The Painted Face: Studies in India's Popular Culture [315]

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THE PAINTED FACE Studies In India's Popular Cinema

Chidananda Das Gupta //

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Roll Books Pvt. Ltd.

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All rights rescNed. No part of this publication may be .reproduced or trammitted in any fonn or by any means without the prior pcnnission of the publi.ffler. C Chidananda Das Gupta, 19')1.

Fll'St published in India by Roli Books Pvt. Ltd. M-177, Greater Kailash II New Delhi 110 048. Phooe:6462'782,6442271 Typeset in Garamond, 10 on 11 pts. Printed at Ratna Offset, New Delhi 110 020.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book would not have been possible without the generous support of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington DC, and ITC Limited, Calcutta. A grant was also received from the Taraknath Das Foundation, New York. The author gratefully acknowledges their help. The editorial team at Roli Books took keen interest in ~ book; it would not have been possible without their umtinted help and patience. Ram Rahman accompanied me on a trip to Madras and Hyderabad and took many photographs, some of which are reproduced here. Help also came from P.G. ('Film News') Anandan, Saeed Naqvi and Amitabha Bhattacharya. Grateful thanks are due for various materials and suggestiom to Robert L. Hardgrave, Ashis Nandy, Monojit Lahiri, Bindu Batra and Saibal Chatterjee. A version of Chapter II (Seeing is Believing) was published in Film Quarterly, University of California Pr~, Fall 1989; Chapter III ( City and Vil/age) was presented as a paper at the seminar of the Hawaii International Film Festival 1987 and published in the East-West Film Journal of the East-West Center, Vol I, No 2; a section of Chapter VII (Woman: Playmate, Wife and Tawaif ), an analysis of the film Ek Cbadar Maili S~ came out in Indian Express in 1987 and another section in The Telegraph, Calcutta under the heading 1be Text and Sub-text of Rape in 1988; Chapter VIII (Return of the Mythological) was published in another version in Cinema in India, 1988; a preliminary version of Chapter IX (1be Painted Face of Politics) was published in Cinema and National Identity ed. by Wimal Dissanayake, University Press of America, 1988 and another version, written with J . Hoberman, in Film Comment, New York, 1987.

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"In the jargon of cinema, a 'co,nmercial' film is not one that brings in money, but a film conceived and executed in accord to the canons oftbe businessman"· -Jean Renoir ''In myth, things lose tbe memory that they were once made". - Rolland Bartbes

''When do people need 'escapr most? Wben they have little involvement wttb tbe malting oftheirfuture". - Ariel Do,fman

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CONTENTS

Preface I. Of Myth and Fact 2. Seeing is Believing

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14 35 45 59

3. City and Village 4. Why the Films Sing 5. The Oedipal Hero

70 107

6. The Iconic Mother

126

7. Woman: Playmate, Wife and Ta waif 8. The Return of the Mythological 9. The Painted Face of Politics 10. How Indian is Indian Cinema?

165 199

248

11. The Value of Trash Notes

262 . 285 293

Appendices Bibliography

308

Index

311

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PREFACE his book marks the beginning of an effort, on the part of a ftlm critic for several decades committed to 'high art' in the cinema, to understand. the workinp of the mind behind the Indian popular ftlm. The urge for it came with N.T. Rama Rao's meteoric rise to power in 1983 in Andhra Pradesh. For the second time the foremost actor of a linguistic region had become the Chief Minister of his state. Realization dawned quickly that it was much more than that; the cinema had taken over the state, through the magic of its illusion. In Andhra Pradesh, the process seemed even more dramatic than in Tamil Nadu because in a mere nine months run-up an actor never before in politics defeated the high-powered Congress(I) party whose main campaigner was the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, a year before her assassination. In the event, N.T. Rama Rao's party did not last beyond one te1,i1, unlike M.G. Ramachandran's in Tamil Nadu. But NTR remains in the field of politics even though the political clout of the cinema in Andhra Pradesh petered out with his collapse in the 1989 electiom. On the other hand, MGR's prolonged illness ending in death remained the decisive element in the political scene of Tamil Nadu for a long period. The battle for succession was fought between protagonists known to the public for their cinematic prowess, and the eventual successor, M. Karunanidhi, was a film scriptwriter and one-time collaborator of MGR. The leader of his Opposition who later wrested power from him, Jayalalitha, was MGR's leading lady at one time. Evidently, in Tamil Nadu, the cinema has passed the zenith of its power but has by no means collapsed as yet. The tum of events in the two states comtitutes perhaps the most dramatic instance of the cinema's intervention in politics seen anywhere in the world. Chapter IX of this book, 1be Painted Face Of Politics, describes and discusses this unique phenomenon, together with the brush with politics on the part of Amitabh

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Bachchan, the biggest all-India box-office star in the hmory of Indian cinema. Obviously,the logical processes that worked in these two states could not be ab.wlutely peculiar to them; they underlie the entire field of popular cinema in the country. One of the reasons why they manifested so decisively in these two states was the sheer size of their cinema, and the extent of its rural penetration. Of the 800-odd filrm produced annually in the country, alm~t 50 per cent come from these two states. AJso, between the two, they account for a third or so of the total number of cinema theatres in India's 25 states and most of the travelling cinemas, which have a much greater reach into the rural hinterland than the permanent theatres. Elsewhere in India, the cinema is more strictly an urban phenomenon. Yet, the proclivities that surfaced in these two states underlie the rest of popular cinema, turning the cinema into the cultural springboard of politics. It ~ to be predica~ed upon the pre-industrial tendency to equate myth with fact, imitation with reality, in a country where analytical and analogical thinking have always existed side by side, but never more so than today, in the midst of transition to an industrial age1•

The content analysis of certain major box-office hits in allIndia Hindi cinema of more than two decades shows a striking continuity of concerns. Even a cursory examination makes it clear that the popular cinema is as deeply stirred by the winds of change as the more obviously serious cinema or 'high art'. c.ertain themes constantly appear and reappear. Problems of tradition and modernity, East and West, city and village, family and state, feudalism and democracy, individual and society, religion and science, the role of women in society, are constantly explored behind the facade of 'entertainment'. In fact, poring over scenes in a number of Amitabh Bachchan fdms, sometimes late at night and alone, running them backwards and forwards, I would wonder why the fwm were described as entertainment at all. A fdm like Trisbul , which I consider seminal to the whole issue, seems more of a grim morality play than a matter of amusement.

