveditore and envoy in the Visigoths, 12n

Morea (1422), 13, 14, 16 Vitelleschi, Giovanni, titular patriarch of Alexandria 1435-

Venier, Francesco, Venetian envoy to Ibrahim Beg, the Gran 1440, archbishop of Florence 1435-1437, cardinal Caramano in Asia Minor (1451), 108, 109, 278n, 279n 1437-1440: 54, 56 Venier, Giovanni, Venetian shipmaster (in 1453), 132n Vitelli, Italian family, 475n Venier, Jacopo, of Recanati, archbishop of Ragusa 1440-d. Viterbo, 39n, 50, 469, 470

after 1453: 139, 156n Vitéz, John, bishop of Grosswardein 1445-1465, archbishop

Venier, Jacopo, Venetian “captain of the Gulf” (the Adriatic) of Gran 1465-1472: 151n, 297

in 1468: 291, 292 Vitislao, envoy of John Hunyadi to Murad II (in 1444), 78

Venier, Leonardo, Venetian envoy to Rome (1443), 84n Vitturi, Lorenzo, Venetian bailie at Istanbul (from 1458), 141n

Venier, Santo, Venetian provveditore in Thessalonica Vitturi, Pietro, Venetian rector of Nauplia (in 1484), 393n

(1423), 20-22 Viyosa (Vijosé) river, 49n

Ventura, Francesco, Italian (ff. 1454), 154n Vlachia, 6

1500-1507: 529, 531 235, 333n, 335

Vera, Juan, archbishop of Salerno 1500-1507, cardinal Vlachs (Wallachians), 21, 72, 81, 90, 93, 99, 100, 150, 177,

Veroli, 480 Vlad HI Dracul (“the Dragon” or “the Devil’), voivode of Verona, 21, 71n, 517, and see Gabriele, Gaspare, and Guarino Wallachia (in 1438), 57, 90, 91

da Verona Viad III Tepes (“the Impaler;” or Dracula, “son of the devil”),

Verrocchio, Andrea (di Michele), Florentine sculptor (b. son of Vlad II; voivode of Wallachia (d. 1476), 238, 241

1435, d. 1488), 286n Vladislav, see Ladislas

d. 1498), 276 Vosporo, 48

Vespasiano da Bisticci, Florentine bookseller (b. ca. 1421, Vonitza, 514

396 148, 197, 198, 293, 303

Vespasiano de’ Gaglioffi, archdeacon of L’ Aquila (d. 1486), | Vostitza (Aegium, Aigaion, Lagusticia, Logostiza), 33, 97,

Vespucci, Guidantonio, Florentine envoy to Rome (1484), Vranas, Ottoman envoy to Ladislas of Poland and Hungary

391, 392n, in Lyon (1494), 452 (in 1444), 78, 83

Veszprém, bishop of, see A. Hangacs 1458-d. 1489 Vuk¢cié, Catherine (daughter of Stephen, grand voivode of Veteranitza, fortress town on the north shore of the Gulf Bosnia, who d. 1466), wife of Stephen VI Thomas (1445/

of Corinth, 70n 1446-1461, d. 1478), 240n, 275n Viano, 437 “Waldensians” (Taborites), 294, 295n Viana, prince of, see Charles (d. 1461)

10 der (in 1444), 78, 84, 87

Viaro, Fantino, Venetian bailie at Constantinople (ca. 1415), © Waleran de Wavrin, nephew of the chronicler Jehan; crusa-

Viaro, Giovanni (Zuan), Venetian rector and provveditore Wallachia, 68, 74n, 75, 91, 171, 262n, 293n, 333, 334, 415;

of Lepanto (d. 1498), 515 people of, see Vlachs; voivodes of, see Mircea (in 1395),

