The Oxford Latin Syntax, Volume II: the Complex Sentence and Discourse 9780199230563, 0199230560

Table of contents :
The Oxford Latin Syntax, Volume II: The Complex Sentence and Discourse
Contents
Preface
Signs and other conventions
Abbreviations
14 Subordinate clauses: common properties and internal structure
14.1 Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining
14.2 Formal and semantic properties of subordinate clauses
14.3 Ambiguous or hybrid instances of clause combining
14.4 The levels at which subordinate clauses can be used
14.5 The internal properties of subordinate clauses
14.6 Finite subordinate clauses
14.7 Non-finite subordinate clauses
14.8 The internal structure of accusative and infinitive clauses
14.9 The nominative and infinitive construction
14.10 ‘Fused’ clauses
14.11 Prolative infinitive clauses
14.12 Gerundial clauses
14.13 Supine clauses
14.14 Participial, gerundival, and nominal clauses
14.15 Means of tightening and making more explicit the relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses
14.16 Preparative elements in the main clause
14.17 Resumptive elements in the main clause
14.18 Particles and adverbs tightening or clarifying the relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses
14.19 Forms of interlacing of superordinate and subordinate clauses
14.20 Subordinators
14.21 Subordinators used with both argument and satellite clauses
14.22 Subordinators and relative adverbs
14.23 Developments in the system of subordinating devices from Latin to the Romance languages
14.24 The period
14.25 Direct and indirect speech
15 Subordinate clauses filling an argument position
15.1 The functions of argument clauses
15.2 Types of argument clauses
15.3 Finite argument clauses
15.4 Finite declarative argument clauses
15.5 The use of quod in argument clauses
15.6 The use of quod clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’
15.7 The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’
15.8 The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion
15.9 The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication
15.10 The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and convicting and of blaming, excusing, praising, congratulating, and thanking
15.11 The use of quod clauses in combination with a subject or object complement
15.12 The use of quod clauses with a variety of other expressions
15.13 The use of quod clauses with verbs of happening
15.14 The use of quod clauses in combination with a preparative or interrogative pronoun or similar expressions
15.15 The use of quia in declarative argument clauses
15.16 The use of quia clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added’, or ‘to constitute an addition to’
15.17 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’
15.18 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion
15.19 The use of quia with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication
15.20 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of blaming, praising, congratulating, and thanking
15.21 The use of quia clauses in combination with a preparative pronoun or determiner
15.22 The use of quoniam in declarative argument clauses
15.23 The use of cum (quom) in declarative argument clauses
15.24 The use of quomodo and quemadmodum in declarative argument clauses
15.25 The use of ut in declarative argument clauses
15.26 The use of ut clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’
15.27 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling
15.28 The use of ut clauses as subject with the verb sum
15.29 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘the conclusion is’, ‘it follows’
15.30 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘it remains to be done’, ‘it is sufficient’
15.31 The use of ut clauses with various third person singular verb forms (so-called impersonal verbs)
15.32 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and an adjective functioning as subject complement
15.33 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and a noun or noun phrase functioning as subject complement
15.34 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and other categories that function as subject complement
15.35 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication
15.36 The use of ut clauses in ‘periphrastic’ constructions
15.37 The use of ne in declarative argument clauses with verbs and expressions of fearing and worrying
15.38 The use of quin in declarative argument clauses with a negative main clause
15.39 The use of si in declarative argument clauses
15.40 The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of waiting in expectation and trying
15.41 The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of surprise
15.42 The use of si clauses in combination with so-called impersonal expressions
15.43 The use of quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of pretending
15.44 The use of tamquam (si) and quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and of emotion and with verbs of communication
15.45 Finite interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions)
15.46 Verbs and expressions governing indirect questions
15.47 Types of interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions)
15.48 Simple interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions)
15.49 Indirect clausal questions
15.50 Indirect clausal questions without a question particle
15.51 Indirect clausal questions with a question particle
15.52 The use of -ne in indirect clausal questions
15.53 The use of nonne in indirect clausal questions
15.54 The use of num in indirect clausal questions
15.55 The use of utrum in indirect clausal questions
15.56 The use of an in indirect clausal questions
15.57 The use of si in indirect clausal questions
15.58 The use of nē (not clitic) in pseudo-indirect clausal questions
15.59 Indirect questions with indefinite pronouns, determiners, adjectives, adverbs, and particles formed with ec-
15.60 Indirect constituent questions
15.61 Overlap of indirect constituent questions and autonomous relative clauses
15.62 Multiple indirect questions
15.63 Minor combinations of particles in multiple indirect questions
15.64 Finite imperative argument clauses
15.65 Verbs and expressions governing imperative clauses
15.66 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a))
15.67 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b))
15.68 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c))
15.69 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d))
15.70 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing (class (i) (e))
15.71 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) ( f))
15.72 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g))
15.73 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a))
15.74 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b))
15.75 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs of causation (class (iii))
15.76 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv))
15.77 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v))
15.78 The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a neuter singular adjective or a comparable expression that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi))
15.79 The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a noun functioning as subject or object complement (class (vii))
45.80 The use of finite imperative clauses with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii))
15.81 The subordinating devices of finite imperative clauses
15.82 The use of ut, ut ne, and ne in imperative clauses
15.83 Imperative clauses with a simple subjunctive (without a subordinator)
15.84 The use of the subordinator ne in imperative clauses
15.85 The use of quin in imperative clauses
15.86 The use of quominus in imperative clauses
15.87 The use of quo in imperative clauses
15.88 The use of qui in imperative clauses
15.89 Exclamatory argument clauses
15.143 Relative clauses functioning as argument
15.144 Nominal (verbless) argument clauses
15.90 Non-finite argument clauses
15.91 Infinitival argument clauses
15.92 Accusative and infinitive clauses
15.93 The functions of accusative and infinitive clauses
15.94 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling or causing to happen
15.95 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’
15.96 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’
15.97 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of emotion
15.98 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication
15.99 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of praising, blaming, and thanking
15.100 The non-declarative use of the accusative and infinitive clause
15.101 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with one-place and so-called impersonal verbs
15.102 The use of accusative and infinitive clauses in combination with expressions that function as subject or object complement
15.103 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with a preparative pronoun
15.104 Independent accusative and infinitive clauses
15.105 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in interrogative clauses and sentences
15.106 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in exclamations
15.107 The use of the accusative and infinitive in relative clauses
15.108 The use of the accusative and infinitive in correlative and comparative structures
15.109 The use of the accusative and infinitive in subordinate (especially satellite) clauses with a subordinator
15.110 The use of the accusative and infinitive as subject of passive two- and three-place verbs
15.111 The nominative and infinitive construction
15.112 Other personal constructions resembling the NcI construction
15.113 Diachronic developments of the accusative and infinitive
15.114 Prolative infinitive clauses
15.115 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a))
15.116 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b))
15.117 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c))
15.118 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d))
15.119 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing, etc. (class (i) (e))
15.120 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) ( f))
15.121 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g))
15.122 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a))
15.123 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b))
15.124 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs of causation (class (iii))
15.125 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv))
15.126 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v))
15.127 The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with a neuter singular adjective that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi))
15.128 The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with other expressions that function as subject or object complement (class (vii))
15.129 The use of the prolative infinitive with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii))
15.130 The use of the infinitive with verbs of accusing and convicting
15.131 The use of the (present) infinitive with auxiliary verbs and verbs with a related meaning
15.132 Participial argument clauses (dominant participles)
15.133 The use of the dominant participle construction as subject
15.134 The use of the dominant participle construction as object or as third argument
15.135 Gerundial argument clauses
15.136 The use of gerundial clauses as argument with verbs
15.137 The use of gerundial clauses as second or third argument
15.138 The use of gerundial clauses instead of prolative infinitives
15.139 The use of gerundial clauses with two-place adjectives that function as subject or object complement
15.140 Gerundival argument clauses
15.141 The use of gerundival clauses as arguments with verbs
15.142 The use of gerundival clauses with adjectives that function as subject or object complement
16 Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position
16.1 Verbal and nominal satellite clauses
16.2 Finite satellite clauses
16.3 Classes of finite satellite clauses
16.4 The role of subordinators in satellite clauses
16.5 Satellite clauses (seemingly) filling an argument position
16.6 Space clauses (adjuncts)
16.7 Time clauses (adjuncts)
16.8 Time clauses denoting an event that is simultaneous with the event in the main clause
16.9 Time clauses that locate the event of the main clause in time (cum, dum, quando, quoniam, quotiens)
16.10 Time clauses with cum (quom)
16.11 So-called cum inversum clauses
16.12 The temporal use of quoniam
16.13 Time clauses with quando, quandoque, and quandocumque
16.14 Time clauses with dum locating the event of the main clause in time
16.15 Time clauses indicating the extent of time of the event in the main clause
16.16 Time clauses indicating a co-extensive event
16.17 Dum clauses indicating an event that lasts longer than the event of the main clause
16.18 Time clauses indicating an event that concludes the event of the main clause
16.19 Time clauses denoting anterior events
16.20 Time clauses with cum
16.21 Time clauses with postquam
16.22 Time clauses with simul
16.23 Time clauses with ubi
16.24 Time clauses with ut
16.25 Time clauses with mox, primum, and statim
16.26 Time clauses with ex quo
16.27 Time clauses denoting a posterior event
16.28 Non-temporal interpretations of time clauses
16.29 The interpretation of cum (quom) clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause
16.30 The interpretation of dum clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause
16.31 The concessive (or: ‘adversative’) interpretation of cum (quom) clauses
16.32 The concessive and reason interpretations of postquam clauses
16.33 Manner clauses
16.34 Manner adjunct clauses
16.35 Attitudinal manner clauses (disjuncts)
16.36 Illocutionary manner clauses (disjuncts)
16.37 Degree clauses (adjuncts)
16.38 Respect clauses (disjuncts)
16.39 Reason (causal) clauses
16.40 Reason clauses with quia (adjuncts)
16.41 Reason clauses with quod (adjuncts)
16.42 Reason clauses with quoniam (disjuncts)
16.43 Reason clauses with quando(quidem) (disjuncts)
16.44 Reason clauses with quandoque (disjuncts)
16.45 Reason clauses with quatenus (disjuncts)
16.46 Reason clauses with quin (adjuncts)
16.47 Reason clauses with quo (adjuncts)
16.48 Later developments
16.49 Purpose (final) clauses
16.50 Purpose clauses with ut and (ut) ne
16.51 Purpose clauses with quo (adjuncts)
16.52 Purpose clauses with quī (adjuncts)
16.53 Stipulative clauses
16.54 Result (consecutive) clauses
16.55 Conditional clauses
16.56 Negation of conditional clauses
16.57 Conditional clauses functioning as adjunct
16.58 ‘Abbreviated’ conditional periods
16.59 Purpose si clauses
16.60 Adversative, concessive, and causal interpretations of conditional clauses
16.61 So-called temporal si clauses
61.62 Ni/Nisi ‘de rupture’
16.63 Conditional clauses functioning as attitudinal disjunct
16.64 Conditional clauses functioning as illocutionary disjunct
16.65 Alternative conditional clauses with sive/seu
16.66 Conditional comparative clauses
16.67 Nisi clauses of exception
16.68 Concessive clauses
16.69 So-called concessive conditional clauses
16.70 Concessive and concessive conditional clauses functioning as adjunct
16.71 Concessive clauses functioning as attitudinal disjunct
16.72 Concessive clauses functioning as illocutionary disjunct
16.73 The individual concessive subordinators: quamquam, quamvis, the si compounds, and licet
16.74 Concessive clauses with quamquam
16.75 Concessive clauses with quamvis
16.76 Concessive clauses with etsi, etiamsi, tametsi, and tamenetsi
16.77 Concessive clauses with etsi
16.78 Concessive clauses with tametsi (and tam etsi)
16.79 Concessive clauses with etiamsi (and etiam si)
16.80 Concessive clauses with tamenetsi (and tamen etsi)
16.81 Concessive clauses with licet
16.82 The concessive interpretation of ut clauses
16.83 Quod and quantum clauses of qualification (disjuncts)
16.84 Satellite clauses introduced by complex subordinators
16.85 Non-finite satellite clauses
16.86 Infinitival satellite clauses
16.87 Participial satellite clauses
16.88 Participial ablative absolute clauses
16.89 The semantic relationship between the participial ablative absolute clause and the main clause
16.90 The relationship between arguments of the participial ablative absolute and the main clause
16.91 The internal complexity of the participial ablative absolute clause
16.92 Ablative participles without a subject noun (phrase)
16.93 Ablative absolute clauses of one-place verbs
16.94 Participial absolute clauses in other case forms
16.95 Participial nominative absolute clauses
16.96 Participial genitive absolute clauses
16.97 Participial accusative absolute clauses
16.98 Prepositional participial satellite clauses
16.99 Gerundial satellite clauses
16.100 Gerundial purpose adjunct clauses
16.101 Gerundial instrument/manner adjunct clauses
16.102 Gerundial temporal adjunct clauses
16.103 Gerundial reason adjunct clauses
16.104 Gerundial adjuncts in other semantic relations (ablative and prepositional expressions)
16.105 Gerundival satellite clauses
16.106 Gerundival purpose adjunct clauses
16.107 Gerundival instrument/manner adjunct clauses
16.108 Gerundival temporal/circumstantial adjunct clauses
16.109 Gerundival reason adjunct clauses
16.110 Gerundival adjunct clauses in other semantic functions (mostly prepositional phrases)
16.111 Supine satellite clauses
16.112 The use of the first supine (in -um) as a purpose adjunct
16.113 The so-called second supine in -u
16.114 Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses
16.115 Nominal ablative absolute clauses
16.116 Substantival ablative absolute clauses
16.117 Adjectival ablative absolute clauses
16.118 Nominal absolute clauses in cases other than the ablative
16.119 Prepositional nominal absolute clauses
17 Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs
17.1 Introductory remarks
17.2 Subordinate clauses at the noun phrase level
17.3 Finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.4 Declarative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.5 Declarative clauses with quod and quia at the noun phrase level
17.6 Declarative clauses with ut at the noun phrase level
17.7 Declarative clauses depending on nouns of fearing and worrying
17.8 Declarative clauses with quin at the noun phrase level
17.9 The use of tamquam and quasi clauses with nouns of emotion, cognition, and communication
17.10 Interrogative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.11 Imperative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.12 Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.13 Infinitival subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.14 Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.15 Prolative infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.16 Participial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.17 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.18 Gerundial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.19 Gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level
17.20 Optional gerundial and gerundival clauses at the noun phrase level
17.21 Subordinate clauses at the adjective phrase level
17.22 Finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.23 Declarative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.24 Interrogative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.25 Imperative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.26 Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.27 Infinitival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.28 Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning at the adjectivep hrase level
17.29 Prolative infinitive clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.30 Participial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.31 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.32 Gerundial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.33 Gerundival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level
17.34 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as optional constituents at the adjective phrase level
17.35 Subordinate clauses at the adverb phrase level
18 Relative clauses
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Types of relative clauses
18.3 Adnominal relative clauses
18.4 Semantic types of adnominal relative clauses
18.5 Restrictive relative clauses
18.6 Non-restrictive relative clauses
18.7 The function of the relative expression in the relative clause
18.8 Exceptional case marking of relative expressions
18.9 The syntactic functions of heads with an adnominal relative clause
18.10 Interlacing of adnominal clauses with other subordinate clauses
18.11 Reduction of inferrable elements in adnominal relative clauses
18.12 The relative order of the adnominal relative clause and its head
18.13 Multiple adnominal relative clauses
18.14 Adjectives and other constituents related to the relative expression instead of to the head
18.15 Autonomous relative clauses
18.16 The syntactic functions of autonomous relative clauses and their formal expression
18.17 Complex autonomous relative clauses
18.18 The presence of the same noun (phrase) in the relative and superordinate clause
18.19 Autonomous relative clauses at the adjective phrase level
18.20 Some observations on the use of the tenses in relative clauses
18.21 The use of the tenses in relative clauses with a future indicative
18.22 The use of the tenses in relative clauses with a subjunctive
18.23 The use of the moods in relative clauses
18.24 The use of the moods in non-restrictive adnominal relative clauses
18.25 The use of the moods in restrictive adnominal clauses
18.26 The use of the moods in autonomous relative clauses
18.27 Autonomous relative clauses functioning as clausal appositions
18.28 Relative connexion
18.29 The use of the connective relative in ablative absolute clauses
18.30 Coordination of relative clauses
18.31 Indefinite relative clauses
18.32 Indefinite adnominal relative clauses
18.33 Indefinite autonomous relative clauses
18.34 Relative adjectives and adverbs
18.35 Relative adjectives
18.36 Relative adverbs
18.37 Relative clauses containing a space adverb
18.38 Adnominal relative clauses with cum (quom)
18.39 Relative clauses with adverbs of reason (quamobrem, quapropter, and quare)
19 Coordination
19.1 Introductory remarks
19.2 Syndetic coordination
19.3 Syndetic coordination of clauses
19.4 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the clause level
19.5 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same subject
19.6 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same object
19.7 Syndetic coordination of verbs with different argument marking that share an object or a comparable constituent
19.8 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing a third argument or a satellite
19.9 Syndetic coordination of arguments and satellites at the clause level
19.10 Syndetic coordination of constituents below the clause level
19.11 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the noun phrase level
19.12 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the adjective phrase level
19.13 Syndetic coordination of prepositions and of prepositional phrases
19.14 Asyndetic coordination
19.15 Asyndetic coordination of clauses
19.16 Asyndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same subject
19.17 Asyndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same object, indirect object, or satellite
19.18 Asyndetic coordination of arguments and satellites at the clause level
19.19 Asyndetic coordination of constituents below the clause level
19.20 Asyndetic coordination of modifiers at the noun phrase level
19.21 Asyndetic coordination of constituents at the adjective phrase level
19.22 Asyndetic coordination of nouns and noun phrases in prepositional phrases
19.23 Conjunctive (or: copulative) coordinators
19.24 Simple conjunctive coordination
19.25 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator -que
19.26 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator ac/atque
19.27 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator et
19.28 The single use of the negative conjunctive coordinator nec/neque
19.29 Correlative conjunctive coordination
19.30 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator -que
19.31 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator ac/atque
19.32 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator et
19.33 The correlative use of the negative conjunctive coordinator nec/neque
19.34 The correlative use of different conjunctive coordinators
19.35 Correlative combinations of -que with another conjunctive coordinator
19.36 Correlative combination of et and ac/atque
19.37 Correlative combinations of nec/neque with another conjunctive coordinator
19.38 Multiple conjunctive coordination
19.39 Multiple syndetic conjunctive coordination
19.40 Multiple mixed (syndetic and asyndetic) conjunctive coordination
19.41 The semantic relation between conjunctively linked conjoins
19.42 The use of cum resembling a comitative coordinator
19.43 Disjunctive (or: alternative) coordinators
19.44 Simple disjunctive coordination
19.45 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator aut
19.46 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator vel
19.47 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator -ve
19.48 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator sive/seu
19.49 The simple use of an as a disjunctive coordinator
19.50 Correlative disjunctive coordination
19.51 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator aut
19.52 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator vel
19.53 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator -ve
19.54 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator sive/seu
19.55 The correlative use of the negative disjunctive coordinator neve
19.56 The correlative use of different disjunctive coordinators
19.57 Multiple disjunctive coordination
19.58 Multiple syndetic disjunctive coordination
19.59 Multiple mixed (syndetic and asyndetic) disjunctive coordination
19.60 The semantic relation between disjunctively linked conjoins
19.61 Adversative coordination
19.62 The use of the adversative coordinator sed
19.63 The use of the adversative coordinator verum
19.64 The use of the adversative coordinator ceterum
19.65 The correlative use of the adversative coordinators
19.66 Hierarchical ordering of sequences of conjoins
19.67 Epitactic coordination
19.68 Conjunctive epitactic coordination
19.69 Adversative epitactic coordination
19.70 Asyndetic epitactic coordination
19.71 Quasi-coordinators
19.72 The quasi-coordinating use of nedum
19.73 The use of the combination cum . . . tum as a correlative conjunctive quasi-coordinator
19.74 The use of the combination ut . . . ita (sic) as a correlative coordinator
19.75 Less common types of coordination
19.76 Coordination of two or more functionally equivalent conjoins belonging to different lexical categories
19.77 Coordination of nouns and noun phrases with constituents that belong to other lexical categories
19.78 Coordination of adjectives with constituents that belong to other lexical categories
19.79 Coordination of adverbs with constituents that belong to other lexical categories
19.80 Coordination of two or more functionally unequivalent conjoins
19.81 Other noteworthy types of coordination
19.82 Hysteron Proteron
19.83 Zeugma
19.84 Hendiadys
20 Comparison
20.1 Introduction
20.2 Comparison between two terms with respect to a certain standard
20.3 Comparison of non-equivalence
20.4 The comparative particles of non-equivalence
20.5 The comparative particle quam ‘than’
20.6 The use of ac/atque and et in comparison of non-equivalence
20.7 The ablative of comparison (ablativus comparationis)
20.8 Minor alternative expressions for the basis of comparison in comparisons of non-equivalence
20.9 The comparative element used with expressions of quantity, extent of space or time, age, etc.
20.10 Expressions specifying the measure of difference in comparisons of non-equivalence
20.11 Comparison of equivalence
20.12 Comparison between two properties
20.13 Comparison of non-equivalence between two properties
20.14 Comparison of equivalence between two properties
20.15 Similarity and dissimilarity
20.16 The use of coordinators in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity
20.17 The use of ac/atque in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity
20.18 The use of et in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity
20.19 The use of quam in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity
20.20 The use of the ablative in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity
20.21 The use of relative adverbs of manner and conditional comparative subordinators in expressions of similarity
20.22 The use of prepositions and nisi in expressions of dissimilarity
20.23 Expressions specifying the degree of dissimilarity
20.24 Comparative expressions of quality
20.25 Ut clauses characterizing a quality of a constituent in the main clause
20.26 Ut and related phrases functioning as secondary predicate
20.27 Ut phrases of qualification
20.28 Proportional comparison
20.29 The proportional pattern with a comparative
20.30 The proportional pattern with a superlative
20.31 The absolute use of comparative forms of adjectives and adverbs
20.32 The superlative and related expressions
21 Secondary predicates
21.1 Secondary predicates: introductory remarks
21.2 Categories of constituents functioning as secondary predicate
21.3 Adjectives functioning as secondary predicate
21.4 The use of adjectives as secondary predicate in poetry and poeticizing prose
21.5 Adjective phrases functioning as secondary predicate
21.6 Nouns and noun phrases (showing agreement) functioning as secondary predicate
21.7 Participles functioning as secondary predicate
21.8 Accusative and participle construction with perception verbs
21.9 Gerundives functioning as secondary predicate
21.10 Noun phrases in the genitive functioning as secondary predicate
21.11 Nouns in the dative functioning as secondary predicate
21.12 Noun phrases in the ablative functioning as secondary predicate
21.13 Prepositional phrases functioning as secondary predicate
21.14 The gerund developing into an alternative for the present participle
21.15 Autonomous relative clauses functioning as secondary predicates
21.16 The distribution of secondary predicates
21.17 The semantic relationship between a secondary predicate and its clause
21.18 Explicit marking of the semantic relation between a secondary predicate and the clause to which it belongs
21.19 Secondary predicates and related constructions
21.20 The difference between an adjective functioning as secondary predicate and a related adverb
21.21 Potential ambiguity: secondary predicate or apposition?
21.22 Pragmatic considerations
21.23 Quantifiers and related expressions seemingly functioning as secondary predicate
21.24 Ipse and idem
21.25 Co-occurrence of various secondary predicates and related expressions in the same clause
22 Information structure and extraclausal expressions
22.1 The information structure of clauses
22.2 Topic
22.3 Topic and subject
22.4 Eligibility of constituents for the function of topic
22.5 Types of constituents that function as topic
22.6 Formal properties of topics
22.7 Focus
22.8 What makes a constituent of a clause focus?
22.9 Complex focus
22.10 How can we identify focus constituents?
22.11 Presentative sentences
22.12 Cleft sentences
22.13 The extraclausal functions theme, setting, and tail
22.14 Theme constituents
22.15 Setting constituents
22.16 Tail constituents
22.17 Contrast and emphasis
22.18 Contrast
22.19 Emphasis
22.20 Emphasizing particles
22.21 Additive emphasizing particles
22.22 Scalar additive particles
22.23 Exclusive particles
22.24 Particularizing particles
22.25 Quidem and equidem
22.26 Quidem
22.27 Equidem
22.28 Saltem and related expressions
22.29 Saltem
22.30 Certe
22.31 Utique
22.32 Dumtaxat
22.33 Praesertim and related expressions
22.34 Praesertim
22.35 Praecipue
22.36 Imprimis
22.37 Maxime
22.38 Potissimum
22.39 Demum
22.40 Iam
22.41 Suffixes of personal pronouns and possessive adjectives
22.42 Preparative expressions as emphasizers
22.43 Parenthetical clauses and other types of extraclausal constituents
22.44 Parenthetical constituents
22.45 Parenthetical clauses and sentences
22.46 Parenthetical use of verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication
22.47 Curses and swear words
22.48 Interjections
22.49 Sound-reproducing interjections
22.50 Summonses
22.51 Introductory interjections
22.52 Expressive interjections
22.53 Address
22.54 The functions of address
22.55 The forms of address
22.56 The syntax of address
23 Word order
23.1 Methodological preliminaries
23.2 Roman ideas about word order
23.3 Factors that determine the linear order of words and larger constituents
23.4 Sentence type
23.5 Text type
23.6 Categorial factors
23.7 Domain integrity
23.8 Semantic factors
23.9 Syntactic factors
23.10 Pragmatic factors
23.11 Euphonic and rhythmic factors
23.12 Complexity
23.13 Iconicity
23.14 Artistic factors
23.15 Typological considerations
23.16 Syntactic structure and intonation structure
23.17 Pause and the determination of sense boundaries
23.18 Clausulae
23.19 The order of constituents at the clause and sentence levels
20.20 Categories of constituents with a more or less fixed position
23.21 Connectors and interactional particles
23.22 Anaphoric constituents
23.23 Subordinating devices
23.24 Subordinators
23.25 Relative pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, and determiners
23.26 Question words
23.27 Interrogative particles
23.28 Interrogative pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, and determiners
23.29 Categories of constituents that tend to be placed after another constituent
23.30 Indefinite determiners and pronouns
23.31 Personal pronouns and forms of the verb sum
23.32 The position of personal pronouns
23.33 The position of forms of the verb sum
23.34 Emphasizing particles
23.35 Bound clitics
23.36 The position of the coordinators -que and -ve
23.37 The position of the interrogative particle -ne
23.38 The position of negation adverbs
23.39 The relative position of arguments, satellites, secondary predicates, and (finite) verbs
23.40 The position of arguments, satellites, secondary predicates, and ( finite) verbs in declarative sentences
23.41 The first position in declarative sentences
23.42 Arguments in first position in declarative sentences
23.43 Satellites in first position in declarative sentences
23.44 Secondary predicates in first position in declarative sentences
23.45 Finite verbs in first position in declarative sentences
23.46 The last position in declarative sentences
23.47 Arguments in final position in declarative sentences
23.48 Satellites in final position in declarative sentences
23.49 Finite verbs in final position in declarative sentences
23.50 Intermediate positions in simple declarative sentences
23.51 Word order in interrogative sentences
23.52 Word order in sentence questions
23.53 Word order in constituent questions
23.54 Word order in multiple questions
23.55 Word order in imperative sentences
23.56 Word order in imperative sentences with a directive illocutionary force
23.57 Word order in imperative sentences with an optative illocutionary force
23.58 Word order in imperative sentences with a concessive illocutionary force
23.59 Word order in superordinate (main) clauses
23.60 Word order in subordinate clauses
23.61 Word order in finite subordinate clauses
23.62 Word order in accusative and infinitive clauses
23.63 Word order in ablative absolute clauses
23.64 The order of superordinate and subordinateclauses in complex sentences
23.65 The relative order of finite superordinate and subordinate clauses in sentences with two clauses
23.66 The relative order of superordinate and accusative and infinitive clauses in sentences with two clauses
23.67 The relative order of superordinate and ablative absolute clauses in sentences with two clauses
23.98 The relative order of superordinate and subordinate clauses in multi-clausal sentences
23.69 Word order at the noun phrase level
23.70 The relative order of head and attribute
23.71 The position of attributes that agree with their head
23.72 The position of determiners
23.73 The position of anaphoric and demonstrative determiners
23.74 The position of indefinite determiners
23.75 The position of relative and interrogative determiners
23.76 The position of attributive possessive adjectives
23.77 The position of identifiers
23.78 The position of attributive quantifiers
23.79 The position of attributive adjectives
23.80 The position of attributive adjective phrases
23.81 Comparatives and superlatives
23.82 The position of modifiers of attributes
23.83 The position of nouns and noun phrases functioning as attribute
23.84 The position of attributive noun phrases of description (or quality) (genetivus and ablativus qualitatis)
23.85 The position of adnominal arguments
23.86 Word order in complex noun phrases
23.87 Discontinuity (or: hyperbaton) of noun phrases
23.88 Constituents causing hyperbaton of noun phrases
23.89 Word order in prepositional phrases
23.90 The order of constituents in continuous prepositional phrases
23.91 The position of prepositions in prepositional phrases without a modifier
23.92 The position of prepositions in prepositional phrases with a modifier
23.93 The pattern modifier—preposition—noun
23.94 The pattern noun—preposition—modifier
23.95 The position of prepositions in restrictive appositive phrases
23.96 Discontinuous prepositional phrases
23.97 The relative order of constituents in phrases with the auxiliary sum ‘to be’ and other auxiliaries
23.98 The relative order in complex verb forms with the auxiliary sum ‘to be’
23.99 The position of the auxiliary iri
23.100 The relative order of infinitives and the verbs that govern them
23.101 Discontinuity of coordinated constituents
23.102 Tmesis
23.103 Tmesis created by the coordinator -que
23.104 Diachronic developments
24 Discourse
24.1 Introduction
24.2 Sentence and discourse
24.3 Text types (or: discourse modes)
24.4 Discourse coherence
24.5 Anaphoric reference to participants
24.6 Lexical repetition and variation
24.7 Lexical repetition in combination with anaphoric determiners
24.8 Zero-anaphora: the absence of explicit subject and other obligatory constituents
24.9 Anaphoric(ally used) pronouns and adverbs
24.10 Anaphoric reference to states of affairs and to segments of discourse
24.11 Nouns used to refer to preceding states of affairs or segments of discourse
24.12 Anaphoric(ally used) pronouns and adverbs used to refer to preceding states of affairs or segments of discourse
24.13 Preparative (cataphoric) reference to following states of affairs and segments of discourse
24.14 Cohesive devices linking sentences
24.15 Syndetic connexion of sentences
24.16 Conjunctive connexion of sentences
24.17 The conjunctive connector -que
24.18 The conjunctive connector ac/atque
24.19 The conjunctive connector et
24.20 The conjunctive connector nec/neque
24.21 Disjunctive connexion of sentences
24.22 Adversative connexion of sentences
24.23 The adversative connector ast
24.24 The adversative connector at
24.25 The adversative connector atqui
24.26 The adversative connector autem
24.27 The adversative connector ceterum
24.28 The adversative connector sed
24.29 The adversative connector verum
24.30 The adverb contra
24.31 The adverb tamen
24.32 The adverb nihilominus
24.33 The adverb/connector vero
24.34 The use of etsi, tametsi, and quamquam as connectors
24.35 Explanatory and justificatory connexion of sentences
24.36 The connector nam
24.37 The connector namque
24.38 The connector etenim
24.39 The connector quippe
24.40 The interactional particle enim
24.41 The interactional particle nempe
24.42 Consecutive connexion of sentences
24.43 The connector igitur
24.44 The connector itaque
24.45 The interactional particle ergo
24.46 Sequential connexion of sentences
24.47 The semantic relation between asyndetically connected sentences
24.48 The use of connectors and interactional particles to connect paragraphs
24.49 Grammatical devices contributing to discourse coherence
24.50 Opening and concluding a conversation or letter
Addenda and corrigenda to Volume I
Missing commentaries (pp. 1359–60)
Additional bibliography (publications which are not cited in the bibliography of Volume I)
Bibliography
A. Abbreviated references
B. Linguistic Studies
C. Commentaries and editions
Index locorum
Index of grammatical terms and Latin words

Citation preview

THE OXFORD

LATIN SYNTAX VOLUME 2

THE COMPLEX SENTENCE AND DISCOURSE

The Oxford Latin Syntax

THE OXFORD LATIN SYNTAX Volume II The Complex Sentence and Discourse

HA R M P I N K S T E R

1

1

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Harm Pinkster 2021 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2021 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2020937312 ISBN 978–0–19–923056–3 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199230563.001.0001 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.

CONTENTS

Preface Signs and other conventions Abbreviations

14

Subordinate clauses: common properties and internal structure

14.1 Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining 14.2 Formal and semantic properties of subordinate clauses 14.3 Ambiguous or hybrid instances of clause combining 14.4 The levels at which subordinate clauses can be used 14.5 The internal properties of subordinate clauses 14.6 Finite subordinate clauses 14.7 Non -finite subordinate clauses 14.8 The internal structure of accusative and infinitive clauses 14.9 The nominative and infinitive construction 14.10 'Fused' clauses 14.11 Prolative infinitive clauses 14.12 Gerundial clauses 14.13 Supine clauses

14.14 Participial, gerundival, and nominal clauses 14.15 Means of tightening and making more explicit the relationship

between subordinate and superordinate clauses 14.16 Preparative elements in the main clause 14.17 Resumptive elements in the main clause 14.18 Particles and adverbs tightening or clarifying the relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses 14.19 Forms of interlacing of superordinate and subordinate clauses 14.20 Subordinators 14.21 Subordinators used with both argument and satellite clauses 14.22 Subordinators and relative adverbs 14.23 Developments in the system of subordinating devices from Latin to the Romance languages 14.24 The period 14.25 Direct and indirect speech

xxvii xxix xxxi

1 1 6 9 11 13 13 16 17 20 21 22 24 25 25 31 31 36 37 39 40 41 43 44 45 48

vi

15

Contents

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

15.1 The functions of argument clauses 15.2 Types of argument clauses 15.3 Finite argument clauses 15.4 Finite declarative argument clauses 15.5 The use of quod in argument clauses 15.6 The use of quad clauses with the verb accedit 'to be added to' or 'to constitute an addition to' 15.7 The use of quad clauses with verbs and expressions meaning 'to leave unmentioned' 15.8 The use of quad clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion 15.9 The use of quad clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication

52 53 56 57 57 59 59 61 61 63

15.10 The use of quad clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and

15.11 15.12 15.13 15.14

convicting and of blaming, excusing, praising, congratulating, and thanking The use of quad clauses in combination with a subject or object complement The use of quad clauses with a variety of other expressions The use of quad clauses with verbs of happening The use of quad clauses in combination with a preparative or interrogative pronoun or similar expressions

15.15 The use of quia in declarative argument clauses 15.16 The use of quia clauses with the verb accedit 'to be added: or 'to constitute an addition to'

66

69 70 71 73 76 76

15.17 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions meaning

'to leave unmentioned' 15.18 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion 15.19 The use of quia with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition,

76 76

and communication 15.20 The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of blaming,

77

praising, congratulating, and thanking 15.21 The use of quia clauses in combination with a preparative pronoun or determiner

78

15.22 The use of quoniam in declarative argument clauses 15.23 The use of cum (quom) in declarative argument clauses 15.24 The use of quomodo and quemadmodum in declarative argument clauses 15.25 The use of ut in declarative argument clauses

79 80

78

80 81

15.26 The use of ut clauses with the verb accedit 'to be added to' or 'to

constitute an addition to'

82

Contents 15.27 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling 15.28 The use of ut clauses as subject with the verb sum 15.29 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning 'the conclusion is: 'it follows' 15.30 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning 'it remains to be done: 'it is sufficient' 15.31 The use of ut clauses with various third person singular verb forms (so-called impersonal verbs) 15.32 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and an adjective functioning as subject complement 15.33 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and a noun or noun phrase functioning as subject complement 15.34 The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and other categories that function as subject complement 15.35 The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication 15.36 The use of ut clauses in 'periphrastic' constructions

15.37 The use of ne in declarative argument clauses with verbs and expressions of fearing and worrying 15.38 The use of quin in declarative argument clauses with a negative main clause 15.39 The use of si in declarative argument clauses 15.40 The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of waiting in expectation and trying 15.41 The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of surprise 15.42 The use of si clauses in combination with so-called impersonal expressions

15.43 The use of quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of pretending 15.44 The use of tamquam (si) and quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and of emotion and with verbs of communication 15.45 Finite interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) 15.46 Verbs and expressions governing indirect questions 15.47 Types of interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) 15.48 Simple interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) 15.49 Indirect clausal questions 15.50 Inclirect clausal questions without a question particle 15.51 Indirect clausal questions with a question particle 15.52 The use of -ne in indirect clausal questions 15.53 The use of nonne in indirect clausal questions

vii

83 85 86 86 87 88 90 91 92 93 94 96 100 100 101 102 103

104 105 106 107 108 108 108 109 110 111

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Contents 15.54 The use of num in indirect clausal questions 15.55 The use of utrum in indirect clausal questions 15.56 The use of an in indirect clausal questions 15.57 The use of si in indirect clausal questions 15.58 The use of ne (not clitic) in pseudo-indirect clausal questions 15.59 Indirect questions with indefinite pronouns, determiners, adjectives, adverbs, and particles formed with ec15.60 Indirect constituent questions 15.61 Overlap of indirect constituent questions and autonomous relative clauses 15.62 Multiple indirect questions 15.63 Minor combinations of particles in multiple indirect questions

15.64 Finite imperative argument clauses 15.65 Verbs and expressions governing imperative clauses

111 113 113 115 117 118 119

122 123 125 126 129

15.66 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a))

131

15.67 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b))

133

15.68 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c))

134

15.69 The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of 15.70 15.71 15.72 15.73 15.74 15.75 15. 76 15.77 15.78

15.79

inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing (class (i) (e)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) (f)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs of causation (class (iii)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv)) The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v)) The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a neuter singular adjective or a comparable expression that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi)) The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a noun functioning as subject or object complement (class (vii))

135 136 137 138 139 140 142 144 145

145 147

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Contents 15.80 The use of finite imperative clauses with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii))

15.81 The subordinating devices of finite imperative clauses 15.82 15.83 15.84 15.85 15.86 15.87 15.88

The use of ut, ut ne, and ne in imperative clauses Imperative clauses with a simple subjunctive (without a subordinator) The use of the subordinator ne in imperative clauses The use of quin in imperative clauses The use of quominus in imperative clauses The use of quoin imperative clauses The use of qui in imperative clauses

15.89 Exclamatory argument clauses 15.90 Non-finite argument clauses 15.91 Infinitival argument clauses 15.92 Accusative and infinitive clauses 15.93 The functions of accusative and infinitive clauses 15.94 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling or causing to happen 15.95 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with accedit 'to be added to' or 'to constitute an addition to' 15.96 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions meaning 'to leave unmentioned' 15.97 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of emotion 15.98 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication 15.99 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of praising, blaming, and thanking 15.100 The non-declarative use of the accusative and infinitive clause 15.101 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with one-place and so-called impersonal verbs 15.102 The use of accusative and infinitive clauses in combination with expressions that function as subject or object complement 15.103 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with a preparative pronoun 15.104 Independent accusative and infinitive clauses 15.105 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in interrogative clauses and sentences 15.106 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in exclamations 15.107 The use of the accusative and infinitive in relative clauses 15.108 The use of the accusative and infinitive in correlative and comparative structures

ix

148 149 149 150 154 154 154 154 155 155 156 156 157 157

159 160 161 161 162 170 170 181 183 184 186 186 189 189 190

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Contents 15.109 The use of the accusative and infinitive in subordinate (especially satellite) clauses with a subordinator 15.110 The use of the accusative and infinitive as subject of passive two- and three-place verbs 15.111 The nominative and infinitive construction 15.112 Other personal constructions resembling the Nd construction 15.113 Diachronic developments of the accusative and infinitive 15.114 Prolative infinitive clauses 15.115 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a)) 15.116 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b)) 15.117 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c)) 15.118 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d)) 15.119 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing, etc. (class (i) (e)) 15.120 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) (f)) 15.121 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g)) 15.122 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a)) 15.123 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b)) 15.124 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs of causation (class (iii)) 15.125 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv)) 15.126 The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v)) 15.127 The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with a neuter singular adjective that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi)) 15.128 The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with other expressions that function as subject or object complement (class (vii)) 15.129 The use of the prolative infinitive with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii)) 15.130 The use of the infinitive with verbs of accusing and convicting 15.131 The use of the (present) infinitive with auxiliary verbs and verbs with a related meaning

191 192

194 200 202 204 204 205

205 206 207 208 208 209 209 211 211 212

212 213

215 216 219

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Contents

15.132 Participial argument clauses (dominant participles) 15.133 The use of the dominant participle construction as subject 15.134 The use of the dominant participle construction as object or as third argument 15.135 Gerundial argument clauses 15.136 The use of gerundial clauses as argument with verbs 15.137 The use of gerundial clauses as second or third argument 15.138 The use of gerundial clauses instead of prolative infinitives 15.139 The use of gerundial clauses with two-place adjectives that function as subject or object complement 15.140 Gerundival argument clauses

15.141 The use of gerundival clauses as arguments with verbs 15.142 The use of gerundival clauses with adjectives that function as subject or object complement

xi

220 220 223 224 225 225 227 229 229 230

15.143 Relative clauses functioning as argument 15.144 Nominal (verbless) argument clauses

233 234 234

16

237

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

16.l Verbal and nominal satellite clauses 16.2 Finite satellite clauses 16.3 Classes of finite satellite clauses 16.4 The role of subordinators in satellite clauses 16.5 Satellite clauses (seemingly) filling an argument position 16.6 Space clauses (adjuncts) 16.7 Time clauses (adjuncts) 16.8 Time clauses denoting an event that is simultaneous with the event in the main clause 16.9 Time clauses that locate the event of the main clause in time (cum, dum, quando, quoniam, quotiens) 16.10 Time clauses with cum (quom) 16.11 So-called cum inversum clauses 16.12 The temporal use of quoniam 16.13 Time clauses with quando, quandoque, and quandocumque 16.14 Time clauses with dum locating the event of the main clause in time 16.15 Time clauses indicating the extent of time of the event in the main clause 16.16 Time clauses indicating a co-extensive event 16.17 Dum clauses indicating an event that lasts longer than the event of the main clause 16.18 Time clauses indicating an event that concludes the event of the main clause

237 237 238 238 239 240 241 243 243 243 245 248 249 250 251 251 254 255

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Contents

16.19 Time clauses denoting anterior events 16.20 16.21 16.22 16.23 16.24 16.25 16.26

Time clauses with cum Time clauses with postquam Time clauses with simul Time clauses with ubi Time clauses with ut Time clauses with mox, primum, and statim Time clauses with ex quo

16.27 Time clauses denoting a posterior event 16.28 Non-temporal interpretations of time clauses 16.29 The interpretation of cum (quom) clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause 16.30 The interpretation of dum clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause 16.31 The concessive (or: 'adversative') interpretation of cum (quom) clauses 16.32 The concessive and reason interpretations of postquam clauses 16.33 Manner clauses

16.34 Manner adjunct clauses 16.35 Attitudinal manner clauses (disjuncts) 16.36 Illocutionary manner clauses (disjuncts) 16.37 Degree clauses (adjuncts) 16.38 Respect clauses (disjuncts) 16.39 Reason (causal) clauses 16.40 Reason clauses with quia (adjuncts) 16.41 Reason clauses with quad (adjuncts) 16.42 Reason clauses with quoniam (disjuncts) 16.43 Reason clauses with quando(quidem) (disjuncts) 16.44 Reason clauses with quandoque (disjuncts) 16.45 Reason clauses with quatenus (disjuncts) 16.46 Reason clauses with quin (adjuncts) 16.47 Reason clauses with qua (adjuncts) 16.48 Later developments 16.49 Purpose (final) clauses 16.50 Purpose clauses with ut and (ut) ne 16.51 Purpose clauses with qua (adjuncts) 16.52 Purpose clauses with qui (adjuncts) 16.53 Stipulative clauses 16.54 Result (consecutive) clauses 16.55 Conditional clauses 16.56 Negation of conditional clauses 16.57 Conditional clauses functioning as adjunct 16.58 J\bbreviated' conditional periods

257 258 258 260 261 262 264 264 265 266 266 268 269 270 270 271 274 277 278 279 281 285 287 289 293 294 294 295 296 297 297 300 304 305 306 308 314 316 322 332

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Contents

16.59 Purpose si clauses 16.60 Adversative, concessive, and causal interpretations of conditional clauses

16.61 So-called temporal si clauses 16.62 Ni/Nisi 'de rupture' 16.63 Conditional clauses functioning as attitudinal disjunct 16.64 Conditional clauses functioning as illocutionary disjunct 16.65 Alternative conditional clauses with sive/seu 16.66 Conditional comparative clauses 16.67 Nisi clauses of exception 16.68 Concessive clauses 16.69 So-called concessive conditional clauses 16.70 Concessive and concessive conditional clauses functioning as adjunct 16.71 Concessive clauses functioning as attitudinal disjunct 16.72 Concessive clauses functioning as illocutionary disjunct 16.73 The individual concessive subordinators: quamquam, quamvis, the si compounds, and licet 16.74 Concessive clauses with quamquam 16.75 Concessive clauses with quamvis 16.76 Concessive clauses with etsi, etiamsi, tametsi, and tamenetsi 16.77 Concessive clauses with etsi 16.78 Concessive clauses with tametsi (and tarn etsi) 16.79 Concessive clauses with etiamsi (and etiam si) 16.80 Concessive clauses with tamenetsi (and tamen etsi) 16.81 Concessive clauses with licet 16.82 The concessive interpretation of ut clauses 16.83 Quod and quantum clauses of qualification (disjuncts) 16.84 Satellite clauses introduced by complex subordinators 16.85 Non-finite satellite clauses 16.86 Infinitival satellite clauses 16.87 Participial satellite clauses 16.88 Participial ablative absolute clauses 16.89 The semantic relationship between the participial ablative absolute clause and the main clause

xiii 334 336 339 341 343 345 346 348 350 354 358 360 362 364 365 365 366 369 370 371 371

373 373 375 377 378 383 383 386 387 388

16.90 The relationship between arguments of the participial ablative absolute and the main clause

16.91 The internal complexity of the participial ablative absolute clause 16.92 Ablative participles without a subject noun (phrase) 16.93 Ablative absolute clauses of one-place verbs 16.94 Participial absolute clauses in other case forms 16.95 Participial nominative absolute clauses

394 397 400 402 402 402

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Contents 16.96 Participial genitive absolute clauses 16.97 Participial accusative absolute clauses 16.98 Prepositional participial satellite clauses

16.99 Gerundial satellite clauses 16.100 16.101 16.102 16.103 16.104

Gerundial purpose adjunct clauses Gerundial instrument/manner adjunct clauses Gerundial temporal adjunct clauses Gerundial reason adjunct clauses Gerundial adjuncts in other semantic relations (ablative and prepositional expressions)

16.105 Gerundival satellite clauses 16.106 16.107 16.108 16.109 16.110

Gerundival purpose adjunct clauses Gerundival instrument/manner adjunct clauses Gerundival temporal/circumstantial adjunct clauses Gerundival reason adjunct clauses Gerundival adjunct clauses in other semantic functions (mostly prepositional phrases)

16.111 Supine satellite clauses 16.112 The use of the first supine (in -um) as a purpose adjunct 16.113 The so-called second supine in - u

16.114 Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses 16.115 Nominal ablative absolute clauses 16.116 Substantival ablative absolute clauses 16.117 Adjectival ablative absolute clauses 16.118 Nominal absolute clauses in cases other than the ablative 16.119 Prepositional nominal absolute clauses

17

Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

17. I Introductory remarks 17.2 Subordinate clauses at the noun phrase level 17.3 Finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.4 Declarative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.5 17.6 17. 7 17.8 17.9

Declarative clauses with quad and quia at the noun phrase level Declarative clauses with ut at the noun phrase level Declarative clauses depending on nouns of fearing and worrying Declarative clauses with quin at the noun phrase level The use of tamquam and quasi clauses with nouns of emotion, cognition, and communication

17.10 Interrogative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level

403 403 404 406 406 409 412 412 413

414 414 416 418 419 419 420 421 423 427 427 427 430 433 433 435 435 436 439 440 440 441 442 443 443 444

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17 .11 Imperative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.12 Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level

17 .13 Infinitival subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.14 Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.15 Prolative infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level

17 .16 Participial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17 .17 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.18 Gerundial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.19 Gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level 17.20 Optional gerundial and gerundival clauses at the noun phrase level

17.21 Subordinate clauses at the adjective phrase level 17.22 Finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.23 Declarative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.24 Interrogative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.25 Imperative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.26 Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.27 Infinitival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.28 Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.29 Prolative infinitive clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level

17.30 Participial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.31 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.32 Gerundial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level 17.33 Gerundival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level

xv

446 448 448 448 449 451 452 454 456 458 459 460 460 461 462 463 463 463 464 466 466 467 468

17.34 Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as optional constituents at the adjective phrase level 17.35 Subordinate clauses at the adverb phrase level

469 469

18

471

Relative clauses

18. l Introduction 18.2 Types of relative clauses 18.3 Adnominal relative clauses

471

473 478

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18.4 Semantic types of adnominal relative clauses 18.5 Restrictive relative clauses 18.6 Non-restrictive relative clauses 18. 7 The function of the relative expression in the relative clause 18.8 Exceptional case marking of relative expressions 18.9 The syntactic functions of heads with an adnominal relative clause 18.10 Interlacing of adnominal clauses with other subordinate clauses 18.11 Reduction of inferrable elements in adnominal relative clauses 18.12 The relative order of the adnominal relative clause and its head 18.13 Multiple adnominal relative clauses 18.14 Adjectives and other constituents related to the relative expression instead of to the head 18.15 Autonomous relative clauses 18.16 The syntactic functions of autonomous relative clauses and their formal expression 18.17 Complex autonomous relative clauses 18.18 The presence of the same noun (phrase) in the relative and superordinate clause 18.19 Autonomous relative clauses at the adjective phrase level 18.20 Some observations on the use of the tenses in relative clauses 18.21 The use of the tenses in relative clauses with a future indicative 18.22 The use of the tenses in relative clauses with a subjunctive 18.23 The use of the moods in relative clauses 18.24 The use of the moods in non-restrictive adnominal relative clauses 18.25 The use of the moods in restrictive adnominal clauses 18.26 The use of the moods in autonomous relative clauses 18.27 Autonomous relative clauses functioning as clausal appositions 18.28 Relative connexion 18.29 The use of the connective relative in ablative absolute clauses 18.30 Coordination of relative clauses 18.31 Indefinite relative clauses 18.32 Indefinite adnominal relative clauses 18.33 Indefinite autonomous relative clauses 18.34 Relative adjectives and adverbs 18.35 Relative adjectives 18.36 Relative adverbs 18.37 Relative clauses containing a space adverb 18.38 Adnominal relative clauses with cum (quom) 18.39 Relative clauses with adverbs ofreason (quamobrem, quapropter, and quare)

478 479 484 487 489 492 492 494 496 498 500 501 514 527 528 532 536 536 53 7 538 539 544 547 551 555 560 562 567 567 568 570 570 575 575 579 580

Contents

19

Coordination

19.1 Introductory remarks 19.2 Syndetic coordination 19 .3 Syndetic coordination of clauses 19.4 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the clause level 19 .5 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same subject 19.6 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same object 19. 7 Syndetic coordination of verbs with different argument marking that share an object or a comparable constituent 19 .8 Syndetic coordination of verbs sharing a third argument or a satellite 19.9 Syndetic coordination of arguments and satellites at the clause level 19.10 Syndetic coordination of constituents below the clause level 19.11 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the noun phrase level 19.12 Syndetic coordination of constituents at the adjective phrase level 19 .13 Syndetic coordination of prepositions and of prepositional phrases 19.14 Asyndetic coordination 19.15 Asyndetic coordination of clauses 19 .16 Asyndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same subject 19 .17 Asyndetic coordination of verbs sharing the same object, indirect object, or satellite 19 .18 Asyndetic coordination of arguments and satellites at the clause level 19.19 Asyndetic coordination of constituents below the clause level 19.20 Asyndetic coordination of modifiers at the noun phrase level 19.21 Asyndetic coordination of constituents at the adjective phrase level 19 .22 Asyndetic coordination of nouns and noun phrases in prepositional phrases 19.23 Conjunctive (or: copulative) coordinators 19.24 Simple conjunctive coordination 19 .25 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator -que 19 .26 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator ac/ atque 19 .27 The simple use of the conjunctive coordinator et 19.28 The single use of the negative conjunctive coordinator nec/neque 19 .29 Correlative conjunctive coordination 19 .30 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator -que 19.31 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator ac/atque 19.32 The correlative use of the conjunctive coordinator et 19 .33 The correlative use of the negative conjunctive coordinator nec/neque 19.34 The correlative use of different conjunctive coordinators 19.35 Correlative combinations of -que with another conjunctive coordinator

xvii 583 583 588 588 589 591 592 593 595 595 597 597 599 600 606 609 611 613 614 618 619 620 620 620 621 624 628 632 637 638 638 640 640 642 644 644

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Contents 19.36 Correlative combination of et and ac/atque 19.37 Correlative combinations of nec/neque with another conjunctive coordinator

19.38 Multiple conjunctive coordination 19.39 Multiple syndetic conjunctive coordination 19.40 Multiple mixed (syndetic and asyndetic) conjunctive coordination 19.41 The semantic relation between conjunctively linked conjoins 19.42 The use of cum resembling a comitative coordinator 19.43 Disjunctive (or: alternative) coordinators 19 .44 Simple disjunctive coordination 19.45 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator aut 19.46 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator vel 19.47 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator -ve 19 .48 The simple use of the disjunctive coordinator sive/ seu 19.49 The simple use of an as a disjunctive coordinator 19.50 Correlative disjunctive coordination 19.51 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator aut 19.52 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator vel 19.53 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator -ve 19.54 The correlative use of the disjunctive coordinator sive/seu 19.55 The correlative use of the negative disjunctive coordinator neve 19.56 The correlative use of different disjunctive coordinators 19.57 Multiple disjunctive coordination 19.58 Multiple syndetic disjunctive coordination 19.59 Multiple mixed (syndetic and asyndetic) disjunctive coordination 19.60 The semantic relation between disjunctively linked conjoins 19.61 Adversative coordination 19.62 The use of the adversative coordinator sed 19.63 The use of the adversative coordinator verum 19.64 The use of the adversative coordinator ceterum 19.65 The correlative use of the adversative coordinators 19.66 Hierarchical ordering of sequences of conjoins 19.67 Epitactic coordination 19.68 Conjunctive epitactic coordination 19.69 Adversative epitactic coordination 19. 70 Asyndetic epitactic coordination 19.71 Quasi-coordinators 19.72 The quasi-coordinating use of nedum 19. 73 The use of the combination cum ... tum as a correlative conjunctive quasi-coordinator 19.74 The use of the combination ut . .. ita (sic) as a correlative coordinator

646 647 649 650 651 653 656 657 658 658 660 662 665 667 668 668 671 672 672 674 675 676 676 678 679 680 682 684 685 686 689 691 693 696 698 698 699 701 702

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Contents 19.75 Less common types of coordination 19. 76 Coordination of two or more functionally equivalent conjoins belonging to different lexical categories 19.77 Coordination of nouns and noun phrases with constituents that

belong to other lexical categories

xix 703 704 704

19.78 Coordination of adjectives with constituents that belong to

other lexical categories

705

19. 79 Coordination of adverbs with constituents that belong to other

lexical categories 19 .80 Coordination of two or more functionally unequivalent conjoins 19.81 Other noteworthy types of coordination 19.82 Hysteron Proteron 19.83 Zeugma 19.84 Hendiadys

20

Comparison

20.l Introduction 20.2 Comparison between two terms with respect to a certain standard 20.3 Comparison of non-equivalence 20.4 The comparative particles of non-equivalence 20.5 The comparative particle quam 'than' 20.6 The use of ac/atque and et in comparison of non-equivalence

20.7 The ablative of comparison (ablativus comparationis) 20.8 Minor alternative expressions for the basis of comparison in

comparisons of non-equivalence 20.9 The comparative element used with expressions of quantity, extent of space or time, age, etc. 20.10 Expressions specifying the measure of difference in comparisons of non-equivalence 20.11 Comparison of equivalence 20.12 Comparison between two properties 20.13 Comparison of non-equivalence between two properties 20.14 Comparison of equivalence between two properties 20.15 Similarity and dissimilarity 20.16 The use of coordinators in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity 20.17 The use of ac/ atque in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity 20.18 The use of et in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity 20.19 The use of quam in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity 20.20 The use of the ablative in expressions of similarity and dissimilarity 20.21 The use of relative adverbs of manner and conditional comparative subordinators in expressions of similarity

706 707 710 710 711 713 715 715 716 724 726 727 729 729 733 735 739 744 747 747 750 752 754 755 755 756 759 760

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20.22 The use ofprepositions and nisi in expressions of dissimilarity 20.23 Expressions specifying the degree of dissimilarity 20.24 Comparative expressions of quality 20.25 Ut clauses characterizing a quality of a constituent in the main clause 20.26 Ut and related phrases functioning as secondary predicate 20.27 Ut phrases of qualification 20.28 Proportional comparison 20.29 The proportional pattern with a comparative 20.30 The proportional pattern with a superlative 20.31 The absolute use of comparative forms of adjectives and adverbs 20.32 The superlative and related expressions

21

Secondary predicates

21. l Secondary predicates: introductory remarks 21.2 Categories of constituents functioning as secondary predicate 21.3 Adjectives functioning as secondary predicate 21.4 The use of adjectives as secondary predicate in poetry and

poeticizing prose 21.5 Adjective phrases functioning as secondary predicate 21.6 Nouns and noun phrases (showing agreement) functioning as secondary predicate 21 .7 Participles functioning as secondary predicate 21.8 Accusative and participle construction with perception verbs 21.9 Gerundives functioning as secondary predicate 21.10 Noun phrases in the genitive functioning as secondary predicate 21.11 Nouns in the dative functioning as secondary predicate 21 .12 Noun phrases in the ablative functioning as secondary predicate 21.13 Prepositional phrases functioning as secondary predicate 21.14 The gerund developing into an alternative for the present participle 21.15 Autonomous relative clauses functioning as secondary predicates 21 .16 The distribution of secondary predicates 21.17 The semantic relationship between a secondary predicate and

its clause 21.18 Explicit marking of the semantic relation between a secondary predicate and the clause to which it belongs 21.19 Secondary predicates and related constructions 21 .20 The difference between an adjective functioning as secondary predicate and a related adverb 21.21 Potential ambiguity: secondary predicate or apposition? 21.22 Pragmatic considerations 21.23 Quantifiers and related expressions seemingly functioning as

secondary predicate

761 761 762 762 763 765 766 766 770 772 773 777 777 780 780 784 789 789 791 796 797 799 800 801 803 804 806 807 810 814 815 816 818 819 819

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21.24 Ipse and idem 21.25 Co-occurrence of various secondary predicates and related expressions in the same clause

824

Information structure and extraclausal expressions

826

22

22.1 The information structure of clauses 22.2 Topic 22.3 Topic and subject 22.4 Eligibility of constituents for the function of topic 22.5 Types of constituents that function as topic 22.6 Formal properties of topics 22.7 Focus 22.8 What makes a constituent of a clause focus? 22.9 Complex focus 22.10 How can we identify focus constituents? 22.11 Presentative sentences 22.12 Cleft sentences

22.13 The extraclausal functions theme, setting, and tail 22.14 Theme constituents 22.15 Setting constituents 22.16 Tail constituents 22.17 Contrast and emphasis 22.18 Contrast 22.19 Emphasis 22.20 Emphasizing particles 22.21 Additive emphasizing particles 22.22 Scalar additive particles 22.23 Exclusive particles 22.24 Particularizing particles 22.25 Quidem and equidem 22.26 Quidem 22.27 Equidem 22.28 Saltern and related expressions 22.29 Saltern 22.30 Certe 22.31 Utique 22.32 Dumtaxat 22.33 Praesertim and related expressions 22.34 Praesertim 22.35 Praecipue 22.36 Imprimis 22.37 Maxime 22.38 Potissimum

825

826 829 830 830 838 839 839 841 842 843 844 846 849 850 856 857 858 859 862 865 868 872

875 877 877 878 884 888 888 890 891 893 894 894 896

899 900 901

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22.39 Demum 22.40 lam 22.41 Suffixes of personal pronouns and possessive adjectives 22.42 Preparative expressions as emphasizers 22.43 Parenthetical clauses and other types of extraclausal constituents 22.44 Parenthetical constituents 22.45 Parenthetical clauses and sentences 22.46 Parenthetical use of verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication 22.47 Curses and swear words 22.48 Interjections 22.49 Sound-reproducing interjections 22.50 Summonses 22.51 Introductory interjections 22.52 Expressive interjections 22.53 Address 22.54 The functions of address 22.55 The forms of address 22.56 The syntax of address

917 919 923 924 925 92 7 931 937 939 942 946

23

948

Word order

23.1 Methodological preliminaries 23.2 Roman ideas about word order 23.3 Factors that determine the linear order of words and larger constituents 23.4 Sentence type 23.5 Text type 23.6 Categorial factors 23.7 Domain integrity 23.8 Semantic factors 23.9 Syntactic factors 23.10 Pragmatic factors 23.11 Euphonic and rhythmic factors 23.12 Complexity 23.13 Iconicity 23.14 Artistic factors 23.15 Typological considerations 23.16 Syntactic structure and intonation structure 23.17 Pause and the determination of sense boundaries 23.18 Clausulae 23.19 The order of constituents at the clause and sentence levels 23.20 Categories of constituents with a more or less fixed position 23.21 Connectors and interactional particles

902 904 906 908 909 909 910

949 952 954 954 955 955 956 958 959 959 960 960 961 962 965 966 967 970 972 973 973

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Contents

23 .22 Anaphoric constituents 23 .23 Subordinating devices 23.24 Subordinators 23.25 Relative pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, and determiners

23.26 Question words 23.27 Interrogative particles 23.28 Interrogative pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, and determiners

23 .29 Categories of constituents that tend to be placed after another constituent 23.30 Indefinite determiners and pronouns 23.31 Personal pronouns and forms of the verb sum 23.32 The position of personal pronouns 23.33 The position of forms of the verb sum 23.34 Emphasizing particles 23.35 Bound clitics 23.36 The position of the coordinators -que and -ve 23.37 The position of the interrogative particle -ne

23.38 The position of negation adverbs 23.39 The relative position of arguments, satellites, secondary predicates, and (finite) verbs 23.40 The position of arguments, satellites, secondary predicates, and (finite) verbs in declarative sentences 23.41 The first position in declarative sentences 23.42 Arguments in fir t position in declarative sentences 23.43 Satellites in first position in declarative sentences 23.44 Secondary predicates in first position in declarative sentences 23.45 Finite verbs in first position in declarative sentences 23.46 The last position in declarative sentences 23.47 Arguments in final position in declarative sentences 23.48 Satellites in final position in declarative sentences 23.49 Finite verbs in final position in declarative sentences 23.50 Intermediate positions in simple declarative sentences

23.51 Word order in interrogative sentences 23.52 Word order in sentence questions 23.53 Word order in constituent questions 23.54 Word order in multiple questions

23.55 Word order in imperative sentences 23.56 Word order in imperative sentences with a directive illocutionary force 23.57 Word order in imperative sentences with an optative illocutionary force 23.58 Word order in imperative sentences with a concessive illocutionary force

23.59 Word order in superordinate (main) clauses 23 .60 Word order in subordinate clauses 23.61 Word order in finite subordinate clauses

xxiii 976 978 978 981 982 982 983 983 983 984 987 991 994 995 995 999 1000 1001 1003 1005 1006 1012 1013 1015 1020 1021 1024 1025 1027 1027 1027 1031 1033 1033 1034 1036 1036 1037 1037 1038

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23.62 Word order in accusative and infinitive clauses 23.63 Word order in ablative absolute clauses 23.64 The order of superordinate and subordinate clauses in complex sentences

23.65 The relative order of finite superordinate and subordinate clauses in sentences with two clauses 23.66 The relative order of superordinate and accusative and infinitive clauses in sentences with two clauses 23.67 The relative order of superordinate and ablative absolute clauses in sentences with two clauses 23 .68 The relative order of superordinate and subordinate clauses in multi-clausal sentences 23.69 Word order at the noun phrase level 23.70 The relative order of head and attribute 23.71 The position of attributes that agree with their head 23.72 The position of determiners 23 .73 The position of anaphoric and demonstrative determiners 23.74 The position of indefinite determiners 23.75 The position ofrelative and interrogative determiners 23.76 The position of attributive possessive adjectives 23. 77 The position of identifiers 23. 78 The position of attributive quantifiers 23. 79 The position of attributive adjectives 23.80 The position of attributive adjective phrases 23.81 Comparatives and superlatives 23.82 The position of modifiers of attributes

23.83 The position of nouns and noun phrases functioning as attribute 23.84 The position of attributive noun phrases of description (or quality) (genetivus and ablativus qualitatis) 23.85 The position of adnominal arguments 23.86 Word order in complex noun phrases 23.87 Discontinuity (or: hyperbaton) of noun phrases

23.88 Constituents causing hyperbaton of noun phrases 23.89 Word order in prepositional phrases 23.90 The order of constituents in continuous prepositional phrases 23 .91 The position of prepositions in prepositional phrases without a modifier 23.92 The position of prepositions in prepositional phrases with a modifier 23.93 The pattern modifier-preposition-noun 23.94 The pattern noun-preposition-modifier 23.95 The position ofprepositions in restrictive appositive phrases 23.96 Discontinuous prepositional phrases

1041 1044 1047 1049 1055 1057 1059 1062 1066 1066 1067 1067 1071 1071 1072 1074 1075 1076 1080 1083 1084 1084 1090 1091 1093 1097 1101 1108 1109 1109 1113 1115 1118 1119 1120

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23.97 The relative order of constituents in phrases with the auxiliary sum 'to be' and other auxiliaries 23.98 The relative order in complex verb forms with the auxiliary sum 'to be' 23.99 The position of the auxiliary iri 23.100 The relative order of infinitives and the verbs that govern them 23.101 Discontinuity of coordinated constituents 23.102 Tmesis 23.103 Tmesis created by the coordinator -que 23.104 Diachronic developments

1122 1125 1126 1129 1132 1134 1135

24

1138

Discourse

24.1 Introduction 24.2 Sentence and discourse 24.3 Text types (or: discourse modes) 24.4 Discourse coherence 24.5 Anaphoric reference to participants 24.6 Lexical repetition and variation 24.7 Lexical repetition in combination with anaphoric determiners 24.8 Zero-anaphora: the absence of explicit subject and other obligatory constituents 24.9 Anaphoric(ally used) pronouns and adverbs 24.10 Anaphoric reference to states of affairs and to segments of discourse 24.11 Nouns used to refer to preceding states of affairs or segments of discourse 24.12 Anaphoric(ally used) pronouns and adverbs used to refer to preceding states of affairs or segments of discourse 24.13 Preparative (cataphoric) reference to following states of affairs and segments of discourse 24.14 Cohesive devices linking sentences 24.15 Syndetic connexion of sentences 24.1 6 Conjunctive connexion of sentences 24.17 The conjunctive connector -que 24.18 The conjunctive connector ac/atque 24.19 The conjunctive connector et 24.20 The conjunctive connector nec/neque 24.21 Disjunctive connexion of sentences 24.22 Adversative connexion of sentences 24.23 The adversative connector ast 24.24 The adversative connector at 24.25 The adversative connector atqui 24.26 The adversative connector autem

1122

1138 1138 1140 1143 1144 1144 1146 1148 1150 1153 1153 1157 1161 1162 1164 1166 1166 1167 1168 1170 1171 1172 1174 1175 1176 1177

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Contents 24.27 The adversative connector ceterum 24.28 The adversative connector sed 24.29 The adversative connector verum 24.30 The adverb contra 24.31 The adverb tamen 24.32 The adverb nihilominus 24.33 The adverb/connector vero 24.34 The use of etsi, tametsi, and quamquam as connectors 24.35 Explanatory and justificatory connexion of sentences 24.36 The connector nam 24.37 The connector namque 24.38 The connector etenim 24.39 The connector quippe 24.40 The interaction al particle enim 24.41 The interactional particle nempe 24.42 Consecutive connexion of sentences 24.43 The connector igitur 24.44 The connector itaque 24.45 The interactional particle ergo 24.46 Sequential connexion of sentences

24.47 The semantic relation between asyndetically connected sentences 24.48 The use of connectors and interactional particles to connect paragraphs 24.49 Grammatical devices contributing to discourse coherence 24.50 Opening and concluding a conversation or letter

Addenda and corrigenda to Volume I Bibliography Index locorum Index ofgrammatical terms and Latin words

1181 1184 1187 1188 1188 1189 1190 1191 1193 1194 1197 1198 1199 1201 1206 1208 1209 1212 1213 1216 1218 1223 1226 1228 1233 1247 1303 1356

Colour versions of Figures 15.1, 19.1, and 23.1 can be found on the book's companion website at www.oup.co.uk/ companion/pinkster

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PR EFACE

This second (and final) volume of The Oxford Latin Syntax appears six years after the first. My considerations for writing this Syntax can be found in the Preface to the first volume and they are still valid. Inevitably, I changed my mind on some minor points (for example, on the use of the notion ‘subjunct’ and of the term ‘comparative clause’) and some of the things promised in the first volume I decided not to deal with at all. The title of this volume is ‘The complex sentence and discourse’, but in reality this volume contains more, for example word order. A number of items might also have been dealt with in the first volume. I hope that the two volumes together are a useful instrument for people working with Latin texts and/or interested in how Latin works. The first volume has been received very positively and I am grateful to the reviewers for their reports and for their suggestions. I am also grateful to readers who have sent me their suggestions. In preparing this volume I myself have noted several minor mistakes and omissions. Some of these have been corrected silently in the second impression and others will be corrected in a later one. In addition, I have collected more serious corrections and references to publications which are not in the Bibliography of the first volume in a list of addenda and corrigenda at the end of this volume. Most of the work for this volume was done at home in Amsterdam and sometimes in the Library of the University of Amsterdam, but I have also spent much time in the Regenstein Library of the University of Chicago and in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. I am very grateful for their support and hospitality. It is time now to thank a number of people who greatly contributed to my work, in the first place, PhD students of the University of Chicago. I have been very fortunate to profit from Branden Kosch’s acumen for most chapters in this volume, even after he finished his PhD and started his own academic career. Of other graduate students of the University of Chicago who assisted me I thank especially David (Douglas) Williams for his work on the final chapters. I also thank Stephen van Beek in Amsterdam for his assistance in the final stage. Jim Adams, James Clackson, Cynthia Damon, Helma Dik, Andy Dyck, Daan den Hengst, Alex Mazzanti, Josine Schrickx, and Jaap Wisse discussed various items with me, asked questions, and sent suggestions. A number of colleagues read one or more chapters and sent me their comments. Esperanza Torrego organized a wonderful discussion day in Madrid with the community of Spanish Latin linguists, which was followed by written comments by several participants. I mention especially Olga Álvarez Huerta, José Miguel Baños, Conchita Cabrillana, Antonio Revuelta, Eusebia

xxviii

Preface

Tarriño, Luis Unceta, and Jesús de la Villa. Esperanza herself sent me her comments on several chapters, as did Caroline Kroon, Hannah Rosén, and Peter White. Guus Bal and Roland Hoffmann read the whole work and contributed detailed comments. In the final stage of proof reading, several friends mentioned above contributed much more than just reading the proofs, as did Rodie Risselada and Hans Smolenaars. Olga Spevak not only generously commented on several versions but also undertook the making of the Index of grammatical terms and Latin words. I thank them all, not only for their learned comments, but also for the moral support it implied. Last but not least I thank my daughter Akke Pinkster, who again did the Index locorum and helped me with the bibliography. I thank Julia Steer, commissioning editor at OUP, Vicki Sunter, assistant editor, and Clare Jones, production editor, for their efficient and competent support. I have greatly benefitted from the acribia, learning, and good advice of Malcolm Todd, copyeditor, and Ginny Catmur, copy-editor and proof-reader. It was a privilege to work with them. At the end of my Odyssey of twenty-four chapters I thank my daughters Fenne and Akke and their families, Willy van Wetter, and all my friends for their support and their patience. Like the first, this volume is dedicated to the memory of Machtelt Bolkestein and Simon Dik. Amsterdam and Chicago October 2019 / January 2021

SIGNS A ND OTHER CON VENTIONS

*

indicates a nonexistent or ungrammatical expression

?

indicates an expression that may be ungrammatical

Ø

indicates a missing element




A > B means: A comes before B

[]

indicates portions of a text that should be removed

indicates portions of a text that should be inserted NB: in editions of inscriptions the practice is the other way around: in those editions [] means ‘insertion’; this practice is ignored in this book

†...†

‘obeli’ or ‘daggers’ indicate that the text between them is regarded as corrupt

**

indicates a lacuna in the Latin text.

/

line break (in poetry and in inscriptions, etc.)

//

indicates the transition from one column to another in inscriptions

…

indicates that one or more words are omitted; occasionally used for incomplete quotations of texts by other authors of Antiquity (for example, Ennius quoted by Cicero)

_

indicates an illegible letter in directly transmitted texts

#

indicates change of speakers in a dialogue

↔

in contrast with

A

indicates a particular manuscript, in this case the ms. A

Small capitals are used for directly transmitted texts (inscriptions, etc.) and for definitions. Vowel quantity is very rarely indicated, only when it is necessary for a correct understanding of the text. When necessary, long vowels are marked by a macron: ā. Punctuation in ancient documents (when known) is indicated by an interpunct: ‘·’.

ABBR EV IATIONS

AcI

accusative and infinitive (accusativus cum infinitivo)

add.

addidit ‘added by scholar X’

ad loc(c).

ad locum/locos ‘at the passage(s) quoted’

alii alia

‘different solutions proposed’

ap.

apud ‘quoted in’

c.

circa ‘approximately’

cj. X

conjecture (proposed by X)

cod(d )

codex (codices)

corr.

correxit ‘corrected’

deest X

manuscript X is not available here

del. X

deleted by X

dett.

deteriores ‘worse manuscripts’

ed(d ).

editor(s)

edd. nonnulli

some editors

ex(x).

example(s)

fin.

in fine ‘at the end’

Gramm.

Grammatici (Latini)

LLT

Library of Latin Texts

ms(s).

manuscript(s)

N

number of instances

NcI

nominative and infinitive (nominativus cum infinitivo)

NP

noun phrase

OCT

Oxford Classical Texts

om.

omisit or omiserunt ‘left out by X or by X and Y’

p.c.

personal communication

PHI

Packard Humanities Institute

pler.

plerique ‘most (editors)’

Rep.

dating from the Republican era

recc.

recentiores ‘the more recent (manuscripts)’

sc.

scilicet ‘to wit’

secl.

seclusit ‘regarded as an intrusion by X’

xxxii Abbreviations suppl.

supplevit ‘supplied by X’

s.v(v).

sub voce (vocibus) ‘under the specified word(s)’

tr.

translated by X

v(v).l(l).

varia(e) lectio(nes) ‘alternative reading(s) in (an)other manuscript(s)’

Eng.

English

Fr.

French

It.

Italian

CHAPTER 14

Subordinate clauses: common properties and internal structure

14.1 Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining Latin has various means by which simple clauses can be combined with other constituents to form larger units. We will start with the distinction made in §  2.2 between the two ways of combining ‘simple’ clauses to form ‘multiple’ clauses, viz. the use of ‘subordination’ to form ‘complex’ clauses and of ‘coordination’ to form ‘compound’ clauses. After that attention will be given to clauses of comparison and to secondary predicates.¹ (i) Complex clauses (subordination) Examples of complex clauses are (a)–(c), repeated from § 2.2. (a)

. . . sine. / # Non sino neque equidem [[illum {me vivo} corrumpi]] sinam. (‘Let it be.’ # ‘No, I won’t, and I won’t let him be corrupted while I’m alive.’ Pl. Bac. 418–19)

(b)

Postquam peperit, pueros lavere iussit nos. (‘After she gave birth, she told us to wash the boys.’ Pl. Am. 1102)

(c)

Miser est qui amat. (‘Wretched is the man who is in love.’ Pl. Per. 179)

In (a), the constituent between double square brackets [[ . . . ]] is an accusative and infinitive clause which is an obligatory argument (the object) of the governing verb sinam. In (b), the postquam clause is an optional constituent which is not required by the meaning of the verb iussit, that is, it is a satellite in the terminology of this Syntax. Whereas (a) has a non-finite clause, the one in (b) is finite. Different again is (c): here the relative clause qui amat is an obligatory constituent (the subject) required by the meaning of miser (est). These three clauses differ from each other in many respects, but what they have in common is that they are part of another clause, together with ¹ For a typological analysis of Latin subordination, see Lehmann (1989).

The Oxford Latin Syntax. Harm Pinkster, Oxford University Press (2021). © Harm Pinkster. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199230563.003.0014



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

which they form a complex sentence. For that reason they are called subordinate clauses. By contrast, the clauses containing sinam, iussit, and miser est are called superordinate clauses. In all three cases, since the superordinate clauses are not themselves again part of another clause, they are also main clauses. (ii) Compound clauses (coordination, also called: conjunction) The situation is entirely different with compound clauses. An example is (d). Here two grammatically independent clauses (indicated by curly brackets) are combined into a whole by the coordinator et, which, unlike postquam and qui in (b) and (c), does not belong to the clause that follows:² whereas from a grammatical point of view the order of the clauses in (b) and (c) could be switched, it would be impossible to put the sequence et . . . proficisci in front. Also in compound sentences in which the events themselves could be inverted, as in (e)—amo et odi is quite well possible—inversion is excluded: *et amo odi. (d)

{Haec evincit in consilio sententia} et {prima luce postridie constituunt proficisci.} (‘This opinion prevailed in the meeting, and they decided to set out the following day at first light.’ Caes. Civ. 1.67.6)

(e)

Odi et amo. (‘I hate and love.’ Catul. 85.1)

So both in (a)–(c) and in (d) and (e) simple clauses are combined into larger units, but the two types of clause combining are different.³ There are two further differences between subordination and coordination. In the first place, some of the coordinating devices, notably et, can also be used to connect independent sentences, as in (f). As the example shows, it is not always clear whether we are dealing with coordination of clauses that belong to the same sentence or connexion of different sentences, and editors vary sometimes in their decisions. In the domain of subordination only relative clauses can be used as independent sentences (see § 18.28 on relative connexion). (f)

Hac oratione habita (sc. Caesar) concilium dimisit. Et (del. Meusel) secundum ea multae res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et suscipiendam putaret . . . (‘With this speech he dissolved the convention. And straightway many considerations induced him to suppose that he must take thought and action in the matter.’ Caes. Gal. 1.33.2)

² Editors put a comma after sententia, probably to suggest that there is a semantic relation of consequence between the second conjoin and the first. In English a comma would be normal. ³ The notions of subordination and coordination are relatively recent in the history of grammar. See Pfister (1995).

Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining



More importantly, et is often used to coordinate constituents within clauses, for which no parallel exists in the case of subordinators. Examples are (g) and (h), with two coordinated pronouns and adjectives, respectively. (g)

Quid? Auspicia, quibus ego et tu, Crasse, cum magna rei publicae salute praesumus. (‘What of augury, over which you and I, Crassus, preside, greatly to the welfare of the Republic?’ Cic. de Orat. 1.39)

(h)

Iustam rem et facilem esse oratam a vobis volo. (‘I want to ask you for a just and a small favour.’ Pl. Am. 33)

(iii) Comparison Another category of expressions that are usually regarded as subordinate clauses are ‘clauses of comparison’.⁴ These clauses are usually divided into two types: ‘clauses of manner’ and ‘clauses of degree’. The first type is illustrated by (i), the second by ( j) and (k) below. (i)

Ut sementem feceris, ita metes. (‘As ye sow, so shall ye reap.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.261—tr. May and Wisse)

The ut clause in (i) resembles the postquam clause in (b) in that (i) it is an optional constituent (a satellite) with respect to metes; (ii) ut belongs to the clause with sementem feceris and the whole clause could be placed after (ita) metes. For these reasons such manner clauses are discussed in the Chapter on satellite clauses in this Syntax (§§ 16.33–6). The ‘clauses of degree’ in ( j) and (k) are different. There is no indication of subordination. In addition, as the examples suggest, it is very rare to find a verb like the supplied est in the part after quam. The comparison is rather between two constituents within the same clause. In this respect comparison of this type resembles coordination. Such comparative expressions have a chapter of their own (Chapter 20). ( j)

Meus equus tam celer est quam tuus (est). (‘My horse is as fast as yours is.’)

(k)

Meus equus celerior est quam tuus (est). (‘My horse is faster than yours is.’)

(iv) Secondary predicates There is one more type of expressions which are usually not described as ‘clauses’ that are part of a larger unit, but which are often regarded as more or less equivalent to subordinate clauses proper. The clearest examples are so-called ‘predicatively used’ participles, for which in this Syntax the term ‘secondary predicate’ is used. An example ⁴ For this paragraph, see Woodcock (1959: 205), from whom the examples are taken. They are called ‘Vergleichende Adverbialsätze’ in K.-St.’s (II.448) terminology.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

is (l).⁵ Although Woodcock’s paraphrase with ‘while’ suggests that we are dealing with a satellite clause comparable with the postquam clause in (b), in reality scribens is related in some way to the subject qui (see Chapter  21). Grammatically speaking scribens has nothing to do with subordination nor with clause-combining proper. (l)

. . . Platonis, qui uno et octogesimo anno scribens est mortuus . . . (‘. . . of Plato, who died writing in his eighty-first year . . .’ Cic. Sen. 13—‘while he was writing’)

Figure 14.1 indicates the various forms of combining discussed above and their relative similarity: secondary predicates, at least the participles, are only semantically related to the other types of clauses. Subordinate clauses in the broad sense (sensu lato) are different from coordinate and comparative expressions. A further distinction can be made between subordinate clauses in the narrow sense (sensu stricto) and relative clauses (see (v) below). x y subordination s.l.

secondary predication z

subordination s.s.

relativization coordination comparison

Chs. 15–17

Ch. 18

Ch. 19

Ch. 20

Ch. 21

Figure 14.1 Subordination and other forms of clause combining The signs ‘x’, ‘y’, and ‘z’ are used to mark nodes in the tree; they have no particular meaning.

(v) Subordination sensu stricto and relativization The relationship between subordination sensu stricto and relativization needs some additional discussion. Both postquam in (b) and qui in (c) are part of the clause in which they occur (as a relocation test easily shows) and both form the link between the superordinate clause and their own. But there is a difference as well: qui has a function of its own (subject) in its clause, as appears among other things from the agreement between the subject and the finite verb est; however, nothing similar can be said about postquam. For a speaker of English, the interpretation of a relative pronoun in its clause can be quite complicated, as in (m). Here, the relative clause inter se quos nunc credo dicere is the subject in the main clause with sunt hic. The relative clause is complex itself: the relative pronoun quos is subject in the accusative and infinitive clause, which is as a whole the object of credo. ⁵ The example is also used by Woodcock (1959: 72), where a clear exposition of the standard description can be found.

Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining (m)



Sunt hic inter se quos nunc credo dicere: . . . (‘There are (people) here who I believe are saying to each other: . . .’ Pl. Cas. 67)

In (c) and (m) the relative clauses fulfil a function in the main clause. For this kind of use this Syntax introduces the term ‘autonomous relative clauses’ (see §  18.2). However, relative clauses are more often used at the noun phrase level, as in (n). Here, the relative clause qui puellam ab eo emerat is a modifier (attribute) of the noun adulescenti and fulfils no function at the clause level (this type of relative clause is called ‘adnominal’ in this Syntax—see § 18.2). (n)

Adulescenti qui puellam ab eo emerat / ait sese Veneri velle votum solvere . . . (‘To the young man who had bought the girl from him he said he wanted to fulfil a vow to Venus . . .’ Pl. Rud. 59–60)

(vi) Finite and non-finite subordination Examples (a) and (b) above illustrate two forms of subordinate clauses, the non-finite accusative and infinitive clause and the finite postquam clause. Most scholars nowadays would agree in regarding these clauses as subordinate. Not everyone, however, will classify the so-called ablative absolute construction me vivo in (a), repeated here as (o), as a subordinate clause (which itself is part of another subordinate clause). However, in this Syntax the ablative absolute, along with a few other constructions not typically classified as subordinate clauses, will be treated as such. The reason for regarding me vivo as a clause is that the relationship between me and vivo resembles that between ego and vivus in a finite clause (ego) sum vivus and because the ablative absolute clause potentially shares many of the properties of such a finite clause, for example the possibility of adding satellites, such as adhuc to form me adhuc vivo ‘with me still being alive’. For further details, see § 14.14. (o)

. . . sine. / # Non sino neque equidem illum me vivo corrumpi sinam. (‘. . . let it be.’ # ‘No, I won’t, and I won’t let him be corrupted while I’m alive.’ Pl. Bac. 418–19)

(vii) The history of subordination Subordination is found in all periods of Latin and in all sorts of texts written in all sorts of registers. However, there are changes over time in the subordinating devices used; further, the degree to which these devices are used varies from author to author and from text to text.⁶ Generally speaking, subordination is less frequent and less complex in interactive texts (comedy and dialogue, for example) but more frequent and more complex in literary narrative and in didactic texts. Details are given in the following chapters. It is often assumed that Indo-European did not possess subordinating devices and that as a consequence the structure of complex sentences has to be explained starting ⁶ For quantitative data, see Denooz (2013).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure from two so-called paratactic, or juxtaposed, simple clauses. Since all known languages have complex sentences, such an assumption is not very helpful, and even though specific devices of historic times may go back to originally paratactic structures, ‘the paratactic stage had been passed centuries before Plautus’.⁷

. Formal and semantic properties of subordinate clauses Latin possesses a wide array of subordinate clauses in the narrow sense discussed in the preceding section. A distinction can be made between verbal clauses, which can be either finite or non-finite, and verbless nominal clauses. Table 14.1 presents a survey of the various possibilities. Table . Survey of subordinate clauses Verbal clauses Finite clauses various interrogative clauses  

various clauses with (or without) a subordinator 

Nominal clauses

Non-finite clauses accusative and infinitive (nominative and infinitive)

‘fused’ clauses: infinitive gerund supine

‘substantival’ ‘adjectival’ clauses (see ‘participial’ clauses (see § 14.14) § 14.14) clauses: participle gerundive

The properties of these clauses are discussed from § 14.6 onwards. Subordinate clauses, whatever their formal structure, have a number of properties (not the same for all) which show their subordinate status. In the first place, subordinate clauses that function as argument, such as the accusative and infinitive clause in (a) and, in a similar way, the ut clause in (b), must be subordinate because they are required by another constituent, dixit and dignos, respectively.⁸ (a)

Te pro filio / facturum dixit rem esse divinam domi, / quia Thebis salvos redierit. (‘He said you were going to offer sacrifice at home for your son, because he returned safely from Thebes.’ Pl. Epid. 414)

(b)

. . . quos ut socios haberes dignos duxisti, haud indignos iudicas quos in fidem receptos tuearis. (‘. . . men whom you have considered worthy to be your allies you do not judge unworthy for you to guard after they have been taken under your protection.’ Liv. 23.42.13—NB: parallelism of the ut and the relative clause)

Apart from this indirect clue, there are also a number of positive indicators.⁹ ⁷ So Bennett: I.255, discussing the use of the simple subjunctive as a subordinating device. See also Pinkster (1972: 167–9) and Sznajder (2003: 14–16) on ‘le mythe de la “parataxe primitive”’. ⁸ For this argument, see Bennett: I.244–5. ⁹ For a discussion of these properties applied to clauses with a simple subjunctive, see Sznajder (2003: 37–69).

Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining



(i) Most subordinate clauses are formally marked as such. For non-finite clauses, such as the accusative and infinitive clause in (a), the fact that the verb form is an infinitive and the subject an accusative (and not a finite form and a nominative) is a clear signal of its subordinate status. With regard to the ablative absolute, the participial clause naturally lacks a finite verb form, as in (c), and the participle is marked by the regular case for satellites, the ablative. (c)

Victores victis hostibus legiones reveniunt domum . . . (‘With the enemy conquered, our legions are returning home as conquerors . . .’ Pl. Am. 188)

Finite clauses, in turn, are almost always marked by a subordinator (for exceptions, see below), like postquam in (b) in § 14.1. (ii) Moreover, the finite verb forms are often subjunctives for which a regular semantic explanation along the lines of § 7.8 can hardly be given. See §§ 7.130 and 7.138. (iii) The tense of finite subordinate clauses in the subjunctive is often determined by the tense of the superordinate clause (according to the ‘rules of the sequence of tenses’, consecutio temporum—see § 7.85). This is the case with haberes in (b), where the imperfect tense is adjusted to the perfect form duxisti of the superordinate clause, if one assumes that haberes is contemporaneous with duxisti. (iv) Negator climbing (see § 8.6) is another form of ‘domination’ of a subordinate by the superordinate clause, as can be seen in (d). Here, the negator non precedes the verb puto, but it has in fact esse venalis in its scope, not puto. (d)

Clodiae (sc. horti) sane placent, sed non puto esse venalis. (‘Clodia’s gardens would be admirable, but I don’t think they’re for sale.’ Cic. Att. 12.38a.2)

(v) Sometimes constituents that semantically belong to a finite subordinate clause function as pseudo-object in the superordinate clause, as in (e), where te is syntactically the object of faciam, but semantically the first argument of miserrumus . . . sis (see § 9.17). (e)

. . . ego te faciam miserrumus mortalis uti sis. (‘I’ll make sure you’re the most wretched mortal on earth.’ Pl. Aul. 443)

(vi) A feature shared by finite and non-finite subordinate clauses concerns the use of the reflexive pronoun and the reflexive possessive adjective to refer to a constituent, usually the subject, of the superordinate clause. This use of the so-called indirect reflexive is shown for an accusative and infinitive clause in (f) and for an ut clause in (g) (see § 11.127).¹⁰ (f)

Me sibix epistulas dedisse dicitx. (‘He says that I have given him the letters.’ Pl. Trin. 896)

¹⁰ The exponent ‘x’ marks coreferentiality.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (g)

Nam illa mulierx lapidem silicem subigere ut sex amet potest. (‘That woman could force a flintstone to love her.’ Pl. Poen. 290)

(vii) In addition, there are a number of tests to prove the subordinate status of a clause. A subordinate clause can be given in answer to a question word or phrase, as the accusative and infinitive clause is given in reply to quid in (h), the object of its clause. Also, a subordinate clause may be announced by a preparative (or: cataphoric) expression, as in (i). Here hoc, the object of dicito, announces the accusative and infinitive clause facturum me . . ., which functions as object as well. A subordinate clause may be coordinated with a noun phrase, as in ( j), where the quia clause is coordinated by means of non . . . sed with the cause adjunct in the ablative iactantia.¹¹ (h)

Quid dicis? An bello fugitivorum Siciliam virtute tua liberatam? (‘What are you saying? That Sicily was saved from the war with the revolted slaves by your courage?’ Cic. Ver. 5.5)

(i)

Quin etiam illi hoc dicito, / facturum ut ne etiam aspicere aedis audeat . . . (‘Well now, you just tell him this—that I shall see to it he does not dare give that dwelling so much as a glance.’ Pl. Mos. 422–3)

( j)

Quod non iactantia refero, sed quia collegio quindecimvirum antiquitus ea cura . . . (‘A fact which I recall not out of vanity, but because from of old this responsibility belonged to the College of Fifteen . . .’ Tac. Ann. 11.11.1)

(viii) Finally, it should be mentioned that in indirect speech main clauses become accusative and infinitive clauses and subordinate clauses as a rule stay more or less as they are (see § 2.2 and, for exceptions, § 15.109).¹² Unfortunately, we do not have access to the best criterion for determining the status of clauses, namely intonation. Just as in contemporary languages, the intonation contour must have been the best indicator for determining whether a given sequence of clauses constituted a single complex sentence or several independent sentences. As for pragmatic and semantic aspects of the subordinate clauses in Table 14.1, the various types differ in the degree to which they allow and exhibit the characteristics that are typical of independent sentences. Most of them lack an illocutionary force of their own and do not contain connectors or interactional particles that belong to the clauses themselves (and not to the complex sentence to which they belong). Finite clauses in the left hand column of the Table exhibit many of the internal properties of independent sentences. Although there are certain constraints on tense and mood, especially for argument clauses, and although the governing verb may also constrain the category voice (see § 15.2), these clauses are less restricted in terms of type and number of obligatory and optional constituents than non-finite and nominal clauses. ¹¹ For more instances from Tacitus, see Sánchez Martínez (2000: 244–53). ¹² For this test and some exceptions, see Pfister (1995: 245).

Subordinate clauses and other forms of clause combining



Of the non-finite clauses the accusative and infinitive clause allows for relative tense distinctions, but the category of mood is irrelevant. For the other non-finite clauses the number of constraints is higher. The nominal clauses in the right hand column lack most sentential properties. There are, therefore, considerable differences between the various clauses in their degree of ‘desententialization’.¹³ Further details are provided in the following sections.

. Ambiguous or hybrid instances of clause combining Whereas in most cases identifying subordinate clauses (and also main clauses) as such is unproblematic, there are also cases where two different analyses are possible and even cases which seem to have a status in-between one complex sentence and two independent simple sentences.¹⁴ First person singular forms of a number of cognition verbs (which may also govern an accusative and infinitive clause) can be used as qualified truth disjuncts (see § 10.101) to modulate the illocutionary force of declarative (§ 6.2), interrogative (§ 6.21), and imperative sentences (§ 6.29). Examples of the verb credo used in the sense of ‘presumably’ are (a) and (b). In the former credo is usually described as a parenthesis, a more or less independent structure that is inserted in another structure, without being syntactically a part of that structure. It functions as a modulator of the assertive illocutionary force of the sentence. In (b) credo is best taken as modifying ad uxorem meam. In the case of (c), where credo precedes a complete sentence, it is more difficult to regard it as unrelated to what follows: the fact that it is the first word creates the expectation that something will follow expressing what the I believes, so the sequence may have been perceived as a single sentence. In this particular case, however, one cannot be sure, since it is impossible to know what the intonation contour was. (a)

Pol ea ipsa credo ne intro mittatur cavet . . . (‘She herself avoids being let in, I suppose . . .’ Pl. Aul. 101)

(b)

Intro edepol abiit, credo ad uxorem meam. (‘He went inside, to my wife I believe.’ Pl. Am. 1045)

(c)

Credo aurum inspicere volt, ne surruptum siet. (‘I think he wants to look at his gold to make sure that it hasn’t been stolen.’ Pl. Aul. 39)

In (d) the segment ni nocias meos might be taken as a subordinate imperative clause with rogo (see § 15.67), but comparison with (e) and (f) may also suggest that it should be regarded as an independent prohibition: nolei (= noli) and the perfect subjunctive feceris signal independent prohibitions. See also (g) with an imperative. ¹³ On ‘desententialization’, see Bolkestein (1989a; 1989b) and Lehmann (1989). ¹⁴ For the problem in general, see Pfister (1995: 243–5).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (d)

rogo · te · viator · ni nocias (= ne noceas) · meo (‘I ask you, traveller, not to harm my family.’ CIL X.4053.1 (Capua)—NB: for the exceptional use of the accusative instead of the dative, see § 12.31)

(e)

rogo · te / viator · nolei / me · nocerei (‘I ask this of you, traveller: do not harm me.’ CIL I2.3121.4–6 (Capua, 1st cent. bc (mid))—NB: nocerei is a deponent form)¹⁵

(f)

rogo · te · viator · monumento · huic · nil · male · feceris / (‘I ask this of you, traveller: do not damage this tomb.’ CIL VI.9545.3 (Rome, Rep.))

(g)

Rogo, inquam, domina, . . . celerius confice. (‘I ask,’ I said, ‘madam, be quick with it.’ Petr. 20.1)

Faxo ‘I will bring about’, the sigmatic future of facio, serves as another illustration of the difficulty involved in determining whether a sequence of clauses should be regarded as two independent sentences or as one complex sentence.¹⁶ The clause which tells us what is brought about may be in the future indicative, as in (h), or in the present subjunctive, as in (i). In Early Latin the future is much more common than the subjunctive, and there is only one instance of faxo + an explicit subordinator (ut) + a subjunctive, viz. ( j).¹⁷ The (ut +) subjunctive clauses in (i) and ( j) seem to be the object of faxo and can be compared to instances of the normal future faciam with either the simple subjunctive or (more common) ut + subjunctive (see § 15.75). Semantically there seems to be no difference between (h) and (i), both meaning roughly ‘I shall bring it about that . . .’, but taking iam . . . hic erit as an object clause in the indicative with a verb of causation is very problematic. Instead, it seems better to assume that faxo in (h) had developed into an idiomatic parenthetical expression meaning something like ‘certainly’. This interpretation seems inevitable in a case like (k). The clauses with erit in (h) and amabit in (k) must then be described as independent. (h)

Iam faxo (sc. machaera) hic erit. (‘I’ll make sure it’s here in a second.’ Pl. Mil. 463)

(i)

Faxo hau quicquam sit morae. (‘I’ll make sure that there won’t be any delay.’ Pl. Am. 972)

( j)

Sine, revenias modo domum, faxo ut scias / quid pericli sit dotatae uxori vitium dicere. (‘Well then! Just come home, I’ll make sure that you know what danger there is in speaking badly about a wife with a dowry.’ Pl. As. 897–8)

(k)

Sane sapit / atque ob istanc industriam etiam faxo amabit amplius. (‘He’s just doing the smart thing and because of your officiousness he will surely make love to her even more.’ Pl. Men. 790–1)

¹⁵ So Solin (in CIL I2.iv.1, p. 1009). ¹⁶ This discussion of faxo is based on de Melo (2007: 180–9). See also Sznajder (2003: 35–7). ¹⁷ There are also a few future perfect and perfect subjunctive instances, which are not relevant to the problem discussed here. There are also instances of faxim + simple subjunctive.

The levels at which subordinate clauses can be used



14.4 The levels at which subordinate clauses can be used Just as with constituents of simple clauses, a distinction is made between argument clauses, required by the meaning of a governing verb of the superordinate clause, and satellites, optional constituents from the perspective of the governing verb of the superordinate clause. These two types of clauses will be treated in detail in Chapters 15 and 16. Satellite clauses will be distinguished by semantic function and, where applicable, will be divided into adjunct and disjunct clauses. This threefold distinction is illustrated by the ut clauses in (a)–(c), all three of which are related to a main clause together with which they form a sentence. In (a), the ut clause is the object argument, governed by the three-place verb imperat in the main clause (for details, see § 15.66). In (b), it is a purpose adjunct. In (c), it is an illocutionary disjunct that serves as a justification for why the speaker tells the addressee that he was born in Carthage (for details, see § 16.48). (a)

Ecce, Apollo mihi ex oraclo imperat / ut ego illic oculos exuram lampadibus ardentibus. (‘Look, Apollo tells me through a divine utterance to burn out that woman’s eyes with flaming torches.’ Pl. Men. 840–1)

(b)

Quam mox navigo / in Ephesum, ut aurum repetam ab Theotimo domum? (‘How soon shall I sail to Ephesus to take my money back home from Theotimus?’ Pl. Bac. 775–6)

(c)

Carthagini ego sum gnatus, ut tu sis sciens. (‘Just so you know, I was born in Carthage.’ Pl. Poen. 1038)

Subordinate clauses can also function at a lower level, as constituents of noun, adjective, and adverb phrases (details in Chapter 17). Examples of an ut clause functioning as an adnominal argument in a noun phrase are (d) and (e), governed by de voluntate tua and officium meum, respectively. Note that an ut clause may also be used in combination with the same noun at the clause level: in (f) ut facerem is the subject of the clause, meum officium the subject complement. The ut clause in (d) can be compared with the one in (g), which is the object of the verb volo. (d)

De voluntate tua ut simul simus . . . non dubito. (‘Of your desire for us to be together . . . I have no doubt.’ Cic. Att. 12.26.1)

(e)

Quamquam ego serva sum, / scio ego officium meum ut quae rogiter vera, ut accepi, eloquar. (‘Even though I’m a slave girl, I know my duty: to say the truth about what I’m asked, just as I’ve heard it.’ Pl. Per. 615–16)

(f)

Fuit meum officium ut facerem, fateor. (‘It would have been my duty to do so, I admit it.’ Pl. Ps. 913)



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (g)

Dimidium / volo ut dicas. (‘I want you to say half.’ Pl. Rud. 960–1)

Examples of a subordinate clause with an adjective are (h) and (i): in the former an ut clause and in the latter a gerundival clause function as the argument of two-place dignus (see § 4.101); the whole expression ((vir) dignus . . . credamus) is in apposition to Cornelius Celsus.¹⁸ In ( j) the gerundial clause ad persuadendum is required by the two-place adverb apte with which it forms a manner adjunct. (h)

. . . Cornelius Celsus, mediocri vir ingenio, . . . dignus vel ipso proposito ut eum scisse omnia illa credamus. (‘. . . Cornelius Celsus, a man of very ordinary ability, because of his plan alone is worthy of our trusting him in the claim that he knew all those things.’ Quint. Inst. 12.11.24)

(i)

. . . Agrippina . . . testaretur adultum iam esse Britannicum, veram dignamque stirpem suscipiendo patris imperio . . . (‘. . . Agrippina testified that Britannicus was now mature, the true and worthy stock for undertaking his father’s command . . .’ Tac. Ann. 13.14.2—tr. Woodman)

( j)

Hi fere aut in persuadendo aut in dicendo apte ad persuadendum positum orandi munus sunt arbitrati. (‘They almost all believe that the function of oratory lies in persuading or in speaking in a way adapted to persuade.’ Quint. Inst. 2.15.3)

All the examples in the preceding two paragraphs concern subordinate clauses that are required by the valency of the nouns, adjectives, and adverbs involved. It is less common for subordinate clauses that resemble satellites at the clause level to be used at the phrase level, although gerundial and gerundival clauses at that level are common, as in (k). (k)

Decemviros legibus scribendis intra decem hos annos et creavimus et e re publica sustulimus. (‘Within the past ten years we have elected decemvirs for drawing up the laws, and removed them from the commonwealth.’ Liv. 4.4.3)

The various types of clauses mentioned in Table 14.1 are very diverse as far as their distribution is concerned. Whereas supine clauses can only be used as purpose adjuncts and accusative and infinitive clauses only as arguments (with specific governing expressions), other classes of clauses can be used in all sorts of functions at the clause level (see the examples of ut clauses above). Verbs and other governing expressions vary in the types of clauses that can function as arguments with them. This is illustrated by the following examples of second arguments with the verb volo. In (l) the agent of accipere is identical with the subject of volo; this is the typical context for a prolative infinitive clause. However, in the same situation an accusative and ¹⁸ For the relatively rare instances of ut clauses with dignus, see TLL s.v. 1152.24ff.

The internal properties of subordinate clauses



infinitive is not excluded, as is shown by (m).¹⁹ For different subjects in the main and the accusative and infinitive clause, see (n). When the subjects are different, it is also possible to use a finite clause with or without ut, as in (o) and (p), respectively. (l)

[Immo] hoc primum volo, / quaestioni accipere servos. (‘This I want first, to accept his servants for questioning.’ Pl. Mos. 1091–2)

(m)

Magnufice volo me viros summos accipere, ut mi rem esse reantur. (‘I want to entertain some high-class gentlemen in grand style so that they think I have money.’ Pl. Ps. 167)

(n)

Vera volo loqui te, nolo assentari mihi. (‘I want you to tell the truth, I don’t want you simply to agree with me.’ Pl. Am. 751)

(o)

Quid vis? # Hos ut accipias coquos . . . (‘What do you want? # That you take these cooks . . .’ Pl. Aul. 351)

(p)

Le/no argentum hoc vo/lo a me accipiat . . . (‘I want the pimp to receive this money from me . . .’ Pl. Ps. 1121a–23)

Details concerning the distribution of argument clauses are discussed in Chapter 15.

14.5 The internal properties of subordinate clauses Sections § 14.6 up to and including § 14.14 deal with the internal structure of subordinate clauses. The order of treatment follows to some extent the order in Table 14.1.

. Finite subordinate clauses A common feature of finite clauses is, of course, that they have finite verb forms and therefore can be marked for tense, mood, and person/number. The rules for the use of the tenses and moods in the individual types of subordinate clauses are discussed in §§ 7.85ff. and §§ 7.128ff., respectively. Historic infinitives are exceptional. In most finite clauses the identity of the subject is inferrable from the verb form (notably for the first and second person) and/or is expressed explicitly. Examples in which the subject has to be inferred are (a) and (b). The subject of fieret in (a) is identical to is in the main clause; in (b) the subject of curet is Naevius, to be inferred from the object of the main clause. (a)

Is speculatum huc misit me, ut quae fierent fieret particeps. (‘He sent me here to watch out so that he’d have his share in knowledge of what’s happening.’ Pl. Aul. 605) ¹⁹ For such instances in Plautus, see Lodge s.v. volo 909 § 2a.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (b)

Naevium certiorem facit, rogat ut curet quod dixisset. (‘He informed Naevius, and asked him to provide for the payment, a thing which he had said he would do.’ Cic. Quinct. 18)

Another common feature of finite subordinate clauses is that they have a recognizable linking device, that is a particle, a subordinator, or a special pronoun, determiner, adjective, or adverb (for clauses without such a device, see the end of this section). However, there are differences in the role these linking devices play in their own clause. This is illustrated for each class of finite subordinate clauses below. Examples of interrogative subordinate clauses (indirect questions) are (c)–(e). In (c) the interrogative particle -ne marks the clause as an interrogative clause; the particle belongs to the clause as a whole and in this respect differs from the subordinating devices in (d) and (e). The interrogative adverb quo and the interrogative determiner quas in (d) and the interrogative pronoun quis in (e) not only mark their clauses as subordinate and interrogative but also fulfil a function within these clauses: quo is a direction argument in its clause, quas is the attribute of the noun aedis within another direction argument, and quis is the subject complement in its clause (for details on the function of these interrogative words in their clauses, see §§  15.45ff.; for the corresponding types of direct questions, see §§ 6.6ff.). (c)

Rogato servos veneritne ad eum tuos. (‘You must then ask whether your slave has come to him.’ Pl. Poen. 181)

(d)

Ill’ clam opservavit servos / quo aut quas in aedis haec puellam deferat. (‘That slave who’d abandoned her observed secretly where and into which house the woman was taking the girl.’ Pl. Cist. 168–9—NB: the lines are deleted by Degering, followed by de Melo)

(e)

Verbero, etiam quis ego sim me rogitas . . . (‘You thug, you even ask me who I am . . .’ Pl. Am. 1029)

A similar distinction exists between relative clauses and clauses with a subordinator. This is shown in (f), repeated from § 14.1, and in (g). In (f) the relative pronoun qui functions as subject in its clause and at the same time marks the clause as subordinate. By contrast, ut in (g), repeated from § 14.4 (a), has no function in its clause; it only marks it as a subordinate clause. Note that in (h), repeated from § 14.4 (b), ut not only marks the clause as subordinate, but also contributes to the interpretation of the clause as a purpose adjunct. (f)

Miser est qui amat. (‘Wretched is the man who is in love.’ Pl. Per. 179)

(g)

Ecce, Apollo mihi ex oraclo imperat / ut ego illic oculos exuram lampadibus ardentibus. (‘Look, Apollo tells me through a divine utterance to burn out that woman’s eyes with flaming torches.’ Pl. Men. 840–1)

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (h)



Quam mox navigo / in Ephesum, ut aurum repetam ab Theotimo domum? (‘How soon shall I sail to Ephesus to take my money back home from Theotimus?’ Pl. Bac. 775–6)

Finite clauses can also be incorporated into their superordinate clause by means of prepositional expressions, both as argument and as satellite. An example of an argument is shown in (i), with the-two place verb versor in (see § 4.42); the ut . . . defenderet clause functions as the second argument. Since prepositions cannot directly govern clauses, the pronoun eo serves as a support. Together the prepositional phrase and the subordinating device form a complex subordinator.²⁰ In ( j), cum (eo) marks the quod . . . fiat clause as an adjunct of accompanying circumstances (see §10.76). The combination of cum eo . . . quod with tamen makes it more or less equivalent to a stipulative adjunct clause (see § 16.53). In (k) the autonomous relative clause is marked by cum (with the anaphoric determiner eo) as the associative argument of cohaereo (see § 4.38). As the examples show, the regular expression is with the anaphoric pronoun/ determiner is in the case form required by the preposition. For relative pronouns, see §  18.16. For a rare instance of an indirect question in combination with a prepositional phrase, see (l). Of the combinations exemplified below those with cum, de, ex, and in are relatively common from Cicero’s time onwards. For further examples of satellite clauses, see § 16.84. This use of is should not be confused with the preparative use of pronouns and related expressions that is discussed in § 14.16. (i)

Nempe eius omnis oratio versata est in eo ut scriptum plurimum valere oportere defenderet. (‘Surely his entire address was concerned with defending the claim that the written word ought to prevail to the uttermost.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.244)

( j)

Sit sane, quoniam ita tu vis, sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod sine peccato meo fiat. (‘So be it, since you will have it so, but with the proviso surely that it come about without any fault on my part.’ Cic. Att. 6.1.7)

(k)

Simplex autem conclusio reprehenditur, si hoc quod sequitur non videatur necessario cum eo quod antecessit cohaerere. (‘A simple conclusion is refuted if that which follows does not seem to be necessarily consistent with that which precedes.’ Cic. Inv. 1.86)

(l)

Equidem pro eo quanti te facio quicquid feceris approbabo. (‘For my part, in accordance with how greatly I esteem you, I shall approve of whatever you have done.’ Cic. Fam. 3.3.2)

Instances of the combination of a preposition with a subordinator are all (very) Late. An example is (m).²¹ ²⁰ See Herman (1963: 74–116) on these ‘locutions conjonctives’. ²¹ See Sz.: 583, Norberg (1943: 232–42), and especially Herman (1963: 88–104) for combinations of prepositions with quod, much less often quia and ut—e.g. ante, de, post, pro, propter (taken as an adverb in TLL s.v. 2117.43ff.), secundum—in Late Latin. See also TLL s.v. pro 1435.51ff. (very late).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

(m)

. . . et cibum recusat et multum bibet, propter quod ardorem siccum pulmonis patitur. (‘. . . and he rejects food and drinks a lot, because he suffers a dry burning of the lungs.’ Mulom. Chir. 170) Scholars have had difficulty describing combinations such as praeter quod, that is combinations in which a word that is used as both a preposition and an adverb is followed by a subordinator. Praeter in the combination praeter quod ‘except that’ is described as an adverb by TLL s.v. praeter 1001.33ff. The OLD makes a distinction between praeter adverb (§ B) and praeter conjunction (§ C) and calls it a conjunction in the cases under discussion ( praeter id quod is attested earlier, from Mela onwards). For other combinations meaning ‘except that’, see § 16.84.

A number of verbs that govern argument clauses with ut are also used with subordinate clauses in the subjunctive without a subordinator, and with some verbs this is quite common (with facio, for example). Two examples are (n) and (o) (the null sign ‘Ø’ indicates the missing ut). In this Syntax such clauses are called ‘clauses with a simple subjunctive’. For further illustrations of this type of clause, see § 15.83, and, for exceptional instances of satellite clauses, § 16.4. (n)

Rogo vos Ø quam primum mihi rescribatis. (‘I beg you to answer this letter as promptly as possible.’ D. Brut. Fam. 11.15)

(o)

Qui Summanu’s? Fac Ø sciam. (‘How come you’re Summanus? Let me know.’ Pl. Cur. 414) Appendix: The use of an infinitive in an ut subordinate clause is twice attested in Livy and a few times in later texts. However, most instances are emended, as in (p).²² (p) Tribuni plebis appellati ab L.  Scipione ita decreverunt ut, si morbi causa excusaretur, sibi placere accipi eam causam diemque a collegis prodici. (‘The tribunes of the people, when appealed to by Lucius Scipio, thus decreed: that, if the plea of illness were submitted, it was their pleasure that this plea should be accepted and the case adjourned by their colleagues.’ Liv. 38.52.8—NB: editors since Frobenius eliminate ut)

. Non-finite subordinate clauses The ‘non-finite clauses’ as in Table 14.1 constitute a very heterogeneous set; they are discussed separately below. The main concern here will be the internal structure of these clauses. Their distribution is discussed in Chapters 15, 16, and 17.

²² Also Liv. 5.15.11, Gaius Inst. 3.160, Cypr. Ep. 57.5. See Panchón (2007: 166–9). See also §  7.71, Appendix.

The internal properties of subordinate clauses



. The internal structure of accusative and infinitive clauses A distinction must be made between accusative and infinitive clauses (abbreviated: AcI clauses) that are used with verbs of perception, cognition, and communication, and AcI clauses with manipulation verbs. Only the first class is discussed in detail in this section. Examples of the first class are (a)–(h). The subjects of the clauses are in the accusative (me, hanc, Marcellum, clipeum, se, hoc, gratias, and nihil). In (a)–(d) and in (f)– (h) the subjects of the accusative and infinitive clause are different from those of their main clause; in (e), the reflexive pronoun se is coreferential with the subject of praedicat. See also suo and sibi in (g). All three infinitives (present (a), perfect (b), or future (c)) are possible.²³ The AcI clause may be active or passive. Examples of a passive accusative and infinitive clause are (f) and (g), both with the agents expressed (ab accusatore, ab his) (though this is relatively rare). The nominal parts of complex verb forms, such as natam in (b), and subject complements, such as salvum in (d), agree with the subject of the accusative and infinitive clause in the usual way. Apart from arguments required by the verb or a comparable expression the AcI clause may contain adjuncts of various kinds, like Athenis in (b) and in pompam and ludis aedilibus in (e). Ex. (g) also has a disjunct, sine dubio, a sign that the clause is declarative. An AcI clause may contain modal expressions, as in (h). Note that in (e) part of the AcI clause precedes the governing verb praedicat (see also § 23.66). (a)

Audivistin’ tu me narrare haec hodie? (‘Did you hear me tell her about this today?’ Pl. Am. 748)

(b)

Quid ego ex te audio? # Hanc Athenis esse natam liberam. (‘What do I hear from you? # That this girl was born free in Athens.’ Pl. Rud. 739)

(c)

Quid . . . spectans deus ipse diceret Marcellum . . . in mari esse periturum? (‘What consideration could lead the god himself to say that Marcellus was going to die at sea?’ Cic. Fat. 33)

(d)

. . . ei percontanti dictum est clipeum esse salvum . . . (‘When he asked, it was related to him that his shield was safe . . .’ Cic. Fam. 5.12.5)

(e)

Non audis? Mures Africanos praedicat / in pompam ludis dare se velle aedilibus. (‘Can’t you hear? He states that he wants to present African mice for the parade at the games of the aediles.’ Pl. Poen. 1011–12)

(f)

At hoc ab accusatore ne dici quidem audistis. (‘You have not heard this so much as mentioned by the accuser.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 39)

²³ For the increase of the use of (active and passive) future infinitives in Classical Latin as compared to Early Latin, see Perrochat (1932b: 1–83).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (g)

. . . Scipio cum existimasset pro suo beneficio sine dubio ab his gratias sibi actum iri, potestatem iis dicundi fecit. (‘Since Scipio had determined that gratitude would undoubtedly be expressed by them for his kindness, he gave them permission to speak.’ B. Afr. 45.1)

(h)

. . . videbat re publica oppressa nihil posse decerni. (‘. . . he saw that with the Republic crushed nothing could be decreed.’ Cic. Phil. 8.5)

In (a) the accusative and infinitive clause functions as the object of active audivistin’; it could be replaced by id or something similar. This can be seen from (b), where the AcI clause as a whole constitutes the answer to the preceding question, replacing the object quid in that question. The subject of the accusative and infinitive clause fulfils no function in the main clause, nor does the infinitive. In this respect the accusative and infinitive clause differs from the accusative and prolative infinitive construction (see § 14.11). When the governing verb is in the so-called impersonal passive, the AcI clause functions as the subject, as in (d), where clipeum esse salvum is the subject. The fact that dictum (est) is neuter singular shows that the accusative and infinitive clause counts as neuter singular. Supplement: Modal expression: . . . cum (sapiens) sibi cum capitali adversario, dolore, depugnandum videret . . . (Cic. Fin. 4.31) Passive infinitive with explicit agent: . . . sophistas . . . lusos videmus a Socrate. (Cic. Fin. 2.2); . . . ut ab ipsis Stoicis scriptum videmus . . . (Cic. Fin. 4.15); . . . ne fando quidem auditum est crocodillum . . . violatum ab Aegyptio. (Cic. N.D. 1.82).

Accusative and infinitive clauses have their own illocutionary force, as was shown in (g) above by the use of the disjunct sine dubio. Most often they are declarative. For interrogative AcI clauses, see § 15.105. For the use of the AcI in relative clauses, see ex. (m) in § 14.1 and § 15.107. When the context offers sufficient support, the subject of the AcI clause is quite often not expressed.²⁴ The unexpressed subject is easier to supply if it is identical with the subject of the main clause, as in (i), but sometimes it must be inferred from the context, as in ( j), where eum has to be supplied referring to the barber in his shop who is mentioned before. Implicit subjects are particularly common in comedy, but they are also found in early tragedy, in Cicero (most examples one finds quoted are from the letters, but see (k) and (l)), Caesar, and other authors. There is no reason to assume that it was typical of a lower variety of (spoken) Latin.²⁵ In the examples below the null sign ‘Ø’ indicates an unexpressed subject.

²⁴ For a survey of accusative and infinitive clauses without an explicit subject in Early Latin, see Bennett: I.383–8. For other authors, see the references in Sz.: 362. ²⁵ See de Melo (2006). For Cicero, see Lebreton (1901b: 378). For Tertullian, see Hoppe (1903: 49–50= 1985: 101).

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (i)



. . . neque ego hau committam ut, si quid peccatum siet, / Ø fecisse dicas de [me] mea sententia. (‘I won’t run the risk that if any mistake is made you might say that you had done it according to my verdict.’ Pl. Bac. 1037–8)

( j)

Sed utrum strictimne Ø adtonsurum dicam esse an per pectinem, / nescio. (‘But whether I should say that he’s going to give him a close shave or one through the comb, I don’t know.’ Pl. Capt. 268–9)

(k)

Hic alios negasse Ø audere, alios respondisse Ø non putare id perfici posse. (‘At this, some of them had said they would not dare to try it, others had replied that they did not believe it could be managed.’ Cic. Ver. 23)

(l)

Qui negare noluit esse in eo numero Sullam . . . Ø nescire dixit. (‘The man who did not like to deny that Sulla was among that number said he did not know.’ Cic. Sul. 39) Supplement: Id ego aecum ac iustum fecisse expedibo atque eloquar. (Enn. scen. 148J); Pol si istuc faxis, hau sine poena feceris, / si ille huc rebitet, sicut confido affore. (Pl. Capt. 695–6); Ut, si sequentur me, hac abiisse censeant. (Pl. Men. 556); Nisi forte illud quod dicturum te esse audio, quaestorem illius fuisse. (Cic. Div. Caec. 59); Iam ne nocte quidem turba ex eo loco dilabebatur refracturosque carcerem minabantur, cum remisso eo, quod erepturi erant, ex senatus consulto Manlius vinclis liberatur. (Liv. 6.17.6); Certe enim oblitos (sc. esse) agitis. (Tert. Apol. 10.6); Meminerat certe, nisi circumcisum scirent, non admittendum in sancta sanctorum. (Tert. Marc. 4.7.7) The subjects of present active infinitives with a future reference (quite common in Early Latin, see §§  7.68–9) are relatively often identical to the subject of the main clause, which explains why they are more often implicit than in accusative and infinitive clauses that contain another infinitive. Another facilitating factor is the endings of the participial elements of perfect passive and future active infinitives, as well as adjective endings (de Melo 2006). An example is (m), where the ending -am makes it clear that the speaker is talking about his daughter. (m) Postremo etiam, si voles, / desponsam quoque esse dicito. (‘And finally, if you want, even say that my daughter is engaged.’ Ter. Hau. 865–6) Sometimes one may have difficulty in deciding whether the infinitive is part of an accusative and infinitive clause (without a subject) or a prolative infinitive.

With manipulation verbs, the use of an AcI clause is for most governing verbs restricted to their use as a two-place verb. The AcI clause may be active or passive, but it is restricted in other ways. For details, see § 15.100. Accusative and infinitive clauses can be used as subject or object at the clause level (see §  15.93), and as argument with certain nouns and adjectives (see §  17.13 and § 17.28). For rare instances of AcI clauses in a satellite position, see § 14.16, ex. (f).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure There has been extensive debate in the literature on the origin and structure of the  AcI (see §  12.5). For the distinction between the accusative and infinitive and the  prolative infinitive clauses, see Bolkestein (1976a, 1976b, 1977b, and 1979) and,  from a diachronic perspective, Hettrich  (1992). See also Adams (2005a) on documentary data.

. The nominative and infinitive construction The nominative and infinitive construction (nominativus cum infinitivo, abbreviated: NcI), illustrated by (a), is often regarded as a personal passive counterpart of the use of the accusative and infinitive clause in (b), which itself is often labelled an ‘impersonal’ passive construction. In (a), habitare has no explicit subject of its own: the person living in the house is Demaenetus, the subject of the passive verb form dicitur or, in other words: the agent of habitare is coreferential with the subject of dicitur. In (b), the accusative and infinitive clause is as a whole the subject of dictum’st. The Latin expression in (a) resembles the English expression John was said to be in Birmingham, where the entity to which be in Birmingham applies manifests itself as subject of the passive expression was said. (a)

. . . hasce aedis esse oportet / Demaenetus ubi dicitur habitare. (‘. . . it ought to be this house here where Demaenetus is said to live.’ Pl. As. 381–2)

(b)

In hac habitasse platea dictum’st Chrysidem . . . (‘It is said that Chrysis lived on this street.’ Ter. An. 796)

There is a second type of nominative and infinitive construction with a passive infinitive, illustrated by (c). Here, the patient of captus esse is coreferential with the subject of dici. A corresponding ‘impersonal’ construction with a passive accusative and infinitive clause functioning as the subject is (d). (c)

Hoc commode reprehenditur, si dici possit ex hostibus equus esse captus . . . (‘A proper answer is made to this if the horse can be said to have been captured from the enemy . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.85)

(d)

. . . mihi et dictum est et scriptum vehementer consilium vestrum reprehendi . . . (‘. . . it was both said to me and written that your tactics were being strongly criticized . . .’ Cic. Att. 3.24.1)

Just as with the accusative and infinitive clause all three active infinitives are possible in the nominative and infinitive construction, as can be seen in (e) and (f), with a future and a perfect infinitive, respectively (for further examples, see § 15.110). For a present passive infinitive in the ‘patient’ type of nominative and infinitive construction, see (g). (e)

Is nunc dicitur / venturus peregre. (‘Now he’s said to be about to come from abroad.’ Pl. Truc. 84–5)

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (f)



(sc. Pelias) . . . quem medicamento et suis venenis (sc. Medea) dicitur / fecisse rursus ex sene adulescentulum . . . (‘(sc. Pelias) . . . whom she’s said to have turned from an old man into a young one again with her medicine and potions . . .’ Pl. Ps. 870–1)

(g)

Amplissime laudari existimabatur qui ita laudabatur. (‘One so praised was thought to be praised most honourably.’ Cato Agr. praef. 2)

Apart from the formal differences, the AcI and NcI constructions differ in many other respects as well. Firstly, unlike the accusative and infinitive clause, the nominative and infinitive construction cannot be said to fulfil a function within a superordinate clause; it thus resembles the ‘fused’ clauses discussed in §§ 14.10–13 in the requirement of identity of the subject of the main verb and the agent or patient of the infinitive. Secondly, it seems unlikely that attitudinal disjuncts were allowed with the nominative and infinitive. Thirdly, there are differences in the contexts in which the AcI and NcI can be used (see § 15.111). For these reasons the NcI will be regarded as a distinct construction in this Syntax.

. ‘Fused’ clauses Infinitival, gerundial, and supine clauses have in common that the first argument of the clause has to be inferred from the superordinate clause. These clauses are called fused clauses in this Syntax. In (a), for example, the first argument that is understood with the (prolative) infinitive monere (object) is identical to the subject of volo. In (b), the first argument of the gerundial clause is identical to the subject of abrogant; the gerundial clause functions as means adjunct in its sentence. In (c), the agent of the supine clause (a purpose adjunct) is identical to the subject of isse. The clausal character of these expressions appears from the fact that they contain arguments and in (b) and (c) also satellites. (a)

At hoc volo, monere te. (‘But what I want is to warn you.’ Pl. Ps. 915)

(b)

Male fidem servando illis quoque abrogant etiam fidem / qui nil meriti. (‘By keeping faith badly they take away faith even from those who haven’t done anything wrong.’ Pl. Trin. 1048–9)

(c)

Alii di (sc. Iovem) isse ad villam aiebant servis depromptum cibum. (‘The other gods said he’d gone to his country estate to deal out rations to his slaves.’ Pl. Trin. 944)

Whereas in (a)–(c) the first argument of the subordinate clause is the same as the subject of the main verb, identity with another argument is common as well, as is shown in (d) and (e): in (d) the first argument of the infinitive adsentari is identical to mihi, the indirect object of the three-place verb imperavi; in (e), the first argument



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

of reverti is identical to eum, the object of rogo. A comparable example of the supine is (f). (d)

Postremo imperavi egomet mihi / omnia adsentari. (‘Finally I ordered myself to agree with them in everything.’ Ter. Eu. 252–3)

(e)

Sed nunc quoque eum reverti / maturius ex Dalmatia rogo. (‘But now I appeal to him to hasten his return from Dalmatia.’ Stat. Silv. 4.pr.20)

(f)

Pamphilam / cantatum provocemu’. (‘Let’s summon Pamphila to sing.’ Ter. Eu. 442–3)

. Prolative infinitive clauses Prolative infinitive clauses are of several types.²⁶ The examples used in the preceding section and repeated here illustrate two types: those functioning as object with twoplace verbs, as in (a), and those functioning as object with three-place verbs, as in (b). The object status of monere te in (a) appears from the presence of the cataphorically used pronoun hoc. With so-called impersonal verbs like licet ‘it is permitted’, the prolative clause functions as the subject, as in (c). (a)

At hoc volo, monere te. (‘But what I want is to warn you.’ Pl. Ps. 915)

(b)

Postremo imperavi egomet mihi / omnia adsentari. (‘Finally I ordered myself to agree with them in everything.’ Ter. Eu. 252–3)

(c)

Nunc licet mi libere quidvis loqui. (‘Now it is permitted to me to say anything freely.’ Pl. Am. 393)

If the prolative infinitive clause contains the copula sum, the subject complement agrees with a constituent of the superordinate clause: in (d), callidus and veterator agree with homo luteus, the subject of vult; in (e), quieto agrees with tibi, the second argument of licet. The same goes for secondary predicates, like tacitus with os tuum praebere in (f). (For the rules of agreement involved, and some exceptions, see § 13.18.) (d)

Deinde in hoc homo luteus etiam callidus ac veterator esse vult . . . (‘In the second place, this dirty fellow wants even in this to seem cunning and wily . . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.35)

(e)

Per hanc curam quieto tibi licet esse. (‘As far as that worry is concerned, you can be calm.’ Pl. Epid. 338)

(f)

. . . iis (sc. testibus) tacitus os tuum praebere malueris . . . (‘. . . you who preferred to show them your face without speaking a word . . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.41)

²⁶ ‘The infinitive used in this way with a finite verb is called the Prolative Infinitive because it “carries on” or extends the sense of the finite verb.’ (Woodcock 1959: 16).

The internal properties of subordinate clauses



With three-place verbs such as rogo—see (e) in § 14.10—the second argument functions as object; accordingly, when the verb is passive, the second argument functions as subject, as in (g). (g)

Et sane cum quis rogatur accepta certa quantitate portionem restituere, duplex est fideicommissum . . . (‘Certainly, when a man is asked, after he has accepted a certain sum, to restore his portion, the fideicommissum is double . . .’ Ulp. dig. 32.11.3)

Formally, quis rogatur restituere in (g) resembles the first type of nominative and infinitive construction illustrated by Demaenetus dicitur habitare in ex. (a) in § 14.9. However, there is a semantic difference: whereas quis in (g) is the person the question is addressed to, Demaenetus is not the addressee of dicitur. The addressee with the verb dico is in the dative and can also be expressed in a nominative and infinitive construction with dico, as in (h). (h)

Dicitur mihi tuus servus anagnostes fugitivus cum Vardaeis esse. (‘They tell me that a runaway slave of yours, a reader, is with the Vardaei.’ Vat. Fam. 5.9.2)

Another important difference between (g) and the nominative and infinitive construction is that the infinitive in a prolative infinitive clause is usually restricted to the present (see §§ 7.68–9, where there are also examples of a few other infinitives). In addition, with three-place rogo the second type of nominative clause with a passive infinitive (see § 14.9) is excluded. For further details concerning the prolative infinitive at the clause level, see §§ 15.114ff.²⁷ With three-place verbs of accusing and convicting there are no restrictions, as is shown in (i) and ( j) (for accusative and infinitive clauses with these verbs when meaning ‘to prove’ or ‘to allege’, see § 15.130). (i) . . . insimulant eum (sc. Ulixem) tragoediae simulatione insaniae militiam subterfugere voluisse. (‘. . . the tragedies charge him (sc. Ulysses) with having wanted to escape a soldier’s service by feigning madness.’ Cic. Off. 3.97—perfect infinitive) ( j) . . . incusabatur facile toleraturus exilium . . . (‘. . . the charge was made that he would carry his exile lightly . . .’ Tac. Ann. 6.3.3—future infinitive)

The combination of a prolative infinitive clause and volo in (a) and vult in (d) looks like but is actually not an auxiliary + infinitive phrase; for the difference, see § 4.98. Prolative infinitive clauses are also used with nouns and adjectives (see § 17.15 and § 17.29, respectively). In Early Latin and in poetry infinitive clauses can also be used as adjuncts with verbs of movement, as in (k), and with the verb do ‘to give’ and related verbs, as in (l). The

²⁷ For the restrictions that hold for prolative infinitive clauses, see Bolkestein (1976a and 1976b).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure term ‘prolative’ is not used for such infinitive clauses in this Syntax. For further details, see § 16.86. (k) Illa autem in arcem abiit aedem visere / Minervae. (‘She has gone to the acropolis to visit the temple of Minerva.’ Pl. Bac. 900–1) (l) Age, circumfer mulsum, bibere da usque plenis cantharis. (‘Go on, pass the honey-wine round, give us to drink from full goblets.’ Pl. Per. 821)

. Gerundial clauses Gerundial clauses can be used as arguments (see §§  15.136–8) and as satellites (see § 16.99–104) at the clause level, as well as with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs at a lower level (see §§ 17.17–20; 31–4). They cannot, however, function as subject (see § 5.42). In Late Latin they can also be used as secondary predicates in more or less the same way as present participles (see §  21.14). Gerundial clauses may contain arguments and/or adjuncts, as in (a), two arguments; in (b), a (contextually given) argument and an adjunct (saepius); and in (c), one argument with each gerund (see also (b) in § 14.10). However, instead of a gerundial clause containing an object, gerundival clauses are preferred (see §  15.140). Satellites are very uncommon. Disjuncts and connectors and interactive particles are not allowed. (a)

Homines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt quam salutem hominibus dando. (‘For in nothing do men more nearly approach the gods than in doing good to their fellow-men.’ Cic. Lig. 38—NB: parallelism with nulla re)

(b)

Deinde saepius dando (sc. munus gladiatorum) et modo volneribus tenus, modo sine missione, etiam [et] familiare oculis gratumque id spectaculum fecit . . . (‘Then by frequent repetitions, by sometimes allowing the fighters to go only as far as wounding one another, sometimes permitting them to fight without giving quarter, he made the sight familiar and even pleasing . . .’ Liv. 41.20.12)

(c)

. . . duorum labori ego hominum parsissem lubens, / mei te rogandi et tis respondendi mihi. (‘. . . I’d have been happy to spare two people from trouble, me from asking you and you from answering me.’ Pl. Ps. 4–5)

The first argument of the gerundial clause is almost always identical to the subject of the superordinate clause. When ipse is used in the gerundial clause, it agrees with this subject, as in (d). An exception to the rule of coreferentiality is (e): with the zerovalent verb pluit (see § 4.90) coreferentiality is excluded. For further exceptions, see § 16.101 fin., (f).

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (d)



Sed eos Ser. Sulpicius Galba . . . prensando ipse . . . stimulaverat ut frequentes ad suffragium adessent. (‘But Servius Sulpicius Galba had egged on the men to appear for voting in full numbers, by buttonholing the men himself.’ Liv. 45.35.8)

(e)

. . . Mucius . . . diceret omnem aquam oportere arceri quae pluendo crevisset. (‘. . . Mucius would come to argue that all water which has risen because of rain should be excluded.’ Cic. Top. 38)

. Supine clauses For the categorial status of the two supines and their relation, see §  3.21. The first supine (in -um) functions as a purpose adjunct at the clause level, whereas the second supine (in -u) is almost restricted to adjectives. With the first supine arguments are not uncommon nor is it difficult to find adjuncts, as in (c) in § 14.10 and in (a) below, with an object and a beneficiary adjunct. With the second supine arguments and satellites are rarely attested, which may be due to its infrequency. A rare instance of a satellite is Latino sermone in (b). With both supines disjuncts and discourse particles are excluded. For further details, see §§ 16.111–13. (a)

Iam hercle ego per hortum ad amicam transibo meam / mi hanc occupatum noctem. (‘Now I’ll go over to my girlfriend through the garden in order to secure this night for myself.’ Pl. St. 437–8)

(b)

Ex his (sc. oppidis) digna memoratu aut Latino sermone dictu facilia, a flumine Ana litore Oceani oppidum Ossonoba . . . (‘Worthy of mention in this district, or easy to say in Latin, are: on the ocean coast beginning at the river Guadiana, the town Ossonoba . . .’ Plin. Nat. 3.7)

. Participial, gerundival, and nominal clauses The four remaining classes in Table 14.1 above (p. 6), both the verbal and the nominal ones, differ considerably from those discussed so far. With regard to their internal structure, they consist of an element that corresponds to the subject in a simple finite clause and an element that functions like a subject complement. This is shown in (a). The internal structure of me . . . auctore, an ablative absolute clause, resembles that of (ego) auctor sum in (b), where ego is the subject and the noun auctor the subject complement.²⁸ Interestingly, the roles of the content of the advice and the person acting as adviser are inverted: in (a) the content of the advice is the main clause and the person acting as adviser subordinate; in (b) the content of the advice is governed by the person acting as adviser. ²⁸ Latin has no present participle of the verb sum.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (a)

Non me quidem / faciet auctore hodie ut illum decipiat. (‘Not with me advising him will he bring about the deception of that man today.’ Pl. St. 602–3)

(b)

. . . Lysimache, auctor sum ut me amando enices. (‘Lysimachus, I give you permission to kill me by loving me.’ Pl. Mer. 312)

In (a) the subject complement-like constituent is a noun. This function can also be fulfilled by constituents that belong to other lexical categories. Ex. (c) contains two coordinated ablative absolute clauses, one with a present participle (dicente), the other with an adjective (vivo). This adjective might theoretically be taken as an attribute modifying Sulla (which would then be its head), thus making it a noun phrase instead of a clause. However, the coordination with contra dicente Cotta proves that this analysis is incorrect. (c)

Atque hoc et contra dicente Cotta et Sulla vivo iudicatum est. (‘And this verdict was given though Cotta opposed it and Sulla was still alive.’ Cic. Caec. 97)

Further support for the treatment of Sulla vivo as a clause and not as a phrase (and consequently for the treatment of vivo not as an (optional) attribute of Sulla, but as a subject complement-like constituent, as in Sulla vivus erat) can be found in the observation that Sulla alone would be difficult to understand. As for dicente in (c), this can be compared with the use of a finite verb, as in Cotta contra dicebat. Present participles rarely function as subject complement (see § 7.78 and § 9.23). Of the other participles the use of the perfect passive participle in participial clauses is very common, the perfect deponent rare, and the future participle extremely rare. In Early Latin nouns and adjectives are much more common than participles. An indication of the relative frequency of the various categories used in ablative absolute clauses is given in Table 14.2.²⁹ Table . Categories of subject complements in ablative absolute clauses in the letters of Cicero, Seneca, Pliny the Younger, and Fronto Perfect participles

Present participles

Adjectives

Nouns

Total

Cicero

58%

23%

10%

9%

741

Seneca

52%

40%

7%

1%

204

Pliny

58%

32%

6%

4%

279

Fronto

60%

33%

2%

5%

85

Another type is the gerundival clause lamentando . . . filio in (d). Here, too, filio alone would be difficult to interpret. ²⁹ For the development of the use of the various categories in the ablative absolute, see FlinckLinkomies (1929). For numerical data, see Steele (1902: 298; 1904: 315) on Livy and the letters used for Table 14.2 respectively, partially repeated in Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 138).

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (d)



Thetis quoque etiam lamentando pausam fecit filio. (‘And even Thetis stopped lamenting for her son.’ Pl. Truc. 731)

In accordance with the rules of agreement (see § 13.2) the subject complements, participles, and gerundives in these clauses agree with their subject constituents. There are a few exceptions to the rule of agreement between the two constituents of  the ablative absolute that already drew the attention of ancient commentators. Examples are: absente nobis (Ter. Eu. 649); praesente amicis (Pompon. com. 47); praesente multis (Rhet. Her. 4.16); posuit · / titulum de suo · astan- / te civibus · suis / impensi · . . . (CIL V.895 (Aquilea, Imperial period)).³⁰

As for the subject of these clauses, it is usually a noun or a noun phrase (or a proper name). However, the subject may also be a pronoun, and this is the most frequent category in Early Latin. Interrogative and relative pronouns and phrases functioning as subject of a participial phrase deserve special mention. Two examples of interrogative expressions are given in (e) and (f). For autonomous relative clauses and for argument clauses functioning as subject of participial clauses, see § 16.91. (e)

. . . tu vero quibus rebus gestis, quo hoste superato contionem donandi causa advocare ausus es? (‘But what victory had you won, what enemy had you defeated, that you should dare to summon a public meeting at which to make such presentations?’ Cic. Ver. 3.185)

(f)

Musa, mihi causas memora, quo numine laeso / quidve dolens regina deum tot volvere casus / insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores / impulerit. (‘Tell me, O Muse, the causes; wherein thwarted in will or wherefor angered, did the Queen of heaven drive a man, of goodness so wondrous, to traverse so many perils, to face so many toils.’ Verg. A. 1.8–12)

The clausal character of the expressions under discussion deserves some further elaboration. In (g), the combination of the participle occisus and the noun dictator functions as the subject of the subordinate clause. (g)

. . . cum occisus dictator . . . pulcherrimum facinus videretur. (‘. . . when the slaughter of the dictator . . . seemed the finest of acts.’ Tac. Ann. 1.8.6— tr. Woodman)

This combination, just like Sulla vivo in (c), has at first sight all the properties of a noun phrase. The perfect passive participle occisus agrees with the human common noun dictator in the same way as an attributive participle, and the unit as a whole is singular, as can be seen from its agreement with the third person singular verb form (videretur). Semantically, however, the unit does not refer to a human being with the property of being dead, but to the fact that this particular human being has been killed. Thus the unit behaves as an event noun from the semantic point of view (for

³⁰ See TLL s.v. praesens 838.55ff.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

example occisio dictatoris—note the translation),³¹ and accordingly can be described as a most beautiful action. This analysis of the combination is corroborated by the existence of a few instances of coordination of a participial clause and a noun phrase containing a deverbal noun, as in (h).³² (h)

Decuriatio tribulium, discriptio populi, suffragia largitione devincta severitatem senatus et bonorum omnium vocem ac dolorem excitarunt. (‘It was the dividing of the men of a tribe into decuries, the classification of the whole people, and the attempt to bind men’s votes by bribes, that provoked the severity of the senate and the energetic indignation of all good men.’ Cic. Planc. 45)

Further evidence that these clauses behave as one unit can be seen in the fact that they can be replaced by a clause of some sort. Thus the ablative absolute clause in (i) can be replaced by a postquam clause, as is shown in ( j).³³ A participial clause can also be pronominalized, as it is by quod in (k).³⁴ (i)

(Cethegus) . . . recitatis litteris (a me, sc. Cicerone) . . . repente conticuit. (‘(Cethegus) . . . after his letter was read out (by me) . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10)

( j)

Postquam litteras recitavi (ego {Cicero}), Cethegus repente conticuit.

(k)

Plerique amicorum Alexandri non tam criminum quae palam obiciebantur atrocitatem quam memoriam occisi per illos Parmenionis, quod tacitum prodesse reis apud regem poterat, intuebantur . . . (‘Very many of Alexander’s friends had an eye, not so much to the atrocity of the crimes that were openly laid to the charge of these men, as to the memory that they had killed Parmenion, which might secretly help the accused with the king . . .’ Curt. 10.1.6—NB: quod tacitum is also a participial clause)

The clausal character of participial clauses appears also from the possibility of adding arguments and satellites. This possibility is fully exploited by authors like Livy, especially for the ablative absolute clause, as in (l). The ablative absolute clause between the square brackets [[ . . . ]] contains two satellites, prius and a subordinate ablative absolute clause (agro . . . diviso), which in turn contains the satellite viritim. Its subject agro is expanded by a participial phrase functioning as its attribute (between curly brackets). (For similar cases of complexity, see § 16.91.) ³¹ However, participial clauses differ from deverbal nouns in several respects. See Spevak (2018). ³² Holland (1986) discusses the various forms of absolute constructions in older Indo-European languages. He suggests that absolute constructions are essentially nominal sentences that have been grammaticalized and received different case forms in the various languages. The idea that the ablative absolute functions as a clausal unit and not as an expanded noun phrase has been supported inter alios by Flinck-Linkomies (1929: especially 92–6), Heick (1936), Pinkster (1972), Helander (1977: 28–9 and passim), Serbat  (1979), Bolkestein (1981a), Lavency  (1986), Hoff  (1989), Longrée  (1995), Nikitina and Haug (2016), and Spevak (2018). ³³ The equivalence of the ablative absolute clause with a finite temporal clause was already noted by Priscianus (18.14ff.): me vidente puerum cecidisti = dum ego video, puerum cecidisti. See also § 16.88 and § 16.89. ³⁴ This point is illustrated by Storme (2010: 126–7).

The internal properties of subordinate clauses (l)



Servius . . . [[conciliata prius voluntate plebis (agro {capto ex hostibus} viritim diviso)]] ausus est ferre ad populum vellent iuberentne se regnare. (‘Servius . . . with the goodwill of the commons having first been obtained through a division among all the citizens of the land captured from the enemy, made bold to call upon the people to vote whether they were desiring or ordering him to rule.’ Liv. 1.46.1)

Another proof of the clausal character of participial clauses is the use of negators, as in (m).³⁵ (m)

Atque ex omnibus illa plaga est iniecta petitioni tuae non tacente me maxima . . . (‘And the greatest of all these blows against your campaign fell not without a warning from me.’ Cic. Mur. 48)

The examples discussed so far showed clauses functioning at the sentence level. However, participial and gerundival clauses can also be used at the noun phrase and the adjective phrase levels, as in (n), repeated from § 3.20. Here the gerundival clause is in the genitive, just like the noun phrase with which it is coordinated. The clauses discussed in this section are as a whole marked by the case or the preposition that is suitable in the context. (For further details, see Chapter 17.) (n)

. . . habere utramque debet disciplinam, et agri culturae et pecoris pascendi . . . (‘. . . he ought to have a knowledge of both pursuits, agriculture and cattle-raising . . .’ Var. R. 2.pr.5)

Table 14.3 presents a survey of the various functions participial and nominal clauses may fulfil in their sentences. There are not attestations for all the structurally possible Table . Syntactic functions of participial and nominal clauses verbal (participial) function

perf. pass.

argument

occisus dictator (o)

satellite: bare case

recitatis litteris (s)

satellite: preposition

ob amicitiam servatam (x)

attribute in a noun phrase

conservatae rei publicae testimonium (z)

perf. dep.

orta luce (t)

nominal

pres. act.

noun

fugiens Pompeius (p)

filius orator (q) gnarus hostis (r)

nullo hoste prohibente (u)

me auctore (v) civibus salvis (w) ante me consulem (y)

³⁵ For the use of negators with participles in general, see Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 39–44).

adjective



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

expressions, and some attested expressions are rare and only found in mannered literary texts, for example in the works of Tacitus. These expressions are printed in bold. Examples follow below. (o)

. . . occisus dictator . . . pulcherrimum facinus videretur. (‘. . . the slaughter of the dictator . . . seemed the finest of acts.’ Tac. Ann. 1.8.6—tr. Woodman)

(p)

Fugiens . . . Pompeius mirabiliter homines movet. (‘The picture of Pompey on the run affects people marvellously.’ Cic. Att. 7.11.4)

(q)

. . . filius legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa quae per modestiam non obtinuissent. (‘. . . the sight of their general’s son pleading the common cause showed plainly enough that the things which they could not have obtained by orderly methods had been extracted by force.’ Tac. Ann. 1.19.5)

(r)

Augebat metum gnarus Romanae seditionis et, si omitteretur ripa, invasurus hostis. (‘To add to the alarm, the enemy was cognizant of the disaffection of the Roman ranks, and invasion was certain if the Rhine bank was abandoned.’ Tac. Ann. 1.36.2)

(s)

(sc. Cethegus) recitatis litteris . . . repente conticuit. (‘(Cethegus,) after his letter was read out . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10)

(t)

. . . orta luce sub sinistra Britanniam relictam conspexit (sc. Caesar). (‘. . . at sunrise (Caesar) sighted Britain left behind on the port side.’ Caes. Gal. 5.8.1)

(u)

. . . nullo hoste prohibente aut iter demorante incolumem legionem in antuates . . . perduxit ibique hiemavit. (‘. . . as there was no enemy to hinder him or delay his march, he brought the legion safely into the territory of the Nantuates . . . and there wintered.’ Caes. Gal. 3.6.4)

(v)

Nicias . . . etsi invito me tamen eodem me auctore, profectus est. (‘Nicias . . ., on my advice though against my will, set out.’ Cic. Att. 13.28.3)

(w)

Hostibus victis, civibus salvis . . . / . . . vobis gratis habeo atque ago, quia probe sum ultus meum inimicum. (‘Now that the foes are conquered, the citizens safe . . . I say and give thanks to you . . . because I have taken proper revenge on my enemy.’ Pl. Per. 753–6)

(x)

Amicitiam nonne facile (sc. defendere fuit) ei qui ob eam summa fide, constantia iustitiaque servatam maximam gloriam ceperit? (‘Would not the defence of friendship be easy for that man who on account of his preserving it with the utmost fidelity, constancy and sense of justice has gained the greatest renown?’ Cic. Amic. 25)

(y)

. . . mortuus est annis LXXXVI ipsis ante me consulem. (‘. . . he died . . . exactly eighty-six years before my consulship.’ Cic. Brut. 61)

Relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses  (z)

Sibi enim bene gestae, mihi conservatae rei publicae dat testimonium. (‘He bears witness to the state having been by him well served, by me saved.’ Cic. Att. 2.1.6)

Grammarians have used various terms and notions for these clauses. This Syntax will use the expression dominant (participle) construction.³⁶

14.15 Means of tightening and making more explicit the relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses The relation between subordinate and superordinate clauses can be strengthened by various devices. correlative expressions in the superordinate clause, either preparing for a subordinate clause to come or referring back to one that has preceded, are shown in §  14.16 and §  14.17.³⁷ These expressions serve several purposes, one of which is to make the structure of the sentence more transparent, especially when it is long. They can also serve to draw attention to a salient element. A second device is the use of various particles and adverbs that clarify the relationship between the two clauses (§ 14.18). A third device is the use of various forms of interlacing: the integration of elements that semantically belong to one clause into the syntactic structure of the other clause (§ 14.19).

. Preparative elements in the main clause Subordinate clauses can be announced in the superordinate clause by means of preparative expressions of various types.³⁸ Very common are neuter (almost always singular)³⁹ forms of the pronouns hic, ille, is, and (rarely) iste, in that order of frequency.⁴⁰ Examples of each of these pronouns are (a)–(d). For their cataphoric use in general, see § 11.139. The use of cataphoric pronouns is particularly frequent in interactive texts (e.g. letters, orations, and drama).⁴¹

³⁶ The term ‘dominant participle’ was introduced by A.G. de Man in his Dutch school grammar Accipe ut reddas (1965). A more common term is ab urbe condita construction. See Woodcock (1959: 75–7), Bolkestein (1980b; 1980c; 1981b; 1983), Lambertz (1982: 568–86), and Haspelmath (1987). ³⁷ For a very complete survey of correlative devices, see Herman (1963: 74–104). ³⁸ See Bodelot (2000: 41–158) on ‘complétives et construction appositionnelle’. Also Bodelot (2003: 201–5; 2010; 2016) and Lavency (2003: 115–25). ³⁹ For a few exceptional instances of the plural, see TLL s.v. ille 348.40f. (e.g. Cic. Phil. 5.17). ⁴⁰ In the corpus used by Bodelot (2000: 121). See also her p. 139 for the use of the individual words in various text types. For her description of their meanings, see pp. 122–38. ⁴¹ See Bodelot (2000: 122).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (a)

Quid si hoc potis est, ut tu taceas, ego loquar? (‘What if we do this: you keep quiet, I’ll do the talking.’ Pl. Bac. 35—subject clause)

(b)

Eheu, huic illud dolet, / quia nunc remissus est edendi exercitus. (‘Oh, oh, oh, this one ( points to his stomach) is in pain because the army for eating has been dismissed now.’ Pl. Capt. 152–3—subject clause)

(c)

Quaeso ut sat habeas id, pater, quod Chrysalus / me obiurigavit plurumis verbis malis . . . (‘I beg you to consider it enough, father, that Chrysalus has scolded me with a great many harsh words . . .’ Pl. Bac. 1019–20—object clause)

(d)

Idem ego istuc quom credebam credidi, / te nihil esse redditurum. (‘When I trusted you with that money, I trusted that the very same thing would happen, that you wouldn’t return anything.’ Pl. Cur. 541–2—accusative and infinitive clause functioning as object)

Exx. (a)–(d) illustrate the use of these pronouns with argument clauses. The verbs of the main clauses can also govern these argument clauses without the preparative pronoun.⁴² The pronouns can therefore be considered optional and serve to emphasize the content of the clause. However, there are also cases like (e): without hoc the quod clause seems difficult to interpret as the object with sollicitudo habet. More difficult is id in (f). It has generally been regarded as an ‘internal object’⁴³ but it is actually a satellite in its clause. Different again is (g), where hōc (ablative) marks the quod clause as a means adjunct (or is it a third argument?).⁴⁴ Note that in this last case the ablative pronoun is necessary for ensuring a correct interpretation of the subordinate clause (quod does not mean ‘because’). The function of the pronouns in these cases is not so much to prepare for the following subordinate clause, but to offer grammatical support. This use resembles the use of prepositional phrases to integrate subordinate clauses in a superordinate clause, for which see § 14.6. (e)

Habet hoc sollicitudo, quod omnia necessaria putat. (‘Anxiety has this quality, that it supposes all things necessary.’ Plin. Ep. 6.9.2—object clause)

(f)

. . . id nunc his cerebrum uritur, / me esse hos trecentos Philippos facturum lucri. (‘Their brains are now suffering this annoyance, namely that I am going to make a profit of these three hundred Philippics.’ Pl. Poen. 770–1—accusative and infinitive clause functioning as reason adjunct)

(g)

. . . hoc me tamen consolor quod posthac ad ludos venies nosque vises . . . (‘I console myself with the thought that henceforth you will come to the shows and visit us . . .’ Cic. Fam. 7.1.6—means adjunct)

⁴² See Bodelot (2000: 76–7). ⁴³ So TLL s.v. is 479.33. ⁴⁴ For more instances of means adjuncts (or third arguments) with consolor, see TLL s.v. 480.25ff.

Relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses  A second type of preparative expression consists of noun phrases containing one of the cataphorically used determiners hic, ille, is, and iste. Examples with the semantically rather ‘vague’ event noun res ‘act’ are (h) and (i). In these instances the subordinate clauses would also be possible without the res expressions. (h)

Digne autem coqui / nimis lepide ei rei dant operam, ne cenet senex. (‘And the cooks for their part take care ever so charmingly that the old man won’t get his dinner.’ Pl. Cas. 772–3—third argument)

(i)

Sed in hac difficultate illa me res tamen, iudices, consolatur, quod vos de criminibus sic audire consuestis ut . . . (‘But in the face of this difficulty, judges, this thing still consoles me—that you have been accustomed to hear accusations in such a way that . . .’ Cic. Clu. 3—subject)

Cataphorically used determiners can also be used as preparative devices with nouns that may govern a subordinate clause, as with mos ‘custom’ in ( j) and consuetudo ‘custom’ in (k), both with ut clauses. In these cases the determiners have an emphasizing function. ( j)

Habent hunc morem plerique argentarii, / ut alius alium poscant, reddant nemini . . . (‘Most bankers have the following custom: they demand money from each other while they themselves don’t repay anything to anyone.’ Pl. Cur. 377–8)

(k)

Habuit et hanc consuetudinem, ut octo calvos rogaret ad c[a]enam . . . (‘He had this custom, moreover, of asking to dinner eight bald men . . .’ Hist. Aug. Heliog. 29.3)

Pronouns can also be used as preparative devices in combination with nouns that function as subject or object complement and are followed by an appropriate subordinate clause, as in (l). Here hunc and hanc are subject of their clauses and sermonem ‘talk’ and opinionem ‘opinion’ are subject complements. (l)

Neminem vestrum ignorare arbitror, iudices, hunc per hosce dies sermonem volgi atque hanc opinionem populi Romani fuisse, C. Verrem altera actione responsurum non esse . . . (‘Gentlemen, I think that none of you is unaware that it has during these last few days been the common talk, and the belief of this nation, that Gaius Verres would make no defence at the second hearing . . .’ Cic. Ver. 1.1)

(m)

Populi Romani hanc esse consuetudinem, ut socios atque amicos non modo sui nihil deperdere, sed gratia, dignitate, honore auctiores velit esse. (‘This was the tradition of the Roman people, to desire that its allies and friends should not only lose none of their possessions, but should enjoy increase of influence, dignity, and distinction.’ Caes. Gal. 1.43.8)

The same preparative devices are available for most satellite clauses: a pronoun in (n), a determiner + res in (o), and a determiner + causa in (p). Note that the quod clause



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

(a reason adjunct) suits the meaning of causa ‘reason’. In addition there are preparative adverbs, as in (q). In all these cases the preparative device is optional and merely gives emphasis, since the subordinators have a clear enough meaning for ensuring the correct interpretation even without it. (n)

At non eo, quia tibi non cupiam quae velis . . . (‘But not because I wouldn’t wish you to have what you want . . .’ Pl. As. 844–5)

(o)

Sed ego apud me te esse ob eam rem, miles cum veniat, volo, / quia, quom tu aderis, huic mihique haud faciet quisquam iniuriam. (‘But when the soldier comes, I’d like you to be with me for the simple reason that when you’re there, no one will wrong her or me.’ Pl. Bac. 58–9)

(p)

Is dicere solebat ob hanc causam praestare nostrae civitatis statum ceteris civitatibus, quod in illis singuli fuissent fere quorum suam quisque rem publicam constituisset . . . (‘Cato used to say that our constitution was superior to those of other States on account of the fact that in those it had generally been down to individuals, each of whom had established his own state . . .’ Cic. Rep. 2.2)

(q)

Nam partim ideo fortes in decernendo non erant, quia nihil timebant, partim quia timebant . (‘Thus, some were disinclined to take firm measures because they were not afraid of anything, others because they were afraid of everything.’ Cic. Mur. 51)

In (n)–(q) the preparative expression and the subordinator are semantically more or less equivalent. However, there are also combinations of a preparative device and a subordinator where this is not the case. Examples are (r)–(t).⁴⁵ In all these instances, the si clauses are prepared by an expression that functions as argument in the main clause. (In (r), the si clause seems also possible without a preparative element; in (s) and (t) this looks more problematic.) (r)

Idne irascimini, si quis superbior est quam nos? (‘Are you mad about it, if someone is more arrogant than we are?’ Cato orat. 169)

(s)

Sed totum est in eo, si ante quam ille ineat magistratum. (‘But everything depends on this, whether (you come) before he starts his term of office.’ Cic. Att. 2.22.5)

(t)

. . . plus esse in eo iudicabant, si uxor et soror tua quam si Augustae dicerentur. (‘. . . they believed there was more in this, whether they were spoken of as your wife and sister, than in whether (they were spoken of as) Augustae.’ Plin. Pan. 84.6)

⁴⁵ Examples (r) and (t) are taken from the OLD s.v. si § 12c. See also TLL s.v. in 779.16ff. for in eo cum and in eo dum combinations in translations of the Bible.

Relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses  Noun phrases without a determiner can also function as preparative expressions, as secundis rebus nostris in (u), which prepares the accusative and infinitive clause duos . . . missos (and its sequence); glorior can also be used with an accusative and infinitive clause without such a preparative phrase (see §  15.97). The relationship between the accusative and infinitive clause and secundis rebus nostris is the same as the one between appositive noun phrases: the accusative and infinitive clause can be interpreted as a more precise indication of what is meant by secundis rebus nostris (this relationship is sometimes called ‘explicative’). (u)

Non ego secundis rebus nostris gloriabor duos consules ac duos consulares exercitus ab nobis sub iugum missos et si qua alia aut laeta aut gloriosa nobis evenerunt. (‘I shall not boast of our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sent under the yoke by us, nor of any other events which have brought us either joy or fame.’ Liv. 23.42.7)

Another common device is illustrated by (v). Here, the quod clause is preceded by an autonomous relative clause with the determiner illud, the content of which is specified by the quod clause.⁴⁶ Note that in the Classical period recordor usually governs an accusative and infinitive clause and not a quod clause.⁴⁷ (v)

. . . recordamini illud etiam quod nondum est relatum, quod eodem fere tempore factus in agro Piceno Potentiae nuntiatur terrae motus horribilis . . . (‘. . . recall, too, what was not discussed before, that an awful earthquake is reported to have occurred at about the same time at Potentia in Picenum . . .’ Cic. Har. 62) It is difficult to draw a borderline between the preparative devices discussed above and the use of non-restrictive appositive clauses discussed in § 11.82 fin.

The adverbs sic and ita can be used as preparative devices with argument clauses, as in (w) and (x), with accusative and infinitive clauses.⁴⁸ (w)

Sic enim sentio ius legatorum, cum hominum praesidio munitum sit, tum etiam divino iure esse vallatum. (‘For my feelings are that the privileges of ambassadors are not only fenced round by human protection, but are also guarded by divine laws.’ Cic. Har. 34)

(x)

(sc. Verres) Qui ita dictitat, iis esse metuendum qui quod ipsis solis satis esset surripuissent . . . (‘Whose favourite saying it is that they have got to fear who have stolen only as much as is enough for themselves . . .’ Cic. Ver. 4)

⁴⁶ See Bodelot (2000: 54–9) for this use of relative (and other types of) clauses. ⁴⁷ Quod seems to be first attested in Suet. Tit. 8.1, according to the OLD. ⁴⁸ See Lavency (2004). For the use of ita with facio ut, see Taillade (2019: 174–5).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

. Resumptive elements in the main clause The same expressions that are used as preparative elements (see § 14.16) can also be used as resumptive expressions. However, the resumptive use of pronouns and determiners is much less frequent than the preparative use. Most common is the anaphoric pronoun/determiner is, as is to be expected, followed by hic; ille and iste are very rare.⁴⁹ Examples of resumptive pronouns and of a resumptive determiner (+ res) referring to argument clauses are given in (a)–(c) and (d), respectively. (a)

Nondum egressum esse eum, id miror tamen. (‘That he has not come out yet, that surprises me.’ Pl. Rud. 1201)

(b)

Nos secundum ferri nunc per urbem haec omnia, / ne quis tibi hoc vitio vortat. (‘All this stuff now being carried behind us throughout the city, I’m afraid that someone might find fault with you for it.’ Pl. Mil. 1349–50)

(c)

Ut filius / cum illa habitet apud te, hoc vostrum consilium fuit? (‘That my son lives with her in your house, was that your scheme?’ Ter. Ph. 933–4)

(d)

Nisi forte quod apud publicanos gratiosus fuisti, in ea re spes te aliqua consolatur. (‘Unless by chance some hope consoles you in the fact that you were popular with the revenue contractors.’ Cic. Ver. 2.169)

Examples of the same devices with satellite clauses are (e)–(h). (e)

Quia tam misere hoc esse cupio verum, eo vereor magis. (‘I so desperately want this to be true; for that reason I’m all the more nervous.’ Ter. Ad. 698)

(f)

Acrius ex ira quod enim se quisque parabat / ulcisci quam nunc concessumst legibus aequis, / hanc ob rem est homines pertaesum vi colere aevom. (‘For because each man in his wrath would make ready to avenge himself more severely than is permitted now by just laws, for this reason men were utterly weary of living in violence.’ Lucr. 5.1148–50)

(g)

Videte igitur quam inique accidat, quia res indigna sit, ideo turpem existimationem sequi; quia turpis existimatio sequatur, ideo rem indignam non vindicari. (‘See, then, how iniquitously it happens, that because an action is infamous, therefore a discreditable reputation should attach to it, because a loss of reputation would ensue, for that reason a scandalous action is not punished.’ Cic. Caec. 8)

(h)

Quamquam gravatus fuisti, non nocuit tamen. (‘Even though you objected, nevertheless it still didn’t hurt you.’ Pl. St. 722) ⁴⁹ In the corpus of Bodelot (2000: 121). See also Bodelot (2016).

Relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses  The resumptive use of id in (a) above resembles its anaphoric use to refer to all or part of the content of a preceding clause or even passage (see § 11.136). In (i) id refers to the content of the quamquam clause, whereas tamen resumes the subordinator itself. In ( j), illud refers to the content of the postquam clause. (i) Quorum autem officiorum praecepta traduntur, ea quamquam pertinent ad finem bonorum, tamen minus id apparet . . . (‘But as regards special duties for which positive rules are laid down, though they are  affected by the doctrine of the supreme good, still that is not so obvious . . .’ Cic. Off. 1.7) ( j) Ceterum postquam parte muri arietibus decussa per ipsas ruinas transcenderunt in urbem armati, illud principium velut novi atque integri laboris fuit. (‘But when a section of the wall was thrown down by the battering-rams and the soldiers had entered the city over the ruins, that was, so to speak, the beginning of new and fresh toil.’ Liv. 32.17.6)

. Particles and adverbs tightening or clarifying the relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses Certain particles can also be used to tighten the relationship between superordinate and subordinate clauses. An example is the use of iam in main clauses that are accompanied by subordinate clauses of manner or time, and especially with conditional clauses, as in (a)–(d). Here iam puts emphasis on the specific semantic relation between the subordinate clause and its main clause.⁵⁰ For a similar use of demum, see (e).⁵¹ (a)

Iam iurgio enicabit (sc. uxor), si intro rediero. (‘Now she’ll kill me with her nagging if I go back in.’ Pl. Mer. 557)

(b)

Nam si cogites, remittas iam me onerare iniuriis. (‘For if you were to think about it, you would now stop troubling me with your unjust demands.’ Ter. An. 827)

(c)

Ut igitur paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distrahendum dabis. (‘Therefore, just as a little while ago you bore a heart divided between the interests of Fidenae and Rome, so now you’ll give up your body to be torn apart.’ Liv. 1.28.9)

(d)

Id tu, Brute, iam intelleges, cum in Galliam veneris. (‘You will understand presently what I mean, Brutus, when you come to Gaul.’ Cic. Brut. 171)

⁵⁰ For this use of iam as an emphasizing particle, see Kroon and Risselada (1998; 2002: 73–5). For critical comments, see Rosén (2009: 360). See also § 22.40. ⁵¹ For demum, see Rosén (1993, especially p. 178) and § 22.39.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (e)

Servata res est demum, si illam videro. (‘Things are safe at last if I see her.’ Pl. Mer. 909)

Just like other constituents, certain subordinate clauses (adjunct clauses and autonomous relative clauses) may contain the emphasizing particle quidem, which follows the subordinator or relative pronoun. Examples of subordinators and of a relative clause are (f)–(g) and (h), respectively. See also the use of the scalar particle etiam with a quia reason adjunct clause in (i). This particle seems to be excluded with a quoniam reason disjunct clause.⁵² (f)

Haeret haec res, si quidem haec iam mulier facta est ex viro. (‘This is a sticky matter, if he really has now become a woman instead of a man.’ Pl. Am. 814—tr. Christenson)

(g)

Cedo sis dexteram. / # Ut quidem tu huius oculos illutis manibus tractes aut teras? (‘Lend me a hand, please. # So that you can handle or rub her eyes with dirty hands?’ Pl. Poen. 315–16)

(h)

Sed te, nullusne est tibi amator alius quisquam? / # Nisi tuos modo unus filiu’st, quem quidem ego amem alius nemo est. (‘But please don’t you have any other lover? # Apart from your only son, there’s no one else whom I can love at least.’ Pl. Cist. 369–70)

(i)

Sed qui non modo quia necesse est mori, verum etiam quia nihil habet mors quod sit horrendum, mortem non timet, magnum is sibi praesidium ad beatam vitam comparavit. (‘But the man who is without fear of death, not simply because it is unavoidable but also because it has no terrors for him, has secured a valuable aid towards rendering life happy.’ Cic. Tusc. 2.2)

Adverbs are another means to make the relationship between a subordinate clause and its superordinate clause more precise. Examples are nisi ‘except’, praesertim ‘especially’, praeterquam ‘apart from’, as in ( j)–(l), respectively. Note that nisi and praeterquam can also be used as subordinators by themselves. (For more si clauses, see § 16.57; for cum clauses, see § 16.10.) The same adverbs can also be used in combination with various participial constructions, as in (m) and (n), with present participles. ( j)

. . . nec mi umbra hic usquam’st, nisi si in puteo quaepiam’st. (‘. . . and I haven’t any shade here anywhere, unless there’s a bit in the well.’ Pl. Mos. 769)

(k)

Quo usque negotiabere cum praesertim sis isto loco natus? (‘How long are you going to continue in business, especially since you were born in that place?’ Cic. Flac. 70)

⁵² For further examples of the use of particles and adverbs with subordinate clauses, see Rosén (2008: 220–1). For etiam, see also § 22.22.

Relationship between subordinate and superordinate clauses  (l)

De classe Carthaginiensibus remissum, praeterquam si quid navium ex foedere deberent. (‘The Carthaginians were released from their promise about the fleet, except if they had a treaty obligation to provide ships.’ Liv. 36.4.9—NB: see Briscoe ad loc.)

(m)

. . . breviter, quoniam non consulto sed casu in eorum mentionem incidi, quasi praeteriens satisfaciam universis. (‘. . . but since I have come to mention them not intentionally, but by chance, I will briefly, as though in passing, satisfy them all in a few words.’ Cic. Div. Caec. 50)

(n)

E diverso niger est Alabandicus (sc. lapis) terrae suae nomine, quamquam et Mileti nascens . . . (‘On the other hand, the stone named after Alabanda, its place of origin, although it occurs also at Miletus, is black . . .’ Plin. Nat. 36.62)

A number of connectors can be used in a main clause that follows a subordinate clause and in this way serve as a ‘superordinator’.⁵³ Examples are (o) and (p). In (o), atque ‘at once’⁵⁴ follows a temporal clause. In (p), the contrast between the contents of the conditional clause and the main clause is marked by at. (o)

Quoniam convocavi, atque illi me ex senatu segregant. (‘When I’ve assembled them, they exclude me from the senate meeting at once.’ Pl. Mos. 1050)

(p)

Si tibi est machaera, at nobis veruina est domi. (‘If you have a sword, we have a spit at home.’ Pl. Bac. 887)

. Forms of interlacing of superordinate and subordinate clauses Subordinate clauses behave like self-contained units: constituents of superordinate and subordinate clauses are usually confined to their own domain. For most types of subordinate clauses, it is rare to find elements of them within the boundaries of a superordinate clause or the other way around. However, sometimes a constituent that belongs semantically to a subordinate clause fulfils a function in the superordinate clause: this is the case for the pseudo-object constituents discussed in §  9.17, an example of which is (a), taken from § 14.2. There are also other types of anticipation and postponement, illustrated by (b) and (c), respectively (see § 18.14 for parallels of ex. (c)). In (b) meliorem in the main clause is in fact a modifier of condicio in the relative clause; in (c) it is the other way around: ligneum in the relative clause is in fact the

⁵³ The term is used by Rosén (1989b: 398–9; 2009: 343–6), from whom the examples are taken. For further examples of conditional clauses, see § 16.57. ⁵⁴ ‘Forthwith’, ‘lo and behold’ are the translations of OLD s.v. § 6. See also TLL s.v. atque 1075.82ff. ‘et statim’.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

modifier of the noun equos in the main clause. Note that in both instances the form of the modifier is determined by the clause to which it syntactically belongs. (a)

. . . ego te faciam miserrumus mortalis uti sis. (‘I’ll make sure you’re the most wretched mortal on earth.’ Pl. Aul. 443)

(b)

Nisi qui meliorem afferet / quae mi atque amicis placeat condicio magis, / quasi fundum vendam . . . (‘Unless anyone offers a better deal, which I and my associates like more, as if I were selling a plot by auction . . .’ Pl. Capt. 179–81)

(c)

. . . non sunt tabellae sed equos quem misere Achivi ligneum. (‘These aren’t tablets, but the wooden horse which the Achaeans sent.’ Pl. Bac. 936)

Whereas in the examples above the form of the ‘transposed’ constituent is adjusted to suit the structure to which it belongs, in another form of interlacing no such adjustment occurs. In (d) eri lenitas belongs to a subordinate clause together with quorsum evaderet, from which it is separated by the governing verb verebar. Semper, which belongs with verebar to the superordinate clause, separates eri (topical information) from lenitas. The forms are the same as if the order had been: semper verebar quorsum eri lenitas evaderet. (For further discussion, see § 23.65.) (d)

Mirabar hoc si sic abiret et eri semper lenitas / verebar quorsum evaderet. (‘I was surprised if it could end this way, and I’ve been afraid all the time of where our master’s calmness was leading.’ Ter. An. 175–6)

Subordinators are often preceded by constituents that form a link with a preceding sentence, notably relative and anaphoric pronouns and determiners. See § 23.20–8.

14.20 Subordinators Latin offers a broad spectrum of subordinators, some of which have a very precise meaning, for example postquam ‘after’, while others have a broader meaning, for example cum (quom) ‘when’, ‘since’, ‘although’. In addition, their interpretation may vary depending on the context in which they are used (in the case of cum one can think of its purely temporal, its causal, or its concessive interpretation). Some subordinators are only used in satellite clauses (for example the two just mentioned, although there is some doubt about the status of cum clauses with verbs of praising and thanking—see §  15.23), while others are used in both argument and satellite clauses (notably ut). Some of the words involved belong to only one lexical category (e.g. postquam: subordinator—see also below),⁵⁵ others have homonyms in one or more other categories (e.g. ut (uti): subordinator and interrogative/relative manner ⁵⁵ For Late instances of the use as adverb, see TLL s.v. 250.8ff.

Subordinators  adverb ‘how’).⁵⁶ Some of them are more or less stable over the period covered by this Syntax, others undergo significant changes: in Early and Classical Latin there are instances in which post and postea are combined with quam even though particles or full words intervene between them, as in (a). This shows the development of the combination of adverb + comparative particle into a subordinator. Another example is licet, the development of which from an ‘impersonal’ verb ‘it is permitted’ into a concessive subordinator can be seen from Cicero’s time onwards; this development is shown in (b), where licet is on its way to becoming a subordinator (for further details, see § 16.81).⁵⁷ (a)

Itaque Calpurnius cum . . . cognosset . . . Claudium aedes postea proscripsisse quam esset ab auguribus demoliri iussus, arbitrum illum adegit . . . (‘And so, when Calpurnius . . . had discovered that Claudius had advertised his house for sale only after the augurs had ordered them (sc. the parts of the house obstructing the augurs’ view) to be pulled down, he summoned the former owner before a court . . .’ Cic. Off. 3.66)

(b)

Licet iste dicat emisse, sicuti solet dicere, credite hoc mihi, iudices. (‘Verres may say, as he usually does say, that he bought everything; but believe me, gentlemen.’ Cic. Ver. 4.133)

. Subordinators used with both argument and satellite clauses Several subordinators are used both with argument and with satellite (adjunct and disjunct) clauses. The four most prominent ones in all periods of Latin are quod, ut (uti) and ne, and si. The question of how to distinguish formally between, for example, an ut argument and an ut satellite clause has received considerable attention in the last few decades.⁵⁸ Apart from the fact that an ut argument clause occupies one of the obligatory positions required by the meaning of the governing verb, there are a number of objective tests that one can use to determine the status of a particular clause. One such test is to determine which type of correlative device can be used with a given subordinate clause (see §§  14.16–17), for example id . . . ut (argument clause) vs ideo . . . ut (a satellite purpose clause). Another test consists in determining which question words may trigger the subordinate clause as an answer, for example quid? vs cur? A third one is to determine whether clauses of both types are found juxtaposed in one complex sentence, as in (a) with an ut argument and an ut satellite purpose clause.⁵⁹ For a similar instance of a quod argument and a quoniam reason clause, see (b). ⁵⁶ For the use of the form uti, see Panchón (2013). For Ennius and Vitruvius, see Adams (2016: 9–10). ⁵⁷ For a study of subordinators in satellite clauses from a typological perspective, see Hoffmann (2013, also in: 2018a: 191–224). ⁵⁸ For ut, see Bolkestein (1977a), LSS § 7.4.1, and Bodelot (2000: 210–42; 2002a); for si, see Bodelot (2000: 161–210). ⁵⁹ For another instance of two ut clauses (‘at first sight puzzling’ (Dyck ad loc.)), see Cic. Cael. 8.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (a)

. . . intellexi . . . nihil mihi optatius cadere posse quam ut tu me quam primum consequare, ut, cum ex Italia profecti essemus . . ., tuo tuorumque praesidio uteremur . . . (‘I see that nothing could be more desirable to me than that you should overtake me as soon as possible, so that when I leave Italy I may have the protection of you and your people . . .’ Cic. Att. 3.1.1)

(b)

Sane gaudeo quod te interpellavi, quoniam quidem tam praeclarum mihi dedisti iudicii tui testimonium. (‘I am very glad indeed that I interrupted you, since you have given me so fine a proof of your good opinion.’ Cic. Leg. 3.1)

Another question which has received attention for a much longer period of time than the preceding one is how to explain the use of the same subordinator in both argument and subordinate clauses. Here ut may again serve as an illustration.⁶⁰ It can be used as a subordinator in argument clauses with manipulation verbs, as in (c), and as a subordinator in various satellite clauses, for example in purpose clauses, as in (d). (c)

Impero auctorque sum ut tu me quoivis castrandum loces. (‘I order and command you to hand me over to anyone you like for castration.’ Pl. Aul. 251)

(d)

Explicari mihi tuum consilium plane volo, ut penitus intellegam. (‘I certainly do want to have your advice set out for me so that I thoroughly understand it.’ Cic. Att. 8.12.1)

In (c), the person who gives the order indicates to the ‘you’ that the latter is responsible for the action me quoivis castrandum loces and has to perform it. Completely different is the situation in (d). The ut clause is optional from the point of view of the main clause. The person who is asked to explain his plan clearly has no control over the ‘I’ who has to understand the matter; the ‘I’ could not be ordered to understand things, because he would have no control over this. So on first sight ut argument and ut purpose clauses may be thought to share a semantic feature like ‘working towards the achievement of a future state of affairs’, but in reality they are different from a semantic point of view. Whereas ut in (d) contributes to the interpretation of the subordinate clause as ‘purpose’, ut in (c) is ‘only’ a linking device, and the interpretation of the subordinate clause depends on the governing expression.⁶¹ The difficulty involved in finding a common explanation for the use of ut on the argument and satellite levels is even greater for so-called ut temporale, as in (e) (for details, see § 16.24).

⁶⁰ For an extensive discussion of the etymology and the diversity of use of ut, see Panchón (2003: 335–66). ⁶¹ See also Bodelot (2000: 215–18), who discusses ex. (d), and Panchón (2003: 461–6).

Subordinators  (e)

Principio ut illo advenimus, ubi primum terram tetigimus, / continuo Amphitruo delegit viros primorum principes. (‘First, when we arrived there, as soon as we touched the shore, Amphitruo immediately chose the leading men among those of high rank.’ Pl. Am. 203–4) Temporal ut and purpose ut clauses differ from each other in several respects. The former usually precede the superordinate clause, are in the indicative, and there are no restrictions on the tense of the clause. Purpose clauses, by contrast, usually follow, are always in the subjunctive, and are subject to the rules of the sequence of tenses.

. Subordinators and relative adverbs Spatial satellite clauses (see § 16.6) are linked to the superordinate clause by means of a relative adverb. In (a) the second ubi ‘where’ marks the (independently used) clause as the location where the ego in the previous sentence will be: (eris) ubi maxime esse vis. In its own clause ubi functions as the space argument with esse in its meaning ‘to be somewhere’. Like the other space adverbs, relative ubi has interrogative and indefinite homonyms (see the first ubi? in (a)). Ubi clauses may also function as adnominal relative clauses with a noun (phrase), as in (b) with aedis. In addition, ubi may introduce autonomous relative clauses, which can fulfil various functions in the superordinate clause, for example as the object with invenires in (c). For details, see § 18.16. (a)

Ubi ego ero? # Ubi maxime esse vis. (‘Where will I be? # Where you want to be most.’ Pl. Mos. 392)

(b)

. . . hasce aedis esse oportet / Demaenetus ubi dicitur habitare. (‘. . . it ought to be this house here where Demaenetus is said to live.’ Pl. As. 381–2)

(c)

Ubi habitaret invenires saltem, si nomen nequis. (‘You should have at least found out where he lives, if you can’t find out his name.’ Pl. Mer. 636)

The situation is less clear with the linking devices of temporal satellite clauses (§ 16.7). Quando ‘when’ resembles spatial ubi in the coexistence of relative, interrogative, and indefinite homonyms. Also, just like spatial adverbs, quando can be combined with cumque (quandocumque). However, cum (quom) is different. Etymologically it is related to the relative/indefinite pronoun/determiner qui, quae, quod,⁶² but it has no interrogative and indefinite homonyms, and it cannot be combined with cumque.⁶³ It can be used in the same way as an adnominal relative clause with words denoting time (tempus cum ‘a time at which’) (see § 18.38), but there are no instances of autonomous

⁶² See de Vaan (2008) s.v. ⁶³ With the exception of cum . . . cumque in Lucr. 2.114. See Bailey ad loc.



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

cum clauses parallel to the autonomous ubi clause in (c). In this Syntax cum is treated as one of the broad variety of temporal subordinators of various origins.⁶⁴ Ut is even more complicated. In the OLD it is labelled an adverb and a conjunction. There are two adverbial homonyms (interrogative/exclamative ‘how?/!’ and relative ‘in the same way as’). In its temporal use ut (see (e) in § 14.21) is described as being a ‘temporal conjunction’. Apart from that OLD distinguishes ut as a ‘conjunction’ in argument and purpose and other satellite clauses. In this Syntax two adverbial ut’s and one subordinator ut (including the temporal use) will be distinguished.⁶⁵

. Developments in the system of subordinating devices from Latin to the Romance languages In the period covered by this Syntax a number of major changes took place in the system of subordinating devices.⁶⁶ Some of these are mentioned here, but detailed discussion is provided in the following chapters. First of all one can observe the decrease in the use of a number of non-finite clauses: the accusative and infinitive clause lost ground—very slowly—to quod (and also to quia) as the subordinating device with verbs of perception, cognition, and communication (see §  15.9 and § 15.113). Quod clauses and accusative and infinitive clauses were already competitors in several other contexts. Supine clauses gradually disappeared and so did gerundival clauses. The present infinitive replaced the gerund in certain contexts (see § 16.86). Of the subordinators (and relative adverbs) used in finite clauses ut as an interrogative/ relative adverb of manner lost ground to quomodo (and qualiter) (see § 16.33) and as a subordinator to quod (see §§ 15.25–7). There is no trace of it in the Romance languages. Cum as a temporal subordinator was gradually replaced by dum (see § 16.17) and quando; it too left no trace in the Romance languages. Quod, which already in Cicero’s works is used in a broad spectrum of contexts (see Figure 15.1, p. 60), expanded its functions and so became a ‘general’ subordinator.⁶⁷ At the same time the number of combinations of quod with prepositional phrases and adverbs increased considerably (see §  14.6). Although there is no direct etymological relation, que in  French and che in Italian play a role in the Romance languages similar to quod in Latin. Appendix: The common Romance subordinator (French) que, (Italian) che, etc. cannot be derived from quod, nor from quia. Especially in Merovingian Latin (relatively well documented) one finds forms which must be the predecessor of the Romance subordinator, spelled as que, but also found as quae or quem, pronounced [ke], as in (a).