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Only the songs bring relief, even though they are full of philosophy, p~ionately felt and ably exp~d, however trite they may be in their generalizations. In this kind of cinema, the tramcendental quality of the song lifts it way above the level of the rest of the film, as discu~ in Chapter IV. I wished repeatedly that I were a trained psychologist. In film after fdm, the Indian Oedipus stared one in the face (Chapter V, The Oedipal Hero). It seerm strange that social psychologists should not have trained their guns on this area, apart from occasional remarks in their rare forays into an individual ftlm or their suggestion of very broad concepts on the popular cinema as a whole. But if the ftlm critic often seerm to ignore the psycho-sociological dimemions in h~ pursuit of the aesthetic, the psycho-sociolog~t can be charged with the failure to relate the formal qualities of a film to its subject and read the essentially indivisible statement ·of a work. The cinema speaks basically through its images; and the acknowledged primacy of the image in the operations of the unconscious makes cinema the inevitable mirror for the projection of impressions developed in childhood. So the need ex~ for making a holistic connection between the psychological and the sociological on the one hand and the aesthetic on the other. The more one goes into it, the more it seerm impossible to understand cinema, particularly popular cinema, without seeing that one ~ues out of the other. Equally neglected ~ the conjunction of what Levi-Strauss describes as a lack of sense of history among primitive societies2 and Erik Erikson calls the inclination towards total~m in individuals who fail to come out of the shadow of the mother3• The increasing obsession with the mother figure, the attenuation of the father and the emergence of a mysogynic male camaraderie have become extremely obvious in the cinema of recent decades. Here again, a marriage of the film critic with the social psycholog~t becomes a crying need. In the lack of that happy event, the ftlm critic with ambitions for a hol~tic understanding tries to tum androgynous in order to bring together two sets of appre-

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hensions that are inextricably related and ame out of each other. With all its pitfalls of amateumm, the effort has to be made. . For this ftlm critic, the lkvi-Strauss equation of myth with the primitive and of historical consciousness with modem societies translates itself into the relationship of cinema as myth and cinema as fact. Chapter I, OfMyth and Fact, is thus concerned with the cinema's special ability to record fact and apprehend the materiality of matter. It explores the confused conjunction of analytical and analogical reasoning and the consequent inability to distinguish myth from fact in pre-industrial societies, especially those in the throes of modernization•. This thread is picked up again in Chapters IX and XI in an effort to outline the predisposition towards totalitarianism inherent in the equation of myth and fact. Hence the mythological film (Chapter II, Seeing Is Believing ), with which Indian cinema really began, can be said to have climaxed in the coming to political power of M.G. Ramachandran in Tamil Nadu and N.T. Rama Rao in Andhra Pradesh, and Amitabh Bachchan's failure to come to power, as the detailed essay on them (Chapter IX, 1be Painted Face of PoliHcs) attempts to show. Hence too, the Return of the Mythological (Chapter VIII) in a Government-owned television is significant as a renewed attempt to establish the equation of myth and fact, this time in a direct projection toward the middle class which is at the heart of the television audience and largely dete1111ines the direction of the country's culture - and consequently, of its politics. In between lies the rearguard action in which the older type of mythological retreated before the onslaught of modernism but regrouped its forces to mythologise the present (Chapter V, 1be Oedipal Hero and Chapter VI, 1be Iconic Mother) . The concept of the family becomes an integral part of the discussion and its contours are deter111ined by the regulation of the relationship of the sexes (Chapter VII, Woman: Playmate, Wife and Tawaif ). The polarity of the city and the village is an important extension of the concept of the traditional family and forms one of the cornerstones of the popular cinema's structure of beliefs (Chapter III).

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Prefa~e

It seem important to try to acquire some freedom from populist imperatives to which the growing consumerism of our society tends to subject the critic. In orthodox M~t societies the intellectual was (the past teme seerm more apt at this point of time) required to expiate his original sin of having been born a bourgeois by surrendering his individuality to the State. In capitalist-comumerist economics, the intellectual is under a similar pressure to surrender it to a homogenized society acting on the principle of economy of scale in regard to both goods and human beings. He shares the Marxist's seme of guilt for being privy to a world of knowledge and a capacity for individual thought that 'the people' do not have. There is thus a double process of expiation working within him; first, the effort to tell himself, and others, that he is 'actually just like every one else', and second, the tendency to cmcover virtues in whatever sells ('if so many people like it, it must be good'). The 'cola' drinks proliferating in India are not noted for their nutritional properties, yet they are generally perceived as 'more fun than fruit juice'. A compulsive populism (Chapter X, How Indian is Indian Cinema.') seems as fraught with the risk of falsification of judgement as the cultivated elitism of the votaries of high art which negates the significance of social and aesthetic expression in all pop art without deigning to examine its products. Inevitably after this, one must raise certain questions of value. There is need to distil them from the markedly detached, valuefree observation one constantly comes across in otherwise highly perceptive writings on the sociological aspects of cinema, whether of the mainstream (popular) or parallel (high art) variety. There must be a question of right or wrong in the way the cinema influences a particular society at a particular juncture of history. The non-existentialist problem of value is raised here despite its alienness to much of scholarship and with an acute awareness of its importance to the future of our society.

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1 INTRODUCTION:

OF MYTH AND FACT ntil fairly recently, the convention in the 1~ developed regional cinemas in India was to make up the face of the hero to extreme faim~, leaving o t h e r ~ parts of the body unpainted. A concomitant of this selective tramformation was to leave the subsidiary characters to nature's devices, without the benefit of the make-up man's ministratiom. Only the hero (and the heroine) were to have a painted face. Varying traces of this convention are still discernible in the popular cinema in all languages and regiom. Obviously, this has to do with the traditional consciousn~ of the faim~ of the skin as an indicator of high caste and, among the relatively modem, of social class. Etymologically, the word vama meam colour (hence, .in a way, vamasbrama, or the caste order, is also a colour order). Even as Arjuna laments the idea of killing his kin in the Gita, he goes off suddenly (in an extreniely obvious interpolation) into a tirade against vamasankanu, or the progeny of intercaste marriages. As Nirad Chaudhuri remarked1, the preference for fair skin relates to a claim to Aryan, i.e. Caucasian ancestry. If there is any truth to an Aryan origin, the sentiment harks back three and a half millenia. Despite the ceasel~ admixture that has taken place in the melting pot of races in India - Greeks, Persiam, Sakas, Hunas, Turks and Mongols and so on over this vast stretch of time, the memory of racial purity persists. The higher the caste, the fairer the skin is, or i$ expected to be. It works even better in reverse; if the skin is fair, the caste·must be high.