Vicenza, 94, 95n, 303n, 311, 371n, 404, 413, 517; bishop of, Vlad II Dracul (in 1438), Vlad III Tepes (d. 1476)

see M. Barbo 1464-1470 War of the Eight Saints (1376-1378), 325

Vicovaro, 41n, 458, 465 Wars of the Roses (1455-1485), 206 Victorin, son of George of Podébrady; Bohemian noble Warwick, earl of, see R. Neville (d. 1471) (d. 1500), 295 Wegeraufft, Johann, canon at Strassburg (ca. 1465), 389n

Vidin, 69n, 173, 279 Wends, 158

Vienna, 57, 157, 176, 218, 397n, 409, 415, 422; Diet of | Wettins, German ducal family in Saxony 1425-1918: 205,

(1460), 216-219 and see Frederick II 1428-1464, Frederick: II] 1486—

Viennois (Dauphiné), 45n, 294n, 385 1525, William (Thuringia 1428-1482)

Vigevano, 461, 464 White Sea, 334n Vignatus, Urban, bishop of Sebenico 1454-ca. 1469: 178n | White Tower (at Thessalonica), 23

(in 1346), 323 (1455), 157-159

Vignoso, Simone, Genoese admiral, conqueror of Chios Wiener Neustadt, 91, 149, 151-153, 165, 213n; Diet of

Villefranche, 385, 386n Wilhelm II, Wittelsbach duke of Bavaria-Straubing 1404Villehardouin, Champenois family ruling Achaea (1209) 1417: 6

1210-1278: 32, 252 William, Hospitaller (ff. 1480), 358n

Vilna (Vilnius), bishop of, see Matthias 1422-1453 William (III), brother of Frederick IJ; Wettin duke of SaxonyVincenzi, Tommaso, bishop of Pesaro 1475-1479: 389n Thuringia 1428-1482: 205; wife of, see Anna of HapsVisconti, Bartolommeo, bishop of Novara 1429-1457: 170n burg Visconti, Bianca Maria, bastard daughter of Filippo Maria; Windmills, Tower of (at Rhodes), 352 wife of Francesco Sforza 1441-1466 (d. 1468), 154, Wittelsbachs, Bavarian ducal family 1180-1918: 205, 216,

155n, 190n, 206n, 210, 219, 221, 279-282 and see Ludwig IV (Palatinate 1410—1436), Frederick I

Visconti, Filippo Maria, son of Gian Galeazzo; count of (Palatinate 1449-1476), Philip (Palatinate 1476—1508), Pavia 1402—1412, duke of Milan 1412-1447: 17n, 25, Wilhelm II (Straubing 1404-1417), Ludwig IX (Lands-

26n, 27n, 42, 46, 50n, 52, 53, 65, 69n, 91, 98, 154, hut 1450-1479)

155n, 206n Worms, 216, 389n, 479

Visconti, Gian Galeazzo, tyrant of Pavia 1378-1402, of Milan ‘“Wurzland,” see Burzenland ©

1385-1395, duke of Milan 1395-1402: 25, 155, 206n Wyclif, John, English reformer (b. 1324, d. 1384), 39n, 45n

580 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Xereni, village in southwestern Morea, 104 Zara (Zadar), 8, 27, 29, 30n, 74, 193, 292, 514, 523n; treaty of (1358), 74 Yakub Pasha ( Jacopo da Gaeta), Jewish physician (fl. 1469), | Zarnata, fortress town in the Morea, 220

142n, 274n, 296, 297n Zdenék of Sternberg, Czech baron (ff 1467), 295

Yalinas, Antonios, Greek shipmaster (in 1453), 132n Zeitounion (Lamia), 72, 302n

Yeni-Shehir, battle of (1481), 381 Zenevisi, Hamza (“the Falconer”), Ottoman governor of Yigit Beg, Ottoman pasha (fl. 1392), 38; sons of, see Ishak, Thessaly and the Morea (in 1459-1460), 219, 223, 227

Turakhan Zenevisi, Simon, nephew of Hamza; Albanian chieftain Ypres, 404 Zeno (Zen), Andrea, son of Pietro; lord of Andros 1427-— p Yorkists, Plantagenet faction opposed to Henry VI, 206 (fi. 1455), 103n Yunus, brother of Balaban; Ottoman commander in Albania 1437: 93n