⁶⁴ ⁶⁵ ⁶⁶ ⁶⁷

OLD s.v. calls cum a relative adverb. For the unclear etymology of ut, see de Vaan (2008) s.v. For the major developments, see Herman (1963: 120–2). The term is taken from Rosén (1989a).

The period  (a) . . . dicens que Neptuno munera daret. (‘. . . saying that he was giving gifts to Neptune.’ Fredeg. Chron. 4.63) These forms are most likely some sort of merger of relative quae and quem. Note that synchronically quod was not only a subordinator, but also a relative pronoun.⁶⁸

14.24 The period The term ‘period’ goes back to Greek .p{jzoz| (lit. ‘way round’), translated by Cicero in various ways,⁶⁹ and adopted as periodus from Quintilian Inst. 9.4.125 onwards. In Antiquity it is not defined in syntactic terms, but as a balanced sequence of cola (uŷvl, Lat. membra) and/or (smaller) commata (u†wwl~l, Lat. incisa) which together form a semantically coherent whole.⁷⁰ In addition, a period is usually described as a rhythmically well structured utterance. Whereas in modern descriptions the period is defined as a complex sentence with at least one subordinate clause, the discussion by Cicero in (a) of his own text ( pro Scauro 45) shows that the term comprehensio was also used for something longer than a membrum,⁷¹ in fact, for a longer simple sentence. In the terminology of this Syntax we would describe the quotation in (a) as three asyndetically coordinated sentences or clauses, of which the last is longer (or: ‘heavier’) than the other two. (a)

. . . at membratim (sc. efferuntur) quae secuntur duo: ‘Incurristi amens in columnas, in alienos insanus insanisti.’ Deinde omnia tanquam crepidine quadam comprehensione longiore sustinentur: ‘depressam, caecam, iacentem domum pluris quam te et quam fortunas tuas aestimasti’—dichoreo finitur. (‘. . . but the following falls into two membra: ‘You have madly dashed against the columns; you have raved wildly against strangers.’ Then the whole passage is set, as it were, on the foundation of a longer period: ‘a fallen, dark and prostrate home you thought more valuable than yourself and your fortunes.’ It ends in a ditrochee.’ Cic. Orat. 224)

The complexity of a sentence can be increased in various ways: In the first place a speaker is to some extent free to add optional information in the form of satellites to the information provided by the verb and its arguments. Next, the positions of the arguments and satellites can be filled by finite or non-finite clauses and these clauses can themselves contain finite and non-finite clauses. Thirdly, nominal constituents ⁶⁸ Discussion can be found in Herman (1963: 123–5), with special reference to Jeanjaquet (1894). ⁶⁹ For example: ambitus, circuitus, and comprehensio (Cic. Brut. 162; Orat. 204). ⁷⁰ Compare the requirement in K.-St.: II.629 that a period must represent one unified idea (‘die Einheit eines Gedanken’). See also Sz.: 732. ⁷¹ In fact, periods consisting of one membrum were also accepted. For the ancient ideas about period, colon, and comma, see Lausberg (1990: §§ 923–47).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure

(both at the clause level and below) can be modified by adnominal relative clauses and can be expanded by appositions and secondary predicates, which can be complex as well. Finally, at all these points the complexity can be increased by coordination. In spontaneous spoken language there is a certain limit, both for the speaker and for the hearer, to the number and the type of clauses that can be incorporated within one sentence. In prepared speeches, however, and in writing sentences can be extended considerably. The period in Cicero’s oration pro Archia 3, for example, contains some twenty-five clauses. (We are dealing with grammatically correct and fully understandable sentences, not with anacoluthons.) In the examples of periods that follow, the clauses of which they consist are numbered.⁷² Some of the clauses are interrupted, which explains why the same number returns at different places. The first example, (b), is used twice by Quintilian as an illustration and is still much discussed.⁷³ The sentence consists of three coordinated si clauses, each with its own internal complexity, and a heavy main clause at the end (in bold). The structure of (c) is completely different. Here the short main clause encompasses a sequence of a secondary predicate (circumsessa), a cum temporal clause, and two ablative absolute clauses, of which the first is complex in itself. These four segments are arranged in chronological order to illustrate the sequence of events leading to the surrender of the town. For again a different structure in a different type of text, see (d), where the main clause is followed by a complex ablative absolute clause.⁷⁴ (b) 1. 2. 3. 2. 4. 5. 6. 5. 7. 8. 9. 8. 9. 8.

Si quid est in me ingeni, iudices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum, aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non infitior mediocriter esse versatum, aut si huiusce rei ratio aliqua ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis meae tempus abhorruisse,

⁷² For a discussion and graphical presentation of these and other complex sentences, see Coleman (1983). ⁷³ For an analysis of this sentence, see Gotoff (1979: 96–100). For the rhetorical effect, see von Albrecht (2003: 198–202). ⁷⁴ For Pliny’s sentence structure, see Pinkster (2005: 248–50).

The period  10.

earum rerum omnium vel in primis hic A.  Licinius fructum a me repetere prope suo iūrĕ dēbet. (‘Gentlemen of the Jury: Whatever talent I possess (and I realize its limitations), whatever be my oratorical experience (and I do not deny that my practice herein has been not inconsiderable), whatever knowledge of the theoretical side of my profession I may have derived from a devoted literary apprenticeship (and I admit that at no period of my life has the acquisition of such knowledge been repellent to me),—to any advantage that may be derived from all these my friend Aulus Licinius has a pre-eminent claim, which belongs to him almost as of right.’ Cic. Arch. 1)

(c) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 6. 8. 1.

Ea urbs circumsessa cum a Celtiberis auxilia arcessisset, morantibus iis, non quia ipsi cunctati sunt, sed quia profectos domo inexplicabiles continuis imbribus viae et inflati amnes tenebant, desperato auxilio suorum in deditionem venit. (‘When this town was besieged, it sent for assistance from the Celtiberians but they were slow to arrive, not from any hesitation on their part but because after leaving home they were held up by roads made impassable by incessant rain and by swollen rivers. Thus, losing hope of receiving aid from its friends, the town surrendered.’ Liv. 44.33.2)

(d) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 1. 6. 1. 7. 8.

Nilus incertis ortus fontibus, ut per deserta et ardentia et inmenso longitudinis spatio ambulans famaque tantum inermi quaesitus sine bellis, quae ceteras omnes terras invenere, originem, ut Iuba rex potuit exquirere, in monte inferioris Mauretaniae non procul Oceano habet lacu protinus stagnante, quem vocant Nilidem. (‘The sources from which the Nile rises have not been ascertained, proceeding as it does through scorching deserts for an enormously long distance and only having been explored by unarmed investigators, without the wars that have discovered all other countries; but so far as King Juba was able to ascertain, it



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure has its origin in a mountain of lower Mauretania not far from the Ocean, and immediately forms a stagnant lake called Nilides.’ Plin. Nat. 5.52)

Sentences with such a degree of complexity are common in prose from Cicero onwards. The frequency with which they are used and the types that are used vary between authors and text types. In Cicero there is a difference between his personal and official letters, between his judicial and political orations, and even between parts of the same oration, depending upon the audience and the intended rhetorical effect. Periods are not limited to prose. However, the use of periodic sentence structure is mainly a matter of individual style and this short introduction must suffice.⁷⁵

14.25 Direct and indirect speech A person’s words (written or spoken) or thoughts may be reported by a speaker or writer in two different ways. It may be in the form of an (often fictitious) repetition of the words that were actually used (or will be used). This is called direct speech (also ‘direct discourse’, oratio recta). Alternatively, the words (or rather a paraphrase or a summary of them) may depend on a verb of speaking or thinking, which may be explicit or implicit. This is called indirect speech (also ‘indirect discourse’, oratio obliqua). Examples of direct speech are the sentences in quotation marks of (a,ii) and of (c), with the very common verb inquit; examples of indirect speech are the accusative and infinitive clauses in the first sentence of (a) and in (b). (a)

(i) . . . dico med esse atriensem. (ii) Sic hoc respondit mihi: / ‘Ego pol Sauream non novi neque qua facie sit scio. / Te non aequom est suscensere. Si erum vis Demaenetum, / quem ego novi, adduce. Argentum non morabor quin feras’. (‘. . . I said that I am the steward. He answered me like this: “I don’t know Saurea or what he looks like. It wouldn’t be fair of you to be angry. Do bring along your master Demaenetus, whom I do know, if you please. I won’t delay you getting the money.”’ Pl. As. 352–5)

(b)

Hospes respondit Zacynthi ficos fieri non malas. (‘My friend has replied that there are decent figs in Zacynthus.’ Pl. Mer. 943)

(c)

‘Immo duas dabo,’ inquit ille adulescens, ‘una si parum est. Et si duarum paenitebit,’ inquit, ‘addentur duae.’ (‘ “No, I’ll give you two,” says that young man, “if one is too little; and if you’re not content with two,” he says, “two more will be added.”’ Pl. St. 550–1)

⁷⁵ For a historical survey, see Sz.: 732–9 and Wilkinson (1963: 167–88). For Cicero’s style in general, see von Albrecht (2003).

Direct and indirect speech



Both (a,ii) and (b) contain the verb respondeo. In (a,ii) the direct speech is not syntactically related to respondit, whereas in (b) it is (it is the object). In (a,ii) the direct speech is prepared by hoc. It could also have been used in (b). In principle each text in direct speech can be also be expressed in indirect speech, albeit with some limitations. The indirect AcI clause corresponding to Ego pol . . . scio in (a,ii) could not contain pol (*respondit se pol Sauream non novisse neque qua facie esset scire), nor could immo in (c) be used in a corresponding indirect expression.⁷⁶ Apart from these limitations there are also a number of formal differences. In the indirect version the accusative se corresponds to the nominative ego in the direct version and the infinitive novisse to the finite verb form novi. Furthermore, the imperfect esset in the relative clause has respondit as its reference point, whereas the present sit in the direct speech has the time of speaking as its reference point (for details on the use of the tenses in indirect speech, see §  7.113). The indirect version of Si erum vis . . . adduce would be Si erum vellem Demaenetum, quem ipse novit, adducerem, where the past subjunctive adducerem corresponds to the present imperative adduce (see § 7.62). (For interrogative and exclamatory sentences in the AcI, see §§ 15.105–6. For interrogative sentences in the subjunctive, see § 7.61.)⁷⁷ Due to its ‘indirectness’ the preferred contexts for indirect speech are words or opinions of crowds and rumours, accusations, and summaries of spoken or written texts. The content of the indirect speech can be coloured or characterized by the choice of governing verb. The range of verbs governing indirect speech is accordingly much wider than the range of verbs introducing direct speech.⁷⁸ The term ‘indirect speech’ is used in various ways. Some grammarians do not include verbs of thinking, others include manipulation verbs like hortor ‘I urge’, which do not necessarily imply verbal behaviour at all. It is important to realize that the speech presented as ‘direct’ is usually not what was actually spoken and is almost always fictitious. This is not only the case in literary  dialogue, but is shown by Cicero’s and Sallust’s quotations of a letter in the Catilinarian affair.⁷⁹ (d) Erant autem sine nomine, sed ita: ‘Quis sim scies ex eo quem ad te misi. Cura ut vir sis, et cogita quem in locum sis progressus. Et vide quid tibi iam sit necesse et cura ut omnium tibi auxilia adiungas, etiam infimorum’. (‘The letter was unsigned but read as follows: “You will know who I am from the man whom I have sent to you. Be resolute and take stock of your position. See what you must now do and take care that you get the support of everyone, even the lowest.”’ Cic. Catil. 3.12)

⁷⁶ For ‘unreportable entities’ in indirect speech, see Bolkestein (1990a; 1990b). See also Rosén (2013: 243–5), who, however, incorrectly suggests that certe and similar words cannot occur in indirect speech. ⁷⁷ For a discussion of the linguistic properties of indirect speech, see Adema (2017: 32–75; 2019a: 295–6, with references). ⁷⁸ See the lists of verbs in Lambert (1946: 56–7) and Wiesthaler (1956: 79–83). ⁷⁹ For Cicero’s way of reporting, see Wiesthaler (1956: 23–8).



Subordinate clauses: properties and internal structure (e) ‘Qui sim ex eo quem ad te misi cognosces. Fac cogites in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse. Consideres quid tuae rationes postulent. Auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infumis’. (‘ “My present situation you will learn from the person I have sent you. See to it that you bear in mind in what a desperate situation you are, and remember that you are indeed a man. Consider what your interests demand; seek help from all, even the lowliest.”’ Sall. Cat. 44.5)

Indirect speech is also regularly used without an introductory verb of speaking or thinking. The term used for this in this Syntax is free indirect speech.⁸⁰ A common English term is ‘implied indirect discourse’. In such cases there is some contextual information from which the notion of speaking or thinking can be inferred. A simple form is when an accusative and infinitive with a governing verb precedes (so that it is not always clear whether we are dealing with free indirect speech), but there are also less direct ways. Ex. (f) has the free indirect speech preceded by an exhortation. In (g), there is a verb of refusing; in (h), the noun mandata. Here an imperative sentence in the subjunctive is followed by a declarative sentence in the AcI. In (i), the free indirect speech continues the command vox . . . ut. (f)

Pro quibus rebus hortatur ac postulat ut rem publicam suscipiant atque una secum administrent. Sin timore defugiant illis se oneri non futurum et per se rem publicam administraturum. (‘For all these reasons he exhorted the senators and asked them to take charge of the state and administer it with him. “But if fear makes you shirk the task, I will not be a burden to you but will administer the state myself.”’ Caes. Civ. 1.32.7)

(g)

In senatum venit. Mandata exposuit. Sententiam ne diceret recusavit. Quamdiu iure iurando hostium teneretur non esse se senatorem. (‘He came into the senate and stated his mission; but he refused to give his own vote on the question; for, he held, he was not a member of the senate so long as he was bound by the oath sworn to his enemies.’ Cic. Off. 3.100)

(h)

Illi deliberata respondent scriptaque ad eum mandata per eos remittunt. Quorum haec erat summa: Caesar in Galliam reverteretur, Arimino excederet, exercitus dimitteret; quae si fecisset Pompeium in Hispanias iturum . . . (‘After deliberation they replied in writing and sent the message to Caesar through Roscius and Lucius Caesar. The gist was this: Caesar was to return to Gaul, leave Ariminum, dismiss his army. If he did this, Pompey would go to Spain.’ Caes. Civ. 1.10.2–3)

(i)

Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. ⁸⁰ For properties of free indirect discourse, see Adema (2017: 22–30, esp. p. 29).

Direct and indirect speech



(‘Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vesta’s sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to the New Road, was heard to say, “the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken.”’ Cic. Div. 1.101)

There are other indirect ways in which a speaker or writer can allude to another person’s words or thoughts. Two illustrations are ( j) and (k). In ( j), the sentence with the three imperfect forms reflects Curtius’ story about what Caesar was doing at the time of Curtius’ visit to Cicero. In (k), Virgil reports Aeneas’ deliberations, resulting in the sententia mentioned a few lines later (the subjunctive is deliberative; usually it is first person—see § 7.42).⁸¹ In instances like these formal clues are absent, and the interpretation is purely contextual. ( j)

Vixdum epistulam tuam legeram cum ad me currens ad illum (sc. Caesarem) Postumus Curtius venit, nihil nisi classis loquens et exercitus; eripiebat Hispanias, tenebat Asiam, Siciliam, Africam, Sardiniam, confestim in Graeciam persequebatur. (‘I had hardly read your letter when Curtius Postumus arrived at my door hurrying to join Caesar and with nothing but fleets and armies on his tongue. He (Caesar) was snatching Spain, holding Asia, Sicily, Africa, Sardinia, pursuing Pompey hot-foot into Greece.’ Cic. Att. 9.2a.1–2)

(k)

(sc. Aeneas) ardet abire fuga dulcisque relinquere terras / attonitus tanto monitu imperioque deorum. / Heu quid agat? Quo nunc reginam ambire furentem / audeat adfatu? Quae prima exordia sumat? . . . Haec alternanti potior sententia visa est. (‘He burns to flee away and quit that pleasant land, awed by that warning and divine commandment. Ah, what to do? With what speech now dare he approach the frenzied queen? What opening words choose first? . . . This, as he wavered, seemed the better counsel.’ Verg. A. 4.281–7) The interest of Latinists in indirect ways of representing the words (or thoughts) of characters in a narrative started with the publications of Bayet (1931; 1932), which were stimulated by studies on the frequent use of this narrative mode in modern literature.⁸²

⁸¹ The interpretation of ( j) is disputed. See Rosén (2013: 234–6). For instances like (k) in Virgil, see Laird (1999: 167–83). ⁸² See Hyart (1954—sceptical), Laird (1999: 84–102), Biraud and Mellet  (2000), Sznajder  (2005), Rosén (2013; 2015), and Adema (2017). See also Nølke et al. (2004: 57–83).

CHAPTER 15

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

With certain types of verbs or comparable expressions (see below) one of the arguments may or must be a clause belonging to one of the classes indicated in Table 15.1 (p. 58). These clauses are called argument clauses in this Syntax; they are also referred to in the literature as ‘nominal’ or ‘noun’ clauses, as ‘substantive’ clauses, and as ‘complement’ clauses. The argument clauses themselves consist of a verb or a comparable expression together with its argument(s) and possibly other constituents. The best-known contexts in which argument clauses are used are those in which they function as argument of a verb. An example is (a), where the accusative and infinitive clause is the object of the verb spero ‘to hope (that)’. (a)

Speroque me ob hunc nuntium aeternum adepturum cibum. (‘And I expect that for this message I’ll get food forever.’ Pl. Capt. 780)

However, accusative and infinitive clauses can also be used with various expressions containing the related noun spes ‘hope’: for example, spes est (b), spem habere (c), and in spem venire (d). The verbs in these combinations can be regarded as support verbs (see § 4.4), and the combinations can be regarded as alternate expressions for spero, more or less equivalent to sperare potes in (b), aliquantum sperare in (c), and valde sperare in (d). The accusative and infinitive clauses with these expressions are argument clauses. (b)

. . . aliquid aliqua aliquo modo / alicunde ab aliqui aliqua tibi spes est fore mecum fortunam. (‘. . . you have some hope to have a fortune with me, something, somehow, in some way, from somewhere, from someone.’ Pl. Epid. 332–3)

(c)

. . . tu mihi videris spem non nullam habere haec aliquando futura meliora. (‘. . . you appear to cherish a hope that things will one day get better.’ Cic. Fam. 5.13.3)

(d)

. . . magnamque in spem veniebat pro suis tantis populique Romani in eum beneficiis . . . fore uti pertinacia desisteret. (‘. . . he began to have a good hope that, in consideration of the signal benefits conferred upon him by Caesar and the Roman people, . . . (sc. Ariovistus) would abandon his obstinacy.’ Caes. Gal. 1.42.3)

The Oxford Latin Syntax. Harm Pinkster, Oxford University Press (2021). © Harm Pinkster. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199230563.003.0015

The functions and types of argument clauses

53

Whereas in (b)–(d) the accusative and infinitive clauses depend on the combination of spes and the verbs involved, this analysis is excluded for (e). Here the accusative and infinitive clause sibi id utile futurum depends solely on spe, in a way that is comparable to largitionis further on. Cases like these are discussed in Chapter 17. Note also in (e) the ne clause depending on metu. (e)

Ducuntur enim aut benivolentia aut beneficiorum magnitudine aut dignitatis praestantia aut spe sibi id utile futurum aut metu ne vi parere cogantur aut spe largitionis promissisque capti . . . aut . . . mercede conducti. (‘They may be influenced by good-will; by gratitude for generous favours conferred upon them; by the eminence of that other’s social position or by the hope that their submission will turn to their own account; by fear that they may be compelled perforce to submit; they may be captivated by the hope of gifts of money and by liberal promises . . . or . . . they may be bribed with money.’ Cic. Off. 2.22)

The difference between (b)–(d) on the one hand and (e) on the other is rather clearcut. Some other cases are not so easy to classify as belonging to one or the other types discussed above.1 Another familiar context in which argument clauses can be used is with neuter forms of adjectives that function as subject or object complement, as in (f) and (g), respectively. Argument clauses with adjectives in other functions are dealt with in Chapter 17. (f)

. . . in urbes Campaniae, quas satis certum erat non mutasse fidem, perfugerunt. (‘. . . they fled for refuge to those cities of Campania of which it was known that they had not changed sides.’ Liv. 23.17.6)

(g)

(sc. consules) Certum habere maiores . . . dimicationem subituros fuisse . . . (‘They felt certain that their forefathers . . . would have faced any conflict whatsoever . . .’ Liv. 4.2.9)

15.1 The functions of argument clauses Subordinate clauses of various classes can be used in the function of subject with oneplace verbs and comparable expressions. First, they can be used with the so-called impersonal one-place modal verbs licet and oportet discussed in § 4.14. An example of this use is (a), where an accusative and infinitive clause functions as the subject of oportet. Secondly, they can be used with a variety of third person singular forms of one-place verbs, such as abest, constat, and accidit, as in (b)–(e) (see also §  4.12). Thirdly, they can be used with combinations of third person singular forms of copular verbs and adjectives or nouns that function as subject complement, as in (f) and (g), respectively. These combinations function as support verbs. As the examples show, 1 For a discussion of the problems involved, see Bodelot (1995; 2010), Lavency (2003: 115–25), from whom exx. (d) and (e) are taken, and especially Hoffmann (2015; 2018b).

54

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

certain verbs or other governing expressions can be used with more than one class of subordinate clause. (Autonomous relative clauses are different; they can be used as subject with all sorts of verbs. Ex. (h) will suffice. Further illustrations of these relative clauses can be found in § 18.16.) (In the examples, subordinators are shown in italics; the class to which clauses without a subordinator belong is indicated in the translation line.) (a)

Aut pol haec praestigiatrix multo mulier maxuma est / aut pateram hic inesse oportet. (‘Either this woman is by far the greatest trickster or the bowl ought to be in here.’ Pl. Am. 782–3—accusative and infinitive clause)

(b)

. . . quo id factum nomine appellari oporteat constat . . . (‘. . . it is clear by what term the act should be defined . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.12—indirect question)

(c)

Prorsus nihil abest quin sim miserrimus. (‘There is really nothing wanting to make me the most miserable of mankind.’ Cic. Att. 11.15.3)

(d)

Hoc loco percommode accidit quod non adest is qui paulo ante adfuit . . ., C. Aquilius. (‘Now it happens most conveniently at this point that there is absent from the court one who was here but recently…, Gaius Aquilius.’ Cic. Caec. 77)

(e)

Interdum accidit ut non habeat furti actionem is cuius interest rem salvam esse. (‘It sometimes happens that there is no action for theft available to the person who has an interest in the safety of the thing.’ Gaius dig. 47.2.49)

(f)

Non fuisse ei grave nec difficile eam causam excipere . . . (‘It was not hard or difficult for him to make an exception of the excuse . . .’ Cic. Inv. 2.130—prolative infinitive clause)

(g)

Videtur tempus esse ut eamus ad forum . . . (‘It seems to be time for us to go to the forum . . .’ Pl. Mil. 72)

(h)

Quem di diligunt / adulescens moritur, dum valet, sentit, sapit. (‘He whom the gods love dies young, while he has his strength, senses, and wits.’ Pl. Bac. 816–17—autonomous relative clause)

Subordinate clauses can be used as second argument with a variety of two- and threeplace verbs. Examples from various classes are (i)–(p). (i)

Audivistin’ tu me narrare haec hodie? (‘Did you hear me tell her about this today?’ Pl. Am. 748—accusative and infinitive clause)

( j)

Nemo fere vestrum est quin quemadmodum captae sint a M.  Marcello Syracusae saepe audierit . . .

The functions and types of argument clauses

55

(‘There can hardly be any among you who has not often heard how Syracuse was captured by Marcus Marcellus . . .’ Cic. Ver. 4.115—indirect question)

(k)

Abs quivis homine . . . beneficium accipere gaudeas. (‘You should be happy to receive a kindness from anybody.’ Ter. Ad. 254—prolative infinitive clause)

(l)

Metuo in commune ne quam fraudem frausus sit. (‘I’m afraid he might have got into some mischief involving the two of us.’ Pl. As. 286)

(m)

Sane gaudeo quod te interpellavi . . . (‘I am very glad indeed that I interrupted you . . .’ Cic. Leg. 3.1)

(n)

. . . nonnumquam interdiu, sepius noctu si perrumpere possent conati . . ., hoc conatu destiterunt. (‘(the Helvetii) . . . having attempted sometimes by day, more often by night to see if they could break through . . ., abandoned this attempt.’ Caes. Gal. 1.8.4)

(o)

Curabo ut praedati pulchre ad castra convertamini. (‘I’ll make sure that you return to the camp after acquiring booty in fine style.’ Pl. Per. 608)

(p)

. . . obiurgavit Albium Granius quod . . . valde absoluto Scaevola gauderet . . . (‘. . . Granius reproved Albius because the latter was much delighted by Scaevola’s acquittal.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.281—participial clause)

Examples of subordinate clauses that function as third argument are (q)–(w). (q)

Tantum te admonebo, si illi (sc. Ligario) absenti salutem dederis, praesentibus te his daturum. (‘I will merely remind you that if you grant life to the absent Ligarius you will grant it to all these here present.’ Cic. Lig. 38—accusative and infinitive clause)

(r)

Rogabis me ubi sit. (‘You’ll ask me where he is.’ Pl. Bac. 189—indirect question)

(s)

Nonne te . . . Quinta illa Claudia aemulam domesticae laudis in gloria muliebri esse admonebat . . .? (‘Did not even . . . that celebrated Quinta Claudia admonish you to emulate the praise belonging to our house from the glory of its women . . .?’ Cic. Cael. 34—prolative infinitive clause)

(t)

Qua re ut ad me omnia quam diligentissime perscribas te vehementer rogo. (‘Therefore I earnestly beg of you to write everything to me in full detail.’ Cic. Fam. 2.10.4)

(u)

Sed iam impedior egomet, iudices, dolore animi ne de huius miseria plura dicam. (‘I am now prevented by my mental anguish, Judges, from saying more about his misfortune.’ Cic. Sul. 92)

56

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (v)

. . . ne quid inpediare quin ad hanc utilitatem pariter nobiscum progredi possis. (‘. . . so that you may in no way be kept from being able to make equal progress with me towards the mastery of this useful art.’ Rhet. Her. 3.1)

(w)

. . . quos ad capiendam fugam naturae et virium infirmitas inpediret. (‘. . . whom weakness of nature and strength hampered from taking flight.’ Caes. Gal. 7.26.3—gerundival clause)

Whereas in the examples discussed so far the argument clauses fulfil functions that would be marked by the nominative, accusative or other case if we were dealing with argument noun phrases, the following examples concern arguments that are marked by prepositions or similar expressions. In (x) id functions as a pronominal support for the ut clause, which cannot be governed by a preposition directly. The combination ad id ut . . . simillimi functions as the second argument of accedunt. Similarly, the eo . . . ut clause in (y) functions as the second argument of pertinet. (For this use of prepositions, see § 14.6, with further references.) Comparable is the role of the adverb huc in (z), with an indirect question.2 (x)

Qui proxume accedunt ad id ut omnia habeant eadem vocantur gemini, simillimi. (‘Those who come nearest to having them all alike, are called most like, as it were, twins.’ Var. L. 10.4)

(y)

Hoc eo pertinet ut nihil existiment esse tam difficile quod non pro te mihi susceptum iucundum sit futurum. (‘The point is that they must think nothing too difficult for me to undertake with pleasure on your behalf.’ Cic. Fam. 6.10a.3)

(z)

Ubi friget, huc evasit quam pridem pater / mihi et mater mortui essent. (‘When the conversation flagged, she turned off to this point, asking how long ago my father and mother had died.’ Ter. Eu. 517–18) Supplement: Desunt omnino ei populo multa, sub rege est, in primisque libertas, quae non in eo est ut iusto utamur domino, sed ut nul. (Cic. Rep. 2.43); Tamen tantum afuit ab eo ut ulla ignominia iis exercitibus quaereretur ut et urbs Roma per eum exercitum . . . reciperaretur. . . (Liv. 25.6.11–12); Hoc autem ad id pertinet quod, qui fida gratia inter se iuncti sunt, numquam ab amicitia resolvuntur. (Porph. Hor. Carm. 3.21.22)

15.2 Types of argument clauses Just as sentences can be assigned to sentence types in accordance with their communicative function, one can also distinguish between declarative, interrogative, imperative, and 2 The example is taken from Bodelot (2003: 202–3), where further discussion can be found.

Finite declarative clauses

57

exclamatory subordinate clauses. The last mentioned are difficult to distinguish from interrogative clauses.3 These clause types share certain properties with the sentence types discussed in Chapter 6. An important distinction between declarative and interrogative argument clauses on the one hand and imperative clauses on the other is the use of the negator. Characteristic of declarative and interrogative clauses is that their negation is by non (and not by ne); one of the zero quantifiers, such as nemo ‘nobody’ and nihil ‘nothing’; or by a negative verb, such as nolo ‘to wish not’. Another characteristic of these clauses is that there are no restrictions on tense. Finally, in imperative argument clauses true passive verb forms are exceptional, due to the fact that their content is ‘controlled’; in declarative clauses, by contrast, these verb forms are not uncommon. Some of the classes mentioned in Table 15.1 are typical of a specific clause type: The accusative and infinitive clause is typical of declarative clauses; ut (negation ne) clauses are typical of imperative clauses; clauses with a question particle or question word are typical of interrogative clauses.4

15.3 Finite argument clauses For ease of exposition finite and non-finite clauses are discussed separately. Finite argument clauses contain an indicative or a subjunctive verb form; there are no argument clauses containing an imperative verb form. For finite argument clauses a distinction is made according to type: declarative, interrogative, imperative, and exclamatory.

15.4 Finite declarative argument clauses Table 15.1 contains an overview of the contexts in which the main classes of declarative finite argument clauses can be used. Also included are the accusative and infinitive clause and the nominative and infinitive construction. Some of the contexts are determined by the meaning of the governing verb (emotion verbs, for example), others are of a different kind: in (a), for example, the clause is anticipated by the preparative pronoun hoc (on this example, see § 14.16); in (b), the main clause is negated. (a)

Habet hoc sollicitudo, quod omnia necessaria putat. (‘Anxiety has this quality, that it supposes all things necessary.’ Plin. Ep. 6.9.2—object clause )

(b)

. . . non dubitabam quin te ille aut Dyrrachi aut in istis locis uspiam visurus esset. (‘. . . I didn’t doubt that he would be seeing you at Dyrrachium or somewhere else over there.’ Cic. Att. 1.17.2)

3 For independent exclamatory accusative and infinitive sentences, see § 6.35. 4 See Torrego (1986). She relates the use of the subordinator quod with a verb like gaudeo to exclamatory clauses.

Finite clauses

Classes of subordinate clauses

+ + L + +           + + + (L)

‘to leave unmentioned’ (mitto, praetereo)

‘emotion’ ( gaudeo)

‘fearing’ (timeo)

‘perception’, ‘cognition’, ‘communication’ (video, scio, dico)

‘praising’, ‘blaming’, ‘congratulating’ (laudo, arguo, gratulor)

‘to be surprised’ (miror)

‘to wait’, ‘to try’ (exspecto, conor)

‘to happen’ (evenit, fit, accidit)

‘to conclude’, ‘to follow’ (relinquitur)

transition expressions (reliquum est, restat)

various other verbs and expressions (refert, satis)

verbs of happening (bene accidit)

preparative pronouns and other expressions (illud, hoc)

negated main clauses (non dubito)

L

 

L

 

L

(L)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(+)L  

L

 

?

(L)

L

Legend: + = attested throughout; L = Late Latin ; S = Silver Latin; ? = unclear; () = rare

+

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

+

 

 

+

 

 

 

+

 

+

+

+

+

?

 

 

 

 

 

 

+

 

 

 

 

 

 

(+)

+

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

+

 

 

 

+

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

+

 

 

 

 

 

+

+

 

 

 

 

 

 

quod quia quoniam other ut (non) ut (ne) ne (non) quin si

‘to be added to’ (accedit)

 

Semantic classes of governing verbs

Table 15.1 Survey of classes of declarative clauses and their governing expressions (selected)

+

+

+

+

 

+

(+)

 

+

+

+

L

+

+

(+)

AcI

(S)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

+

+

 

 

 

 

NcI

Non-finite clauses

Finite declarative clauses

59

As observed above, a feature that declarative clauses have in common is that there are no restrictions on the tense of the verb and that they are negated by non. Exceptions to these general properties will be signalled below. The established subordinating form for most classes of declarative clauses is, from the beginning of our records onward, the accusative and infinitive clause (for its description see §§ 15.92ff.).5 This remained the dominant subordinating construction for the entire period covered by this Syntax, although in Late Latin finite constructions became more frequent in certain types of expression and also are preferred more generally by certain authors. Finite declarative clauses are discussed according to the subordinators. The internal order of the discussion of each subordinator will be the same as that given in Table 15.1.

. The use of quod in argument clauses The subordinator quod is used from our earliest texts onward in various types of subordinate clauses. Its use as a subordinator of argument clauses can also be traced from Early Latin onwards, in a range of contexts that varies in the course of time. These contexts are discussed separately in the sections that follow. In addition to this usage, it is found as a subordinator marking disjuncts describing the sphere of applicability of the main clause ‘as to . . .’ (see § 16.38—respect clauses),6 also from Early Latin onwards. Its use as a subordinator of reason clauses meaning ‘because’ can also be found in all periods (see § 16.41). Apart from its being used as a marker of reason adjuncts, it came to be used in other types of adjuncts as well: in Cicero’s time it is not infrequently used in combination with prepositional phrases, such as in eo quod ‘in respect of the fact that’, and in the Post-Classical period it is used on its own in a wide range of satellites (see § 16.84). Figure 15.1 gives an impression of the frequency of use of quod and quia in each of these categories in Cicero’s orations.7 As Figure 15.1 shows, quia is almost entirely restricted to reason adjunct clauses, with or without a correlating expression.8 Quod, by contrast, is used in many more contexts; its use as a marker of arguments (on the right in the graph) constitutes about a third of all its uses in subordinate clauses.

. The use of quod clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’ Quod is used in argument clauses with accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’. In (a) the quod clause refers to a factual situation, which accounts for the use of the indicative habent. In (b) the subjunctive esset is counterfactual (sc. si istic 5 For statistical data concerning Pl. As., see Serbat (2003: 529). 6 For the etymology and development, see Sz.: 572–3. For a synchronic sketch of the relation between the various uses, see Taylor (1951). 7 Based on Merguet (Reden). For more numerical data, see Herman (1963: 108–11) and Serbat (2003: 734–8). 8 For quia, see Baños (1991a) and (2014: 54–6).

60

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 various

preparatives

quia

cleft

emotion

quod

praise

addition

non reason

reason + cor

reason

disjunct

0

Figure 15.1 Distribution of quod and quia clauses in Cicero’s orations (in percentages) Quod N = 935; quia N = 200

non sederes). The main clause may contain a preparative expression, as in (c). For the semantic difference from accedit ut, see § 15.26. (a)

Accedit quod orationis etiam genus habent fortasse subtile et certe acutum . . . (‘There is the further point that they have a way of speaking that is perhaps subtle and undoubtedly penetrating . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 3.66)

(b)

Huc accedit quod paulo tamen occultior . . . ista cupiditas esset. (‘There must be added to this, that that cupidity of yours should have been a little more concealed.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 104)

(c)

Accedit illa quoque causa quod a ceteris forsitan ita petitum sit ut dicerent ut . . . (‘There is this reason, also, that perhaps the request to undertake this cause was made to the others so that . . .’ Cic. S. Rosc. 4—subjunctive because of forsitan) Supplement: Accedit etiam quod . . . T.  Annio devota et constituta ista hostia esse videtur. (Cic. Har. 7); . . . cum ad has suspiciones certissimae res accederent quod per fines Sequanorum Helvetios traduxisset, quod obsides inter eos dandos curasset, quod ea omnia . . . inscientibus ipsis fecisset, quod a magistratu Haeduorum accusaretur, satis esse causae arbitrabatur . . . (Caes. Gal. 1.19.1); Ceterum id quoque ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legitima regna occiderunt. (Liv. 1.48.8); Eo accedit quod Enoch apud Iudam apostolum testimonium possidet. (Tert. Cult. fem. 1.3)

Finite declarative clauses

61

. The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’ Quod is used with a variety of verbs and expressions meaning ‘to pass over’, ‘to leave unsaid’. There are two Early Latin examples of this usage which was to become a common rhetorical device in Cicero. Examples are (a) and (b). With this type of expression the accusative and infinitive is used as well (see § 15.96). (a)

Nam ut mittam quod ei amorem difficillimum et / carissimum, a meretrice avara virginem / quam amabat, eam confeci sine molestia . . . (‘Not to mention that I’ve secured for him without trouble a very difficult and very expensive love affair, since the girl he loved belonged to a greedy courtesan . . .’ Ter. Eu. 926–8)

(b)

Praetereo quod . . . eam sibi domum sedemque delegit . . . (‘I pass over the fact that . . . she chose as her own residence and home the very house . . .’ Cic. Clu. 188) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Suo loco praeteritum’st quod equites ex Italia cum Asprenate ad Caesarem venissent. (B.  Hisp. 10.2); Taceo enim quod princeps civitatis filiam ei nuptum dedit, cuius pecunia tam ieiunos penates videbat. (V. Max. 4.4.9); Non tango quod avarus homo est, quodque improbus, mitto. (Lucil. 1224M=1248K); . . . transeamusque quod Archimedes unus obsidionem Syracusarum in longius traxit. (Quint. Inst. 1.10.48)

. The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion Quod is used from Early Latin onward as a marker of object and subject clauses with verbs of emotion such as gaudeo ‘to be glad’, doleo ‘to be grieved at’, miror ‘to be surprised’, moleste fero ‘to be annoyed at’, me pudet ‘to be ashamed’.9 However, it is used much less often than the accusative and infinitive in this context (see § 15.97), and in Early Latin it is also less frequent than both quia, which itself is not used that frequently (see § 15.18), and quom (see § 15.23).10 Sometimes it is difficult to decide whether the quod clause is an argument or a reason adjunct. It is not easy to tell what determines the choice between the accusative and infinitive clause and the finite subordinate clause. According to K.-St.: II.277 the quod clause is used to emphasize the factuality of the emotion, but there is no objective evidence for this.11 Examples are (a)–(e). For the (indicative) mood, see § 7.131. (a)

Quod male feci crucior. (‘I am tormented by the thought that I treated him badly.’ Pl. Capt. 996)

9 There are a few instances of metuo and timeo ‘to fear’ in Late Latin. 10 For the development from Early to Classical Latin—increase of the accusative and infinitive—see Perrochat (1932b: 95–131). 11 For discussion, see Bolkestein (1989b: 47–8).

62

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (b)

Sane gaudeo quod te interpellavi, quoniam quidem tam praeclarum mihi dedisti iudicii tui testimonium. (‘I am very glad indeed that I interrupted you, since you have given me so fine a proof of your good opinion.’ Cic. Leg. 3.1)

(c)

Doluisse se quod populi Romani beneficium sibi per contumeliam ab inimicis extorqueretur. (‘He was indignant that a benefit to him from the Roman people was being insolently wrested from him by his enemies.’ Caes. Civ. 1.9.2)

(d)

Molestissime autem fero quod te ubi visurus sim nescio. (‘I am very upset, however, that I don’t know where I will see you.’ Cic. Fam. 3.6.5)

(e)

Nunc quoque ne pudeat quod sis mihi nupta . . . (‘Even now be not ashamed that you are wedded to me.’ Ov. Tr. 4.3.61) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): . . . ad officium pertinere aegre ferre quod sapiens non sis . . . (Cic. Tusc. 3.68); Angebatur tamen animi necessario quod domum eius exornatam atque instructam fere iam iste reddiderat nudam . . . (Cic. Ver. 2.84); . . . neque te tam commovebat quod ille cum toga praetexta quam quod sine bulla venerat. (Cic. Ver. 1.152); Itaque non tam ista me sapientiae . . . fama delectat . . . quam quod amicitiae nostrae memoriam spero sempiternam fore . . . (Cic. Amic. 15—NB: coordination with fama); Nunc me delectat quod fugerunt treceni. (Sen. Suas. 2.8); Sed de maiestatis iudicio duo mihi illa ex tuis litteris iucundissima fuerunt: unum quod te ab ipsa re publica defensum scribis . . . (Cic. Fam. 3.11.3); Atque illud in primis mihi laetandum iure esse video quod in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi causa talis oblata est in qua oratio deesse nemini possit. (Cic. Man. 3); Ergo mirabar quod dudum scapulae gestibant mihi (Pl. As. 315); Miror quod mihi tot tempus nihil rescripsti (CEL appendix Vindol. r 4–6 (Vindolanda, c. ad 105)); . . . mirabar quod non mitterentur mihi bestiae. (Passio Perp. 10.5—NB: unmotivated subjunctive); Mirum quod (sc. a certain plant) eodem die germinat quo iniectum est. (Plin. Nat. 13.129); Eho an te paenitet / in mari quod elavi . . . (Pl. Rud. 578–9); Pol haud perit quod illum tantum amo. (Pl. Truc. 581); Placet tamen inter haec quod inaestuas et pio metu antevertis necessitatem. (Symm. Ep. 4.54.3); Adiutorium hoc ad causam putatis? Me pudet quod rogatus sum. ([Quint.] Decl. 9.9); Eho tu, inpudens, non satis habes quod tibi dieculam addo . . .? (Ter. An. 710)

It is common to include in this semantic class of emotion verbs the verbs queror ‘to complain’, conqueror ‘to complain’, and glorior ‘to boast’, although they would better be described as denoting the verbal manifestation of emotions (TLL s.v. glorior: ‘plerumque fere i.q. gloriose loqui’), since they seem to behave more like communication verbs (proportionally they are found more often with the accusative and infinitive than the emotion verbs proper). Examples are (f) and (g). (f)

Sed . . . (sc. Scipio) querebatur quod omnibus in rebus homines diligentiores essent. (‘But (sc. Scipio) used to complain that men were more painstaking in all other things.’ Cic. Amic. 62)

Finite declarative clauses (g)

63

. . . qui glorianti cuidam mercatori quod multas navis in omnem oram maritimam demisisset . . . inquit . . . (‘. . . who, . . . when a certain trader boasted that he had dispatched a great number of ships to every distant coast, remarked . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 5.40) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . indignatione conquerimur quod ab iis a quibus minime conveniat male tractemur . . . (Cic. Inv. 1.109); Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestumque nomine Pisonis quod a visendo eo prohiberetur . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.61.1); Nunc autem, cum prope gloriati sint quod se hostibus dediderint . . . (Liv. 22.60.7); Socrates, deorum hominumque , gloriari solebat quod numquam neque in tabernam conspexerat nec . . . (Petr. 140.14); . . . gloriantem quod illa pusillitas . . . in manus Dei . . . pervenit . . . (Tert. Res. 6.1); Is mihi etiam queritur quod ab nobis novem solis diebus prima actio sui iudicii transacta sit . . . (Cic. Ver. 1.156); Quam multi quod nati sunt queruntur. (Sen. Ben. 1.1.11)

. The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication Quod, just like quia (see §  15.19), is also used in subordinate clauses with verbs and expressions indicating perception, cognition, and communication, which in Early and Classical Latin normally govern an accusative and infinitive clause (see § 15.98).12 There are very few instances before the second century ad, but ecclesiastical authors from Tertullian onwards use it with increasing frequency (together with quia and—much less frequently—quoniam, later also quomodo, quemadmodum, and qualiter) as an alternative for the accusative and infinitive expression.13 However, the accusative and infinitive clause remained the normal expression throughout the period taken into account in this Syntax. The spread of quod, quia, and quoniam was stimulated by Ø~t (hóti) and ot†~t (dihóti) in Greek texts, although the accusative and infinitive is also found in translations of Greek. The ‘advantages’ of the finite quod clause over the accusative and infinitive are first that it avoids potential ambiguity about which entity is the subject and which the object, and second that it allows for the expression of grammatical mood. These ‘advantages’ may indeed be the explanation for the use of the subjunctive in the very first attested instances of quod clauses, with the cognition verb scio ‘to know’ in Plautus, (a), and with the communication verb renuntio ‘to report’, (b): the speaker/author of the main clauses does not necessarily subscribe to the truth of the content of the quod clauses (see my paraphrase of (a); for (b), see the continuation of the story in B. Hisp. 37).14 (a)

Equidem scio iam filius quod amet meus / istanc meretricem . . . (‘Well, I already know that (people say that) my son is in love with that prostitute . . .’ Pl. As. 52–3)

12 Statistical data can be found in Mayen (1889: 47–8). 13 For the use of quod in the old Latin gospels and the use of the moods, see Burton (2000: 189–90). 14 Discussion in Cuzzolin (1994: 106–7), (2013a), and (2013b).

64

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (b)

. . . legati . . . renuntiaverunt quod Pompeium in potestatem haberent. (‘. . . envoys reported that they had Pompeius in their hands.’ B. Hisp. 36.1)

Although proper verbs of communication are exceptionally found with a quod clause, the verb addo ‘to add’ in its meaning ‘to add (orally or in writing)’ is used with a quod clause (in the indicative) from Terence onwards, as in (c).15 (For the AcI, see § 15.98.) (c)

. . . ut ne addam quod sine sumptu ingenuam, liberalem nactus es / quod habes, ita ut voluisti, uxorem sine mala fama palam. (‘. . . to say nothing of the fact that without any expense you’ve got yourself a respectable freeborn woman and have married her, just as you wanted, all in the open and without any harm to your reputation.’ Ter. Ph. 168–9) Supplement: Adde quod inbecilla nimis primordia fingit. (Lucr. 1.847); Adde huc quod perferri litterae nulla condicione potuerunt (Pol. Fam. 10.31.4); Adicite ad haec quod foedus aequum deditis . . . (Liv. 23.5.9)

Quod is initially more frequent than quia, but the latter increases in frequency from the Bible translations found in Cyprian’s writings onwards (c. ad 250). Of the pair quia and quod the former seems to be used by less educated language users more often than the latter. This distinction between the two can be seen as early as Petronius, and it becomes particularly apparent later on from the way Augustine uses them. He strongly prefers quod in his more formal writings, quia in his more popular Sermones.16 Quod (+ subjunctive) is strongly preferred by Jerome and is also used in his Vulgate Bible translation when he translates from the Hebrew (Old Testament). Quia is used to translate Greek Ø~t in the New Testament.17 A regional difference has been suggested between the use of quod and quia in very Late writings of the fifth and sixth centuries. Quod is used more frequently in Merovingian Latin texts, quia in Italy and Spain. However, these differences probably have other explanations.18 For the use of the moods in these clauses, see § 7.131. Quod clauses normally follow the main verb, both for pragmatic reasons (usually non-topical information) and because quod is a polysemous subordinator. By contrast, the subjects of accusative and infinitive clauses are often topical and coreferential with

15 Examples in TLL s.v. addo 590.6ff. 16 Further details can be found in Sz.: 577. Recent quantitative data can be found in Cuzzolin (1994) and in Stotz (1998: 397); see also Raviolo (2002) on Augustine. For Petronius, see Herman (2003) and Adams (2005a). Quod/quia clauses are absent in the Passio Perp. (Adams 2016: 328). For Priscian’s frequent use of quod (often in stereotyped expressions like sciendum est quod ), see Biville (2014; 2015). For the historical development, see Scivoletto (1962), Cuzzolin (1994), Serbat (2003: 650–6), Touratier (2005), and Calboli (2012). For ‘hybrid’ use of these subordinators with direct speech in Bible translations, see Sznajder (2017b). 17 For the variation in the distribution of quod, quia, and quoniam in the works of Jerome and in the Vulgate, see Bejarano (1975), García de la Fuente (1981), Calboli (2012), Sznajder (2017a; 2017b), and Greco and Ferrari (2019). For the Peregrinatio, see Bejarano (1983). For Symmachus, see Haverling (1988: 242–3). 18 Regional variation has been suggested by Herman (1963: 40–3), but see Adams (2007: 456).

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an entity that is already present in the preceding context, especially if the AcI clause precedes the main clause.19 Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Perception: . . . et cum audisset quod iam evenerat . . . (Pass. Perp. 20.9); Unde in Plinio Secundo legimus quod (Mazzarino; quoniam Keil) nominativus singularis non debet esse ‘iuger’, sed hoc ‘iugerum’. (Pomp. V.  193.36sqq. K); Dein cum metuens sibi quisque mussaret monstraretque perspicua veritas quod repulsus forsitan ariditate vel altitudine montium ad aquas redire non poterit miles . . . (Amm. 24.7.5); At illa gaudio exultans ‘vides’ inquit ‘Chrysis mea, vides quod aliis leporem excitavi?’ (Petr. 131.7); (Pharao) . . . quando vidit quod filii Israhel dimiserant eum . . . (Pereg. 8.5) Cognition: Omnium est aestimare . . . quod (sc. fama) ab uno aliquando principe exorta sit necesse est. (Tert. Apol. 7.11); Adiuro enim tuum mihi carissimum caput nulli me prorsus ac ne tibi quidem ipsi adseveranti posse credere quod tu quicquam in meam cogitaveris perniciem. (Apul. Met. 3.14.3—NB: subjunctive); . . . et nos credimus quod tu sis Christus (Tert. Prax. 21.18 (paraphrasing Joh. 6.69)—NB: subjunctive); . . . credo quod litteras meas libenter accipias . . . (Symm. Ep. 9.1—NB: subjunctive); Nec Hiberum pro ea re dubitare puto quod rem non permissam facit . . . (Proc. dig. 8.2.13);20 Malo quod illum talem inveni quam si multiplicatum hoc ad me de quo loquebar alia via pervenisset. (Sen. Ben. 2.3.3); . . . affirmans et praescisse se olim et praedixisse quod centenario iam contiguus sepelietur in solo Romano. (Amm. 24.1.10); Puto quod nec ipse audeas adversum talem ac tantum virum, tibi veritatem, illi mendacium reputare. (Hier. C. Iohan. 10—NB: subjunctive); Atque etiam recordatus quondam super cenam quod nihil cuiquam toto die praestitisset, memorabilem illam meritoque laudatam vocem edidit: amici, diem perdidi. (NB: subjunctive) (Suet. Tit. 8.1); Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam et honore praecipuo habitam quodque litus iuxta non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset. (Tac. Ann. 14.6.1—NB: coordination of an accusative and infinitive and a quod clause (in the subjunctive)); Scis enim quod epulum dedi binos denarios. (Petr. 71.9 (Trimalchio speaking)); Sciendum quod hodie is praevaricati sunt poena iniungitur extraordinaria. (Ulp. dig. 47.15.2); Sciendum etiam quod de capillis his qui cum homine nascuntur certiora sint signa (Physiogn. 13—NB: subjunctive); . . . sciens quod, si remanserit usquam, exsectis cruribus relinquetur. (Amm. 23.5.21); Unum sane sciendum est quod Germani omnes cum ad auxilium essent rogati a Proculo, Pro servire maluerunt quam cum Bonoso et Proculo . (Hist. Aug. Prob. 18.7) Communication: Non commemoro quod draconis saevi sopivi impetum, / non quod domui vim taurorum et segetis armatae manus. (Enn. scen. 274–5V—NB: for the attribution of this text to Ennius, see Jocelyn, p. 350); Denuntiavi enim litem moventi quod ad me causa pertineat nec defuturum eis meae actionis auxilium. (Symm. Ep. 9.24.2—NB: subjunctive); . . . non sine causa dicetur quod usuras quoque percipere debeat . . . (Paul. dig. 17.2.67.2—NB: subjunctive); In summa autem dicendum 19 For the pragmatic differences between the AcI and quod (and quia) clauses, see Herman  (1989), Cuzzolin (1994), Greco (2008), and the summarizing discussion in Greco (2012: 44–50). For Merovingian texts, see Greco (2014). 20 For later instances, also with the subjunctive, see TLL s.v. 2088.1ff.

66

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position est quod omnibus stellis noceat vicinitas Solis. (Firm. Mat. 2.8.2—NB: subjunctive); . . . docetque quod apud Parisios natus in Galliis et equestri militans turma vindictam quondam commissi facinoris timens ad Persas abierat profugus exindeque morum probitate spectata sortita coniuge liberisque susceptis speculatorem se missum ad nostra saepe veros nuntios reportasse. (Amm. 18.6.16—NB: parallelism with accusative and infinitive); Fama est quod Ampelium et quosdam alios de Sardinia, ut adseritur, senatores in crimen adductos forum conpetens observare praeceperis. (Symm. Ep. 2.33a—NB: subjunctive); Deinde cum esset in Asia bellum Mithridaticum gerens, per Lucium Titium ei mandatum est a Iove quod esset Mithridatem superaturus, et factum est. (August. Civ. 2.24—NB: subjunctive); Promiseras enim quod non dares sanctum tuum videre corruptionem, et nunc in sepulcro tegitur. (Hier. Tract. psal. 88.272—NB: subjunctive); Veritas . . . sanctis fidelibusque promittit quod erunt aequales angelis Dei. (August. Civ. 11.13); At hercule nemo refert quod Italia externae opis indiget, quod vita populi Romani per incerta maris et tempestatum cotidie volvitur. (Tac. Ann. 3.54.4) For exceptional instances of eo quod in the same context as quod, see (d). In some cases the interpretation of the eo quod clause as a reason clause is not excluded.21 (d) Nam dicent eo quod filii Israhel in honore ipsorum eas (sc. statuas) posuerint. (‘And the people will tell you that the children of Israel set them up in their honour.’ Pereg. 8.2—tr. Wilkinson) For the use of quod, quia, and quoniam as introducers of direct speech in ecclesiastical authors, see Sz.: 578–9. Appendix: Quod in the following much-debated fragment of Cato can be taken as an interrogative determiner modifying bonum. (e) Dicam de istis Graecis suo loco, Marce fili, quid Athenis exquisitum habeam, et quod bonum sit illorum litteras inspicere, non perdiscere. (‘I shall speak about those Greek fellows in their proper place, Marcus, my son, and point out the result of my enquiries at Athens, and convince you what benefit comes from dipping into their literature, and not making a close study of it.’ Cato Fil. 1(J))

. The use of quod clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and convicting and of blaming, excusing, praising, congratulating, and thanking A quod clause (and—less often—quia) is the regular construction that is used with verbs and expressions of blaming, excusing, praising, congratulating, and thanking. These verbs can be found with a second argument which is either the addressee who 21 See Herman (1963: 47–9), Väänänen (1987: 73), and Baños (2014: 158–9). For a causal interpretation of eo quod in (d), see Griffe (2011).

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is blamed, praised, etc. or the content of the blame, as in (a). They can also be found with three arguments, with both the addressee and the content. With some verbs the addressee is in the accusative, as in (b), with others in the dative, as (c). There are also related expressions with which the quod clause is the subject, as in (d). As illustrated by (e), it is not always easy to decide whether the quod or quia clause is the content of the praise, blame, etc. or the reason for praising or blaming somebody.22 In Early Latin cum (quom) is relatively common as an alternative to quod (see § 15.23). With some verbs the accusative and infinitive clause is also possible (see § 15.99). (a)

Nec vos arguerim, Teucri, nec foedera nec quas / iunximus hospitio dextras. (‘Yet I would not blame you, Trojans, nor our covenant, nor the hands we clasped in friendship.’ Verg. A. 11.164–5)

(b)

. . . cum obiurgavit Albium Granius quod . . . absoluto Scaevola gauderet . . . (‘. . . when Granius reproached Albius with being delighted by Scaevola’s acquittal . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 2.281)

(c)

Tibi . . . tamen quod abes gratulor, vel quia non vides ea quae nos, vel quod excelso et illustri loco sita est laus tua . . . (‘But all the same, I congratulate you on your absence. On the one hand, you do not see what we are seeing; on the other, your renown is situated in a lofty and distinguished place . . .’ Cic. Fam. 2.5.1—NB: co-occurrence of a quod argument clause and reason adjunct clauses with quia and quod )

(d)

Quod te in tanta hereditate ab omni occupatione expedisti valde mihi gratum est. (‘It is very good news to me that you have freed yourself from business although you have so large an inheritance to think of.’ Cic. Att. 3.20.2)

(e)

Eo in metu arguere Germanicum omnes quod non ad superiorem exercitum pergeret . . . (‘Amid the alarm all condemned Germanicus for not going to the upper army . . .’ Tac. Ann. 1.40.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb or comparable expression): Without an addressee: . . . accusabat quidam vilitate ipsa despectus quod, cum imperium Procopius affectasset, aliqua pro eo locuti sunt bona. (Amm. 29.3.7); ‘Nihil aliud scio’, inquit, ‘nihil arguo, nisi quod cum ferro comisatum venerunt.’ (Liv. 40.14.5); Non quidem sibi ignarum posse argui quod tam recenti dolore subierit oculos senatus. (Tac. Ann. 4.8.3); . . . criminabatur etiam quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appellatus, ab hominibus relegasset . . . (Cic. Off. 3.112); Hoc tu igitur in crimen vocas quod cum iis fuerit C.  Rabirius . . .? (Cic. Rab. Perd. 24); . . . (sc. litterae) videntur . . . quasi exprobrare quod in ea vita maneam in qua nihil insit nisi propagatio miserrimi temporis. (Cic. Fam. 5.15.3); Gaudeo et gratulor quod Fusco Salinatori filiam tuam destinasti. (Plin. Ep. 6.26.1); . . . quod te intro misi gratiam referat mihi.

22 For gratias ago, see Ros  (2005), with arguments in favour of considering quod clauses with this expression as reason adjuncts. See also Ripoll (2012).

68

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (Lucil. 835M=904K); Gratulemur quod iam nulla civitas fame laborat. ([Quint.] Decl. 12.10); Quod minuit auctionem decemviralem laudo, quod regi amico cavet non reprehendo, quod non gratis fit indignor. (Cic. Agr. 2.58); Quod bene cogitasti aliquando laudo; quod non indicasti gratias ago; quod non fecisti ignosco. (Cic. Phil. 2.34) Accusative addressee: Accusat eos quod eius modi de se sermones habuerint. (Cic. Ver. 5.102); Pacem petebat excusabatque sese quod per Aetolos recuperasset paternum regnum. (Liv. 38.3.2); Laudor quod osculavi privignae caput. (Titin. com. 155— NB: unless to be regarded as causal quod ); Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem . . . vituperat quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. (Cic. Off. 2.60) Dative addressee: Criminique ei tribunus inter cetera dabat quod filium iuvenem . . . prope in carcerem atque in ergastulum dederit . . . (Liv. 7.4.4); Quod bene fecisti referetur gratia. (Pl. Capt. 941); Fecisti mihi pergratum quod Serapionis librum ad me misisti. (Cic. Att. 2.4.1); . . . cum laetor tandem longi erroris vobis finem factum esse, tum quod secundis potissimum vestris rebus hic error est sublatus et vobis et propter vos rei publicae gratulor. (Liv. 5.3.3); Ago tibi gratias quod me dign habuisti et sequrum fecisti. (CEL 142.7–8 (Karanis, c. ad 115)); Obicio tibi quod occidisti hominem . . . (Sen. Con. 7.2.8); Vitio mihi dant quod mortem hominis necessari graviter fero atque eum quem dilexi perisse indignor. (Matius Fam. 11.28.2) Damno and condemno ‘to condemn’ are included in this semantic class by K.-St.: II.276. However, the quia and quod clauses in (f)–(i) are better taken as reason adjuncts.23 (f) . . . C. Decianus, de quo tu saepe commemoras, quia, cum hominem omnibus insignem notis turpitudinis, P. Furium, accusaret summo studio bonorum omnium, queri est ausus in contione de morte Saturnini, condemnatus est. At Sex. Titius, quod habuit imaginem L. Saturnini domi suae, condemnatus est. (‘But take the case of Gaius Decianus, whom you are so fond of quoting: he was condemned because—while with the entire approval of all good citizens he was accusing Publius Furius, a man notorious for every kind of infamy— he dared to lament in the course of his speech the death of Saturninus. And Sextus Titius also was condemned because he had a portrait of Saturninus in his house.’ Cic. Rab. Post. 24) (g) Et ii qui Fabrici libertum, quia minister in maleficio fuerat, patronum, quia conscius esset condemnassent, ipsum principem atque architectum sceleris absolverent? (‘And could those who had condemned the freedman of Fabricius, because he had been an agent in the crime, and his patron, because he had been privy to it, acquit the principal and original contriver of the whole wickedness?’ Cic. Clu. 60—see also Clu. 61) (h) In qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset; . . . A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis. 23 Examples taken from TLL s.v. condemno 124.65f.; s.v. damno 15.49ff.

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(‘In this investigation, the question was more which side had favoured the king and which the Romans, than which had done wrong or had been wronged; . . . only Aulus Baebius was condemned for furnishing Roman soldiers to help carry out the slaughter.’ Liv. 45.31.1–2) (i) . . . arguimus nos ipsi penitusque re visa atque inspecta damnamus, quod humanitatis iure deposito naturalis initii consortia ruperimus. (‘. . . we ourselves accuse and condemn ourselves when the thing is seen and looked into thoroughly, because, neglecting the law which is binding on men, we have broken through the bonds which naturally united us at the beginning.’ Arn. Nat. 7.4—tr. Bryce)

. The use of quod clauses in combination with a subject or object complement In (a)–(c) the quod clauses function as subject of a clause whose verb consists of a form of sum in combination with a subject complement; in the first two examples the subject complement is an adjective (neuter singular form), in the last a noun phrase. A quod clause functioning as object in combination with an object complement is shown in (d). The main clause can have a preparative pronoun as its object, as in (e). Note that the nouns and adjectives involved are semantically related to the verbs discussed above. (a)

. . . nihil praeclarius quam quod eosdem . . . praeesse voluerunt . . . (‘. . . but no action of theirs was ever more wise than their desire that the same men should superintend. . .’, Cic. Dom. 1)

(b)

Est autem in hoc genere molestum quod in maximis animis . . . existunt honoris, imperii . . . cupiditates. (‘But the trouble about this matter is that it is in the greatest souls that lust for honour and power emerges.’ Cic. Off. 1.26)

(c)

Parumne est malai rei quod amat Demipho . . .? (‘Is it not enough of a bad thing that Demipho is in love . . .?’ Pl. Mer. 692)

(d)

Maximum vero eius beneficium numero quod hoc animo in rem publicam est . . . (‘But I count it as his greatest benefaction that he is of this mind toward the Republic . . .’ Cic. Phil. 13.7)

(e)

Nisi hoc indignum putas quod vestitum sedere in iudicio vides quem tu e patrimonio . . . nudum expulisti. (‘Unless you think it scandalous to see in this court sitting fully clothed the man whom you have driven naked out of his patrimony.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 147) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Sed causa erat iudici postulandi quod ex edicto professus non esset. (Cic. Ver. 3.39); Praecipuum destinationis meae documentum habete quod de nemine queror. (Tac. Hist. 2.47.3); Tot luctibus funesta civitate pars maeroris fuit quod Iulia Drusi filia,

70

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position quondam Neronis uxor, denupsit in domum Rubellii Blandi . . . (Tac. Ann. 6.27.1); Alterum est vitium quod quidam nimis magnum studium multamque operam in res obscuras atque difficiles conferunt . . . (Cic. Off. 1.19) Fuerit verecundiae tuae quod nihil hactenus nobis adloquii detulisti. (Symm. Ep. 8.8) Quod autem idem maestitiam meam reprehendit, idem iocum, magno argumento est me in utroque fuisse moderatum. (Cic. Phil. 2.40); . . . nisi etiam quod omnino coluit crimini fuerit. (Cic. S. Rosc. 49); Cn. Octavio . . . honori fuisse accepimus quod praeclaram aedificasset in Palatio . . . domum . . . (Cic. Off. 1.138); . . . indicio fuit quod ipse expulso Dionysio imperium dimittere noluit. (Nep. Tim. 2.3); Voluptati mihi est quod vales. (Symm. Ep. 7.37) Cuius ex omni vita nihil est honestius quam quod cum mima fecit divortium. (Cic. Phil. 2.69); Optimum vero quod dictaturae nomen in perpetuum de re publica sustulisti (Cic. Phil. 2.91) Quod Thebae cecidere meum est (Ov. Met. 13.173); Nostrum est quod evocavimus ad causam dicendam eos . . . (Liv. 39.36.13) Quam ob rem etsi magis est quod gratuler tibi quam quod te rogem, tamen etiam rogo . . . (Cic. Att. 16.5.2)24 With a preparative pronoun: Nec vero illud non eruditorum temporum argumentum est quod et deorum pulvinaribus et epulis magistratuum fides praecinunt . . . (Cic. Tusc. 4.4) Quamquam illud est egregium quod hac lege ante omnia veneunt . . . (Cic. Agr. 2.71); Id vero egregium quod provisu deum vidua iungeretur principi sua tantum matrimonia experto. (Tac. Ann. 12.6.2); Hoc quidem hau molestum est iam quod collus collari caret. (Pl. Capt. 357)

. The use of quod clauses with a variety of other expressions Apart from the more or less precise semantic contexts dealt with in the preceding sections, quod argument clauses are used with a broad range of other expressions, which by their meaning allow a quod argument clause referring to a factive content. It is this enormous variety that testifies to the role of quod as a ‘general’ subordinator, even in Cicero’s time. A few examples must suffice.25 In (a) and (b), the quod clauses function as subject with the two-place verbs habeo and adiuvo, respectively. In (c), the quod clause functions as subject of two-place (so-called impersonal) refert.26 In many instances some form of preparative expression anticipates the quod clause. (a)

Quod vero ita avocatur a Mutina . . . quam habet ignominiam . . .! (‘Now he is ordered off from Mutina in such a fashion . . . what a disgrace does that entail!’ Cic. Phil. 6.6)

(b)

Quam ad spem multum eos adiuvabat quod Liger ex nivibus creverat . . .

24 For the various expressions with magis est, see TLL s.v. magis 64.47ff. 25 One can get a good impression by browsing through Merguet’s lexicons to Cicero’s Orations and Philosophica s.v. quod. For the relationship between these various uses, see Taylor  (1951) and Woolsey (1953). 26 For more instances of verbs of advantage, importance, etc., see Serbat (2003: 579–82).

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(‘The fact that the Loire was so swollen from the melting of the snows contributed greatly to this hope.’ Caes. Gal. 7.55.10)

(c)

Nec refert quod inter se specie differunt, cum genere consentiant. (‘It matters nothing that they differ in special points, seeing that they are generically alike.’ Tac. Dial. 25.4) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Quod clause as object: Ille dedit quod non anima haec Cyclopis in ora / venit . . . (Ov. Met. 14.174–5—NB: ut or a prolative infinitive would be normal); Quid habet mea domus religiosi nisi quod impuri et sacrilegi parietem tangit? (Cic. Har. 33); Neque satis habuit quod eam in occulto vitiaverat, quin eius famam prostitueret. (Cato hist. 36=27C); At quo teste, di immortales, non satis quod uno, non quod ignoto, non quod levi. (Cic. Scaur. 29) Quod clause as subject: Interfecit Opimius Gracchum. Quid facit causam? Quod rei publicae causa (sc. interfecit), cum ex senatus consulto ad arma vocasset. (Cic. de Orat. 2.132) Appendix: Quod clauses are also used in headings in Cato’s Agr. An example is (d). (d) De brassica quod concoquit. (‘About cabbage that it promotes digestion.’ Cato Agr. 156.1)

. The use of quod clauses with verbs of happening Quod clauses are used as subject with a variety of main clauses which have in common that they contain an expression that, from a semantic point of view, can be understood as an evaluation of the content of the quod clause. The phenomenon is particularly common with verbs and expressions of happening when the superordinate clause contains an evaluative expression. Examples are perincommode in (a) and bene in (b).27 In these examples the adverbs perincommode and bene constitute the salient information; the content of the quod clause is ‘factive’ and known information. For the combination of accidit and an evaluative adverb with a non-clausal subject, see (c).28 (a)

Sed accidit perincommode quod eum nusquam vidisti. (‘It is most unfortunate that you did not see him at all.’ Cic. Att. 1.17.2)

(b)

Magna me, inquit, spes tenet, iudices, bene mihi evenire quod mittar ad mortem. (‘ “I entertain, gentlemen of the jury, high hopes,” said he, “that it is for my good that I am sent to death.” ’ Cic. Tusc. 1.97)

(c)

Quod consilium etsi in eiusmodi casu reprehendendum non est, tamen incommode accidit. (‘This plan, though not reprehensible in such an emergency, had an unfortunate result.’ Caes. Gal. 5.33.4)

27 See TLL s.v. incommode 988.57ff. 28 For quod clauses with verbs of happening and with facio, see Bolkestein (1989b), Rosén (1989a), Cuzzolin (1996), and Panchón (2003: 407–11; 421–6).

72

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

The verbs with which such quod clauses are attested are the verbs of happening accidit ‘to happen’, cadit ‘to happen’, evenit ‘to happen’, and fit ‘to occur’. With these verbs ut is normal when there are no evaluative expressions present (see § 15.27). For accusative and infinitive clauses in similar contexts, see § 15.94.29 A counterpart of subject clauses with verbs and expressions of happening are object clauses with the verb facio ‘to do’, as in (d) and (e). (d)

Bene facis, inquit, quod me adiuvas . . . (‘ “You do a service to me,” he said, “in helping me . . .” ’ Cic. Fin. 3.16)

(e)

Sed fecit humaniter Licinius quod ad me misso senatu vesperi venit . . . (‘Licinius acted kindly toward me in calling on me this evening after the Senate had risen.’ Cic. Q. fr. 2.1.1)

The expressions involved are mainly adverbs like the ones in (a)–(e). Less common are noun phrases in the ablative expressing cause, as in (f) and (g). (f)

Num tu, inquit, harum rerum natura accidere arbitraris, quod ‘unam terram’ et ‘plures terras’ . . . dicamus . . . (‘Surely you do not think that it happens from the nature of these things that we say “one land” and “several lands”.’ Caes. gram. 3a—tr. Garcea)

(g)

Noli putare pigritia me facere quod non mea manu scribam . . . (‘You must not suppose it is out of laziness that I do not write in my own hand . . .’ Cic. Att. 16.15.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Hoc loco percommode accidit quod non adest . . . C. Aquilius. (Cic. Caec. 77); Sed hoc tamen cecidit mihi peropportune quod . . . ad Antonium audiendum venistis. (Cic. de Orat. 2.15); Numquam edepol quicquam iamdiu quod mage vellem evenire / mi evenit quam quod modo senex intro ad nos venit errans. (Ter. Eu. 1002–3); . . . scripseras velle te bene venire quod de Crasso domum emissem . . . (Cic. Fam. 5.6.2); . . . dicere est solitus benigne sibi a populo Romano esse factum quod nimis magna procuratione liberatus modicis regni terminis uteretur (Cic. Deiot. 36); Itaque sive casu accidit sive consilio, percommode factum est quod . . . de morte et de dolore . . . disputatum est. (Cic. Tusc. 4.64) Pervorse facis. # Quodne amem? (Pl. Mer. 573); Quod scribis scire te mihi illam rem fore levamento, bene facis. (Cic. Att. 12.43.2); . . . cave suspiceris contra meam voluntatem te facere quod non sis mecum. (Cic. Fam. 16.22.1); Qua re facis tu quidem fraterne quod me hortaris . . . (Cic. Q. fr. 2.14.2); Tu autem Fanni, quod mihi tantum tribui dicis quantum ego nec adgnosco nec postulo, facis amice. (Cic. Amic. 9); Bene facitis quod abominamini. (Liv. 6.18.9); Bene fecisti, quod libertum aliquando tibi carum reducentibus epistulis meis in domum, in animum recepisti. (Plin. Ep. 9.24)30

29 For the use of quod clauses and the difference from ut clauses with these verbs, related to quod’s causal meaning, see Baños (1990). 30 More instances in TLL s.v. facio 106.84ff.

Finite declarative clauses

73

…nec mehercules possum dicere inhumanitate tua fieri quod non audeo . . . (Sen. Con. 10.1.1); Non magnam rem facis quod vivere sine regio apparatu potes . . . (Sen. Ep. 110.12) An exceptional Late Latin instance of a quia clause in a similar context is (h). Ex. (i) is different: there quia means ‘because’ (compare Pl. Aul. 643).31 (h) Et bene accidit quia nos laboraturos Dominus sciebat . . . (‘And it is fortunate that the Lord knew that we were going to work . . .’ Ambr. Virgin. 130) (i) Istuc male factum arbitror, quia non latus fodi. (‘I think that (threatening you) was a mistake because I should have stabbed you in the side.’ Pl. Aul. 418) There are a few instances with quom in Plautus, as in ( j). ( j) . . . et bene et benigne facitis, quom ero amanti operam datis. (‘. . . and you are acting well and kindly . . . by helping my lovesick master.’ Pl. Poen. 588) Noteworthy instances of combinations of accidit and quod are (k) and (l). In (k) the context shows that fortuitum (which would require ut—see § 15.27) must be interpreted as ‘as an accident’.32 In (l) nihil novi looks like the subject of accidisse, with the quod clause as its explanation, but it is probably better to take the quod clause as the subject and nihil novi as equal to non aliquid novi, ‘not as something new’.33 (k) Accidit fortuitum, sed non tamquam fortuitum, quod . . . Certus . . . implicitus morbo decessit. (‘It happened by coincidence, though it seemed no mere coincidence, . . . that Certus fell ill and died.’ Plin. Ep. 9.13.24) (l) . . . nihil novi accidisse respondit, quod duo senatores in re publica dissentirent . . . (‘. . . he said that it was nothing strange for two senators to hold different views in the state . . .’ Tac. Hist. 2.91.3)

. The use of quod clauses in combination with a preparative or interrogative pronoun or similar expressions Quod argument clauses are used with preparative and—less frequently—resumptive expressions from Early Latin onwards (see also §§ 14.16–17). Examples are (a)–(c). In (a) illuc is the subject complement of the main clause; it prepares for the quod clause. The sentence would be acceptable without the preparative pronoun, and the quod 31 K.-St.: II.275, Sz.: 579, and Panchón (2003: 408–9) take this as an instance of quia as a marker of a clause with male facere. Baños (2014: 54) and Taillade (2019: 168–9) take it as a reason adjunct. 32 See Ehlers (1971) and Cuzzolin (1996: 230). 33 See Gerber and Greef s.v. quod 1342, § n; OLD s.v. quod § 6. For a different analysis, see Cuzzolin (1996: 228) and Serbat (2003: 575).

74

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

clause would serve as an argument on its own (see § 15.11). However, the pronoun is not always omissible, as can be seen in (b) (repeated from § 15.4), since habeo does not govern an argument clause.34 Ex. (c) shows the use of the determiner illa as a modifier of antiqua. Illa can either be understood as cataphoric or—more likely—as exophoric (see § 11.107), ‘the well-known ancient story’. According to this interpretation, the quod clause functions as an appositive clause specifying illa antiqua (see § 14.16). In (d) the quod clause is prepared for by the pronoun id (for quod clauses with vitium as their subject complement, see § 15.11). The use of the interrogative pronoun quid in (e) can be compared with the use of the preparative pronouns in (a) and (b). Ex. (f) can be compared with (c). For a resumptive pronoun, see (g). (a)

Quid illuc est quod illi caperrat frons severitudine? (‘What’s the reason that his forehead is wrinkled from grave thoughts?’ Pl. Epid. 609)

(b)

Habet hoc sollicitudo, quod omnia necessaria putat. (‘Anxiety has this quality, that it supposes all things necessary.’ Plin. Ep. 6.9.2)

(c)

Nam illa nimis antiqua praetereo quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Maelium novis rebus studentem manu sua occidit. (‘I pass over that well-known ancient story that Gaius Servilius Ahala with his own hand killed Spurius Maelius, who was pursuing revolution.’ Cic. Catil. 1.3)

(d)

Id illi vitium maxumum est / quod nimis tardus est advorsum mei animi sententiam. (‘It’s his greatest fault that he’s too slow, against my heart’s wishes.’ Pl. Mer. 596–7)

(e)

Quid quod Staienus est condemnatus? (‘What of the fact that Staienus was condemned?’ Cic. Clu. 99)

(f)

. . . miretur profecto quae sit tanta atrocitas huiusce causae quod diebus festis . . . hoc iudicium exerceatur . . . (‘. . . he would in truth wonder what great atrocity there is in this particular cause such that this trial alone should proceed during these days of festival and public games . . .’ Cic. Cael. 1)

(g)

Quod discordis dispersasque Vitellii legiones . . . fudisset, id pulcherrimum et sui operis. (‘As to the fact that he had put to rout the discordant and scattered legions of Vitellius, Antonius called that a most beautiful achievement and the work of his own hand.’ Tac. Hist. 3.53.2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preparative expression): NB: In some of the instances cited below we find both some sort of preparative device, on the basis of which they have been placed in this category, and a main verb that fits in with one of the categories in the preceding sections.

34 For the preparative use of ille, see TLL s.v. 348.36ff.; for is, TLL s.v. 477.66 (quia) and 478.1ff. (quod ); for iste, TLL s.v. 508.28ff. See also Merguet (Phil.) s.v. quod 332B; (Reden) 221A. Ex. (b) is taken from Bodelot (2000: 76).

Finite declarative clauses

75

Sed quid hoc est quod foris concrepuit proxima vicinia? (Pl. Mos. 1062); Sed hoc inter me atque illum interest quod ille . . . inimicos suos ultus est . . . (Cic. Red. Pop. 20); Hoc enim uno praestamus vel maxime feris quod conloquimur inter nos et quod exprimere dicendo sensa possumus. (Cic. de Orat. 1.32—NB: for praesto, see § 4.57) Quaeso ut sat habeas id, pater, quod Chrysalus / me obiurigavit . . . (Pl. Bac. 1019– 20); . . . semperque id valuisse plurimum quod in se auctoritatis habuisset aequitatisque plurimum . . . (Cic. Caec. 80); Ceterum id quoque ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legitima regna occiderunt. (Liv. 1.48.8); At Pallas id maxime in Agrippina laudare quod Germanici nepotem secum traheret. (Tac. Ann. 12.2.3) Hoc nimirum est illud quod non longe a gradibus Aureliis haec causa dicitur. (Cic. Flac. 66); An illa non gravissimis ignominiis monumentisque huius ordinis ad posteritatis memoriam sunt notanda quod unus M. Antonius in hac urbe post conditam urbem palam secum habuerit armatos? (Cic. Phil. 5.17); Non ego illud parvi aestimo, milites quod nemo est vestrum cuius . . . (Liv. 21.43.17) Quid istuc est quod meos te dicam fugitare oculos, Tyndare . . . (Pl. Capt. 541) In contexts like (b) the preparative pronoun functions as a grammatical device to mark the function of the clause in its sentence. This resembles the use of pronouns with quod clauses functioning as satellite, as in (h). Here, eo is obligatory: the combination of a preposition and a subordinator ( pro quod ) is ungrammatical until (very) Late Latin (see also § 16.84). (h) Sin autem pro magnitudine iniuriae proque eo quod summa res publica in huius periculo temptatur haec omnes vindicarent . . . (‘But if, in consideration of the greatness of the injustice, and of the fact that the highest intrests of the State are being attacked in the peril by which he is threatened—if all were to punish these acts . . .’ Cic. S. Rosc. 148)

A different phenomenon is the combination of a preparative pronoun + est + quod, for example hoc est quod, in examples like (i). Here, quod is not a subordinator, but the accusative neuter of the relative pronoun functioning as a reason adjunct ‘why’. Similarly, quid est quod ‘what is it why’ in ( j). See also § 18.39 for the use of the relative adverb cur in the same configuration. Compare also (k), with id in the same function. Scholars vary in the way they deal with quod in these cases. Some regard it as a subordinator, others as a relative pronoun functioning as ‘adverbial accusative’ or ‘internal accusative’.35 (i)

Hoc ecastor est quod ille it ad cenam cottidie. (‘Yes, that explains why he has to go to dinner every day.’ Pl. As. 865)

( j)

Nam quid est quod haec huc timida atque exanimata exsiluit foras? (‘What on earth is the reason why she’s rushed out here, all fearful and anxious?’ Pl. Cas. 630)

(k)

Id nos ad te, si quid velles, venimus. (‘That’s why we have come to you, to see if you want anything.’ Pl. Mil. 1158)

35 I follow Baños (1991b), with extensive discussion.

76

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement: Hoc, / hoc est quod peracescit. / Hoc est demum quod percrucior . . . (Pl. Bac. 1099–1101); Hoc erat, alma parens, quod me per tela, per ignis / eripis . . .? (Verg. A. 2.664–5) Sed quid est quod tuo nunc animo aegre’st? (Pl. Cas. 178); Sci’n quid est quod ego ad te venio? (Pl. Men. 677); Quid est quod tu exanimatus iam hos multos dies / gestas tabellas tecum . . . (Pl. Ps. 9–10); Quid est quod de voluntate caelestium dubitare possimus? (Cic. Phil. 4.10); Quid est quod diligenter conficiamus tabulas? (Cic. Q. Rosc. 7); Quid erat quod confirmabat se abs te argentum esse repetiturum . . .? (Cic. Ver. 4.43)36 NB: Quid fecerat quod eum totiens per insidias interficere voluistis? (Cic. Dom. 59)

. The use of quia in declarative argument clauses Quia is relatively uncommon as a subordinator in declarative argument clauses until its expansion with certain classes of governing expressions in Late Latin.

. The use of quia clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added’, or ‘to constitute an addition to’ Quia is used with accedit ‘to constitute an addition to’ from Augustine onward. An example is (a). (a)

Huc accedit quia ipse dies. . . incertus est. (‘To this fact is added that the day itself . . . is uncertain.’ August. Serm. 17.7)

. The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’ Quia with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’ is very rare and Late. An example is (a).37 (a)

Non praeterimus quia aliqui nec in Hebraeo putant esse, nec in ceteris interpretationibus . . . (‘We do not fail to record the fact that some do not believe that it is either in the Hebrew or in other versions . . .’ Ambr. Hex. 3.5.20)

. The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of emotion There are only a few instances in Early Latin and in later periods of quia as a marker of clauses with verbs and expressions denoting emotion (verba affectuum). An example is (a). Since with this class of verbs the reason for the emotion is sometimes expressed, there are instances where one may interpret the quia clause as a reason adjunct. The 36 See Lebreton (1901a: 318–19). For more instances in Cicero, see Merguet (Phil.) s.v. quis 312A; (Reden) s.v. quod 223, § 7c; Bennett: I.136–7. See also Löfstedt (1966: 262–4; 2000: 85–6). 37 See TLL s.v. praetereo 1020.74ff.

Finite declarative clauses

77

accusative and infinitive is—by far—the normal construction with emotion expressions, of which gaudeo is the only representative with a considerable number of instances of quia clauses. (a)

. . . ut mi volup est . . . quia vos . . . / rediisse video . . . (‘. . . as it is a pleasure for me to see that you’ve both . . . returned home . . .’ Pl. St. 506–7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Sin autem †sicut† hinc discesseras, lacrimis ac tristitiae te tradidisti, doleo quia doles . . . (Lucc. Fam. 5.14.2); Nam quia vos tranquillos video, gaudeo et volup est mihi. (Pl. Am. 958); Romae quia postea non fuisti quam discesseras miratus sum, quod item nunc miror. (Lucc. Fam. 5.14.1); . . . non oportere nos mirari super haereses istas sive quia sunt . . . sive quia fidem quorundam subvertunt . . . (Tert. Praescr. 1.1); Non dedisse istunc pudet: me quia non accepi piget. (Pl. Ps. 282); At nos pudet quia cum catenis sumus. (Pl. Capt. 203)

As with quod (see § 15.8), instances of queror quia are often included in this class of verbs. An example from Cicero is (b). (b)

. . . secum Titinium et Servium questos esse quia non . . . remisisset . . . (‘. . . that Titinius and Servius have grumbled to him for not making the concession . . .’ Cic. Att. 10.3a.2)

. The use of quia with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication The first two instances of quia marking an argument clause with a perception and a communication verb are found in Petronius (the freedman Echion speaking in his substandard variety of Latin),38 one of which is (a). This use became more common in ecclesiastical authors, probably stimulated by the use of Ø~t (hóti) with comparable verbs in Greek. However, just like quod, it always remained a minor competitor of the accusative and infinitive, except in the Bible translations in Cyprian (c. ad 250) and in the Peregrinatio, where it is more frequent than the accusative and infinitive. (For the relative development of quia and quod, see § 15.9.) (a)

Sed subolfacio quia nobis epulum daturus est Mammaea . . . (‘I scent that Mammaea is going to give us a meal . . .’ Petr. 45.10 (Echion speaking)) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Perception expressions: Sed et haec audivi quia daemonium illos occidit. (Vulg. Tob. 6.14); . . . quia ubi legebant venturum Christum, ibi legebant quia occisuri erant Christum. (Aug. Serm. 92.1) Cognition expressions: . . . et nos credidimus et cognovimus quia tu es Christus . . . (Vulg. Joh. 6.70); . . . hoc intelligis quia . . . (Mulom. Chir. 118); Novit enim quia, si dederit illam viro alio, morte periet . . . (Vulg. Tob. 6.13); An opinatus es quia aurum 38 See Herman (2003), Adams (2005a), and Cuzzolin (2013b).

78

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position tuum desiderarem? (Ambr. Ep. 4.14); . . . et putans quia ex potu calicis inimicae gentes interficerentur et ruerent calicem meri libenter accepit non intellegens in omnibus gentibus etiam Hierusalem conprehendi. (Hier. Ep. 18A.15); Scio enim quia valde me bene ames. (Scaev. dig. 44.7.61.1); Scit enim quia mortis est fabricatrix voluptas. (Lact. Inst. 6.22.3); Scias quia his oculis aestimatur etiam Alexander magnus fuisse. (Physiogn. 33); Spero autem de deo quia dabit tibi . . . ampliorem laetitiam. (Hist. Apoll. RA 40) Manifestum est ergo quia homines dixit deos ex gratia sua deificatos, non de substantia sua natos. (August. Psal. 49.2) Communication expressions: Ego illi iam tres cardeles occidi, et dixi quia mustella comedit. (Petr. 46.4 (Echion speaking)); . . . prophetavit quia Iesus moriturus erat pro gente . . . (Hier. Is. 15.56.8.9)

. The use of quia clauses with verbs and expressions of blaming, praising, congratulating, and thanking With verbs and expressions meaning ‘to blame’, ‘to praise’, ‘to congratulate’, and ‘to thank’ quia is rarely found before ecclesiastical authors started using it. Just as with quod (see § 15.10) it is not always clear whether the quia clause is an argument or a reason adjunct clause. (a)

Quod laudas quia oblivisci me scripsi ante facta et delicta nostri amici, ego vero ita facio. (‘As to your praising me for writing that I forget the past actions and errors of our friend, indeed I do forget them.’ Cic. Att. 9.9.1) Supplement (by verb in alphabetical order): Id quia non est a me factum, agi’ gratias? (Ter. Ad. 596—NB: unless it is a reason adjunct); . . . gratulamini mihi quia inveni . . . drachmam quam perdideram. (Vet. Lat. Luc. 15.9); Respondens autem archisynagogus indignans quia sabbato curasset Iesus dicebat turbae . . . (Vulg. Luc. 13.14); Invenimus apostolum tamquam crimen obiecisse hominibus quia homines sunt. (August. Serm. 166.2); Vitio vertunt quia multa egeo; at ego illis quia nequeunt egere. (Cato orat. 173=174M)

. The use of quia clauses in combination with a preparative pronoun or determiner Instances of quia in argument clauses combined with a preparative pronoun are found from Early Latin onward, but this use of quia is relatively infrequent, quod being the normal subordinator in this function. An example is (a). In some cases quia is used with the same verbs without a preparative element. (a)

Eheu, huic illud dolet / quia nunc remissus est edendi exercitus. (‘Oh, oh, oh, this one ( points to his stomach) is in pain because the army for eating has been dismissed now.’ Pl. Capt. 152–3)

Finite declarative clauses

79

Supplement: Idne pudet te quia captivam genere prognatam bono / in praeda es mercatus? (Pl. Epid. 107–8); An id doles, soror, quia illi suom officium / non colunt, quom tu tuom facis? (Pl. St. 34–6) Sin ea’st causa retinendi apud vos / quia aegra’st, te mihi iniuriam facere arbitror . . . (Ter. Hec. 255–6)

. The use of quoniam in declarative argument clauses Quoniam is found as a subordinator introducing subject and object clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication from Tertullian and the early Bible translations in his writings onward, as in (a).39 However, whereas quod and quia are increasingly found in various subordinate clauses from Early Latin onward, this is not the case with quoniam, the spread of which in ecclesiastical and other later authors may therefore well be ascribed to the influence of the Bible (especially in imitation of the use of Greek ot†~t (dihóti)). An early instance is (b), clearly translating Gk. ntnxˆ}uptx }p shvƒ Ø~t ( gignóskein se thélo hóti). It seems that quoniam followed the development of quia, with which it also occasionally overlaps in reason clauses (see § 16.42). Like quia it is more common than quod in the New Testament.40 Quoniam was used much less frequently than quod and quia, with some individual variation.41 (a)

Si Deus videt quoniam propter ipsum feci, pariter videt quoniam propter ipsum fecisse me nolui ostendere . . . (‘If God sees that I have done it for his sake, He equally sees that I have been unwilling to show that I did it for his sake . . .’ Tert. Idol. 22.3)

(b)

Scire te volo conia non acc/epi a quratori esopera (= supra) co/ntubernio. (‘I wish you to know that I have not received (anything) from the curator concerning the lodging (?).’ O. Did. 417 (Didymoi, c. ad 120–5)—NB: the meaning of contubernium is not clear)42

(c)

Nemo cum temptatur dicat quoniam a Deo temptor. (‘Let no one say, when he is tempted, that he is tempted by God.’ Vulg. Jac. 1.13) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . ut cognoscatis et credatis et intellegatis quoniam ego sum. (Vet. Lat. Is. 43.10— NB: Vulg. has quia); Nam mihi credat volo affectio vestra quoniam nullus Christianorum est qui non se tendat illuc. (Pereg. 17.2); . . . intellexit . . . quoniam angelus . . . est. (Vet. Lat. Iud. 13.21—NB: Vulg. has AcI); . . . et nos credimus et cognovimus quoniam tu es filius . . . (Cypr. Ep. 59.7—NB: quod in Vet. Lat. Joh. 6.69; quia in Vulg.); Et scribae qui ab Hierosolymis descenderant dicebant quoniam

39 For Tertullian, see Hoppe (1903: 76–7 = 1985: 148–9). 40 See Sznajder (2019). 41 Irenaeus shows an idiosyncratically strong preference for quoniam. See Svennung (1948: 46). 42 See Bülow-Jacobsen in Cuvigny (2012: 352–5).