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The hero must either represent high rank in the social order or at least the potential for catapulting himself into it. In a country with a very wide range of skin tones obtaining among a polyglot population, the fairness of his eo111plexion is a reflection of his innate superiority. Therefore, if the hero is not naturally endowed with a fair skin, he must be given one, apart from any enhancement that the camera and the film stock may technically require. This is the archetypal image the hero must co, respond to. Hence it is that with Peter Brook's Mababbarata, one of the major objections of the average Indian audience is to the use of black 11ien as Bhishrna, the pttamab~ progenitor of the Kurus and Pandavas or as Kama, who is born of the Sun. The objection to Kunti as a black woman also s p ~ from an allied archetypal image of the heroine; women belonging to the high social order must be fair. There was no voice raised against the Caucasian complexions of Arjuna, Krishna or Draupadi, all three of whom are described in the original epic as dark. In the context of public performance, extended into and indeed appropriated by the cinema, this convention translates itself into a lack of need for realism and a low threshold for the suspemion of disbelief. The mind turns myth into fact, and symbol into reality. If the face is fair, the symbol of nobility and leadership has been established, regardless of what happens to the hand and feet, which are mere servants of the face. The face represents the identity, consolidated by the costume. The source of the convention must be sought in folk theatre performances given almost exclusively at night in large outdoor spaces, often on a raised surface Oit by torches - or, more recently, by petromax lam~). and seen mostly from a distance. This enhanced the need for the heroic characters to be seen and identified in teffllS of the fairness of the face and the splendour of the costume. In the flickering light of torches, as mythical and superhuman heroes came to life, the degree of their visibility too was dcte.111ined by their fairness. The lower visibility of the ordinary characters was a part of the system. The painted face was also a mask. As Girish Kamad points out, "...if in the modem western theatre .the mask is used in contrast to the face, the

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persona as against the real person ... in Indian traditional theatre, as in the Greek, the mask is only the face writ large•. But he is careful to draw the c:&tinction between folk and classical theatre: 'It is interesting that Samkrit theatre, playing to a small audience of 200 to 400, did not use masks for nonnal human characters•, and goes on to show the connection of the mask in folk performance to 'the spirit by which the dancer seeks to be PQSSesscd•2• It is obvious that in this respect, the painted face performs the role of the mask - in folk theatre as well as in primitive cinema. The mask is myth; the face, reality. In the inteJ111ediate stage between folk.tradition and the early decades of the cinema there was the agency of the Parsi theatre, an eclectic amalgam of song, dance and dramatic passages meant to please all kinds of audiences, which set the pattern for the future growth of the all-India Hindi fdm in its suppression of regional and other group characteristics. It played this inteJ111ediate role throughout the silent period and gave up its ghost only with the advent of the talking (and singing) fdm'. The circumstances of folk (and Parsi) theatre also meant, straightaway, that the es.sence of melodrama was given to the situation; there was no means of developing conviction with a minute logicality, step by step, in an imitation of the processes of real life, fust anchoring the actor to the role enacted and then achieving transformation through a close-knit psychological lead up along a chain of cause and effect. Suspension of disbelief was granted on the basis of myth and symbol, not fact. The fullness of pre-determined stimuli depended on the extent to which the performance kept its faith with the convention of the genre - in Yaksbagana or Jatrtl, Nautankt or· Bbavai. But while on the formal level the melodramatic conventions of folk theatre (and Parsi theatre) required the obviation if not the suppression of the individual behind the mask and social reality behind the transmission of traditional assumptions, the innate realism of the cinematic image caused discovery and awareness. The adaptation of the cinema into the body of tradition presented insurmountable problems.

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The earliest falrm were documentary; they recorded facts faced by the camera. The cinema, we know, was invented by scientists in order to record motion - e . g. the movement of the animal or human body. Thus Eadweard Muybridge, for instance, published 781 plates of such motion and reached conclusions like these: If the moving feet of an animal are one in advance of and the other to the ,car of the supporting less, the supp:>rting legs are always diagonals, i.e. left fore and right hand, or right fore and left hand. If the two moving feet are seen under the body between the supporting less, the supporting less are always lateral, Le. both left and both ~ -

When the train pulled into a station or workers came out of a factory in the falrm of the Lumib'es at the tum of the century, the ·resemblance to reality was too drastic to confuse with symbols of it; the train was alm~t rolling over the audience. Indeed the cinema came into being in industrialized societies in answer to the need to reflect new dimensions in the perception of material reality. Neither the amtraction of the language of words (T.S. Elit's taximeter ticking away like a beating heart) nor the frozen moment of painting (or moments, as in Duchamp's Nude Descending .A Stairr:ase) was enough to satisfy the appetite to see the real thing. The new perceptions had to be seen in a mirror to be contemplated upon and understood. A railway engine steaming away against the sunset, an aeroplane flying through the clouds, the sound of a horn stuck in a car in the middle of the night, the wail of an ambulance speeding through the traffic, a man seen walking along a street from the top floor of a skyscraper (probably the movement of just his hat, from which the presence of the man had to be deduced) - these were perceptions of new fortN and relationships that pre-industrial man was not familiar with. The very process of perception was · speeded up in the industrial world, because there was so much more to perceive. When two high speed trains e r ~ each other, the flickers of light and the sudden doubling of sound 17

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volume called for a speed of perception that the stagecoach or the bullock cart had never demanded. The new apprehension of reality brought about a heightened understanding of materiality. The eye and the mind had to quickly assess a moving object: is it flat or round, square or. circular, is it coming at me or will it pass me? These judgements are made rapidly in today's urban world and they are much more exact than those of pre-industrial man. No wonder a new medium had to be devised by applied physics and chemistry, projecting flickering light and shadow on a reflecting screen (a 'mirror'), mass manufactured by socialized labour and sent out in a tin can through a marketing network. • The basic value of the cinematic image lies in the flow of nonverbal information it is able to present before the eyes, giving rise to a constant stream of reactions in the mind of the spectator who must interpret them, .like still photograpm, which, as Susan Sontag points out, are •inexhaustible invitations to deduction, speculation and fantasy" precisely because they •cannot explain themselves"5• Even when words were added to "explain" the content, the demand for direct personal interpretation of the basic -cinematic image did not alter. Indeed, in so far as the realistic narrative ftlm presented a complex set of sights, sounds, words and music, the task of interpretation began all the more to resemble its role in reality. Sometimes the audience's interpretation agreed with the filmmaker's, sometimes the two images did not coincide to form a single focus. Even in the act of breaking out of them in certain types of cinema, the processes of real life and the task of interpreting them act as the point of reference. In Michael Rohmer's words: · All of us bring to every situation, whether it be a business meeting oc a love affair, a social and psychological awareness which helps us to understand canplex motivations and relatio.Mhips. 1his kind of perception, much of it non-verbal and based on apparently ~ignillcant dues, is not limited to the educated or the gifted. We all depend upon it for our understanding of other people and have become extremely proficient in the 18

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11IE PAINTED FACE inrerpretation of subde signs- a shad1ns .In the vok:e, an averted glance 1hia nuanced awareneas however is not easily called upon by the arts, for il is p-edicated upon a far more immediate and total ie:xperience than can be povided by literature and the theatre with their dependence upon words or by the visual arts with their depend-

ence upon the

enoush

unase- Only fun render.. experience widl

inimediacy and totality to call into play the

pupctual proce11es we employ .In life

llltclf'.