(1467), 282 Zeno, Caterino, Venetian envoy to Uzun Hasan (in 1471-

Yunus Beg, Ottoman general (in 1460), 220, 322 1472), 310n, 311, 312n; son (Pietro) of, 312n

Yunus Pasha, Ottoman admiral (in 1455), 145, 188n Zeno, Giovanni Battista, cardinal 1468-1501: 432n, 435, 528, 533

Zaccaria, Andronicus Asan, grandson of Martino, father of Zeno, Jacopo, bishop of (Belluno and) Feltre 1447-1460

Centurione [II], prince of the Morea; lord of Chalan- (d. 1481), 168

dritza and Arcadia (d. 1401), 35 ' Zeno, Petronilla, daughter of Andrea; claimant to Andros

Zaccaria, denedetto I, brother-in-law of Michael VIII Palae- 1437-1462 (d. after 1466), 93n

ologus; lord of Chios 1304-1307: 35 . Zeno, Pietro, lord of Andros 1384-1427: 37, 93n

Zaccaria, Caterina, daughter of Centurione {Il]; wife of Zoodotou, monastery (at Mistra), 33n, 253n

se 6 alacologes 300 226 princess of Achaea 7,7) (Giorgi or Giorgio), Venetian family, 6, 499 Zaccaria, Centurione [II], son of Andronicus Asan; lord of (Ore me Venetian alum dealer (fi. 1469), 299n, 1139), 6 ae Ta ae’ Ao 34 o Bg ee 14k 900. (d. Zorzi, Chiara, daughter of Niccolo II; wife of Nerio II AcciaZaccaria, Giovanni Asan (“Centurione III”), bastard son of jun (wn 4 1451), wife of Bartolommeo Contarini 1453—

Centurione II (d. 1469), 35, 148, 149, 199, 268 oon 7 . ,

Zaccaria, Martino, grandson of Benedetto; Genoese co-lord Zorzi, Giacomo (or Jacopo) II (“Marchesotto”), son of Nic-

of Chios 1314-1329 (d. 1345), 35 colo II; lord of Carystus 1436-1447: 6n

Zaccaria, Stefano, son of Andronicus Asan; archbishop of Zorzi, Jacopo I, grandson of Niccolo I; margrave of Boudo-

Patras 1405-1494: 14-16 nitza 1388-1414 (titular 1414—after 1416), lord of

Zacosta, Pedro Ramon, grand master of the Hospitallers Pteleum after 1416-ca. 1436: 6n 1461-1467: 238n, 263n, 276, 277, 281, 349, 351 Zorzi (Giorgio) Niccolo I, margrave of Boudonitza ca. 1335—Zagan Pasha, Ottoman general (in 1453), 115, 118n, 123, 1345 (d. 1354), 6n; wife of, see Guglielma de’ Pallavicini

124, 127, 136n, 220, 221, 227, 241, 249 Zorzi, Niccolo II, grandson of Niccolo I; lord of Carystus

Zamometi¢, Andreas, titular archbishop of Granea (Cray- 1406-1436, of Pteleum 1406—after 1416, titular mar-

nensis) 1476-d. by 1482: 376n grave of Boudonitza (after 1416-1436), 6n, 23, 24n

Zanchani, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1498-1499), Zorzi, Niccolo III, son of Jacopo I; lord of Pteleum (from

512, 513n, 516, 517n 1436), 6n

Zane, Jacopo. Venetian vice-consul in Naples (1464), 251 Zosimus, Greek historian (5th century), 12n Zante, 18, 32n, 98, 341, 514, 515, 518, 523; counts palatine Zosimus, Orthodox metropolitan (in 1492), 319 of, see Cephalonia; lord of, see Leonardo II Tocco 1399-— Zottkos, Paraspondylos, Greek poet (fi. ca. 1450), 90n

after 1411 Zugos pass, in the southern Morea, 226