80

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Beelzebub habet et quia in principe daemonum eicit daemonia. (Vulg. Marc. 3.22— NB: coordination); . . . legitur in domo tua de minore filio tuo quoniam ‘mortuus erat et revixit’, perierat et inventus est. (August. Conf. 8.6); . . . scitote quoniam me primo odit. (Cypr. ad Fort. 11.7); Dic tu aliter ut scias quoniam necessitate hoc fit. (Pomp. V.253.32K) NB: . . . laetati sunt quoniam siluerunt . . . (Vet. Lat. Psal. 106.30—NB: Vulg. has quia)

. The use of cum (quom) in declarative argument clauses In Plautus’ comedies, and in Early Latin in general, cum (quom)43 is found in subordinate clauses with some of the verbs with which quod begins to be used in that period, viz. emotion verbs and verbs of praising, blaming, congratulating, and thanking (cf. § 15.8 and § 15.10, respectively). Examples are (a) and (b). Cum in such cases functions basically as a temporal subordinator (see § 16.10), denoting (inter alia) the concomitance of two events (see § 7.125). Note in (c) the parallelism of a temporal cum adjunct clause and a conditional si adjunct clause. (a)

Quom istaec res tibi ex sententia / pulchre evenit gaudeo. (‘I’m happy this turned out well for you, according to your wish.’ Pl. Rud. 1365–6)

(b)

Gratiam habeo tibi / quom copiam istam mi et potestatem facis. (‘I’m grateful to you for giving me the chance and opportunity . . .’ Pl. Capt. 373–4)

(c)

. . . nec minus laetabor cum te semper sordidum, quam si paulisper sordidatum viderem. (‘. . . nor shall I rejoice less at seeing you in constant and unceasing distress, than I should if I saw you for a short time in the mourning robe of a criminal on his trial.’ Cic. Pis. 99) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Primumdum, quom tu es aucta liberis / quomque bene provenisti salva gaudeo. (Pl. Truc. 384–5); Metuo quom illic opscaevavit meae falsae fallaciae. (Pl. As. 266); Volup est quom istuc ex pietate vostra vobis contigit. (Pl. Rud. 1176) Di deaeque omnes, vobis habeo merito magnas gratias / quom hac me laetitia affecistis tanta et tantis gaudiis . . . (Pl. Poen. 1274–5); Quom tu recte provenisti quomque es aucta liberis / gratulor, quom mihi tibique magnum peperisti decus. (Pl. Truc. 516–17); Gratulor igitur mihi cum et ego tot ac tantis viris adnumeror. (Apul. Apol. 27); Laudo malum quom amici tuom ducis malum. (Pl. Capt. 151)

. The use of quomodo and quemadmodum in declarative argument clauses Quomodo and quemadmodum ‘how’ are manner adverbs, which can be found in clauses depending on perception and cognition verbs, where sometimes two different 43 I follow the orthography of the Library of Latin Texts.

Finite declarative clauses

81

perspectives on reality can compete: ‘I saw how he fell’ presupposes ‘I saw that he fell’. An illustration is (a). There are a few borderline cases mentioned in the literature, especially of quomodo, one of which is (b). The parallelism with the context makes it likely that this is still a case of strained use of the interrogative adverb and not a subordinator in statu nascendi. There are, however, from the fourth century onward cases that cannot be interpreted as interrogative at all. Apart from the semantic overlap mentioned above, this evolution of quomodo may have been stimulated by its becoming the substitute for interrogative ut as well (see §  15.60). The equivalent use of quemadmodum is less frequent.44 (a)

Non meminisse nos ratu’s, / quo modo trecentos Philippos Collybisco vilico / dederis . . . (‘Didn’t you think we’d remember how you gave your overseer Collybiscus three hundred Philippics . . .’ Pl. Poen. 557–9)

(b)

Scis Gnaeum quam sit fatuus, scis quomodo crudelitatem virtutem putet, scis quam se semper a nobis derisum putet. (‘You know how foolish Gnaeus is, how he takes cruelty for courage, how he thinks we always made fun of him.’ Cas. Fam. 15.19.4)

. The use of ut in declarative argument clauses The subordinator ut is used in declarative subject clauses with a number of governing expressions. These clauses are often called ‘consecutive noun clauses’,45 although in reality from the semantic point of view no ‘result’ is involved in most cases (in contrast to result adjunct clauses). Examples are (a) and (b). (a)

Etenim mihi ipsi accidit ut cum duobus patriciis . . . peterem. (‘For indeed it happened to me myself that along with two patricians . . . I was candidate.’ Cic. Mur. 17)

(b)

Restat ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo dicendum esse videatur. (‘It remains, I think, to speak of the choice of a general to direct the war and of his appointment to a command of such importance.’ Cic. Man. 27)

The regular negation is non, which distinguishes these clauses from imperative ut argument clauses, in which the negator is ne (the latter clauses are often called ‘final noun clauses’). In the case of coordination of multiple clauses, the negator in the second (or following) clause is neque. In declarative ut clauses the subordinator ut cannot be omitted (but see § 15.30). These clauses are discussed in § 7.130 (v) from the point 44 Examples can be found in TLL s.v. modus 1283.10ff; 1290.75ff. For a discussion of the evolution of quomodo, see Herman (1957; 1963: 58–9); for its development in the Romance languages, see Herman (1963: 166–74). 45 ‘Konsekutive Substantivsätze’ in K.-St.: II.234–47.

82

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

of view of the use of the subjunctive mood.46 In contrast to imperative ut clauses, there are no restrictions on the tense of the verb of a declarative ut clause (see § 7.101). A common feature of the expressions governing these declarative ut clauses is that normally no agent is implied: they are, for example, third person singular verb forms (often called ‘impersonal’), such as accidit ‘it happens’ and restat ‘the possibility remains that’, combinations of copular est with a subject complement, either an adjective (verisimile est ‘it is likely’) or a noun (caput est ‘the main point is’), or third person singular passive forms (relinquitur). When the context does contain information on the basis of which ‘control’ by some human entity or other external force must be assumed, the ut clause is treated as imperative and, if it is negated, ne must be used. A common feature of the declarative ut clauses is that they usually present the actions and processes as virtual and non-factive. With most of the governing expressions accusative and infinitive clauses can be used and with many of them quod clauses can be used as well. K.-St.: II.246–7 draw attention to the fact that the relationship between the ut clause and what seems to be the governing verb can sometimes only be understood by assuming some form of ‘brachylogy’, that is that one has to mentally insert a link to understand the precise relationship. Examples are (c) and (d). (c) . . . ne in cogitationem quidem cadit ut fuerit tempus aliquod nullum cum tempus esset . . . (‘. . . since it is inconceivable that there was ever a time when time did not exist.’ Cic. N. D. 1.21—NB: ut fuerit tempus instead of ut fuisse tempus existimemus) (d) Ille (sc. dixit) et tibi et sibi visum et ita se domi ex tuis audisse ut nihil esset incommodi. (‘He said that you and he both thought, and he heard from your people at  home that there was nothing wrong.’ Cic. Att. 6.9.1—NB: ut nihil esset incommodi instead of ut audiret nihil esse incommodi)

. The use of ut clauses with the verb accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’ With the verb accedit the subject clause is more often a quod clause (see § 15.6). The difference in meaning between a quod and an ut clause is not always obvious. A muchdiscussed example is (a), where there can be no doubt that Appius Claudius was indeed blind, the typical context for factive quod. The common explanation, reflected in the translation below, which follows Powell ad loc., is that the ut clause indicates that the content is of relatively major importance.47 However, this is difficult to prove. (a)

Ad Appi Claudi senectutem accedebat etiam ut caecus esset. Tamen is, cum sententia senatus inclinaret ad pacem cum Pyrrho foedusque faciendum, non dubitavit dicere . . .

46 For discussion, see Potůček (2000) and Panchón (2003: 361–5). 47 See K.-St.: II.273 and Panchón (2003: 426–8).

Finite declarative clauses

83

(‘In addition to Appius Claudius’ old age it was his misfortune that he should be (italics Powell) blind; yet when the sentiment of the senate was inclining towards making peace and an alliance with Pyrrhus, he did not hesitate to say . . .’ Cic. Sen. 16)

(b)

Accedit eodem ut etiam ipse candidatus totum animum atque omnem curam, operam diligentiamque suam in petitione non possit ponere. (‘A further result is that even the candidate himself cannot devote all his attention, all his care and all his unremitting effort to the campaign.’ Cic. Mur. 45) Supplement: Accedit ut accusatorum alterius crudelitate, alterius indignitate conturber. (Cic. Deiot. 2); Huc accedit uti quicque in sua corpora rursum / dissolvat natura . . . (Lucr. 1.215–16); Nam ad cetera id quoque accesserat ut ne alendi quidem exercitus nisi ex Bruttio agro spes esset . . . (Liv. 28.12.7) NB: TLL s.v. accedo 269.83 and K.-St.: II.242 refer to an exceptional negation by ne in Cels. 4.8.1, but the text seems uncertain. The verbs addo, adicio, and adiungo are also mentioned in this context, but for those verbs the ut (or ne) clause must be explained as with dico (see § 15.64).

. The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling Ut (non) is the regular subordinator with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling. Examples are (a)–(c). A few ‘deviant’ negated clauses are given in the Supplement alongside normal ones with ut non. The use of ne is required if human participation or some external force is implied in the context, as it is for example by procuratione in (d).48 Non is required when the negation is local (see § 8.7), as in (e), where non goes with casu incideret, in contrast with iudicio perveniret.49 For the use of quod with these verbs, see §  15.13. Whereas the quod clause is usually factive and contains known information, the ut clause is usually non-factive (or ‘virtual’) and contains new information (but see ex. (a)).50 (a)

Velut / mi evenit ut ovans praeda onustus incederem. (‘Just as it has become my lot to be marching along rejoicing and weighed down with booty.’ Pl. Bac. 1068–9)

(b)

‘Insperanti’, inquit, ‘mihi et Cottae, sed valde optanti utrique nostrum, cecidit ut in istum sermonem, Crasse, delaberemini.’ (‘ “We never looked for it,” exclaimed Sulpicius, “but it has fallen out, Crassus, just as both I and Cotta earnestly hoped, I mean that you two should slip into this particular conversation.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.96)

48 See Calboli (1995/6: 147), who also mentions the relative frequency of instances of ne in the jurists. 49 For statistical information concerning the distribution of ut non and ne with fio ‘to happen’, see Kirk (1923: 263), with further discussion. 50 See Bolkestein (1989b: 48–9), Rosén (1989a), and Greco (2012: 36–7).

84

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (c)

. . . cum accidere possit ut (sc. curator) negotio . . . habilis non sit . . . (‘. . . for it could happen that he is not suited to the business . . .’ Nerat. dig. 27.10.9)

(d)

Nihil autem est pro certo futurum, quod potest aliqua procuratione accidere ne fiat. (‘But nothing is “certain to happen” which there is some means of dealing with so as to prevent its happening.’ Cic. Div. 2.21)

(e)

Gallus Vibius . . . cui hoc accidisse uni scio ut insaniam non casu incideret, sed iudicio perveniret. (‘Vibius Gallus, to whom alone, as far as I know, the following happened: he did not fall into madness by chance but rather came to it by an act of judgement.’ Sen. Con. 2.1.25) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena . . . (Caes. Gal. 4.29.1—NB: factive); Id cum appararetur, priusquam classis exiret, accidit ut una nocte omnes Hermae, qui in oppido erant Athenis, deicerentur . . . (Nep. Alc. 3.2); Ac forte acciderat ut eam gentem Rhenum transgressam avus Agrippa in fidem acciperet. (Tac. Ann. 12.27.1); Quod numquam opinatus fui neque alius quisquam civium / sibi eventurum, id contigit ut salvi poteremur domi. (Pl. Am. 186–7); Quoniam autem tecum ut essem non contigit, utinam tui consili certior factus essem! (Cic. Att. 8.11d.5); . . . ni antehac vidissemus fieri / ut apud lenones rivales filiis fierent patres. (Pl. Bac. 1209–10); Cum hoc, ut fere fit, in via sermonem contulit; ex quo factum est ut illud iter familiarius facere vellent. (Cic. Inv. 2.14); Locos quidem quosdam, si videbitur, transferam, et maxime ab iis quos modo nominavi, cum inciderit ut id apte fieri possit . . . (Cic. Fin. 1.7); . . . cum . . . Marco Metello obtigisset ut is de pecuniis repetundis quaereret . . . (Cic. Ver. 1.21); Sed ex eo credo quibusdam usu venire ut abhorreant a Latinis, quod . . . (Cic. Fin. 1.8) Negated clauses:. . . cum ipsius vitio acciderit ne mandatori possit actionibus cedere. (Papin. dig. 46.3.95.11.pr.); De possessore quoque furioso quaeri potest, si quid ne in rerum natura esset per furorem eius accidisset. (Pomp. dig. 26.7.61); Tam facile innocens occisus est in ea civitate in qua sibi putat aliquis tam facile posse contingere ne reus fiat? (Quint. Decl. 294.8); Nam si multi gavisi sunt ibi se habuisse divitias suas, quo contigit ut hostis non accederet . . . (August. Civ. 1.10); Quo evenit ne Hasdrubal cum duobus se consulibus proeliaturum prius sciret quam utriusque virtute prosterneretur. (V. Max. 7.4.4); Sed ob id quod furtum fecit servus aut noxam nocuit evenit quo minus eum habere domino liceat, sicuti ob id quod obligatus est fundus accidere possit ut eum habere domino non liceat. (Pomp. dig. 30.45.1); In hoc genere saepe fieri potest ut non plane par numerus sit syllabarum . . . (Rhet. Her. 4.28);51 Id ne fieri posset obsidione atque oppidi circummunitione fiebat. (Caes. Civ. 1.19.5); Ita fit ne decidant fructus. (Plin. Nat. 17.253); Forte ita inciderat ne duo violenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur fortuna, credo, populi Romani, quo diuturnius Servi regnum esset constituique civitatis mores possent. (Liv. 1.46.5)52

51 TLL s.v. possum 135.34ff. mentions two instances of ut ne in Terence (An. 699; Ph. 245), but they seem to be wrongly analysed. 52 See Ogilvie ad loc. and Panchón (2003: 457–8).

Finite declarative clauses

85

. The use of ut clauses as subject with the verb sum Ut clauses can function as subject of a third person singular form of sum, meaning ‘to be the case’ (see also § 4.15). An example is (a). Future forms are relatively common, as in (b). The combination looks like the ‘periphrastic’ use of facio and committo discussed in § 15.36.53 (a)

. . . quando denique fuit ut quod licet non liceret? (‘. . . when, in fact, was it that what is allowed was not allowed?’ Cic. Cael. 48)

(b)

Quodsi esset aliquando futurum ut aliquis de L. Flacci pernicie cogitaret . . . (‘And if it was fated ever to happen that any one should devise mischief to Lucius Flaccus . . .’ Cic. Flac. 2) Supplement: Non erat ut, qui modus moribus fuerat, idem esset iniuriae. (Cic. Dom. 65—add. Nisbet); Ille erat ut odisset primum defensorem salutis meae . . . (Cic. Mil. 35—illi cj. Clark); Non est igitur ut mirandum sit ea praesentiri a divinantibus quae nusquam sint. (Cic. Div. 1.128); Qui fuit ut tutas agitaret Daedalus alas, / Icarus immensas nomine signet aquas? (Ov. Tr. 3.4.21–2); Neque est ut putemus ignorari ea ab animalibus. (Plin. Nat. 18.3) Future forms: Quodsi diutius alatur controversia, fore uti pars cum parte civitatis confligat. (Caes. Gal. 7.32.5); Ipse parat sese porro speratque futurum / ut videat quod consequitur rem quamque. (Lucr. 4.805–6); Quod si permittatur, perpaucis lustris futurum ut deserta oppida deserti agri nullum militem dare possent. (Liv. 41.8.7); Sed si hoc optinuerit, futurum est ut in potestate eius . . . sit compromissum eludere. (Ulp. dig. 4.8.30) Negation by ne: Continuo enim rex adfirmavit fore ne amplius de se Ptolomaeus quereretur . . . (V. Max. 6.4.3)

Sometimes the main clause has a preparative pronoun or determiner as the subject (so-called ‘explicative’ ut). An example is (c). Another way of announcing the ut clause is shown in (d). (c)

Sed fuit hoc in utroque eorum ut Crassus non tam existimari vellet non didicisse, quam . . . (‘There was nevertheless this point of difference between the two men, that Crassus did not so much wish to be thought to have learned nothing, as . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 2.4)

(d)

Sed si ita est ut tu sis Iahonis filius, / signum esse oportet in manu laeva tibi . . . (‘But if it’s true that you are Iahon’s son, you should have a mark on your left hand . . .’ Pl. Poen. 1072–3) Supplement: In qua velim sit illud quod saepe posuisti ut non necesse sit consumere aetatem atque ut possit is illa omnia cernere qui tantummodo aspexerit. (Cic. de Orat. 3.145); Cf.: 53 For more examples, see OLD s.v. sum § 7.

86

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Tum Catulus ‘est’, inquit, ‘ut dicis, Antoni, ut plerique philosophi nulla tradant praecepta dicendi . . . Sed Aristoteles . . . (Cic. de Orat. 2.152); Quod si ita est ut neque quisquam nisi bonus vir et omnes boni beati sint, quid philosophia magis colendum aut quid est virtute divinius? (Cic. Fin. 3.76)

. The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘the conclusion is’, ‘it follows’ Ut is used in argument clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘the conclusion is’ or ‘it follows’. Examples are (a)–(c). (a)

Relinquitur ut id quod dicitis non modo non fecerim, sed ne potuerim quidem facere. (‘It follows that I not only did not do what you say, but that I was not even able to do it.’ Cic. Inv. 1.45)

(b)

Restat ut aut summa negligentia tibi obstiterit aut unica liberalitas. (‘The only alternative is that extreme negligence or unparalleled generosity prevented you.’ Cic. Quinct. 41)

(c)

. . . consequens esse videtur ut scribas tu idem de legibus. (‘. . . I consider it a logical thing that . . . you should also write about its laws.’ Cic. Leg. 1.15) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): At si tu possideas, consequens est ut utilis mihi actio adversum te dari debeat. (Gaius Inst. 2.78); Ex quo efficitur ut quod sit honestum, id sit solum bonum. (Cic. Tusc. 5.45); Linquitur ut merito maternum nomen adepta / terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuncta creata. (Lucr. 5.795–6—NB: presence of the attitudinal disjunct merito within the ut clause); Reliquum est ut per servos id admiserit. (Cic. S. Rosc. 77); Quod si fit, ut me excutiam atque egrediar domo / id restat. (Ter. Ph. 586–7); Nec enim sequitur ut, cui cor sapiat, ei non sapiat palatus. (Cic. Fin. 2.24); Superest ut nec te consilii nec me paeniteat obsequii. (Plin. Ep. 1.1.2) NB: exceptional negation: Reliquum est ne quid stulte, ne quid temere dicam aut faciam contra potentis. (Cic. Fam. 9.16.5); Sequitur enim ne ultra velis id te esse quod, si prius scisses, non fuisses. (Tert. Apol. 8.9)

. The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions meaning ‘it remains to be done’, ‘it is sufficient’ With verbs and expressions meaning ‘it remains to be done’ and ‘it is sufficient’ ut subject clauses can be used alongside quod clauses and accusative and infinitive clauses, usually with a clear difference in meaning. Examples are (a)–(c). (a)

Sequitur ut de frumento empto vos, iudices, doceam . . . (‘My next business, gentlemen, is to put before you the purchase of corn . . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.163)

Finite declarative clauses (b)

87

Relinquitur ut si vincimur in Hispania quiescamus. (‘There remains the possibility that if we lose in Spain I do nothing.’ Cic. Att. 10.8.2)

(c)

Sati’n ut quem tu habeas fidelem tibi aut quoi credas nescias? (‘Is it enough for you not to know who to regard as reliable and who to trust?’ Pl. Bac. 491) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Proximum est ut doceam deorum providentia mundum administrari. (Cic. N.D. 2.73); Relinquebatur Caesari nihil nisi uti equitatu agmen adversariorum male haberet et carperet. (Caes. Civ. 1.63.2); Relinquebatur ut neque longius ab agmine legionum discedi Caesar pateretur. (Caes. Gal. 5.19.3); Reliquum est ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et sententia dicendum esse videatur. (Cic. Man. 59); Illud etiam restiterat, quod hesterno die fecerunt, ut te in ius adducerent, ut nobis tempus quam diu diceremus praestitueres. (Cic. Quinct. 33—NB: the second ut clause is a result adjunct clause); Restat ut pauca de eis in quos praerogativae favor inclinavit dicam. (Liv. 24.8.9); Satis est igitur ut nihil finxerit, nihil cupiditate revertendi mentitus sit . . . (Quint. Decl. 254.16); Hunc si retinere velis, sufficit ut moreris. ([Quint.] Decl. 17.16); Superest ut ad extremas partes corporis veniam, quae articulis inter se conseruntur. (Cels. 4.29.1); Tertium est ut caveamus ut ea quae pertinent ad liberalem speciem et dignitatem moderata sint. (Cic. Off. 1.141) There are two attestations of a subject clause with reliquum est without ut, emended by earlier editors (Cic. Fam. 15.21.5 and Dolab. Fam. 9.9.3). See also in the preceding section Cic. Fam. 9.16.5 with ne.

. The use of ut clauses with various third person singular verb forms (so-called impersonal verbs) Subject ut clauses can be used with a few other verbs. Examples are (a)–(c). In (c) the first ut clause is the subject of abest, the second depends on tantum. Note in (a) the use of the preparative pronoun hoc as subject. With some of these verbs the accusative and infinitive is more common. (a)

Quodsi hoc apparet in bestiis . . . ut se ipsae diligant . . . (‘Now if it is evident in animals . . . that they love themselves . . .’ Cic. Amic. 81)

(b)

Quomodo, oro te, convenit ut et Diogenen mireris et Daedalum? (‘How, I ask, is it consistent that you admire both Diogenes and Daedalus?’ Sen. Ep. 90.14)

(c)

. . . tantumque abest ut aliquam mihi bonam gratiam quaesisse videar, ut multas me etiam simultates . . . intellegam . . . suscepisse. (‘It is so far from being the case that I have sought any popularity for myself, that I am aware of having even incurred many enmities . . .’ Cic. Man. 71)

88

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): In quo tantum abest ut nostra miremur ut usque eo difficiles ac morosi simus ut nobis non satis faciat ipse Demosthenes. (Cic. Orat. 104); Iudicis igitur officio convenit ut aut satisdatione interposita absolvat maritum aut habita ratione compensationis eum condemnet . . . (Ulp. dig. 24.3.24.2); Neque posse principem sua scientia cuncta complecti neque expedire ut ambitione aliena trahatur. (Tac. Ann. 3.69.3); Expedire omnibus dicunt ut singulae civitates . . . suas leges habeant. (Justin. 34.1.7); Potest ut alii ita arbitrentur et ego ut ne credam tibi. (Pl. Ps. 633) With a preparative pronoun as subject: Non enim hoc convenire Antigoni prudentiae ut sic deuteretur victo. (Nep. Eum. 11.3); Id Sabino convenire ut imperium fratri reservaret, id Vespasiano ut ceteri post Sabinum haberentur. (Tac. Hist. 3.64.2); At id quoque potest ut non dent homini, ipsi habeant. (Cic. Div. 2.106) Bene habet ut ea quae Dei sunt circa sacrificium eius agere valeamus. (August. Ep. 213.7) An exceptional instance of ‘raising’ of the subject of a subject clause with abest to the position of subject of the main clause is (d). The second argument of absum may also be filled by an ut clause, in that case in combination with the prepositional expression ab eo, as in (e) (see also § 14.6).54 (d) Hoc detrimento milites nostri tantum afuerunt ut perturbarentur, ut incensi atque incitati magnas accessiones fecerint in operibus hostium expugnandis. (‘Our troops were so far from being dismayed by this reverse that, impassioned and stimulated, they carried out large-scale sallies in the course of storming the enemy’s defence-works.’ B. Alex. 22.1—NB: cf. tantum afuit ut milites nostri hoc detrimento perturbarentur ut . . .) (e) Tantum autem abest ab eo ut malum mors sit . . . ut verear ne homini nihil sit non malum aliud certius . . . (‘So wide of the truth, however, is the view that death is an evil . . . that I incline to think that nothing else is more assuredly not an evil for a human being . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 1.76)

. The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and an adjective functioning as subject complement There is a large number of neuter singular forms of adjectives which function as subject complement with the copula or a copular verb and which have an ut clause as the subject. Examples are (a)–(e). In many of these combinations the accusative and infinitive is possible as well or even more common (see § 15.102), not always with a clear difference in meaning. With many of these adjectives a prolative infinitive is also possible (see §§ 15.127–8), and in some cases an imperative interpretation is possible as well (see § 15.78). Some of these adjectives resemble the meaning classes discussed in the

54 Another instance is Liv. 25.6.11.

Finite declarative clauses

89

preceding sections but others do not. Several of them are bivalent adjectives; many are evaluative. The main clause often has a preparative pronoun as subject, as in (f). (a)

Iustum est tuos tibi servos tuo arbitratu serviat. (‘It’s only just that your slave serves you according to your wishes.’ Pl. Bac. 994)

(b)

Aequom videtur tibi ut ego alienum quod est / meum esse dicam? (‘Does it seem right to you that I should say that something belonging to someone else belongs to me?’ Pl. Rud. 1230–1)

(c)

Non est veri simile ut Chrysogonus horum litteras adamarit . . . (‘It is improbable that Chrysogonus took a fancy to their culture . . .’ Cic. S.  Rosc. 121—NB: perfect subjunctive)

(d)

. . . consentaneum est huic naturae ut sapiens velit gerere et administrare rem publicam . . . (‘. . . it follows from this natural disposition that the Wise Man should desire to engage in politics and government . . .’ Cic. Fin. 3.68)

(e)

Difficile est quidem ut ad haec hilariora studia tam vehementer perculsus animus tam cito possit accedere. (‘It would be difficult indeed for a mind so severely smitten to approach so quickly this lighter kind of literature.’ Sen. Dial. 11.8.3)

(f)

Mi illud videri mirum ut una illaec capra / uxoris simiai dotem ambederit. (‘It seemed strange to me that that one goat should have eaten up the monkey’s wife’s dowry.’ Pl. Mer. 240–1—NB: perfect subjunctive) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): Erat enim sane absurdum ut X servorum domino quinque liberare liceret . . . (Gaius Inst. 1.45); Aecum est ut cum alienis dividamus liberos quos non dividimus cum matribus? (Sen. Con. 9.3.1); Quo mihi nihil videtur alienius a dignitate disciplinaque maiorum quam ut, qui consul Kalendis Ianuariis habere provinciam debet, is ut eam desponsam non decretam habere videatur. (Cic. Prov. 36); . . . non videtur esse alienum uti caute summaque diligentia, antequam instituantur opera, eorum expediantur rationes. (Vitr. 10.pr.4); Quocirca arduum est ut unius sermo conpenset quod tantorum contraxit adfectio. (Symm. Ep. 4.4.1); . . . ut omnium artium recte dici potest commune esse ut in aliqua scientia versentur . . . (Cic. Fin. 5.26); Non par videtur nec sit consentaneum, / . . . / praesentibus illis paedagogus una ut siet. (Pl. Bac. 139–42—NB: textually uncertain); Est enim inconveniens Deo ut huiusmodi potestate sit praeditus qua noceat et obsit . . . (Lact. Ir. 3.1); Atque ei ne integrum quidem erat ut ad iustitiam remigraret, civibus libertatem et iura redderet. (Cic. Tusc. 5.62); Aequissimum quidem ac iustissimum esse ut populo detur summa rerum potestas . . . (Quint. Decl. 339.7); Longum est ut Deum meum bonum ostendam . . . (Tert. Scorp. 5.1); Nec quicquam meliu’st mihi, / ut opinor, quam ex me ut unam faciam litteram / longam . . . (Pl. Aul. 76–8); Mirum satis ut infantia naturaliter animosa sit . . . (Tert. An. 19.9); . . . nihil mihi fuit potius quam ut Masinissam convenirem regem . . . (Cic. Rep. 6.9); Qui eam secat rarum est ut non vulneret sese. (Plin. Nat. 25.69); Rarum est autem ut in foro

90

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position iudicia propter id solum constituantur . . . (Quint. Inst. 3.10.3); Rectum’st, ego ut faciam; non est te ut deterream. (Ter. Hau. 79); Quid tam singulare quam ut ex senatus consulto legibus solutus consul ante fieret quam ullum alium magistratum per leges capere licuisset? (Cic. Man. 62); Quid porro in Graeco sermone tam tritum atque celebratum est quam, si quis despicatui ducitur, ut ‘Mysorum ultimus’ esse dicatur? (Cic. Flac. 65); Si verum est, quod nemo dubitat, ut populus Romanus omnes gentes virtute superarit . . . (Nep. Han. 1.1—NB: perfect subjunctive) With a preparative pronoun as subject: De ipso Roscio potest illud quidem esse falsum ut circumligatus fuerit angui, sed ut in cunis fuerit anguis, non tam est mirum . . . (Cic. Div.—NB: perfect subjunctive); Magnificum illud etiam Romanisque hominibus gloriosum ut Graecis de philosophia litteris non egeant. (Cic. Div. 2.5); Semper tu hoc facito, Lesbonice, cogites, / id optumum esse tute uti sis optumus. (Pl. Trin. 485–6); . . . cum hoc proprium sit animantium ut aliquid adpetant quod sit naturae accommodatum . . . (Cic. N.D. 1.104); Praeclarum illud est et, si quaeris, rectum quoque et verum ut eos qui nobis carissimi esse debeant aeque ac nosmet ipsos amemus. (Cic. Tusc. 3.73)

. The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and a noun or noun phrase functioning as subject complement Ut subject clauses can be used as subject with various combinations of nouns and noun phrases (cf. §§ 9.22, 9.29–35) that function as subject complement. Examples are (a) and (b). Quite often the main clause has a preparative pronoun as the subject, as in (c). The accusative and infinitive (see § 15.102) and the prolative infinitive (see § 15.128) are possible as well. In some cases an imperative interpretation is also possible (see also § 15.79).55 (a)

Fuit occasio, si vellet, iam pridem argentum ut daret. (‘There was an opportunity for him to give me the money long ago if he’d wanted to.’ Pl. Ps. 285)

(b)

Caput autem est in omni procuratione negotii et muneris publici ut avaritiae pellatur etiam minima suspicio. (‘But the chief thing in all public administration and public service is that even the slightest suspicion of self-seeking should be avoided.’ Cic. Off. 2.75)

(c)

Sed mos numquam illi fuit patri meo / ut exprobraret quod bonis faceret boni. (‘It was never my father’s habit to cast in good people’s teeth what good turns he was doing them.’ Pl. Am. 46–7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun (phrase)): Consuetudo eorum omnium est ut sine utribus ad exercitum non eant. (Caes. Gal. 1.48.7); Iliaci cineres et flamma extrema meorum, / testor, in occasu vestro nec tela nec ullas / vitavisse vices, Danaum et, si fata fuissent / ut caderem, meruisse manu. 55 Most examples are taken from K.-St.: II.244–6, where more can be found.

Finite declarative clauses

91

(Verg. A. 432–4); Sed est mos hominum ut nolint eundem pluribus rebus excellere. (Cic. Brut. 84); Natura rerum est ut qui balbutiunt plus loquantur. (Symm. Ep. 1.76); Satis est enim certe in virtute ut fortiter vivamus. (Cic. Tusc. 5.53) Est miserorum ut malevolentes sint atque invideant bonis. (Pl. Capt. 583); . . . negavit moris esse Graecorum ut in convivio virorum accumberent mulieres. (Cic. Ver. 1.66); Nam et sapientis est consilium explicare suum de maximis rebus et honesti et diserti ut mente providere, auctoritate probare, oratione persuadere possis. (Cic. de Orat. 2.233—NB: parallelism of infinitive and ut clause) With a preparative pronoun as subject: Ea causa fuit aedis haec dedicare. (Cic. Leg. 2.58); Est enim hoc Gallicae consuetudinis uti et viatores etiam invitos consistere cogant . . . (Caes. Gal. 4.5.2); In propriis igitur est verbis illa laus oratoris ut abiecta atque obsoleta fugiat . . . (Cic. de Orat. 3.150); Non ignoro omnium fere qui abdicantur hunc esse morem ut acta iam causa ad preces convertantur . . . (Quint. Decl. 258.10); Ea natura rerum est, patres conscripti, ut qui sensum verae gloriae ceperit . . . nihil cum hac gloria comparandum putet. (Cic. Phil. 5.49); Summa denique huius generis haec est ut, si in refellendo adversario firmior esse oratio quam in confirmandis nostris rebus potest, omnia in illum conferam tela. (Cic. de Orat. 2.293); Id erat forte tempus anni ut frumentum in areis Hispani haberent. (Liv. 34.9.12); Est enim hoc commune vitium magnis liberisque civitatibus ut invidia gloriae comes sit . . . (Nep. Cha. 3.3)

. The use of ut clauses with expressions consisting of the copula and other categories that function as subject complement Ut subject clauses are also found with other combinations of subject complements with the copula. Examples are (a), a possessive adjective (neuter singular form), and (b), a prepositional phrase. (a)

Hoc meum est ut faciam sedulo. (‘This is my task: to do my best.’ Pl. Per. 46)

(b)

In rem hoc tuam est. # Ut quidem emoriar prius quam ducam. (‘It’s for your own good. # Certainly, that I die before I marry.’ Pl. Aul. 154) Supplement: Adverb: Quibus si finitum malum non fuerit, prope est ut perpetuum sit. (Cels. 3.23.8). Prepositional phrases: Ex tua re est ut ego emoriar. (Pl. Ps. 336); Est igitur in tua potestate ut ille in me satis sibi praesidi putet esse. (Cic. Fam. 13.39.1); Nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vostra manu est, patres conscripti. (Sal. Jug. 14.13)

A cleft-like example is (c), more or less equivalent to magis ipse moleste fert.56 (For ‘cleft’ constructions, see § 22.12.)

56 See Löfstedt (1966: 273–5; 2000: 100) and Norberg (1937: 112ff.).

92

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (c)

. . . magis est ut ipse moleste ferat errasse se . . . quam ut istius amicitiae crimen reformidet. (‘. . . there is more reason that he should himself be troubled that he made a mistake . . . than that he should be in fear of such a friendship being made a matter of accusation.’ Cic. Cael. 14) Supplement: Quin etiam quanto in partes res quaeque minutas / distrahitur magis, hoc magis est ut cernere possis / evanescere paulatim stinguique colorem. (Lucr. 2.826ff.); Sed prius est ut vobis, quod initio facere debueram, vel nunc saltem referam, quis iste vel unde fuerit. (Apul. Met. 10.18.1); Vix est ut occurrat talis oratio . . . (August. Psal. 85.7); . . . ante est ut ostendat et probet esse illic ecclesiam. (Cypr. Sent. 55); Prope est ut veniat tempus. (Vulg. Is. 14.1)

. The use of ut clauses with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication Instances of ut without a preparative pronoun in declarative clauses governed by perception, cognition, and communication verbs are found in Late Latin but are very rare.57 An early example is (a). When used with a preparative pronoun, such clauses can already be found in Cicero, as in (b). For the use of ut with semantically related nouns like opinio ‘opinion’, see § 17.6. This use is not uncommon in later periods.58 (a)

De hoc fertur ut sit Arcas nomine . . . (‘It is said concerning this that its name is Arcas . . .’ Hyg. Astr. 2.4.1)

(b)

Iam hoc non ignoratis, iudices, ut etiam bestiae fame monitae plerumque ad eum locum ubi aliquando pastae sunt revertantur. (‘Now you are not unaware of this fact, gentlemen, that even brute beasts, when prompted by hunger, generally return to the place where they have at some time previously found food.’ Cic. Clu. 67) Supplement: . . . non esse credendum ut in id genus mortis exposuerit Creator filium suum quod ipse maledixerat. (Tert. Marc. 3.18.1); Quis hoc crederet ut barbara Getarum lingua Hebraicam quaereret veritatem . . . (Hier. Ep. 106.1) Much discussed is the use of ut in (c), a quotation of Protagoras. Ut corresponds to ì| (hōs) in the Greek original and can be viewed as Cicero’s ‘overliteral’ rendering.59

(c) Nam Abderites quidem Protagoras, cuius a te modo mentio facta est, sophistes temporibus illis vel maximus, cum in principio libri sic posuisset ‘de divis neque ut sint neque ut non sint habeo dicere’, Atheniensium iussu urbe atque agro est exterminatus . . . 57 See Sz.: 645–6. For the use of ut in imperative clauses with dico and other verbs, see § 15.66. 58 For discussion and references, see Greco (2012: 36–9). 59 So Pease ad loc. See also Coleman (1971: 215) and Panchón (2003: 371).

Finite declarative clauses

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(‘Since as for Protagoras of Abdera, perhaps the greatest sophist of that age, to whom you just now alluded, for beginning a book with the words ‘About the gods I am unable to affirm either that they exist or that they do not exist,’ he was sentenced by a decree of the Athenians to be banished from the city and the country . . .’ Cic. N.D. 1.63) Appendix: Gregory of Tours has a few instances of verbs of this class governing a clause with a simple subjunctive, as in (d).60 (d) Quod credo Ø providentia Dei fecisset. (‘I believe that the providence of God did this.’ Greg. Tur. Hist. 8.20)

. The use of ut clauses in ‘periphrastic’ constructions In a way that resembles its use with imperative sentences (see § 6.29), facio can be used to emphasize the active involvement of a person in the action that he is (was, will be) undertaking.61 Examples are (a) and (b). Another verb used in a similar way is ago ‘to bring it about that’, as in (c). Compare also committo ‘to perpetrate’ in (d). Most instances come from Cicero. This use is sometimes called ‘periphrastic’. (a)

Etsi . . . videbam te hanc epistulam cum ad urbem esses esse lecturum, . . . tamen . . . faciendum mihi putavi ut tuis litteris brevi responderem. (‘Although . . . I see that you won’t read this till you are at the gates of Rome . . ., yet . . . I thought I ought to be careful to give your letter a brief answer.’ Cic. Fam. 3.8.1)

(b)

Invitus feci ut fortissimi viri T.  Flaminini fratrem L.  Flamininum e senatu eicerem . . . (‘Against my will I brought it about that I expelled from the Senate Lucius Flamininus, the brother of that most valiant man, Titus Flamininus . . .’ Cic. Sen. 42)

(c)

Atqui ne ex eo quidem tempore id egit Sestius ut a suis munitus tuto in foro magistratum gereret . . . (‘But not even since that time has Sestius worked towards being able to discharge the duties of his magistracy safely in the forum under the guard of his own men.’ Cic. Sest. 79)

(d)

Nam profecto non est meum . . . committere ut neglegens scribendo fuisse videar . . . (‘It would hardly be in character . . . to commit the error of appearing negligent through failure to write . . .’ Cic. Fam. 3.9.3) Supplement: Heia, Megadore, haud decorum facinus tuis factis facis / ut inopem atque innoxium abs te atque abs tuis me inrideas. (Pl. Aul. 220–1); Quapropter et his qui eos ludos habent et his qui eo venire consuerunt visum est faciundum ut ostenderemus nostram 60 See Bonnet (1890: 667–9) and Sznajder (2003: 34; 90–1). 61 See Bodelot (2000: 68–73) and Panchón (2003: 407–8).

94

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position sententiam, nobis non placere. (Edictum adversos Latinos rhetores apud Gel. 15.11.2); . . . negavi me esse facturum ut de periculo publico non ad consilium publicum rem integram deferrem. (Cic. Catil. 3.7); . . . fecimus et alias saepe et nuper in Tusculano ut ad eam consuetudinem disputaremus. (Cic. Tusc. 5.11); Euntibus vero, domesticis praesertim, ut nihil ad te dem litterarum facere non possum . . . (Cic. Att. 8.14.1); Eo feci ut [eo] celeriter eunti darem. (Cic. Att. 11.23.2); Faciebat hoc Sextius, ut consummato die . . . interrogaret animum suum. (Sen. Dial. 5.36) Id agis ut . . . effugias ex urbe inanis. (Pl. Trin. 699–701); Id egit ut amicos observantia, rem parsimonia retineret. (Cic. Quinct. 59); Non ergo id agitur ut aliquid adsensu meo comprobem . . . (Cic. Luc. 126); Adice nunc quod id agis ut et iram feras et iniuriam. (Sen. Dial. 5.26) Neque ego hau committam ut, si quid peccatum siet, / fecisse dicas de [me] mea sententia. (Pl. Bac. 1037–8); Id me commissurum ut patiar fieri ne animum induxeris. (Pl. Trin. 704); At vero posthac frustra potius dabo quam, si recte dari potuerint, committam ut non dem. (Cic. Att. 5.11.1); . . . Volumnius ‘Quoniam in collegae voluntate interpretanda’ inquit ‘erravi, non committam ut quid vos velitis obscurum sit: manere an abire me velitis clamore significate.’ (Liv. 10.19.11)

. The use of ne in declarative argument clauses with verbs and expressions of fearing and worrying Ne is used in declarative argument clauses with verbs and expressions of fearing and worrying or when fear or worry is implied in the context. When used with such verbs it has no negative meaning. This is also reflected in the fact that coordination of another clause is usually by et, -que, or atque, as in (c), or aut, and not by for example neque (for which, see § 8.36; for aut, see § 19.45). Negation by non is shown in (a) and (b). Note the occurrence of verb forms that refer to states of affairs posterior and anterior to the main verb in (d) and (e), respectively. Posteriority is normally not expressed explicitly: in (c) augeam is understood as pertaining to the future (see § 7.39). The periphrastic future forms are normally interpreted as ‘prospective’ (see § 7.24). (a)

Ne non sat esses leno, id metuebas miser, / impure, avare . . .? (‘You wretch, were you afraid that you would not be enough of a pimp, you dirty, greedy creature . . .?’ Pl. Per. 686–7)

(b)

Verebamini / ne non id facerem quod recepissem semel? (‘Were you afraid that, once I’d given an undertaking, I wouldn’t do it?’ Ter. Ph. 901–2)

(c)

Sed vereor ne, dum minuere velim laborem, augeam atque ad illam causarum operam . . . adiungatur haec iuris interpretatio . . . (‘But I fear that, while endeavouring to lessen my labour, I may only increase it, and find that, in addition to my usual pleading of cases . . . this interpretation of the law is imposed upon me.’ Cic. Leg. 1.12)

(d)

Sed non vereor ne aut meae vitae modestia parum valitura sit in posterum contra falsos rumores aut ne . . .

Finite declarative clauses

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(‘However, I’m not afraid that the moderation of my career will be too little a defence against false reports in time to come; nor am I afraid that . . .’ Mat. Fam. 11.28.8)

(e)

Accepi tuas litteras, quibus intellexi te vereri ne superiores mihi redditae non essent. (‘I got your letter, through which I found out that you were afraid that your earlier letters had not been delivered to me.’ Cic. Fam. 14.5.1)

From Early Latin onwards ut is used in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of fearing. The origin and the meaning of ut is disputed: in about half of the instances in Plautus, Terence, Cicero, and Caesar the interpretation of the ut clause as an indirect question with ut meaning ‘how’ is perfectly possible, as in (f) (‘I’m afraid how I would be able . . .’), but in other instances it is preferable to interpret ut as ne non, as in (g) and (h). In Early Latin ut was four times commoner than ne non, whereas in Cicero’s works the proportion is the reverse.62 (f)

Ornamenta quae locavi metuo ut possim recipere. (‘I’m afraid I might not be able to get back the costumes I hired out.’ Pl. Cur. 464)

(g)

Id paves (vv.ll.) ne ducas tu illam. Tu autem ut ducas. (‘You fear that you’re going to marry her, you (to Charinus) that you’re not.’ Ter. An. 349—NB: Donatus ad loc.: pro ne non ut posuit)

(h)

Quod enim tu afuisti, vereor ut satis diligenter actum in senatu sit de litteris meis. (‘For I’m afraid that because of your absence the deliberation in the Senate concerning my letter was not careful enough.’ Cic. Att. 6.4.2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Eo plus horreo ne illae magis res nos ceperint quam nos illas. (Liv. 34.4.3); Metuo in commune ne quam fraudem frausus sit. (Pl. As. 286); At metuo ut satis sis subdola. (Pl. Mil. 355); Metuo te atque istos expiare ut possies. (Pl. Mos. 465); Ehem, te hercle ego circumspectabam, nimis metuebam male ne abiisses. (Pl. Ps. 912); Primum omnium iam hunc comparem metuo meum / ne deserat med atque ad hostis transeat. (Pl. Ps. 1026–7—NB: with pseudo-object, see §  9.17); Metui’ ne non, quom velis, convincas esse illum tuom? (Ter. Hau. 1017); Ecquid paves ne scelus feceris? (Quint. Decl. 340.7); Quod mihi ne eveniat non nullum periculum est. (Pl. Capt. 91); Numquid subtimes ne ad te hoc crimen pertinere videatur? (Cic. Phil. 2.36); . . . rem frumentariam ut satis commode supportari posset timere dicebant. (Caes. Gal. 1.39.7); . . . timeo ne male facta antiqua mea sint inventa omnia. (Pl. Truc. 774); Timere non debeo ne non unus iste civis Romanus illa cruce dignus, ceteri omnes simili periculo indignissimi iudicentur. (Cic. Ver. 5.171); . . . sed firmae haec vereor ut sint nuptiae. (Ter. Hec. 101); Sed quod vereor ne plures sint futuri qui de hoc genere me quod nimium multa [re]scripserim reprehendant . . . (Var. L. 7.109); . . . ne verendum quidem est ut tenere se possit, ut moderari, ne honoribus nostris elatus intemperantius suis opibus

62 So Woodcock (1959: 144–5). OLD s.v. ut § 3 classifies the use of ut with verbs of ‘anxiety or misgiving’ as indirect interrogative adverb. For the various explanations offered for the use of ut, see Sz.: 534–5 and Ripoll (2012: 303–5).

96

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position utatur. (Cic. Ph. 5.48); Quorum si nemo verum vidit de natura deorum, verendum est ne nulla sit omnino. (Cic. N.D. 1.94); Unum vereor ne senatus propter urbanarum rerum metum Pompeium nolit dimittere. (Cic. Att. 5.18.1); Si manet, vereor ne exercitum firmum habere non possit. (Cic. Att. 7.12.2) NB: Me nihil magis pudebat quam ne Eumolpus sensisset, quicquid illud fuerat, et homo dicacissimus carminibus vindicaret . . . (Petr. 113.12) Further examples of coordination: Pertimuerunt ne caritate patriae ductus aliquando ab ipsis descisceret et cum suis in gratiam rediret. (Nep. Alc. 5.1); O colonia, quae . . . vereris . . . ne supinus eat cavaque in palude recumbat. (Catul. 17.1–8); Etenim vereor ne aut celatum me illis ipsis non honestum aut invitatum refugisse mihi sit turpissimum. (Cic. Phil. 2.32); . . . veriti ne noctu impediti sub onere confligere cogerentur aut ne ab equitatu Caesaris in angustiis tenerentur . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.66.2) Exceptional forms of coordination: Magis curae est magisque afformido ne is pereat neu corrumpatur. (Pl. Bac. 1078); Eos nunc homines metuo mihi ne opsint neve opstent uspiam . . . (Pl. Mil. 996); . . . non possumus vereri ne male comparati sitis nec tantum rei publicae prosit . . . (Liv. 40.46.4)63 Problematic is the use of ut in (i). Various explanations have been suggested,64 but Madvig’s emendation ne may be the best solution. Much discussed also is ut in Hor. S. 1.3.120–1, which is best taken as ironic. (i) Neque erat ulla satis firma statio opposita, quia nihil minus quam ut egredi moenibus auderent timeri poterat. (‘And no outpost in sufficient strength had been stationed to face them, since nothing less could be feared than that they should venture to sally out from the walls.’ Liv. 28.22.12)

. The use of quin in declarative argument clauses with a negative main clause The subordinator quin is used in declarative argument clauses with main clauses that contain negative expressions, or which are negative by implication (rhetorical questions, for example); with impersonal abest ‘to be far from’; and with verbs and expressions of doubt (see § 8.27 (ii) and (iii)).65 The content of these quin clauses is positive (for clauses with a negative content, see below). Examples of a quin argument clause with a main clause containing abest are (a)–(c). The only clear instance of a quin clause with a negative expression is (b), repeated from § 8.27. Ex. (c) has a passive form in the argument clause. (a)

Aberit non longe quin hoc a me decerni velit . . . (‘It won’t be long before he wants me to sanction this . . .’ Cic. Att. 9.9.3)

63 For further combinations, see K.-St.: II.252–3. 64 See K.-St.: II.256; Orlandini (2003: 495–6); Gowers ad Hor. S. 1.3.120–1. 65 For the contexts in which quin is used, see Moussy (1987; 1998; 2012), Fleck (2008: 204–30).

Finite declarative clauses (b)

97

. . . quid abest quin actum nobis nihil sit quod a Philippo liberavimus Graeciam . . .? (‘. . . how does this differ from saying that nothing was accomplished by us in freeing Greece from Philip . . .?’ Liv. 35.16.12)

(c)

. . . haud procul afuit quin violarentur. (‘. . . they weren’t far from suffering violence.’ Liv. 25.1.11) Supplement: Abesse non potest quin eiusdem hominis sit probos improbare qui improbos probet. (Gracch. orat. 24); . . . naves . . . longas XXVIII invenit instructas neque multum abesse ab eo quin paucis diebus deduci possint. (Caes. Gal. 5.2.2); . . . quid abest quin proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samnitium quoque dicto pareamus . . . ? (Liv. 8.4.2); Sed re prospere gesta non multum afuit quin a Bructero quodam occideretur . . . (Suet. Tib. 19.1) NB: Paene factum est quin castra relinquerent atque cederent hosti. (Quad. hist. 58=59C)66

For argument clauses dependent on expressions of doubt, declarative status is easier to prove, as is shown by the examples (d)–(f), with (d) and (e) negated and (f) containing an anterior tense. Further examples are provided in the Supplement. (d)

Sibi non fuisse dubium quin nullo foedere a re publica bene gerenda impediretur. (‘That he never doubted for a moment that he could not be hindered by any treaty from doing anything which was to the advantage of the republic.’ Cic. Balb. 47)

(e)

Sed non est dubium quin non debeat (sc. praedo) melioris esse condicionis quam bonae fidei possessor. (‘But there is no doubt that he (sc. one who takes illegal possession) ought not to be in a better position than the possessor in good faith.’ Paul. dig. 5.3.36.3)

(f)

Numquid, Gnatho, tu dubitas quin ego nunc perpetuo perierim? (‘Can you have any doubt at all, Gnatho, that I am now finished forever?’ Ter. Eu. 1043) Supplement: Quid ergo dubitas quin lubenter tuo ero meus quod possiet / facere faciat male . . . (Pl. Poen. 881–2); Nam hoc haud dubium’st quin Chremes / tibi non det gnatam. (Ter. An. 391–2—NB: with preparative hoc); Equidem non dubito qui animadverteris item in ea[m] innumerabilem similitudinum numerum . . . (Var. L. 9.32); . . . dubitandum non est quin numquam possit utilitas cum honestate contendere. (Cic. Off. 3.11); Quis igitur . . . dubitet quin in virtute divitiae sint? (Cic. Parad. 48—NB: the quin clause expresses a state); An dubium est quin nihil sit habendum in eo genere quo vita beata compleatur, si id possit amitti? (Cic. Tusc. 5.40); Non enim dubitabat Xeno quin ab Ariopagitis invito Memmio impetrari non posset. (Cic. Att. 5.11.6); Itaque 66 For discussion, see Orlandini (2003: 518–19).

98

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position non dubito quin ad Pisonem, quin ad Servium scripserit. (Cic. Att. 7.17.3); de quam turpi leto pereamus, et dubita, si potes, quin ille, seu victus seu victor redierit, caedem facturus sit. (Cic. Att. 10.10.5); Illud non dubito quin, si te mea summa erga te studia parum mihi adiunxerint, res publica nos inter nos conciliatura coniuncturaque sit. (Cic. Fam. 5.7.2—NB: with preparative illud ); Nam de equitibus hostium, quin nemo eorum progredi modo extra agmen audeat ne ipsos quidem debere dubitare. (Caes. Gal. 7.66.6); Dubitas ergo quin sedendo superaturi simus eum qui senescat in dies . . . (Liv. 22.39.15); Numquid enim dubium esse cuiquam potest quin nihil sit tam inquietum quam aër, tam versabile et agitatione gaudens? (Sen. Nat. 6.16.4); Non tamen puto dubites, Vinici, quin magis pro re publica fuerit manere adhuc rudem Corinthiorum intellectum quam in tantum ea intellegi et quin hac prudentia illa imprudentia decori publico fuerit convenientior. (Vell. 1.13.5—NB: coordination by et); Nemo dubitat quin substitutus ultimum diem aditionis exspectare non solet. (Paul. dig. 29.2.72) Related expressions (in alphabetical order by governing expression):67 . . . neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui tantum gloriae Superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo publico id facturus fuerit . . . (Liv. 2.1.3); Nec diu anquirendum quin Agrippina claritudine generis anteiret. (Tac. Ann. 12.6.1); At controversia non erat quin verum dicerent. (Cic. Caec. 31); Nemo enim est qui aliter dixerit quin omnium naturarum simile esset id ad quod omnia referrentur . . . (Cic. Fin. 4.32); Nec discrepat quin dictator eo anno A. Cornelius fuerit. (Liv. 8.40.1); Si istaec vera sunt, divinitus / non metuo quin meae uxori latae suppetiae sient. (Pl. Am. 1105–6); . . . nec iam aliter sentire . . . quin paene circumvallati atque omni exitu et pabulatione interclusi viderentur. (Caes. Gal. 7.44.4) NB: no overt negation in the main clause: Nam si quis coactus aliquid boni fecit, quin nos non obliget, manifestius est. (Sen. Ben. 6.7.2) The various expressions of ‘no doubt’ have a strong assertive illocutionary force. Possible alternatives for the quin clause are the accusative and infinitive clause (from Terence onwards—see §  15.98), the nominative and infinitive construction (from Tac. Ann. 3.8.2 onwards), the quod clause (see § 15.9), and also the quia clause (a few Late Latin instances).68

Quin argument clauses are also found with a few other negated expressions of cognition and communication, with which the accusative and infinitive clause is regular. Examples are (g) and (h).69 (g)

Atqui alterum dici non potest quin i qui nihil metuant . . . beati sint . . . (‘Well at any rate there can be no question of the one point—that those who have no fear . . . are happy . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 5.17)

(h)

Nec pol me multum fallit quin quod suspicor sit quod velit. (‘And I can’t be too far from the mark in thinking that what I have in mind is what he wants.’ Ter. Hec. 728) 67 Examples taken from K.-St.: II.264, where more can be found. 68 For details, see TLL s.vv. dubito; dubius. 69 The quin clause in (g) is regarded as an indirect question in TLL s.v. dico 983.50f.

Finite declarative clauses

99

Supplement: Non potest dici quin commode fiat . . . (Rhet. Her. 4.39); Quamquam quis ignorat, qui modo umquam mediocriter res istas scire curavit, quin tria Graecorum genera sint vere? (Cic. Flac. 64); Illud te non arbitror fugere quin homines in dissensione domestica debeant, quam diu civiliter sine armis certetur, honestiorem sequi partem. (Cael. Fam. 8.14.3); Itaque negare non posse quin rectius sit etiam ad pacatos barbaros . . . exercitum mitti. (Liv. 40.36.2) Noteworthy: Neque eum consilium suum fefellit quin hostes eo proelio audito nihil iam de bello essent cogitaturi. (B. Alex. 32.2—NB: alongside the subject consilium suum)

In a way that resembles the use of ut in ‘periphrastic’ constructions (see § 15.36), quin can also be used in argument clauses with expressions like non possum quin ‘I cannot but’,70 facere non possum ‘I cannot bring it about that . . .’ and fieri non potest ‘it is not possible that . . .’, where it is almost equivalent to ut non. When a quin clause is used with these expressions, its content is negative. Examples are (i) and ( j). For a parallel with a more emphatic negation by ut non, see (l). (i)

Video non potesse quin tibi eius nomen eloquar. (‘I see that it’s not possible for me not to tell you his name.’ Pl. Bac. 559)

( j)

Ut mihi rem narras, Callicles, nullo modo / potest fieri prosus quin dos detur virgini. (‘The way you tell me the story, Callicles, it’s absolutely impossible that a dowry not be given to the girl.’ Pl. Trin. 729–30)

(k)

Tamen facere non possum quin cottidie ad te mittam ut tuas accipiam. (‘Still I can’t resist sending you a daily letter so as to get your replies.’ Cic. Att. 12.27.2)

(l)

Fieri, inquam, Triari, nullo pacto potest ut non dicas quid non probes eius a quo dissentias. (‘It’s in no way possible’, I say, ‘that you do not say what you do not approve of in the views of the man with whom you disagree.’ Cic. Fin. 1.27) Supplement: Eheu, nequeo quin fleam, / quom aps ted abeam. (Pl. Mil. 1342–3); Sati’n, si quis amat, nequit quin nihili sit atque improbis se artibus expoliat? (Pl. Truc. 553); Non enim faciam quin scias. (Pl. Mil. 283); Sed quom orata huiu’ reminiscor nequeo quin lacrumem miser. (Ter. Hec. 385); Fieri nullo modo poterat quin Cleomeni parceretur. (Cic. Ver. 5.104); . . . facere non potui quin tibi et sententiam et voluntatem declararem meam. (Cic. Fam. 6.13.1) Related examples (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Tribus non conduci possum libertatibus, / quin ego illis hodie comparem magnum malum / quinque hanc omnem rem meae erae iam faciam palam. (Pl. Cas. 504–6); . . . ut effici non possit quin eos tam oderim quam rem publicam diligo. (Cic. Phil. 11.36); Non possum pati / quin tibi caput demulceam. (Ter. Hau. 761–2); . . . non esse in nostra potestate quin illa eveniant quorum causae fuerint . . . (Cic. Fat. 45) 70 For this expression, see Fleck (2006).

100

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Appendix: An isolated idiom is constituted by the combination mirum quin ‘it is a miracle that not’ in Plautus, as in (m). (m) Mirum quin grex venalium in cistella infuerit una. (‘It’s odd that there wasn’t a whole group of slaves in that one casket.’ Pl. Cist. 733)

. The use of si in declarative argument clauses The subordinator si is used in argument clauses with two types of expressions (§§ 15.40–1). With a third type (§ 15.42), si clauses are better taken as satellites. It is common in conditional satellite clauses (see §§ 16.57ff.).

. The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of waiting in expectation and trying With a couple of verbs and expressions of waiting in expectation and trying, si argument clauses in the subjunctive refer to situations which are uncertain or the outcome of which is uncertain. The verbs involved are also found with ut argument clauses that express aiming at the realization of a state of affairs.71 Examples of si clauses are (a) and (c); for ut clauses with the same verbs, see (b) and (d). In (e), res seems to function as a preparative device. The si clause normally follows the main clause; negated clauses seem not to be attested. With some of these verbs, indirect questions with an interrogative particle occur as well (see § 15.46). These argument clauses must be distinguished from the purpose si clauses discussed in § 16.59. (a)

Miror huc iam non arcessi in proxumum uxorem meam, / quae iam dudum si arcessatur ornata exspectat domi. (‘I’m surprised that my wife is not yet being sent for to go next door. She’s all dressed up and has been waiting at home for a long time already in case she’s sent for.’ Pl. Cas. 539–40)

(b)

Nisi exspectare vis / ut eam sine dote frater nuptum conlocet. (‘Unless you want to wait for her brother to give her in marriage without dowry.’ Pl. Trin. 734–5)

(c)

Helvetii . . . nonnumquam interdiu, sepius noctu si perrumpere possent conati . . . hoc conatu destiterunt. (‘The Helvetii, after having made attempts sometimes by day, more often by night, to see if they could break through . . . abandoned this attempt.’ Caes. Gal. 1.8.4)

(d)

. . . Caesar intellexit nihil aliud eos conari nisi ut se cogerent castra eo loco ponere . . . (‘. . . Caesar realized that what they were trying to do was no less than force him to pitch camp at a spot . . .’ B. Afr. 69)

(e)

Temptata res est si primo impetu capi Ardea posset. (‘An attempt was made to see if Ardea could be seized by an initial attack.’ Liv. 1.57.3) 71 See Meini (2004) on the element of uncertainty.

Finite declarative clauses

101

Supplement: Ei rei operam dare te fuerat aliquanto aequius / si qui probiorem facere posses, non uti / in eandem tute accederes infamiam . . . (Pl. Trin. 119–21); . . . non recusavit quo minus vel extremo spiritu si quam opem rei publicae ferre posset experiretur. (Cic. Phil. 9.2); Haec (sc. vipera) cum temptaret siqua res esset cibo, / Limam momordit. (Phaed. 4.8.4–5); Temptemus tamen si adhuc sorbilia sunt. (Petr. 33.5 (Trimalchio speaking)); At Germanicus . . . dandum adhuc spatium ratus si recenti exemplo sibi ipsi consulerent praemittit litteras ad Caecinam . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.48.1—NB: depends on dandum spatium)

. The use of si clauses with verbs and expressions of surprise Si clauses are used relatively frequently in combination with the verb miror ‘to be surprised’, with which the accusative and infinitive is more common and which is also found with a factive quod clause, just like emotion verbs (see § 15.8). Although one may sometimes hesitate as to whether the si clauses are really argument clauses, and not conditional satellites, the argument status is sometimes proved by the presence of preparative pronouns like id in (b) and illud in (c). The si clause normally follows the main clause. The main clause is often negative or understood as negative. The si expression differs in meaning from the other two expressions.72 There are a few attestations of negation by nisi, as in (d), unless it is a conditional clause. Instances of negation by si non are attested in Augustine, as in (e).73 (a)

Edepol minime miror si te fugitat aut oculos tuos / aut si te odit, qui istum appelles Tyndarum pro Philocrate. (‘Seriously, I’m not surprised at all if he’s avoiding you, or eye-contact with you, or if he hates you, since you address him as Tyndarus instead of Philocrates.’ Pl. Capt. 545–6)

(b)

Idne tu mirare si patrissat filius? (‘Are you surprised if the son takes after his father?’ Pl. Ps. 442)

(c)

Enim vero illud praeter alia mira miror maxume / si haec habet [pateram] illam. (‘Honestly, I am astonished if she has that bowl more than I am astonished about the other astonishing things.’ Pl. Am. 772–3)

(d)

Mirarer nisi pro tam bono patre fuisset qui mori vellet. (‘I should have been surprised had there been no son who was willing to die for so good a father.’ Sen. Con. 9.4.8)

(e)

Ubi miror si non scelere graviore mercedem tantam tanto sceleri reddiderunt. (‘Here I wonder if it was not a greater crime for them to bestow so great a reward on so great a crime.’ August. Civ. 3.15.11)

72 See Bodelot (1998: 179–81).

73 TLL s.v. miror 1067.14ff.

102

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Most if not all of the instances of si clauses with other emotion verbs mentioned in K.-St. (II.424–5)74 can be understood as conditional satellites. An example is (f). TLL s.v. ignosco 318.81 gives (g) as an illustration of ignosco governing a si clause, but the parallelism with the quoniam clause shows that this is incorrect. Notable is the use of the conditional clause in (h), mentioned in K.-St., but it is not the counterpart of a factive quod clause. (f) (sc. Demosthenes) Qui dolere se aiebat, si quando opificum antelucana victus esset industria. (‘(Demosthenes) who said that he was grieved if ever he had been beaten by the diligence of workmen rising before the break of day.’ Cic. Tusc. 4.44) (g) Si quid in te peccavi, ac potius quoniam peccavi, ignosce. In me enim ipsum peccavi vehementius. (‘If I have treated you badly in any way, or rather since I have done so, forgive me. I have treated myself worse.’ Cic. Att. 3.15.4) (h) Commoti patres vice fortunarum humanarum, si ille praepotens opibus populus . . . adeo infractos gereret animos ut se ipse suaque omnia potestatis alienae faceret. (‘The Fathers were profoundly moved by the vicissitudes of human fortune, considering how that great and opulent people . . . was become so broken in spirit as to yield itself up with all its possessions to the dominion of another.’ Liv. 7.31.6) NB: In (i) si non is local negation (see § 8.7). (i) Minus mirandum est illaec aetas si quid illorum facit / quam si non faciat. (‘It’s less of a surprise if a man of that age does some of those things than if he doesn’t.’ Pl. Bac. 409–10)

. The use of si clauses in combination with so-called impersonal expressions Si clauses are also used in combination with various so-called impersonal expressions. An example is (a) with impersonal interest ‘it makes a difference’. More common are combinations of est with a subject complement like mirum est ‘it is remarkable’, as in (b)–(d). With these expressions several other types of clauses are found as well (notably quod clauses, accusative and infinitive clauses, and indirect questions). These clauses function as arguments. The si clauses, by contrast, are ‘normal’ conditional satellite clauses.75 (a)

Nihil interesse autem non modo si omni ex parte eiusdem modi sint sed etiam si discerni non possint. (‘That it makes no difference not only if they are alike in every aspect but also if they cannot be distinguished from each other.’ Cic. Luc. 40)

74 See also Sz.: 666.

75 See K.-St.: II.425 for the examples quoted below (and more).

Finite declarative clauses (b)

103

Nil mirum—vetus est maceria—lateres si veteres ruont. (‘It’s not surprising—the wall is old—if old bricks tumble down.’ Pl. Truc. 305)

(c)

Ecastor hau mirum si te habes carum, / hominem tam pulchrum . . . (‘Goodness, it’s no surprise if you hold yourself dear, such a beautiful man . . .’ Pl. Mil. 1041–2)

(d)

Quid mirum igitur in senibus si infirmi sint aliquando, cum id ne adulescentes quidem effugere possint? (‘What wonder, then, if the aged are sometimes weak, when even the young cannot escape the same fate?’ Cic. Sen. 35) Supplement: Plusque proficit si ponetur spes utilitatis futurae quam praeteriti beneficii commemoratio. (Cic. de Orat. 2.206); Quin et verba Flavi vulgabantur non referre dedecori si citharoedus demoveretur . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.65.1) Volup est quod agas si id procedit lepide at sententia. (Pl. Mil. 947); Mirum tibi videtur si tu loquendo talentum quaesisti? (Gracch. orat. 44); Aut, si haec dici non poterunt, dicendum erit illud extremum, non esse mirum si nunc primum deliquerit. (Cic. Inv. 2.34); ‘Minime mirum’, inquit Antonius, ‘si ista res adhuc nostra lingua inlustrata non est.’ (Cic. de Orat. 2.55); Obprobrio fuisse adulescentibus si amatores non haberent. (Cic. Rep. 4.3); Quod si eam veniam sibi dedisset tantisque implicatum rebus sublevasset, magno ei praemio futurum. (Nep. Paus. 4.6); Illud te mihi ignoscere, P. Corneli, aequum erit, si . . . ne tuam quidem gloriam bono publico praeponam. (Liv. 28.41.1); . . . si pavetis aciem, indignum id quidem . . . (Tac. Hist. 4.58.4) The negation in these cases is by non, except in the combination mirum est/mira sunt ni, as in (e). Nisi in this context is rare, but there are already three instances of mira nisi in Plautus.76 (e) . . . mirumque adeo est ni hunc fecere sibi Aetoli agoranomum. (‘. . . and it would be a surprise indeed if the Aetolians haven’t made him their market inspector.’ Pl. Capt. 824)

. The use of quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of pretending In Early Latin quasi clauses can be used as second argument with verbs and expressions of pretending.77 Although they are found again in later periods, in Classical Latin accusative and infinitive clauses are the regular expression. An example in which both expressions co-occur is (a).

76 For further examples, see TLL s.v. mirus 1074.20ff. 77 The material can be found in Bennett (1900: 416–17). For comparative data, see Perrochat (1932b: 89–94).

104 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Ita praecipito mulieri atque ancillulae, / ut simulet se tuam esse uxorem et deperire hunc militem, / quasique hunc anulum faveae suae dederit . . . (‘Instruct the woman and her maid that the woman has to pretend to be your wife and to be madly in love with this soldier, and that she has to act as though she were giving this ring to her favourite slave girl . . .’ Pl. Mil. 795–7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Assimulato quasi gubernator sies. (Pl. Mil. 1181); Adibo atque adsimulabo quasi nunc exeam. (Ter. Eu. 461); Sed nimium lepide dissimulant quasi nil sciant / fore huius quod futurum est. (Pl. Cas. 771–2); Simulabo quasi non videam. (Pl. Per. 84)

. The use of tamquam (si) and quasi in argument clauses with verbs and expressions of accusing and of emotion and with verbs of communication From Seneca the Elder onwards tamquam ‘on the ground that’ clauses are used as argument with verbs and expressions of accusing, blaming, excusing, etc. and with verbs and expressions of emotion. Semantically, the expressions differ from the more common quod clauses (see § 15.10) and accusative and infinitive clauses (see §§ 15.97–8) in that the author does not commit himself to the truth of the reason for the accusation or emotion to which the clause refers.78 Later on, quasi is used in a similar way, especially by Suetonius. Examples are (a)–(c).79 (For conditional comparative adjuncts, see § 16.66.) (a)

Diligentius me tibi excusarem tamquam huic rei non essem natus, nisi scirem . . . (‘I should take more pains in my defence (pleading that I was not born for such things) if I didn’t know . . .’ Sen. Con. 3.pr.14)

(b)

Deinde iam me pudet tamquam diu non seriam rem agam. (‘More recently I have begun to be ashamed on the ground that for a long time I haven’t been doing anything of substance.’ Sen. Con. 10.pr.1)

(c)

De reddenda re p. bis cogitavit. Primum post oppressum statim Antonium, memor obiectum sibi ab eo saepius quasi per ipsum staret ne redderetur. (‘He twice thought of restoring the republic. First immediately after the overthrow of Antony, remembering that the criticism was often laid against him by his rival on the ground that it was his fault that it was not restored.’ Suet. Aug. 28.1)

Whereas in (a)–(c) the content of the accusation or shame is at the same time the reason for it, this is different for (d) and (e), where the governing expressions are verbs of communication. 78 For the meaning of tamquam in these contexts, see Bodelot (2011: 271–2) and Baños (2014: 73). 79 For the use of tamquam (si) in argument clauses and its development from satellite clauses (see § 16.66), see Bennett (1900) and Bodelot (2011; 2014b). For quasi, see Bennett (1900). See also Rosén and Shalev (2017).

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions) (d)

105

(sc. Plautius Silvanus) . . . turbata mente respondit tamquam ipse somno gravis atque eo ignarus et uxor sponte mortem sumpsisset. (‘. . . he replied in a disturbed state of mind to the effect that he had been heavily asleep and therefore unaware and that his wife took death upon herself.’ Tac. Ann. 4.22.1— tr. Woodman, with adjustment)

(e)

Nam quo pertinuit . . . differri . . . etiam per externos tamquam veneno interceptus esset . . . (‘And what was the point of its being spread abroad, and among foreigners too, that he had met a premature death from poison?’ Tac. Ann. 3.12.4—tr. Woodman) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Atriplex . . . accusatum a Pythagora tamquam faceret hydropicos morbosque regios . . . (Plin. Nat. 20.219—NB: following André in his Budé edition); . . . admonentibus domesticis quasi plura polliceretur quam praestare posset . . . (Suet. Tit. 8.1); . . . ut hic pauper inputet diviti tamquam praevaricatus sit. (Quint. Decl. 333.3); Omnes infamaverunt adulescentem quasi illius criminationibus factum sit ut frater abdicaretur. (Sen. Con. 2.4.7); At Cicero . . . reprehenditur a quibusdam tamquam orationem ad rhythmos alliget. (Quint. Inst. 9.4.53—unless it is an adjunct); Diversitas supplicii illuc respicit, tamquam scelera ostendi oporteat dum puniuntur, flagitia abscondi. (Tac. Ger. 12.2—NB: preparative illuc) NB: An early example may be: At primum sumpseras tamquam interesset. (Cic. Luc. 44).80

15.45 Finite interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) The notion ‘indirect question’ covers a variety of expressions, only some of which correspond to direct questions in that they refer to a situation in which a speaker or writer wants to obtain information from an addressee (see §§ 6.5–26). This is the situation in (a), where the indirect question sit which is dependent on rogas corresponds to the immediately preceding direct question which is directed to an addressee. In (b), however, the indirect question does not presuppose an addressee. Exx. (a) and (b) do, nevertheless, share a common feature in that they both refer to a lack of information. The notion ‘indirect question’ is also used for indirect exclamatory argument clauses, such as (c). In such cases there is no lack of information involved (see § 15.89). (a)

Estne ea intu’? # Sit rogas? (‘Is she inside? # Are you asking whether she’s inside?’ Ter. Hau. 454)

(b)

Pol ego haud scio quid post fuat. (‘I don’t know what’ll happen later on.’ Pl. Aul. 426)

(c)

Vide palliolum ut rugat. (‘Look how your cloak is all crumpled.’ Pl. Cas. 246) 80 See Bodelot (2014b: 200–1).

106

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

Further details concerning the governing expressions are discussed in § 15.46. It is often difficult to decide whether a sequence that consists of a verb of communication and a question is an instance of a complex sentence with an indirect question or of two independent sentences, one of which is a direct question. This problem is particularly acute if the question is in the indicative mood; specific contexts are discussed in § 7.133. Here an illustration with dic ‘tell me’ will suffice. In (d), the question is in the subjunctive (malis), which makes it attractive (though not necessary) to consider the sequence si . . . malis as a subordinate clause (an indirect question). In (e) est is indicative, which makes it attractive (though not necessary) to consider Roscia . . . offert an independent sentence (a direct question), with dic sodes inserted as a parenthesis.81 (d)

‘Dic mihi’, quaeso, ‘Xenophontis uxor, si vicina tua melius habeat aurum quam tu habes, utrum illudne an tuum malis?’ (‘If your neighbour had a better gold ornament than you have, please tell me, wife of Xenophon, whether you would prefer that one or your own?’ Cic. Inv. 1.51)

(e)

Roscia, dic sodes, melior lex an puerorum est / nenia quae regnum recte facientibus offert . . . (‘Tell me, pray: is the Roscian law better or the children’s jingle which offers a kingdom to those who “do right” . . .’ Hor. Ep. 1.1.62–3)

For the use of the moods in indirect questions see § 7.133–7; for the tenses, see § 7.98. Appendix: In Late Latin the infinitive is occasionally found in indirect questions instead of a subjunctive finite form.82 An example is (f). (f) . . . non habent quid respondere. (‘. . . they do not know what response to make.’ August. Psal. Don. 40)

. Verbs and expressions governing indirect questions The verbs that can govern an indirect question can be classified into four categories (see also § 15.52 and § 15.56):83 1

2

verba interrogandi, comprising the verbs that mean ‘to ask for information’, such as quaero ‘to seek to know about’ (OLD § 8) and rogo ‘to ask’; verbs of this class constitute 6 per cent of all expressions governing an indirect question in Bodelot’s sample. With these verbs the source of the information is often expressed. verba investigandi, comprising the verbs that mean ‘to try to find out’, such as cogito ‘to consider’, experior ‘to try out’, quaero ‘to examine’ (OLD § 9), tempto

81 This is the way the two examples are treated in the TLL s.v. dico 983.46 and 983.18f., respectively. In TLL s.v. an 6.47 (e) is treated as an independent question. 82 Examples are discussed by Martínez-Pais (1994). 83 Following Bodelot (1987: 25–51; 2003: 211–14).

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

3

4

107

‘to find out by trial’ (OLD § 3c), viso ‘to go and look at’; verbs of this class constitute 11 per cent of the expressions governing an indirect question. verba declarandi, comprising verbs of communication, such as dico ‘to say’, narro ‘to tell’, scribo ‘to write’, and statuo ‘to make up one’s mind’ (OLD § 14); verbs of this class constitute 20 per cent of the expressions governing an indirect question. verba sciendi, sentiendi, etc., comprising verbs of perception and cognition, such as dubito ‘to be in doubt’, existimo ‘to think’, intellego ‘to understand’, miror ‘to be surprised’, paenitet ‘to give reason for regret’, scio ‘to know’ and nescio ‘not to know’, timeo ‘to fear’, and video ‘to see’; verbs of this class constitute 63 per cent of the expressions governing an indirect question.

It is only for verbs of the first class that the indirect questions may reflect real questions, but even with these verbs this is often not the case: the reported words are so general that it is difficult to reconstruct a particular utterance from them, for example in (a), where the original wording of the question cannot be determined with any precision. (a)

Rogant me servi quo eam. Dico me ire quo saturi solent. (‘The servants asked me where I was going. I said I was going where those who are full normally go.’ Pl. Cur. 362)

As for the distribution of the two types of indirect questions, viz. clausal questions (corresponding to ‘sentence questions’ in §  6.8) and ‘constituent questions’ (see § 6.19), the former are relatively uncommon with verbs and expressions belonging to classes (iii) and (iv), and certain combinations are excluded for obvious reasons. Typical combinations are (b) and (c), whereas something like (d) is not attested or conceivable.84 (b)

Requireres, / rogitares quis esset aut unde esset, qua prosapia, / civisne esset an peregrinus. (‘You should have inquired and asked who he was or where he was from, from what family, and whether he was a citizen or a foreigner.’ Pl. Mer. 633–5)

(c)

Scio quam rem agat. (‘I know what he’s up to.’ Pl. Aul. 574)

(d)

*Scio civisne sit.

. Types of interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) Just as with interrogative sentences, a distinction must be made between two types of interrogative clauses: simple indirect questions and multiple (or: disjunctive) indirect questions (see § 6.6). 84 See Bodelot (2003: 220–5).

108

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

. Simple interrogative argument clauses (indirect questions) Again, just as with direct questions (see § 6.7), simple indirect questions can be subdivided into clausal questions, exemplified by (a), and constituent questions, exemplified by (b). The same verb may govern coordinated pairs belonging to these two types of clauses, as in (c). (a)

Rogato servos veneritne ad eum tuos. (‘You must then ask whether your slave has come to him.’ Pl. Poen. 181)

(b)

Quid nos opinemur audietis ex iuratis. (‘What we think, you will learn from the evidence of witnesses on oath.’ Cic. Cael. 4)

(c)

. . . cum ex me quidam quaesisset quo die Roma exissem et num quidnam esset novi. (‘. . . when someone asked me on what day I had left Rome, and whether there was any news.’ Cic. Planc. 65)

15.49 Indirect clausal questions Indirect clausal questions usually contain one of the question particles or ec- compounds that are common in direct questions. The absence of such devices is rare for indirect questions, in notable contrast to direct questions, where they are very frequently omitted. The most common particles are -ne, num (and its compounds) and an(ne); by contrast, nonne, si, utrum, and nē (not clitic!) are very rare. Livy has two instances of the interjection en in indirect questions (for its use in direct questions, see § 6.15). For the Late Latin use of ne, see § 6.11 Appendix. 15.50 Indirect clausal questions without a question particle Indirect questions without an interrogative particle are very rare85 and accordingly the instances in question have sometimes been emended, as in (a). The best early example is (b), but there are a few more in combination with other clearly marked indirect questions, as in (c).  (a)

Hic nunc volo scire eodem pacto sine malo fateamini. (‘I want to know now whether you admit it here in the same way without a beating.’ Pl. Truc. 779—add. Studemund)

(b)

Estne ea intu’? # Sit rogas? (‘Is she inside? # Are you asking whether she’s inside?’ Ter. Hau. 454)

(c)

Quom ipsi interea vivant, valeant, / ubi sint, quid agant, ecquid agant / nec participant nos nec redeunt. (‘That they aren’t returning and don’t let us know whether in the meantime they themselves are alive and in good health, where they are, what they’re doing, if they’re doing anything.’ Pl. St. 31–3) 85 See Sz.: 542. For a problematic passage in Cic. Tusc. 1.60, see Lundström (1986: 32–6).

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

109

Supplement: De Theopompo, summo homine, negleximus, qui ubi terrarum sit, quid agat, vivat denique an mortuus sit, quis aut scit aut curat? (Cic. Phil. 13.33); Rure iam redierim quaeris. (Hirt. Att. 15.6.2—add. Wesenberg); Debes hoc etiam rescribere sit tibi curae (si tibi curae cj. Chabot) / quantae conveniat Munatius. (Hor. Ep. 1.3.30–1); Tu pande vivat coniugis frater mei / et pande teneat quas soror sedes mea. (Sen. Ag. 404–5) It is not surprising that there are so few attestations: with most governing verbs a subordinate clause without a subordinating device would be ambiguous.

15.51 Indirect clausal questions with a question particle Of the three most frequent interrogative particles in indirect clausal questions in Early and Classical Latin (-ne, num, and an), an is mostly restricted to contexts of uncertainty (haud scio an, nescio an ‘I don’t know if ’, dubito an ‘I am wondering whether’). The particle -ne is the most frequent of the three: in Cicero there are more instances of indirect -ne than of num and an together. After Terence it is rare in poetry.86 Whereas in Classical Latin -ne and num when used in direct questions have different meanings (-ne neutral as to the response expected, num expecting a negative response), this is less obvious in the case of indirect questions. In (a) and (b) the two particles are used in identical contexts, which is taken as proof of their interchangeability.87 However, in (b) the num clause refers to a situation that is considered undesirable by the person who requests the information, so here num seems to be fully justified (for further discussion, see below § 15.54). (a)

Atque etiam ante iudicium de constituendo ipso iudicio solet esse contentio, cum aut sitne actio illi qui agit aut iamne sit aut num iam esse desierit aut illane lege hisne verbis sit actio quaeritur. (‘And even before the trial begins there is usually a dispute about the institution of the trial itself, when the question is raised whether the party taking proceedings has the right to do so, or has the right to do so yet, or has now ceased to have it, or whether action is open to him under the law cited, or in the terms employed.’ Cic. Part. 99)

(b)

Ac facti quidem controversia in omnia tempora potest tribui. Nam quid factum sit, potest quaeri, hoc modo: occideritne Aiacem Ulixes; et quid fiat, hoc modo: bonone animo sint erga populum Romanum Fregellani; et quid futurum sit, hoc modo: si Carthaginem reliquerimus incolumem, num quid sit incommodi ad rem publicam perventurum. (‘As to the dispute about a fact, this can be assigned to any time. For the question can be “What has been done?” in the following way “Did Ulysses kill Ajax?” and “What is being done?,” e.g. “Are the Fregellans friendly to the Roman people?” and what is

86 For the general decrease of -ne, especially in prose, see TLL s.v. 261.25ff.; for its decrease in indirect questions, see 271.71f. For quantitative and distributional data concerning these question particles, see Bodelot (2002b). 87 So K.-St.: II.513.

110

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position going to occur, e.g.“If we leave Carthage untouched, will any harm come to the Roman state?” ’ Cic. Inv. 1.11)

After the classical period -ne and num are gradually replaced by an. To give one example, whereas in Classical Latin there are numerous instances of -ne and num with the verb quaero ‘to inquire’, with no sure attestation of an,88 in Seneca, by contrast, an is normal, as in (c).89 Instances of variation of the two particles as in (d) provide further evidence for their equivalence in Post-Classical Latin. (c)

Hoc tam invisum vitium an inpunitum esse debeat quaeritur . . . (‘Some raise the question whether a vice so odious as this ought to go unpunished . . .’ Sen. Ben. 3.6.1)

(d)

Ubi in balneum venit, paulisper resistere experirique num tempora adstringantur et an sudor aliqui oriatur. (‘On arriving at the bath, he should sit for a while to try whether his temples become tightened, and whether any sweat arises.’ Cels. 2.17.6)

15.52 The use of -ne in indirect clausal questions The regular context of -ne is with verbs and expressions that indicate or imply a request for information: examples are (a)–(b). However, other governing verbs are also found from Plautus onwards, as in (c). Examples for the four classes of governing verbs mentioned in § 15.46 can be found in the Supplement. The particle is normally attached to the first full word of the indirect question, as in (a). That word is usually the verb of the clause, but it can be another word that constitutes the scope of the question (for scope, see § 6.8). The particle is occasionally attached to a question word, as in (d). (a)

Quid tu igitur rogitas tene obiurigem? (‘Then why do you ask if it’s you that I’m reproaching?’ Pl. Trin. 70)

(b)

. . . ex quibus quaererem signa scirentne fuisse quae non essent. (‘. . . I would make them say whether they knew of the previous existence of statues that were no longer there.’ Cic. Ver. 1.51)

(c)

Contempla, amabo, mea Scapha, sati’n haec me vestis deceat. (‘Look me over, please, my dear Scapha, to see if this dress suits me nicely.’ Pl. Mos. 166)

(d)

. . . Teutonorum legatus respondit interrogatus quantine eum aestimaret donari sibi nolle talem vivum verumque. (‘. . . the Teuton envoy when asked what he thought was the value of it said that he would rather not have even the living original as a gift.’ Plin. Nat. 35.25) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Class 1 (see § 15.46): Ecastor equidem te certo heri advenientem ilico / et salutavi et valuissesne usque exquisivi simul . . . (Pl. Am. 714–15); . . . commilitones appellans et 88 For a few (apparent) exceptions, most textually uncertain, see K.-St.: II.522. 89 For the use of an in Seneca, see Brodmuehler (1914: 45–6).

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

111

magna verborum contumelia interrogans solerentne veterani milites fugere . . . (Caes. Civ. 3.71.4); Quaero autem . . . iturine ad Pompeium et, si sunt, qua quandove ituri sint. (Cic. Att. 9.1.2); Volo uti mihi respondeas . . . fecerisne ante rostra pontem . . . (Cic. Vat. 21); Ac ne subito a me obprimantur, haec sum rogaturus: navem populo Romano debeantne? (Cic. Ver. 4.150); Illa (sc. mater) rogare, quantane (sc. belua fratres elisisset). (Hor. S. 316–17) Class 2: Tui consili est, si tempus, si senatus coget, si honeste a nobis recusari non poterit, velisne perseverare; mei offici est meminisse qua obtestatione decedens mihi ne paterer fieri mandaris. (Cic. Fam. 8.10.5—NB: parallelism with infinitive); Primum, sitne ambiguum, quaerendum’t; (Rhet. Her. 2.16); Abi intro ad vos domum / continuo, vide sitne istaec vostra intus. (Pl. Mil. 535–6) Class 3: Tu igitur ne de Persarum quidem rege magno potes dicere beatusne sit. (Cic. Tusc. 5.35); Sed tamen velim scribas ad me, primum placeatne tibi aliquid ad illum, deinde, si placebit, hocne potissimum. (Cic. Att. 13.6.2); Haec consensu produntur. Aspexeritne matrem exanimem Nero et formam corporis eius laudaverit, sunt qui tradiderint, sunt qui abnuant. (Tac. Ann. 14.9.1—NB: instead of an accusative and infinitive clause) Class 4: . . . alterum fortasse dubitabunt, sitne tantum in virtute, ut ea praediti vel in Phalaridis tauro beati sint, alterum non dubitabunt, quin et Stoici convenientia sibi dicant et vos repugnantia. (Cic. Fin. 5.85); Verum homines notos sumere odiosum est, cum et illud incertum sit velintne hi sese nominari, et . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 47); Sed haec ipsa nescio rectene sint litteris commissa. (Cic. Fam. 2.5.2); . . . parum constitit bellone publico gentis universae tuendi Veientes essent. (Liv. 4.61.2); Hoc primum ex te, de quo modo Antonius exposuit, quid sentias, quaerimus, existimesne artem aliquam esse dicendi. (Cic. de Orat. 1.102)

15.53 The use of nonne in indirect clausal questions Nonne is only attested six times, and only in Cicero, as in (a), expecting the answer ‘yes’. (a)

Quaero igitur a te, L. Piso, nonne oppressam rem publicam putes, si tot tam impii, tam audaces, tam facinerosi recepti sint. (‘Then I ask you, Lucius Piso, whether you would not regard the Republic as crushed if so many who are so wicked, so bold, and so vicious are taken back.’ Cic. Phil. 12.15)

15.54 The use of num in indirect clausal questions In Cicero about half of the instances of indirect questions with num depend on verbs and expressions that indicate or imply a request for information. In most of these the num clause refers to a situation that is viewed as negative in some way by the person who requests the information, as in direct questions. Examples are (a) and (b). Sometimes in a similar context it is difficult to see a negative implication, as in (c). For a rare example of another type of governing verb with which a num clause is used, again with a negative implication, see (d). Normally with such verbs the negative implication is absent.90 (a)

Tum (sc. Sophocles) senex dicitur eam fabulam quam in manibus habebat et proxime scripserat, Oedipum Coloneum, recitasse iudicibus quaesisseque 90 For a discussion of all the Ciceronian instances of num, see Stegmann (1890: 25–9).