The transplantation of this unprecedented realism conveyed by the cinema, a medium developed in industrial society in search of a new n:icdium of communication, into a pre-industrial, agricultural society inevitably led to a severe dash of two idiorm with their separate, in some ways contrary, p u ~. The traditional relatiomhip of audience and performer and the stylistics that regulated it in folk theatre were radically different. Basically, the cinema does not admit of the painted face. The language deals primarily not with symbols but with the surfaces of reality. In its ~ c e it 11SCS these fragments of · 'immediate and total experience' as its building blocks. The cinema can be said to be the ultimate in the pressure towards maximal realism that has always existed in the popular arts. When primitive man drew animal-hunting pictures in prehistoric caves, believing that it would bring him success in killing animals by the magic of imitation, he did not think he was being anything but realistic in his portrayal. His realism matched the stage of his ability to grasp the morphology of matter. Deliberate distortion of representational form did not occur until the Industrial Revolution which turned skill, earlier only a by-product of a function, into 'art", a product in itself, a 'useless' commodity for sale. From cave paintinp to icom to portraiture and landscape painting, from photography to the silent moving image to the colour sound ftlm, the progression of realism was obvious. At each stage, there was a widespread 'artistic' rejection of the new level of realism (e.g. Otaplin as practitioner, Rudolf Amheim as theorist). Thi, was countered mostly by the business tycoon or the functionalist theoretician (e.g. Sam Goldwyn or ~emtein). 19

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In the silent cinema, the equivalent of the non-verbal element of the talkie was made up by the incidental components of the scene as opposed to its central action - the degree to which the total universe within which the central action takes place was composed and contributed to the understanding of the whole. Thus Scene 6 ( Off To 7be Fire) of Edwin Porter's 7be Life OfAn American Fireman (1903) showed •countless pieces of apparatus, engines, hook-and-ladders, hose towers, horse carriages etc. rushing down a broad street at top speed, the horses straining every nerve and evidently eager to make a record run. Great clouds of smoke pour from the stacks of the engines, thus giving an impression of genuineness to the entire senes•1 . Inevitably, cinema in pre-industrial society ignored the immediate and total experience essential. to the medium. More particularly, it ignored or marginalized the subtle non-verbal components of the medium which form its core. It im~ed upon the medium the pressure of the loudly declaimed word, the grand gesture and the broad symbols dictated by traditional performance and its urbanized adaptations to the proscenium stage.

II Suddenly faced with the new medium and anxious to adopt it, Indian cinema did not quite know how to connect it to its own.visual tradition. The very earliest films, made soon after the fll'St fdm show by the Lumieres in 1896, were documentary. Hamhchandra. Bhatvadekar and others are known to have photographed wrestling and other entertaining actualities. Hiralal Sen turned to the theatre for his subject and photographed plays. The question of the nature of the visual culture required for the cinema had not arisen at all. The conscious choice would appear to have been made by D.G. Phalke in his fll'St Indian feature ftlm Harisbcbandra (1913), whose surviving fragments bear testimony to his stylistic predilections. As apprentice to Raja Ravi Verma, Phalke's obvious visual model was in the forms created by his mentor's adaptation of British academic painting 20

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of the time. What the stage of knowledge of Im~ionism or post-Impressionist painting in India was at that time is not clear. If Ver11aa or Phalke had seen any, there is no evidence of it in their work. Ravi Venna's ang)icized Indian gods_and heroes had already established theimelves in popular visual culture and set the images of Rama, Sita, the sages and of course the gods themselves through the inexpensive oleographs Verma painted, printed and distributed across the country. The gods cast in that mould have become so much a part of the popular iconography that even in the late eighties, a defender of Ramanand Sagar's television serial Ramayan said in justification of the un-Indian character of these images that had Sagar followed the Indian iconographic tradition obtaining within the indigenous visual tradition, the audience would not have accepted his characters as genuine'. , And of course the Verma model overflowed the divine moulds and spilled over into other popular visual manifestations such as star pinu~. beedi and other indigenous smallscale industry product labels, shop signboards, graffiti on the backs of trucks and two wheelers, bazaar photo studio backgrounds for portraiture and, above all, fdm posters and hoardings and the fihm theimelves, in an extraordinary blend of the realistic and the unrealistic, to create an Indian pop. The main device derived from Ravi Verma is an obfuscation of perspective in an otherwise realistic rendering celebrated in the dialect of a· free, primitive draftsmanship. Add to Ravi Verma elements from the quasi-Persian decadent Mughal sentimentality of Abdur Ralman Chughtai seen on Hyderabad's Nirmal ware, on engravings of recumbent females on glass panels in cinemas or on bazaar calendars; the paintings of bathing beauties in skin-clinging saris executed by Hemen Majumdar and 'Mr. Thomas' in Bengal which formed a further bazaar extension of the British academic style and the most sentimental examples of the Bengal school of painting, and you have today's pop visual. These elements went into the making of popular visual culture in the early 20th century and became source material for the popular cinema to draw upon.

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m Yet alternative models were readily available. The groupings and placei11ents in .AmaravaU and Sanchi low reliefs in the 2nd century BC. and in Ajanta frescoes over some 800 years show a sophistication of high order and techniques eminently adaptable to the requirements of the cinema. Ajanta figures in a number of frescoes are so grouped that the movement of the beholder's eye from character to character is fluidly, assymetrically balanced within the mural. Eye-matches between characters form lines that ~ in diagonal and other varied angular planes. 1be faces almost never look at the spectator. In the nearest to frontal attitude, the character will look just off the observer's eye, thus retaining a self-contained narrative illusion to which the observer is an outsider. The narrative style of Ajanta is thus very similar to that of the cinema in which the convention is of averting the camera stare that would destroy the illusion by including the observer i.e. the camera, representing the audience in the cinema theatre. What is more, Ajanta murals are multi-focal and accommodate a connected flow of viewpoints as the observer moves from one spot to another, recalling the freewheeling motion picture camera. In comparison to Ajanta, the Phalke grouping conventions, followed by later cinema, especially the mythologicals, have a fared centre within eye-level space, the stiffly horizontal character movements recalling exits and entries on the proscenium stage. Ravi Ve111aa and Phalke's iconic frontality is also not of Indian origin. In the European tradition, the saint or the subject of the portrait looks directly at the beholder. Indian gom face the devotee, ready to receive his prayer, but do not look directly at him. When Prahlad faces Vishnu and I.akshmi in profile in Phalke's Bhakta Prali/ada, there is an instant sense of eye contact and the whole scene, with the divine pair reclining luxuriantly before the lowly devotee, is oddly reminiscent of a feudal lord receiving a bonded supplicant. In other words a typically Indian content is put into a modern western framework. In dealing with 22

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111£ PAINTED FA.CE

the moving image, Phalke struggles with the movement from the frontal to the horizontal position to avoid having the charader turning away &o.11 the audience. . Phalke's nationals spirit sought to prove, in common with other pioneers in diverse fields, to the Indian and the British alike, that we could make thing, just as well as the ruling race, with its pride of superiority, could. In this he was true to Ashis Nandy's seminal proposition on colonialism in which the ruled are asked to fight the ruler within the ~chological terms set up by the latter, from which it followed that 'beating the West at its own game is the preferred meam of handling the feeling., of self-hatred in the modernized non-West110• In that we may fand an explanation of why Ravi Ve,allil and his apprentice sought the ruler's rather than the indigenous tradition's way of organizing the depiction of interading figures on a twner for Scheduled Casts and Tribes only too eloquently establish, they are especially plentiful In a handful of states. According to the 1979-81 report, from 1967-79 (except for 1973, when data are not available), "lJtar PratiGJ:, and Madhya PratiGJ:, baw conslstffllly occuplc,djirst and #cond positions in ,wp,ct of ca.ws ,wpo,t«I rvga,rlm,

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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

THE PAINTED FACE

bad,,.