112

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position num illud carmen desipientis videretur. Quo recitato sententiis iudicum est liberatus. (‘Thereupon, it is said that the old man read to the jury his play, Oedipus at Colonus, which he was carrying with him and had just written, and that he inquired whether that poem seemed to be the work of an imbecile. When he had finished reciting it he was acquitted by the verdict of the jury.’ Cic. Sen. 22)

(b)

Quaerit ex proximo vicino num feriae quaedam piscatorum essent, quod eos nullos videret. ‘Nullae, quod sciam’ ille . . . (‘He asked his next-door neighbour whether it was a fishermen’s holiday, since he did not see a sign of them. “Not so far as I know,” he said . . .’ Cic. Off. 3.59)

(c)

Velim . . . alicui des negotium qui quaerat Q.  Staberi fundus num quis in Pompeiano Nolanove venalis sit. (‘Please . . . commission someone to find out whether there is a farm belonging to Q. Staberius for sale in the district of Pompeii or Nola.’ Cic. Att. 13.8.1)

(d)

Nunc huc intro ibo, visam hesternas reliquias, / quierintne recte necne, num infuerit febris, / opertaen’ fuerint, ne quis obreptaverit. (‘Now I’ll go in here and and check on yesterday’s leftovers to see whether they have slept well or not, whether they’ve caught a fever, and whether they’ve been covered, so that no one could have approached them stealthily.’ Pl. Per. 77–9—NB: infuerit is often emended)

Num becomes less frequent from the Augustan period onwards, its place being taken by an—already normal in Silver Latin—and by numquid, for example in Seneca (see also § 6.13). An example is (e). (e)

Observa te itaque numquid vestis tua domusque dissentiant, numquid in te liberalis sis, in tuos sordidus, numquid cenes frugaliter, aedifices luxuriose. (‘Observe yourself, then, and see whether your dress and your house are inconsistent, whether you treat yourself lavishly and your family meanly, whether you eat frugal dinners and yet build luxurious houses.’ Sen. Ep. 20.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Class 1 (see § 15.46): A quibus si qui quaereret sedissentne iudices in C. Fabricium, sedisse se dicerent. Si interrogarentur num quo crimine is esset accusatus praeterquam veneni eius quod quaesitum Habito diceretur, negarent. (Cic. Clu. 105); Hic iam de ipso accusatore quaero, qui P. Sestium queritur cum multitudine in tribunatu et cum praesidio magno fuisse, num illo die fuerit? Certe non fuit. (Cic. Sest. 78); An Lacedaemonii Philippo minitante per litteras se omnia quae conarentur prohibiturum quaesiverunt num se esset etiam mori prohibiturus. (Cic. Tusc. 5.42); Interrogatusque a Tiberio num se mandante eam sententiam prompsisset, sponte dixisse respondit . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.8.4) Class 2: Quaeso, reputate cum animis vostris num id mutare melius sit . . . (Sal. Jug. 85.10); Simul circumvehi procul castra iubet specularique num auctum aliqua parte sit vallum, et ut attendant semel bisne signum canat in castris. (Liv. 27.47.3); Vide ergo num satius sit aut invulnerabilem animum dicere aut animum extra omnem

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

113

patientiam positum. (Sen. Ep. 9.2); Nequeo mirari satis / quo ille abire ignavo’ possit longius, nisi si domum / forte ad nos rediit. # Vise amabo num sit. # Iam faxo scies. (Ter. Eu. 661–3) Class 3: Et haud facile dixerim num illa tanto expeditiora sint discentibus artificia, quanto minus ampla sunt. (Col. 11.1.9); Tu tamen mitte, quaeso, mihi obviam litteras numquid putes rei publicae nomine tardandum esse nobis. (Cic. Att. 6.7.2); . . . perscribe ad me omnia, sed diligentissime in primisque num quid iudiciorum status aut factorum aut futurorum etiam laboret. (Cic. Att. 5.13.3); Volo uti mihi respondeas num quis ex toto collegio legem sit ausus ferre praeter unum te? (Cic. Vat. 17—NB: editors assume a lacuna at this point, with various proposals to emend) Class 4: Dubito num idem tibi suadere quod mihi debeam. (Plin. Ep. 6.27.1); Opperiar, ut sciam num quid nam haec turba tristitiae adferat. (Ter. An. 235); Sed velim scire quid adventus Octavi, num qui concursus ad eum, num quae xpƒ~p{t}wzŪ suspicio. (Cic. Att. 14.5.3) The precise contribution of num to the meaning of the indirect question is much disputed. The presentation given above follows essentially Stegmann (1890). For a more sceptical view of the negative interpretation of num clauses, see Bodelot (2003: 251–5). Noteworthy is the use of num expecting a negative answer ‘whether by any chance’ in combination with permoveor ‘I am filled with concern’ in (f). (f) . . . plerumque permoveor num ad ipsum referri verius sit . . . (‘I have often been moved whether it might be more probable for it to be ascribed to the man himself . . .’ Tac. Ann. 4.57.1—tr. Martin and Woodman)

15.55 The use of utrum in indirect clausal questions Utrum alone is used in simple indirect questions in literary Late Latin.91 An example is (a). (a)

Utrum Mediolani etiam nunc posito pagina ista reddenda sit in ambiguo conloco. (‘I am in doubt whether, on the assumption that you are still in Milan, this page should be sent to you there.’ Symm. Ep. 1.86)

15.56 The use of an in indirect clausal questions In Early and Classical Latin, indirect questions with an very rarely reflect true questions. Its usual contexts are expressions of uncertainty (haud scio, nescio, dubito) (class 4), as in (a)–(c). The verb rogo is used with an only from Ovid onwards, as in (d), a request to obtain information (class 1). Verbs of communication (class 3) are exceptional. (a)

Nunc hunc hau scio an colloquar. (‘Now I don’t know if I should talk to him.’ Pl. Mos. 783)

(b)

De accessione dubito an Apronio ipsi data sit merces operae atque inpudentiae. (‘As for the fee, it may possibly have been given to Apronius himself as the pay for his trouble—and his unblushing knavery.’ Cic. Ver. 3.76) 91 See Haverling (1988: 237–8).

114 (c)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Qui scis an tibi istuc eveniat prius quam mihi? (‘How do you know that won’t happen to you rather than to me?’ Pl. Mos. 58)

(d)

At si forte roges fecundam Amathunta metallis / an genuisse velit Propoetidas, abnuat . . . (‘But if you should chance to ask Amathus, rich in veins of ore, if she is glad that she gave birth to the Propoetides, she would repudiate . . .’ Ov. Met. 10.220–1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Class 1 (see § 15.46): Cum versus facias, te ipsum percontor an et cum / dura tibi peragenda rei sit causa Petilli? (Hor. S. 1.10.25–6); . . . te quaerere ex iis . . . iubebat an ferrum habuissent . . . (Liv. 40.14.7); . . . quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. (Tac. Ann. 1.20.1) Class 2: Non quaeritur nunc an profueris mihi sed an beneficium dederis. (Sen. Ben. 5.19.6); Et ipsum dolorem scrutamur an aliquid habeat iucundum circa se et voluptarium. (Sen. Ep. 99.28); Itane? Temptas an sciamus? (Pl. Poen. 557); Vide an sub his exemplis patri fortius loqui liceat. (Sen. Con. 10.3.8) Class 3: An priores coeperint Alexandreae et Pergami reges, qui bibliothecas magno certamine instituere, non facile dixerim. (Plin. Nat. 35.10); Diplomata, domine, quorum dies praeterit, an omnino observari et quam diu velis rogo scribas . . . (Plin. Ep. 10.45) Class 4: An dolo malo factum sit ambigitur. (Cic. Tul. fr. 1b); Tum M. Curtium, iuvenem bello egregium, castigasse ferunt dubitantes an ullum magis Romanum bonum quam arma virtusque esset. (Liv. 7.6.3); Haec memorans animo nunc huc, nunc fluctuat illuc, / an sese mucroni ob tantum dedecus amens / induat et crudum per costas exigat ensem, / fluctibus an iaciat mediis et litora nando / curva petat Teucrumque iterum se reddat in arma. (Verg. A. 10.680–4); Moriendum enim certe est et incertum an hoc ipso die. (Cic. Sen. 74); Nescio an noris hominem, quamquam nosse debes . . . (Plin. Ep. 6.21.3); Atque haud scio an quae dixit sint vera omnia, / sed parvi pendo. (Ter. An. 525–6) Other: Di te perdant, si te flocci facio an periisses prius. (Pl. Trin. 992); Nam quid id refert mea / an aula quassa cum cinere effossus siet? (Pl. Cur. 395–6) Verb to be supplied (brachylogy): (sc. Latro) Divisit in ius et aequitatem, an abdicari possit, an debeat. (Sen. Con. 1.1.13) In the Classical period the combinations haud scio an and nescio an functioned as idioms, meaning more or less ‘perhaps’. An example is (e). The idiomatic status of these expressions appears also from their use below the clause level, for example as a modifier of an adjective, as in (f). They resemble the expressions fortasse an, forsitan, fors fuat an (for which see (g)). (e) Constantiam dico. Nescio an melius patientiam possim dicere. (‘I call it constancy. Perhaps it would be better to say “endurance”.’ Cic. Lig. 26) (f) Quorum quidem testem non mediocrem, sed haud scio an gravissimum Regulum nolite quaeso vituperare. (‘And pray do not disparage Regulus, as no unimportant witness—nay, I am rather inclined to think he was the very best witness—to the truth of their doctrine.’ Cic. Off. 3.105)

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

115

(g) Nam istaec quae tibi renuntiantur, filium / te velle amantem argento circumducere, / fors fuat an istaec dicta sint mendacia. (‘Well, as for the things reported to you, that your lovesick son wants to swindle you out of your money, perhaps those words are lies.’ Pl. Ps. 430–2)

15.57 The use of si in indirect clausal questions The use of si in indirect clausal questions is first attested with verbs and expressions of seeing, in rare instances like (a) and (b). It is much more common for these verbs to be used with indirect question particles such as -ne. Note the instances with -ne in (c) and with num in (d). Ex. (e) shows si clauses functioning in basically the same way as the -ne clauses in the following sentence, with both being governed by the verb quaero ‘to inquire’, ‘to examine’ in the preceding text. Ex. (f) has the si indirect question preceded by preparative id, which shows beyond doubt that it is an argument clause, and not a satellite.92 Note that here the si clause is in the indicative (more examples in the Supplement). By the time of Vitruvius, si is firmly established as an indirect question particle. It survives in the Romance languages.93 (a)

Viso huc amator si a foro rediit domum . . . (‘I’m popping by here to see if our lover has come back home from the market . . .’ Pl. Cas. 591)

(b)

Vide vero si tibi satis placet.94 (‘But see if you like it well enough.’ Pl. Per. 825)

(c)

Abi, vise redieritne iam an nondum domum. (‘Go and see if he’s returned home yet or not.’ Ter. Ph. 445)

(d)

Vide num moratur. (‘See if he keeps you waiting.’ Pl. Mos. 614)

(e)

(quaeritur) De expetendo et fugiendo huius modi: Si expetendae divitiae, si fugienda paupertas. De aequo et iniquo: Aequumne sit ulcisci a quocumque iniuriam acceperis. (‘Questions about what to seek and what to avoid are like this: Whether riches should be sought? Whether poverty should be avoided. A question about right and wrong: Whether it is right to take vengeance on whomsoever has wronged you.’ Cic. Top. 84)

(f)

Nulla lex satis commoda omnibus est. Id modo quaeritur, si maiori parti et in summam prodest. (‘No law is entirely convenient for everyone; this alone is asked, whether it is good for the majority and on the whole.’ Liv. 34.3.5)

Indirect questions with si normally follow the main clause. However, (g) has the reverse order, which is the normal one for si conditional clauses; a translation ‘in case

92 So Bräunlich (1920: 96). 93 For discussion, see Bräunlich (1920: 201–4), Arias (1995), Herman (1996b), and Bodelot (2013). 94 This example is taken as an instance of purpose si clauses (see § 16.59) by Bodelot (2013: 369).

116

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

he has returned’ is not impossible. The negation of si indirect questions is by non, as in (h). (g)

Nunc redeo. Si forte frater redierit viso. (‘I’ve come back here now: I’m seeing whether maybe my brother has returned.’ Ter. Ad. 549)

(h)

Vide amabo, si non, quom aspicias, os inpudens / videtur! (‘Please take a look and see if, when you look at him, his face doesn’t seem impudent.’ Ter. Eu. 838–9) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb):95 Class 1 (see § 15.46): Et sic singulariter interrogat episcopus vicinos eius, qui intravit, dicens: ‘si bonae vitae est hic, si parentibus deferet, si ebriacus non est aut vanus?’ (Pereg. 45.3);96 Et interrogatus a Iudaeis si ipse esset Christus . . . (Tert. Prax. 22.9); Pilatus autem audiens Galilaeam interrogavit, si homo Galilaeus esset. (Vulg. Luc. 23.6); Chlamydes Lucullus, ut aiunt, / si posset centum scaenae praebere rogatus / ‘Qui possum tot?’ ait. (Hor. Ep. 1.6.40–2); Hoc per tuam caritatem rogo, quod praesens praesentem rogare volueram, si eius haberem copiam. (August. Ep. 148.4) Class 2: Sed hoc . . . considerandum, ut prius rettuli, si facilis est humus . . . (Col. 3.11.6); Inspice si possum donata reponere laetus. (Hor. Ep. 1.7.39); . . . consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. (Tac. Ann. 3.63.1—NB: coordination with iure);97 Quaerebam, sicca si posset piscis harena / nec solitus ponto vivere torvus aper, / aut ego si possem studiis vigilare severis. (Prop. 2.3a.5–7); Et de hoc enim quaeratur, si spiritus hominis ipsius salvus erit. (Tert. Pud. 13.24); Vide si hoc utibile magis atque in rem deputas, / ut ipsum adeam Lesbonicum, edoceam ut res se habet. (Pl. Trin. 748–9); Vide, quaere, circumspice, siquis est forte ex ea provincia in qua tu triennium praefuisti qui te nolit perisse. (Cic. Ver. 3.180); Hoc in genere primum sicut in ceteris, si quid aut ex coniecturali aut ex alia constitutione sumi possit, videri oportebit. (Cic. Inv. 2.87); Inscriptio quoque vide diligenter si haec satis idonea tibi videtur. (Petr. 71.12 (Trimalchio speaking)); Vide si potes imbenire . . . (CEL 144.6–7 (Karanis, ad 115)); Videamus nunc, si et apostolus formam vocabuli istius secundum Genesim observat . . . (Tert. Virg. 6.1); Videamus si Filius quidem animam suam posuit, et ei animam suam Pater reddidit, non ipse sibi. (August. Serm. 52.13); Ibo, visam si domi’st. (Ter. Hau. 170) Class 3: Dic mihi si tanti agrum vendidistis. (Vulg. Act. 5.8); . . . ostendat si haeretico aliquid concedendum putavit aut si fidem et baptisma eorum probavit aut si perfidos et blasphemos remissionem peccatorum accipere extra ecclesiam posse constituit. (Cypr. Ep. 73.14.3); Quid est quod mi non rescripsisti si panes percepisti. (CEL 73.3–4 (Wâdi Fawâkhir, c. ad 50)) Class 4: At haec falsa videntes homines non reprehendunt sed delectantur, neque animadvertunt, si quid eorum fieri potest necne. (Vitr. 7.5.4); Sed fatis incerta feror

95 A collection of instances can be found in Arias (1995: 304–8), not all of them convincing. 96 Väänänen (1987: 96, n. 223) assumes that the actual words were spoken in Greek. 97 For another interpretation (variation of ablative absolute and si clause), see Woodman and Martin ad loc.

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

117

si Iuppiter unam / esse velit Tyriis urbem Troiaque profectis, / miscerive probet populos aut foedera iungi. (Verg. A. 4.110–12); De ipsa autem testa, si sit optima seu vitiosa ad structuram, statim nemo potest iudicare . . . (Vitr. 2.8.19); Nescio si quid amplius ad controversiam baptismi ventilatur. (Tert. Bapt. 15.1); Nescio si versatur ante oculos vestros nisi Christus . . . (August. Serm. 45.6); Tum mihi naturae libeat perdiscere mores, /. . . sub terris sint iura deum et tormenta nocentum, / Tisiphones atro si furit angue caput . . . (Prop. 3.5.25–40) There is a rich literature on the question of how this interrogative use of si developed.98 It is plausible that the use of si was extended from its use with verbs and expressions like exspecto, where the si clause refers to an ‘undetermined situation’99 (see § 15.40), to verbs like viso and video (in a context that implies obtaining information, for instance an imperative form like vide). Both with verbs and expressions of ‘waiting in expectation’ and ‘trying’ as well as in indirect questions, the situation referred to in the subordinate clause is uncertain. With exspecto, indirect questions with the regular question particles are exceptional. However, they do occur with viso and video. Si therefore occupied a position that was already available in the frames of these verbs. I do not believe, as some scholars do, that si in the Plautine (i) is interrogative; an interpretation as a conditional satellite clause is perfectly possible. Convincing instances with verba declarandi are (much) later, but this may have to do with the overall low frequency of indirect questions with this type of verb. There is also a tendency to point to instances like ( j) as early signs of the development of an interrogative si. In this case the si clause is not a straightforward ‘conditional’, but the fact that the object position of perscrutabor is filled by fanum is a proof of the satellite function of the si clause. The use of the same subordinating device in conditional and interrogative clauses is not restricted to Latin. Parallels are provided by pà (ei) in Greek and if in English. Sometimes Greek influence is assumed for the use of si in Latin, but this is not necessary, given the fact that other languages have developed this double possibility independently from one another.  (i) Dicito, si (dic si cj. Lindemann) quid vis. (‘If you want something, tell me.’ Pl. Am. 391) ( j) Ibo hinc intro, perscrutabor fanum, si inveniam uspiam / aurum, dum hic est occupatus. (‘I’ll go inside and search the shrine, to see if I can find the gold anywhere while he’s busy.’ Pl. Aul. 620–1)

15.58 The use of nē (not clitic) in pseudo-indirect clausal questions With a number of verbs of perception and cognition, notably with video ‘to see’, the subordinate clauses introduced by nē (‘to check that not’) come close to being indirect questions and ne resembles a question particle with the sense of num ‘whether not’. Examples are (a)–(c). In (a), the subordinate clause is not something the subject of visam can control himself 98 See Arias (1995) and Bodelot (2000: 165–72; 2003: 258–63). A survey of earlier literature can be found in Calboli (1968: 412–13). 99 I adopt the term ‘undetermined situation’, used by OLD s.v. si § 13.

118

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

(note also the perfect tense turbaverint). In (b) and (c), the subordinate clauses contain the negator non. In Late Latin ne is so used with verbs with an interrogative meaning as well, as in (d). Note the parallelism with utrum. See also § 6.11, Appendix, with references.100 For imperative clauses with verbs of perception and cognition, see § 15.74 fin. (a)

Ego ibo ad fratrem ad alios captivos meos, / visam ne nocte hac quippiam turbaverint. (‘I’ll go to my brother’s to my other prisoners. I’ll check that they didn’t create trouble last night.’ Pl. Capt. 126–7)

(b)

Quod si auctoritatem interponis sine armis, magis equidem laudo, sed vide ne hoc ipsum non sit necesse. (‘If, however, you are bringing into play the respect in which you are held without any implication of armed force, the more credit to you, say I; but consider whether even this very act is unnecessary.’ Cic. Phil. 13.15—NB: the translation under Philologic runs: ‘but beware lest this thing itself be quite unnecessary’.)

(c)

Caput illud est, ut, si ista vita tibi commodior esse videatur, cogitandum tamen sit ne tutior non sit. (‘The capital point is this: if you feel the life you are leading suits you better, you must still consider whether it is equally secure.’ Cic. Fam. 4.9.4)

(d)

Quaerimus utrum tu sis Christus . . . Quaerimus ne forte praecursor illius sis . . . Quaerimus ne forte aliquis multum praeveniens praeco es . . . (‘We ask whether you are the Christ . . . We ask whether you perchance are His precursor . . . We ask, if perchance you are some herald come long before . . .’ August. Ev. Jo. 4.8—tr. Gibb) Supplement: Vide ne quae illic insit alia sortis sub aqua. (Pl. Cas. 380); Sed speculabor ne quis aut hinc aut ab laeva aut dextera nostro consilio venator adsit . . . (Pl. Mil. 607–8); Cum circumspiceret ne quid praeterisset . . . (Var. R. 2.9.16); Atque erit observandum diligenter ne nihil ad id quo de agatur pertineat id quod iudicatum sit. (Cic. Inv. 1.82); Sed vide ne quid Catulus attulerit religionis. (Cic. de Orat. 2.367—NB: perfect tense); Vide igitur ne nulla sit divinatio. (Cic. Div. 2.12); Aeque ambigentibus inter se ne ipse esset Christus . . . (Tert. Prax. 22.1); Verum tamen interrogate fideliter animas vestras ne forte de isto integritatis et continentiae vel pudicitiae bono vos inflatius extulistis . . . (August. Civ. 1.28—NB: perfect tense and indicative mood)

15.59 Indirect questions with indefinite pronouns, determiners, adjectives, adverbs, and particles formed with ecSome general information concerning ec- indefinites is given in § 6.18. In indirect questions they are mainly used with the first two classes of verbs mentioned in § 15.46 and with verbs and expressions of fearing.101 Examples of pronouns are (a) and (b); of 100 For further instances, see TLL s.v. ne 313.54ff. For Tertullian, see Hoppe (1903: 72=1985: 141–2). 101 See TLL s.v. ecquis 56.38ff.

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

119

a determiner, (c); of a particle, (d); of adverbs, (e) and (f). Most attested instances come from Early Latin and from Cicero. (a)

. . . percontabor ecquis hunc adulescentem noverit. (‘I’ll ask if anyone knows this young man here.’ Pl. Capt. 459)

(b)

. . . ubi sint, quid agant, ecquid agant / nec participant nos, nec redeunt. (‘. . . they aren’t returning, and they don’t let us know . . . where they are, what they’re doing, if they’re doing anything.’ Pl. St. 32–3—NB: variation quid . . . ecquid )

(c)

Ibo in Piraeum, visam ecquae advenerit / in portum ex Epheso navis mercatoria. (‘I’ll go to the Piraeus and check if any merchant ship from Ephesus has arrived in the harbour.’ Pl. Bac. 235–6)

(d)

Tace, subauscultemus ecquid de me fiat mentio. (‘Be quiet, let’s listen to hear if any mention is made of me.’ Pl. Mil. 993)

(e)

. . . coepi opservare, ecquī maiorem filius / mihi honorem haberet quam eius habuisset pater. (‘. . . I began to observe whether his son would in any way hold me in greater honour than his father had.’ Pl. Aul. 15–16)

(f)

Simul etiam illud volo uti respondeas . . . ecquando dubitaris contra eas leges cum plebe agere et concilium convocare. (‘I should also like you to answer this . . . whether you ever hesitated, contrary to those laws, to transact business with the commons and summon a meeting.’ Cic. Vat. 18)

15.60 Indirect constituent questions Indirect constituent questions are introduced by the same interrogative pronouns, determiners, adjectives, and adverbs that are discussed in the section on direct constituent questions (§ 6.19).102 These question words may also fulfil the same functions as indicated there for direct questions, as is shown in (a)–(d). Occasionally they are combined with one of the interrogative particles or with the emphasizing particle nam, as in (e).103 (a)

Loquere filiam meam quis integram stupraverit. (‘Tell me who violated my innocent daughter.’ Pl. Truc. 821—subject)

(b)

Dicisne mi ubi sit Toxilus? (‘Won’t you tell me where Toxilus is?’ Pl. Per. 281—position in space adjunct)

(c)

Ill’ clam opservavit servos / quo aut quas in aedis haec puellam deferat. (‘That slave who’d abandoned her observed secretly where and into which house the woman was taking the girl.’ Pl. Cist. 168–9—direction adjunct and determiner, respectively—NB: the lines are deleted by Degering, followed by de Melo)

102 For quantitative data and the distribution concerning these question words, see Bodelot (2002b). 103 For further instances of nam, see TLL s.v. 29.43ff. and Holmes (2012).

120 (d)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Provisam quam mox vir meus redeat domum. (‘I’ll check how soon my husband’s returning home.’ Pl. Men. 704—degree modifier)

(e)

Sed haec res mihi in pectore et corde curae est / quidnam hoc sit negoti . . . (‘But this matter is a worry in my breast and in my heart, what this business is . . .’ Pl. Men. 761–2) Supplement: Pronouns: Nunc experiemur nostrum uter sit blandior. (Pl. Cas. 264); Videamus qui hinc egreditur. (Pl. Men. 349);104 Timeo quid siet. (Pl. Mer. 110); Nunc igitur primum quae ego sim et quae illaec siet / huc quae abiit intro, dicam . . . (Pl. Trin. 6–7); Video cui sit Apulia attributa, quis habeat Etruriam . . . (Cic. Catil. 2.6); Quoniam cuius consilio occisus sit invenio, cuius manu sit percussus non laboro. (Cic. S. Rosc. 97); Ex tuis litteris plenus sum exspectatione de Pompeio quidnam de nobis velit aut ostendat. (Cic. Att. 3.14.1); Neque enim ei deesse volebam et quid possem timebam. (Cic. Att. 12.24.1); scribit mihi ut ei no / tum faciam quid gessero (T. Vindol. 645) Determiners: Obsecro vos ego, mi auxilio, / oro obtestor, sitis et hominem demonstretis quis eam abstulerit. (Pl. Aul. 715–16—NB: with hominem as pseudo-object, cf. Neque hercle ego habeo, neque te quis homo sis scio. (Pl. Men. 301)); Quin percontatu’s hominis quae facies foret / qui illam emisset. (Pl. Mer. 622–3); Quo genere aut qua in patria nata sit aut quibus parentibus / . . . volo te percontari. (Pl. Per. 596–8); . . . videte, per deos immortales, quem in locum rem publicam perventuram putetis. (Cic. S. Rosc. 153); Iam vero in bonis Q. Opimi vendendis quas iste praedas, quam aperte, quam improbe fecerit, longum est dicere. (Cic. Ver. 1.156) Adjectives: Dic mihi quali me arbitrare genere prognatum. (Pl. Aul. 212); . . . quom illum rescisces criminatorem meum / quanto in periclo et quanta in pernicie siet. (Pl. Bac. 826–7—NB: with illum . . . as pseudo-object); Eho an paenitet te quanto hic fuerit usui. (Pl. Ps. 305); Recordamini qui dies nudius tertius decimus fuerit, quantus consensus vestrum, quanta virtus, quanta constantia. (Cic. Phil. 5.2); In qua docet quot a civitate sua nautas acceperit, quot et quanti quemque dimiserit, quot secum habuerit. (Cic. Ver. 5.112) Adverbs: Exspecto quam mox recipiat sese Geta. (Ter. Ph. 606);. . . quaero unde nata sit aut quo modo. (Cic. Luc. 23); . . . ista tamen amicitia, tametsi vereor quomodo accepturi sitis, tamen dicam, vos me privastis. (Rhet. Her. 4.29); Ibi cum velut saeptos montium altitudo teneret Gallos circumspectarentque quanam per iuncta caelo iuga in alium orbem terrarum transirent . . . (Liv. 5.34.7); Qui cum illi breviter constanterque respondissent per quem ad eum quotiensque venissent . . . (Cic. Catil. 3.11); Sed id genus quid ita populo Romano in urbe fieri non oporteat exponam . . . (Vitr. 2.8.16); . . . non iniuria tibi defleo qualiter ecclesiasticas caulas . . . lupus . . . arrodat. (Sid. Ep. 7.6.2); Nec quid dicatis scire nec me quor ludatis possum. (Pl. As. 730); Animus audire expetit / ut gesta res sit. (Pl. Cist. 554–5); Eu ecastor, quom ornatum aspicio nostrum ambarum, paenitet / exornatae ut simus. (Pl. Poen. 284–5)

104 Qui in this example is taken as a relative by Gratwick. See, however, Bennett: I.120–2 and, for the variation between quis (before vowels) and qui (before s) in Plautus, see Adams (2016: 48–51). See also § 15.61.

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

121

Just like direct questions (see § 6.19), indirect constituent questions may contain more than one question word, as in (f)–(g). (f)

Quam ob rem etiam atque etiam considera, C.  Piso, quis quem fraudasse dicatur. (‘Therefore, Gaius Piso, consider again and again who is said to have cheated, and who to have been cheated.’ Cic. Q. Rosc. 21)

(g)

. . . reliquum est, iudices, ut nihil iam quaerere aliud debeatis nisi uter utri insidias fecerit. (‘. . . it only remains for you to decide, gentlemen, which of the two was guilty of conspiracy against the other.’ Cic. Mil. 23) Supplement: Da pignus, ni nunc perieres, in savium, uter utri det. (Pl. Poen. 1242); Mica uter utrubi accumbamus. (Pl. St. 696); . . . postremo habere regulam qua vera et falsa iudicarentur et quae quibus propositis essent quaeque non essent consequentia. (Cic. Brut. 152); Quos autem numeros cum quibus tanquam purpuram misceri oporteat nunc dicendum est . . . (Cic. Orat. 196); . . . Iuniam familiam a stirpe ad hanc aetatem ordine enumeraverit notans qui a quo ortus quos honores quibusque temporibus cepisset. (Nep. Att. 18.3); . . . commemorantium ex quantis opibus quo reccidissent Carthaginiensium res. (Liv. 30.42.18); . . . ego quid cui debeam scio. (Sen. Ben. 4.32.4); Illud tibi geometres potest dicere, quantum abesse debeat corpus ab imagine et qualis forma speculi quales imagines reddat. (Sen. Ep. 88.27); . . . sed plurimum refert compositionis quae quibus anteponas. (Quint. Inst. 9.4.44) NB: with an ablative absolute clause: Sed tamen videmus quibus extinctis oratoribus quam in paucis spes, quanto in paucioribus facultas, quam in multis sit audacia. (Cic. Off. 2.67)

Indirect constituent questions are less restricted with respect to the governing expressions than indirect clausal questions (for which, see § 15.46). In addition to (a) above, consider (h)–(k), in which indirect questions are found with the verbs habeo ‘to have’, impero ‘to order’, sum ‘to be’, and ‘impersonal’ paenitet ‘to cause dissatisfaction’, respectively.105 For ambiguous situations, see the next section. (h)

Nunc de peripetasmatis quemadmodum te expedias non habes. (‘Whereas now you have no way of clearing yourself about these tapestries.’ Cic. Ver. 4.28)

(i)

Non imperabat coram quid opu’ facto esset puerperae . . . (‘She didn’t give instructions concerning what needed to be done for the woman in childbirth . . .’ Ter. An. 490)

( j)

. . . neque est quor [non] studeam has nuptias mutatier. (‘. . . and I have no reason why I should be keen to have this marriage replaced by another one.’ Pl. St. 52) 105 For further instances, see TLL s.v. habeo 2437.13ff.; impero 586.3ff.

122 (k)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Eu ecastor! Quom ornatum aspicio nostrum ambarum, paenitet / exornatae ut simus. (‘Goodness! When I look at our dresses, I’m unhappy about how we’re made up.’ Pl. Poen. 284–5)106

15.61 Overlap of indirect constituent questions and autonomous relative clauses Due to the formal overlap of some interrogative pronouns, determiners, adjectives, and adverbs on the one hand and relative pronouns, determiners, adjectives, and adverbs on the other, it is not always easy to determine whether a subordinate clause is an indirect question or a relative clause; in certain contexts both are real options. Two formally unambiguous examples are (a)—relative clause in the indicative—and (b)—an indirect question in the subjunctive. Here the difference between relative quod and interrogative quid is obvious. However, there is no such formal indication in instances like (c) and (d) (repeated from §  7.136—where further examples can be found), and the verbs and expressions in the main clauses allow both an autonomous relative clause and an indirect question as object.107 (a)

Equidem non dubitabo quod sentio dicere. (‘At all events I will not hesitate to speak what I think.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.61)

(b)

. . . neque gravabor breviter meo more, quid quaque de re sentiam, dicere. (‘. . . and I shall make no difficulty about saying, in my brief fashion, what I think about every point.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.107)

(c)

. . . huc adhibete auris quae ego loquor (v.l. loquar) . . . (‘. . . apply your ears here to what I’m saying . . .’ Pl. Ps. 153)

(d)

. . . dum patefacio vobis quas isti penitus abstrusas insidias se posuisse arbitrantur contra Cn. Pompei dignitatem. (‘. . . while I reveal the snares which they think they have laid with complete secrecy against the honour of Gnaeus Pompeius.’ Cic. Agr. 2.49)

Closer examination of instances such as (a) and (b) shows that the contexts in which Cicero chooses the relative or the interrogative option are different. One difference can be seen in (b), the addition of a satellite quaque de re in the indirect question. In instances such as (b) the addressee of the verb of communication is regularly expressed. Pragmatically, the focus in the relative option is on the main clause, often just the verb dico itself, whereas in the interrogative option it is the interrogative clause or a constituent of that clause. Also, interrogative clauses more often precede the main clause than relative clauses.108 106 The example is wrongly taken as an example of an ‘ut completive’ clause (which would then belong to § 15.31 of this Syntax) by Fedriani (2014: 52). 107 For a list of verbs of cognition and communication governing an autonomous relative clause in Cicero, see Eckert (1992: 17–26). 108 For further details, see Eckert (1992: 65–97). See also Bodelot  (2002b) on habeo quid . . . /habeo quod . . .

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

123

. Multiple indirect questions The most common linking device for multiple (‘alternative’ or ‘disjunctive’—see § 6.20) indirect questions is an(ne) alone. Less common are multiple indirect questions in which the first member contains utrum or utrumne (followed by an(ne)) and -ne (followed by an(ne)). An may be repeated if there are further alternatives. There are also several other combinations, which are discussed in the next section. Examples of the most common types of multiple indirect questions are (a)–(e).109 Sometimes particles are entirely absent, as in (f). (a)

Quid id ad me tu te nuptam possis perpeti / an sis abitura a tuo viro? (‘What do I care whether you can tolerate being married or will leave your husband?’ Pl. Men. 722)

(b)

Quidnam id est? / # Haec dies summa hodie est mea amica sitne libera / an sempiternam servitutem serviat. (‘What is it? # This is the day that decides whether my girlfriend will be free or serve as a slave for ever.’ Pl. Per. 33–4a)

(c)

Nunc me ire iussit ad eam et percontarier / utrum aurum reddat anne eat secum simul. (‘Now he has ordered me to call on her and inquire whether she intends to pay him back his money, or go along with him.’ Pl. Bac. 575–6)

(d)

. . . utrumne divi cultu erga se mortalium laetiscant an superna agentes humana neglegant. (‘. . . whether the gods rejoice at mortals’ worship of them, or whether they simply conduct heavenly business and ignore human affairs?’ Sis. hist. 123=79C)

(e)

Nunc mi incertum est / abeam an maneam an adeam an fugiam. (‘Now I’m uncertain whether I should go away or stay or go up to him or run away.’ Pl. Aul. 729–30)

(f)

Sit, non sit non edepol scio. Si is est, eum esse oportet. (‘Whether he is the man or not, I don’t know, by Pollux. If it’s him, it ought to be him.’ Pl. As. 465) Supplement: Temptabam spiraret an non. (Pl. Mil. 1336); Nam me isdem edictis nescit laedat an laudet. (Cic. Phil. 3.18); Non crediderit factum an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur certum nec interpretatio est facilis. (Liv. 2.8.8.) Agitur autem liberine vivamus an mortem obeamus, quae certe servituti anteponenda est. (Cic. Phil. 11.24); Neque certum inveniri poterat, obtinendine Brundisi causa ibi remansisset . . . an inopia navium ibi restitisset . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.25.3)

109 For quantitative data, see Bodelot (2002b).

124

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Videndum est primum utrum eae velintne an non velint. (Pl. Mos. 681—NB: A has aut instead of an); Si virum illa meliorem habeat, quam tu habes, utrumne tuum virum malis an illius? (Cic. Inv. 1.51); . . . quaerendumque utrum una species et longitudo sit earum anne plures . . . (Cic. Orat. 206) Nec vero Protagoras, qui sese negat omnino de deis habere quod liqueat, sint non sint qualesve sint, quicquam videtur de natura deorum suspicari. (Cic. N.D. 1.29); Velit nolit scire difficile est. (Cic. Q. fr. 3.6.4)

Whereas the alternatives in (a)–(f) concern entire clauses, those in (g)–(i) are constituents. (g)

. . . tuos servos servet Venerine eas det an viro. (‘. . . your slave shall watch whether she is giving them to Venus or to a man.’ Pl. As. 805)

(h)

. . . non illud iam in iudicium venit, occisusne sit, quod fatemur, sed iure an iniuria . . . (‘. . . the point before the court today is not, whether Clodius was slain—for we admit it—but whether the act was justifiable or not . . .’ Cic. Mil. 31)

(i)

. . . illos, qui omnia sic incerta dicunt ut stellarum numerus par an impar sit, quasi desperatos aliquos relinquamus. (‘. . . let us leave on one side as a hopeless sort of persons the others who say that all things are as uncertain as whether the number of the stars is odd or even.’ Cic. Luc. 32) Supplement: Ferro an fame acrius urgear, incertus sum. (Sal. Jug. 24.3); . . . docete nos agri cultura quam summam habeat, utilitatemne an voluptatem an utrumque. (Var. R. 1.2.12); Quid tu, malum, curas, / utrum crudum an coctum ego edim . . . (Pl. Aul. 429–30); Cremutius Cordus et ipse ait Ciceronem secum cogitasse utrumne Brutum an Cassium an Sex. Pompeium peteret. (Sen. Suas. 6.19)

For negation of the second or later member of a multiple indirect question, see § 6.20. Necne, a few illustrations of which are given in the Supplement, is used less frequently in Early Latin, but is more common in Cicero than an + non or another negator. It is rare in poetry.110 Supplement: Non edepol scio / molestum necne sit, nisi dicis quid velis. (Pl. Epid. 461–2); Sed ego is non sum qui statuere debeam iure quis proficiscatur necne. (Cic. Att. 10.10.2); Quaesisti proxime, Fabi frater, fugiendum necne sit in persecutione, quod nescio quid annuntiaretur. (Tert. Fug. 1) . . . rogitare oportet prius et contarier, / adsitne ei animus necne adsit quem advocet. (Pl. Cas. 571–2); Quaero enim potueritne Roscius ex societate suam partem petere necne. (Cic. Q. Rosc. 52) . . . quaeram utrum emeris necne et quomodo et quanti emeris . . . (Cic. Ver. 4.35)

110 See TLL s.v. necne 278.19ff.

Finite interrogative clauses (indirect questions)

125

15.63 Minor combinations of particles in multiple indirect questions The use of the particle -ne in indirect questions in both alternatives is found once in Terence (Hec. 665) and once in Caesar (Gal. 7.14.8). It is then used in poetry, occasionally also in direct questions. Two examples from Virgil are (a) and (b), the latter possibly a direct question. (a)

At pius Aeneas . . . / qui teneant (nam inculta videt), hominesne feraene, / quaerere constituit . . . (‘But loyal Aeneas . . . determines to learn who dwells there, man or beast—for all he sees is waste . . .’ Verg. A. 1.305–9)

(b)

Namque avia cursu / dum sequor et nota excedo regione viarum, / heu misero coniunx fatone erepta Creusa / substitit, erravitne via seu lapsa resedit, / incertum. (‘For while I follow byways at a run and leave the course of the streets I know, my wife Creusa—alas! whether she halted, snatched from me by an unhappy fate, or whether she strayed from the path or sat down in exhaustion, is not clear to me.’ Verg. A. 2.736–40)

The combination an . . . an in indirect questions is found in poetry and in Silver Latin prose. Two examples are (c) and (d). It is not always clear whether the two clauses are alternatives or two consecutive simple questions. (c)

Haec memorans animo nunc huc, nunc fluctuat illuc / an sese mucroni ob tantum dedecus amens / induat . . . fluctibus an iaciat mediis . . . (‘So saying, he wavers in spirit this way and that, whether because of disgrace so foul he should in madness throw himself on his sword . . . or plunge into the midst of the waves. . .’ Verg. A. 10.680–3)

(d)

Saepe manus operi temptantes admovet an sit / corpus an illud ebur . . . (‘Often he lifts his hands to the work to try whether it be flesh or ivory . . .’ Ov. Met. 10.254–5)

In indirect questions the second alternative is sometimes marked by -ne if the contrast between the alternatives is clear enough; in such cases the first part has no particle. Examples are (e)–(g). Note the variation in (f).111 (e)

Certabant urbem Romam Remoramne vocarent. (‘They were competing over whether they should call the city Roma or Remora.’ Enn. Ann. 82V=77S)

(f)

Cum igitur dicis: ‘miser M. Crassus’ aut hoc dicis: ‘miser est Crassus’ ut possit iudicari, verum id falsumne sit, aut nihil dicis omnino. (‘Therefore when you say “wretched Marcus Crassus,” either you say “Marcus Crassus is wretched,” so that it can be settled whether the statement is true or false, or you say nothing at all.’ Cic. Tusc. 1.14)

111 More examples in OLD s.v. -ne §  5c; TLL s.v. -ne 276.26ff. For discussion, see Norberg (1944: 99–100).

126 (g)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Gaudeat an doleat, cupiat metuatne, quid ad rem . . .? (‘Whether a man feel joy or grief, desire or fear, what does it matter . . .?’ Hor. Ep. 1.6.12) Other combinations of particles are found as well, especially with the alternative coordinators aut, sive, and seu. A few examples will suffice. Supplement: . . . sepe non minus de tertio quam de primo dubitatur, ut in hoc, utrum primum una canis aut canes sit appellata. (Var. L. 7.32);112 Temptat enim dubiam mentem rationis egestas / ecquaenam fuerit mundi genitalis origo, / et simul ecquae sit finis, quoad moenia mundi / et taciti motus hunc possint ferre laborem, / an divinitus aeterna donata salute / perpetuo possint aevi labentia tractu / inmensi validas aevi contemnere viris. (Lucr. 5.1211–17); Num tamen excuses erroris origine factum / an nihil expediat tale movere vide. (Ov. Pont. 2.2.55–6); De ipsa autem testa, si sit optima seu vitiosa ad structuram, statim nemo potest iudicare . . . (Vitr. 2.8.19)

15.64 Finite imperative argument clauses Finite imperative argument clauses, commonly called ‘final noun (or: substantive) clauses’,113 differ from finite declarative argument clauses with respect to negation: the latter are negated by non, the former either by the negation adverb ne, in combination with the subordinator (mostly ut) (see § 8.13) or by the negative subordinator ne (see § 8.23) (see also § 15.84). They are in the subjunctive mood and are used with governing expressions that belong to various semantic classes (see § 15.65). Some of these governing expressions can also govern non-finite subordinate clauses, with or without a difference in meaning. This is shown in exx. (a)–(b) and (c)–(d) for the verbs dico ‘to tell’ and hortor ‘to urge’, respectively. In (a), dicebam refers to an order; the ne clause is a finite imperative clause that functions as the object of the verb. In (b), by contrast, dicere refers to stating a fact, and the subordinate clause te . . . Sosiam esse is a non-finite accusative and infinitive clause which as a whole functions as the object of dicere. Here the difference in class of subordinate clause corresponds to a difference in meaning. (a)

Dicebam, pater, tibi ne matri consuleres male. (‘I told you, father, not to play tricks on mother.’ Pl. As. 938)

(b)

Tun’ te audes Sosiam esse dicere, / qui ego sum? (‘You dare say that you are Sosia, the one I am?’ Pl. Am. 373–4)

In the case of hortor, however, the choice of subordinate clause does not affect the meaning of the sentence. In (c) hortabitur resembles dicebam in (a) with respect to its meaning; the ut and following clauses are finite imperative clauses that function as the object of the verb. The meaning of hortatus sum in (d) is the same as that of hortabitur 112 For more instances, see TLL s.v. aut 1575.39ff.

113 ‘Finale Substantivsätze’ in K.-St.: II.208.

Finite imperative clauses

127

in (c); the subordinate clause isto proficisci is a non-finite prolative infinitive clause that functions as the object of hortatus sum. The agent of proficisci is identical with the object eum in the main clause. Thus there is no difference in meaning that corresponds to the difference in form between (c) and (d). The only difference in this case of variation in form is that (c) is attested earlier than (d). (For hortor meaning ‘to give as one’s opinion’ with an accusative and infinitive clause, see § 15.100 (iii).)114 (c)

Ille extemplo illam hortabitur / ut eat, ut properet, ne matri morae sit. (‘He’ll instantly encourage her to go and to hurry, so as not to waste her mother’s time.’ Pl. Mil. 1189–90)

(d)

Sed ego eum non solum hortatus sum verum etiam coegi isto proficisci . . . (‘However, I have not only urged but also compelled him to leave for the place where you are . . .’ Planc. Fam. 10.17.2)

On closer inspection there are certain factors that influence the choice between a finite clause and a prolative infinitive.115 When the subject of the governing clause has a high degree of control on the state of affairs of the subordinate clause the prolative infinitive is preferred, as is illustrated by (d), where coegi is used alongside hortatus sum. Factors that favour the use of a finite clause are (i) negation of the main clause, as in (e), and (ii) forms of modalizing the content of the main clause, as in (f)—with a non-factive mood— and in (g)—with an attitudinal manner clause (see § 16.35). (e)

. . . nihil prohibet quominus mense Iulio vervacta subigantur. (‘. . . there is no objection to breaking fallow land in the month of July.’ Col. 2.4.5)

(f)

Di prohibeant, iudices, ne hoc quod maiores consilium publicum vocari voluerunt praesidium sectorum existimetur! (‘Heaven forbid, gentlemen, that this which our ancestors willed should be called the public council, would be thought to be a safeguard for brokers.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 151)

(g)

Impedior non nullius offici, ut ego interpretor, religione quominus exponam quam multa . . . (‘A certain regard for what is due to a colleague, as I interpret the matter, makes me scruple to set out how many . . . ’ Cic. Sest. 8)

In the case of coordination of two or more finite (subordinate) imperative clauses of which the second (or following) is negative, several coordinating devices are available (see also §§ 8.38–40). The most common ones are neve (neu, occasionally also nive and—in inscriptions—neive) and neque (nec).116 If the preceding clause is positive (with the subordinator ut, rarely without ut), neve is the regular coordinator from Early Latin onwards, as in (h)–( j), whereas neque is used equally often from Cicero onwards, as in (k). 114 For the gradual expansion of the accusative and prolative infinitive expression in place of ut + subjunctive, see Perrochat (1932b: 207–22). 115 This section follows Torrego (2016a) on verba impediendi, cogo, and iubeo. She presents statistical data at p. 48. 116 For other combinations, see K.-St.: II.211.

128 (h)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Blepharo, quaeso ut advocatus mi adsis neve abeas. (‘Blepharo, please help me as an advocate and don’t go away.’ Pl. Am. 1037)

(i)

Deinde te hortor ut auctore populo Romano maneas in sententia neve cuiusquam vim aut minas pertimescas. (‘And in the second place, I exhort you, having the approbation of the Roman people, to persevere in those sentiments, and not to fear the violence or threats of any one.’ Cic. Man. 69)

( j)

Praecipit atque interdicit . . . unum omnes petant Indutiomarum neu quis quem alium prius vulneret . . . (‘He gives this command and prohibition, that . . . they should all make for Indutiomarus, and no one wound any other man before . . .’ Caes. Gal. 5.58.4)

(k)

Illi eum commonefaciunt ut . . . utatur instituto suo nec cogat ante horam decimam de absente secundum praesentem iudicare . . . (‘They requested him to . . . follow his own regular practice, and to wait till four o’clock before directing a judgement by default in favour of the party present . . .’ Cic. Ver. 2.41) Supplement: . . . huic persuadere quo modo potis siem / ut illam vendat neve det matri suae. (Pl. Mer. 331–2); . . . quaeso oroque vos, patres conscripti, ut . . . accipiatis sine offensione quod dixero neve id prius quam quale sit explicaro repudietis . . . (Cic. Phil. 7.8) Te atque senatum obtestamur consulatis miseris civibus, legis praesidium quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit restituatis neve nobis eam necessitudinem inponatis . . . (Sal. Cat. 33.5) Si hercle istuc umquam factum est, tum me Iuppiter faciat ut semper sacruficem nec umquam litem. (Pl. Poen. 488–9); . . . hortemurque potius liberos nostros ceterosque . . . ut animo rei magnitudinem complectantur neque . . . exercitationibus quibus utuntur omnes sed aliis quibusdam se id quod expetunt consequi posse confidant. (Cic. de Orat. 1.19); His persuaderi ut diutius morarentur neque suis auxilium ferrent non poterat. (Caes. Gal. 2.10.5)

If the preceding clause is negative (with ut ne or ne) the regular coordinator is neve/neu, as in (l)–(o). The earliest attestation of neque is found in Nepos, as in (p).117 (l)

Eadem exorabo Chrysalo causa mea / pater ne noceat neu quid ei suscenseat . . . (‘At the same time I’ll persuade my father not to harm Chrysalus for my sake and not to be angry with him . . .’ Pl. Bac. 521–2)

(m)

(sc. lex) Sanxit in posterum . . . ne quis heredem virginem neve mulierem faceret. (‘It merely enjoined . . . that no one should make a girl or woman his heiress in future.’ Cic. Ver. 1.107)

(n)

. . . una cautio est atque una provisio ut ne nimis cito diligere incipiant neve non dignos. (‘. . . there is but one security and one provision . . . and that is, neither to enlist your love too quickly nor to fix it on unworthy men.’ Cic. Amic. 78)

117 In Cic. Off. 1.91 editors read neve, with Nonius and one recent cod.; all other codd. have nec.

Finite imperative clauses (o)

129

Caesar ad Lingonas litteras nuntiosque misit ne eos frumento neve alia re iuvarent. (‘Caesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones (with orders) that they should not assist them with corn or with anything else.’ Caes. Gal. 1.26.6)

(p)

Modo magis Pausanias perturbatus orare coepit ne enuntiaret nec se meritum de illo optime proderet. (‘Pausanias, still more disturbed, began to beg him not to report and betray one who had always deserved well of him.’ Nep. Paus. 4.6) Supplement: . . . te obtestor ne abs te hanc segreges neu deseras. (Ter. An. 291); Praeclara senatus consulta fecisti ne qua post Idus Martias immunitatis tabula neve cuius benefici figeretur. (Cic. Phil. 2.91); Quae ego ne frustra subierim nive (v.l. neve), prius quam reliquias meae diligentiae consequar, decedere cogar valde laboro. (Lent. Fam. 12.14.5); . . . obsecrat ne quam contumeliam remanere in exercitu victore neve hostis inultos abire sinat. (Sal. Jug. 58.5); . . . orabat ne quod scelus Ap. Claudi esset sibi attribuerent neu se ut parricidam liberum aversarentur. (Liv. 3.50.5) Conspirasse inde ne manus ad os cibum ferrent nec os acciperet datum nec dentes quae acciperent conficerent. (Liv. 2.32.10); . . . legiones . . . veterem ad morem reduxit ne quis agmine decederet nec pugnam nisi iussus iniret. (Tac. Ann. 11.18.2)

. Verbs and expressions governing imperative clauses In §  6.27 three different illocutionary forces are distinguished for imperative sentences: directive, optative, and concessive. Among the governing expressions of imperative clauses two classes can be identified that roughly correspond to the first two illocutionary forces: (i) manipulation verbs and expressions, (ii) verbs and expressions of striving, wishing, desiring, preferring, etc.118 Manipulation verbs and expressions comprise a wide range of three-place verbs (see § 4.85) where an external force, usually a human being, compels, urges, invites, requests, etc. another entity, usually a person, to bring about a certain state of affairs. Three other classes that do not easily fit in with the two mentioned above are (iii) causation verbs and expressions, (iv) verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. and (v) verbs of deserving. And then there are (vi) miscellaneous expressions. A more detailed classification is used in Table 15.2. Examples follow below. For each (sub)class the examples provided will focus primarily on one verb; there then follow in a Supplement a few examples of other verbs from these classes. These verbs are also regularly used with the prolative infinitive, some verbs more than others.119 Especially in poetry the use of the infinitive seems to be extensive.

118 The terms with inverted commas in this section are taken from Bennett: I.xiv–xv. 119 For the characteristics of ut clauses with these verbs, see Bolkestein (1976b). For differences between ut clauses and prolative infinitives when it comes to the degree of control exercised by the subject, see § 15.64.

130

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

Table 15.2 Survey of classes of imperative clauses and their governing expressions (selected) Semantic and other properties of the superordinate clause (i)

ut / Ø ut+ne / ne

ne / quin / prol. other quominus infin.

(a) ordering and commanding

+

+

–

+

+

(b) begging, requesting, etc.

+

+

–

+

+

(c) advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc.

+

+

–

+

+

(d) inducing, persuading, etc.

+

+

–

+

+

(e) permitting, granting, allowing

+

+

–

+

+

(f) forcing

+

+

–

+

+

(g) hindering, preventing, etc.

L

–

+

+

+

(ii) (a) wishing, desiring, preferring, etc.

+

+

–

+

+

+

+

–

+

+

(b) striving (iii) causation

+

+

–

(+)

+

(iv) deciding, resolving, etc.

+

+

–

+

+

(v)

+

–

–

+

–

+

+

–

+

–

+

(+)

–

+

–

deserving

(vi) adjective as subject or object complement (vii) noun as subject or object complement (viii) so-called impersonal verbs

much individual variation, see § 15.80

Legend: ‘+’ = is attested; ‘–’ = is not attested; ‘(+)’ = is very rare; ‘Ø’ symbolizes the absence of ut; ‘prol. infin.’ = prolative infinitive; ‘L’= Late Latin

Imperative clauses, especially ut clauses, are often announced by preparative pronouns (see § 14.16). Examples are (a) and (b). However, usually the ut clause can also be used alone. Occasionally, the preparative pronoun seems to facilitate the interpretation of an ut clause, as in (c). For ut clauses related to nouns with a preparative determiner, see § 17.11.120 (a)

Et quoniam videris hoc velle, ut . . . virtus satis habeat ad vitam beatam praesidii . . . (‘And since you seem to want this, that virtue should be enough of a defence for a happy life . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 5.83)

(b)

Non enim credo id praecipit, ut membra nostra aut staturam figuramve noscamus. (‘For he does not, I suppose, prescribe this, that we should know our limbs, our height or shape.’ Cic. Tusc. 1.52)

120 For the use of preparative pronouns, see note 34. See also Merguet (Phil.) s.v. ut 889A; (Reden) 1037B.

Finite imperative clauses (c)

131

Distinguunt illud etiam, ut libido sit earum rerum, quae dicuntur de quodam aut quibusdam, quae ul~rnz{iwl~l dialectici appellant, ut habere divitias, capere honores . . . (‘They distinguish also this, that lust may be of the predicates affirmed of a person or persons (which the logicians call ul~rnz{iwl~l), as for instance a man longs to have riches, to obtain distinctions . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 4.21)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a)) Exx. (a)–(c) show imperative clauses functioning as object of the three-place verb impero ‘to order’, with ut + subjunctive, with the simple subjunctive, and with a prolative infinitive, respectively. The prolative infinitive construction is relatively rare (see § 15.115). Whereas with impero the addressee (recipient of the order) is expressed in the dative, with other verbs in this class it is in the accusative (see the Supplement). Ex. (d) has a declarative clause as the object of two-place impero, in the typical form of an accusative and infinitive clause; there is no addressee constituent. The accusative and infinitive clause is in the passive, but this is not required (see § 15.100 (iii)). Ex. (e) is a rare instance of a nominative and infinitive construction (see §  15.111).121 Verbs of communication can be used with a declarative or an imperative subordinate clause, of which the latter is with ut (ne), as in (f), or Ø. For an expression functioning as an order, see (g). For the verbs iubeo and veto, see § 15.100 (vi). (a)

. . . Apollo mihi ex oraclo imperat / ut ego illic oculos exuram . . . (‘. . . Apollo tells me through a divine communication to burn out that woman’s eyes . . .’ Pl. Men. 840–1)

(b)

Huic imperat Ø quas possit adeat civitates horteturque ut populi Romani fidem sequantur . . . (‘Him he commanded to visit what states he could and to exhort them to seek the protection of Rome . . .’ Caes. Gal. 4.21.8—NB: ut is present in the lower-level clause governed by hortetur)

(c)

Postremo imperavi egomet mihi / omnia adsentari. (‘In short I told myself to agree to everything.’ Ter. Eu. 252–3—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Princeps Cleomenes . . . malum erigi, vela fieri, praecidi ancoras imperavit. (‘Cleomenes, as commander-in-chief . . . ordered the mast to be erected, the sails to be set, the anchor to be weighed.’ Cic. Ver. 5.88)

(e)

In has lautumias siqui publice custodiendi sunt etiam ex ceteris oppidis Siciliae deduci imperantur. (‘Into these quarries men are commanded to be brought even from other cities in Sicily, if they are commanded by the public authorities to be kept in custody.’ Cic. Ver. 5.68) 121 For parallels of (d) and (e), see TLL s.v. impero 585.54ff.

132 (f)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Praedico ut caveas. Dico, inquam, ut caveas. Cave. (‘I’m telling you in advance that you should be on your guard. I’m telling you, I insist, that you be on your guard. Be on your guard!’ Pl. Ps. 517)

(g)

Itaque Androsthenes, praetor Thessaliae . . . ad Scipionem Pompeiumque nuntios mittit ut sibi subsidio veniant. (‘So Androsthenes, the top man in Thessaly . . . sent messengers to Scipio and Pompey with a request for help.’ Caes. Civ. 3.80.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): At Laterensis, vir sanctissimus, suo chirographo mittit mihi litteras . . . in quibus aperte denuntiat Ø videam ne fallar. (Planc. Fam. 10.21.3); Dixi equidem Ø in carcerem ires. (Pl. St. 624); Imperat (sc. Labieno) Ø . . . eruptione pugnet. (Caes. Gal. 7.86.2); Conclamitare tota urbe et praedicere / Ø omnes tenerent mutuitanti credere. (Pl. Mer. 51–2); Fabius Maximus . . . scripsit Fulvio et Postumio, qui in praesidio urbi erant, Ø copias ad Clusium moverent. (Fron. Str. 1.8.3) Additumque ut, si placeret vellentque, eodem iure amicitiae Elei Lacedaemoniique et Attalus et Pleuratus et Scerdilaedus essent, Asiae Attalus, hi Thracum et Illyriorum reges; bellum ut extemplo Aetoli cum Philippo terra gererent; navibus ne minus viginti quinque quinqueremibus adiuvaret Romanus. (Liv. 26.24.10); . . . auctores iniuriae . . . clamare coeperunt sibi ut haberet hereditatem. (Cic. Ver. 2.47); Accusatus in senatu ab uxore Cotyis damnatur ut procul regno teneretur. (Tac. Ann. 2.67.2); Quidam dicunt ut in coitu et sub terra sit luna, quod fieri non potest nisi noctu. (Plin. Nat. 16.191);122 . . . eum [ego] docebo, / si qui ad eum adveniant, ut sibi esse datum argentum dicat / pro fidicina . . . (Pl. Epid. 364–6); Nunc adeo tu, qui meus es, iam edico tibi, / ut nostra properes amoliri omnia . . . (Pl. Ps. 855–6); De · Bacanalibus quei · foideratei / esent · ita exdeicendum censuere · neiquis · eorum · Sacanal (= Bacanal) · habuise · velet ·. (CIL I2.581.2–3 (SCBac., Tiriolo, 186 bc)); Edicit ne vir quisquam ad eam adeat et mihi ne abscedam imperat. (Ter. Eu. 578); Quadraginta maioribus hostiis quibus dis consules sacrificarent ediderunt et uti supplicatio fieret . . . (Liv. 43.13.8); Hoc item in Sileni . . . Graeca historia est: . . . Quo cum (Hannibal) venisset, Iovem imperavisse ut Italiae bellum inferret . . . (Cic. Div. 1.49); . . . nisi ero meo uni indicasso, atque ei quoque ut ne enuntiet / id esse facinus ex ted ortum. (Pl. Poen. 888–9); Senex est quidam qui illam mandavit mihi / ut emerem—ad istanc faciem. (Pl. Mer. 426–7); Caesar interim in Sardiniam nuntios cum litteris et in reliquas provincias finitimas dimisit ut sibi auxilia . . . mittenda curarent. (B.  Afr. 8.1); Deliberantibus Pythia respondit ut moenibus ligneis se munirent. (Nep. Them. 2.7); Velim domum ad te scribas ut mihi tui libri pateant non secus ac si ipse adesses . . . (Cic. Att. 4.14.1) NB: Quidam . . . retinere locum, ferire hostem, seque et proximos hortari et . . . manus ad obsessos tendere ne tempori deessent. (Tac. Hist. 4.34.4—see Heubner ad loc.)

122 This is one of the earlier instances cited by Mayen (1889: 57–62) as an example of the use of ut discussed in § 15.35.

Finite imperative clauses

133

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b)) Exx. (a)–(c) illustrate imperative clauses functioning as third argument of the threeplace verb oro ‘to beseech’. The addressee, if expressed, is in the accusative. Ex. (d) has a declarative accusative and infinitive clause (in the passive) with two-place oro.123 In addition, oro is used (‘in the Greek manner’ according to Servius) by poets and later prose authors as a two-place verb with a prolative infinitive (compare cupio), as in (e): the subject of transmittere is coreferential with the agent of orantes, as appears from the nominative form of the secondary predicate primi. A verb like peto when governing an imperative clause is often combined with an ab prepositional phrase that indicates the source (for its status, see § 4.3), as in (f).124 (a)

Velatis manibus orant Ø ignoscamus peccatum suom . . . (‘With covered hands they asked us to forgive them their transgression.’ Pl. Am. 257)

(b)

. . . nunc te oro per precem . . . ne me secus honore honestes . . . (‘. . . I’m now asking you by way of entreaty . . . not to honour me less than . . .’ Pl. Capt. 244–7)

(c)

Orant (sc. Thesea) succedere muris / dignarique domos. (‘They beg him to come inside their walls and honour their homes.’ Stat. Theb. 12.784–5—prolative infinitive)

(d)

. . . occultas preces quis permitti Meherdaten patrium ad fastigium orabant. (‘. . . secret pleas in which they begged that Meherdates be admitted to his ancestral pinnacle.’ Tac. Ann. 11.10.4—tr. Woodman)

(e)

Stabant orantes primi transmittere cursum . . . (‘They stood, pleading to be the first ferried across . . .’ Verg. A. 6.313)

(f)

. . . petam a vobis ut me, dum de his singulis disputo iudiciis, attente audiatis. (‘. . . I ask you to give me your careful attention while I deal with these trials one by one.’ Cic. Clu. 89) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Nunc te opsecro, / Ø stultitiae adulescentiaeque eius ignoscas. (Pl. Mos. 1156–7); . . . magnoque opere abs te peto Ø cures ut is intellegat meam commendationem maximo sibi apud te et adiumento et ornamento fuisse. (Cic. Fam. 13.34.1—NB: ut is present in the lower-level clause governed by cures); Quaeso edepol, Charine, quoniam non potest id fieri quod vis, / Ø id velis quod possit. (Ter. An. 305–6); Nam quod rogas Ø curem ut scias quid Pompeius agat . . . (Cic. Att. 7.12.2—NB: ut is present in the lower-level clause governed by curem); . . . tamen te magno opere non hortor solum sed etiam pro amore nostro rogo atque oro Ø te colligas virumque praebeas et qua condicione omnes homines et quibus temporibus no nati simus cogites.

123 For (late) non-passive accusative and infinitive clauses and further instances of the passive, see TLL s.v. oro 1041.15ff.; for parallels of (e), see ibid. 1040.76ff. 124 For the use of rogo in requests, see Halla-aho (2009: 81–5) and Coleman (2012:199–206).

134

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (Cic. Fam. 5.18.1); Ø Meam dignitatem commendatam habeas rogo. (Planc. Fam. 10.21a); Roga patrem tuum Ø cedat tibi. (Sen. Con. 10.2.17); Rogo Ø cures Ø quanti aequum est emat. (Plin. Ep. 1.24.2) Fac ut exores Plesidippum ut me emittat. (Pl. Rud. 1218); At pro me superiores consules semper ut referrent flagitati sunt. (Cic. Red. Pop. 11); Difficile est ab eo qui peccatorum vindex esse debet ut ignoscat impetrare. (Cic. Inv. 2.104); Qui omnes ad eum multique mortales oratum in Albanum obsecratumque venerant ut ne meas fortunas desereret cum rei publicae salute coniunctas. (Cic. Pis. 77); . . . ita ted obtestor per senectutem tuam / perque illam, quam tu metuis, uxorem tuam/ . . . ut tibi superstes uxor aetatem siet / atque illa viva vivos ut pestem oppetas. (Pl. As. 18–22); . . . peto a vobis ut tantum orationi meae concedatis quantum et pio dolori et iustae iracundiae concedendum putetis. (Cic. Sest. 4); Verum id te quaeso ut prohibessis, Fides. (Pl. Aul. 611); Cuius causam dignitatemque mihi ut commendaret, rogavit ut eam ne oppugnarem, si nollem aut non possem tueri. (Cic. Fam. 1.9.9); His rebus permotus Quintus Titurius . . . interpretem suum Gnaeum Pompeium ad eum mittit rogatum ut sibi militibusque parcat. (Caes. Gal. 5.36.1); rogo ut eum commen \ digneris (T. Vind. 250.10–11); Quia tamen in hoc quoque indulsisti, admoneo simul et impense rogo, ut Attium Suram praetura exornare digneris, cum locus vacet. (Plin. Ep. 101.2.2)

In the same semantic class can be included two-place verbs of demanding, such as posco and postulo. Examples of finite imperative clauses are (g) and (h). A source constituent may optionally be added, as in aps te in (h). Flagito in its two-place pattern has the same possibilities (for the three-place pattern, see the Supplement above). (g)

Ø rem cognoscas simul et dictis animum adtendas postulo. (‘I ask you to look into this with me and bend your mind to what I say.’ Lucil. 693M=707K)

(h)

Postulo aps te ut mi illum reddas servom . . . (‘I demand that you give me back that slave . . .’ Pl. Capt. 938) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Repente cuncti consona voce flagitant . . . Ø iudicium tantum theatro redderetur. (Apul. Met. 3.2.6); . . . quin adeas vatem precibusque oracula poscas / Ø ipsa canat vocemque volens atque ora resolvat. (Verg. A. 3.456–7); . . . plura dicemus postulabimusque Ø ex qua lÄ{h}pt ‘vi hominibus armatis’ deiectus sis in eam restituare. (Cic. Fam. 15.16.3) . . . semper flagitavi ut convocaremur. (Cic. Phil. 5.30); Miles aegre teneri, clamare et poscere ut perculsis instare liceat. (Liv. 2.65.2); Atque a me postulat primum ut clam colloquatur mecum vel Capuae vel non longe a Capua. (Cic. Att. 16.8.1)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c)) Exx. (a)–(c) illustrate imperative clauses functioning as object of the three-place verb suadeo ‘to recommend’, ‘to advise’. With this verb the addressee, if expressed, is in the

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dative. Suadeo in this sense is rarely used with an accusative and infinitive clause (see § 15.100 (iii)). (a)

Proinde istuc facias ipse quod Ø faciamus nobis suades. (‘So you should practise yourself what you’re preaching to us.’ Pl. As. 644)

(b)

Infit lenoni suadere ut secum simul / eat in Siciliam. (‘He began to advise the pimp to come to Sicily with him.’ Pl. Rud. 54–5)

(c)

Tamen nemo suaserit studiosis dicendi adulescentibus in gestu discendo histrionum more elaborare. (‘Yet no one will urge young devotees of eloquence to toil like actors at the study of gesture.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.251—prolative infinitive) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Adhortor Ø properent. (Ter. Eu. 583); Hunc admonet Ø iter caute diligenterque faciat. (Caes. Gal. 5.49.2); . . . amicosque . . . hortatus sum Ø regis sui vitam . . . omni cura custodiaque defenderent. (Cic. Fam. 15.2.6); . . . eos hoc moneo Ø desinant . . . (Cic. Catil. 2.20); Quamobrem te quoque, Hortensi . . . moneo Ø videas etiam atque etiam et consideres quid agas . . . (Cic. Ver. 5.174); Meam sororem tibi Ø dem suades sine dote? (Pl. Trin. 681) Adhortatus milites ne necessario tempore itineris labore permoveantur . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.40.4); . . . Lysimache, auctor sum ut me amando enices. (Pl. Mer. 312); At hic dehortatus est me ne illam tibi darem. (Ter. Ph. 910); Pol bene facta tua me hortantur / tuo ut imperio paream. (Pl. Per. 841–1a); Quae cum esset locutus, monui regem ut omnem diligentiam ad se conservandum adhiberet . . . (Cic. Fam. 15.2.6); Id modo simul orant ac monent ut ipsis ab invidia caveatur . . . (Liv. 3.52.11); (sc. Pompeius) . . . cum Crasso se dixit loqui velle mihique ut idem faceret suasit. (Cic. Q. fr. 2.8.2) NB: Cohortarer vos quo animo fortiores essetis nisi vos fortiores cognossem quam quemquam virum. (Cic. Fam. 14.7.2)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d)) Exx. (a)–(c) illustrate imperative clauses functioning as object of the three-place verb persuadeo ‘to persuade’. With persuadeo the addressee, if expressed, is in the dative. With this verb declarative accusative and infinitive clauses are rare, but see (d) and (e).125 (a)

Huic Sp. Albinus . . . persuadet Ø . . . regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat. (‘Spurius Albinus persuaded this man to ask the senate for the throne of Numidia.’ Sal. Jug. 35.2)

(b)

Hoc nunc mi viso opu’st, / huic persuadere quo modo potis siem, / ut illam vendat neve det matri suae. (‘This is my task now, to try to persuade him as best I can . . . to sell her and not to give her to his mother.’ Pl. Mer. 330–2) 125 For a declarative quod clause, see Apul. Met. 3.4.3.

136 (c)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (sc. Plato) . . . ut ei persuaserit tyrannidis facere finem libertatemque reddere Syracusanis. (‘. . . that he persuaded Dionysius to put an end to his tyranny and restore their freedom to the Syracusans.’ Nep. Di. 3.3—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Relinqui ex ea duas partes apibus ratio persuadet . . . (‘Reason advises that two-thirds of it be left behind for the bees . . .’ Plin. Nat. 11.42)

(e)

Cum vero hoc nemini persuadere possis te tam amentem fuisse ut . . . (‘And as you can make none of us believe that you were so insane as to . . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.91) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): T. Sempronius Gracchus consul . . . exhortatione confirmavit suos et impulit Ø consternatum superstitione invaderent hostem . . . (Fron. Str. 1.12.3); Cunctantem legatum milites perpulerant Ø fortunam proelii experiretur. (Tac. Hist. 4.20.2) Non possum adduci ut suspicer te pecunia captum. (Cic. Phil. 1.33); Sed tamen me / numquam hodie induces ut tibi credam hoc argentum ignoto. (Pl. As. 493–4); Quod ut facerem egestas me inpulit . . . (Ter. Ph. 733); Postremo, si dictis nequis perduci ut vera haec credas / mea dicta, ex factis nosce rem. (Pl. Mos. 198–9); Diu cunctantem Crispinum perpulere turmales ne inpune insultare Campanum pateretur. (Liv. 25.18.11)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing (class (i) (e)) Exx. (a)–(c) illustrate imperative clauses functioning as object of the three-place verb permitto ‘to permit’, ‘to allow’, and (d) shows a declarative accusative and infinitive clause.126 When the latter type of clause is used, it is not possible to add an addressee. For the verbs patior and sino, see § 15.100 (vi). For (impersonal) licet, see § 15.80. (a)

(sc. Cicero praetoribus) Cetera Ø uti facto opus sit ita agant permittit. (‘As to the rest, he left it up to them to carry out the operation according to what action was needed.’ Sal. Cat. 45.1)

(b)

Nec tamen Epaminondae permitteremus . . . ut is nobis sententiam legis interpretaretur . . . (‘Nevertheless we should not permit Epaminondas . . . to interpret to us the meaning of the law . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.70)

(c)

. . . ut iam ipsis iudicibus sine mea argumentatione coniecturam facere permittam . . . (‘. . . that I may now allow the members of this Court, without listening to any arguments of my own, to infer for themselves . . .’ Cic. Ver. 5.22—prolative infinitive)

(d)

. . . impetrato prius a consulibus ut in Gallum tam inmaniter adrogantem pugnare sese permitterent . . .

126 For corresponding instances of the nominative and infinitive construction, see TLL s.v. 1561.28ff.

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(‘. . . first obtaining the consuls’ permission to fight with the Gaul who was boasting so vainly . . .’ Quad. hist. 12)127 Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Nam vos quidem id iam scitis concessum et datum / mi esse ab dis aliis Ø nuntiis praesim et lucro. (Pl. Am. 11–12); Quare concedo Ø sit dives, dum omnia desint. (Catul. 114.5); Siquidem mihi saltandum est, tum vos date Ø bibat tibicini. (Pl. St. 757) Et Caesar adulationibus senatus libens cessit ut vicesimo aetatis anno consulatum Nero iniret . . . (Tac. Ann. 12.41.1); Verum concedo tibi ut ea praetereas quae, cum taces, nulla esse concedis. (Cic. S. Rosc. 54); Est istuc datum / profecto ut grata mihi sint quae facio omnia. (Ter. Eu. 395–6); Dabitis enim profecto ut in rebus inusitatis . . . utamur verbis interdum inauditis. (Cic. Ac. 1.24); Et si qui deus mihi largiatur ut ex hac aetate repuerascam et in cunis vagiam . . . (Cic. Sen. 83)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) ( f)) Exx. (a)–(c) illustrate imperative clauses functioning as third argument of the threeplace verb cogo ‘to compel’. With this class of verbs subordinate clauses without ut are rare. For a non-declarative passive accusative and infinitive clause (without an addressee), see (d) (for further examples, see § 15.100). (a)

Institi itaque gubernatori et illum, vellet nollet, coegi Ø peteret litus. (‘Therefore, I urged and indeed forced my pilot to make for the shore, willy-nilly.’ Sen. Ep. 53.3)

(b)

Iamne isti abierunt, quaeso, ex conspectu meo, / qui me vi cogunt ut validus insaniam? (‘Are they out of my sight now, I ask, those two who absolutely compelled me, sound though I am, to go insane?’ Pl. Men. 876–7)

(c)

Non med istanc cogere aequom est meam esse matrem, si nevolt. (‘It wouldn’t be fair of me to force her to be my mother if she doesn’t want to be.’ Pl. Epid. 586—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Hic . . . indicta causa civem Romanum capitis condemnari coegit. (‘. . . he forced a citizen to be condemned on a charge involving his life and citizenship without a hearing of his case.’ Cic. Rab. Perd. 12) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Si modo id liceat, vis ne opprimat, / quae vis Ø vim mi afferam ipsa adigit. (Pl. Rud. 680–1) Elicerem ex te cogeremque ut responderes, nisi vererer . . . (Cic. Fin. 2.119); Nec tu me quidem umquam subiges redditum ut reddam tibi . . . (Pl. Cur. 540); Illi se numerare velle, urgere ut acciperet. (Cic. Att. 5.21.12)

127 For the authorship, see Chapter 16, footnote 278.

138

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g)) Exx. (a) and (b) illustrate finite imperative clauses functioning as third argument of the three-place verb prohibeo ‘to prevent’. With this class of verbs the subordinate clause has one of the negative subordinators ne, quin, or quominus, without a negative meaning: see §§  8.24, 8.27, and 8.31.128 Ex. (c) has a prolative infinitive (see also §  15.121). With quin the main clause is usually negated in some way (see §  8.26). Prohibeo can also be used with an accusative and infinitive clause, as in (d). In that case it is not possible to add an addressee (see § 15.100). A number of related twoplace verbs are also in this class, such as recusabo in (e). (a)

Simul prohibet Ø faciant advorsum eos quod nolint. (‘At the same time it prevents them from doing anything they don’t want against them.’ Pl. Ps. 206–7—NB: unique instance of Ø; the verse is normally bracketed)

(b)

Tun’ me prohibeas / meam ne tangam? (‘Are you forbidding me to lay hands on my own girl?’ Ter. Eu. 806–7)

(c)

Tu modo ne me prohibeas accipere, si quid det mihi. (‘You just shouldn’t prevent me from receiving something if he gives it to me.’ Pl. Trin. 370—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Tirones autem iubet inter legiones dispertiri et Cominium cum Ticida in conspectum suum prohibet adduci. (‘As for the recruits, he ordered them to be drafted among the legions, and would not allow Cominius together with Ticida to be brought into his presence.’ B. Afr. 46.3)

(e)

Nec vero, ut noster Lucilius, recusabo quo minus omnes mea legant. (‘Nor yet shall I object, like our Lucilius, to all the world’s reading what I write.’ Cic. Fin. 1.7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Iussit maximo / opere orare ut patrem aliquo apsterreres modo / ne intro iret ad se. (Pl. Mos. 420–2); Hae fundae Samaeos cohibuerunt ne tam crebro neu tam audacter erumperent . . . (Liv. 38.29.8); Verum tamen nequeo contineri quin loquar. (Pl. Men. 253); . . . neive quis in eo agro agrum oqupatum habeto neive defendito quo mielit compascere liceat. (CIL I2.585.25 (Lex Agr., c.111 bc)); Neque si vivit, eam viva umquam quin inveniam desistam. (Pl. Rud. 228); . . . hau ferro deterrere potes ne amem, Stratophanes. (Pl. Truc. 929); Numquam hercle deterrebor / quin viderim id quod viderim. (Pl. Mil. 369–70); Plura ne dicam tuae me etiam lacrimae impediunt . . . (Cic. Planc. 104); . . . nec aetas impedit quo minus . . . agri colendi studia teneamus usque ad ultimum tempus senectutis. (Cic. Sen. 60); . . . neque · intercesurum · esse · q(uo) · h(ac) · l(ege) · minus · setiusve · fiat ·. (CIL I2.2924.20 (Taranto, c.100 bc)); Quod cum audissemus, nullam moram  interponendam putavimus quin videremus hominem . . . (Cic. Ac. 1.1);

128 For this class of verbs, see Orlandini (2003: 496–510). For prohibeo, see Torrego (2014).

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Ac ne bello quidem Italico, mox civili omissum quin multa et diversa sciscerentur . . . (Tac. Ann. 3.27.2); Nec me Iuppiter nec di omnes id prohibebunt, si volent, / quin sic faciam uti constitui. (Pl. Am. 1051–2); Quei / ager · compascuos · erit · in · eo · agro quo · minus · pecus

ascere · Genuates · Veituriosque · liceat · ita · utei · incetero · agro / Genuati · compascuo · niquis · prohibeto . . . (CIL I2.584.33–4 (Sent. Minuc., Genoa, 117 bc)); Hiemem credo adhuc prohibuisse quominus de te certum haberemus quid ageres . . . (Cic. Fam. 12.5.1); Reprimam me ne aegre quicquam ex me audias. (Ter. Hau. 765) NB: Si ut inopia magna sit meum nomen in causa est, cur nihil impedio ut sit feracitas maxima? (Arn. Nat. 1.16);129 Di prohibeant, iudices, ut (ne cj. Whitte) hoc quod maiores consilium publicum vocari voluerunt praesidium sectorum existimetur! (Cic. S. Rosc. 151)130

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a)) The verbs of this class, in contrast with those discussed above in the subclasses of class (i), are two-place verbs. With the verbs volo ‘to wish’, nolo ‘not to wish’, and malo ‘to prefer’, subordinate clauses with a simple subjunctive are common, certainly in Early Latin. For details, see § 15.83. Examples of imperative clauses with the verb volo are (a)–(c). In (c), the person being referred to by bonus . . . esse is coreferential with the subject of the main clause. A declarative accusative and infinitive clause with volo is shown in (d). With some expressions an object constituent in the main clause is possible, as in (e). Unlike those used with the verbs in § 15.67, these object constituents are not also the subject of the subordinate clause, nor should they be confused with the pseudo-objects of § 9.17. The subordinate clause may contain an anterior tense, just as in unrealizable wishes (for which, see § 7.58). An example is (f). (a)

Amicus sum, Ø eveniant volo tibi quae optas. (‘I’m your friend, I want your wishes to come true.’ Pl. Per. 293)

(b)

Eum ego ut requiram atque uti redimam volo. (‘I want to find him and set him free.’ Pl. Per. 696—NB: ut is rarely used when the subjects of the governing and subordinate clauses are the same)

(c)

Bonus volo iam ex hoc die esse. (‘From this day onward I want to be good.’ Pl. Per. 479—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Nunc volo me emitti manu. (‘Now I want to be set free.’ Pl. Aul. 823)

(e)

Equidem sana sum et deos quaeso ut salva pariam filium. (‘I am sane and I ask the gods that I may safely give birth to a son.’ Pl. Am. 720)

129 For further late instances, see TLL s.v. impedio 534.75ff. 130 Dyck ad loc. retains ut. Orlandini (2003: 499) prefers ne. For later instances of ut, see TLL s.v. prohibeo 1789.71ff.

140 (f)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Nimis vellem Ø hae fores erum fugissent . . . (‘I very much wish that this door had fled from its master . . .’ Pl. St. 312) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Cuperem Ø ipse parens spectator adesset. (Verg. A. 10.443); Nam si exoptem Ø quantum dignu’s tantum dent, minus nihilo sit. (Pl. Ps. 937); Malim Ø istuc aliis videatur quam uti tu te, soror, collaudes. (Pl. Poen. 1184); At Ø taceas malo (Pl. Ps. 209); Nolo Ø me in via / cum hac veste videat. (Ter. Eu. 906–7); Opto felicissimus bene / valeas. (CEL appendix Vindol. y 7–8 (Vindolanda, c. ad 105–20)); Sed Ø mihi vel tellus optem prius ima dehiscat / vel . . . (Verg. A. 4.24–5); . . . Ø ita me audias precor . . . (Liv. 40.9.7); Ø Mi dederit velim. (Pl. Bac. 334—NB: perfect subjunctive); Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero? (Cic. Phil. 2.44) De quo ut quem optas quam primum nuntium accipias . . . cupio. (Cael. Fam. 8.3.1); Tibi cum omnia mea commendatissima esse cupio tum nihil magis quam ne tempus nobis provinciae prorogetur. (Cic. Fam. 2.8.3—NB: variation of construction); Quod ut faceres idque maturares magno opere desiderabat res publica. (Cic. ad Brut. 17(18).1=1.10.1); Illique exopto ut relicuam vitam exigat / cum eo viro . . . (Ter. Hec. 490–1); Malim hercle ut verum dicas quam ut des mutuom. (Pl. Trin. 762); Illum ut vivat optant, meam autem mortem exspectant scilicet. (Ter. Ad. 874); Bene equidem tibi dico, qui te digna ut eveniant precor. (Pl. Rud. 640); Non speramus ut illum iudex probet sed ut dimittat. (Sen. Con. 9.2.18); . . . quem spes reliquere omnes esse ut frugi possiet. (Pl. Bac. 370); Ut ille te videat volo. (Pl. Bac. 77); Id quaerunt, id volunt haec ut infecta faciant. (Pl. Cas. 828); At ne videas velim. (Pl. Rud. 1067); Volo ut mihi respondeas tu . . . (Cic. Vat. 14, cf. 17, 18, 21, 29) NB: with an object constituent in the main clause: . . . ita ted optestor per senectutem tuam / perque illam, quam tu metuis, uxorem tuam / . . . ut tibi superstes uxor aetatem siet / atque illa viva vivos ut pestem oppetas. (Pl. As. 18–22); opto deos · ut bene valeas . . . (CEL 74.2 (Wâdi Fawâkhir, c. ad 50)—NB: the object deos is exceptional) Cupio aliquem emere puerum . . . (Pl. Cur. 382); Regiones colere mavellem Accherunticas. (Pl. Bac. 199); Voluit in cubiculum abducere me anus. (Pl. Mos. 696)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b)) The verbs in this class are two-place verbs. Clauses with a simple subjunctive are rare. Examples of imperative clauses with the verb curo ‘to undertake’ are (a)–(c). In (c) the agent of defendere is coreferential with the subject of the main clause. Ex. (d) shows a declarative accusative and infinitive clause. (a)

Per aestatem Ø boves aquam bonam et liquidam bibant semper curato. (‘See that the cattle always have good, clear water to drink in summer-time.’ Cato Agr. 73.1)

(b)

Curabo ut praedati pulchre ad castra convortamini. (‘I’ll make sure you return to the camp loaded with booty in fine style.’ Pl. Per. 608)

Finite imperative clauses (c)

141

. . . si qui sunt qui desertum illum Carneadeum curent defendere. (‘. . . if there are any who would make an effort to defend that moral end of Carneades.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.87—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Curatum est — esse te senem miserrumum. (‘Care has been taken — that you should be a most miserable old man.’ Pl. Bac. 1067) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Ill’, quod in se fuit, accuratum habuit Ø quod posset mali / faceret in me . . . (Pl. Bac. 550–1); Cave Ø quisquam, quod illic minitetur, vostrum flocci fecerit. (Pl. Men. 994); Is curavit quod argumentum ex Dionysio ipse sumpsisset Ø ex eo ceteri sumerent. (Cic. Luc. 2.71); Ne illa quidem curo Ø mihi scribas quae maximis in rebus rei publicae geruntur cottidie . . . (Cic. Fam. 2.8.1); Nunc contra Ø villam urbanam quam maximam ac politissimam habeant dant operam . . . (Var. R. 1.13.7); domum studeo Ø haec priu’ quam ille redeat. (Ter. Hec. 262) Iam ut eriperes apparabas. (Pl. Aul. 827); Puerum autem ne resciscat mi esse ex illa cautio’st. (Ter. An. 400); Quod ut ne accidat magis cavendum est. (Cic. Amic. 99); Tertium est ut caveamus ut ea quae pertinent ad liberalem speciem et dignitatem moderata sint. (Cic. Off. 1.141); . . . minus hodierno die contendi, minus laboravi ut mihi senatus adsentiens tumultum decerneret, saga sumi iuberet. (Cic. Phil. 6.16); Semper curato ne sis intestabilis. (Pl. Cur. 30); Exigere te oportuit navem . . . quae defenderet ne provincia spoliaretur, non quae provinciae spolia portaret. (Cic. Ver. 5.59); Ex summis opibus viribusque usque experire, nitere / erus ut minor opera tua servetur. (Pl. Mer. 111–12); Optata ut evenant operam addito. (Pl. Per. 629); Nos hic valemus recte et quo melius valeamus operam dabimus. (D. Brut. Fam. 11.23.1); . . . praestaboque et enitar ut in dies magis magisque haec nascens de me duplicetur opinio. (Cic. fil. Fam. 16.21.2); Heia autem, dum studeo illis ut quam plurumum / facerem, contrivi in quaerundo vitam atque aetatem meam. (Ter. Ad. 868–9); . . . cum ille Romuli senatus . . . temptaret post Romuli excessum ut ipse regeret sine rege rem publicam . . . (Cic. Rep. 2.23) NB: . . . Tum vero dubitandum non existimavit quin pugna decertaret. (Caes. Gal. 3.23.8); . . . non dubitasse quin et corpus suum et cetera omnia . . . patriae restitueret. (Liv. 24.22.15)

Verbs of perception and cognition can be used in a similar way. Examples are (e) and (f). See also § 15.58. (e)

Vide ne me ludas. (‘Make sure you aren’t making fun of me.’ Pl. Cur. 325–6)

(f)

Hic erit considerandum ne quid perturbate, ne quid contorte dicatur, ne quam in aliam rem transeatur, ne ab ultimo repetatur, ne ad extremum prodeatur, ne quid, quod ad rem pertineat, praetereatur. (‘On this point care will have be taken not to say anything in a confused or intricate style, not to shift to another subject, not to go back to ultimate beginnings nor to go on too far, and not to omit anything pertinent to the case.’ Cic. Inv. 1.29)

142

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): (sc. vilicus) . . . consideret Ø quae dominus imperaverit fiant. (Cato Agr. 5.2); Vide sis Ø calleas. (Pl. Poen. 578) Circumspice dum ne quis nostro hic auceps sermoni siet. (Pl. Mil. 995); Et velim, quod poteris, consideres ut sit unde nobis suppeditentur sumptus necessarii. (Cic. Att. 11.13.4); Sed eum videto ut capias (Pl. Mos. 558); Au, obsecro, vide ne in cognatam pecces. (Ter. Ph. 803); Haec ut imperet illi parti animi quae oboedire debet, id videndum est viro. (Cic. Tusc. 2.47)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs of causation (class (iii)) This class consists of the verb facio ‘to make’ (in its two-place frame) and its compounds.131 With this verb, clauses with a simple subjunctive are very common in Early Latin (of imperative forms more than half are combined with simple subjunctives) (see also § 15.83).132 Examples of imperative clauses with facio are (a)–(c). Note in (c) the pseudo-object te ipsam (see § 9.17). Such pseudo-objects are relatively common in Early Latin with non-imperative forms of facio.133 With the exception of a few further instances in Late Latin, the prolative infinitive in (d) is unique and as a result is often emended.134 (a)

. . . date viam qua fugere liceat, facite Ø totae plateae pateant. (‘. . . make way for me to flee, clear all the streets.’ Pl. Aul. 407)

(b)

. . . facturum ut ne etiam aspicere aedis audeat . . . (‘. . . I’ll make sure that he won’t even dare to look at the house . . .’ Pl. Mos. 423)

(c)

. . . te ipsam culleo ego cras faciam ut deportere—in pergulam. (‘. . . I’ll make sure that you yourself will be carried in a leather bag—to the common brothel.’ Pl. Ps. 214)

(d)

. . . visum est faciendum, quoquo modo res se haberet, vos certiores facere. (‘. . . stand the matter how it may, I feel it my duty to inform you.’ Sulp. Ruf. Fam. 4.12.1) Supplement: Dabuntur, Ø animo sis bono face, exoptata optingent. (Pl. As. 726); Iam faxo Ø ipsum hominem manufesto opprimas. (Pl. As. 876); Tum illam . . . . / faxo Ø se hau dicat nactam quem derideat. (Pl. Bac. 863–4—NB: illam is a pseudo-object); . . . in lapicidinas facite Ø deductus siet. (Pl. Capt. 736); Eadem istaec facito Ø mulier ad me transeat / per hortum. (Pl. Per. 445–6); . . . eo quia paupertas fecit Ø ridiculus forem. (Pl. St. 178)

131 K.-St.: II.212–13 also include praesto in its meaning ‘to produce (a result, an effect, etc.)’ (OLD § 12). See also TLL s.v. 2praesto 921.56ff. For facio, see Álvarez Huerta (2014). 132 See Bennett: I.224–8 and Mazzanti (2020) for detailed statistics. 133 For pseudo-objects with facio + ut, see Bortolussi (2014). 134 See TLL s.v. facio 104.53ff. and Shackleton Bailey ad loc.

Finite imperative clauses

143

Collyrae facite ut madeant et colyphia . . . (Pl. Per. 92); Ac te faciet ut sis civis Attica atque libera. (Pl. Poen. 372—NB: te is a pseudo-object); Iam pol ego illam pugnis totam faciam uti sit merulea . . . (Pl. Poen. 1289—NB: illam is a pseudo-object); Feci hodie ut fierent . . . (Ter. An. 603); Si poterit fieri ut ne pater per me stetisse credat . . . (Ter. An. 699); . . . puer ut satur sit facito. (Ter. Hec. 769); . . . fecisti ut ne cui innocenti maeror tuus calamitatem et falsum crimen adferret. (Cic. Clu. 168); Di immortales faxint ne sit alter (sc. Sulla). (Cic. Ver. 3.81); Alterum facio, ut caveam, alterum, ut non credam, facere non possum. (Cic. Att. 2.20.1); Alterum facio libenter, ut . . . per litteras tecum quam saepissime colloquar. (Cic. Fam. 1.7.1); Tu me reficisque fovesque, / tu facis ut silvas, ut amem loca sola. (Ov. Met. 7.818–19); Ille, si [unum] se sequerentur, quo celerius fieret, facturum dixit. (Liv. 41.4.2); Ita fit ne decidant fructus. (Plin. Nat. 17.253); . . . verba legis Papiae faciunt ut . . . debeatur. (Gaius Inst. 3.47) Sicut ego efficiam, quae facta hic turbavimus, / profecto ut liqueant omnia et tranquilla sint . . . (Pl. Mos. 416–17); (sc. sol) . . . quoque efficiat ut omnia floreant et in suo quaeque genere pubescant. (Cic. N.D. 2.41) Perficito argentum hodie ut habeat filius, / amicae quod det. (Pl. As. 103–4); Perfeci ut spectarentur. (Ter. Hec. 20); Perfeceratque Fortuna ne quid tale scribere possem aut omnino cogitare. (Cic. Fam. 4.13.1); Perfice ut ne minus res publica tibi quam tu rei publicae debeas. (Cic. Fam. 10.12.5) NB: Quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis apud Mutinam factis Lepidus effecit . . . (Pol. Fam. 10.33.1)

The interpretation of ut clauses with facio as imperative is obvious if the subject of facio is human. With a non-animate subject, by contrast, the clause may be interpreted as declarative, as in (e), where the negator is non.135 For a declarative accusative and infinitive clause, see (f) (see also § 15.93). However, with a non-animate subject like virtus the clause may well be imperative, as in (g). (e)

Splendor vester facit ut peccare sine summo rei publicae detrimento . . . non possitis. (‘Your eminence makes it so that you could not err without the greatest injury to the state.’ Cic. Ver. 1.22)

(f)

Nulla res magis penetrat in animos . . . talesque oratores videri facit, quales ipsi se videri volunt. (‘Nothing else so penetrates the mind . . . and causes orators to seem such men as they wish to seem.’ Cic. Brut. 142)

(g)

. . . si potest virtus efficere ne miser aliquis sit . . . (‘. . . if virtue can bring it about that a man not be miserable . . .’ Sen. Ep. 92.15) Appendix: In their section on causation verbs K.-St.: I.212–13 also deal with Early Latin poti’n (= potisne) ut/ne ‘is it possible that (not)?’ and with causa est ut/ne ‘there

135 Álvarez Huerta (2014: 85–7) calls such instances ‘causativité faible’.

144

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position is a reason to/not to’, as in (h) and (i), respectively. The reason for treating the subordinate clauses with these expressions as imperative is the negation, as in ( j). (h) Poti’n ut taceas? (‘Isn’t there any way for you to be quiet?’ Pl. Poen. 916) (i) An vero non iusta causa est ut vos servem sedulo . . .? (‘But don’t I have good reason to guard you carefully . . .?’ Pl. Capt. 257) ( j) Poti’n ut mihi molestus ne sis? (‘Isn’t there any way for you to stop being a nuisance to me?’ Pl. Cist. 465)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv)) The verbs in this class are two-place verbs. Clauses with a simple subjunctive are rare. Examples of imperative clauses with the verb decerno ‘to decide’ are (a)–(c). Ex. (c) shows a prolative infinitive, (d) a declarative accusative and infinitive clause. (a)

. . . senatus decrevit Ø darent operam consules ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. (‘. . . the senate decreed “that the consuls should see to it that the state suffer no harm”. ’ Sal. Cat. 29.2)

(b)

Decrevit quondam senatus uti L. Opimius consul videret ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. (‘The Senate once decreed that the consul Lucius Opimius should see to it that the state suffer no harm.’ Cic. Catil. 1.4)

(c)

Quidquid peperisset decreverunt tollere. (‘Whether it’s a boy or girl, they have decided to raise it.’ Ter. An. 219)

(d)

Uxorem decrerat dare sese mi hodie. (‘He had resolved that he himself would give me a wife today.’ Ter. An. 238) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb and other governing expressions): Immo Ø dicamus senibus legem censeo . . . (Pl. Mer. 1015); Ø Profestos festos habeam decretum est mihi. (Pl. Poen. 501); Quotienscumque sit decretum Ø darent operam magistratus nequid res publica detrimenti caperet . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.7.5); . . . instituit Ø quotannis in demortuorum locum ex iis qui recensi non essent subsortitio a praetore fieret. (Suet. Jul. 41.3) . . . sic in animo habeto: uti ne cupide emas . . . (Cato Agr. 1.1); Quo leto censes me ut peream potissumum? (Pl. Mer. 483—NB: me is a pseudo-object); Alii . . . ut celeriter perrumpant censent . . . (Caes. Gal. 6.40.2);136 Labienus . . . ne quam occasionem rei bene gerendae dimitteret cogitabat. (Caes. Gal. 5.57.1); Ante omnia ut quaestio de iis habeatur qui coierint coniuraverintve quo stuprum flagitiumve inferretur. (Liv. 39.14.8); Capio 136 For censeo, see Bolkestein (1998a: 25–6).

Finite imperative clauses

145

consilium ut senatum congerronum convocem. (Pl. Mos. 1049); Consilium capiunt ut ad servos M. Tulli veniant. (Cic. Tul. 34); Quin rus ut irem iam heri constitueram. (Pl. Ps. 549); Constitueram ut V Id. aut Aquini manerem aut in Arcano. (Cic. Att. 16.10.1); Postea mihi placuit, eoque sum usus adulescens, ut summorum oratorum Graecas orationes explicarem . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.155); In dicendo autem nihil est propositum nisi ut ne immoderata . . . sit oratio. (Cic. Orat. 198); Durius etiam Athenienses, qui sciverunt ut Aeginetis, qui classe valebant, pollices praeciderentur. (Cic. Off. 3.46)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v)) This class concerns the two-place verb mereo(r) ‘to deserve’ and its compounds. With these verbs clauses with a simple subjunctive are not atttested. Examples of imperative clauses are (a) and (b). An exceptional declarative accusative and infinitive clause is shown in (c).137 (a)

. . . ego te meruisse ut pereas scio . . . (‘. . . I know you’ve deserved to perish . . .’ Pl. Poen. 1407)

(b)

Qua merui culpa fieri tibi vilis, Achille? (‘Because of what fault do I deserve to be cheap to you, Achilles?’ Ov. Ep. 3.41—prolative infinitive)

(c)

Peculium et ex eo consistit quod parsimonia sua quis paravit vel officio meruerit a quolibet sibi donari . . . (‘A peculium is made up of anything a slave has been able to save by his own economies or has been given by a third party in return for meritorious services . . .’ Florent. dig. 15.1.39) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . numquam sciens commerui merito ut caperet odium illam mei. (Ter. Hec. 580); Quom tu es liber, gaudeo. / # Merui ut fierem. # Tu meruisti? (Pl. Epid. 711–12); (sc. Socrates) . . . respondit sese meruisse ut amplissimis honoribus et praemiis decoraretur . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.232); . . . quoniam nulla vis humanave, virtus meruisse umquam potuit ut quod praescripsit fatalis ordo non fiat. (Amm. 23.5.5);138 Promeruisti ut ne quid ores quod velis, quin impetres. (Pl. Men. 1100)

. The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a neuter singular adjective or a comparable expression that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi)) Subordinate clauses with these expresssions can be understood as imperative, if the person involved in the main clause (explicit—usually in the dative—or implicit) is the same 137 For a few more Late Latin instances, see TLL s.v. mereo 808.65ff. 138 For the negation in argument clauses with mereo, see TLL s.v. 810.63f.

146

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

as the subject of the subordinate clause, as in (a). Unfortunately, there are no attestations of negated clauses, which would make it possible to determine whether such clauses are declarative or imperative. Ex. (b) shows a comparable object complement. (a)

Quid mi meliu’st, quid magis in rem est, quam a corpore vitam ut secludam? (‘What’s better for me, what’s more useful, than to take my life away from my body?’ Pl. Rud. 220)

(b)

. . . nec habui quicquam antiquius quam ut Pansam statim convenirem. (‘. . . nor did I hold anything more important than that I should meet Pansa immediately.’ D. Brut. Fam. 11.4.1)

The other possibilities are illustrated for optimum and melius (est) in (c)–(g).139 In exx. (c)–(e), it is suggested that the subject of the subordinate clause will undertake some action to bring about the state of affairs referred to by the subordinate clause. It is only in (e) that this subject is present in the governing clause (huic urbi). The fact that an action is required to achieve something can be made explicit by the addition of the supine factu, as in (f). Ex. (g) illustrates a declarative accusative and infinitive clause. For declarative ut clauses with adjectives, see §  15.32. For declarative quod clauses with adjectives, see § 15.11. (c)

Nunc adeam Ø optumum est . . . (‘It’s best to go up to him now . . .’ Pl. As. 448)

(d)

Semper tu hoc facito, Lesbonice, cogites / id optumum esse tute uti sis optumus. / Si id nequeas, saltem ut optumis sis proxumus. (‘Lesbonicus, always make sure that you consider it to be best to be the best yourself; if you can’t be that, at least that you should be next to the best.’ Pl. Trin. 485–7)

(e)

Moveri sedibus huic urbi melius est atque in alias, si fieri possit, terras demigrare . . . (‘It would be better for this city to be moved from her foundations and to migrate, were it possible, to other lands . . .’ Cic. Phil. 13.49—prolative infinitive)

(f)

Nunc hoc mihi factu est optumum, ut ted auferam, / aula, in Fidei fanum. (‘Now this is the best thing for me to do, my pot: to carry you off into the shrine of Good Faith.’ Pl. Aul. 582–3)

(g)

. . . utrum tandem putes huic civitati . . . melius fuisse et praestabilius me civem in hac civitate nasci an te? (‘. . . would you suppose it would have been better and preferable for this State for me or for you to have been born in it as a citizen?’ Cic. Vat. 10) Supplement (in alphabetical order by subject complement): Quid mihi meliu’st quam, quando illi me insanire praedicant, / Ø ego med adsimulem insanire, ut illos a me apsterream? (Pl. Men. 832); Sed Ø taceam optumum est (Pl. Epid. 59); Ø Capillum promittam optumum est . . . (Pl. Rud. 377); Prius est igitur Ø 139 For further instances, see TLL s.v. bonus 2100.17ff.

Finite imperative clauses

147

neges creatorem indulsisse aliquando delicta . . . (Tert. Marc. 4.10.4); Reliquum est Ø tuam profectionem amore prosequar, reditum spe exspectem, absentem memoria colam, omne desiderium litteris mittendis accipiendisque leniam. (Cic. Fam. 15.21.5) . . . bonum hercle factum pro se quisque ut meminerit. (Pl. Poen. 45); Ex tua re est ut ego emoriar. (Pl. Ps. 336); Neque enim ad mare admovit, quod ei fuit illa manu copiisque facillimum ut in agrum Rutulorum Aboriginumque procederet . . . (Cic. Rep. 2.5) Appendix: There are also combinations of necesse ‘necessary’ and the copula (or something similar).140 Exx. (h)–(k) illustrate the well-known imperative clauses, (l) an accusative and infinitive clause.141 The simple subjunctive is much more common than ut + subjunctive, which is the reason to regard these clauses as imperative.142 (h) Ø . . . hoc iudicium reprehendas . . . necesse est . . . (‘. . . you are bound to find fault with this decision.’ Cic. Clu. 114) (i) Nam hoc necesse est ut is qui nobis causam adiudicaturus sit aut inclinatione voluntatis propendeat in nos . . . (‘For it is necessary that a person who is to decide a case in our favour should either lean in our direction because his sympathies are so inclined . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 2.129) ( j) Atque ille eo tempore paruit cum parere senatui necesse erat. (‘And he obeyed at a time when obedience to the Senate was inevitable.’ Cic. Lig. 20) (k) Mihi necesse est ire hinc. (‘It’s necessary for me to go away from here.’ Pl. Am. 501—prolative infinitive, see § 15.127) (l) Nam necesse est hodie Sicyoni me esse aut cras mortem exsequi / . . . (‘I need to be in Sicyon today or die tomorrow . . .’ Pl. Ps. 995)

. The use of finite imperative clauses in combination with a noun functioning as subject or object complement (class (vii)) Interpretation of this type of expression as imperative is most likely when the noun indicates an obligation or necessity. A good example is officium ‘duty’.143 Ex. (a) shows the only attested instance of a simple subjunctive. There is one attestation of the negator ne (see the Supplement). For a declarative accusative and infinitive clause, see (d). Ex. (e) shows an ut clause in combination with an object complement. Often there is a preparative pronoun as subject, as in (e).

140 For the unclear categorial status of necesse, see de Vaan (2008: 103–4). 141 Two meanings of necesse can be distinguished, ‘deontic’ and ‘inferential’; see Bolkestein (1980a) and Núñez (1991). The examples in the text are all deontic. 142 K.-St.: II.236–7 take it as declarative (‘konsekutiv’). 143 For further instances, see TLL s.v. officium 525.82ff.

148 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Primum ego officium scriptoris existimo Ø (v.l. ut) titulum suum legat . . . (‘I think a writer’s first duty is to read his title . . .’ Plin. Ep. 5.6.42)

(b)

Fuit meum officium ut facerem, fateor. (‘It would have been my duty to do so, I admit it.’ Pl. Ps. 913)

(c)

Non matronarum officium est, sed meretricium, / viris alienis, mi vir, subblandirier. (‘My dear husband, it’s not the job of wives, but of prostitutes, to charm other women’s husbands.’ Pl. Cas. 585–6—prolative infinitive)

(d)

Quid fuit officium meum me facere? (‘What was it my duty to do?’ Pl. Trin. 174)

(e)

Hoccin’ boni esse officium servi existumas, / ut eri sui corrumpat et rem et filium? (‘Is this what you consider the duty of a good servant, to ruin his master’s wealth and son?’ Pl. Mos. 27–8) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Nihil opu’st Ø resciscat. (Pl. Mer. 1004) Hoc est servi facinus frugi, facere quod ego persequor, / ne morae molestiaeque imperium erile habeat sibi. (Pl. Aul. 587–8); Neque enim fas est ut tanto dispendio meo etiam culpa iungatur. (Symm. Ep. 9.125); Etsi scio ego, Philumena, meum ius esse ut te cogam / quae ego imperem facere . . . (Ter. Hec. 243–4); . . . hoc sapientiae munus esse dicebant ut, eum tueretur, qui constaret ex animo et corpore, in utroque iuvaret eum ac contineret. (Cic. Fin. 4.17); Sed iustitiae primum munus est ut ne cui quis noceat . . . deinde ut communibus pro communibus utatur . . . . (Cic. Off. 1.20); An erit haec optio et potestas tua ut . . . Milonem dicas . . . gladiatoribus et bestiariis opsedisse rem publicam? (Cic. Vat. 40); . . . hic opus est aliquot ut maneas dies. (Pl. Poen. 1421); Nihil enim tam contrarium quam si . . . defenderem ut reum, cui opus esset ne reus videretur. (Plin. Ep. 7.6.4); Sed cur impedimus Antonium, cuius audio esse partis ut de tota eloquentia disserat . . . (Cic. de Orat. 2.26); Videtur tempus esse ut eamus ad forum, / ut . . . denumerem stipendium. (Pl. Mil. 72–4—NB: ut argument and ut purpose adjunct clause); Iam tempus est ut isto gladio deorsus ad meum Tlepolemum viam quaeram. (Apul. Met. 8.13.5); Nunc ad me ut veniat usu’st Acroteleutium . . . (Pl. Mil. 1132); Qui autem ex eo cogi putat ne ut sedeamus quidem aut ambulemus voluntatis esse . . . (Cic. Fat. 9)

. The use of finite imperative clauses with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii)) Imperative clauses are also used as subject with a few so-called impersonal verbs (for the term ‘impersonal’, see § 4.13). The evidence for the imperative status, in the form of the negation that is used, is very limited (see the Supplement). The verb licet ‘to be permitted’ serves as an illustration. Exx (a)–(c) are imperative clauses, (d) is declarative. With

Finite imperative clauses

149

licet, clauses with a simple subjunctive are very common; ut is attested for the first time in Late Latin, and only rarely there.144 It is from this use of licet with a simple subjunctive that its use as a concessive subordinator developed (see § 16.81). With decet ‘it is proper’, the example with a simple subjunctive in the Supplement seems to be unique, and ut is rarely attested (in Late Latin).145 With oportet ‘it is proper’, ut is rarely attested (in Late Latin). The prolative infinitive is also only attested in Late Latin.146 (a)

Estne empta mi istis legibus? # Ø Habeas licet. (‘Has she been bought by me on those terms? # You can have her.’ Pl. Epid. 471)

(b)

Si credis ex toto corde tuo . . . licet ut baptizeris. (‘If you believe with all your heart, you may be baptized.’ Vet. Lat. Act. 8.37)

(c)

Per hanc curam quieto tibi licet esse — (‘As far as that worry is concerned, you can be calm —’ Pl. Epid. 338)

(d)

. . . gladium ut ponat et redire me intro ut liceat. (‘. . . that she should put down the sword and let me return inside.’ Pl. Cas. 706) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . decet / Ø animo aequo nunc stent . . . (Pl. Poen. 21–2); Licet Ø laudem Fortunam, tamen ut ne Salutem culpem. (Pl. As. 718); Licet Ø iste dicat emisse, sicuti solet dicere, credite hoc mihi iudices. (Cic. Ver. 4.133); Illa licet Ø non det (sc. oscula), non data sume tamen. (Ov. Ars 1.664—NB: local negation by non); . . . Ø faber haec faciat oportet. (Cato Agr. 14.1); Ø Omnia fecerit oportet . . . (Cic. Phil. 7.26); . . . multa oportet Ø discat ac dediscat . . . (Cic. Quinct. 56); Ø Ego crimen oportet diluam . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 36) Hominem . . . decuerat ne voluisset aliter reverti. ([Quint.] Decl. 5.2—NB: a unique (?) negated clause); Filius autem cum sit verus, oportet ut de divina illa substantia patris genitus cognoscatur. (Filastr. 66.4 (4th cent. ad (late))

. The subordinating devices of finite imperative clauses Ut + subjunctive for clauses with a positive content and ne for negative clauses are by far the most common subordinators in imperative clauses. They are used with all governing expressions discussed in §§ 15.66–80, with the exception of the so-called impersonal expressions discussed in §  15.80. Argument clauses in the subjunctive without a subordinator are also quite common. Ne, quin, and quominus are used for the verbs discussed in § 15.72. The status of quo and qui as subordinators of argument clauses is not obvious. For discussion, see §§ 15.87–8.

. The use of ut, ut ne, and ne in imperative clauses If an imperative clause is negative, the regular negation is either by the adverb ne (in ut ne), which is also used in negative imperative sentences (see §  8.13), or by the 144 See TLL s.v. liceo 1361.72ff. 145 See TLL s.v. deceo 135.5ff. 146 See TLL s.v. oportet 742.14ff.; 741.42ff., respectively.

150

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

subordinator ne (see § 8.23). However, with many of the verbs and expressions discussed in §§ 15.66–80, ut + non is found as well (see also §§ 15.25 and 15.27 for the reverse situation).147 Most of these instances can be understood in one of the following ways: if (i) there is no obvious entity that controls the action the clause is about, or if (ii) the negation does not affect the clause as a whole, but only part of it, or if (iii) the content of the clause is in contrast with something else, non is the necessary negator. An example of efficio, a verb that usually has a negative clause with ne, is (a); however, here we have a clear contrast with bonum etiam esse mortem in the preceding context, so non is what one would expect.148 An additional factor in the use of non where ne might be expected is the gradual decrease in the use of ne, both in independent sentences and in subordinate clauses. (a)

Ut doceam, si possim, non modo malum non esse, sed bonum etiam esse mortem. # . . . Ut enim non efficias quod vis, tamen mors ut malum non sit efficies. (‘To show you if I can that death is not merely no evil but positively a good.’ # . . . ‘For though you may not achieve what you wish, still you will succeed in showing that death is not an evil.’ Cic. Tusc. 1.16)

For the use of neque and neve in coordinated imperative clauses, see §§ 8.38–40. From Early Latin onwards the combination ut(i) ne is much less common than the subordinator ne, especially, it seems, in argument clauses: in Cicero’s orations there are about thirty-five instances of ut ne argument clauses and about thirty-five of satellite clauses, each half a column in Merguet’s lexicon; the instances of ne argument clauses take up more than eight columns, those of ne satellite clauses three and a half. In the same texts juxtaposed ut ne is as frequent as separated ut . . . ne.149 Much attention has been devoted to the question of whether the subordinator ne must be explained as a reduced form of ut ne or ut ne as an extended form of ne. The latter position is more attractive, but there is no proof.150

. Imperative clauses with a simple subjunctive (without a subordinator) Among the utterances that contain one of the governing expressions discussed in §§ 15.66–80 and a clause with a simple subjunctive (that is: without a subordinator), a large number belong to only a few of these expressions, viz. those of begging and requesting (§ 15.67), causation verbs (§ 15.75), and a few others, and to these only in a very stereotyped form. The first class consists of utterances in which a clause containing a first person singular present indicative form of a verb of asking (e.g. oro ‘to supplicate’, quaeso ‘to ask’, 147 A very complete collection of verbs that are used with (ut) ne and ut non can be found in Kirk (1923). For discussion, see Panchón (2003: 448–60). 148 Panchón (2003: 449–50) discusses the same example and explains non as due to the fact that a state of affairs like mors malum est ‘death is an evil’ is not controllable. Still another explanation is that of K.-St.: II.246: brachylogy instead of ut mortem malum non esse putem. 149 The data in Merguet (Reden) can be found s.v. ne, p. 253. For Plautus and Terence, see Panchón (2003: 451). 150 See Panchón (2003: 451–2), with references.

Finite imperative clauses

151

and rogo ‘to ask’) is followed or preceded by a clause with a subjunctive verb form in the second person. The apparently governing expressions more often follow the subordinate clause, as in (a), or are inserted parenthetically, as in (b); however, they may also precede, as in (c). What seems at first to be a subordinate clause functions in fact as an independent imperative sentence, with the verb of asking functioning almost as a question particle (like English ‘please’), in the same way as oro functions in (d) with the imperative dic. (See § 6.29 on modulation of the directive illocutionary force of imperative sentences.) (a)

Modo Ø pacem faciatis oro, ut ne mihi iratus siet. (‘Just make peace between us, please, so that he isn’t angry with me.’ Pl. Mer. 992)

(b)

Opsecro ego vos, Ø mi auxilio, / oro optestor, sitis et hominem demonstretis quis eam apstulerit! (‘I beg you, I entreat you: please help me and show me the man who’s taken it away.’ Pl. Aul. 715)

(c)

Quaeso Ø ignoscas, siquid stulte dixi atque imprudens tibi. (‘Please forgive me if I said anything stupid to you without being aware of it.’ Pl. Men. 1073)

(d)

Sed tu dic, oro, pater meus tune es? (‘But please do tell me: are you my father?’ Pl. Capt. 1021)

In less stereotyped contexts the verb of asking more often precedes and ut is more common, as illustrated by (e) and (f). In (e) the form of oro is future tense, and the subject of the ut clause is third person. In (f) oro governs an object (te) and the clause is longer. In instances like these the governing expressions cannot be regarded as modulators added to independent imperative sentences. (Obviously, in individual instances with a first person form it may be difficult to tell whether we are dealing with its idiomatic use or with its full lexical meaning—see also § 14.3.)151 (e)

Igitur orabo ut manu me emittat. (‘Then I’ll ask him to set me free.’ Pl. Aul. 817)

(f)

Et te oro Ø porro in hac re adiutor sis mihi. (‘And I ask you to continue to stand by me in this.’ Ter. Hec. 721) A similar idiomatic use (very common in Cicero’s letters) can be observed for the first person singular present subjunctive form of the verb volo ‘to wish’ (velim) in combination with a subordinate clause in the second person, as in (g) and (h). The subjunctive clause might also be regarded as independent in questions with vis and vi’n ( = visne) ‘do you want?’, as in (i). But in ( j), with a third person subject in the clause, such an analysis is excluded. Note the presence of ut. (g) Ø Vera dicas velim. (‘I wish you would tell the truth.’ Pl. Cas. 234)

151 For the use of rogo with and without ut in non-literary letters, see Halla-aho (2009: 81–5).

152

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (h) Et velim Ø cogites, id quod mihi pollicitus es, quem ad modum bibliothecam nobis conficere possis. (‘And please give some thought to how you are to procure a library for me as you have promised.’ Cic. Att. 1.7) (i) Vi’n vocem huc ad te? # Voca. (‘Do you want me to call him over here to you? # Yes, call him.’ Pl. Capt. 360) ( j) Velim ut tibi amicus sit. (‘I hope he will remain your friend.’ Cic. Att. 10.16.1) Supplement: Et quo die Roma te exiturum putes velim Ø ad me scribas, ut . . . (Cic. Att. 2.5.3); Et Ø scribas mihi velim de gladiatoribus, sed ita bene si rem gerunt; non quaero male si se gesserunt. (Cic. Att. 4.8.2); Ø Dionysium velim salvere iubeas et eum roges ut te hortetur quam primum venias . . . (Cic. Att. 4.15.10—NB: ut is used in the lower-level subordinate clause governed by roges) Cf.: Nolo Ø ames. (Pl. Cas. 233); Ø Erum exhibeas volo. (Pl. Mil. 546); Ø Tu vellem ego vel cuperem adesses. (Cic. Att. 2.18.4) Malim hercle ut verum dicas quam ut des mutuom. (Pl. Trin. 762)

The second class of expressions that are used with clauses in the subjunctive without a subordinator consists of imperatival forms of facio ‘to make’, sino ‘to permit’, and caveo ‘to beware’. In Early Latin there are 180 simple subjunctives with such forms of facio vs eighty-seven with ut, of sino sixty-four simple subjunctives vs zero ut, and of caveo sixty-seven simple subjunctives vs twenty-four ne. Examples of these imperative forms are (k)–(o). In (k) fac might be omitted (it functions as a metadirective—see § 6.29): second person singular present subjunctive assis alone is not impossible. In (l), cave (formally a second person singular imperative form) functions de facto like the negator ne with the second person plural subjunctive form dirumpatis; therefore it is not omissible. Comparable is (m), where cave explains the use of quicquam (instead of nihil). The other two examples are different. In (n) the use of second person singular present subjunctive scribas to express an invitation to write is not excluded, but the coordination of scribas plane et probe with adde would be strange; so vide is necessary here. In (o) the verb of the subordinate clause is first person; sinite could be omitted, but the interpretation of the subordinate clause would be different. (k)

Nunc tu, divine, huc fac assis, Sosia. (‘Now, divine Sosia, do come here.’ Pl. Am. 976)

(l)

Si tenetis, ducite. / Cave dirumpatis, quaeso, sinite transigi. (‘If you’ve got it, pull; be careful you don’t break it off, please, let it glide through.’ Pl. Poen. 116–17)

(m)

Cave quicquam, nisi quod rogabo te, mihi responderis. (‘Mind you don’t give me any reply except what I ask.’ Pl. Am. 608)

Finite imperative clauses (n)

153

Addone? # Adde et scribas vide plane et probe. (‘Should I add that? # Yes, add it and mind that you write clearly and properly.’ Pl. As. 755)

(o)

Sinite abeam, si possum, viva a vobis. (‘Let me go away from you two alive, if I am able to.’ Pl. Mil. 1084)

The simple subjunctive is attested in clauses with most of the other classes of expressions or with other forms of the verbs mentioned above, but ut + subjunctive in these cases is the normal expression. Examples are supplied in the relevant chapters. The degree to which authors (until Late Latin) use the simple subjunctive varies; it is relatively common in Early Latin, in poetry,152 and in poeticizing and archaizing prose.153 It has been suggested that (at least in Cicero) the use of ut is more formal than the simple subjunctive. Thus Cicero in his ad Familiares uses rogo ut thirty-nine times and the simple subjunctive only twice, whereas his correspondents prefer the latter (eight vs four). However, the rogo ut instances in Cicero differ from the rogo + subjunctive ones in several respects: (i) the former are often combined with expressions insisting on the seriousness of the request (vehementer, etiam atque etiam); (ii) ut seems to be preferred also when the subordinate clause is complex; (iii) ut seems to be preferred when the clause is separated from the governing verb by intervening constituents; the simple subjunctive most often stands next to the governing verb. (iv) Furthermore, the simple subjunctive seems to be preferred when repetition of ut can be avoided, as in (p) and (q). It seems, then, that complexity and requirements of transparency are the main determinants.154 (p)

Tanta est exspectatio vel animi vel ingeni tui ut ego te obsecrare obtestarique non dubitem Ø sic ad nos conformatus revertare ut, quam exspectationem tui concitasti, hanc sustinere ac tueri possis. (‘The anticipation of your spirit and talents is so great that I don’t scruple to beg and adjure you to return to us with a character so finished, as to be able to support and maintain the expectations which you have excited.’ Cic. Fam. 2.1.2)

(q)

Illud abs te peto, Ø des operam, id quod mihi adfirmasti, ut te ante Kal. Ian. ubicumque erimus sistas. (‘I only ask you to try, as you assured me you would, to present yourself wherever I am before the Kalends of January.’ Cic. Att. 3.25) Caesar uses simple subjunctives sparingly, but whereas in Plautus the bulk of the instances are found with a limited number of governing expressions, the distribution in Caesar is more even; this is not a sign of informality but rather is part of a general

152 See Wieland (1966) on Verg. Ecl. 5.15. 153 Detailed information for Early Latin can be found in Bennett: I.208–45 and Mazzanti (2020) (especially about facio). A survey of the verbs involved and the first attestations can be found in K.-St.: II.227–31; Sz.: 530–1. For Symmachus, see Haverling (1988: 228–31). 154 See Halla-aho (2009; 2010), Pinkster (2010b: 198–200), TLL s.v. peto 1975.6ff. In Plautus and Terence distance between the governing verb and the subordinate clause favours the use of ut (Mazzanti p.c.).

154

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position endeavour in the text segments in which they are found to be brief.155 In the Vindolanda Tablets the simple subjunctive predominates (twelve (+two?) : five).156

The relationship between the governing expression and the clause it governs in the stereotyped expressions discussed above is sometimes called ‘paratactic’, and many scholars assume that it was from such ‘paratactic’ combinations that the less stereotyped combinations like (e) and (f) above developed. However, the latter show all the characteristics of subordination mentioned in § 14.2 and must therefore be regarded as subordinate.157

. The use of the subordinator ne in imperative clauses The subordinator ne is used with a negative meaning in most of the classes discussed in §§ 15.65–80, with the exception of verbs of hindering and preventing (§ 15.72). See also § 8.23.

. The use of quin in imperative clauses The subordinator quin is used without a negative meaning with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, and hesitating (see §  15.72; also §  8.27) and of striving (see § 15.74). The main clause is almost always negative. There are a few exceptions, which are explained as intrusions of quin into the domain of quominus.158 The first instance is (a). (a)

. . . ut . . . alii morari (nihil morari recc.) Caesarem dicerent quin naves conscendere iuberet . . . (‘. . . that . . . some asserted that Caesar was being slow in giving orders to embark.’ B. Alex. 7.1) Supplement: . . . Veranius . . . quin ultra bellum proferret morte prohibitus est . . . (Tac. Ann. 14.29.1); . . . nocturnas tenebras sibi causabatur obsistere quin clavem curiose absconditam repperiret. (Apul. Met. 9.20.3)

. The use of quominus in imperative clauses The subordinator quominus is used without a negative meaning with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, and hesitating (see § 15.72; also § 8.31).

. The use of quo in imperative clauses The subordinator quo is very rarely used more or less in the sense of ut in combination with a comparative expression in imperative clauses governed by verbs and expressions 155 See Sznajder (1987). 156 The data are taken from Adams (1995: 117). 157 See Bennett: I.244–5 and Sznajder (1996; 2001a; 2003: 37–69; 2012). 158 See K.-St.: II.262.

Finite imperative clauses

155

of admonishing (§ 15.68) and causation (§15.75). See the examples quoted in these sections. See also (a), which shows the relationship with quominus in § 15.86. (a)

Nemo est enim quin sciat quo minus discessio fieret per adversarios tuos esse factum. (‘For there is no one that is ignorant of the fact that it was all the doing of your opponents that no division took place.’ Cic. Fam. 1.4.2)

. The use of qui in imperative clauses The interrogative/relative adverb quī is sometimes used in Early Latin in a way that resembles the use of ut in imperative argument clauses. An example is (a). Note the negator ne. (a)

. . . / facite, fingite, invenite, efficite qui detur tibi. / Ego id agam mihi qui ne detur. (‘. . . plot, scheme, contrive to have her given to you. I’ll do the same to have her not given to me.’ Ter. An. 334–5) Supplement: Nolo ego mi te tam prospicere qui meam egestatem leves, / sed ut inops infamis ne sim . . . (Pl. Trin. 688–9); Haud facile’st defensu qui ne comburantur proxumae. ( pall. 47)

15.89 Exclamatory argument clauses This section deals with finite exclamatory argument clauses; accusative and infinitive clauses that function as independent exclamatory sentences are discussed in § 6.35, exx. (t)–(y) + Supplement. Finite exclamatory clauses consist of a finite verb form and one of the exclamatory pronouns, determiners, adjectives, or adverbs which are also used in exclamatory sentences (see § 6.35, exx. (a)–(g) + Supplement). Formally these exclamatory words cannot be distinguished from the question words listed in § 6.19. As a consequence, exclamatory clauses resemble interrogative clauses and in grammars are often not treated as a separate clause type (see § 15.45).159 Examples of exclamatory clauses are (a)–(e), with a pronoun in (a), a determiner in (b), a manner adverb in (c), and an adverb of degree modifying largus in (d). (a)

Videti’n viginti minae quid pollent quidve possunt? (‘Can you see what power and what might twenty minas has?’ Pl. As. 636)

(b)

Quae hic monstra fiunt anno vix possum eloqui. (‘I could barely tell you in a year what apparitions take place here.’ Pl. Mos. 505)

(c)

Vide palliolum ut rugat. (‘Look how your cloak is all crumpled.’ Pl. Cas. 246—repeated from § 15.45)

159 See, however, Bodelot (2005) from whom most of the examples in this section have been taken.

156 (d)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Audi’n hunc opera ut largus est nocturna? (‘Can you hear how generous he is with his nightshift?’ Pl. As. 598)

The subordinate clauses in (a)–(d) do not refer to missing knowledge the addressee might be interested in; rather, they draw attention to something in the communicative situation that is surprising, unexpected, or extraordinary. The governing expressions make an appeal to the addressee or show the involvement of the speaker. In Early Latin, the mood in these clauses is regularly the indicative, as in the examples above. In fact, in several cases omission of the governing expression would result in a correct independent exclamatory sentence. Later on the subjunctive becomes ever more common (see § 7.133–5). Supplement: Papae, / audi’n tu ut deliramenta loquitur? (Pl. Men. 918–20); O scelera: illuc vide / ut in ipso articulo oppressit. (Ter. Ad. 228–29); Non dici potest quam cupida eram huc redeundi . . . (Ter. Hec. 91–2); Et vide quam conversa res est (sit cj. Lambinus): illum quo antea confidebant metuunt, hunc amant quem timebant. (Cic. Att. 8.13.2); Aspice venturo laetentur ut omnia saeclo! (Verg. Ecl. 4.52); Servilius atque Atilius, proximi consules, vide quemadmodum eum ludificati sint. (Liv. 22.39.17); Vide quam sit se contentus: aliquando sui parte contentus est. (Sen. Ep. 9.4)

15.90 Non-finite argument clauses The non-finite verbal argument clauses will be discussed in the following sections in an order that differs from that used in §§ 14.5–14: here the order will be according to the traditional morphological classification of infinitives (§§ 15.91–131), participles (§§ 15.132–4), gerunds (§§ 15.135–9), and gerundives (§§ 15.140–2).

15.91 Infinitival argument clauses Two classes of infinitival argument clauses are distinguished: accusative and infinitive (AcI) clauses and prolative infinitive clauses. The difference between the two classes can be demonstrated with the three-place verb admoneo that allows both. In its meaning ‘to advise or remind (that something is the case)’ it may govern an accusative and infinitive clause, as in (a); in its meaning ‘to advise or recommend (to do something)’ it may govern a prolative infinitive clause, as in (b). (a)

Tantum te admonebo si illi absenti salutem dederis, praesentibus te his daturum. (‘I will merely remind you that, if you grant life to the absent Ligarius you will grant it to all these here present.’ Cic. Lig. 38)

(b)

Nonne te . . . Quinta illa Claudia aemulam domesticae laudis . . . esse admonebat? (‘Did not even that celebrated Quinta Claudia admonish you to emulate the praise belonging to our house?’ Cic. Cael. 34)

Infinitival clauses

157

In (a), the infinitive daturum has its own subject te (which happens to be coreferential with the addressee te of admonebo). In (b), by contrast, esse has no subject of its own; its subject has to be inferred from te, the addressee of admonebat. Thus it is a type of ‘fused’ clause (see § 14.10). In (a), the infinitive is part of an accusative and infinitive construction that as a whole functions as the third argument of admonebo, whereas in (b) esse itself (with its subject complement aemulam) is the third argument of admonebat. Both have their passive counterpart with the addressee constituent as subject, as in (c) and (d), respectively. (c)

. . . admonitus sum ab illo multo maiore auctoritate illis de rebus dici posse, si ipse loquerer de re publica . . . (‘It was suggested to me that a discourse on such subjects could be given with much greater force if I spoke of the state in my own person.’ Cic. Q. fr. 3.5.1)

(d)

. . . nostrique detrimento admonentur diligentius exploratis locis stationes disponere . . . (‘. . . and our own troops were taught by the disaster to post their pickets only after the prospective locations had been reconnoitred more carefully.’ Hirt. Gal. 8.12.7)

The accusative and infinitive clause with admoneo is a declarative clause, and alternative finite clauses with quod are also attested for this verb (from Gaius onwards). The prolative infinitive clause, by contrast, is an imperative clause, and ut clauses can also be used with admoneo and in fact are more common.

. Accusative and infinitive clauses For the internal structure of the accusative and infinitive clause, see § 14.8. The content of an AcI clause is declarative (but see § 15.100 (iii)), which explains the lack of restrictions on its internal structure: even disjuncts are permitted. AcI clauses are very common in all periods of Latin. Although the AcI is used with a large range of governing expressions, it is especially its use with verbs of communication that is responsible for its high frequency in narrative texts.

. The functions of accusative and infinitive clauses The AcI is used in four different argument positions: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)

as subject with various so-called impersonal expressions160 and in the passive counterparts of two-place active verbs that are found with the AcI as object; as object with a variety of two-place verbs and expressions; as object with a variety of three-place verbs; as third argument with a number of so-called double accusative verbs, such as admoneo ‘to advise’ and doceo ‘to teach’.

160 Some scholars deny that in this context the AcI has the function subject. For discussion, see Lavency (2003: 102–9).

158

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

In addition, the AcI can be used with all sorts of preparative expressions, which is sometimes called its explicative use. The following sections (§§ 15.93–102) deal with the classes of governing expressions with which the AcI is regular; the ordering is the same as for finite subordinate clauses with quod and quia in §§ 15.5–21. In narrative texts or in narrative passages a large proportion of accusative and infinitive clauses does not depend on a specific governing verb.161 Examples are (a)–(d). In (a), repeated from § 14.25, the accusative and infinitive in the main clause of the second sentence follows an imperative clause governed by hortatur ac postulat. With hortor the accusative and infinitive is exceptional.162 In (b), the accusative and infinitive clause follows an indirect question governed by rogitantibus, which is not found with an accusative and infinitive clause (for rogo, see §  15.100). In (c), it is likely that loquitur is used absolutely and does not immediately govern the AcI (for loquor + AcI, see § 15.98). In (d), criminatus est governs a personal object (Q. Metellum) and is then continued by an AcI clause. See also § 14.25 for ‘free indirect discourse’. (a)

Pro quibus rebus hortatur ac postulat ut rem publicam suscipiant atque una secum administrent. Sin timore defugiant illis se oneri non futurum et per se rem publicam administraturum. (‘For all these reasons he exhorted the senators and asked them to take charge of the state and administer it with him. “But if fear makes you shirk the task, I will not be a burden to you but will administer the state myself.” ’ Caes. Civ. 1.32.7)

(b)

Ac plerisque rogitantibus dimissi ecquod feminis quoque asylum aperuissent; id enim demum compar conubium fore. (‘And they were dismissed by numerous people asking if they had opened a sanctuary for women as well as for men, for in that way only would they obtain suitable wives.’ Liv. 1.9.5)

(c)

Audiente utroque exercitu loquitur Afranius: non esse aut ipsis aut militibus suscensendum, quod fidem erga imperatorem suum Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint. (‘While each army was listening, Afranius spoke: he said that they shouldn’t be angry with them or their soldiers because they wanted to keep their loyalty to their general Cn. Pompeius.’ Caes. Civ. 1.84.3)

(d)

C. Marius, cum a spe consulatus longe abesset et iam septimum annum post praeturam iaceret neque petiturus umquam consulatum videretur, Q. Metellum, cuius legatus erat, summum virum et civem, cum ab eo, imperatore suo, Romam missus esset, apud populum Romanum criminatus est. Bellum illum ducere. Si se consulem fecissent, brevi tempore aut vivum aut mortuum Iugurtham se in potestatem populi Romani redacturum.

161 See Sznajder (2001b: 613–18). In a corpus analysed by her the majority of accusative and infinitive clauses are not governed by verbs and expressions that regularly allow the accusative and infinitive clause. 162 Such an exception is Verg. A. 2.33. For instances of continuation of hortor with an AcI, see TLL s.v. 3012.4f. With postulo the accusative and infinitive is not uncommon (see § 15.100).

Infinitival clauses

159

(‘When Gaius Marius was far removed from any hope of gaining the consulship and was in obscurity in what was already the seventh year after his praetorship and it appeared that he would never seek the office of consul, when he was sent to Rome by his commander Quintus Metellus’ order, before the Roman people he lodged an accusation against Metellus, a great man and citizen, under whom he was a lieutenant. That man was prolonging the war; if they would make him consul, then within a short time he would deliver Jugurtha alive or dead into the hands of the Roman People.’ Cic. Off. 3.79)

What these examples have in common is that the notion of communication is present in the immediately preceding context, and the AcI clauses reflect what the speaker(s) said: we are dealing with some form of independent or free indirect speech. However, it is important to realize that indirect speech is only one of the uses of accusative and infinitive clauses. When, for example, an AcI functions as the subject of a verb of happening (see § 15.94), the notion of indirect speech does not apply at all. 15.94 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions of happening and befalling or causing to happen Accusative and infinitive clauses are rare with verbs and expressions of happening. Examples are (a) and (b). Ut clauses are the regular expression (see §15.27). (a)

Nimis opportune mi evenit rediisse Alcesimarchum. (‘It’s a very convenient coincidence for me that Alcesimarchus has come back.’ Pl. Cist. 309)

(b)

Videte igitur quam inique accidat, quia res indigna sit, ideo turpem existimationem sequi; quia turpis existimatio sequatur, ideo rem indignam non vindicari. (‘See, then, how iniquitously it happens, that because an action is infamous, therefore a discreditable reputation should attach to it, but because a loss of reputation would ensue, for that reason a scandalous action is not punished.’ Cic. Caec. 8) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Illud vero mihi permirum accidit tantam temeritatem fuisse in eo adulescente . . . (Cic. Fam. 3.10.5); Ceterum Tiberio haud ingratum accidit turbari res Orientis. (Tac. Ann. 2.5.1); Sed inpuberes quidem in tutela esse omnium civitatium iure contingit. (Gaius Inst. 1.189); Evenerat autem isdem diebus . . . Adonea ritu vetere celebrari . . . (Amm. 22.9.15); Ex qua mea disputatione forsitan occurrat illud . . . non posse ea quae inter se discrepant eisdem praeceptis atque una institutione formari. (Cic. de Orat. 3.34)

The accusative and infinitive construction is also found as object with the verbs of causation facio and efficio; however, ut clauses are much more common (see § 15.75). Examples are (c) and (d). This use of facio is very common in translations of the Bible.163 In some (late) instances the use of facio and efficio resembles that of iubeo, as

163 See Thielmann (1886: 180–91), TLL s.v. facio 115.37ff., Heine (1990: 6), and Hoffmann (2008; 2014; 2016a: 49–52). For the non-relatedness with Romance causative expressions, see Vincent (2016).

160

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

in (e). With these verbs the nominative and infinitive construction (see §  15.111) seems to be excluded. In other contexts, facio means more or less fingo, as in (f).164 (c)

. . . desiderium marcescere facit volucres . . . (‘. . . the longing makes the birds grow thin . . .’ Var. R. 3.5.3)

(d)

. . . calida umoris ieiunitas . . . vehementer efficit ea coire . . . (‘. . . the hot desiccation . . . causes them to combine vehemently . . .’ Vitr. 2.6.4)

(e)

. . . quem digredientem post epulas hospitalis officii sanctitate nefarie violata trucidari securum effecit.165 (‘. . . as he (sc. Gabinius) was departing after the feast and suspected no treachery, Marcellianus, with abominable violation of the sacred duties of hospitality, had him murdered.’ Amm. 29.6.5)

(f)

. . . nuper fecit servo currenti in via / decesse populum . . . (‘. . . who recently portrayed a crowd making way for a running slave in the street . . .’ Ter. Hau. 31–2) Supplement: Si timuisse eos facis qui discesserunt, concede non timuisse eos qui remanserunt. (Cic. Dom. 10);166 . . . nulla res magis . . . tales . . . oratores videri facit quales . . . (Cic. Brut. 142); Quin ipsum Isocratem, quem divinus auctor Plato suum fere aequalem admirabiliter in Phaedro laudari fecit ab Socrate . . . (Cic. Opt. Gen. 17); Quem tamen Homerus apud inferos conveniri facit ab Ulixe . . . (Cic. N.D. 3.41); . . . quod faciat nos / vivere cum sensu . . . (Lucr. 3.100–1); Facit . . . capitis gravitatem . . . sudoresque frigidos manare. (Larg. 180); . . . et factum est illi venire Alexandrie con tirones et me reliquid con matrem meam . . . (CEL 146.21–3 (Karanis, c. ad 115)—NB: illi is a dative instead of an accusative);167 Tutores et curatores . . . satisdare debere verba edicti faciunt. (Gaius Inst. 4.99); Nam et in evangelio Mathei (sc. 5.32): qui dimiserit, inquit, uxorem suam praeter causam adulterii, facit eam adulterari. (Tert. Marc. 4.34.6—NB: .ztpś lß~ÿx wztpsōxlt); Haec omnia mixta . . . defervere facies. (Mulom. Chir. 158) Quidam debitor epistulam quasi a Titio mitti creditori suo effecit, ut ipse liberetur. (Ulp. dig. 4.3.38); . . . ut instar ducis rerum experientia clari ad arbitrium suum audiri efficeret causas. (Amm. 19.12.5)

15.95 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with accedit ‘to be added to’ or ‘to constitute an addition to’ There is only one attestation of the use of the AcI with the verb accedit, viz. (a). Quod clauses are the norm (§15.6). a)

Quod superest, nescio morum gloriae an indignationis dolori accedat inter tot Metellos tam sceleratam C. Atini audaciam semper fuisse inultam.

164 See TLL s.v. facio 117.82ff. 165 So Thielmann (1886: 191–206). 166 For these instances, see Thielmann (1886: 177–80). 167 See Adams (1977: 63–4).

Infinitival clauses

161

(‘For the rest I know not whether it adds to the credit of our morals or to the anguish of our indignation that among so many Metelli that criminal audacity of Gaius Atinius for ever went unpunished.’ Plin. Nat. 7.146)

15.96 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject or object with verbs and expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’ The accusative and infinitive clause is occasionally used with expressions meaning ‘to leave unmentioned’. An example is (a). Quod clauses are the norm, for which see § 15.7. (a)

Etsi paene praeterii chartam tibi deesse. (‘Although I almost failed to mention that you are short on paper.’ Cic. Att. 5.4.4) Supplement: . . . mitto cupiditate matris expulsam ex matrimonio filiam. (Cic. Clu. 188); Nec illud praeteribo, aspidum naturae halicacabum in tantum adversam ut . . . (Plin. Nat. 21.182)

15.97 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of emotion The AcI is found with verbs and expressions of emotion from Early Latin onward, both as the object, as with gaudeo in (a), and as the subject, as with pudeat te in (b), and with the neuter singular adjective iucundum in (c). From the same time on, finite clauses with quod and other subordinators are found as well, but these are less common in Early and Classical Latin: they make up less than 10 per cent of the total number of subordinate clauses dependent on this class of verbs (see § 15.8). For subject infinitives with the impersonal verbs of emotion, see § 15.129. (a)

Placiturum tibi esse librum II suspicabar, tam valde placuisse quam scribis valde gaudeo. (‘I thought you would like Book II, but I’m very glad you liked it so very much as you say in your letter.’ Cic. Q. fr. 2.8.1)

(b)

. . . pudeat te ausum illum umquam esse incedere tamquam tuum competitorem. (‘. . . you would be ashamed that he ever dared to parade as your competitor.’ Cael. Fam. 8.9.1)

(c)

Qua in re non tam iucundum mihi videri debuit non interfectum a te quam miserum te id impune facere potuisse. (‘In this affair the fact that I was not killed by you was necessarily not so pleasing to me as the thought that you could have done so with impunity was lamentable.’ Cic. Phil. 2.5) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): . . . id nunc his cerebrum uritur, me esse hos trecentos Philippos facturum lucri. (Pl. Poen. 770–1); Crucior bolum tantum mi ereptum tam desubito e faucibus. (Ter. Hau. 673); Ego te afuisse tam diu a nobis et dolui, quod carui fructu iucundissimae consuetudinis, et laetor, quod absens omnia cum maxima dignitate es consecutus quodque in omnibus tuis rebus meis optatis Fortuna respondit. (Cic. Fam.

162

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position 2.1.2); . . . Hoc tibi non invideo, caruisse te pulcherrimo spectaculo . . . (Cic. Fam. 8.4.1); . . . laetor tandem longi erroris vobis finem factum esse . . . (Liv. 5.3.3); Istuc tibi ex sententia tua obtigisse laetor. (Ter. Hau. 683); Maiorum optenui laudem, ut sibei me esse creatum / laetentur. (CIL I2.15.6–7 (Scip. Elog., Rome, c.135 bc?)); . . . qui eam (sc. patriam) nimium tarde concidere maererent. (Cic. Sest. 25); Sed ut maestus est sese hasc’ vendidisse. (Pl. Mos. 796); . . . populi Romani exercitum hiemare atque inveterascere in Gallia moleste ferebant . . . (Caes. Gal. 2.1.3); Vitio mihi dant quod mortem hominis necessari graviter fero atque eum quem dilexi perisse indignor. (Mat. Fam. 11.28.2) Iuvat me haec praeclara nomina artificum, quae isti ad caelum ferunt, Verris aestimatione sic concidisse. (Cic. Ver. 4.12); Nec vero paenitere potest rem publicam me pro eo spopondisse . . . (Cic. ad Brut. 26.4); . . . simul me piget parum pudere te. (Pl. Trin. 661); Pudet prodire me ad te in conspectum, pater. (Pl. Bac. 1007); Dolet pudetque Graium me et vero piget. (Acc. trag. 471); Carthaginienses . . . ita pigebat inriti incepti, pudebatque adeo se spretos ut . . . (Liv. 26.37.6)

The accusative and infinitive construction is also the usual one with the verbs queror and conqueror ‘to complain’ and glorior ‘to boast’, which denote the verbal manifestation of an emotion (for quod, see § 15.8, exx. (f) and (g) + Supplement). (d)

Nam quod se similem esse Catilinae gloriari solet, scelere par est illi, industria inferior. (‘For as to the fact that he is accustomed to boast of being like Catilina, he is equal to him in wickedness, but inferior in energy.’ Cic. Phil. 4.15) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Iam vero quomodo ego illam labem ignominiam calamitatemque totius ordinis conquerar, hoc factum esse in hac civitate . . . (Cic. Ver. 40); . . . (sc. homines) qui gloriantur se talem habuisse civem . . . (August. Civ. 1.152); Questus est libertum suum Flacco praetore esse damnatum. (Cic. Flac. 87)

15.98 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of perception, cognition, and communication From Early Latin onward, the accusative and infinitive clause is the regular argument clause with two-place verbs and expressions of perception and cognition, and with two- and three-place verbs of communication (the traditional Latin term for these classes of verbs is verba sentiendi et dicendi (sometimes declarandi)). (i) When with a perception verb the accusative and infinitive clause refers to a state of affairs that is actually perceived as going on at the moment of perception, the infinitive is either a present infinitive or a perfect infinitive indicating a state resulting from an anterior action. Examples are (a) and (b). Note in (b) the parallelism of the perfect infinitive versa (sc. esse) and the present infinitive ferre. (a)

Non ego te modo hic ante aedis . . . / vidi astare? (‘Didn’t I see you standing here in front of the house . . . just now?’ Pl. Men. 632–3)

Infinitival clauses (b)

163

. . . (sc. vestigia) omnia foras versa vidit nec in partem aliam ferre . . . (‘. . . he saw that they were all turned outward and yet did not lead to any other place . . .’ Liv. 1.7.6) Supplement: Audio: Audivisti’n tu me narrare haec hodie? (Pl. Am. 747); Audi’n illum? # Ego vero ac falsum dicere. (Pl. Am. 755—NB: this is a nice illustration of the immediateness of the perception: hearing someone doing something implies hearing that person); Numquam audivi in Epicuri schola Lycurgum, Solonem . . . Epaminondam nominari . . . (Cic. Fin. 2.67); . . . ut Catonem dicere audivi . . . (Cic. Amic. 76); . . . satis lubenter te ausculto loqui. (Pl. Ps. 523a) Sentio: . . . aestuosas sentio aperiri fores . . . (Pl. Truc. 350); Postquam se amari sensit . . . (Petr. 91.7); . . . ubi (sc. sepiae) sensere se adprehendi . . . (Plin. Nat. 9.84); . . . invidia animalis mori se sentientis. (Plin. Nat. 37.158); . . . validiorem fieri se sentiat. (Plin. Nat. 20.80); Sensit immensa vi quadam urgente morborum ultimae necessitatis adesse praescripta . . . (Amm. 30.6.6) Video: Ut si illic concriminatus sit advorsum militem / meus conservos, eam vidisse hic cum alieno osculari . . . (Pl. Mil. 242–3); . . . quos semper videas bibentes168 esse in thermopolio . . . (Pl. Cur. 292); Interea intro ire neminem / video, exire neminem. (Ter. An. 363–4); Video’n ego Getam currentem huc advenire? / Is est ipsus. (Ter. Ph. 177–8); . . . videmus ex acie efferri saepe saucios . . . (Cic. Tusc. 2.38); M. . . . Cethegum . . . quanto studio exerceri in dicendo videbamus etiam senem. (Cic. Sen. 50); . . . quorum alterum sedere in accusatorum subselliis video . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 17); . . . ut per quietem solet, videbat coniugem suam absentem sedere . . . (Amm. 30.5.18) Quid vos maestos tam tristesque esse conspicor? (Pl. Bac. 669)

In such contexts, the accusative and infinitive clause is to some extent in competition with an entirely different construction in which someone perceives an entity while that entity is engaged in a certain state of affairs, as in (c). (c)

Quis hic est quem astantem video ante ostium? (‘But who’s this I see standing in front of the door?’ Pl. Bac. 451)

Here quem, the object of the perception verb video, is expanded by the present participle astantem, which functions as a secondary predicate (the so-called accusative and participle construction—see § 21.8). Although instances like (c) are semantically close, they differ structurally from the accusative and infinitive construction. There are also contexts in which the accusative and participle construction is excluded, for example, when the embedded clause is passive: Latin has no present passive participle. The instances with a participle usually do not contain many additional constituents and are therefore usually simpler than those with an accusative and infinitive.169 However, most instances of accusative and infinitive clauses with perception verbs do not refer to actual perception, but rather to knowledge and reflection based on

168 This is not an instance of a periphrastic construction. See § 7.79. 169 For a discussion of the differences between the two constructions, see Greco (2013), with references.

164

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

some form of perception.170 This is certainly the case when the infinitive in the AcI clause refers to an anterior or to a posterior event, as in (d) and (e), respectively, but it is also quite common when the clause has a present infinitive, as in (f). The governing verbs function de facto as cognition verbs, which explains why in the Latin terminology the two classes are not distinguished (verba sentiendi). As such, they behave like verbs such as disco ‘to learn’, cognosco ‘to get to know’, and lego ‘to read’. (d)

P. Clodium, Appi f., credo te audisse cum veste muliebri deprehensum domi C. Caesaris . . . (‘I imagine you will have heard that P. Clodius, son of Appius, was caught dressed up as a woman in C. Caesar’s house . . .’ Cic. Att. 1.12.3)

(e)

In hac discordia video Cn. Pompeium senatum quique res iudicant secum habiturum . . . (‘In the present quarrel I see that Cn. Pompeius will have with him the Senate and the people who sit on juries . . .’ Cic. Fam. 8.14.3)

(f)

Nam ego illum audivi in amore haerere apud nescio quam fidicinam. (‘I’ve heard that he is fixated on a love affair with some lyre girl or other.’ Pl. Epid. 191) Supplement: Audio: Postquam ante ostium / me audivit stare, adproperat. (Ter. An. 474–5); . . . hunc audiebant antea, nunc praesentem vident tanta temperantia (sc. esse) . . . (Cic. Man. 13); Audivi ex maioribus natu hoc idem fuisse in P.  Scipione Nasica . . . (Cic. Off. 1.109—NB: source of information added); . . . longius eum progressum audiebat neque ulla de reditu eius fama adferebatur . . . (Caes. Gal. 6.36.1); Audimus quidem te omne munus consulis obisse, sed audimus. (Plin. Pan. 59.3) Sentio: Fac te patrem esse sentiat. (Ter. Hau. 925); Sentiri haec putat, ut calere ignem, nivem esse albam, dulce mel. (Cic. Fin. 1.30); . . . nihil adpetunt, nulla re egent, nihil sibi deesse sentiunt, nihil requirunt. (Cic. Parad. 52); Falsa haec esse Pompei et Herculaneum sensere. (Sen. Nat. 6.26.4) Video: Video hercle ego te me arbitrari, Euclio, hominem idoneum / quem senecta aetate ludos facias . . . (Pl. Aul. 252–3); . . . videbat re publica oppressa nihil posse decerni. (Cic. Phil. 8.5); Nonne ad servos videtis rem venturam fuisse? (Cic. Sest. 47); Sumam annum tertium, quod et recentissimus est et ab isto ita administratus ut cum se certe decessurum videret, non laboraret, si aratorem in Sicilia nullum omnino esset relicturus. (Cic. Ver. 3.104); . . . sophistas . . . lusos videmus a Socrate. (Cic. Fin. 2.2); . . . etsi nullum consecuturum emolumentum vident. (Cic. Fin. 2.45); . . . (sc. homines) ea perferant quae Philoctetam videmus in fabulis. (Cic. Fin. 5.32); . . . nostros victores flumen transisse conspexerant . . . (Caes. Gal. 2.24.2)

(ii) Verbs and expressions of cognition cover a wide range of mental activities. Examples with a present, future, and perfect infinitive are (g)–(i), respectively. With verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc., such as statuo, an imperative ut clause is possible as well—see § 15.76. 170 See Bolkestein (1976b: 283–8).

Infinitival clauses (g)

165

. . . qui omnis se amare credit . . . (‘. . . who believes that all women . . . fall in love with him . . .’ Pl. Mil. 1391)

(h)

Non mihi censebas copiam argenti fore . . .? (‘You didn’t think I’d have a lot of money, did you?’ Pl. Per. 415)

(i)

. . . scit peperisse iam, ut ego opinor, / filiam suam. (‘. . . he already knows his daughter’s given birth.’ Pl. Aul. 729–9a) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Non ego istuc facinus mi, mulier, conducibile esse arbitror. (Pl. Bac. 52); Hoc facto proelio Caesar neque iam sibi legatos audiendos neque condiciones accipiendas arbitrabatur ab iis . . . (Caes. Gal. 4.13.1); Hunc censebat te esse, credo, quom vocat te ad prandium. (Pl. Men. 1136); . . . confido parasitum hodie adventurum / cum argento ad me. (Pl. Cur. 143–4); Si id quod dari stipulamur tale sit ut dari non possit, inutilis est stipulatio, velut si quis hominem liberum, quem servum esse credebat, aut mortuum, quem vivum esse credebat, aut locum sacrum vel religiosum, quem putabat humani iuris esse, dari stipuletur. (Gaius Inst. 3.97); . . . nihil in eo nisi frugalitatem, laborem, vigilantiam esse curamus . . . (Cic. Planc. 62); Uxorem decrerat dare sese mi hodie: nonne oportuit / praescisse me ante? (Ter. An. 238–9); Quam porro quis ignominiam . . . ut effugiat dolorem, si id summum malum esse decreverit? (Cic. Tusc. 2.16); Eos me decretum est persequi mores patris. (Pl. As. 73); . . . relinquitur intellectui nostro non dubitare hoc esse proprium angelicae potestatis . . . (Tert. Carn. Chr. 6.10);171 Nam si periclum ullum in te inest, perisse me una haud dubium’st. (Ter. Hec. 326); Non ego illam mihi dotem duco esse quae dos dicitur . . . (Pl. Am. 839); Iam vero eo magis illi maturandum iter existimabant. (Caes. Civ. 1.63.1); . . . cum exspectaret effusos omnibus portis Aetolos in fidem suam venturos . . . (Liv. 43.22.2); Quin ipsum Isocratem, quem divinus auctor Plato . . . admirabiliter in Phaedro laudari fecit ab Socrate . . . (Cic. Opt. Gen. 17—NB: see also § 15.93); . . . his vocabulis esse deos facimus? (Cic. N.D. 1.83—NB: facimus ‘we assume’); Non me fugit, iudices, vetera exempla pro fictis fabulis iam audiri atque haberi. (Cic. Ver. 3.182); Quis enim haec cernens et statos siderum (quoniam ita appellare placuit) labores non suae necessitati mortales genitos ignoscat? (Plin. Nat. 2.55); Villam integundam intellego totam mihi . . . (Pl. Rud. 101); . . . inveniebat ex captivis Sabim flumen a castris suis non amplius milibus passuum X abesse. (Caes. Gal. 2.16.1); Memoria teneo Milesiam quandam mulierem . . . rei capitalis esse damnatam. (Cic. Clu. 32); Nunc si filiam locassim meam tibi, in mentem venit / te bovem esse et me esse asellum. (Pl. Aul. 228–9); Ecquid in mentem est tibi / patrem tibi esse? (Pl. Bac. 161–2); Iam pridem equidem istuc scivi et miratus fui / neminem venire . . . ( Pl. Poen. 1347–8); Obliviscor enim Roscium et Cluvium viros esse primarios. (Cic. Q.  Rosc. 50); . . . ne senatus populusque Romanus in eam civitatem animadvertendum putaret. (Cic. Ver. 1.68); Roga me viginti minas, / ut me effecturum tibi quod promisi scias. (Pl. Ps. 114–15); In summa sciendum est, quod lege Aelia Sentia cautum sit, ut creditorum fraudandorum causa manumissi liberi non fiant, [hoc etiam ad peregrinos pertinere], [senatus

171 For the use of accusative and infinitive clauses with non dubito in Tertullian, see Hoppe (1903: 50–1= 1985: 103).

166

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position ita censuit ex auctoritate Hadriani] cetera vero iura eius legis ad peregrinos non pertinere. (Gaius Inst. 1.47); Id me insimulatam perperam falsum esse somniavi. (Pl. Mil. 392); . . . te speras modo / potesse dissimulando infectum hoc reddere. (Pl. Mos. 1014–15); Occasione / inventa spero me celerius aput te venturum (CEL 147.9–11 (Karanis, ad 100–25)); . . . proprium hoc statuo esse virtutis, conciliare animos hominum et ad usus suos adiungere. (Cic. Off. 2.17) NB: . . . nec adducar aut in extis totam Etruriam delirare aut eandem gentem in fulgoribus errare aut fallaciter portenta interpretari . . . (Cic. Div. 1.35—with TLL s.v. 602.59ff. one may understand a prolative infinitive like putare ‘to think’ with adducar (see § 15.118))

(iii) The term communication is here used in a wider sense, comprising both verbs which indicate the production of an utterance, such as clamo ‘to shout’ (a two-place verb) and verbs that indicate the transfer of information to an addressee, such as dico ‘to tell’ (a three-place verb). Many verbs and expressions of the latter type allow both a declarative and an imperative clause. The accusative and infinitive is used when the clause is declarative. For imperative ut clauses with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc., see § 15.68. Examples of accusative and infinitive clauses with these verbs are ( j)–(l), with a present, future, and perfect infinitive, respectively. Some verbs of transfer can also function as communication verbs, like addo, as in (m). Often the notion of communication is implied by the context, as in (n).172 ( j)

Ibo intro et dicam te hic astare Erotio . . . (‘I’ll go inside and tell Erotium that you’re standing here . . .’ Pl. Men. 331)

(k)

Iura te non nociturum esse homini de hac re nemini . . . (‘Swear that you won’t harm anyone for this . . .’ Pl. Mil. 1411)

(l)

. . . post id si prehensi simus, excusemus ebrios / nos fecisse amoris causa. (‘. . . if we were caught afterwards, we could say as an excuse that we did so while drunk and out of love.’ Pl. Aul. 749–50)

(m)

Mercator hoc addebat: e praedonibus / unde emerat se audisse abreptam e Sunio. (‘The merchant added this, that he had heard from the pirates from whom he had bought her that she had been kidnapped from Sunium.’ Ter. Eu. 114–15)

(n)

Ostendit sese iam mihi medullitus: / se mi infidelem numquam, dum vivat, fore. (‘She revealed herself to me from the depths of her heart: that she’ll never be unfaithful to me for as long as she lives.’ Pl. Truc. 439–40) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Summam spem . . . nuntiabant fore ut . . . Addebant etiam me desiderari, subaccusari. (Cic. Att. 16.6.4); Ille adicit ab eodem scriptore, si locus umectus sit, ibi cacumina populorum serenda et harundinetum. (Var. R. 1.24.4); Ille autem affirmat coniugem 172 For more instances in Early Latin, see Bennett: I.383.

Infinitival clauses

167

esse adulteram . . . (Phaed. 3.3.9); Is ait se mihi allaturum cum argento marsuppium. (Pl. Men. 1043); Omnis res gestas esse Athenis autumant . . . (Pl. Men. 8); Ecce autem maxima voce clamat populus neque se uni neque paucis velle parere. (Cic. Rep. 1.55); . . . cum aliquid, quod contra dicatur, aequum esse concedimus . . . (Cic. Inv. 1.96); . . . in novissima parte corporis totum me periturum deflebam. (Apul. Met. 7.24.1); Cingetorigi, quem ab initio permansisse in officio demonstravimus, principatus atque imperium est traditum. (Caes. Gal. 6.8.9); P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. (Cic. Phil. 2.21); Nec enim hunc ipsum mundum pro certo rutundum esse dicitis . . . (Cic. N.D. 2.48—NB: pro certo is a disjunct); Tandem hic exclamat eum / sibi esse sodalem. (Pl. Capt. 510–10a); Fateor eam esse importunam atque incommodam. (Pl. As. 62); Hisce eum tragoediis liberatum ferebat (sc. Rutilius). (Cic. de Orat. 1.228); . . . me discedere flevit . . . (Verg. Ecl. 3.78); Et Celsus inquit vino legato, etiamsi non sit legatum cum vasis, vasa quoque legata videri . . . (Ulp. dig. 33.6.3.1);173 Loquebantur omnes tamen (credo, quod volebant) in Syria te esse, habere copias. (Cic. Fam. 12.5.1); Iuppiter e terra genitam mentitur, ut auctor / desinat inquiri. (Ov. Met. 1.615–16—NB: subject of AcI is implicit); aute negavit se habere aspros. (CEL 141.9 (Karanis, ad 100–25)); . . . sed etiam puer ipse sibi persuasit te omnia mea causa facturum esse . . . (Cic. Fam. 13.61.1); Itaque tantum verbo posuit Sacerdote praetore Sthenium litteras publicas corrupisse. (Cic.  Ver. 2.93); praecipiendum habeo, stercus omne . . . segetibus esse maxime utile . . . (Colum. 2.14.9); Promitto tibi non offuturum, si id hodie effeceris. (Pl. As. 97–8—NB: subject of AcI is implicit); Is nunc ducentos nummos Philippos militi, / quos dare se promisit, dabit. (Pl. Bac. 969–70); Illud . . . His ego iudicibus non probabo C. Verrem contra leges pecuniam cepisse? (Cic. Ver. 1.10); Et hunc planius (cj. StorrBest) locutum esse Latine quam Hirr[i]um praetorem renuntiatum Romam  in senatum scriptum habemus. (Var. R. 2.5.5); Hospes respondit Zacynthi ficos fieri non malas. (Pl. Mer. 943); Vincone argumentis te non esse Sosiam? (Pl. Am. 433) NB: facio = fingo: . . . quem tamen Homerus apud inferos conveniri facit ab Ulixe . . . (Cic. N.D. 3.41); Si timuisse eos facis qui discesserunt, concede non timuisse eos qui remanserunt. (Cic. Dom. 10)174

With three-place verbs that have a double accusative pattern, such as admoneo and doceo (see § 4.72), the third argument may be an accusative and infinitive clause. Examples are (o) and (p). In the passive the second argument becomes the subject, as is shown by (q) and (r). (With both verbs an imperative clause is possible as well—see § 15.68.) (o)

Docuerunt enim me periti homines . . . ad Volusium traferri nomen a Valerio non potuisse. (‘Experts informed me . . . that the debt could not be transferred from Valerius to Volusius.’ Cic. Fam. 5.20.3)

(p)

Hi, ut dico, hominem admonent rem esse praeclaram . . . (‘These persons, I say, pointed out to him that the property was a very noble one . . .’ Cic. Ver. 2.36)

173 The use of the AcI with inquam is rare. See TLL s.v. inquam 1778.67ff. 174 For these instances, see Thielmann (1886: 177–80).

168 (q)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (sc. Romani) . . . docti . . . a ducibus erant horridum militem esse debere, non caelatum auro et argento sed ferro et animis fretum. (‘The Romans had been taught by their generals that a soldier should be rough to look on, not adorned with gold and silver but putting his trust in iron and in courage.’ Liv. 9.40.4)

(r)

. . . admonitus sum ab illo . . . illis de rebus dici posse . . . (‘. . . I was told by him that concerning these matters it could be said . . .’ Cic. Q. fr. 3.5.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Certiorem te faciunt P. Africanum Carthagine deleta simulacrum Dianae maioribus suis restituisse . . . (Cic. Ver. 4.80); Primum vos docuit meis consiliis rem publicam esse servatam . . . (Cic. Red. Pop. 16); Mittitur et magni Venulus Diomedis ad urbem / qui petat auxilium, et Latio consistere Teucros, / advectum Aenean classi victosque penatis / inferre et fatis regem se dicere posci / edoceat . . . (Verg. A. 8.9–13); . . . monete eum modum quendam esse religionis . . . (Cic. Dom. 105); Fabius inpedimentis in locum tutum remotis . . . praemonitis militibus adesse certamen quadrato agmine ad praedictas hostium latebras succedit. (Liv. 10.14.7)

In the same way the three-place verb persuadeo is found with a dative addressee and either a prolative infinitive, when meaning ‘to succeed in urging’ (see § 15.118), or an accusative and infinitive clause, when meaning ‘to induce acceptance of (a statement)’ (OLD). Examples of the latter are (s) and (t). In (s) the AcI clause is the object of persuadere; in (t), the subject of persuasum sit. (s)

Cum vero hoc nemini persuadere possis, te tam amentem fuisse ut . . . (‘Since you can’t persuade anyone of this, that you were so insane as to. . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.91)

(t)

Ecquis est iudex cui non . . . persuasum sit istum in aratorum bona fortunasque impetum fecisse? (‘Is there one member of this Court who has not been convinced that he (sc. Verres) made a violent assault on the property and livelihood of the farmers?’ Cic. Ver. 3.142) Occasionally—in later Latin—communication verbs are found governing an accusative and infinitive clause that has to be understood as a command; in such cases the infinitive is present passive (see also § 15.100 (iii)). An example is (u).175 (u) . . . (sc. mulier) subiungi machinae novicium clamabat asinum . . . (‘. . . the woman shouted that the newly purchased donkey should be yoked to the mill-wheel . . .’ Apul. Met. 9.15.1) Exceptional active infinitive: in quam rem legatos ire / dixerunt universos ordinis viros (CIL VI.1685.13–14 (Rome, ad 321)). Appendix: With the verbs discussed in this section poets especially (but already Plautus) sometimes use a prolative infinitive construction, instead of an accusative and infinitive clause with a subject that is coreferential with the subject of the governing

175 Sz.: 355 calls this the ‘voluntative use’ of verba sentiendi and dicendi. For Apuleius’ usage, see Callebat (1968: 306–8).

Infinitival clauses

169

verb. Examples are (v) and (w). This is usually taken as a Graecism, but it can also be understood as an extension of the use of the prolative infinitive on the analogy of verbs of wishing and striving (see §§ 15.122–3).176 Some scholars use the term ‘nominative and infinitive’ also for these instances.177 (v) (sc. minae) . . . quas hodie adulescens Diabolus ipsi daturus (sc. esse) dixit . . . (‘. . . which young Diabolus said he’d give to her today . . .’ Pl. As. 634—NB: daturus P, daturum M, many scholars reject -us) (w) Phaselus ille quem videtis, hospites, / ait fuisse navium celerrimus (cj. Parthenius; -um OGR) . . . (‘The pinnace you see, my friends, says that she was once the fleetest of ships . . .’ Catul. 4.1–2) Supplement: Altera (sc. puella) non fama dixerit esse prior. (Verg. Cat. 9.24); Sabinus ille quem videtis, hospites, / ait fuisse mulio celerrimus . . . (Verg. Cat. 10.1–2); Vir bonus et sapiens dignis ait esse paratus . . . (Hor. Ep. 1.7.22); Iurabo bis sex integer esse dies. (Prop. 3.6.40); . . . rettulit Aiax / esse Iovis pronepos . . . (Ov. Met. 13.141–2); . . . venturaque (sc. esse) rauco ore minatur hiems . . . (Stat. Theb. 1.347–8); . . . quoad summos illi promitterent honores habituri (sc. esse) mihi. (Apul. Met. 7.14.3); Felix cum et domus tuae cultor esse diceret . . . (Symm. Ep. 9.56) (sc. vox) . . . quam ego non sine admiratione et, cum diceretur, audisse memini et deinde aliis narrasse . . . (Sen. Cl. 2.1.1)178 Different from the instances discussed above are combinations of a verb that normally governs an AcI with a perfect participle which agrees with the subject of the verb. The first attested instance of a verb of perception is (x); of a verb of communication, (y). It is also attested with other verbs, as in (z), where it is not clearly distinct from the use of participles as secondary predicate (see § 21.7).179 The use of the participle with these verbs is common in Greek.180 (x) Dixit, et extemplo (neque enim responsa dabantur / fida satis) sensit medios delapsus in hostis. (‘He spoke, and at once—for no reply that he could well trust was offered— he realized that he had fallen into the midst of foes.’ Verg. A. 2.376–7—NB: Gr. ĝ}sp~z §w.p}ˆx) (y) (sc. ianua) . . . pulsata indignis saepe queror manibus . . . (‘I complain that I have oft been battered by ill-bred hands . . .’ Prop. 1.16.6) (z) Gaudent perfusi sanguine fratrum . . . (‘They take joy in being covered in brothers’ blood . . .’ Verg. G. 2.510)

176 See the discussion in Calboli (2009: 121–30), with references. Norberg (1943: 46–63) has the fullest discussion of the relationship between these instances and other expressions where Greek influence is unlikely or excluded. 177 For example, Sz.: 365. 178 For this and similar cases, see Haverling (1988: 248–9). 179 For further instances of gaudeo, see TLL s.v. 1709.63ff., also with present participles. 180 See K.-G.: II.50ff.

170

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement: Superata fateri / cogor opemque tuam timidis exposcere votis. (Ov. Met. 9.545–6); Si libidinosa essem, quererer decepta. Nunc etiam languori tuo gratias ago. (Petr. 129.4); Invidiae nefariae letali plaga percussi sero sentitis. (Apul. Met. 4.34.4) Quo nunc Turnus ovat spolio gaudetque potitus. (Verg. A. 10.500); Iniecta monstris terra dolet suis . . . (Hor. Carm. 3.4.73)

15.99 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with verbs and expressions of praising, blaming, and thanking The accusative and infinitive is found with verbs and expressions of praising, blaming, congratulating, and thanking, although in Classical Latin a quod clause is more common (see § 15.10; also § 15.23 for cum (quom) clauses). The use of the accusative and infinitive is especially rare when the person who is praised or blamed is identified explicitly or implied by the context. (For verbs of accusing and convicting, see § 15.130.) (a)

. . . neque ille haud obiciet mihi / pedibus sese provocatum. (‘. . . and he shan’t throw at me that he was challenged to a footrace.’ Pl. Epid. 664–5)

(b)

Gratulor nobis Quintum filium exisse. (‘I congratulate ourselves that young Quintus has gone out of town.’ Cic. Att. 15.22) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): With the person praised or blamed expressed: Boeotis exprobratum societatem eos cum Perseo iunxisse. (Liv. 42.38.5); Dis gratias agebat, tempu’ sibi dari, / ubi Phaedriae esse ostenderet nihilo minus / amicum sese quam Antiphoni. (Ter. Ph. 596–8); Exstinxisse nefas tamen et sumpsisse merentis / laudabor poenas . . . (Verg. A. 2.585–6—NB: passive); Ah, cave tu illi obiectes nunc in aegritudine / te has emisse. (Pl. Mos. 810–11) Not expressed: Pergi’n servom me exprobrare esse, id quod vi hostili optigit? (Pl. Capt. 591); . . . et id gratum fuisse advorsum te habeo gratiam. (Ter. An. 42); Hercules, decumam esse adauctam tibi quam vovi gratulor. (Pl. St. 386); . . . iterum cum oppressum Seianum apud eosdem gratularetur. (Suet. Claud. 6.1); Obiciebant (sc. eum) etiam eloquentiae laudem uni sibi adsciscere . . . (Tac. Ann. 14.52.3)

15.100 The non-declarative use of the accusative and infinitive clause The accusative and infinitive clause can be used not only with the verbs and expressions discussed above (§§ 15.93–9), which imply a factual content. It can also be used with a number of two-place verbs, notably those of wishing, and with (three-place) manipulation verbs when there is no addressee. In these cases the content of the clause is not factual. In this Syntax the term non-declarative accusative and infinitive clause is used. The verbs and expressions involved are the following: (i) (ii) (iii)

verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, such as volo ‘to wish’; verbs and expressions of deciding and determining, such as placet ‘it seems good’ and censeo ‘to decide’; many of the manipulation verbs in class (i) of Table 15.2 (p. 130), such as impero ‘to order’ and prohibeo ‘to hinder’, when used as two-place verbs;

Infinitival clauses (iv) (v) (vi)

171

verbs of demanding, such as posco and postulo; verbs of allowing and tolerating, such as perpetior and fero; verbs requiring special attention: iubeo, veto, patior, and sino.

(i) Verbs of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. occur with a variety of constructions, among which is the AcI. This variety is shown for the verb volo in § 15.73. When used with an accusative and infinitive clause, the subject of the AcI may be either identical to the subject of the main clause, as in (a), or different, as in (b). In the case of identity the prolative infinitive was initially more common, as in (c) (repeated from § 15.73), but over the course of time the AcI became the more commonly used construction (see also the note below). (a)

Equidem me Caesaris militem dici volui, vos me imperatoris nomine appellavistis. (‘I, for my part, wished to be called a soldier of Caesar: you have addressed me by the title of Imperator.’ Caes. Civ. 2.32.14)

(b)

Vera volo loqui te, nolo assentari mihi. (‘I want you to tell the truth, I don’t want you simply to agree with me.’ Pl. Am. 751)

(c)

Bonus volo iam ex hoc die esse. (‘From this day onward I want to be good.’ Pl. Per. 479) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Eius cupio filiam / virginem mihi desponderi. (Pl. Aul. 172–3); Cupio, patres conscripti, me esse clementem. (Cic. Catil. 1.4); Nunc me gratiam aps te inire verbis nil desidero. (Pl. St. 514); Namque actor est, qui desiderat aut exhiberi aut restitui, reus is est, a quo desideratur, ut exhibeat aut restituat. (Gaius Inst. 4.157—NB: variation of construction); Nam quos videre exoptabam me maxume, / una exeuntis video hinc e proxumo. (Pl. Mil. 1135–6); Multa illi opera opu’st ficturae, qui se fictorem probum / vitae agundae esse expetit. (Pl. Trin. 365–6); . . . mori me malim: sentiet qui vir siem. (Ter. Eu. 66); . . . nisi Quintus aliud quid nos agere mavult . . . (Cic. Leg. 1.13); Secures suas cruentari scelere noluit. (Cic. Har. 35); Patres ordinem publicanorum in tali tempore offensum181 nolebant. (Liv. 25.3.12); . . . Chrysidem, / quae sese inhoneste optavit parere hic ditias . . . (Ter. An. 797–8); Quem te et opto esse et confido futurum. (Cic. Fam. 10.20.3); O

to te bene valre. (CEL 145.27 (Karanis, ad 100–25)); . . . quom quid cupienter dari / petimus nobis . . . (Pl. Ps. 683–4); Se quisque hostem ferire, murum ascendere, conspici, dum tale facinus faceret, properabat. (Sal. Cat. 7.6); . . . neque est quor [non] studeam has nuptias mutarier. (Pl. St. 52); . . . qui versari in re publica atque in ea se excellentius gerere studuerunt. (Cic. Sest. 96); Iustam rem et facilem esse oratam a vobis volo. (Pl. Am. 33); . . . res quaedam est quam volo / ego me aps te exorare. (Pl. Trin. 324–5); Cur te interponis invitissimis iis quibus maxime lex consultum esse vult? (Cic. Div. Caec. 21); . . . si id te senatus aut populus Romanus facere voluisset. (Cic. Ver. 3.117); Augustus, imperii formator, ne dominum quidem dici se volebat. (Tert. Apol. 34.1)

181 For the use of the perfect infinitive with verbs of wishing, see § 7.76.

172

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position NB: . . . tametsi multitudo . . . terrebat eum clamore . . . atque aliis omnibus quae ira fieri amat, vicit tamen inpudentia. (Sal. Jug. 34.1—NB: ira is nominative; Graecism according to Koestermann ad loc.)); . . . easque (sc. statuas) . . . auro curant imbratteari . . . (Amm. 14.6.8) The situation with this class of verbs is more complex than the summary above suggests. In the case of referential identity between the subject of the governing clause and the agent of the embedded clause, Terence, Cicero, and Caesar use the accusative and infinitive when the infinitive is the copula, as in (d), or a passive infinitive, as in (e). In other cases the prolative infinitive is preferred unless there is a special reason to make the subject explicit, as in (f). Plautus uses the subject accusative more freely.182 (d) . . . Ulixes . . . cum . . . in omni sermone omnibus affabilem [et iocundum] esse se vellet. (‘. . . Ulysses . . . when he strove in every word to be courteous to all.’ Cic. Off. 1.113) (e) . . . a quo Verres minime se accusari velit. (‘. . . by whom Verres wants least of all to be prosecuted.’ Cic. Div. Caec. 22) (f) Me enim quam socios tua frui virtute malebam . . . (‘I should have preferred that I rather than my allies enjoy your virtue . . .’ Cic. Planc. 13)

(ii) The use of an accusative and infinitive clause as subject of impersonal placet is attested from Terence onwards, as in (g). In an official political context it can be used to refer to a decision being made, mainly by the senate, as in (h). Visum est can be used in the same way, as in (i). The cognition verb censeo (see § 15.98) is also used in the sense of making decisions or voting in favour of, as in ( j). A more explicit way of expressing the desirability of a certain action is by using the gerund or gerundive, as in (k). The verb decerno in its sense ‘to declare’ also belongs here. (g)

Placet non fieri hoc itidem ut in comoediis . . . (‘I don’t want this to happen in the same way as it does in comedies.’ Ter. Hec. 866)

(h)

. . . si hic ordo placere sibi decreverit te ire in exsilium, obtemperaturum te esse dicis. (‘. . . if this body decides to vote for you to go into exile, you say you will obey.’ Cic. Catil. 1.20)

(i)

Ita deinde diis visum nec inritam conditoris templi vocem esse . . . (‘It pleased the gods, in the sequel, that neither should the words of the founder of the temple be in vain . . .’ Liv. 1.10.7)

( j)

Equidem cum ante legatos decerni non censuissem, hoc me tamen consolabar . . . (‘Though on the previous occasion I had voted against the ambassadors being decreed, still I consoled myself with this reflection . . .’ Cic. Phil. 8.21) 182 See Perrochat (1932b: 192–206).

Infinitival clauses (k)

173

Haec recitata a consule ita movere senatum ut non exspectanda comitia consuli censeret, sed . . . extemplo in provinciam redeundum. (‘These statements as read by the consul so swayed the senate that it decided that the consul must not wait for the elections but that . . . he must at once return to his province.’ Liv. 27.5.14) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): . . . senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere . . . (Sal. Jug. 21.4); De bonis regiis, quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra refertur ad patres. (Liv. 2.5.1); . . . bellum gerendum fuisse censerent hostibus et Syracusanorum et populi Romani, et urbem recipi, non capi, et receptam legibus antiquis et libertate stabiliri, non fessam miseranda servitute bello adfligi. (Liv. 26.32.2— NB: variation of construction);. . . variae fuere sententiae, ut primus vivam cremari censeret puellam, secundus bestiis obici suaderet, tertius patibulo suffigi iuberet, quartus tormentis excarnificari praeciperet. (Apul. Met. 6.31.1); Curatum est—esse te senem miserrumum. (Pl. Bac. 1067); Aditus a parentibus virginis raptae eum qui violarat convictum relegari decrevit. (Amm. 16.5.12);183 Et Apronianum Romae decrevit esse praefectum . . . (Amm. 23.1.4); Deliberatum est tamen id quoque lenius vindicari . . . (Amm. 17.13.2); Hoc sibi pulchra suum ferri Proserpina munus / instituit. (Verg. A. 6.142–3); De exercitu autem C. Caris ita censeo decernendum: ‘senatui placere militibus veteranis qui Caesaris pontificis auctoritatemque huius ordinis defenderint atque defendant iis liberisque eorum militiae vacationem esse, utique C. Pansa A. Hirti[c]us consules . . . cognoscerent . . .’ (Cic. Phil. 5.53—NB: variation of construction); . . . senatui placere C. Cassium pro consule provinciam Syriam obtinere . . . (Cic. Phil. 11.30); Hos corripi dilato ad tempus Sabino placitum . . . (Tac. Ann. 4.19.1)

(iii) The various manipulation verbs mentioned in Table  15.2 (p. 130) are usually used as three-place verbs, governing either an ut clause (see §§ 15.66–72) or a prolative infinitive (see §§ 15.115–21). However, when there is no (explicit) addressee and the governing verbs function de facto as two-place verbs, the AcI is not uncommon. Examples of such AcI clauses functioning as object are (l)–(n); as subject, (o). The clause is mostly passive and, in accordance with the meaning of the governing verb, has to be understood as imperative. The states of affairs of the AcI clause must be controlled; they cannot be anterior or posterior to the tense of the governing verb.184 For this usage with iubeo, see the discussion in (vi).185 (l)

Impera suovitaurilia circumagi. (‘Bid the suovitaurilia to be led around.’ Cato Agr. 141.1)

(m)

. . . missusne sis a me consule Puteolos, ut inde aurum exportari argentumque prohiberes?

183 For Ammianus, see den Boeft et al. ad 23.1.4. See also TLL s.v. decerno 144.70ff. 184 For these and other constraints that are typical of imperative clauses, see Bolkestein (1976a: 284–95). 185 For instances from juridical texts, see Kalb (1912: 84–6). For the extension of the AcI to other verbs in Fredegar, see Bodelot (2014b).