Duma that period, Rl,J}altl,4,, tbml lorJJSt ,,.,.,_,. ofanH-Harlj(m alrodlwsforftw "'nm• (1967-71), with Bibar m tbal posUkmforfour s u ~,-,rs (1976-79) followed by dti»uc:1#,s -on ScbldaJl«J Oarld.

,-rs

Kera1a (1974 and -1975) and Tamil Nadu (1972). Gujarat, Mabarasbtra and Odssa have variously wumed the fourth and fifth posldons. So a .Is in U.P., M.P., Rajaslhan, Bihar, Gujarat, Mabarashara, Orissa and Kerala that. unless the pattern has radically changed in the ·last few years, state adion. preventive and punltive, should be .lnkially c:oncenlnted, with U.P., M.P., Blbar and Rajastban, all m tl# ~ W, and tlw g~Wllast li.tli?Jtlon.

~

tl# tnOtSI """"1dia#

(j] Singularly unsuccessful in stoppng aexua1 harassment oo dy anceta, New Delhi's poUcc force has l a ~ a new offawvc: self-defence cb:saes for citizens. last month special police officers canvassed dooc-todooc in south-west Delhi neighbourhoods to persuade reluctant parents to send daughters to &cc judo da.soies. Since vuJaar and violent behaviour Js commonplace in the Indian capital, the drive showed some readts. About 200 'WOIPCn and children attended dasscs in R.K. Puram, Vinay Nagar, Rajinder Nagar andJanakpuri. Black belt judo .Instructors like national coaches Gurcharan SJnsh Gogi, bJs wil'e Suman Gogi and colleague Shiv Kumar Kohli, gave free training foe ooe month in the bare basics of how to defend oneself. Among the JllOIC cndtu•iastic lcamcrs was Poonam Vcrnra, 30, a houscwif'e of Janakpuri. Said Vemra, •Bcf~, travelling in a aowded bus meant putting up with pawing men. Now I know that a jab of the elbow in a man's solar plexus will get rid of tum•. Her new-found confidence also enables her to get 1 ladica seats• on buses vacated on demand. Pobce COIDD1iMioncr Vljay Karan st.ates, · 'Eve-tcasJng Js a chronic problem in the capital. 1he police are conccmcd that their antl..ev.~asin, meMJU'cs over the last one year ha-ve not made a dent in tM sinratlon'. He says the police will fund more such dasses and demonstrations in women's colleges. He hopes that schools, colleges and dubs will also take up judo rlas1CS. But one of Delhi's few female judokas, Manjcct Arya, ls cautious Jn her appaisal of these clasv.s. "Sometimes a little knowledge ls more dangerous · than no knowledge•, says Arya. Apart-time judo-instructor at a girl's school, she fccls judo must be learnt and practised for a minimum of one year before it ls of true value as a mean., of self-n -and the will-pow.:r to achieve anytb.1ns-. But Jt is subm!rive, mouldable, lv>mely and shy dauahtem chat are in favour in the IndJan marriage market. O:mplalned JaJn, • ~ fet, demanding unifacation ~ his wife. He filed a case against Mira's family but to no avail. Meanwhile, Mira was packed off to Jehanabad to her uncle's house from where she smuggled out several lettas to her husband alleging brutal ~ and coercion. to remarry. 1heir love st.ocy caw- to a gruesome end on February 8 this year. According to police investigations, Mira's brothers Vijay Singh, Ajai Singh and four accm>plices dragged Satyendra to a lonely spot, beheaded him with a sharp ln.sttwnent and then bwned his head to avoid identification. It w only because Mira's name was tattooed on his left arm that his body was eventually identified. Satyendra's mother Ranl Devi charges: •When I heard that my son had been dragged away. I rushed to the tbana, but the off'acer-in-dwge used vile language and threw me out. He was obviously in ·league with the aiminals.• Since the aime took place, local residents have in fact organised several demonstrations against the off'acer-in-charge Yogendca Chowdhary. Moreover, the poUce delayed arresting Mira's father and brothers for a month, by which time considerable public anger bad 'build up. Though Oiowdhary denies any involvement in the crime, his views on marriage are revea.Ung. "I don't .recogruse this marriage.• he says. "Any marriage taking place widlout guardians' approval Is invalid.• But the girl was above 18 and the law permits her to marry whoever she wishes. •So what?- retorts Oiowdhary. •aurs 1., after all Indian culture.• Dbanbad SP RanUCATION AND MA.a MEDIA 141. UIBACY IN INDIA

(afflll'dlna to 1911 0mm) State/Ualoa Territory

N. .berofUlll1I• (',.,..) Total

Pen:eanap of literate

Feeai.

Male

Total

Stale:

·-137

·-46

•·••··

......

···.....

.···.....

145

106

39

····-· Blhw

183

•·••··-··

•·-·••

•·-••·-

......_.

MadJa:,a Pradel~

.,....

·-·--·-··· Uaar Prides~ Note:

n. perclf'•...,.

·--···-

•••••

301

--

Pnnl•

·-- ·•-13.62 ··--- ·--- ·-·--·--··--·· 21KI 39.49 15.53 ·--·--·· ·-·--. --· ·-- 38.76 27.16 14.04 26.20

38.lJ.

:

·-·-73

228

Male

Sowce: Rllp«ar Geaeral. ladla llave be• calaalated oa die total populalioa illdudl• '1l tbe

pclpllklioa la ap Group M lnduslrlal Poe/wt Boal,, India, Tata Stw( 1987

CRIME Sl'A11STICS Table 196-NUMBBR OP COGNIZABLE CRIMES REPOR'l'ED (1982)

u-

MwclerD-11:, Rollbeiy

State

neft

1Uoda1 OdlelS Total

1Neui11 Stale:

---

·-··--Biur

2,681

......... 3,419 .

♦I

--M.P.

·-··-·· U.P. .........

-- --- -- ----·- ---· - --..... --·- ...............

11.35' lA,719

1.935

-·-- ·---·- -- ·---· 2,516 436 2,706 --· ·-·-·· --·6,196 5,788 4,437 ........ ---· --··

·-·-·

IU•II I l l

"

•

--♦Zlllll

14,717 47,883 106,768 •

•

.;rn

86,603

170,310

··---·· --- --·- ---··-

---·-

22,915

----

6,787

. ......... 24,3'9 54,ffl 10,02'1 62,143 11,7,747

'

-·-··--

--

_. -··---

.

Soun:e: s.n. of Polk:e Raeudl ud Deve&opmeat MialsUy of Home Aff.ain

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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

A.Pl'ffldicn

STAD-WISf' BBEA.JC.tJP OP RAPE CASES (UIWI) STA1D/UNION

1986

'DJUTORD'S 111 I I I IH -• I • I I •

llAPE 1987 1988

-- -- -NA --· ----- - --

h M

Ma6y1 l'ladrs._

·-··-··----·-··--·-··· M••-•

1,526

1,695

800

781

830

1.291

t.437

-·1,192

- ••-•- ••••••u••

UtarPrach ..

-··-··..··---·

-·-·

.. ,,....

.........

-

MOJ.QTA110N 1986 1987 1988 .

--

··---·

....... ...

4,698

4,871

NA

Z,724

Z,417

2,646

· -·--......... --· --...... 1,591 ......... •

1,795

--

-1,948

.........

Sovos: Home Mlalmy

• NA ..... for Not Availallle

'Caste has long been an obstacle to marriages throughout the country. But in Bihar, ao complete is the opposition to intercaste marriages, that virtually every couple attempling to break the barrier has a harrowing tale to narrate; a tale of social osttacJsm, mental and physical harassment, aod violence that at times amounts to coldbloocled murder...• 'Here .It is a case of lz:zat • explains Arvind N. Das, author of several books on Bihar. He adds: 'Women are property and violation of property is fought over in all societies. And caste -" a fonn of social security to be preserved at all costs. ..patients~ doctors of the same caste and prof~ enroll Ph.D. students of their own caste...• (India Today, May 15, 1990). Newspaper reports constantly bear wtttnes.. to this charge. Here is an example from 7J;e Telegmpb, Calcutta: ·

POQQ; HOUND PIMfllEP YOUIH, WIFE

SERAMPORE, JUI.Y 16: A polio stricken Harij:an youth from Bihar's VaJshali district and his wife; a 21-year~d girl belonging to a higher caste, were arrested here last night on dlf" basis of a w.urant issued by the Bihar police. 1be couple will be sent back to their hometown, Lakshroip•ll', soon.

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11lBPMNIF.D F.ACB The 26-year-old youdi, VJShwanath Das, roamed the girl, Mina Kumari, reoendy agatost the wishea ol her family and came to Rishra to escape the Ire of his in-laws. Mina's father is a well-to-ral Scientist, Vol XVII, No. 3, February 1974. 71,e Sacred V"lm and tbe Holy Wbo~ Sphere Books, London, 1988. Soc#olcgy of Film art, Basic Books, New York and London, 1965. History of .American Cinema, Harcourt Brace, New York, 1939. 7h .Arcbetypa and tbe Colleatve Unconscious, ed. RFC. Hull, Bollingen Series XX, Princeton University Press. Memories, Dreams, Rej/«t#ons, Collins, London,

1977. Kakar, Sudhir:

71Ht Inner World, Oxford, 1981.

Kosambi, D .D.:

lnNmate Relal#ons, Penguin, 1989. Mytb and Rfltll#ty, Popular Prakashan, Bombay,

1962. 71,e Cultut'ff and Civilization of .Anciffll lndkl.,

Kracaner, Siegfried: Krishen, Pradip (ed.) : Laing, R.D.: Uvi-Strauss, Claude: Lewis, Jacob: .

Lutze, Lothar and Ffleider, Beatrice: Majurndar, Blman Behari: Maguet, Jacques:

Marquez, Gabriel Garcia: MelZ, Christian:

Vlkas, 1988. 71,eory of FU,ns, Oxford University Press, New York, 1965. India International Centre Quarterly, Vol VIII, No.1, 1981. 71,e Divided Self. Penguin, 1965. 71,e ~ Mind, Chicas, 1966. History of .American Cinema, Harcourt Brace, New York, 1939. 71,e Hindi FU,n, ~ And R...Agenl OfCbange,

Manohar, New Delhi, 1985. Krishna tn Hi.story Dnd Legend, University of Calcutta, 1969. 71,e Aestbet1c bperlence : An anthropologist looks at the visual arts, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1986. Autumn of tbe Patrlan:b, tr. Gregory Rabassa, Harper & Row, New York, 1976. Film Language, tr. Michael Taylor, New York, Oxford University Press, 1974.

309

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11IE PNN'IED PACE Mnvbridge, Eadweard: Nandy, Ashia:

Animals In Motton. ed. Lewi, S. Brown, Dover Publications, New York, 1957. Tbtt Inttmaltl E,._,y, Oxford University Presa,

1983. Neumann, Erik; Pouehl, Gregory (ed.):

TbttPopularHlnalFII"' India International Centre Quarterly, VoL VID, No. 1, 1981. 1btt Gr«lt Motbff; Pantheon, 1955. Ancwnt C1tws of 'lh Indu.s, Vikas, Delhi, 1979. Horoppan C1ulllz:at1on, Oxford and IBH. Delhi,

1982.

Rlencouret, Amaury de:

1btt Indian o.dtpus : A Folklore Casebook, Lowell Edmunds and Alan Dundee, Garland Publishing Inc., New York and London, 1983. 1btt Myth of Tbe Birth of 1btt Hero, b'. Phillip Freund, Alfred Knopf, 1959. Tbtt Double, Meridian Books, 1971. Woman and Powr, In History, Indian edition,

llohmer, Michael:

Sterling, Delhi, 1989. Su,focttS ofRttaltly, PUm Quarterly, University of

Ramanujan, A.K.:

Rank, Otto:

Sahane, ·Nannada: Scht:chner, Richard:

Sharangadeva: Sivathamby,

KarthJaesan:

Sontag, SUsan:

Tudor, Andrew: Vasudev, Aruna and Lenglet, Philippe: Vatsyayana, Kapila: Warner, Marina:

Whaling, Frank:

Wi.lliams, Raymond:

California Press, Fall 1966. Stud#G In FUm History, Film Institute of India, Pune, 1970. P.,.for?nottw Cln:umstonca: From the AvantGarde to Ramlila, Seagull, Calanta, 1980. Songeet Ratnol,ora, tt. R.K. Shringy, Motilal Banarasidas, Varanasi, 1978. Tbtt TamU Film as a Medium ofCommunlcot#on, New century Book House. On Pbolograpby, Penguin, 1979. Image and Injl1MJ11Ct1: Studies In tbtt Sociology of FU,n, George Allen and Unwin, London, 1974.

(ed.) Indian Cinema Sup.rba:z:oor, Vikas, New Delhi, 1983. Trodttlonal Indian Tbeatrs, National Book Trust, Delhi, 1980. AlonttofAIJ Her Sc The Myth and CUit of Virgin Mary, Picador, 1985. 1btt Rise of The Religious Slgntjiconu ofRoma, Motilal Bana·rasidas, Varanasi, 1980. Cukurtt and Sr,clety, Chatto and Windus, Lon-

don, 1958.

Woolf, Vl.rginia· Wright, Wlll:

Coll«:ted &says. Vol n, New York, 1966. Six Guns and Soct«y, University ol Californlll

Press, 1975.

310

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-

- -· -

.