174

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (‘. . . were you not sent by me when I was consul to Puteoli, that you might prevent gold and silver from being exported from there?’ Cic. Vat. 12)

(n)

Vergilius alternis cessare arva suadet.186 (‘Virgil advises letting the fields “lie fallow every other year”.’ Plin. Nat. 18.187)

(o)

Item inpuberem apud populum adoptari aliquando prohibitum est, aliquando permissum est. (‘Again, for a person below the age of puberty to be adopted before the people has sometimes been forbidden and sometimes permitted.’ Gaius Inst. 1.102) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Passive infinitive: Hic etiam ficta vel dubia adigebat videri certissima vi nimia tormentorum. (Amm. 21.16.10); . . . ita vos estis praediti callenti ingenio improbi / officium vestrum ut vos malo cogatis commonerier. (Pl. Ps. 149–50); Si vis erat, si fraus, si metus, si circumscriptio, quis pactionem fieri, quis adesse istos coegit? (Cic. Flac. 89); . . . nequam homines et improbos, quibus aut frumentum aut pecuniam publice cogebat dari. (Cic. Ver. 3.84);187 Gallicus tumultus dictatorem creari coegit. (Liv. 7.11.4); Thymoetes / duci intra muros hortatur et arce locari (sc. equum) (Verg. A. 2.32–3);188 In quibus casibus illa ratio impedit fideiussorem obligari . . . (Gaius dig. 46.1.70.5); Pro eo tibi praesentem pecuniam solvi imperavi, ne tu expensum muneribus ferres. (Cic. Att. 2.4.1); Eo partem navium longarum convenire, frumentum commeatumque ab Asia . . . conportari imperat. (Caes. Civ. 3.42.2—NB: parallelism of active and passive infinitive); Haec aeternitas vestra venerabilis cum senatui statuenda mandaret, referri ad se protinus imperavit, ut placita cunctis inmortali lege solidentur. (Symm. Rel. 8.4); . . . signa, quae, ne nuntii morarentur, tolli procul, ut quidque factum foret, mandaverat. (Suet. Tib. 65.2); . . . si discipulos sabbato ieiunare mandasset adversus statum scripti et voluntatis creatoris. (Tert. Marc. 4.12.7); hic senior vates . . . / velleris obscuri pecudes armentaque sisti / atra monet. (Stat. Theb. 4.443–6);189 Nec defuit audentia Druso Germanico, sed obstitit Oceanus in se simul atque in Herculem inquiri. (Tac. Ger. 34.2); . . . adegit Parthos mittere ad principem Romanum occultas preces, quis permitti Meherdaten patrium ad fastigium orabant. (Tac. Ann. 11.10.4); . . . quom quid cupienter dari / petimus nobis . . . (Pl. Ps. 683–4); . . . eidem (sc. uxori) anulos et vestem reddi ab heredibus petit, quasi propria uxoris fuissent. (Scaev. dig. 34.2.18); Praecepit etiam triremis . . . magna ex parte itinere terrestri Romam devehi. (Suet. Cal. 47.1); Atquin et apostolus, cum praecipit mulierem a viro non discedere . . . (Tert. Marc. 5.7.7); Sequantur qui capi signum ab hoste prohibituri sunt. (Liv. 25.14.7); . . . cum abrumpi dissimulationem etiam Silius . . . urguebat. (Tac. Ann. 11.26.1); . . . eum ipsum qui cum omnibus creditoribus suis male agat invitum de praedio detrudi vetat. (Cic. Quinct. 85) With a gerundive:. . . hortatur ferenda esse praesentia . . . (Suet. Aug. 87.1); . . . cenam adferri quam optimam imperavit, item optimis insternendum vestimentis. (B. Hisp.

186 187 188 189

For the accusative and infinitive when suadeo means ‘to seek to persuade (that)’, see OLD s.v. § 4. For this use of cogo, see Torrego (2016b: 303, 308–9). For this exceptional use of hortor, see Bolkestein (1976a: 298–9). For this exceptional use of moneo, see Bolkestein (1976a: 297–9).

Infinitival clauses

175

33.3); Quae cura intercisionis venarum quoquo loco faciendum praecipio . . . (Mulom. Chir. 104)190 Active infinitive: Nec minus in certo dentes cadere imperat aetas / tempore et inpubem molli pubescere veste / et pariter mollem malis demittere barbam. (Lucr. 5.672–4); Caesar celeriter de navibus imperat omnes egredi atque . . . milites exspectare. (B.  Afr. 11.2); Irin ad Hersiliam descendere . . . / imperat . . . (Ov. Met. 14.830–1); . . . quot haberet corpora pulvis, / tot mihi natales contingere vana rogavi. (Ov. Met. 14.137–8)191

(iv) Of the verbs of demanding that can govern an AcI, postulo is the most common.192 The subject of the AcI clause may be identical to the subject of the governing clause, as in (p), or different, as in (q). Note in (p) the use of a future infinitive, which shows that there are no restrictions on the infinitive, as is normal for accusative and infinitive clauses (see § 14.8). With this class of verbs ut clauses are also common (see § 15.67) and prolative infinitives are possible as well (see § 15.116). These verbs are two-place verbs, with the exception of flagito, which also has a three-place pattern (see § 15.67).193 (p)

Iam postulabas te, impurata belua, / totam Siciliam devoraturum insulam? (‘You dirty beast, did you expect you’d immediately swallow the whole island of Sicily?’ Pl. Rud. 543–4)

(q)

. . . nos nostras aedis postulas comburere? (‘. . . do you expect us to burn down our house?’ Pl. Aul. 361) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Ille Armeniam quoque diversis praesidiis vacuam fieri expostulabat. (Tac. Ann. 15.17.3); . . . cum quidem tanta populi Romani contumacia fuit, ut theatri clamoribus reponi apoxyomenon flagitaverit . . . (Plin. Nat. 34.62); . . . ereptumque dolo reddi sibi poscit honorem. (Verg. A. 5.342); Ego me amitti, donicum ille huc redierit, non postulo. (Pl. Capt. 339); . . . quis nostrum tam inpudens est qui se scire aut posse postulet? (Cic. de Orat. 1.101)

(v) Examples of verbs of allowing and tolerating governing an accusative and infinitive clause are (r) and (s) (see also (o) above). Permitto also has a three-place pattern (see § 15.70 and § 15.119). (r)

Aliam tecum esse equidem facile possum perpeti. (‘I can easily handle another girl being with you.’ Pl. As. 845)

(s)

Ferunt enim aures hominum cum illa quae iucunda . . . tum etiam illa, quae mirabilia sunt in virtute, laudari. (‘Men’s ears can endure it when both those aspects of virtue which are pleasing . . . and also those that are admirable are praised.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.344)

190 More examples and references in Aalto (1949: 86). 192 For the material, see TLL s.v. postulo 271.16ff.

191 See Bömer ad loc. 193 See TLL s.v. 845.33ff.

176

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Neque vero haec inter se congruere possent, ut natura et procreari vellet et diligi procreatos non curaret. (Cic. Fin. 3.62); Binas centesimas ab sese ablatas ferendum non putant, et recte non putant. (Cic. Ver. 3.168); Nil moror negotiosum mi esse tergum. (Pl. Mil. 447); Theopompum, nudum, [non] expulsum a Trebonio, confugere Alexandream neglexistis. (Ant. in Cic. Phil. 13.33); Aliud quidvis impetrari a me facilius perferam quam . . . (Pl. Mos. 1170); Quare illud satis est, si te permittis amari. (Verg. Cat. 4.11); Ille (sc. deus) meas errare boves, ut cernis, et ipsum / ludere quae vellem calamo permisit agresti. (Verg. Ecl. 1.9–10); Otho . . . concedi corpora sepulturae cremarique permisit. (Tac. Hist. 1.47.2); Etenim quis mortalium . . . tolerare potest illis divitias superare . . . (Sal. Cat. 20.11) NB: cf.: . . . da (non indebita posco / regna meis fatis) Latio considere Teucros / errantisque deos agitataque numina Troiae. (Verg. A. 6.65–7)

(vi) The verbs iubeo, veto (voto), patior, and sino deserve separate attention.194 Most scholars assume that iubeo and veto are three-place verbs governing an accusative object and a prolative infinitive. K.-St., however, distinguish two major constructions, depending on whether the infinitive is active or passive.195 Examples for these four verbs are (t)–(w) and (x)–(aa). In the first—active—series, the accusative is taken by K.-St. as the object/patient of the governing verb and the infinitive—in the terminology used in this Syntax—as a prolative infinitive. The examples in the passive series, by contrast, are taken as instances of a ‘proper’ accusative and infinitive clause, which as a whole functions as object of the verb. In other words, the first series represents a three-place, the second a two-place pattern.196 (t)

Iubet igitur nos Pythius Apollo noscere nosmet ipsos. (‘Accordingly the Pythian Apollo bids us “learn to know ourselves”.’ Cic. Fin. 5.44)

(u)

. . . ab opere singulisque legionibus singulos legatos Caesar discedere . . . vetuerat. (‘. . . Caesar had forbidden the several lieutenant-generals to leave the entrenching and their proper legions.’ Caes. Gal. 2.20.3)

(v)

. . . Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus . . . (‘. . . we who do not allow the races beyond the Alps to plant the olive or the vine . . .’ Cic. Rep. 3.16)

(w)

. . . (sc. Alcibiades) neque Athenas victas Lacedaemoniis servire poterat pati. (‘. . . nor could he endure the idea that Athens after being conquered was enslaved to the Lacedaemonians.’ Nep. Alc. 9.4)

194 The verb censeo can also govern an imperative AcI. See Bolkestein (1998a: 25–6). For iubeo salvere, see Torrego (2013); for veto, see Torrego (2017a). 195 K.-St.: I.715–18. The examples (p)–(z) are taken from their discussion. For further examples of iubeo, see TLL s.v. 577.5ff. For a discussion of the imperative use of the AcI with iubeo, see Bolkestein (1976a: 284–95). 196 This is essentially also the position taken in LSS § 7.4.3. Bennett: I.379–82 regards all clauses governed by ‘verba voluntatis’ as object clauses—that is, in the terminology of this Syntax, as accusative and infinitive clauses.

Infinitival clauses (x)

177

Pontem qui erat ad Genvam iubet rescindi. (‘He ordered the bridge at Geneva to be broken down.’ Caes. Gal. 1.7.2)

(y)

Caesar . . . castra facere constituit et . . . vallo muniri vetuit . . . (‘Caesar determined to pitch his camp . . . and he forbade it to be fortified with a rampart.’ Caes. Civ. 1.41.4)

(z)

. . . nullos honores mihi nisi verborum decerni sino. (‘. . . I allow none but verbal honours to be decreed to me.’ Cic. Att. 5.21.7)

(aa)

Vinum ad se omnino importari non patiuntur . . . (‘They do not allow wine to be imported to themselves at all . . .’ Caes. Gal. 4.2.5)

K.-St. seem to be correct in identifying a difference in the constructions, but there are reasons for doubting that the distinction is exactly as they describe—a three-place construction with the active infinitive, two-place with the passive. The following paragraphs will survey the arguments and arrive at a more refined distinction. An important point in the discussion to follow is that some of the constituents in the accusative in the examples (t)–(aa) cannot be taken as the addressee of the order expressed by the governing verb. As evidence for the existence of the three-place pattern K.-St. and other scholars cite instances like (ab)–(ad), where the governing verbs are in the passive and the object of the corresponding active governing clause is the subject of the passive governing clause. This is normal for three-place verbs governing an accusative and a prolative infinitive, such as admoneo (see §§ 15.115–21). (ab)

. . . decemviri libros adire atque inspicere iussi (sc. sunt) . . . (‘. . . the decemvirs were instructed to approach and consult the Sacred Books . . .’ Liv. 22.36.6)

(ac)

Quo factum est ut a praefecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse. (‘Because of that charge it came about that Hasdrubal was forbidden by the censor of morals from being with Hamilcar.’ Nep. Ham. 3.2)197

(ad)

. . . (sc. Milo) accusare eum moderate a quo ipse nefarie accusatur per senatus auctoritatem non est situs. (‘. . . he has not been allowed by a resolution of the Senate to prosecute dispassionately the man by whom he himself is prosecuted with such virulence.’ Cic. Sest. 95)

However, these examples can also be taken as nominative and infinitive constructions of the agent type as discussed in § 15.111 for verbs like dico and audio. Interestingly, just like these verbs, iubeo is also common in constructions of the patient type, as in (ae) and (af). (ae)

. . . proxumo iussa’st dari (sc. puella) . . . (‘. . . she has been ordered to be given to her nearest relative . . .’ Ter. Ph. 416)

197 K.-St. also cite Ter. Ph. 864: Ait (sc. se) esse vetitum intro ad eram accedere, and so does Bennett: I.389. Alternatively one may regard the infinitive accedere as the subject. See at the end of this section. There are obviously no passive examples for patior.

178 (af)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position . . . Ø iussus es renuntiari consul . . . (‘. . . the order was given for you to be declared consul . . .’ Cic. Phil. 2.79)

Secondly, there are also instances of an accusative with a non-passive infinitive where the accusative cannot be regarded as the object of the governing verb, and in the case of iubeo as the addressee of the order (see the examples directly below). This is quite obvious for instances with a passive infinitive like (x)—the main reason for K.-St.’s positing an AcI—but it is also evident in many other cases: in (ag) it is clearly not the narrative that is being commanded, and in (ah), which occurs in a legal context, it is unlikely that the me and te personally received an order. Similarly in (ai) Caesar will not have first summoned the cavalry to pass on his orders to them directly. Interesting too is the parallelism of an ut clause and an accusative and infinitive sequence in the decretum of L. Aemilius Paullus in (aj), which must both be taken as object clauses. (ag)

Iam vero narrationem quod iubent veri similem esse et apertam et brevem, recte nos admonent. (‘Then again, in requiring the statement of the case to be plausible, lucid and brief, they advise us well.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.83)

(ah)

Sed quaero a te, putesne, si populus iusserit me tuum aut te meum servum esse, id iussum ratum atque firmum futurum? (‘But I ask you: if the people gave the order for me to be your slave, or for you to be mine, do you think that this command would be binding and valid?’ Cic. Caec. 96)

(ai)

Caesar ab opere legiones revocat, equitatum omnem convenire iubet . . . (‘Caesar recalled his legions from their work, ordered that the entire cavalry assemble . . .’ Caes. Civ. 1.82.2)

(aj)

L Aemilius · L · F · inpeirator · decreivit / utei · quei · hastensium · servei / in · turri · Lascutana · habitarent / leiberei · essent. · Agrum · oppidumqu(e) / quod · ea · tempestate · posedisent / item · possidere · habereque / iousit · . . . (‘Lucius Aemilius, son of Lucius, commander-in-chief, decreed that the slaves of the people of Hasta dwelling in the tower of Lascuta should be free. The land and the town which they had possessed at that time he ordered that they should possess and hold as heretofore . . .’ CIL I2.614.1–7 (near Cadiz, 189 bc)

There are many other instances of iubeo with an accusative and an active infinitive that could be analysed as proper AcI clauses; in such cases iubeo could be translated ‘to ordain’ or ‘to decree’.198 Thirdly, there are instances of parallelism or coordination of active and passive clauses, as in (ak) and (al)—coordinated clauses—and (am)—coordinated infinitives. It is preferable to explain them in the same way (as AcI clauses). 198 García de la Calera (2008) takes the position that in Caesar and Sallust all combinations of iubeo with an accusative and an active infinitive represent in fact accusative and infinitive clauses. Gavoille (2014: 218) characterizes iubeo as ‘un verbe de parole . . . constatif ’, for which the AcI is the normal expression. See also Hoffmann’s (2016a: 50–1) discussion of iubeo as a non-causative verb.

Infinitival clauses (ak)

179

. . . Caesar portas claudi militesque ex oppido exire iussit . . . (‘. . . Caesar gave orders that the gates be closed and the soldiers leave the town . . .’ Caes. Gal. 2.33.1)

(al)

. . . Perseus . . . prima impedimenta ire, deinde peditum signa ferri iussit. (‘. . . Perseus ordered the baggage to go first, then the standards of the infantry to be carried away.’ Liv. 42.64.5)

(am)

Haec Demetrius noster utraque manu tenere proficientem iubet . . . eoque cottidiana meditatione perduci ut sua sponte occurrant salutaria . . . (‘My friend Demetrius teaches that the tiro in philosophy must grasp these things with each hand and that through daily meditation he must be brought to the point where these wholesome maxims occur to him of their own accord . . .’ Sen. Ben. 7.2.1)

Fourthly, if iubeo were being used with a three-place frame, one might expect a more or less synonymous parallel accusative + (ut +) subjunctive pattern (see §  15.114). However, convincing instances of such a pattern for iubeo are rare: most of the examples cited in the TLL lack an entity that could be interpreted as the addressee of the order.199 There are two instances with an accusative constituent plus a simple subjunctive clause in Plautus, one of which is (an), but these accusatives must be taken as pseudoobjects (on which see §  9.17). In (ao), with passive alter consul iussus, the active infinitive gerere is continued by an ut clause. For a few more straightforward later examples, see the Supplement. (an)

Tu servos iube / hunc ad me ferant. (‘You tell your slaves to bring him here to me.’ Pl. Men. 955–6)

(ao)

Alter consul, cui Italia provincia evenisset, cum Boiis iussus bellum gerere utro exercitu mallet ex duobus quos superiores consules habuissent, alterum ut mitteret Romam, eaeque urbanae legiones essent paratae quo senatus censuisset. (‘The other consul, to whom Italy should have fallen as a province, was ordered to carry on war with the Boii, using whichever he preferred of the two armies which the preceding consuls had had, and to send the other to Rome, and that these, as reserve legions, should be ready to move wherever the senate should direct.’ Liv. 36.1.9) There are instances of a double accusative construction with iubeo; this concerns especially pronouns, as in § 4.76. Examples are (ap), active, and (aq), passive.200 (ap) Heia, hoc face quod te iubet soror. (‘Now, now, do what your sister tells you.’ Pl. Aul. 153) (aq) Quod iussus sum eo tempore atque ita feci ut appareret invito imperatum esse. (‘I did what I was ordered at a time and in such a way that it was apparent that I had been ordered against my will.’ Pol. Fam. 10.31.3)

199 TLL s.v. 579.73ff.

200 See TLL s.v. iubeo 582.4ff.

180

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement: Passive infinitive: . . . cum alia lex iubet aut permittit, alia vetat quippiam fieri . . . (Rhet. Her. 1.20); . . . interea sarcinas in unum locum conferri et eum ab iis, qui in superiore acie constiterant, muniri iussit. (Caes. Gal. 1.24.3—NB: explicit agent); Papirius Cursor ea tempestate dictator securem per lictorem expediri . . . iussit . . . (Amm. 30.8.5) Cf.: . . . quem digredientem post epulas hospitalis officii sanctitate nefarie violata trucidari securum effecit. (Amm. 29.5.6) NB: Pleonastic combination with a gerundival clause: . . . ut iuberes dandam in absentem sententiam? (Lucif. Athan. 1.25, l.23 D)201 Non-passive infinitive: Iubeo / illam te amare et velle uxorem, hanc esse Clitiphonis. (Ter. Hau. 702–3) Active and passive coordinated: Eos · fineis · facere · terminosque · statui · iuserunt. (Sent. Minuc., CIL I2.584.3 (Genoa, 117 bc)) (ut +) subjunctive: Ubi Britannico iussit Ø exsurgeret progressusque in medium cantum aliquem inciperet . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.15.2—NB: dative, cf. Tac. Ann. 13.40.2); Silo Pompeius, dum praeceptum sequitur quo iubemur ut, quotiens possumus, de omnibus legis verbis controversiam faciamus, illam quaestionem movit: . . . (Sen. Con. 1.2.15); Hunc tribunus militum . . . occidit lectis codicillis quibus ut id faceret iubebatur. (Suet. Tib. 22);202 Eosdem / camellos iube Ø adaquentur . . . (M 1107.6–8 (see §  9.17, (k)); . . . iubere eum debebt proconsul ut idonee caveat. (Gaius dig. 5.3.41.pr.) NB: coordination with repetition of nos: Iussit vel nos atriensem vel nos uxorem suam / defraudare (Pl. As. 365–6)

The strongest argument against assuming that the sequence accusative + active infinitive is a proper AcI and that this sequence as a whole functions as the object of iubeo is that there are said to be no passive counterparts attested of iubetur or iussum est in combination with an accusative and infinitive clause as the subject,203 as discussed in § 15.110; but see (ar). (ar)

Nepesinis inde edictum ut arma ponant parcique iussum inermi. (‘The Nepesini were then commanded to lay down their weapons and the order was given to spare such as were unarmed.’ Liv. 6.10.5) Supplement: Rogo / quam ob rem retineat me. Ait esse vetitum intro ad eram accedere. (Ter. Ph. 863–4—but see note 197); Alio mihi debita fato / summa dies, vetitumque (sc. summam diem) dari mortalibus armis. (Stat. Theb. 3.623–4)

For all these reasons, in this Syntax iubeo will be taken to have two verb frames: a three-place frame with an accusative object/addressee and a prolative infinitive, and a two-place frame, the second argument of which can be filled by a non-declarative accusative and infinitive clause (as with the verbs discussed in (iii) above). This is

201 Examples from Lucifer can be found in Diercks’ edition (1978: XCII). 202 Following the interpretation of OLD s.v. iubeo § 3, where also Hyg. Fab. 196.1 is quoted. 203 See Lavency (2003: 111–13), who regards the infinitive with iubeo and veto as a prolative infinitive.

Infinitival clauses

181

close to K.-St.’s position, but with the added recognition that the two-place frame may contain either an active or a passive infinitive. Iubeo and the other verbs can also be used with an active infinitive when the identity of the agent of the infinitive is sufficiently clear or irrelevant, as in (as) and (at), respectively. (as) Hic apud me hortum confodere iussi. (‘I ordered people to dig up the garden here at my place.’ Pl. Aul. 243) (at) Quocirca bene praecipiunt qui vetant quicquam agere . . . (‘Wherefore those who bid us not to do anything . . . give us an excellent precept.’ Cic. Off. 1.30) Appendix: The situation for the three other verbs is to some extent different from that of iubeo. For patior there is no evidence at all for a three-place pattern, and the TLL describes the infinitival clauses as AcI, as does the OLD. For sino the OLD has a section that is explicitly labelled ‘prolative’ (§ 5), but it also devotes a section to AcI clauses, including clauses with non-passive infinitives (§ 2b). The same organization of examples is used for veto (§ 2a and § 1b, respectively). This analysis of the two verbs is also adopted in this Syntax.

15.101 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause as subject with one-place and so-called impersonal verbs Accusative and infinitive clauses can be used as subject of a wide variety of one-place verbs, among these the so-called impersonal verbs of obligation and permission oportet and licet (see §§ 4.8; 4.12; 4.14).204 (For est + AcI, see also § 4.15.) (a)

Nam lege quidem bona venire non potuisse constat. (‘For it is evident that the property could not have been sold by virtue of the law.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 128)

(b)

Adparet servom hunc esse domini pauperis / miserique. (‘It’s obvious that this man is the slave of a wretched poverty-stricken master.’ Ter. Eu. 486–7)

(c)

Itaque me malum esse oportet . . . (‘Therefore it’s necessary that I be malicious . . .’ Pl. Am. 268)

(d)

Non licet donati opsoni me participem fieri? (‘Is it not permitted to me to have my share of the provisions I gave as a gift?’ Pl. Truc. 747) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Verbs of obligation and permission: Nam iniusta ab iustis impetrari non decet . . . (Pl. Am. 35); . . . tum verborum omnium definitiones, in quibus neque abesse quicquam decet neque redundare. (Cic. de Orat. 2.83); . . . teque hilari animo esse et prompto ad 204 For other constructions with licet, see § 15.80.

182

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position iocandum valde me iuvat. (Cic. Q. fr. 2.12.1); ‘Hanc te’, inquit, ‘capere non licuit.’ (Cic. Flac. 56); Sed si properabas magis, / pridie nos te advocatos huc duxisse oportuit. (Pl. Poen. 525–6); Patrem familias vendacem, non emacem esse oportet. (Cato Agr. 2.7); Totam enim rem, Catule, Lucullo integram servatam oportuit. (Cic. Luc. 10)205 Verbs of excellence and desirability: Convenit stellas in occasu vespertino proximas esse terrae et altitudine et latitudine . . . (Plin. Nat. 2.68); Patrem familiae villam . . . bene aedificatam habere expedit . . . (Cato Agr. 3.2); Nimio impendiosum praestat te quam ingratum dicier. (Pl. Bac. 396); Alioquin non prodest eum exheredari. (Gaius Inst. 2.127) Other verbs: In ceteris partibus vitae continentissimum constat ac sine suspicione ullius vitii. (Suet. Aug. 72.1); Sed inpuberes quidem in tutela esse omnium civitatium iure contingit. (Gaius Inst. 1.189) . . . cum hoc nescio quo modo apud eos increbruisset me in causis maioribus sicuti te solere versari . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.82); Cum pateat igitur aeternum id esse quod se ipsum moveat . . . (Cic. Tusc. 1.54); Restat Bactra novis, restat Babylona tributis / frenari. (Stat. Silv. 4.1.40–1) Appendix: In this context, grammars often deal with other expressions that in reality involve two-place verbs. Examples are (e) and (f). With placet in (e), a dative argument for the person who is pleased would be normal.206 In (f), the person who should feel ashamed is in the usual accusative (te). For the latter, see § 15.97 (emotion verbs). (e) Apage, non placet me hoc noctis esse (= edere). Cenavi modo. (‘Away with you! I don’t like eating at this time of night. I’ve just had my dinner.’ Pl. Am. 310) (f) . . . pudeat te ausum illum umquam esse incedere tamquam tuum competitorem. (‘. . . you would be ashamed that he ever dared to parade as your competitor.’ Cael. Fam. 8.9.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Quid enim attinet, cum una facies sit, plura esse nomina? (Cic. N.D. 1.84); . . . tamen conducere arbitror talibus aures tuas vocibus undique circumsonare nec eas, si fieri possit, quicquam aliud audire. (Cic. Off. 3.5); . . . exemplum . . . litterarum, in quo erat illas XI esse legiones. (Cic. Fam. 6.18.2); Sed accepi litteras a collega tuo datas Id. Mai. in quibus erat te ad se scripsisse a Lepido non recipi Antonium. (Cic. Fam. 10.22.2); Est etiam apud Hippocraten ei quem septimus dies liberaturus sit quartum esse gravissimum. (Cels. 3.4.14); Quos hostes vicisse tanti fuit? (Plin. Nat. 7.145); Num me fefellit hosce id struere? (Ter. Hau. 514); Quid secus est aut quid interest dare te in manus / argentum amanti homini adulescenti . . . (Pl. Trin. 130–1); Sed tamen parvi refert abs te ipso ius dici aequaliter . . . (Cic. Q. fr. 1.1.20); Non mihi videtur ad beate vivendum satis posse virtutem. (Cic. Tusc. 5.12)

205 For the use of the perfect infinitive in such contexts, see § 7.76. 206 See, for example, TLL s.v. placeo 2261.16ff.

Infinitival clauses

183

15.102 The use of accusative and infinitive clauses in combination with expressions that function as subject or object complement Accusative and infinitive clauses can be used as subject of a wide variety of expressions consisting of the copula and a subject complement. The most common ones are combinations of the copula and a noun (or noun phrase) or a neuter singular adjective, as in (a) and (b), but other types of subject complements (see §§ 9.20ff.) are used as well. An example of a possessive genitive, sometimes called genetivus proprietatis (see § 9.30) is (c); of a predicative dative (see § 9.34), (d); of a prepositional phrase (see § 9.37), (e). Ex. (f) shows the related use of an accusative and infinitive clause with an object complement. Ex. (g) has a preparative pronoun as the subject of the main clause. (a)

Stultitia est ei te esse tristem quoius potestas plus potest. (‘It’s stupidity to be sulky with someone who has greater authority.’ Pl. Cas. 282)

(b)

Si aequom siet / me plus sapere quam vos, dederim vobis consilium catum . . . (‘If it were proper for me to be wiser than you, I’d give you a smart plan . . .’ Pl. Epid. 257–8)

(c)

Sed nunc ea me exquirere / iniqui patris est. (‘Well, for me to look into that now is to behave like an unreasonable father.’ Ter. An. 186–7—tr. Brown)

(d)

. . . num molestiae est / me adire ad illas propius? (‘Is there any harm in me coming closer to them?’ Pl. Rud. 830)

(e)

Ea si dicam non esse e re publica dividi . . . (‘If I were to say that it is contrary to public interest that those properties should be brought under assignment . . .’ Cic. Fam. 13.8.2)

(f)

. . . antea semper pro indignissimo habuerant se patrio regno tutoris fraude pulsos . . . (‘. . . they had always considered it the greatest outrage that they had been ousted from their father’s kingship by the crime of their guardian . . .’ Liv. 1.40.2)

(g)

Illa enim est gloria divina Pompei, . . . praedones . . . redactos esse omnes in potestatem . . . (‘This is the superhuman achievement of Pompeius: that he brought under control all those pirates . . .’ Cic. Flac. 30) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Nouns and noun phrases: . . . magnum dedecus et flagitium . . . eum non virtute, sed scelere superatum. (Cic. Off. 3.86); Deus est mortali iuvare mortalem, et haec ad aeternam gloriam via. (Plin. Nat. 2.18); Nunc si me fas est opsecrare aps te, pater, / da mihi ducentos nummos Philippos, te opsecro. (Pl. Bac. 1025–6); Nimia est miseria nimis pulchrum esse hominem. (Pl. Mil. 68); Atque etiam morbus est aliquis sapientiam mori. (Plin. Nat. 7.169—NB: the text is problematic); Nunc servitus si evenit, ei vos morigerari mos bonu’st . . . (Pl. Capt. 198); Quid fuit officium meum me facere? (Pl. Trin. 174); . . . nunc, quantus pudor esset edocens ab Liguribus . . . Romanum

184

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position exercitum obsideri. (Liv. 40.27.10); Res nova et inusitata supplicium de studiis sumi. (Sen. Con. 10.pr.5); Iam tum erat suspicio / dolo malo haec fieri omnia. (Ter. Eu. 514–15); ‘Sed tempus est’ inquit ‘iam hinc abire, me, ut moriar, vos, ut vitam agatis.’ (Cic. Tusc. 1.99) With a preparative pronoun: Haec igitur sit prima partitio, quod facete dicatur, id alias in re habere, alias in verbo facetias. (Cic. de Orat. 2.248); Nimirum haec est natura rerum, haec potentia eius, saevissimas ferarum maximasque numquam vidisse quod debeant timere et statim intellegere, cum sit timendum. (Plin. Nat. 8.10) Adjectives (neuter singular forms): Non possum durare, certum est exulatum hinc ire me. (Pl. Mer. 644); . . . consequens esse beatam vitam virtute esse contentam . . . (Cic. Tusc. 5.18); An decorum est advorsari meis te praeceptis? (Pl. As. 508); Nimium difficile est reperiri amicum . . . (Pl. Trin. 620); Feci ego ista ut commemoras, et te meminisse id gratum est mihi. (Pl. Capt. 414); Lautissimum quippe habetur e nardi folio eas dari aut veste Serica versicolori, unguentis madida. (Plin. Nat. 21.11); Sed maximum est in amicitia parem esse inferiori. (Cic. Amic. 69—NB: generic subject); Longe optimum est febrem omnino non esse. (Cels. 2.8.6); Sed par est omnis omnia experiri . . . (Cic. Orat. 4); . . . quanto fuerat praestabilius ubivis gentium agere aetatem . . . (Ter. Hec. 284); Tanto rarius est servatorem unum a servatis donari. (Plin. Nat. 22.9); . . . (sc. gladiatores) quos promiscue spectari sollemne olim erat . . . (Suet. Aug. 44.2); Accusatores multos esse in civitate utile est . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 55); Bene factum et volup est me hodie his mulierculis / tetulisse auxilium. (Pl. Rud. 892–3) NB: possessive adjective: Haud tuom istuc est te vereri. (Pl. St. 718) Predicative datives: Satis scio, quibuscumque dis cordi fuit subigi nos ad necessitatem dedendi res quae ab nobis ex foedere repetitae fuerant, iis non fuisse cordi tam superbe ab Romanis foederis expiationem spretam. (Liv. 9.1.4); . . . tibi curae est sentire cives tuos quanto per te onere leventur . . . (Liv. 30.31.3); Circa rem nostram Siculam turbidum esse Nectarium indicio erunt litterae quas nuper Euscius misit. (Symm. Ep. 6.66.2); Ita nunc per urbem solus sermoni omnibu’st, / eum velle amicam liberare . . . (Pl. Ps. 418–19) Prepositional phrases: Eundem in fame vesci terra inter auguria. (Plin. Nat. 8.83); An, si pro illo fuit fieri vim quoi facta dicitur, non teneatur qui fecit? (Sen. Con. 9.5.6) Adverb: . . . cum palam esset per errorem ingressos . . . (Liv. 31.14.8) Object complement: Tu’n verberes, qui pro cibo habeas te verberari? (Pl. As. 628); Pompeium pro certo habemus per Illyricum proficisci in Galliam. (Cic. Att. 10.6.3)

15.103 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause with a preparative pronoun Accusative and infinitive clauses are often announced by preparative pronouns (and adverbs). Examples with a preparative pronoun are (a) and (b). Compare also (c), with the preparative adverb ita.207 In (d), the relative pronoun serves a similar function. (a)

Scelestissume, audes mihi praedicare id, / domi te esse nunc, qui hic ades? (‘You hardened criminal, do you really dare to say that to me, that you, who are here, are at home now?’ Pl. Am. 561–2)

207 For the use of ita and sic as preparative devices with accusative and infinitive clauses, see Lavency (2004) and Bodelot (2005).

Infinitival clauses (b)

185

Inter omnis igitur hoc constat, . . . virorum esse fortium . . . toleranter dolorem pati. (‘It is universally agreed then . . . that it is characteristic of men who are brave . . . to suffer pain with patience.’ Cic. Tusc. 2.43)

(c)

. . . mecum Tadius locutus est te ita scripsisse, nihil esse iam quod laboraretur . . . (‘. . . Tadius has told me that you have written him word that there is no need to worry any longer . . .’ Cic. Att. 1.5.6)

(d)

Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam . . . dicitur. (‘It is said that when the son, who was then a young man, heard this, namely that his father was in trouble on his account, he hastened to Rome.’ Cic. Off. 3.112) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preparative expression): Pronouns: Opsecro, etiamne hoc negabis, te auream pateram mihi / dedisse . . .? (Pl. Am. 760–1); Sed hoc mementote, quoscumque locos attingam, unde ridicula ducantur, ex eisdem locis fere etiam gravis sententias posse duci. (Cic. de Orat. 2.248); Rursus mortales oraculorum societatem dedere Chiloni Lacedaemonio tria praecepta eius Delphis consecrando aureis litteris, quae sunt haec: nosse se quemque, et nihil nimium cupere, comitemque aeris alieni atque litis esse miseriam. (Plin. Nat. 7.119); Nam primum fuit illud asperius, me quae de Plancio dicerem ementiri et temporis causa fingere. (Cic. Planc. 72); Verum illud dicendum est, illi ita non esse visum. (Cic. Inv. 2.22); . . . illud tamen exploratum habeto, nihil fieri potuisse sine causa . . . (Cic. Div. 2.60); Nam illud, nulli rei adsensurum esse sapientem, nihil ad hanc controversiam pertinebat. (Cic. Luc. 78); Et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium ora in me convorsa esse . . . (Sal. Jug. 85.5); . . . praeter eos inimicos quibus id ipsum, se inimicos esse, non liceret aut dissimulare aut negare. (Cic. Att. 4.1.5); Haud mirum id quidem esse, furere civitatem . . . (Liv. 5.25.4) Adverbs: ‘Sic igitur’, inquit, ‘sentio,’ Crassus ‘naturam primum atque ingenium ad dicendum vim adferre maximam.’ (Cic. de Orat. 1.113); Huius oratio ut semper gravis et grata in contionibus fuit, sic contendo numquam neque sententiam eius auctoritate neque eloquentiam iucunditate fuisse maiore. (Cic. Sest. 107)

Accusative and infinitive clauses are rarely used in combination with a neuter pronoun in non-argument positions in the sentence. An example is (e), where the ablative neuter pronoun illo (an ablativus comparationis) serves as a preparative expression for the accusative and infinitive clause and, together with the clause, serves as the basis of comparison (see § 20.1) with esse certius. Ex. (f) has a prepositional phrase with the same function (see also § 14.16 and § 16.84). (e)

. . . potest illo quicquam esse certius, in tua potestate atque in tuis horreis omne frumentum Siciliae per triennium atque omnis fructus agri decumani fuisse? (‘. . . can there be any fact more certain than that for three years all the corn of Sicily, all the harvests of the tithe-paying land, were in your granaries and under your control?’ Cic. Ver. 3.178)

186 (f)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Itaque narrabat eum graviter et copiose de hoc ipso, nihil esse bonum nisi quod esset honestum, cubantem disputavisse . . . (‘And accordingly he related that from his sickbed the philosopher had earnestly and fully discussed this very proposition “that there is nothing good except what is honourable” . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 2.61)

. Independent accusative and infinitive clauses The AcI can be used without an overt governing expression. A very common use is in free indirect speech, where it may correspond to a declarative or an interrogative (rhetorical) sentence in direct speech, but it is also used more or less independently in utterances expressing indignance or surprise, as in (a). (a)

Criminin’ me habuisse fidem? (‘To think that I believed that accusation?’ Pl. Bac. 629)

15.105 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in interrogative clauses and sentences Accusative and infinitive clauses may correspond to independent declarative sentences (this is the normal situation), but also to interrogative sentences with an indirect assertive illocutionary force (so-called rhetorical questions, see §  6.23). Interrogative AcI clauses are not uncommon in historical writers,208 who report speeches or messages, and occasionally thoughts, which have an indirect assertive illocutionary force. However, some instances could be construed instead as exclamations. The negation word is non, just as in finite interrogative sentences. Usually there is no governing verb. Following the distinction made in § 6.7, sentence questions and constituent questions are dealt with separately. Instances of simple sentence questions are (a)–(e). Such sentences may, but need not, contain one of the question particles. (a)

(Caesar ita respondit) . . . quod si veteris contumeliae oblivisci vellet, num etiam recentium iniuriarum . . . memoriam deponere (sc. se) posse? (‘(Caesar replied as follows) . . . but even if he were willing to forget their former affront, could he also lay aside the remembrance of recent outrages?’ Caes. Gal. 1.14.3)

(b)

Hocine patiendum fuisse, si ad nutum dictatoris non responderit vir consularis? (‘Was this the penalty a consular must undergo, if he did not respond to the nod of a dictator?’ Liv. 6.17.3)

(c)

Quid? Ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? (‘Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one?’ Tac. Ann. 3.34.3)

208 The fullest collection of examples is Kraz (1862). For discussion, see Orlandini (1994).

Infinitival clauses (d)

187

Romam, caput orbis terrarum, petentibus quicquam adeo asperum atque arduum videri quod inceptum moretur? (‘To those seeking Rome, the capital of the world, does anything seem so difficult and arduous that it should delay the endeavour?’ Liv. 21.30.10)

(e)

Adeo neminem isdem in terris ortum, qui principem locum impleat, nisi . . .? (‘Was it so indisputable that there was not a man born upon the same soil as themselves who was competent to fill the princely station . . .?’ Tac. Ann. 11.16.3) Supplement: Quid censes, si ratio esset in beluis, non suo quasque generi plurimum tributuras fuisse? (Cic. N.D. 1.78); Quid tandem? Illi non licere, si quid consules superbe in aliquem civium aut crudeliter fecerint, diem dicere, accusare iis ipsis iudicibus, quorum in aliquem saevitum sit? (Liv. 3.9.9); Itaque id quemquam mirari posse, cur . . . (Liv. 36.40.6) With question particles: Quid igitur censes Apim illum sanctum Aegyptiorum bovem nonne deum videri Aegyptiis? (Cic. N.D. 1.82); Nonne Canuleio duce se speraturos Capitolium atque arcem scandere posse? (Liv. 4.2.14); Potuisse patres plebi scito pelli honoribus suis. Num etiam in deos immortales inauspicatam legem valuisse? (Liv. 7.6.11); An aequum esse dediticios suos illa fertilitate atque amoenitate perfrui . . .? (Liv. 7.38.7); An quia victus proelio foret, inexpiabile bellum factum? (Liv. 33.12.8); An praetorias cohortes, quae binos denarios accepit, quae post sedecim annos Penatibus suis reddantur, plus periculorum suscipere? (Tac. Ann. 1.17.6); Easdem artes Drusum rettulisse numquamne ad se nisi filios familiarum venturos? (Tac. Ann. 1.26.2) Multiple questions with (utrum) . . . an are rare. Ex. (f), from Cicero, is controversial. The Livian exx. (g) and (h) and the Tacitean (i) are accepted without comment. (f) Intellexi hominem moveri, utrum Crassum inire eam gratiam quam ipse praetermisisset an esse tantas res nostras quae tam libenti senatu laudarentur, ab eo praesertim qui mihi laudem illam eo minus deberet quod meis omnibus litteris in Pompeiana laude perstrictus esset. (‘I noticed that the man was agitated, whether at Crassus earning the gratitude which he had himself neglected, or at the fact that my achievements were of such magnitude that the senate was so glad to hear them praised, especially by a man who was the less under an obligation to praise me, because in everything I ever wrote my praise of Pompey was practically a reflection on him.’ Cic. Att. 1.14.3) (g) Quod naturae damnum utrum nutriendum patri, si quidquam in eo humani esset, an castigandum ac vexatione insigne faciendum fuisse? (‘But ought not his father to have healed and mended this infirmity of nature—if he had a particle of humanity about him—or should he have chastised it and made it conspicuous by persecution?’ Liv. 7.4.6) (h) Utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse an totum erepturum? (‘Was he in doubt whether to seek for part of the kingdom, or to seize it all?’ Liv. 45.19.15)

188

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (i) Nunc pro Othone an pro Vitellio in templa ituros? (‘Should they go to the temples on behalf of an Otho or a Vitellius?’ Tac. Hist. 1.50.3)

Constituent questions in the AcI are illustrated by exx. ( j)–(n). In ( j), the governing verb is expressed.209 ( j)

Quid esse illi morbi dixeras? (‘What illness did you say he has?’ Pl. Men. 889)

(k)

Postremo quid esse (v.l. esset) levius aut turpius quam auctore hoste de summis rebus capere consilium? (‘Lastly, what could be more senseless or more discreditable than to adopt measures respecting the most important affairs on the authority of an enemy?’ Caes. Gal. 5.28.6)

(l)

Quonam haec omnia nisi ad suam perniciem pertinere? (‘To what does all this tend but to his own ruin?’ Caes. Civ. 1.9.4)

(m)

Si bellum in provincia esset, quid sese inter pacatos facere? Si debellatum iam et confecta provincia esset, cur in Italiam non revehi? (‘If there was a war in the province, what were they doing among people already pacified? If the war was over now and the province set in order, why were they not transported back to Italy?’ Liv. 28.24.7)

(n)

Cur enim neminem alium delectum qui saevienti impudicae vocem praeberet? (‘For why had none other been chosen to put his voice at the disposal of that homicidal wanton?’ Tac. Ann. 13.43.4) Supplement: Interrogative pronouns and determiners: Quid censes hunc ipsum Sex. Roscium quo studio et qua intellegentia esse in rusticis rebus? (Cic. S. Rosc. 49); Cui enim non apparere, adfectare eum imperium in Latinos? (Liv. 1.50.4); . . . cui dubium esse, quin extemplo conscensurus sit navem atque in patriam rediturus? (Liv. 24.26.6); Quo enim illum unquam imperatoris functum officio esse? (Liv. 35.48.13); Scio dici simile aliquid etiam ex parte diversa: quem sibi usum fore pecuniae dicet. (Quint. Decl. 269.11—NB: with the governing verb expressed);210 Sed quos omitti posse, quos deligi? (Tac. Ann. 6.2.4); Sin populum Romanum armis vocent, quotam partem generis humani Batavos esse? (Tac. Hist. 5.25.1); Sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? (Tac. Ann. 3.34.2) Interrogative adverbs: Quamdiu autem tranquillam, quae secesserit, multitudinem fore? (Liv. 2.32.6); Eam sententiam alii totam aspernari. Cur enim illos, qui se arcessant, ipsos non venire, cum aeque coniungi possent? (Liv. 22.50.5); Quonam modo enim Hasdrubalem et Magonem, nisi defunctos suo bello, sine certamine adducere exercitum potuisse? (Liv. 25.35.5); Nam unde, cum pecunia in aerario non esset, paraturos navales socios? (Liv. 26.35.10); Quando legatum, gravi quidem comitatu et 209 For further examples with dico, see TLL s.v. dico 895.62ff. 210 See Winterbottom ad loc.: ‘an astonishing construction’.

Infinitival clauses

189

superbo, cum imperio venire? (Tac. Hist. 4.14.3); Cogitavit etiam de Homeri carminibus abolendis, cur enim sibi non licere dicens quod Platoni licuisset, qui eum e civitate quam constituebat eiecerit? (Suet. Cal. 34.2—NB: with the governing verb expressed) The distinction between an interrogative sentence with an assertive illocutionary force and one with an informative illocutionary force (rhetorical vs. real questions) is not a clear-cut one. Especially if a communication verb immediately precedes, authors have the choice between an accusative and infinitive and a finite subjunctive clause, in order to form a rhetorical or a real question, respectively. (For the latter, see § 7.115.) There is also variation in the manuscripts (ex. (k), for example), where editors have to make a decision. Noteworthy instances of the accusative and infinitive are exx. (o) and (p).211 (o) . . . cunctique instare et: Quanto satius esse (esset cj. Adam) vel socios obsidione eximere vel victam iam semel classem iterum vincere . . . (‘. . . all the other officers were pressing him (saying) how much better it would be either to relieve allies from a siege or again to defeat the navy already once defeated . . .’ Liv. 37.26.12–13—NB: for a different approach, see Briscoe ad loc.) (p) Et postquam adnuit, agere incipiunt: ‘Quem illum tanta superbia esse, ut aeternitatem famae spe praesumat?’ (‘When he had nodded assent, they began to plead their cause: “Who can be so arrogant as to anticipate in hope an eternity of renown?” ’ Tac. Ann. 11.7.1)

15.106 The use of the accusative and infinitive clause in exclamations Exclamatory accusative and infinitive sentences are discussed in § 6.35. 15.107 The use of the accusative and infinitive in relative clauses The accusative and infinitive is not uncommon in non-restrictive adnominal relative clauses and in sentences with relative connexion.212 As is the case with finite clauses, it is not always easy to decide between the two, and editors vary in their punctuation. Here they are printed as independent sentences. An example with an antecedent in the preceding clause is (a); here the relative expression might be taken as an adnominal clause. In exx. (b) and (c), by contrast, quo and quare refer to the preceding content as a whole; therefore it is more attractive to take them as instances of relative connexion. For a rare example of a restrictive relative clause in the accusative and infinitive, see (d). (a)

Unum quasi comperendinatus medium diem fuisse. Quem totum Galbam in consideranda causa componendaque posuisse. (‘Only one day before the final hearing intervened, and this whole time Galba devoted to considering the case and to shaping it for presentation.’ Cic. Brut. 87)

211 More instances in K.-St.: II.541. 212 See Évrard (1992: 180–6; 2011), Orlandini (1994), Álvarez Huerta (1996), Bolkestein (1996b), and Meyers (2011).

190 (b)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position . . . Croesi filium, cum esset infans, locutum. Quo ostento regnum patris et domum funditus concidisse. (‘. . . Croesus’ son, when an infant, had spoken. With this serving as a portent his father’s kingdom and house were utterly overthrown.’ Cic. Div. 1.121)

(c)

Postea demonstrabitur ne . . . quidem . . . potuisse hunc ipsum de illa supplicium sumere. Quare esse indignum eum, qui . . . (‘After that it will be pointed out that he himself could not have inflicted the punishment on her; therefore it is intolerable that he who . . .’ Cic. Inv. 2.82)

(d)

Fama est aram esse in vestibulo templi cuius cinerem nullo umquam move vento. (‘It is reported that in the space in front of the temple there is an altar whose ashes are never stirred by any wind.’ Liv. 24.3.7) Supplement: Quem iam ingredientem in navem et Verri nimis atrociter minitantem ab se retractum esse et adservatum . . . (Cic. Ver. 5.160); Quod item fieri nullo modo posse, nisi cognosset is qui . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.87); Deinde, quos in senatu ne tenuissima quidem suspicione attigerat, eos nominavit: Lucullum, a quo solitum esse ad se mitti C. Fannium, illum qui in P. Clodium subscripserat, L. Domitium, cuius domum constitutam fuisse unde eruptio fieret. (Cic. Att. 2.24.3); Qui si alicuius iniuriae sibi conscius fuisset, non fuisse difficile cavere. (Caes. Gal. 1.14.2); Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos . . . coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare nobilissimos civitatis . . . (Caes. Gal. 1.31.7); Cuius rei magnam partem laudis atque existimationis ad Libonem perventuram si illo auctore atque agente ab armis sit discessum. (Caes. Civ. 1.26.4); Qua oratione deterritos amplius iugulationem non fecisse. (B. Hisp. 16.4); Quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurumum deberetur. (Sal. Jug. 111.1); Nobiles iuvenes quosdam, quorum principem L.  Caecilium Metellum (sc. esse), mare ac naves spectare, ut deserta Italia ad regum aliquem transfugiant. (Liv. 22.53.5); . . . illum, quia male administratae provinciae aliorumque criminum urgebatur, culpam invidia velavisse, frustra conterrita uxore, quam etsi nocentem periculi tamen expertem fuisse. (Tac. Ann. 6.29.1); . . . tuta pone tergum Achaia Asiaque, quas inermes exponi Vitellio, ni praesidiis firmarentur. (Tac. Hist. 2.83.2); Trepidus ad haec Vitellius pauca purgandi sui causa respondit culpam in militem conferens, cuius nimio ardori imparem esse modestiam suam. (Tac. Hist. 3.70.4); Britanniam petisse spe margaritarum, quarum amplitudinem conferentem interdum sua manu exegisse pondus. (Suet. Jul. 47.1)

15.108 The use of the accusative and infinitive in correlative and comparative structures In correlative structures such as those with ut . . . sic ‘just as . . . so’ both parts can be an accusative and infinitive clause, as in (a). This is not surprising since the combined clauses behave in the same way as coordinated clauses. In fact, ut . . . sic and cum . . . tum can be used as ‘quasi-coordinators’ (see §§ 19.73–4). For cum . . . tum, see (b).

Infinitival clauses (a)

191

Ex quo intellegi potuit id quod saepe dictum est, ut mare quod sua natura tranquillum sit ventorum vi agitari atque turbari, sic populum Romanum sua sponte esse placatum, hominum seditiosorum vocibus ut violentissimis tempestatibus concitari. (‘From which one could easily understand what has often been said—that as the sea, which by its own nature is tranquil, is often agitated and disturbed by the violence of the winds, so, too, the Roman people is, when left to itself, calm, but is easily roused by the language of seditious men, as if by raging storms.’ Cic. Clu. 138)

(b)

. . . eas (sc. res) a Stoicis esse perspectas, eisdemque de rebus hos cum acutius disseruisse, tum sensisse gravius et fortius . . . (‘. . . Those matters were understood clearly by the Stoics, and concerning the same subjects they had both engaged in more insightful discussions and had perceived them with greater depth and strength . . .’ Cic. Fin. 4.62) Supplement: Ut cum in sole ambulem, etiam si ego aliam ob causam ambulem, fieri natura tamen ut colorer, sic . . . sentio illorum tactu orationem meam quasi colorari. (Cic. de Orat. 2.60); Huc accedit uti videamus, corpus ut ipsum / suscipere inmanis morbos durumque dolorem, / sic animum curas acris luctumque metumque. (Lucr. 3.459–61); . . . et tot acies ut hostium exercitus delesse, ita victoris etiam copias parte aliqua minuisse. (Liv. 23.12.4); . . . quem ad modum, si non dedatur obses pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic deditam inviolatamque ad suos remissurum. (Liv. 2.13.8); . . . admonemus cives nos eorum esse et, si non easdem opes habere, eandem tamen patriam incolere? (Liv. 4.3.3); Ut enim qui in villis intra consaepta morarentur, quam qui foris terram molirentur, ignaviores habitos, sic eos . . . segniores visos. (Col. 1.pr.17); Quorum favorem ut largitione et ambitu male adquiri, ita per bonas artes haud spernendum. (Tac. Hist. 1.17.2); Ceterum quis tam stultus . . . est ut audeat repugnare hominem a Deo ut primum potuisse fingi ita posse denuo reformari? (Min. Fel. 34.9)

In a similar way, when two clauses are compared, for example with ante . . . quam, both can be accusative and infinitive, as in (c).213 (c)

Censes ante coronam herbae exstitisse quam conceptum esse semen? (‘Do you think the crown of herbs appeared before their seeds were formed?’ Cic. Div. 2.68)

15.109 The use of the accusative and infinitive in subordinate (especially satellite) clauses with a subordinator The use of the accusative and infinitive in subordinate clauses with a subordinator, for example in a causal clause with the subordinator quia, is rare in Latin (though it is amply attested in Classical Greek).214 Two examples are (a) and (b). An instance with cum is (c). 213 See Orlandini (1994). 214 Instances can be found in K.-St.: II.545–7; Sz.: 361. See also Orlandini (1994). A few instances from Seneca are mentioned by Setaioli (2000: 51). For Greek instances, see K.-G.: II.550–2.

192 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position . . . id, quod falsum fuerit, sine ulla dubitatione pro vero probasse. Quia si dubitarit, summae fuisse amentiae dubia spe inpulsum certum in periculum se committere. (‘. . . he undoubtedly held what was false as true. For if he was in doubt it was stark madness to rush into certain danger through the lure of a doubtful hope.’ Cic. Inv. 2.27)

(b)

Ideo se moenibus inclusos tenere eos. Quia (quippe cj. Friedersdorff) si qui evasissent aliqua, velut feras bestias per agros vagari, et laniare et trucidare quodcunque obvium detur. (‘He was keeping them shut up inside the walls for the reason that, if any escaped in some way, they roamed like wild beasts over the country and mangled and slew all that met them.’ Liv. 26.27.12)

(c)

Iacere tam diu inritas actiones, quae de suis commodis ferrentur, cum interim de sanguine ac supplicio suo latam legem confestim exerceri et tantam vim habere. (‘The measures which had been proposed in their interests lay all this while neglected, whereas the law that was passed concerning their punishment and their lives was carried out at once, and was being strictly enforced.’ Liv. 4.51.4) Unproblematic are accusative and infinitive sentences with the connector quamquam and with the ironic combination nisi forte, as in (d) and (e), respectively: these are not subordinate clauses.215 (d) Quamquam nullam nobilitatem, nullos honores, nulla merita cuiquam ad dominationem pandere viam. (‘To be sure no nobility, no honours, no merits, opened wide the road to tyranny for any man.’ Liv. 4.15.5) (e) Nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. (‘Unless your distinguished men must endure more responsibilities and greater dangers but must lack the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers.’ Tac. Ann. 2.33.3)

. The use of the accusative and infinitive as subject of passive two- and three-place verbs The AcI can be used as subject of a passive main verb. This construction is often called the impersonal passive construction as opposed to the personal passive construction of § 15.111 (the nominative and infinitive construction). It is greatly preferred if the main verb is a complex form (for example perfect passive (a) or gerundive + sum); when the main verb is governed by a modal verb such as possum ‘to be able’, as in (b); 215 For a discussion of (e), see Goodyear ad loc. A different approach can be found in Sz.: 360–1, who explains (e) as a subordinate accusative and infinitive clause.

Infinitival clauses

193

and when the main verb is specified by one or more agent, addressee, or satellite constituents, like mihi in (c).216 In the case of simplex forms, the personal passive is much more common than the impersonal. However, there are also situations in which a nominative and infinitive construction is excluded, for example when the AcI clause contains an impersonal verb. There are only a few attestations in Early Latin.217 (a)

In hac habitasse platea dictum’st Chrysidem . . . (‘It has been reported to me that Chrysis lived in this street . . .’ Ter. An. 796)

(b)

. . . ut recte dici possit omnia officia eo referri, ut adipiscamur principia naturae . . . (‘. . . so that it may correctly be said that all “appropriate acts” are means to the end of attaining the primary needs of nature.’ Cic. Fin. 3.22)

(c)

. . . dici mihi memini ludorum Romanorum diebus L.  Crassum quasi colligendi sui causa se in Tusculanum contulisse. (‘I remember that it was said to me that Lucius Crassus, as if for the sake of recruiting his energies, went to his seat at Tusculum during the days of the Roman Games.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.24) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Aliquot me adierunt, ex te auditum qui bant hodie filiam / meam nubere tuo gnato. (Ter. An. 534–5); . . . ne fando quidem auditum’st crocodilum . . . violatum ab Aegyptio. (Cic. N.D. 1.82); . . . si . . . audiretur Romae nullum in mea provincia nummum nisi in aes alienum erogari. (Cic. Att. 6.1.21); Deinde audito Saguntiae Celtiberum omnes sarcinas impedimentaque relicta, eo pergit . . . (Liv. 34.19.10); . . . cernebatur . . . novissimos . . . premi . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.64.1); Esse igitur deos confitendum est. (Cic. N.D. 1.44); . . . satis credebatur obsidione domitos hostes in fidem venisse. (Liv. 8.26.7); Cura hoc. Iam ego huc revenero. / # Curatum est . . . esse te senem miserrumum. (Pl. Bac. 1066–7); De hoc Verri dicitur habere eum perbona toreumata . . . (Cic. Ver. 4.38); . . . ei . . . dictum est clipeum esse salvum . . . (Cic. Fam. 5.12.5); . . . non sine causa dicitur ad ea referri omnes nostras cogitationes . . . (Cic. Fin. 3.60); . . . ut pulsis hostibus dici posset eos ab se per fidem in conloquio circumventos. (Caes. Gal. 1.46.3); Dicitur eo tempore matrem Pausaniae vixisse . . . (Nep. Paus. 5.3);218 Non admisi avum quia dictum erat mihi hoc illum animo venire, ut raperet. (Sen. Con. 9.5.11); Taprobanen alterum orbem terrarum esse diu existimatum est Antichthonum appellatione. (Plin. Nat. 6.81); . . . ut non libeat cuiquam dare nisi de quo exploratum sit tibi eum redditurum. (Cic. Att. 4.15.3); Fertur . . . ab his qui Hadriani vitam diligentius in litteras retulerunt Hadrianum Veri scisse genituram . . . (Hist. Aug. Ael. 3.8); . . . ex quo intellegitur ab Oppianico esse corruptum . . . (Cic. Clu. 64); . . . ut . . . intellegeretur iam ad summum paene (sc. maturitatem dicendi Latine) esse perductam. (Cic. Brut. 161); Quae si hominibus solis nota sunt, hominum facta esse causa iudicandum est. (Cic. N.D. 2.155); . . . eum mortuum postridie

216 For quantitative data on prose authors from the Rhetorica ad Herennium up to and including Suetonius, see Kirk (1938). 217 See Bennett: I. 389–96. 218 This instance is the starting point of a detailed treatment of the ‘impersonal construction’ by Calboli (1962: 3–115).

194

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position hora decima denique ei nuntiabatur? (Cic. Mil. 48); . . . nuntiatum est nobis a M.  Varrone venisse eum Roma pridie . . . (Cic. Ac. 1.1); Nuntiatur Afranio magnos commeatus, qui iter habebant ad Caesarem, ad flumen constitisse. (Caes. Civ. 1.51.1); . . . nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano lapidibus pluvisse. (Liv. 1.31.2); Nam istum doctum et sapientem virum fuisse memoriae traditum est. (Cic. Parad. 23)

As can be seen from these examples, most verbs are verba sentiendi et declarandi. However, the AcI is also found as subject of the expression mihi videtur ‘it seems to me’, which is then more or less synonymous with censeo, as in the much discussed (d). (d)

Non mihi videtur ad beate vivendum satis posse virtutem. (‘It does not appear to me that virtue is enough for leading a happy life.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.12)219 Supplement: Neque eum ad me adire neque me magni pendere / visum est. (Pl. Cur. 262–3); Natare autem eos posse ideo videtur, quod terra est de qua ducuntur pumicosa. (Vitr. 2.3.4)

. The nominative and infinitive construction In addition to the use of the accusative and infinitive as subject of a passive (singular neuter) verb form (a so-called impersonal passive construction), Latin has another passive construction, the so-called nominative and infinitive construction (for its internal properties, see § 14.9). An example is (a). Here, the person who is meant to be the comrade of Hercules is unexpressed. This person is identical with qui, the subject of the passive form diceris. However, this qui is not the patient of the action of saying and, as a consequence, cannot be regarded as the normal passive subject of dico. From Early Latin—with few attestations220—onwards this construction is particularly frequent with passive forms of dico ‘to say’,221 but it is in principle possible with all passivizable perception, cognition, and communication verbs, as can be seen in (b) and (c). The infinitives may be active (or equivalent), as in (a)–(c) and (e)—the ‘agent’ type (see § 14.9)—or, less frequently,222 passive, as in (d) and (f)— the ‘patient’ type. The range of governing verbs expands from Cicero onwards, especially in Lucretius, and in Ovid and other Augustan poets.223 Complex forms are rare, but see 219 Discussion in Orlandini (2000: 340–3). See also the note on videor on p. 197 below. 220 See Bennett: I.388–9. 221 In Kirk’s (1938) prose sample there are 457 instances of the personal passive expression with dico and only 24 of the impersonal. For credo the figures are 114 against 14. Conversely, for nuntio the figures are ten against forty-five. For Pliny the Elder, see Tarriño (2002: 276–7). Merguet (Phil.) s.v. dico 679ff. and (Reden) s.v. dico 96ff. has a large collection of instances, with only a few impersonal forms. See Heine (1990: 8–9). 222 See Tarriño (2002: 282–4). In her corpus of Pliny the Elder, in twenty-eight NcI’s fourteen infinitives are ‘transitive’, ten ‘intransitive’ and four passive. With the forty-seven impersonal AcI clauses in the same corpus it is just the other way around. 223 For Ovid, see Bömer ad Ov. Met. 2.42.

Infinitival clauses

195

est dicta in (e). Specifications of the main verb (for example, addressee, agent, and satellite constituents or a modal verb) are very rare, but see possit in (d) and the agent ab suis in (f). See also § 15.110 for the use of these specifications with the so-called impersonal construction. (a)

. . . qui Herculei socius esse diceris . . . (‘(you) who are said to be Hercules’ companion . . .’ Pl. Rud. 161)

(b)

Ut enim mel . . . suo tamen proprio genere saporis, non comparatione cum aliis dulce esse sentitur . . . (‘Just as honey is perceived to be sweet by its own particular kind of flavour and not by being compared with something else . . .’ Cic. Fin. 3.34)

(c)

Qui habitus et quae figura non procul abesse putatur a vitae periculo . . . (‘That type of condition and build which is commonly thought of as incurring risk of life itself . . .’ Cic. Brut. 313)

(d)

Hoc commode reprehenditur, si dici possit ex hostibus equus esse captus . . . (‘A proper answer is made to this if a horse can be said to have been captured from the enemy . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.85)

(e)

Anus / quae est dicta mater esse ei antehac non fuit. (‘The old woman who was previously said to be her mother wasn’t.’ Ter. Hau. 269–70)

(f)

. . . pueri quidam visi ab suis erant inter obsides Illyrios ducti . . . (‘. . . some boys were seen by their relatives being led along with the Illyrian hostages . . .’ Liv. 44.35.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing verb): Simple forms: Perception verbs: ‘Agent’ type: Bibulus nondum audiebatur esse in Syria. (Cic. Att. 5.18.1); Iam Caesar a Gergovia discessisse audiebatur . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.59.1); . . . quod sub te duce, te iubente, cessi, / quod tu maximus arbiter meaeque / victor perpetuus legere ripae. (Stat. Silv. 4.3.82–4); . . . quae, si forte notasti, / oscula sentiri non esse sororia possent. (Ov. Met. 9.538–9) ‘Patient’ type: . . . ut lapide hoc uni nupta fuisse legar. (Prop. 4.11.36) Cognition verbs: ‘Agent’ type: Tametsi mihi nihil fuit optatius quam ut primum abs te ipso, deinde a ceteris omnibus quam gratissimus erga te esse cognoscerer, tamen . . . (Cic. Fam. 1.5a.1); . . . pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse. (Sal. Cat. 15.2); Puer o dignissime credi / esse deus . . . (Ov. Met. 4.320–1); . . . plures aliquanto necaturus (sc. fuisse) . . . creditur . . . (Suet. Tib. 62.3); . . . ut haec inveniantur hodie esse huius filiae. (Pl. Poen. 1171); Etiamque ubi nunc triglyphi constituuntur, si ibi luminum spatia fuisse iudicabuntur, isdem rationibus denticuli in Ionicis fenestrarum occupavisse loca videbuntur. (Vitr. 4.2.4); . . . P. Sulpicius, qui deinceps eum magistratum petiturus putabatur. (Cic. de Orat. 1.26); . . . in eas Italiae partis Pythagoras venisse reperitur. (Cic. Rep. 2.28); Ceterae Illyrici legiones secuturae sperabantur. (Tac. Hist. 2.74.1)

196

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position ‘Patient’ type: Et tamen apud illam facilius creditur Iuppiter taurus factus aut cycnus quam vere homo Christus penes Marcionem. (Tert. Carn. 4.7); Haec palam et vitato omni secreto. Neque dubitabantur praescripta ei a Tiberio . . . (Tac. Ann. 3.8.2); Existimatur etiam equestres census pollicitus singulis. (Suet. Iul. 33); . . . Hecubam autem putant propter animi acerbitatem quandam et rabiem fingi in canem esse conversam. (Cic. Tusc. 3.63); Nam Deus omnipotens mente una omnium et communi mortalitatis adsensu neque genitus scitur neque . . . (Arn. 1.34.2); Quia igitur plurimae gentes vi maiore collaturae capita sperabantur, dubia bellorum coniectans sobrius rector magnis curarum molibus stringebatur. (Amm. 17.3.1) Communication verbs: ‘Agent’ type: Necessitudo autem infertur, cum vi quadam reus id, quod fecerit, fecisse defenditur, hoc modo. (Cic. Inv. 2.98); Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res novas. (Tac. Ann. 2.27.1); . . . hasce aedis esse oportet / Demaenetus ubi dicitur habitare. (Pl. As. 381–2); Cretae . . . dicitur platanus esse quae folia hieme non amittat . . . (Var. R. 1.7.6); Dicitur mihi tuus servus anagnostes fugitivus cum Vardaeis esse. (Vat. Fam. 5.9.1); . . . ut . . . minime . . . pecuniae cupidus fuisse doceatur. (Cic. Inv. 2.36);224 . . . libere respondisse fertur (sc. Hannibal) . . . (Cic. de Orat. 2.75); De eo qui naufragus et ante agrorum sterilitate vexatus in scholis fingitur se suspendisse. (Quint. Inst. 8.5.22); . . . incusabatur facile toleraturus exilium . . . (Tac. Ann. 6.3.3);225 Is (sc. Socrates) autem memoratur prudenter doctissimeque dixisse . . . (Vitr. 3.pr.1); Caesar enim adventare iam iamque et adesse eius equites falso nuntiabantur. (Caes. Civ. 1.14.2); . . . complures . . . civitates renovare belli consilia nuntiabantur . . . (Hirt. Gal. 8.1.1); . . . crebris motibus terrae ruere in agris nuntiabantur tecta. (Liv. 4.21.5); Illis (sc. comis) contulerim, quas quondam nuda Dione / pingitur umenti sustinuisse manu. (Ov. Am. 1.14.33–4); Cervis in capite inesse vermiculi . . . produntur. (Plin. Nat. 11.135); Bubonis oculorum cinis collyrio mixtus claritatem oculis facere promittitur. (Plin. Nat. 29.127); . . . haec avis scribitur conchis se solere complere . . . (Cic. N.D. 2.124); Blemmyis traduntur capita abesse ore et oculis pectori adfixis. (Plin. Nat. 5.46) ‘Patient’ type: . . . ne quis in provincia simul virtute tanta et felicitate perdomita relictus hostis dici posset. (Liv. 28.32.12); Nobili Graecorum et ampla civitate Ephesi lex vetusta dicitur a maioribus dura condicione sed iure esse non iniquo constituta. (Vitr. 10.pr.1); Primum ad oppugnationes aries sic inventus memoratur esse. (Vitr. 10.13.1); Oppugnata domus C.  Caesaris, clarissimi et fortissimi viri, multas noctis horas nuntiabatur. (Cic. Mil. 66); . . . alius postea in paradisum ereptus debet ostendi cui permissum sit eloqui quae paulo mutire non licuit. (Tert. Praescr. 24.6); Plures (sc. soles) quam tres simul visi ad hoc aevi numquam produntur. (Plin. Nat. 2.99) Complex forms (including forms of sum understood): ‘Agent’ type: Adnotatusque miles qui fascem lignorum gestabat ita praeriguisse manus ut oneri adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. (Tac. Ann. 13.35.3); (sc.  apes)  [Cum] a mellario cum id fecisse sunt animadversae . . . (Var. R. 3.16.30); . . . saepe auditus multo antehac rettulisse . . . (Amm. 19.12.10); Septimum

224 Note that the subject of doceatur corresponds with the subject of the AcI in the active parallel construction and not with the object/patient of doceo. 225 For the NcI with verbs of accusing and convicting in Tacitus, see Draeger (1882: 63).

Infinitival clauses

197

decimum Kal. Aprilis interclusa anima creditus est mortalitatem explevisse. (Tac. Ann. 6.50.4); Sin fuisse aliis quoque causa faciendi videbitur, aut potestas defuisse aliis demonstranda est aut facultas aut voluntas. (Cic. Inv. 2.24); Qui autem dictus est adiutor fuisse et conscius, P. Asicius, iudicio est liberatus. (Cic. Cael. 23); Is ingenio et industria magna praeter reliquos excellens dictus est artificiosis rebus se delectare. (Vitr. 9.8.2); Fortasse mirabuntur i qui multa ventorum nomina noverunt quod a nobis expositi sunt tantum octo esse venti. (Vitr. 1.6.9); Regnum adpetisse est iudicatus. (Cic. Dom. 101); Apud Arbilam Magni Alexandri victoria luna defecisse noctis secunda hora est prodita eademque in Sicilia exoriens. (Plin. Nat. 2.180); . . . quia tanta sapientia fuisse in iure constituendo putanda est quanta fuit in his tantis opibus imperi comparandis. (Cic. de Orat. 1.196); Reliquae (sc. naves) . . . Uticam versus petere visae sunt. (B. Afr. 7.3) ‘Patient’ type: Prius data est quam tibi dari dicta . . . (Pac. trag. 167—NB: dicta = promissa); Quae quom sit lex, lege quoque consociati homines cum dis putandi sumus. (Cic. Leg. 1.23)

There is much discussion about the origin of the nominative and infinitive construction and its relation to the accusative and infinitive. The best synchronic explanation seems to be that the entity which becomes the subject in the personal passive construction is selected for that function for pragmatic reasons, more or less the same ones that determine the choice between active and passive: it is often topical (see § 5.10), but it can also be used to introduce a new entity in presentative-like utterances.226 As a consequence that entity is ‘raised’ from its relation with the infinitive to a relation with the main verb (for the notion of ‘raising’ in connexion with the accusative and infinitive, see § 12.5).227 Heberlein (2002: 179–81), focusing on dicor in particular, states that it mainly functions as a ‘quotative’ modal verb, comparable with German sollen. However, this explanation only applies to those instances in which the action of saying is specified in one of the ways mentioned above. Combinations of videor, formally the passive counterpart of video ‘to see’, and an infinitive are usually also treated as nominative and infinitive constructions. However, with very few exceptions videor in this combination does not mean ‘to see’. In this Syntax it is taken either as a copular verb (see § 4.97) or as an auxiliary (see § 4.98). Mihi videtur + AcI (see § 15.110) is different. As for diachronic explanations, the most common one is to regard the personal passive with a verb like dico as an extension of the use of the passive of a verb like admoneo with a prolative infinitive (see § 15.117). Other scholars refer to the object + object (passive: subject + subject) complement construction that is found with a verb like dico, as in tu diceris bonus (esse) ‘you are said to be good’.228

The NcI is in principle also possible with verbs and expressions of praising, blaming, congratulating, and thanking that govern an accusative and infinitive construction, but instances such as (g) are very rare. 226 For such cases in Pliny the Elder, see Tarriño (2002: 280). 227 For factors influencing the choice between AcI and NcI, see Bolkestein (1981a; 1983; 1985). 228 So Torrego  (1987) and Lavency (2003: 179–83). Interestingly, Roby (1882: II.143) considers the infinitive a secondary predicate.

198 (g)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Sollers ornare Cypassis / obicitur dominae contemerasse torum. (‘Cypassis, the girl skilled at fashioning your hair, is accused of wronging her mistress’ couch.’ Ov. Am. 2.7.17–18) Supplement: Extinxisse nefas tamen et sumpsisse merentis / laudabor poenas . . . (Verg. A. 2.585–6—NB: belongs to a section (567–88) that is rejected by many editors; see Conte ad loc. and Horsfall (2008: App. 1))

Nominative and infinitive constructions of the ‘patient’ type can also be used with iubeo (on which see §  15.100 (vi))229 and a few other verbs that are discussed in § 15.100 (iii). Examples are (h)–(k). (h)

Proximo iussa’st dari . . . (‘She has been ordered to be given to her nearest relative . . .’ Ter. Ph. 416)

(i)

His igitur rebus praeclare commendatus iussus es renuntiari consul et quidem cum ipso. (‘Since you were admirably commended by these qualities, Caesar gave orders for you to be declared elected consul, and with himself as your colleague.’ Cic. Phil. 2.79)

( j)

. . . nec patefieri quae scientiam eius latebant permissis . . . (‘. . . and without those things which were concealed from his knowledge having been allowed to be explained . . .’ Amm. 20.2.5)

(k)

In has lautumias siqui publice custodiendi sunt etiam ex ceteris oppidis Siciliae deduci imperantur. (‘Into these quarries men are commanded to be brought even from other cities in Sicily, if they are ordered by the public authorities to be kept in custody.’ Cic. Ver. 5.68) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . populi maiestas conservari iubetur . . . (Cic. Balb. 36); . . . (sc. aqua pluvia) iubetur ab arbitro coerceri . . . (Cic. Top. 39); . . . (sc. Romulus) dicitur ab Amulio . . . exponi iussus esse. (Cic. Rep. 2.4—NB: double personal passive); Triginta quinqueremes . . . mitti iussae (sc. sunt). (Liv. 27.7.15); Trecenae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti. (Liv. 32.29.4); Siculum . . . frumentum in Aetoliam ad exercitum portari iussum . . . (Liv. 37.2.12); . . . duo milia electi qui mori iuberentur: novi generis edictum. (Flor. Epit. 2.9); . . . propter fornicationem carnis permittitur homo a coniuge separari . . . (August. adult. coniug. 1.17.19); Ficorum (sc. umbra) levis, quamvis sparsa, ideoque inter vineas seri non vetentur. (Plin. Nat. 17.89) It has been suggested (by, among others, Sz.: 364) that in (h) iussa est dari is the regular passive of iussi eam dari, but this is impossible, since eam is not the object of iussi, nor is dari a prolative infinitive: the passive is incompatible with ‘ordering’ situations (see § 7.66).

229 For further examples, see TLL s.v. iubeo 578.54ff.

Infinitival clauses

199

Examples of the ‘agent’ type of NcI constructions with these verbs are given in § 15.100 (vi), exx. (x)–(z). Additional examples are (l) and (m). (l)

Ubei ea dies venerit quo die iusei erunt adesse . . . (‘When the day shall have come on which the parties shall be ordered to appear . . .’ CIL I2.583.63 (Lex Acilia, 122 bc))

(m)

Nam et volgo quaesitam sororem quis vetatur uxorem ducere. (‘For a man is forbidden to marry his sister even if she is illegitimate.’ Scaev. dig. 23.2.54)

It is uncommon to continue a nominative and infinitive expression with a second or third infinitive depending on the same governing personal passive expression. There are a number of instances where this might seem to have been possible, but where instead the continuation takes the form of an accusative and infinitive expression, as if governed by an impersonal governing verb. An example is (n). In the first sentence a nominative and infinitive construction is used, but in the second it is replaced by an accusative and infinitive clause, which is possible because impersonal videtur can be understood from the preceding personal videtur (the subject of which is quisquam). (n)

Mihi enim non videbatur quisquam esse beatus posse, cum in malis esset. In malis autem sapientem esse posse, si essent ulla corporis aut fortunae mala. (‘No one seemed to me to be able to be happy when encompassed with evil; but (it seemed) that the wise man could be encompassed with evil if any evils of body and fortune existed.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.22) Supplement: Ad quem (sc. Themistoclem) quidam doctus homo atque in primis eruditus accessisse dicitur eique artem memoriae . . . pollicitus esse se traditurum. Cum ille quaesisset, quidnam illa ars efficere posset, dixisse illum doctorem, ut omnia meminisset. Et ei Themistoclem respondisse gratius sibi illum esse facturum, si se oblivisci quae vellet, quam si meminisse docuisset. (Cic. de Orat. 2.299); . . . M. Papirius, unus ex iis, dicitur Gallo barbam suam, ut tum omnibus promissa erat, permulcenti scipione eburneo in caput incusso iram movisse atque ab eo initium caedis ortum, ceteros in sedibus suis trucidatos. Post principum caedem nulli deinde mortalium parci, diripi tecta, exhaustis inici ignes. (Liv. 5.41.9–10). Inevitably, with two more or less equivalent expressions mixed utterances (contamination) occur. An example (sometimes emended) is (o). Fertur is personal passive, with Papinianus as its subject; however, the sentence continues with dicentem, as if Papinianum had preceded.230 (o) Et fertur quidem Papinianus, cum raptus a militibus ad Palatium traheretur occidendus, praedivinasse dicentem (dicens cj. Petschenig) em stultissimum fore qui in suum subrogaretur locum, nisi adpetitam crudeliter praefecturam vindicaret.

230 For references, see Sz.: 365. Examples in Kirk (1938).

200

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (‘And it is further related that Papinian, when, seized by the soldiers, he was being dragged to the Palace to be put to death, foretold the future, saying that whoever should succeed to his position would be an utter fool if he did not take vengeance for this brutal attack on the prefecture.’ Hist. Aug. Carac. 8.8)

. Other personal constructions resembling the NcI construction Resembling the personal passive construction with cognition, perception, and communication verbs are rare infinitival constructions with intransitive verbs with roughly the same meaning, such as clueo ‘to be spoken of ’, ‘to be known as’ in (a), and the expression in suspicionem venio ‘to come under suspicion’ in (b). These constructions are extended in poetry. (a)

Atridae duo fratres cluent fecisse facinus maxumum . . . (‘The two brothers, the sons of Atreus, are said to have done a most famous deed . . .’ Pl. Bac. 925).

(b)

Nonnullis etiam ipsi magistratus veniebant in suspicionem detinuisse nos et demorati esse . . . (‘In some quarters the magistrates themselves were suspected of having deliberately detained and delayed us . . .’ Lent. Fam. 12.15.5) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . (sc. barathrum) quod quondam caesis montis fodisse medullis / audit falsiparens Amphitryoniades . . . (Catul. 68.111–12); . . . tu cum mendax esse clarueris . . . (Lucif. Athan. 2.25); Esse per gentes cluebat omnium miserrimus. (Enn. scen. 366V); . . . nec mea conveniunt duro praecordia versu / Caesaris in Phrygios condere nomen avos. (Prop. 2.1.41–2).231 . . . ut innotesceret praetor curam agere . . . (Ulp. dig. 4.9.3.1); Hosce opinor Cibyrae cum in suspicionem venissent suis civibus fanum expilasse Apollinis, veritos poenam iudicii ac legis domo profugisse. (Cic. Ver. 4.30)

The label nominative and infinitive is also used for personal expressions that are occasionally found alongside impersonal expressions with which the accusative and infinitive can be used as subject. These impersonal expressions, for example apparet ‘it appears’ and constat ‘to be an established fact’, are discussed in § 15.101. Examples of personal use are (c) and (d). In (c) apparent is plural in agreement with haec; in (d), constarent with quae. (c)

Haec apparent magis ita esse in latioribus regionibus, simplicia cum sunt. (‘These things are more clearly present in broad stretches, when they are uniform.’ Var. R. 1.6.2)

(d)

Quae si omnia e Ti. Coruncani scientia . . . acta esse constarent . . . (‘But if all these things were known to have been done in a manner equal to the knowledge of Coruncanius . . .’ Cic. Dom. 139) 231 For this instance and a few others, see Sánchez Martínez (1996).

Infinitival clauses

201

Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Atque ut membra nobis ita data sunt, ut ad quandam rationem vivendi data esse appareant, sic . . . (Cic. Fin. 3.23); . . . quo facilius appareat ita degenerasse a suorum virtutibus Nero, ut tamen vitia cuiusque quasi tradita et ingenita retulerit. (Suet. Ner. 1.2); . . . sed aliud si is iudex nihil scisset nisi quae praeiudicia de eo facta esse constarent . . . (Cic. Clu. 104); Tunc modulatae multitudinis conferta vox aures eius affertur, ut, quamvis hominum nemo pareret, chorus tamen esse pateret. (Apul. Met. 5.3.5)

In the same way modal expressions that are normally impersonal are sometimes used personally, like decet ‘to be right’ and oportet ‘to be proper’ and with the impersonal expression opus est ‘to be essential’ (for the impersonal expressions, see §  15.101). Examples of personal use are (e)–(g), respectively. (e)

Quae ab imperatore decuerint (sc. provideri) omnia suis provisa . . . (‘All those things which ought to be provided by a leader were provided for his troops . . .’ Sal. Jug. 49.2)

(f)

Adhuc, Archylis, quae adsolent quaeque oportent (v.l. oportet) / signa esse ad salutem, omnia huic esse video. (‘As yet, Archylis, all the symptoms which are normal and which ought to exist toward recovery, I perceive in her.’ Ter. An. 481–2)

(g)

Tu, quae istic opus erunt administrari, prospicies ut . . . (‘In regard to those things which will need to be done at Rome, please look to it that . . .’ D. Brut. Fam. 11.11.2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Quae (sc. porticus) videntur ita oportere conlocari, uti . . . (Vitr. 5.9.2); Haec enim Marcioni displicere oportebant. (Tert. Marc. 5.19.4); . . . nisi ea quae nil opu’ sunt scire. (Ter. An. 337); . . . atque quot iuga boum opus fuerint (fuerit edd.) ibi versari, ita finiantur. (Vitr. 6.6.1)

With the verb possum in its epistemic meaning ‘to be possible’, the personal construction is the normal one, as in (h)–( j).232 (h)

Non esse servos peior hoc quisquam potest / nec magis vorsutus . . . (‘There can’t be a worse slave than this one, or one cleverer . . .’ Pl. As. 118–19)

(i)

Nam unum aliquid aut alterum potest in istum casu cecidisse suspiciose . . . (‘To be sure, some one or two of these things can by chance have happened in such a way so as to throw suspicion upon this defendant . . .’ Rhet. Her. 4.53)

( j)

Sed cum haec scribebam V Kal., Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse poterat. (‘But as I write on the 25th it is possible that Pompey has already reached Brundisium.’ Cic. Fam. 8.9a.2)

232 More examples OLD s.v. possum 5; TLL s.v. possum 133.51ff. Discussion in Núñez (1991: 176–84).

202

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position The verb debeo ‘must’ in its deductive epistemic meaning is normally found in personal expressions (see § 7.22). An impersonal exception in Classical Latin is (k); there are more instances in Late Latin.233 (k) . . . nunc credo eo magis quod debet etiam fratris Appi amorem erga me cum reliqua hereditate crevisse . . . (‘. . . I believe that he is more (well-disposed) now because it must be the case that his brother Appius’ affection for me has grown along with the rest of his estate . . .’ Cic. Att. 6.1.10)

. Diachronic developments of the accusative and infinitive The accusative and infinitive gradually came to be used with a wider range of verbs. This is especially true for verbs of wishing (see § 15.100). Nevertheless, on the whole it lost territory to finite clauses with subordinators, especially quod, quia, and quoniam, in this order of frequency, with quoniam decreasing from the third century onwards. Early examples of the use of quod with verbs of perception, cognition, and communication are cited in § 15.9 and § 15.19. On the speed of this development opinions vary; in the written evidence the AcI remains the normal expression by far.234 The use of subordinators is particularly strong in translations of the Bible. The quotations from this text in ecclesiastical authors show variation between authors. Jerome uses quod and quia in his Vulgate translation where Vetus Latina versions have the AcI. For the distribution of quod and quia, see § 15.9.235 In their own works ecclesiastical writers largely maintained the accusative and infinitive, as can be seen from Table 15.3. Particularly interesting in this respect is Augustine. Before his conversion to Christianity the proportion of AcI and finite clauses is 55 : 1. In his Confessiones the proportion is 11 : 1, and in his Sermones 2 : 1. Similar adaptations to uneducated readers and hearers are found elsewhere in his work. Claudius Terentianus uses only AcI clauses, which Adams considers an indication for the late spread of finite clauses with these verbs (Adams 1977: 61). Calboli (1990) suggests that the consistent use of the AcI is a sign of Terentianus’ endeavour to write correct Latin. For a relativizing reaction, see Halla-aho (2003). Adams (2005a: 195) observes that quod clauses are entirely absent from non-literary Latin texts. Quia and quod clauses are frequent in Augustine’s correspondent Publicola (Adams 2016: 389). According to Herman (1989: 135), in the Christian texts he examined about 10 per cent of the object clauses with these verbs are with a subordinator, 90 per cent are with AcI. Almost the opposite is the case in the Vitae Patrum, where the AcI is only 233 See Bolkestein (1980a: 120–1) for discussion. 234 This also holds for Medieval Latin. See Bodelot (2017; 2018). 235 Quantitative data and details on the development of alternatives for the AcI can be found in Mayen (1889), Bonnet (1890: 666), Dokkum (1900), Salonius (1920), Herman (1963; 1989; 2003), WirthPoelchau (1977: 15), Haverling (1988: 242–7), Cuzzolin (1994); Stotz (1998: 393–6); Burton (2000: 189–90), Roca (2001), Greco (2008; 2012: 39–40), Calboli (2012), Sznajder (2017a; 2019). For the Vulgate, see García de la Fuente (1981), Olivera (1990), Rodríguez Martín (1993), and Moreno Sánchez (1995). For diachronic changes in the ordering of AcI clauses with respect to the governing verb, see Greco (2018).

Infinitival clauses

203

Table 15.3 Percentages of accusative and infinitive clauses with verbs of perception, cognition, and communication in a number of Late Latin writers Author/text

%

St Augustine: early writings

98.7

Confessiones

91.7

Sermones

66.7

Peregrinatio Egeriae

81.2

Tertullian: Bible quotations

40.7

his own writings

97.1

Cyprian: Bible quotations

21.5

his own writings

91.5

Lucifer of Cagliari: Bible quotations his own writings

25.5 86.4

Macrobius

96.6

Martianus Capella

96.8

Source: Wirth-Poelchau (1977: 23)

half as frequent as the finite alternatives (Salonius 1920), but in most other authors the AcI predominates. In Greg. Tur. the proportion is still AcI : quod, etc. = 3 : 1.236

Quod finite clauses are also found in pagan authors, so for example in Ammianus, who definitely strives after an elevated style and uses them as a source of variation,237 as appears from the parallelism in (a). There are a few Late Latin instances of an accusative and infinitive construction in combination with the subordinator quod. An example is (b), possibly also intended as variation. (a)

. . . latentem invenimus militem . . . qui . . . docet . . . quod . . . ad Persas abierat profugus exindeque . . . speculatorem se missum ad nostra saepe veros nuntios reportasse. (‘. . . we found one soldier hiding who said that he had deserted to the Persians, and then that he was sent as a spy to our territories and often brought back trustworthy news.’ Amm. 18.6.16)

(b)

Sed hactenus responderunt, quod, cum interiora occupaverint protinus gradientes Romani, se quoque utpote regnorum sequellas victoribus accessuros. (‘But they went so far as to reply, that as soon as the Romans by further advance had got possession of the interior, they also would go over to the victors, as appendages of the kingdom.’ Amm. 24.2.1) 236 See Herman (2000: 24).

237 Hagendahl (1921: 18f.).

204

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

. Prolative infinitive clauses A survey of the verbs and expressions that may govern a prolative infinitive clause is given in Table 15.2 (p. 130). As the table shows, the prolative infinitive competes with finite imperative clauses, especially those with the subordinator ut. The relative frequency of each construction with a given governing expression varies and changes over the course of time. In poetical texts the prolative infinitive is preferred to other expressions, due to the tendency in poetry to avoid short words.238 In some instances this preference may have been encouraged by the existence of Greek parallels as well. Unlike ut clauses, prolative infinitive clauses are negated by non. In the following sections the order of the governing expressions is the same as in the sections on finite imperative clauses (§§ 15.66–80). For the prolative infinitive the present is the normal tense form used, but the perfect is also found. See § 7.70 and § 7.76. A particular class of verbs that are found with an object and an infinitive consists of three-place verbs of accusing and convicting. They are not in competition with imperative clauses, but rather with declarative quod clauses. Also, the infinitive is not necessarily in the present tense. This class of verbs is dealt with in § 15.130.

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a)) The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of ordering and commanding (class (i) (a)) is less common than finite imperative clauses (see § 15.66), but it is preferred by poets and poeticizing prose writers.239 Examples with impero are (a) and (b). (a)

Animo nunciam otioso esse impero. (‘Now then, I bid you set your minds at ease.’ Ter. An. 842)

(b)

Flectere iter sociis terraeque advertere proras / imperat . . . (‘He bids his comrades change their course and turn their prows to land . . .’ Verg. A. 7.35–6) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): (sc. Augustus) Etiam discedens eodem modo sedentibus valere dicebat. (Suet. Aug. 53.3); Tu, Voluse, armari Volscorum edice maniplis . . . (Verg. A. 11.463—NB: autocausative passive); Oblitus es quemadmodum inter vos officia divisa sint: illi oblivio inperata est, tibi meminisse mandavimus. (Sen. Ben. 7.22.1) NB: On the analogy of impero, etc. the dative is also introduced with verbs like iubeo, with a (disputed) early example in Catullus (c).240

238 For Lucretius’ ‘very extended’ use of the prolative infinitive, see Bailey (1949: I.101–2). For Virgil, see Görler (1985: 271–2). For the use of the infinitive instead of other finite and non-finite expressions, see also Banniard (2012: 65–7). 239 For a comparison of impero and iubeo, see Gavoille (2014). 240 For an extensive discussion, also of the developments in French, see Norberg (1945: 83–95). See also TLL s.v. iubeo 577.39ff.