· ·-·--····- - --------------..._,_-

INDEX Aakrosb, 271. Abbas, K .A., 241, 260. Abraham, 73, 118. Acbbut Kanya, 89. Ada/at, 52, 236. Adib, Prem, 37, 165. Aeneid, The, 182. Agnffpatb, 270. Agnlhotri, Rati, 145. Ajanta, 22, 43, 168, 169. Aftralba, 73. .AUHJrt Pinto Ito Gossa, 48, 57. All, Muzaffar, 143, 146. Alvi, Abrar, 143. Aman, 2'.eenat, 130, 13J,, 154, 238. Amar, A•bar, Antbo11y, 42, 71, 88, 114, 117, 152. Amar P,-em, 116, 240. Amaravati, 22. Amon, in Ctlta, 126. Amrohi, Kamal, 143, 146. Anadat Ponnu, 2~. Anand, 235, 243. Anandasbramam, 209. Ananthamurthy, U.R., 233. An Evening in Paris, 52, 157. Anjayya, 222. AMbion Ke ]barolton ~ 26. Anku,; 48, 271. Annadorai, C.N., 116, 117, 120, 199, 200, 204-'207, 210, 212- 214. Antonioni, 259. Appaswam.y, Jaya, 168. Apte, N.H., 30. Aravindan, G., 171. Arjuna, 14, 15, 126, 179,183, 186,189. Amhelm, Rudolf, 19. Ar.zoo, 153. Asrani, 52. Aural, 112, 113, 116, 120.

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Awa910,; 118. Awara, 31, 45. Aya Sawanjboomlte, 110.

Baazi, 32. Bachchan, Arn.itabh, 10, 12, 33, 52, 53, 70-71, 86, 88, 92, 107, 110, 116, 118119, 139, 153, 160-161, 234-236, 238244, 246, 263-264. Bachchan, Harivanshrai, 241 . Bakshi, Anand, 62. Balachander, K., 216. Ball, Gita, 32. Bali, Vyjantimala, 246. Balyogtn4 27, 208. Bandyopadhyay, Bibhutibushan, 46, 113, 240. Barua, P.C., 27, 29, 32, 92, 2.36. Bedara Kannappa, 232. Bedi, Klran, 161 . Bedi, Rajinder Singh, 94. B,mtsaJ, 269. Benegal, Shyam, 47, 48, 170, 271. Bergman, lngmar, 259. Bettelhelm, Bruno, 80, 90. Be-Abroo, 161. Bballta Prablada, 22, 42. Bbaral MUap. 42. Bbasmasur, 35. Bhattacharya, Basu, 'TI. Bhatvadekar, Harischandra, 20. Bhatt, Vijay, 165, 171. Bbavni Bhava4 48. Bhonsle, Asha, 63. Bobblli Pul4 179, 222, 225, 226, 229. Bobby, 153, 154. Bohurupee, 75. Bose, Oebaki, 27, 30. Brabmacbar4 28, 166. Bridges of Tol,o Rt, 263.

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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

1HE P.AJNTED FACE Brook, Peter, 15, 184-186, 188-190. Cagney, James 119. Campbell, Lewis, 78. Cbbamana .Ala Gunia, "8. Chakravarty, Mithun, 52. Cbala Murarl Hwo Ban,w, 52. Cbandasasanadu, 200, 223. Cband#das, 27. Cbandralellba, 31. Chandralekha, 220. Chandulal Shah, 27. Chaplin, Charles, 19. Cbanllata, 249. Chattopadyay, Bankim Chandra, 180. Chatterjee, Saratchandra, 29. Chaudhuri, Nirad, 14. CbaudbvtnKa Chand, 141. Chico Rei, 160. Cbomana Dud( 48. Chopra, B.R., 130, 131, 143, 145, 158,

178, 179, 181, 184, 186, 188, 189. Chughtai, Abdur Ralman, 21. Cbupl,e, Cbup/fe, 235. Close Encounlers of tbe Tbtrd Ktnd,

263. Colbert, Claudette, ·27.

Damle, 30. Damul, 48, Dard, 88. Das, Jibanananda, 237.

Da.staJ,, 124. Debdas, 27, 29, 32, 33, 91, 92, 142, 145, 236. . Dt1ewan/4 154. ~ r , 70, 72, 87, 92, 153, 236, 239, 240, 269. Deoras, Balasaheb, 167. Desai, J.B., 88. Desai, Manmohan, 235. Daamun«ra,n, :zaJ. Dw4 37, 46. Dhadda, Sukhwant, 94. Dhannendra, 33, 116, 152-154, 238, 240, 263.

Dll El, Mandtr Ha( 156. Dipika, 167. Don, 92, 152, 240. . Do .Anjaa,w, 240. DoRoastt1, 117, 157. Dr. Kotnls, 30. Dunlya Na Maa,w, 29, 30, 45, 166. Dutt, GUN, 31, 32, 45, 51, 60, 61, 92, 116, 117, 141-143, 154, 236, 237, 250. Dutt, SUnil, 246. Ebenstein, Se,sei, 19. Ell Baar P'11r, 264. El, Cbadar Mafll S4 94 ,95, 265 Ekberg, Anita, 126. Eliot, T.S., 17-. Erikton, Erik, 11, 245. EVR,

203-205, 214. ·

Fallaci, Oriana, 274. Fatehla~ 30. Ford, John, 263. Freud, Sigmund, 78, 79. Gandhi, Indira,9, 121, 133, 2'17, 221,

222, 224, 234, 238, 242, 212, 2n. Gandhi, M.K., 28, 36, 45, 180, 208, 211, 253, 2n. Gandhi, Rajiv, 235, 243. Ganesan, Shivaji, 207, 211, 212, 213, 215. Ganguly, Rupa, 188. Goon Hamara Sbabr 1umba,o, 52. Caram Hawa, 128. Ghatak, Ritwik, 51. Gbatasbraddba, 233. Ghosh, Gautam, 48, 56, 155, 271. Goetze, Herman, 248. Godfather, Tb~ 119. Gokhale, Kamalabai, 38. Goldschmidt, Miriam, 186. Goldwyn, Sam, 19. Govil, Arun, 167. Gudd( 52. Gunasundarl, 27.

312

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Ha.laat,269.

Harlsbcband,o, 20, 35, 262. Hegde, 129. Hider, 136, 159, 243. Ion, 83. Iyer, G.V., 171, "82. lnsaa/KA Ta,mu, 130, 131, 157, 158.

Dlad, 182. Inqullab, 1.30, 235.

Janak!, Ramachandran, 221. Jal SantosblMaa, 42, 119, 165, 171. Jayalalltha, 216, 221, 247. JMJan Prabbat, 89. Jha, Prakash, 48. Jung, C.G., 77, 79.

Khosla, Raj, 60. Xlnul-dar, 85. Kbudgan, 52. Kondav.11 Slmba,n, 125. Kosambl,D.D., .74, 85, 134, 152. Kouyate, Sodqul, 106. Krishnan, N.S., 114, 115, 209. Krlsbnarjunayuddba,n, 126. Kubrick, Stanley, 171. Kumar, Ashok, 262.

Kumar, DWp, 6", 118, 153, 155, 262, 263. Kumari, Meena, 81. Kumar, Raj, 146, 232, 233, 234, 280. Kumar, Rajendra, 52. Kumar,Sanjeev, 69, 86. Laawarls, 88, 92,

Kabbl XAbbt., 92, 235, 243. Kael, Pauline, 281-"83. Kagaz Ke Pbool, 33, 236. Kakar, SUdhir, 279, 280. Kala Patbar,

236.

Kalpana,89. Kamaraj, 1.10, 113, 11.9, '207. 217. XAncbanaSlla, 171. Kapadia, Dimple, 90, 154, 160. Kapoor, Prithviraj, 6", 65, 262. Kapoor, Raj, 52, 149, 154, 236, 237, 249, 260, 263. Kapoor, RJshl, 9". Kapoor, Shashi, 69, 92, 152. Karanth,·B.V., 48. Karma, 86, 155. Kamad, Girhh, 15, 233. Karunanidhi, M., 1, 114-117, 120, 1"8, 138, '207, 210-214, 218, 231, 247. Karz, 42, 114. Kaul, Mani, 37, 47. Khan, Feroz, 264." Khan, Mazhar, 57. Khan, Mehboob, 112-114. Khanna, Rajesh, 116, 238, 240, 246, 263. Khanna, Vinod, 71. Khomeinl, Ayatollah, 153, 154, 274.

269.

La:hiri, Bappl, 62. Lanca.ster, Burt, 281, 282. Lanlta Dahan, 35. Lapierre, Dominique, 156, 277. Uvi-Strauss, Claude, 11, 12, 26. Lifeo/anAmerkanFinnnan, ~ 20. Loren, Sophia, 158, 281. ·

Lutze, Lothar, 139, 248, 251. Ludhlanvi, Sahlr, 60. Lurnla'es, 17, 20, 37. Mahabharat (1V - B.R. Chopra), 123, 130,132,135,147,151,167, 176, 178, 180, 183-185, 188-190, 227, 270. Mahabharata (Peter Brook), 4, "8, 41, 53, 59,67,71-74, 81, 82, 84, 9", 9.8-108, 125,126, 143,175,179,181, 185. Mabana.gar (The Big City), 56, 57, 113. Mahapatra, Nirad, 37. Majumdar, Hemen, 21. Malinl, Hema, 9". Malle, Louis, 156. Mand4 95, 149. Manjula, 245. Mangeshkar, Lata, 63. Mani, s .v., 215. ManKaAngan, 157, 158.

313

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1HEPAIN1ED FACE Marrl, 235. ·Marquez, Gabriel Garcia, 76. Maya Mlrl&a, 56. Mayaba.rar, 125.

Meenakshi, 28. Mebffldl Ra"ll La.>"84 88. Mehta, Prakash, 53, 64, 134, 241. Mehta, Ketan, 57. Mehta, Sujata, 160, 164. M...a Gaon Merr:1 Dab, 153. M"""'-'u Nattu llavam, 213. M#ddleman, ~ 57. Mm;b Masala, 57. Mirza, Saeed, 47,48, 57. Mitra, Shambhu, 75. Moblnl Savllrl., 35. Motl#r Ind"", 112, 120. Mr. cSMrs. 55, 116. Mr. Sampat, 31. Mugbal-+Azam, 64. Multaddar Ka Slltandar, 71, 87, 92, 114, 124, 153, 240. Mukherjee, Hrbhikesh, 52. Mul,N, 27. Muybrlge, Eadweard, 17, 39. Nadodl Mannan, 212, 213. Nair, Mira, 47, 267. Nakane, Chie, 93. Namal, Haram, 32. Nandy, Ashi.,, 89, 279, 280. Narayan, R.K., 233. Nazir, Prem, 41, 232, 2fi6. Nehru, Jawahariai 90, 124, 132, 140, 141, 145, 156, 161, 252, 253, 259, 277. Nihalani, Govind, 152. Nillaab, 80, 81, 88, 146, 158. Nlsbant, 24. Nutan, 86, 155. . Odyssey, 97, 103, 182. Ol,a Oorle Katba, 48. Ostar, Akos, 248. o,-, 0~ 281. Ozu, Yasujiro, 56, 251.

Paar, 48, 56, 155.

Padaltottl, 116. Pado61, 30. Pawam, 31. Pa•• mb, 67, 78-81, 124, 142-144,

146. PancbvaN, 97. Pa,oma, 97. Parsi theatre, 16. Patb..- Pancbal4 113, 139, 249. Paroma, 55. Paaollni, 96, 170. Patil, Smita, 118. Patwardhan, Anand, 29. Phalke, D.G., 20-23, 27, 35, 38, 262. Pbanlyamma, l29. Porter, Edwin, 20. Pratfsbaat, 90, 92, 151, 160, 164, 269. Purab Aur Pascblm, 52, 89, 157, Puri,Amrish, 73, 135, 148, 153, 243,

264. Pyaasa, 60, 142, 236. Qurban4 148, 264.

Radha, M.R, 211. Ral, Himanushu, 30. Rajagopalacharl, C. 206. RajaHarlsbcband,a, 8, 17, 21, 94, 97, 123. Ram Tm Ganga Mal/4 52, 270. Ramachandran, M.G., 9, 39, 41, 200, 201, 210, 211, 213-221, 229-- 236, 243245, 247, 280. Raman, B.N., 229. Ramanujan, A.K.,84, 85, 92, 246. Rama Rao, N.T., 9, 12, 39, 41,200, '1iJ7, 211, 221-236, 244, 266, 280. Ramayan (TV), 120, 132, 167, 169, 171-173, 176, 178, 180, 270. Ramayana, 123, 140, 171,177. Rank, Otto, 53, 72, 81. .Rao, Gundu, 233. Rao, Rameshwara, K. 226. Ray; Satyajlt, 37, 45, 46, 51, 55, 56, 90, 113, 189, 248, 249, 271.

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u·NIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

Reddy, B.N., 30. Reddy, Naga, 2-r1. Rehman, Waheeda, 69, 86. Rekha, 52, 85, 92, 152. Renoir, Jean, 282.. Riefenstahl, 136. Rohmer, Michael, 18. Roy, Bima~ 51, 116, 117, 1S4.

Shearer, Nonna, 28. Sbolay, 109, 156, 239, 240, 264. Sb,.• #20, 31, -'5. Stlslla, 92, 152, 157, 240, 265. Sontag. Susan, 19. Subramanyam, K. 27, 30, 208. Su}llla, 31.

Roy, Jamlni, 25, 39, 40. Roy, Nirupa, 72, 118. Roy, Shannlla, 187.

Tasre, Rabindranath, 7:1, 60, 106, 140, 149. Tagore, Shannlla, 52. n,a,..,., 11,an.r, 119, 212. "ThOlnaS, Ml", 21,168. 11,yagabbooml, 'E1. Thyagarajan, P.T., 119. 7Wdftl, 151, 158, -r,o, 281. Trlsbul, 10, 42, 69, 72, s