Infinitival clauses

205

(c) . . . non haec miserae (-am ed. 1472) sperare iubebas, / sed conubia laeta . . . (‘. . . not this didst thou bid me hope, ah me, but a joyful wedlock . . .’ Catul. 64.140–1) Supplement: Quamquam hae mihi (me cj. Corradus) litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. (Cic. Att. 9.13.2); Perdicca pueris (-os edd.) equos iussit conscendere . . . (Curt. 10.8.4); . . . ipsis hostibus iussit suum vincire rectorem. (Amm. 26.8.5); . . . natura rerum praeceptis physicorum veras patitur habere explicationes . . . (Vitr. 2.1.9)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of begging, requesting, etc. (class (i) (b)) With verbs of begging, requesting, etc., the prolative infinitive is very rare. There are some instances with rogo. (a)

. . . qui rogetur de patrimonio sumptus faciendos committere gratiae petentis . . . (‘. . . who is asked to entrust expenditure at his own cost to the pleasure of the petitioner . . .’ Vitr. 6.pr.5) Supplement: Quare, si sapiet, viam vorabit, / quamvis candida milies puella / euntem revocet, manusque collo / ambas iniciens roget morari . . . (Catul. 35.7–10)

As in § 15.66, two-place verbs of demanding, such as posco and postulo, can be added here. An example is (b). (b)

Hae duae partes . . . quarum altera dici postulat ornate, altera apte . . . (‘These two divisions, the first of which demands that an oration be spoken with embellishment, the second that it be spoken in a suitable manner . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 3.91) Supplement: . . . Iliacosque iterum demens audire labores / (sc. Dido) exposcit . . . (Verg. A. 4.78–9); . . . Perna magis et magis hillis / flagitat immorsus refici . . . (Hor. S. 2.4.60–1); Esse sacerdotes delubraque vestra tueri / poscimus et quoniam concordes egimus annos, / auferat hora duos eadem . . . (Ov. Met. 8.707–9—NB: infinitives continued by a clause with a simple subjunctive)241

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of advising, warning, exhorting, reminding, admonishing, etc. (class (i) (c)) With this class of verbs prolative infinitives are well attested. Examples are (a)— repeated from § 15.91—and (b). These verbs are also found with an accusative and infinitive clause instead of a prolative infinitive (see § 15.91). 241 It seems that Bömer ad loc. regards this as an accusative and infinitive clause without an explicit subject (on which, see § 14.8).

206 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Nonne te . . . Quinta illa Claudia aemulam domesticae laudis . . . esse admonebat? (‘Did not even that celebrated Quinta Claudia admonish you to emulate the praise belonging to our house?’ Cic. Cael. 34)

(b)

Neque . . . conamur docere eum dicere qui loqui nesciat. (‘We do not attempt to teach someone to speak who doesn’t know how to talk.’ Cic. de Orat. 3.38) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Active: Sed ego eum non solum hortatus sum verum etiam coegi isto proficisci . . . (Cic. Fam. 10.17.2); Haec me tibi scribere non prudentia mea hortatur sed amor in te et cupiditas oti . . . (Cic. Fam. 11.20.4); . . . ratio ipsa monet amicitias comparare . . . (Cic. Fin. 1.66); . . . aspera quis natura loci dimittere quando / suasit equos . . . (Verg. A. 10.366–7—NB: many editors prefer Madvig’s emendation aquis, see Harrison and Conte ad loc.) Passive: . . . nostrique detrimento admonentur diligentius exploratis locis stationes disponere . . . (Hirt. Gal. 8.12.7); Ceterum ad alia defendenda serius sunt redire commoniti. (August. Civ. 3.8); . . . an sum etiam nunc vel Graece loqui vel Latine docendus? (Cic. Fin. 2.15); . . . amphorae fumum bibere institutae / consule Tullo. (Hor. Carm. 3.8.11–12); Aut Philippus hasne in capulo quadrigulas vitare monebatur? (Cic. Fat. 5)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of inducing, persuading, etc. (class (i) (d)) With this class prolative infinitives are well attested. The verb persuadeo is here used in its meaning ‘to succeed in urging’ (OLD); in its meaning ‘to induce acceptance of (a statement)’ (OLD) it is also used with an accusative and infinitive clause (see § 15.98). (a)

[cum] Equus matrem salire cum adduci non posset, eum capite obvoluto auriga adduxisset et coegisset matrem inire . . . (‘When a horse could not be induced to mount his dam and when the groom, having covered his head, led him up, and forced him to do so . . .’ Var. R. 2.7.9)

(b)

Hoc quoque quaerentibus remittamus, quis Romanis primus persuaserit navem conscendere. (‘We may excuse also those who inquire into this—who first induced the Romans to go on board a ship.’ Sen. Dial. 10.13.4)

(c)

At ex regulis prior Mithridates Pharasmanen perpulit dolo et vi conatus suos iuvare . . . (‘Of the chieftains, Mithridates was the first to induce Pharasmanes to support his attempts by fraud and by force . . .’ Tac. Ann. 6.33.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . nulla calamitate victus Correus excedere proelio silvasque petere aut invitantibus nostris ad deditionem potuit adduci . . . (Hirt. Gal. 8.19.8—NB: parallelism of the two

Infinitival clauses

207

prolative infinitives and the prepositional phrase with ad ); Musa, mihi causas memora, quo numine laeso / quidve dolens regina deum tot volvere casus / insignem pietate virum, tot adire labores / impulerit. (Verg. A. 1.8–11); Sed tua me virtus tamen et sperata voluptas / suavis amicitiae quemvis efferre laborem / suadet et inducit noctes vigilare serenas . . . (Lucr. 1.140–2) Persuadeo in the meaning discussed in this section can also be used with an accusative and infinitive clause, if there is no specific addressee involved. An example is (d).242 The infinitives are usually passive. (See also § 15.100 (iii).) (d) Sed quotiens id fieri publica utilitas persuadet; tyrannis saevitia cordi est. (‘Yes, but only when the good of the state induces one that this should be done. It is tyrants for whom cruelty is a source of delight.’ Sen. Cl. 1.12.1)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of permitting, granting, allowing, etc. (class (i) (e)) Prolative infinitives are very well attested for this class, especially for permitto, as in (a). Examples are (a)—active—and (b)—passive. Permitto can also be used with an accusative and infinitive clause, when used as a two-place verb. See §  15.100 (iii). Concedo in its meaning ‘to admit the truth of ’ (OLD § 10b) can be used with an accusative and infinitive clause. (a)

. . . ut iam ipsis iudicibus sine mea argumentatione coniecturam facere permittam . . . (‘. . . that I may now allow the members of this Court, without listening to any arguments of my own, to infer for themselves . . . ’ Cic. Ver. 5.22)

(b)

. . . ita animus si in iram, amorem aliosque se proiecit adfectus, non permittitur reprimere inpetum. (‘. . . so with the mind, if it plunges into anger, love, or the other passions, it has no power to check its impetus.’ Sen. Dial. 3.7.4) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Active: . . . aut mihi concedant homines oportet in rebus bonis non exquirere ea iura . . . (Cic. Prov. 46); . . . qui quondam per mare magnum stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum . . . (Lucr. 3.1029–30—NB: taking iter as a cognate object with ire); . . . namque tibi divum pater atque hominum rex / et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere vento. (Verg. A. 1.65–6);243 . . . ac si cui videor non iustus, inulto / dicere quod sentit permitto. (Hor. S. 2.3.189–90) Passive: Neque illis concedendum ita imperare, ut verberibus coerceant potius quam verbis . . . (Var. R. 1.17.5); . . . sed nulli vincere fata datur. (Verg. Cat. 16.4); In araeostylis

242 For more, mostly late, instances, see TLL s.v. 1761.54ff. Ex. (d) is also in the OLD s.v. § 1.c. 243 See Domínguez and Martín Rodríguez (1993) for the development of this use of do (from Lucretius and Virgil onwards in poetry, from Vitruvius onwards in prose).

208

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position autem nec lapideis nec marmoreis epistyliis uti datur . . . (Vitr. 3.3.5); . . . qui per vallum Barbationis transiere securi ideo labi permissi, quod . . . (Amm. 16.11.6); . . . non baptizati in regnum caelorum non permittuntur intrare . . . (August. Anim. 3.13.19)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of forcing (class (i) ( f)) The most common representative of this class is the verb cogo.244 Examples are (a)— active, repeated from § 15.71, and (b)—passive. When used as two-place verbs, these verbs may also govern an accusative and infinitive clause (see § 15.100 (iii)). (a)

Non med istanc cogere aequom est meam esse matrem, si nevolt. (‘It wouldn’t be fair of me to force her to be my mother if she doesn’t want to be.’ Pl. Epid. 586)

(b)

Atque hoc tantum lucri coguntur dare publice . . . (‘And they are compelled as a community to pay him that huge bonus . . .’ Cic. Ver. 3.75) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Active: . . . tua tristis imago / saepius occurrens haec limina tendere adegit. (Verg. A. 6.696); Num te emere coegit qui ne hortatus quidem est? (Cic. Off. 3.55); Denique tanto opere in dubiis trepidare periclis / quae mala nos subigit vitai tanta cupido? (Lucr. 3.1076–7); Obvia Persephone comites heroidas urget / adversas praeferre faces. (Culex 261–2) Passive: . . . avaritiam . . . adactam opes suas spargere et domui rebusque in unum conlatis inicere ignem. (Sen. Dial. 4.36.6); . . . gnate, ego quem in dubios cogor dimittere casus . . . (Catul. 64.216); Suppeditatur enim confestim lumine lumen / et quasi protelo stimulatur fulgere fulgur. (Lucr. 4.189–90); Mea vi subacta est facere. (Pl. Am. 1143); Dolere integre non potest qui urgetur irasci. (Calp. Decl. 11)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of hindering, preventing, etc. (class (i) (g)) The use of the prolative infinitive with this class of verbs is relatively common. Examples of prohibeo are (a)—active, repeated from § 15.72, and (b)—passive. When it is used as a two-place verb, it can be used with an accusative and infinitive clause as well (see § 15.100 (iii)). For related two-place verbs, see the Supplement. (a)

Tu modo ne me prohibeas accipere, si quid det mihi. (‘You just shouldn’t prevent me from receiving something if he gives it to me.’ Pl. Trin. 370)

(b)

. . . certe violare alterum naturae lege prohibemur. (‘. . . we are certainly forbidden by Nature’s law to wrong our neighbour.’ Cic. Off. 3.27) 244 For the use of cogo with a prolative infinitive, see Torrego (2016b: 299–310).

Infinitival clauses

209

Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Absiste precando / viribus indubitare tuis. (Verg. A. 8.403–4); Dum mi apstineant invidere, sibi quisque habeant quod suom est. (Pl. Cur. 180); Iam puerum calamos et odorae vincula cerae / iungere non cohibes . . . (Calp. Ecl. 4.19–20); . . . simul ac defecit suppeditare / materies aliqua ratione aversa viai. (Lucr. 1.1040–1); Desiste percontarier. (Pl. Epid. 40); In stupris vero et flagitiis nefarias eius libidines commemorare pudore deterreor. (Cic. Ver. 14); Me enim et hunc Sulpicium impedit pudor ab homine omnium gravissimo . . . haec . . . exquirere. (Cic. de Orat. 1.163); . . . velut tacita quadam verecundia inhibemur plus nobis credere . . . (Quint. Inst. 10.1.18); . . . si (sc. Pisistratus) alium facere (sc. malum) prohibuerit. (Cic. Att. 8.16.2); . . . rationes in ea disputatione a te collectae vetabant me rei publicae penitus diffidere. (Cic. Fam. 5.13.3)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc. (class (ii) (a)) The prolative infinitive is very common with verbs and expressions of wishing, desiring, preferring, etc., and their antonyms, though not with all of them. Examples are (a) and (b). The agents of the infinitives are coreferential with the subject of the governing verbs. (a)

Voluit in cubiculum abducere me anus. (‘The old lady wanted to draw me to the bedroom.’ Pl. Mos. 696)

(b)

Age igitur. Nolo advorsari tuam advorsum sententiam. (‘Go on then; I don’t want to oppose your decision.’ Pl. Mer. 377) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Nam si potuisset, nihil ei fuisset antiquius quam ad Capitonem . . . reverti . . . (Cic. Fam. 13.29.3); . . . vacui curis etiam quid in caelo fiat scire avemus . . . (Cic. Fin. 2.46); Cupio aliquem emere puerum . . . (Pl. Cur. 382); Diligit ipsa alios, a me fastidit amari. (Ov. Rem. 305); Iam hercle amplexari, iam osculari gestio. (Pl. Cas. 471); Pergi’n, sceleste, intendere hanc arguere? (Pl. Mil. 380); Regiones colere mavellem Accherunticas. (Pl. Bac. 199); Si dabor ut condar loculis, exire negabo . . . (Ov. Am. 2.15.19); Sed mea desidia spem deserere nolui. (Pl. Rud. 92); Tun’ domo prohibere peregre me advenientem postulas? (Pl. Am. 361); . . . tum maxime illo tempore totum onus sustinere non recusabant . . . (B. Alex. 11.3); Quae mihi ipsi, qui volo et esse et haberi gratus, grata non essent . . . (Cic. Fin. 2.72) NB: relatively uncommon: Haec enim scire desidero. (Cic. N.D. 1.65); Quor tu, opsecro, immerito meo me morti dedere optas? (Pl. As. 608); Nam iam saepe homines patriam carosque parentis / prodiderunt vitare Acherusia templa petentes. (Lucr. 3.85–6)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of striving (class (ii) (b)) The prolative infinitive is very common with verbs and expressions of striving and the reverse. Examples are (a) and (b). The agents of the infinitives are coreferential with the subject of the governing verbs.

210 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Studeo hunc lenonem perdere . . . (‘I’m keen to ruin this pimp . . .’ Pl. Poen. 818)

(b)

Nam hoc paene iniquom est, comico choragio / conari desubito agere nos tragoediam. (‘Well, it would almost be unfair to suddenly try to stage a tragedy with your comedy get-up.’ Pl. Capt. 61–2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Pacuvium videri doctiorem qui esse docti adfectant volunt. (Quint. Inst. 10.1.97); . . . si aut . . . convellere adoriamur ea quae non possint commoveri. (Cic. de Orat. 2.205); . . . ut te videre audireque aegroti sient. (Pl. Trin. 76); . . . delenire apparas . . . (Pl. As. 434); Tun’ te audes Sosiam esse dicere, / qui ego sum? (Pl. Am. 373–4); Concurrunt veluti venti, quom . . . fluctus extollere certant. (Enn. Ann. 443–5V=432–4S); Sed quid ego cesso ire ad forum quo inceperam? (Pl. As. 125); . . . quod sibi probare non possit, id persuadere alteri conetur. (Cic. Q. Rosc. 4); Milites summa vi transcendere in hostium naves contendebant. (Caes. Gal. 3.15.2); Quam ob causam non est cunctandum profiteri . . . hunc mundum animal  esse . . . (Cic. Tim. 10); . . . fundum agrum terramque meam, quota ex parte sive circumagi sive circumferenda censeas, uti cures lustrare. (Cato Agr. 141.1); . . . neque voluisse se diutius vivere neque curasse . . . (Suet. Jul. 86); (sc. Augustus) . . . affirmavitque non daturum se quamvis dare destinaret. (Suet. Aug. 42.2); . . . Dionysius, cum a Zenone fortis esse didicisset, a dolore dedoctus est. (Cic. Tusc. 2.60); Cum haesitaret, cum teneretur, quaesivi quid dubitaret proficisci . . . (Cic. Catil. 2.13); Pasiphaë fieri gaudebat adultera tauri. (Ov. Ars 1.295); . . . ut (sc. Ariovistus) in conloquium venire invitatus gravaretur . . . (Caes. Gal. 1.35.2); . . . saltem populi Romani commoda respicite, si sociis fidelissimis prospicere non laboratis. (Cic. Ver. 3.128); Meditor esse adfabilis, / et bene procedit. (Ter. Ad. 896–7); Metuont credere omnes. (Pl. Ps. 304); An metuit (sc. anima) conclusa manere in corpore putri / et domus aetatis spatio ne fessa vetusto / obruat? (Lucr. 3.773–5—NB: change of construction); Em ad quem legatos mittamus, cui bellum moremur inferre. (Cic. Phil. 5.33); . . . sed ut architectus his litteris imbutus haec nisus sum scribere. (Vitr. 1.1.18); . . . nonne ea dissimulare nos / magis humanum’st quam dare operam id scire qui nos oderit? (Ter. Hec. 552–3); Operam praeterea numquam sumam quaerere. (Pl. Men. 244); Nunc, ne quis erret vostrum, paucis in viam / deducam, si quidem operam dare promittitis. (Pl. Trin. 4–5); Ubi primum est licitum, ilico / properavi abire de foro. (Pl. Men. 599a–600); . . . vehes pol hodie me, si quidem hoc argentum ferre speres. (Pl. As. 699); . . . (sc. viri) qui hoc sermone quem referre suscepimus continentur. (Cic. de Orat. 3.9); Post hos aequo discrimine Pristis / Centaurusque locum tendunt superare priorem. (Verg. A. 5.154–5); Quid ego ineptus, dum sermonem vereor interrumpere, / solus sto nec quod conatus sum agere ago? (Pl. Trin. 1149–50) NB: Me miserum, si turpe putas mihi nupta videri! (Ov. Tr. 4.3.51); . . . tutumque putavit / iam bonus esse socer . . . (Luc. 9.1038–9)

Infinitival clauses

211

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs of causation (class (iii)) The verb facio in its three-place frame can be used with the prolative infinitive and is in this sense sometimes paraphrased by iubeo.245 However, as with iubeo (see § 15.100 (vi)), many of the examples cited in the TLL can be regarded as accusative and infinitive clauses (see §  15.93). Two examples where the accusative constituents can be regarded as agents of the action denoted by the infinitive which is forced upon him or her by another person are (a) and (b). (a)

(sc. tibi) . . . qui nati coram me cernere letum / fecisti . . . (‘. . . you who have made me look on my own son’s murder . . .’ Verg. A. 2.538–9)

(b)

Ille dedit vitam. Tu quam dedit ille tueris / et facis (sc. me) accepto munere posse frui. (‘He gave me life. You preserve the life he gave and you make me able to enjoy the boon I have received.’ Ov. Tr. 5.9.13–14)246 Supplement: . . . deinde fecit reporrigere (sc. phialam) Caesari (Caesarem cj. Scheffer) et illam in pavimentum proiecit. (Petr. 51.2 (Trimalchio speaking));247 (sc. cucurbitas) Fervere facias et inferes. (Apic. 4.2.8—NB: unless it is an AcI);248 Sic enim efficitur ut . . . insurgant filii in parentes et mori eos faciant. (Vet. Lat. Mat. 10.21 = Tert. Scorp. 10.17— NB: most codd. and Vulg. have morte eos afficient); Illos aetas facit putare quod non est, hos stultitia. (Lact. Inst. 1.22.14)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. (class (iv)) The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deciding, resolving, etc. is very common from Early Latin onwards. Examples are (a)–(c). (a)

Mirum ni hic me quasi murenam exossare cogitat. (‘It would be odd if he isn’t thinking about filleting me like a lamprey.’ Pl. Am. 319)

(b)

Nam illi mihi dotem iam constituerunt dare. (‘They’ve already agreed to hand over the dowry to me.’ Ter. Ph. 676)

(c)

Age iam, id ut ut est, etsi est dedecori, patiar, facere inducam animum. (‘Go on now, whatever it’s like, even if it’s a disgrace, I’ll bear it, I’ll bring myself to do it.’ Pl. Bac. 1191)

245 See TLL s.v. facio 115.37ff. 246 For discussion of this example, see Álvarez Huerta (2014: 90–3). 247 It does not matter very much whether we accept the ms. or the conjecture, since the intention is clear, and the confusion of case forms is such that the dative could be understood like the dative with verbs such as impero. 248 For a discussion of this and other instances in Apicius, see Christol (2014).

212

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing expression): Praedium quom parare cogitabis . . . (Cato Agr. 1.1); Coniuravere nobilissumi cives patriam incendere . . . (Sal. Cat. 52.24); Etenim cum homines nefarii de patriae parricidio confiterentur . . . se urbem inflammare, civis trucidare, vastare Italiam, delere rem publicam consensisse . . . (Cic. Phil. 2.17); Omnia experti Galli, quod res nulla successerat, postero die consilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere. (Caes. Gal. 7.26.1); Ego, ut ad te pridie scripseram, Nonis constitueram venire in Puteolanum. (Cic. Att. 15.28.1); Quidquid peperisset decreverunt tollere. (Ter. An. 219); . . . cum deliberassent nobiscum bellum gerere . . . (Rhet. Her. 4.13); (sc. mihi) Persuasum est facere quoius me nunc facti pudet. (Pl. Bac. 1016); Mihi autem hoc propositum est ostendere . . . (Cic. Sest. 31); Cum his viris equisque, ut dicitur, si honestatem tueri ac retinere sententia est, decertandum est. (Cic. Off. 3.116); . . . quamquam statueram in senatum ante Kal. Ian. non venire . . . (Cic. Fam. 11.6a.1); Pompeius quoque, ut postea cognitum est, suorum omnium hortatu statuerat proelio decertare. (Caes. Civ. 3.86.1); . . . sic habuisti statutum cum animo ac deliberatum omnes . . . iudices reicere . . . (Cic. Ver. 3.95)

. The use of the prolative infinitive with verbs and expressions of deserving (class (v)) Prolative infinitives are attested with mereo and mereor and its compounds from Propertius and Ovid onwards. An example is (a).249 (a)

Haec merui sperare? (‘Have I deserved to expect this?’ Prop. 2.5.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): . . . ab excellentibus parte in hac viris et veritatem istam commeritis nosse satis plene accurateque responsum est . . . (Arn. Nat. 3.1.1); Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortus, / contiguus poni, Scipio magne, tibi. (Ov. Ars 3.409–10); . . . neve merere meo subscribi causa sepulcro. (Ov. Met. 9.563); Ne Ubii quidem, quamquam Romana colonia esse meruerint, . . . origine erubescunt . . . (Tac. Germ. 28.4)

. The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with a neuter singular adjective that functions as subject or object complement (class (vi)) Prolative infinitives are attested with expressions consisting of a neuter singular adjective that functions as subject or object complement from Early Latin onwards. Examples of common adjectives used as subject complements are (a)–(c). For a possessive adjective, see (d). With many of the adjectives involved, the agent or patient of the prolative infinitive can be expressed explicitly as a dative constituent, as in (e). (a)

Humana matre natus, humano patre / mirari non est aequom sibi si praetimet. (‘He’s born of a human mother and a human father, so it’s no surprise if he’s afraid for himself.’ Pl. Am. 28–9) 249 For very late instances of prolative infinitives with promereo(r), see TLL s.v. 1845.38ff.

Infinitival clauses (b)

213

Facile est miserum irridere. (‘It’s easy to mock a poor wretch.’ Pl. Cur. 240)

(c)

. . . melius sanam est, mulier, mentem sumere. (‘. . . it would be better to adopt a healthy attitude, woman.’ Pl. Men. 802)

(d)

Tuom’st, siquid praeter spem evenit, mi ignoscere. (‘If anything turns out contrary to expectation, it is for you to forgive me.’ Ter. An. 678)

(e)

. . . dignos indignos adire atque experi[ri] certum est mihi. (‘. . . I’ve decided to approach the deserving and the undeserving and to try my luck.’ Pl. As. 247)

Prolative infinitives can also be used with adjectives functioning as object complement, as in (f)—note the dative mihi. (f)

. . . non mihi grave duxi scribere ad te . . . (‘. . . I should not have found it too onerous to write to you . . .’ Cic. Att. 1.5.4) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): Sed non alienum est, quo facilius vis verbi intellegatur, rationem huius verbi faciendi Zenonis exponere. (Cic. Fin. 3.51); Eho an amare occipere amarum est, opsecro? (Pl. Cist. 68); Sed adire certum est hanc amatricem Africam. (Pl. Poen. 1304); Difficile est finem facere pretio nisi libidini feceris. (Cic. Ver. 4.14); . . . ut inplexis colocasiae foliis in variam speciem vasorum potare gratissimum habeant. (Plin. Nat. 21.87); In ius vos voco, nisi honestiu’st prehendi. (Pl. Poen. 1232); Indignum est a pari vinci aut superiore, indignius ab inferiore atque humiliore; luctuosum est tradi alteri cum bonis, luctuosius inimico; horribile est causam capitis dicere, horribilius priore loco dicere. (Cic. Quinct. 95); At tibi tanto sumptui esse mihi molestum est. (Pl. Mil. 672); Sed nostrum est intellegere utquomque atque ubiquomque opu’ sit obsequi. (Ter. Hau. 578); Quantum est adhibere hominem amicum, ubi quid geras. (Pl. Per. 595) Cf.: Mihi necesse est ire hinc. (Pl. Am. 501); Vixisse nimio satiu’st iam quam vivere. (Pl. Bac. 151)

. The use of the prolative infinitive in combination with other expressions that function as subject or object complement (class (vii)) Prolative infinitives are used with noun phrases in various cases or with prepositional phrases functioning as subject or object complement from Early Latin onwards and in that period they are more common than gerundial and gerundival clauses.250 Examples of such constituents functioning as subject complement are (a)–(c). In (a), officium is in the nominative (see § 9.22); in (b), saluti is a predicative dative (see § 9.34); in (c), patris is a so-called possessive genitive (see § 9.30); in (d), the prepositional phrase in rem functions as subject complement (see § 9.37). Ex. (e) shows a prolative infinitive in combination with an object complement. 250 See Perrochat (1932b: 170–87).

214 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Non matronarum officium est, sed meretricium, / viris alienis, mi vir, subblandirier. (‘My dear husband, it’s not the job of wives, but of prostitutes, to charm other women’s husbands.’ Pl. Cas. 585–6)

(b)

(sc. homines) . . . quibus insputari saluti fuit atque is profuit. (‘. . . for whom being spat on was helpful and beneficial.’ Pl. Capt. 555)

(c)

Neque adeo arbitrari patris est aliter. (‘Indeed, it’s not for her father to think otherwise.’ Ter. Hec. 529)

(d)

. . . cetera quae cognosse in rem erat summa omnia cum cura inquirendo exsequebatur. (‘. . . he then went to work with all possible diligence to learn . . . everything, in short, which it was important to find out.’ Liv. 22.3.2)

(e)

Haec . . . haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre. (‘These particulars I have thought it not foreign to my purpose to repeat, and in the very words in which they were formulated and handed down.’ Liv. 8.11.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun (phrase) or prepositional phrase): . . . non est meae consuetudinis initio dicendi rationem reddere qua de causa quemque defendam . . . (Cic. Rab. Perd. 1); Praecipuamque curam duxit sensum animi quam apertissime exprimere. (Suet. Aug. 86.1); Et vere tantum laboris . . . suscipere . . . dementia ducebatur. (Paneg. 3 (11).20.2); Facinus est vincire civem Romanum, scelus verberare, prope parricidium necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere? (Cic. Ver. 5.170); Leporem et gallinam et anserem gustare fas non putant. (Caes. Gal. 5.12.6); Ergo erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris . . . (Ov. Tr. 3.2.1); Nam hoc mi haud labori est, laborem hunc potiri . . . (Pl. Rud. 191); Quia mos est oblivisci hominibus / nec novisse quoius nihili sit faciunda gratia. (Pl. Capt. 985–6); Communes loci (de iis loquor quibus citra personas in ipsa vitia moris est perorare, ut in adulterum . . . (Quint. Inst. 2.4.22); . . . nunc adest occasio / bene facta cumulare . . . (Pl. Capt. 423–4); . . . hoc servi esse officium reor, / retinere ad salutem . . . (Pl. Aul. 593–4); Quid opus nota noscere? (Pl. Mil. 636); Verum ubi nulla datur dextra adfectare potestas . . . (Verg. A. 3.670); . . . potestatem habeo dimittere te . . . (Vulg. Ioh. 19.10); Germanico pretium fuit convertere agmen . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.57.3); An pro illo fuerit rapi. (Sen. Con. 9.5.6); Nec pudor est oculos tenui signare favilla . . . (Ov. Ars 3.203); Quae petit ille refert, ceterum narrare pudori / qua tulerit mercede. (Ov. Met. 7.687–8—NB: the text is much disputed); Tempus est subducere hinc me. (Pl. As. 912) With a number of these nouns a gerundial clause is also possible, as in (f) (for gerundial clauses functioning as attribute, see § 17.18). (f) Tacendi tempus est, nam crepuerunt fores. (‘It’s time to be quiet: the door has creaked.’ Pl. Poen. 741)

Infinitival clauses

215

. The use of the prolative infinitive with so-called impersonal expressions (class (viii)) The prolative infinitive is used with a variety of so-called impersonal expressions from Early Latin onwards. Examples are (a) and (b). (a)

. . . decet et facta moresque huius habere me similis item. (‘. . . I also ought to have similar ways and habits.’ Pl. Am. 267)

(b)

Qui lubitum est illi condormiscere? (‘How could it please him to fall asleep?’ Pl. Mil. 826) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Meo me aequom est morigerum patri, eius studio servire addecet. (Pl. Am. 1004); Immo vero, sed ipsi patriae conducit pios habere cives in parentes. (Cic. Off. 3.90); . . . ita uti liberali esse ingenio decet . . . (Ter. Hec. 164—NB: with a dative); Sunt autem alii, quos in luctu cum ipsa solitudine loqui saepe delectat . . . (Cic. Tusc. 3.63); . . . ut in sole, quod a te dicebatur, lucernam adhibere nihil interest aut teruncium adicere Croesi pecuniae. (Cic. Fin. 4.29); Iuvat enim magnifice loqui et certe decet . . . (Brut. ad Brut. 1.16.2); . . . nec tibi licet non facere quod iussus es. (Sen. Con. 7.1.3); Quoi illam dedisset exquisisse oportuit. (Pl. Cist. 574); . . . etiam delinquere non oportet et audientibus. (Tert. Paen. 7.1); Tamen multum prodest ea quae metuuntur ipsa contemnere. (Cic. Tusc. 4.64); Sed quid meminisse id refert, ego te tamen. (Pl. Mil. 809); Nunc autem mihi est visum de senectute aliquid ad te conscribere. (Cic. Sen. 1)

Subject infinitives can also be used with impersonal expressions of emotion such as piget (me) ‘to be affected with displeasure’ (for which see also §§  15.8, 15.18, and 15.97). Although they do not properly belong here, because the content of the infinitive is factive, this usage is illustrated below. An example with a present infinitive is (c); with a perfect infinitive, (d). (c)

. . . ut te ne pigeat dare operam mihi quod te orabo, senex. (‘. . . do not begrudge attending to me in what I ask of you, old man.’ Pl. Rud. 634)

(d)

. . . bene si amico feceris / ne pigeat fecisse, ut potius pudeat si non feceris. (‘. . . if you’ve done a friend a good turn, you shouldn’t be upset to have done so, and so that you should rather feel shame if you haven’t done so.’ Pl. Trin. 347–8) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Present infinitive: Nam alia memorare quae illum facere vidi dispudet (Pl. Bac. 481); Huiusce modi Scipio ille fuit quem non paenitebat facere idem quod tu . . . (Cic. Mur. 66); Nam illa quidem piget dicere . . . (Sal. Jug. 31.2); . . . nec me meminisse pigebit Elissae . . . (Verg. A. 4.335); . . . si quem id facere piget . . . (Liv. 44.22.14); Eam pudet me tibi in senecta obicere sollicitudinem. (Pl. Mil. 634); . . . nec me pudet ut istos fateri nescire quod nesciam. (Cic. Tusc. 1.60); At enim taedet iam audire eadem miliens. (Ter. Ph. 487)

216

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Perfect infinitive: . . . neque me vixisse paenitet . . . (Cic. Sen. 84); Non dedisse (sc. viginti minas) istunc pudet: me quia non accepi piget. (Pl. Ps. 282); Nec genuisse pudet Sparten Hyacinthon. (Ov. Met. 10.217)

. The use of the infinitive with verbs of accusing and convicting Three-place verbs of accusing and convicting have (in the active) an object/patient argument in the accusative and a third argument that indicates the charge. When this argument is a noun phrase, it is usually in the genitive (see § 4.63). These verbs can also be used with an infinitive, which, unlike the cases discussed in the previous sections, can be both a present and a perfect infinitive. An example is (a) with the perfect infinitive occidisse, which can be taken as a charge argument parallel to genitive of the charge. The agent of the infinitive is coreferential with the object/patient aliquem. (a)

Sin autem sic agetis ut arguatis aliquem patrem occidisse. . . (‘But if you act in such a manner as to endeavour to prove that someone has murdered his father . . .’ Cic. S. Rosc. 57)

This situation formally resembles that of several classes of three-place verbs that are used with an object and a prolative infinitive, for example verbs of advising, warning, etc., discussed in § 15.117. This is, in fact, the analysis adopted by many, but not all Latinists, for (a). Those who do not follow the analysis presented here take aliquem patrem occidisse as an accusative and infinitive clause.251 The OLD s.v. arguo § 2, for example, distinguishes for arguo a sense ‘to allege, assert, affirm’—that is, it takes arguo as a two-place verb. There are facts that can be used as support for either analysis. Ex. (b) is a straightforward example of an accusative and infinitive clause. In the sense ‘to bring a charge against, to accuse’ (OLD § 4b) the charge can be expressed as an accusative and infinitive clause, as in (c) (see also further on in this text). Note that the object/patient is expressed as well: the first me. Ex. (d) can be taken either as the passive counterpart of the three-place frame where the object/patient has become the subject/patient or as a personal passive construction, resembling the nominative and infinitive with verba declarandi (see § 15.100). (b)

. . . cives Romanos necatos esse arguo. (‘. . . I am making the charge that Roman citizens were put to death.’ Cic. Ver. 5.149)

(c)

Nam arguere in somnis me meus mihi familiaris visu’st / me cum alieno adulescentulo, quasi nunc tu, esse osculatam . . . (‘A household member of mine seemed to accuse me in my dream of having kissed an unknown young man, just as you’re doing now . . .’ Pl. Mil. 389–90)

251 My analysis follows K.-St.: I.688 (but see the note further on), Burkard and Schauer (2000: 677), and Lavency (2003: 110–1). Bennett: I.367ff. and Ernout and Thomas (1953: 321) deal with these verbs as verba declarandi which govern an accusative and infinitive clause. Many treatments are vague.

Infinitival clauses (d)

217

Occidisse patrem Sex. Roscius arguitur. (‘Sextus Roscius is accused of having murdered his father.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 37) Ex. (c) seems to be the only attestation of an object/patient + AcI combination with these verbs, although such combinations are found with doceo and admoneo (see §§ 15.91 and 15.98 (iii)). An alternative analysis could be to take the second me as an emphatic repetition.

The position taken in this Syntax is that the verbs of this class have two frames, a three-place frame, as described above, and a two-place frame in which the second argument can be filled by an accusative and infinitive clause.252 A comparable situation exists for manipulation verbs (see § 15.100 (iii)) and also for iubeo (see § 15.100 (vi)). (For quod clauses with these verbs, see § 15.10.) The accusative and infinitive clauses with these verbs are not restricted to passive clauses such as (b). In some instances there will be clear signals for interpreting the utterance as an accusative and infinitive clause. In (e)–(g), for example, the subject constituents in the accusative and infinitive clauses cannot be conceived of as object/ patient of the governing verb, and in (h) the subject of the governing verb is inanimate. In (i), however, there are no such signals, and it is only by using common sense that one is able to determine that one is dealing with an accusative and infinitive clause: this is simply not about a situation in which someone accuses his conservus. Many instances, however, are not so easy to construe and must be regarded as cases of ambiguity. (e)

Metui’ ne non, quom velis, convincas esse illum tuom? (‘Are you afraid that you cannot prove that he is yours, whenever you please?’ Ter. Hau. 1017)

(f)

. . . in vultu tacitas arguis esse notas. (‘. . . you charge that in her face were unspoken signals.’ Ov. Am. 2.7.6)

(g)

. . . cumque defectionem eius nullam posse excusationem [eius] imprudentiae recipere coarguisset . . . (‘. . . and when he had demonstrated that no excuse for his imprudence could account for his failure . . .’ B. Alex. 68.1)

(h)

Eodem modo Hirtuleium dissolvisse publicae tabulae coarguunt. (‘The public account-books prove that Hirtuleius in his payments followed the same method.’ Cic. Font. 2)

(i)

. . . eam / arguam vidisse apud te contra conservom meum / cum suo amatore amplexantem atque osculantem. (‘I’ll rebut my fellow slave and say that he’s seen this one at your place embracing and kissing her lover.’ Pl. Mil. 243–5)

252 So K.-St.: I.692.

218

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

The infinitive with these verbs in their three-place frame is not restricted to the present, as is the case with the regular prolative infinitives. For a perfect infinitive—by far the most frequent—see (a); for a present infinitive, see ( j); for a future infinitive, see (k). ( j)

. . . Sullanas res defendere criminor (me criminatur cj. Lambinus) (‘. . . I am accused of defending the acts of Sulla.’ Cic. Agr. 3.13)

(k)

. . . incusabatur facile toleraturus exilium . . . (‘. . . the charge was made that he would carry his exile lightly . . .’ Tac. Ann. 6.3.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Three-place frame: Active main verb: Conlatio est, cum accusator id quod adversarium fecisse criminatur, alii nemini nisi reo bono fuisse demonstrat . . . (Rhet. Her. 2.6); . . . veneni quod eiusdem Clodiae necandae causa parasse Caelium criminantur. (Cic. Cael. 51); . . . neque minus Rhoemetalcen quam Trebellenum incusans popularium iniurias inultas sinere. (Tac. Ann. 3.38.3); Insimulant hominem fraudandi causa discessisse. (Cic. Ver. 2.59); Sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio sermones habuisse . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.74.3) Passive main verb: . . . cum accusetur ambitu magistratum petisse . . . (Rhet. Her. 2.43); Mox Numantina, prior uxor eius, accusata iniecisse carminibus et veneficiis vaecordiam marito, insons iudicatur. (Tac. Ann. 4.22.3); Is . . . arguitur domi te suae interficere voluisse. (Cic. Deiot. 15); Tunc mihi, tunc placeant silvae, si, lux mea, tecum / arguar ante ipsas concubuisse plagas. ([Tib.] 3.9.15–16); Decretum igitur extemplo ut qui pro Perseo adversus Romanos dixisse quid aut fecisse convincerentur capitis condemnarentur. (Liv. 45.10.14); Aut dabis aut contra edictum fecisse damnabere. (Cic. Ver. 3.25); . . . tanto infensius caesi quanto perfugae et proditores ferre arma ad suum patriaeque servitium incusabantur. (Tac. Ann. 4.48.3); Barbatio . . . cum ex magisterio peditum altius niti quorundam susurris incusaretur . . . (Amm. 14.11.24); Ilotarum deinde quidam . . . transfugere voluisse insimulati . . . necantur. (Liv. 34.27.9) Two-place frame: Active infinitive: Atque arguo / eam me vidisse osculantem hic intus cum alieno viro. (Pl. Mil. 337–8); Ego te tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. (Cic. Phil. 2.36—NB: parallelism with dico); . . . Cornelia ac Sergia . . . ab confutante indice bibere iussae ut se falsum commentam arguerent . . . (Liv. 8.18.8); Non enim urguent ut coarguant neminem ulla de re posse contendere nec adseverare . . . (Cic. Luc. 35); . . . nihil te de bonis rebus in vita . . . nihil de ratione vitae didicisse, nihil omnino quaesisse, nihil scire convincerent. (Cic. de Orat. 1.42); Haec Carneades aiebat . . . ut Stoicos nihil de dis explicare convinceret. (Cic. N.D. 3.44) Passive infinitive: . . . accusantibus Cyrenensibus violatum ab eo thesaurum Aesculapii dilectumque militarem pretio et ambitione corruptum. (Tac. Ann. 14.18.1); Haec, per se gravia, indigniora ut viderentur tribuni plebis seditiosis contionibus faciebant ideo aera militibus constituta esse arguendo, ut plebis partem militia, partem tributo conficerent. (Liv. 5.10.6); Tum invectus est Musonius Rufus in Publium Celerem, a quo Baream Soranum falso testimonio circumventum arguebat. (Tac. Hist. 4.10); Quid si quaedam bene facta damnaturus est iudex nisi ea non esse

Infinitival clauses

219

facta convicerimus . . . (Quint. Inst. 12.1.41); Si quis instrumentum litis suae a procuratore adversario proditum esse convicerit . . . (Paul. dig. 48.19.38.8); (sc. litterae ad Hannibalem) . . . [quibus] non Capuam solam traditam in manum hostibus, sed se quoque et praesidium in omnes cruciatus proditos incusabant. (Liv. 26.12.11); Nisi etiam hoc falso dici insimulaturus es. (Pl. Am. 902); . . . insimulat privigni veneno filium suum interceptum. (Apul. Met. 10.5.3) NB: nominative and infinitive construction of the ‘patient’ type (see § 14.9): Aut enim de iure dubitari potest eius qui rogat, ut de P. Clodi, qui non rite creatus tribunus arguebatur. (Quint. Inst. 2.4.35)

. The use of the (present) infinitive with auxiliary verbs and verbs with a related meaning Auxiliary verbs are dealt with in § 4.98. On the basis of the criteria discussed in that section seven clear-cut auxiliaries are distinguished: the modal verbs debeo ‘must’, possum ‘to be able to’, ‘to be possible’, ‘to be allowed to’, queo ‘to be able’ and nequeo ‘to be unable’; the habitual auxiliary soleo ‘to be accustomed to’; and the phasal verbs incipio (coepi) ‘to begin’ and desino ‘to stop’. In their auxiliary meaning, these verbs are used with a present infinitive. In addition to auxiliaries proper, there is a large number of verbs that (at least in one of their senses) are semantically similar to the proper auxiliaries and which can also be used with a present infinitive. Related to the modal auxiliaries are the verbs scio in its sense ‘to know how to’, ‘to be able to’ and its negative counterpart nescio; disco ‘to learn how to’ and a number of its compounds; and habeo in its senses ‘to be able to’ and ‘to have to’.253 Examples are (a)–(c). For the development of habeo (+ infinitive) into a temporal auxiliary, see § 7.27. (a)

Nescio ego istaec: philosophari numquam didici neque scio. (‘I don’t know that; I’ve never learned to philosophize and I don’t know how to.’ Pl. Mer. 147)

(b)

Habeo etiam dicere quem . . . de ponte in Tiberim deiecerit. (‘I can even give you an example of a man whom he threw from the bridge into the Tiber.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 100)

(c)

Quid habui facere? Perducere illum ad patruum? Non feci. (‘What could I do? Take him to my uncle? I did not do it.’ Sen. Con. 1.1.19)

Related to the habitual auxiliary soleo are suesco ‘to get used to’ and a number of its compounds. An example is (d). (d)

. . . ut eculi consuescant et videre eorum faciem et e motu audire crepitus. (‘. . . so that the young horses may become accustomed both to the sight of it and to hearing the jingling from its motion.’ Var. R. 2.7.12)

253 For further instances, see TLL s.v. 2454.12ff. (= possum) and 2454.53ff. (= debeo). For a discussion of the modal uses of habeo, and references, see Adams (2013: 654–7).

220

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

A number of verbs that are related in meaning to the phasal auxiliaries proper are discussed in § 4.98. Two further examples are (e) and (f). (e)

Maiores nos res scribere ingressos, C.  Trebati, . . . e cursu ipso revocavit voluntas tua. (‘When I had set out to write on a larger subject, my dear Trebatius, your request recalled me from my course.’ Cic. Top. 1)

(f)

Iam de istoc rogare omitte. Non vides nolle eloqui? (‘Stop asking about this now—can’t you see she doesn’t want to tell?’ Pl. Per. 642) Supplement (in alphabetical order by verb): Quod facile est, si quam plurimis constitutionibus aggredietur id inprobare. (Cic. Inv. 2.75); Quem ferunt . . . instituisse . . . non quid ipse sentiret ostendere, sed . . . (Cic. de Orat. 3.67); . . . reliquis consecutis diebus non intermittebas quasi donum aliquod cotidie adferre rei publicae. (Cic. Phil. 1.32); Iam scrutari mitto. Redde huc. (Pl. Aul. 651); Sed maneam etiam opinor, namque hoc commodum orditur loqui. (Pl. Trin. 1136); Nunc domum ibo atque ex uxore hanc rem pergam exquirere . . . (Pl. Am. 1015)

15.132 Participial argument clauses (dominant participles) The internal structure of participial clauses is dealt with in § 14.14. The term introduced there is ‘dominant participle’. This section examines the use of dominant participles as arguments of complex sentences. Participial argument clauses are used from Early Latin onwards; they are relatively popular in authors who strive to construct complex periods (Livy, for example) and / or to condense information (poets and Tacitus, for example). The most common form is with a perfect passive participle. However, the other participles can be used as well (see § 14.14). The perfect passive participle clause is found in all argument positions, but present and future active participial clauses seem to be used only as subjects. Participial clauses (and related nominal ones) can be used in a broad variety of other positions as well, in clauses, in noun phrases and in prepositional phrases. A survey can be found in § 14.14.254 NB: The participial clauses that are discussed in the following sections should not be confused with the accusative and participle construction, for which see § 15.98, ex. (c) and § 21.8.

. The use of the dominant participle construction as subject It is not always easy to decide whether a sequence consisting of a (pro)noun and a participle is a noun phrase or a participial clause. This can be illustrated by (a), usually interpreted as a participial clause (see the translation by ‘the arrest’). The verb terreo is 254 The best survey of the construction in the period from Plautus to Suetonius is Heick (1936, with statistical data at pp. 71–2—NB: to be read selectively; see Spevak (2019)). For Cicero, see Laughton (1964: Ch. 4); for Tacitus, Adams (1972: 371); for Ammianus, Blomgrén (1937: 88).

Participial clauses (dominant participles)

221

found with human agents meaning ‘to constrain or inhibit by fear’ ‘to terrorize’, ‘to overawe’ (OLD § 1a), but it would be odd to speak of people causing this fear after they have been arrested. It is therefore unlikely that deprehensi functions as an attribute with the nouns. An example with a present participle, first attested in Cicero, is (b). The future participle is used in this way from Livy onwards (see the Supplement). Note that the verb of the superordinate clause agrees with the subject of the dominant participle construction, plural in (a), singular in (b). Exceptional is the use of a dominant participle with a clause as its subject, as auditum + postero . . . proficisci in (c). However, this is more common when such a combination functions as satellite (with the participle in the ablative—see § 16.91). (a)

. . . ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex coniuratione deprehensi terrerent . . . (‘ . . . that the arrest of Lentulus and Cethegus and the others from the conspiracy should not scare him . . .’ Sal. Cat. 48.4)

(b)

In quo vehementer eum consentiens Etruria movebit. (‘Under this head the unanimous feeling of Etruria will have great influence on him.’ Cic. Fam. 6.6.8)

(c)

Haud procul iam Carthagine aberant cum ex obviis auditum postero die omnem exercitum cum M. Silano in Lacetanos proficisci . . . metu . . . liberavit eos . . . (‘They were now not far from (New) Carthage when the news, heard from those they met, that on the next day the entire army would set out under Marcus Silanus against the Lacetani, relieved them of their fear . . .’ Liv. 28.26.6) Supplement: Passive Perfect Participle: (sc. ea) Perdita perdidit me. (Pl. Cist. 686—NB: unless perdita is taken as a secondary predicate); . . . nec aequitati quicquam tam infestum est quam convocati homines et armati. (Cic. Caec. 33—NB: parallelism); Irridebatur haec illius reconciliatio et persona viri boni suscepta . . . (Cic. Clu. 101—NB: coordination); . . . dubitabat nemo quin violati hospites, legati necati, pacati atque socii nefario bello lacessiti, fana vexata hanc tantam efficerent vastitatem. (Cic. Pis. 85); . . . omnibus amicis quorum benevolentiam nobis conciliarat per me quondam te socio defensa res publica . . . (Cic. Fam. 4.13.2); . . . ea res saepe temptata etsi impetus eius consiliaque tardabat . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.26.2); Non illi paucitatem nostrorum militum . . . non abscisum in duas partes exercitum . . . causae fuisse cogitabant. (Caes. Civ. 3.72.2); . . . ademptus Hector / tradidit fessis leviora tolli / Pergama Grais. (Hor. Carm. 2.4.10–12); Alterum (sc. Horatium) intactum ferro corpus et geminata victoria ferocem in certamen tertium dabat. (Liv. 1.25.11); Haec dicta vulgo creditaque cum indignitate angerent consulis animum, vocato ad concilium populo summissis fascibus in contionem escendit. (Liv. 2.7.7); Equidem, sicubi loco cessum, si terga data hosti, si signa foede amissa obici nobis possent, tamen hoc a te impetrari aequum censerem, ut nos virtute culpam nostram corrigere et abolere flagitii memoriam nova gloria patereris. (Liv. 7.13.4); Temptatum domi per dictatorem ut ambo patricii consules crearentur rem ad interregnum perduxit. (Liv. 7.22.1—NB: ut clause as the subject of temptatum); . . . maximum vinculum erant trecenti equites, nobilissimus quisque Campanorum, in praesidia Sicularum urbium delecti ab Romanis ac missi.

222

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position (Liv. 23.4.8); Ceterum transportati milites in Siciliam—et erant maior pars Latini nominis sociorumque—prope magni motus causa fuere. (Liv. 27.9.1); Ad Prusiam regem legatus T. Quinctius Flamininus venit, quem suspectum Romanis et receptus post fugam Antiochi Hannibal et bellum adversus Eumenen motum faciebat. (Liv. 39.51.1); Nec terra mutata mutavit genus aut mores. (Liv. 37.54.19); Ultima pestis urbis fuit cuniculo subrutus murus, per cuius ruinas hostis intravit. (Curt. 4.6.23); Urebat nobilem populum mare ablatum, raptae insulae, dare tributa, quae iubere consueverat. (Flor. Epit. 1.22); Britannos . . . visa classis obstupefaciebat . . . (Tac. Agr. 25.2); Observatum id antiquitus comitiis dirimendis non terruit Galbam . . . (Tac. Hist. 1.18.1); An excidit trucidatus Corbulo? (Tac. Hist. 2.76.3); . . . filios, e quibus Zammac comiti nomine Romano acceptus latenter a fratre Firmo peremptus discordias excitavit et bella. (Amm. 29.5.2) Active Present Participle: Fugiens denique Pompeius mirabiliter homines movet. (Cic. Att. 7.11.4); Quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. (Tac. Ann. 4.12.1—NB: coordination); Id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens . . . (Tac. Ann. 4.34.2) Active Future Participle: Nec his nec illis periculum suum, publicum imperium servitiumque obversatur animo futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna quam ipsi fecissent. (Liv. 1.25.3); Ab hoc affectu reges suam flevere potentiam, nec illos magnitudo fortunae suae delectavit, sed venturus aliquando finis exterruit. (Sen. Dial. 10.17.1); Augebat metum gnarus Romanae seditionis et, si omitteretur ripa, invasurus hostis. (Tac. Ann. 1.36.2—NB: parallelism) NB: Si ambo praesentes, sol occasus (solis Q) suprema tempestas esto. (Lex XII ap. Gel. 17.2.10) Comparable with (c) is the use of the adjective notum ‘well-known’ in (d).255 (d) Duri magno sed amore dolores / polluto notumque furens quid femina possit, / triste per augurium Teucrorum pectora ducunt. (‘But the cruel pangs when deep love is profaned, and knowledge of what a woman can do in frenzy, lead the hearts of the Trojans amid sad forebodings.’ Verg. A. 5.6–8—NB: duri dolores and notum coordinated)

There are exceptional instances of a neuter singular perfect passive participle of one-place verbs functioning as subject of the sentences, as in (e) and (f). In (e) responsum, haesitatum, and titubatum are parallel to deprehensum aliquid; note also visus (sc. reus).256 (e)

Haec proprie attingunt eos ipsos qui arguuntur, ut telum . . . ut deprehensum aliquid, quod ablatum ereptumve videatur, ut responsum inconstanter, ut haesitatum, ut titubatum, ut cum aliquo visus . . . (‘These intimately touch the actual persons accused—for instance, a weapon . . . the discovery of some article that looks as if it had been taken away or snatched from the victim, an inconsistent answer, hesitation, stammering, having been seen in company with somebody . . .’ Cic. Part. 114)

255 See Williams ad loc.

256 For more instances, some of which are disputable, see K.-St.: I.769.

Participial clauses (dominant participles) (f)

223

Quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset. (‘Indeed he would have equalled in this art the kings who had gone before him, if his degeneracy in other things had not also dimmed his glory here.’ Liv. 1.53.1) Supplement: Diu non perlitatum tenuerat dictatorem ne ante meridiem signum dare posset. (Liv. 7.8.5); Equidem, sicubi loco cessum, si terga data hosti, si signa foede amissa obici nobis possent, tamen . . . (Liv. 7.13.4—NB: parallel with dominant participles of two-place verbs)

. The use of the dominant participle construction as object or as third argument It is not always easy to decide whether a sequence consisting of a (pro)noun and a participle in the accusative should be construed as a participial clause or as an accusative and infinitive clause without esse. This can be illustrated by (a). The verb fero can be found with various types of objects: nouns referring to a situation, nouns referring to human beings, accusative and infinitive clauses, and finite clauses.257 (a)

. . . cum auctorem senatus exstinctum laete atque insolenter tulit. (‘. . . when he displayed delight and insolence at the death of the senate’s advisor.’ Cic. Phil. 9.7) Supplement: . . . in re publica me a se dissentientem non tulit . . . (Cic. Q. fr. 3.4.2); . . . tantum quod momen mutatum dicere possis. (Lucr. 2.220); . . . cum visa atque audita et obversatum totiens somno Iovem, minas irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset . . . (Liv. 2.36.6); Scipio . . . cum . . . Carthagini ab se captae captam ab eo Orongin aequasset . . . (Liv. 28.4.2); Occisum Ciceronem malos mores voco. (Sen. Con. 7.2.1); Neque populus ademptum ius questus est . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.15.1)

There is obviously no possibility of such ambiguity with objects or third arguments in the genitive, dative, or ablative,258 illustrated by (b)–(d), respectively. (b)

. . . relicuorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebat . . . (‘. . . the rest whom he (sc. Memmius) was accusing of taking bribes . . .’ Sal. Jug. 32.1)

(c)

Carthaginienses quoque Capuae amissae Tarentum captum aequabant. (‘The Carthaginians likewise balanced the capture of Tarentum against the loss of Capua.’ Liv. 26.37.6)

(d)

. . . obiurgavit Albium Granius quod . . . valde absoluto Scaevola gauderet . . . (‘. . . Granius reproved Albius because he was much delighted by Scaevola’s acquittal.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.281)

257 Examples of an accusative and infinitive can be found in TLL s.v. fero 538.1ff; without esse 538.19ff. 258 For cause expressions in the ablative, see Baños (2007: 19, n. 7).

224

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Supplement: Genitive: . . . (sc. pacem) cuius impetratae ab insita animis levitate ante deductum Cremera Romanum praesidium paenituit. (Liv. 2.49.12); . . . cum L. Scipio et accusatus et damnatus sit pecuniae captae ab rege . . . (Liv. 38.56.8); . . . adnitar ne quem pacis per me partae paeniteat. (Liv. 30.30.30); . . . ne eius (sc. Marii) nati rem publicam paeniteret . . . (Vell. 2.12.5); . . . accusatur rei publicae laesae. (Sen. Con. 10.1.13); . . . quia (sc. Labeo) male administratae . . . provinciae aliorumque criminum urgebatur . . . (Tac. Ann. 6.29.2—NB: coordination) Dative: Reditum ad vestitum confectae victoriae reservate. Confectio autem huius belli est D. Bruti salus. (Cic. Phil. 14.1—NB: continuation by confectio); Si . . . perituraeque addere Troiae / teque tuosque iuvat, patet isti ianua leto . . . (Verg. A. 2.659–61) Ablative: Eas leges quas ipse nobis inspectantibus recitavit, pronuntiavit, tulit, quibus latis gloriabatur . . . evertendas putamus? (Cic. Phil. 1.24); Aut quidnam fracta gaudes, Neptune, carina? (Prop. 3.7.15); Quae posteaquam litteris Scipionum Romae volgata sunt, non tam victoria quam prohibito Hasdrubalis in Italiam transitu laetabantur. (Liv. 23.29.17); Classes et Pontica signa / atque indignatos temerato litore reges / mente agitet . . . (Val. Fl. 1.800–2)

From Early Latin onwards instances are found of the so-called impersonal expressions opus est and usus est ‘it is needed’ with what seems a dominant (perfect) participle construction in the ablative, as in (e).259 (e)

Celeriter mi hoc homine convento’st opus. (‘It’s necessary that I meet this man quickly.’ Pl. Cur. 302) Supplement: Quid istis nunc memoratis opu’st, quae commeminere? (Pl. Mil. 914); Si duobus praefurnis coques, lacuna nihil opus erit; cum cinere eruto opus erit, altero praefurnio eruito, in altero ignis erit. (Cato Agr. 38.2); Primum ut id iniquissimum esse confitear eius modi est, ut commutatis eis opus sit legibus, non ut his quae sunt non pareamus. (Cic. Clu. 150); . . . nihil Oaeneo capto opus esse . . . (Liv. 43.19.4) Recita modo: ex tabellis iam faxo scies, / quam subito argento mi usus invento siet. (Pl. Ps. 49–50)

15.135 Gerundial argument clauses Gerundial arguments are used with both verbs and verbal phrases (§§ 15.136–8) and with two-place adjectives (§ 15.139). Gerundial clauses do not function as subject (see § 5.42) or as object in the accusative, but they do function as non-accusative second or third argument with a number of verbs and adjectives.

259 Instances in TLL s.v. opus 857.70ff.

Gerundial clauses

225

. The use of gerundial clauses as argument with verbs Gerundial clauses are sometimes used with verbs in a way similar to other nominal expressions, but sometimes they are also found as competitors of prolative infinitive clauses. These two uses are dealt with separately.

. The use of gerundial clauses as second or third argument Gerundial clauses can be used as second or third arguments, both as bare case forms and in prepositional expressions, from Early Latin onwards. The dative is the most common case form of bare case gerunds functioning as argument; particularly common is the expression scribendo adsum ‘to attend the writing’, exemplified by (a). Ex. (b) is a rare instance of a gerund functioning as a complement in the ablative (for absisto + abl., see § 4.44). An equally rare and late example of a genitive complement is (c) (for admoneo + gen., see § 4.66). A prepositional expression is exemplified by (d). The gerund may itself govern an argument in the appropriate case, as in (e), where a gerund in the dative case (quaerendo) governs an accusative object Epidicum. However, instances like (e) are relatively infrequent, gerundival clauses being the normal expression (see §§ 15.140–2.). There are a few instances of satellites belonging to a gerundial argument clause (see the Supplement). (a)

Sc(ribendo) arf(uerunt) M. Claudius M. f., L. Valerius P. f . . . . (‘Marcus Claudius, son of Marcus, Lucius Valerius, son of Publius, attended the writing . . .’ (CIL I2.581.2 (SCBac., Tiriolo, 186 bc))

(b)

. . . desperatione tandem fessum absistere sequendo coegit. (‘. . . he forced him, at last, tired and in despair, to stop pursuing.’ Liv. 29.33.8)

(c)

. . . Latini comici metuentes . . . ne quis fastidiosus finito actu velut admonitus abeundi reliquae comoediae fiat contemptor et surgat . . . (‘. . . the Latin comic poets, fearing that some bored audience member, as though being advised to depart when an act ends, would become a despiser of the rest of the comedy and would get up to leave . . .’ Don. Ter. Ad. pr. 1.4)

(d)

Ad resistendum me paro. (‘I am getting ready to defend myself.’ Cic. Att. 2.21.6)

(e)

Ego . . . Epidicum operam quaerendo dabo. (‘I’ll make an effort to find Epidicus.’ Pl. Epid. 605) Supplement (arguments of the gerund are indicated in italics, satellites in bold italics): Dative: Atque hominem investigando operam huic dissimulabiliter dabo . . . (Pl. Mil. 260); . . . eae nos lavando, eluendo operam dederunt . . . (Pl. Poen. 223); Aliquando osculando meliu’st, uxor, pausam fieri. (Pl. Rud. 1205); Scribendo adfui. (Cic. Prov. 28); Neque vero coniuncti Albici comminus pugnando deficiebant neque multum

226

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position cedebant virtute nostris. (Caes. Civ. 2.6.3); . . . is censendo finis factus est. (Liv. 1.44.2); . . . prodendo obstat ingens verecundia . . . (Plin. Nat. 28.29); Occasionem loquendo capto, nec mehercules possum dicere inhumanitate tua fieri, quod non audeo . . . (Sen. Con. 10.1.1); . . . eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret . . . (Tac. Ann. 3.72.2); ‘Parce’, inquit, ‘in verba ista haec tam absurda tamque immania mentiendo.’ (Apul. Met. 1.2.5);260 . . . cum / cuncta parasset / edendo . . . (sc. muneri) (CIL VIII.241.5–7 (Sbeitla (Sufetula), 2nd cent. ad)) Ablative: (sc. Masinissa) Verminam . . . taedio et desperatione tandem fessum absistere sequendo coegit. (Liv. 29.33.8); Desiste canendo, / nata. (Stat. Theb. 4.583–4); see also § 15.138, ex. (c) Prepositional expressions: (ab): Deterrent ab saliendo. (Var. R. 2.2.14); Nullum tempus illi umquam vacabat aut a forensi dictione aut a commentatione domestica aut a scribendo aut a cogitando. (Cic. Brut. 272—NB: coordination with abstract nouns); A scribendo prorsus abhorret animus. (Cic. Att. 2.6.1) (ad): Ita sum inritatus, animum ut nequeam ad cogitandum instituere. (Ter. Ph. 240); Nulla enim res tantum ad dicendum proficit quantum scriptio. (Cic. Brut. 91); Quod me hortaris ad scribendum, amice tu quidem, sed me scito agere nihil aliud. (Cic. Att. 16.11.3); . . . ut spatium ad colligendum se homines haberent . . . (Planc. Fam. 10.23.3); . . . pedites . . . rapiditate fluminis ad transeundum impedirentur. (Caes. Civ. 1.62.1); Itaque ad remedium iam diu neque desideratum nec adhibitum, dictatorem dicendum, civitas confugit. (Liv. 22.8.5—NB: in apposition to a prepositional phrase); . . . me debilitatum aegre ad exurgendum compellunt. (Apul. Met. 6.25.5); . . . cogendum se ad ducendum eam uxorem. . . (Suet. Claud. 26.3); . . . Quod autem pertineat ad consuetudinem refutandum. (Firmil. ap. Cypr. Ep. 75.19.1) (cum): Nam et scribendi ratio coniuncta cum loquendo est et . . . (Quint. Inst. 1.4.3)

Gerundial clauses in the dative are also used as argument with the verb sum in its meaning ‘to be capable of ’. Especially common from Cicero onwards is the use of sum in this sense with the dative gerund form solvendo ‘(up to) paying’. In later times solvendo became an idiom yielding utterances like unus non solvendo decessit ‘one . . . died insolvent’ (Modest. dig. 3.5.25). In addition to this combination of sum and a dative gerund, there are also a few others. (For parallel gerundival expressions, see § 15.141.) (f)

. . . cum solvendo civitates non essent. (‘. . . although the states were not capable of paying.’ Cic. Fam. 3.8.2) Supplement: Tu nec solvendo eras nec te ullo modo nisi eversa re publica fore incolumem putabas. (Cic. Phil. 2.4); Iamque ferendo / vix erat illa gravem maturo pondere ventrem . . . (Ov. Met. 9.684–5) It is a matter of dispute whether there are also gerundial clauses in the accusative that function as second argument. An example that is cited in the literature is (g).261 Here faciundum looks like a gerund in the accusative that functions as the object of coiraverunt and which itself governs a number of object constituents in the accusative. 260 For the interpretation of the prepositional in phrase, see TLL s.v. parco 333.70ff. 261 So, for example, Aalto (1949: 84–5) and Blümel (1979: 86).

Gerundial clauses

227

However, this seems rather a formulaic expression typical of composers of inscriptions.262 A gerundival clause is the normal expression. (g) . . . portas turreis moiros / turreisque aequas qum moiro / faciundum coiraverunt. (‘. . . they saw to the construction of gates, towers, and walls and of towers that were level with the wall.’ CIL I2.1722.3–5 (Mirabella Eclano, c.80 bc))

. The use of gerundial clauses instead of prolative infinitives Gerundial clauses are sometimes in competition with prolative infinitive clauses. Prepositional phrases can be used with a number of verbs to indicate the thing or activity entered upon (with ad ‘to’ + accusative) or the thing or activity from which one ceases (with the ablative or ab ‘from’ + ablative). An example of the former is the verb ingredior ‘to begin’; of the latter, desisto ‘to leave off ’. These verbs are usually found with the prolative infinitive (see § 15.131), but gerundial clauses are found as well. Examples of prepositional gerundial clauses are (a) and (b). Lucifer, writing c. ad 360, has bare ablative gerund forms with such verbs, as in (c), showing the confusion of the functions of the gerund and the present infinitive.263 (a)

. . . ante quam ad discendum ingressi sumus . . . (‘. . . before we have entered on the required study.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.94)

(b)

. . . ut desisteret ab agendo . . . (‘. . . that he should cease from doing something . . .’ August. Civ. 8.14.2)

(c)

Non itaque cessabimus tibi Domini ingerendo praecepta . . . (‘Accordingly, we will not cease from repeating to you the sayings of the Lord . . .’ Lucif. De non parc. 9 l. 35D) Appendix: In Early Medieval Latin the bare accusative case of the gerund (or at least that is what it presumably would look like through Classical Latin eyes) is also found in positions where the prolative infinitive is normal, so, for example, with phasal auxiliary verbs (for these see § 4.98) and then also with modal auxiliaries. Two seventh-century Merovingian illustrations are (d) and (e).264 (d) . . . de eodem incipiens tempore scribendum . . . (‘. . . beginning to write about the same time . . .’ Fredeg. Chron. 4pr.) (e) Theubertus . . . prilium vellens (= proelium volens) committendum adgreditur. (‘Theubertus . . . attacks, wishing to join in the battle.’ Fredeg. Chron. 4.37)

262 See Warmington IV.188, n. 4. For a discussion of this inscription, see Baldi (1999: 217). As an alternative to the explanation given above he suggests that the neuter form faciundum may have been chosen because the nouns it agrees with are of different gender, but then one would expect plural faciunda (see §§ 13.9 and 13.17). 263 Examples can be found in Diercks’ edition (1978: XCI). 264 Further examples from Fredegar can be found in Odelstierna (1926: 45–56).

228

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

Another area for competition between the gerund and the infinitive is in more or less idiomatic phrases that consist of sum and nouns that function as subject complement, such as mos est ‘it is the/a custom’. With this particular phrase the normal construction is the prolative infinitive, as in (f), but (g) may be analysed in the same way. Compare also (h). However, here one might take mala . . . et impia as the subject complement and contra deos disputandi as the adnominal argument of consuetudo (see also §§  17.17–18).265 A step further is (i). Here the explanation must be that Tacitus wanted to avoid the more common use of the infinitive vitare.266 (f)

Quia mos est oblivisci hominibus . . . (‘Because it’s people’s custom to forget . . .’ Pl. Capt. 985)

(g)

. . . sed quia mos est ita rogandi, rogo. (‘. . . but because it is the custom to ask in this way, I ask . . .’ Cic. Fam. 12.17.1)

(h)

Mala enim et impia consuetudo est contra deos disputandi . . . (‘For it is a wicked and impious practice to argue against the gods.’ Cic. N.D. 2.168)

(i)

Vologaesi vetus et penitus infixum erat arma Romana vitandi . . . (‘With Vologeses it was an old and deep-seated principle to avoid the Roman arms . . .’ Tac. Ann. 15.5.3) Supplement: Mos vero liberos genitos protinus obiciendi saevissimis earum eoque genere pudicitiam coniugum experiendi . . . (Plin. Nat. 7.14.2); Nec grave manumissis per idem obsequium retinendi libertatem . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.26.3); Decernaturque et maneat provincialibus potentiam suam tali modo ostentandi. (Tac. Ann. 15.21.2); . . . monumentum · refecit · ex / subscriptione · eorum quorum iuris est · dandi . . . (CIL VI.9035.9–10 (Rome, 1st cent. ad (late))); Iam propositi erat . . . ad Asiam accedendi . . . (Pereg. 23.10); . . . cum id iustitia ipsa persuadeat ab eo haec recognosci, qui evocandi personas sua interesse crediderit. (Cod. Just. 7.62.6.2); . . . quod eis nec donandi nec testandi aut capiendi vel ab aliis derelictum penitus subiaceret . . . (Vict. Vit. 3.9) Appendix: In Late Latin there are a few instances where the subject complement analysis seems acceptable, but here a more general confusion between infinitival and gerundial expressions may be an additional explanation as well, a confusion which is apparent in other contexts, for example in ( j). ( j) Set quid aliut fieri potest nisi naturae ser/viendum? (‘But what else can be done except obey nature?’ (CIL VIII.23245.2–3 (Hr Djuana)).

265 One might occasionally prefer to regard the gerundial clause as the subject of the sentence. A discussion of these cases can be found in Norberg (1943: 225ff.) and Wistrand (1967). 266 For these exceptional instances in Tacitus, see Löfstedt (1942/1933: I.106).

Gerundival clauses

229

15.139 The use of gerundial clauses with two-place adjectives that function as subject or object complement Gerundial clauses can be used with two-place adjectives that function as subject complement or as object complement. The gerunds may be either bare case forms in the genitive, dative, or ablative, or they may be prepositional expressions (mainly with ad ‘to’). An example with a dative gerund is (a). There are a few instances of such gerundial clauses with an argument (or a satellite), but the expression normally used in such cases is the gerundival clause. An example is (b). The gerundial clause videndi—itself in the genitive—contains an argument vos, in the expected accusative case form, and an adjunct, hic. The two other gerunds are combined with a space argument. (a)

Illud ediscendo scribendoque commune est . . . (‘This is common to learning by heart and writing . . .’ Quint. Inst. 11.2.35)

(b)

. . . quam cupida eram huc redeundi, abeundi a milite, / vosque hic videndi . . . (‘. . . how eager I was to come back here, to get away from the soldier, and to see all of you here . . .’ Ter. Hec. 91–2) Supplement: Genitive: Harum partium quaeque suis muneribus fungitur, si modo vinitor gnarus est iis utendi[s]. (Col. 4.25.1); Armorum et equitandi peritissimus, laboris ultra fidem patiens erat. (Suet. Jul. 57.1—NB: coordination with a noun) Dative: Est autem utilis sulpurata (sc. aqua) nervis, aluminata paralyticis aut simili modo solutis, bituminata aut nitrosa, qualis Cutilia est, bibendo itaque purgationibus. (Plin. Nat. 31.59—NB: coordination with a noun) Ablative: . . . culpando nihilum dignus, set dignus amari . . . (anth. II.1.650.2 (ad 360)) Prepositional phrase: At quidem hercle est perdundum magis quam ad scribundum cito. (Pl. Bac. 738); Non sati’ tutus est ad narrandum hic locus. (Ter. Ph. 818); Ut enim nulla materies tam facilis ad exardescendum est . . . (Cic. de Orat. 2.190); Ac ne me existimaris ad manendum esse propensiorem . . . (Cic. Att. 8.3.6); . . . ut (sc. balineae) habiles ad lavandum fierent . . . (Scaev. dig. 32.35.3); . . . solers ad audiendum, clemens ad ignoscendum . . . (CIL V.6725.7 (Vercelli, 5th cent. ad))

15.140 Gerundival argument clauses For the internal structure of gerundival clauses and their ‘dominant’ character, see § 14.14. Dominant gerundival clauses resemble dominant participial clauses with a past passive participle, the difference between them being that the gerundival clause denotes something that still has/had to take place (see § 5.41), while the participial clause refers to something that has/had already taken place. This is illustrated by ex. (a). The same difference can be seen in Livy’s famous temporal adjunct ante conditam condendamve urbem in (b).267 267 For the difference in meaning between the participial and the gerundival clauses, see Bolkestein (1980b: 93).

230 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position Non praesentem solum dictatorem obstitisse rei bene gerendae, sed absentem etiam gestae obstare . . . (‘Not only had the dictator prevented a successful engagement being fought while he was present, but even when absent he objected to the victory now that it was won . . .’ Liv. 22.25.4)

(b)

Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in animo est. (‘The things which have been handed down since before the city was founded or rather was presently to be founded and which are rather adorned with poetic legends than based upon trustworthy historical proofs, I purpose neither to affirm nor to refute.’ Liv.1.pr. 6)

Gerundival arguments are found both with verbs (§ 15.141) and with two-place adjectives (§ 15.142).

. The use of gerundival clauses as arguments with verbs Gerundival clauses can function as arguments of various types, but not as subject (but see ex. (g)). In the first place, gerundival clauses in the genitive, dative, or ablative can be used as second or third arguments, although the number of attested instances is relatively small. There are almost no attestations of genitive and ablative gerundival clauses in this use, but the dative is used with a range of verbs, including the verb sum in its meaning ‘to be equal to’. There are a few attestations of prepositional phrases. Examples of gerundival clauses are (a)–(c). (a)

. . . cum primores civitatis . . . tumultus hostilis et turbandae rei publicae accerserentur. (‘. . . when the leading men of the city . . . were indicted for armed rebellion and for disturbing the peace of the state . . .’ Tac. Ann. 4.29.1—NB: coordination with a noun phrase)

(b)

Thetis quoque etiam lamentando pausam fecit filio. (‘And even Thetis stopped lamenting for her son.’ Pl. Truc. 731)

(c)

. . . si gerendis negotiis orbatus possit paratissimis vesci voluptatibus. (‘. . . if, debarred from taking part in affairs, he should be able to enjoy the most exquisite pleasures.’ Cic. Fin. 5.57) Supplement (satellites of the gerundive are indicated in italics): Genitive: Ne feminae quidem exsortes periculi qua occupandae rei publicae argui non poterant, ob lacrimas incusabantur. (Tac. Ann. 6.10.1) Dative: Armamentis complicandis, [et] componendis studuimus. (Pl. Mer. 192); . . . bello gerendo M. Catonem praefecisti. (Cic. Dom. 20); . . . sic noster hic rector studuerit sane iuri et legibus cognoscendis . . . (Cic. Rep. 5.5); Dum consul placandis Romae dis haben-

Gerundival clauses

231

doque dilectu dat operam . . . (Liv. 22.2.1); Portoriisque et tributo plebes liberata, ut divites conferrent, qui oneri ferendo essent: pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si liberos educarent. (Liv. 2.9.6); Experiundam rem denique in uno aut altero esse sitne aliqui plebeius ferendo magno honori . . . (Liv. 4.35.9); . . . Domitium Corbulonem retinendae Armeniae praeposuerat . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.8.1); Et ne ponti iniciendo impedimentum hostiles turmae adferrent . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.9.1); . . . quod inter spectandum epistulis libellisque legendis aut rescribendis vacaret . . . (Suet. Aug. 45.1); . . . dum magister meus lectulo probe coaptando destrictus inservit . . . (Apul. Met. 10.35.1); . . . si quis pecuniis faenerandis, agris colendis, mercaturis redempturisque faciendis praeposuerit (sc. institorem) . . . (Ulp. dig. 14.3.5.2); . . . qui / cautionibus accipiendis de/sunt . . . (CIL II.2959.5–7 (Pamplona, ad 119)); . . . qui · se · numini · eius · in perpetuum · / colendo · obligaverunt . . . (CIL XII.4333.11–12 (Narbonne, ad 11)); (sc. provinciae) . . . quas natura agro potius eluctando commodavit . . . (Tert. Pal. 4) Prepositional phrase: A ducenda autem uxore sic abhorret ut libero lectulo neget esse quicquam iucundius. (Cic. Att. 14.13.5); . . . revocant ab inpugnandis operibus armatos murisque disponunt. (Hirt. Gal. 8.43.2); . . . cum · domi re/pelleretur · a · gerendis · honoribus . . . (CIL XIII.1668. I.14–15 (Lyon, ad 48)); Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestumque nomine Pisonis, quod a visendo eo prohiberetur, seque rationem valetudinis et amorem quietis excusavisse respondit. (Tac. Ann. 15.61.1); . . . nec ulla lege (sc. testes) a dicendo testimonio excusantur. (Charis. dig. 22.5.1.1); Iam se ad prohibenda circumdari opera Aequi parabant (Liv. 3.28.7); Hoc ius ad rapa condienda optime facit. (Col. 12.57.1); . . . quae ad solutionem pecuniae aut operam praebendam pertinent. (Javol. dig. 4.8.39.1—NB: coordination with a noun phrase)

There are also gerundival clauses functioning as object (and as subject in the passive, as in (e)), although their existence is ignored in some grammars.268 The clearest instances occur with the verb curo, as in (d). (d)

. . . cum ad has suspiciones certissimae res accederent . . . quod obsides inter eos dandos curasset . . . (‘. . . since to these suspicions the most unequivocal facts were added . . . namely that he had caused hostages to be given between them.’ Caes. Gal. 1.19.1)

(e)

Ne quis concedat quo olea legunda et facienda carius locetur . . . (‘No one shall form a combination in order that the harvesting and milling of olives might be contracted out at a higher price. . .’ Cato Agr. 144.4)

This use is limited to the verbs curo ‘to cause to be done’, do ‘to impose (a task)’, and loco ‘to contract for having done’. The construction is normally regarded as identical to the use of the gerundive as a secondary predicate (see § 21.9), as in (f). (f)

Sanguinis ingenui mulierem praetor . . . triumviro in carcere necandam tradidit. (‘A praetor handed over a woman of free birth . . . to the Triumvir to be executed in prison.’ V. Max. 5.4.7)

268 So  K.-St.: I.731 and Sz.: 371–2. Not so Bennett: I.444. The view taken in this Syntax is that of Odelstierna (1926: 15). She rightly argues that a ‘final’ interpretation is impossible with curare. More or less similarly Blümel (1979: 88–9) and Töttössy (1998).

232

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

However, with these three verbs, and unlike the secondary predicate instances, the entities the objects refer to very often (in the case of curare always) are the result of the action denoted by the gerundive (they resemble ‘effected’ objects (in the passive subjects), for which see § 2.12 and § 4.20). By contrast, with the other verbs with which a gerundive may be used as a secondary predicate, we are dealing with an ‘affected’ object of the governing verb, as in (g) (see § 2.12 and § 4.20). There are also a few (very) Late Latin instances of facio ‘to do’ with a gerundival clause as object, but these date from a period in which infinitive and -nd- forms were confused regularly (see § 15.138). Supplement (satellites of the gerundival clause indicated in italics): Cura adservandum vinctum, atque audi’n? Quadrupedem constringito. (Ter. An. 865); . . . deinde ipsum Aurium . . . tollendum interficiendumque curavit. (Cic. Clu. 23); . . . monumentum quam amplissimum locandum faciendumque . (Cic. Phil. 14.38); . . . pontem in Arari faciendum curat atque ita exercitum traducit. (Caes. Gal. 1.13.1); . . . quod Atheniensium legem probantes me arte erudiendum curaverunt . . . (Vitr. 6.pr.4); . . . aut ullo alio genere (sc. eum) persequendum curabis . . . (Petr. 109.2) Ibi nunc statuam volt dare auream / solidam faciundam ex auro Philippo . . . (Pl. Cur. 439–40); Calcem partiario coquendam qui dant, ita datur: . . . (Cato Agr. 16); Lectulos—in sole—ilignis pedibu’ faciundos dedit. (Ter. Ad. 585); C. Mario L. Valerio consulibus senatus rem publicam defendendam dedit. (Cic. Phil. 8.15) (sc. terminos) statuendos locaverunt (CIL I2.400.5–6 (near Rome, 5th cent. bc (early))); . . . ut tu me quoivis castrandum loces. (Pl. Aul. 251); Villam aedificandam si locabis novam ab solo, faber haec faciat oportet. (Cato Agr. 14.1); † trapeti † facito si operarii conducti erunt aut facienda locata erit, pro eo resolvito, aut deducetur. (Cato Agr. 145.1); Magno cum luctu . . . simulacrum Dianae tollendum locatur. (Cic. Ver. 4.76—NB: subject in a passive sentence); Opera deinde facienda ex decreta in eam rem pecunia, lacus sternendos lapide, detergendasque, qua opus esset, cloacas in Aventino, et in aliis partibus qua nondum erant faciendas locaverunt. (Liv. 39.44.5)269 ?uxsor benemerenti / faciendum fecit (CIL II.2549.4–5 (Hisp. Tarr.—‘inscriptio male descripta’270)) A gerundival clause functioning as subject in a non-passive sentence is (g). Here the use of the gerundival clause is facilitated, as K.-St.: I.754 say, by its coordination with Gallia. A comparable case which is cited as a gerundival clause functioning as object is (h). (g) Cn. Domitio extra Italiam quo senatus censuisset provincia evenit, L. Quinctio Gallia et comitia habenda. (‘To Gnaeus Domitius was allotted a province outside Italy, wherever the senate should decree; to Lucius Quinctius fell Gaul and the holding of the elections.’ Liv. 35.20.8)

269 Note that in this example detergendas presupposes the existence of cloacae, whereas faciendas does not. 270 So TLL s.v. facio 87.51.

Gerundival clauses

233

(h) Nec caelestes modo caerimonias, sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem pontifex edoceret . . . (‘And the pontifex was to teach not only ceremonies relating to the gods above, but also proper funeral observances and the propitiation of the spirits of the dead . . .’ Liv. 1.20.7) Supplement: . . . moverat eum et primi periculi casus . . . et subeunda dimicatio totiens quot coniurati superessent . . . (Liv. 2.13.2)271

Gerundival clauses can also be used as subject complement with the copula sum ‘to be’ or with another copular verb to denote a future state of affairs that is likely to occur. Such clauses are sometimes described as ‘final’ gerundival expressions, but they should not be confused with gerundival purpose adjuncts described in § 16.106, where no copular verb is involved. An example of a subject complement is (i). For a gerundival clause that functions as object complement, see ( j) (for the genitive, see § 9.42). (i)

. . . quae res evertendae reipublicae solent esse . . . (‘. . . which matters usually ruin the state . . .’ Cic. Ver. 2.132)

( j)

(sc. Marius) Quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi cognovit . . . (‘But after Marius realized that such exploits merely brought him glory and did not tend to finish the war . . .’ Sal. Jug. 88.4) Supplement: . . . multa contra morem consuetudinemque militarem fierent quae dissolvendae disciplinae severitatisque essent . . . (B.  Alex. 65.1); Si plebeiae leges displicerent, at illi communiter legum latores et ex plebe et ex patribus, qui utrisque utilia ferrent quaeque aequandae libertatis essent, sinerent creari. (Liv. 3.31.7); Lectis rerum summis cum animum advertisset pleraque dissolvendarum religionum esse . . . (Liv. 40.29.11); . . . quaeque alia conciliandae misericordiae videbantur . . . (Tac. Ann. 11.3.1)

. The use of gerundival clauses with adjectives that function as subject or object complement Gerundival clauses functioning as argument of adjectives in subject or object complement function are found in all periods of Latin, although they are not frequent. Such clauses are used in the genitive, dative, and—very rarely—ablative, as well as in prepositional phrases. Examples are (a)–(d), respectively. (a)

. . . ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior . . . (‘. . . his being more concerned for my restoration than for the prevention of my banishment.’ Cic. Att. 8.3.3)

(b)

Haec nox scita est exercendo scorto . . . (‘This night is perfect for exhausting a prostitute . . .’ Pl. Am. 288) 271 For ‘variety and inconcinnity’ in Livy, see Catterall (1938), especially p. 313.

234 (c)

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position At nunc causa mihi est orandae sola salutis / dignum donanda, Caesar, te credere vita. (‘But now my only reason for begging for life, is that I think you, Caesar, are worthy to grant it.’ Luc. 4.346–7)

(d)

. . . quod illa aetas magis ad haec utenda idonea’st . . . (‘. . . since that age is more suitable for enjoying them . . .’ Ter. Hau. 133) Supplement (satellites of the gerundive are indicated in light italics): Genitive: Mercatorem autem strenuum studiosumque rei quaerendae existimo . . . (Cato Agr. pr. 3); Pacis inter civis conciliandae te cupidum esse laetor. (Cic. Fam. 10.27.1); Nam ut ad bella suscipienda Gallorum alacer ac promptus est animus, sic . . . (Caes. Gal. 3.19.6); Fuit enim disertus, impiger, laboriosus, rei militaris peritus neque minus civitatis regendae. (Nep. Tim. 1.1—NB: coordination with a noun phrase); Latiaris, ut rettuli, praecipuus olim circumveniendi Titii Sabini et tunc luendae poenae primus fuit. (Tac. Ann. 6.4.1); Eutrapelus . . . corrumpendorum hominum callidus fuit . . . (Porph. ad Hor. Ep. 1.18.31) Dative: Sed hoc non liquet nec satis cogitatum est, / . . . utram aetati agundae arbitrer firmiorem. (Pl. Trin. 227–9); Facilis impetrandae veniae Claudius, Fulvio durior sententia erat. (Liv. 26.15.1); . . . qui perferendis militum mandatis habebatur idoneus ob promptum ingenium. (Tac. Ann. 1.23.4); At ego referendis laudibus tuis exilis ingenio et adhibendis sacrificiis tenuis patrimonio. (Apul. Met. 11.25.5) Ablative: (sc. patres) . . . nec iam possidendis publicis agris contentos esse . . . (Liv. 6.14.11); . . . et uberrimum gignendis uvis solum est. (Curt. 6.4.21);272 . . . dum flumen gignendo sale fecundum et conterminum vi trahunt . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.57.1) Prepositional phrase: Gonlegium . . . opiparum a veitam quolundam . . . (CIL I2.364b.1–2 (Falerii, c.150 bc)); (sc. glaebas) . . . aptiores facere ad accipiendum imbrem . . . (Var. R. 1.27.2); Haec igitur opera grata multis et ad beneficiis obstringendos homines accommodata. (Cic. Off. 2.65)

15.143 Relative clauses functioning as argument Autonomous relative clauses functioning as argument are dealt with in § 18.16.

15.144 Nominal (verbless) argument clauses Parallel to the participial and gerundival argument clauses discussed in previous sections, there are a few instances of clauses that consist of a noun (phrase) and a noun (phrase), as in (a), or of a noun (phrase) and an adjective, as in (b), and which function as subject in their sentence. They lack a copula in the way nominal sentences do 272 Commonly taken as an ablative, although it might be a dative.

Nominal (verbless) clauses

235

(see § 4.96). Although they are acceptable on a structural level (given the fact that they are quite common in satellite positions (see §§ 16.114ff.)), the fact that they occur in only a few very experimental authors suggests that they are literary exploitations of a structure that was probably not in use in everyday Latin. (a)

. . . filius legati orator publicae causae satis ostenderet necessitate expressa quae per modestiam non obtinuissent. (‘The fact that their commander’s son was serving as pleader of the common cause clearly showed that they had wrested by compulsion what they had failed to obtain by good behaviour.’ Tac. Ann. 1.19.5)

(b)

Augebat metum gnarus Romanae seditionis . . . hostis. (‘The fact that the enemy was aware of the Roman mutiny heightened the alarm.’ Tac. Ann. 1.36.2) Supplement: Noun (phrase): Et quantum misericordiae saevitia accusationis permoverat, tantum irae P. Egnatius testis concivit. (Tac. Ann. 16.32.2—NB: parallelism with saevitia accusationis) Adjective: Multa me dehortantur . . .: opes factionis, vostra patientia, ius nullum, ac maxume quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. (Sal. Jug. 31.1); Sed minuit furorem / vix una sospes navis ab ignibus . . . (Hor. Carm. 1.37.12–13); Ceterum plena Caesarum domus, iuvenis filius, nepotes adulti moram cupitis adferebant. (Tac. Ann. 4.3.1) K.-St.: I.770 analyse the noun phrases in (c)–(d) and a few others as argument clauses. In these cases the information provided by the attributes is definitely salient, but this does not make the expressions argument clauses. (c) . . . praeclara . . . est aequabilitas in omni vita et idem semper vultus eademque frons . . . (‘. . . an unruffled temper is excellent in every condition of life, as well as an unchanging expression and the same countenance . . .’ Cic. Off. 1.90) (d) Quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res trepidae, metus ingens, malum inprovisum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium potestate coegere, uti deditionem facerent. (‘After the inhabitants perceived these things, their state of consternation and extreme dread, the suddenness of the calamity, and, moreover, the consideration that part of their fellow-citizens were outside the walls in the enemy’s power compelled them to surrender.’ Sal. Jug. 91.5) Supplement: Accedere matrem muliebri impotentia. (Tac. Ann. 1.4.5); Facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. (Tac. Ann. 2.33.4)

236

Subordinate clauses filling an argument position

Just as there are participial clauses functioning as argument with the expression opus est ‘it is needed’ (see § 15.134), there are a few instances of nominal clauses in that position, as in (e). (e)

Quid opu’st me advocato . . . (‘What need is there for me to be an advocate . . .’ Pl. Am. 1038) Supplement: Noun (phrase): Si quis tamen virtutibus vitia pensarit, vir magnus ac memorabilis fuit, et in cuius laudes equendas Cicerone laudatore opus fuerit. (Liv. ap. Sen. Suas. 6.22) Adjective: . . . sobrio tanta ad mala / opus est Thyeste. (Sen. Thy. 900–1)

CHAPTER 16

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

16.1 Verbal and nominal satellite clauses As with argument clauses, a distinction is made in this chapter between satellite clauses that contain a finite or non-finite verb form and clauses that contain a noun or an adjective instead. Examples to illustrate these types are (a)–(b) and (c)–(d), respectively. Ex. (a) contains a finite adjunct clause indicating the reason why the state of affairs of the main clause takes place; (b), a non-finite (participial) adjunct clause; (c), a nominal (verbless) adjunct clause containing the noun duce; (d), likewise a nominal adjunct clause but with an adjective (vivo) instead of a noun. Exx. (b)–(d) are usuallly called ‘ablative absolute’ constructions. Semantically, they are interpreted as indicating the time at which the state of affairs of the main clause takes place. (a)

Merito vostro amo vos, / quia me colitis [et] magni facitis. (‘I’m fond of you two, and deservedly so, because you’re kind to me and appreciate me.’ Pl. Cist. 21–2)

(b)

. . . intellegebat Habito mortuo bona eius omnia ad matrem esse ventura. (‘. . . he realized that when Habitus died all his property would pass to his mother.’ Cic. Clu. 45)

(c)

(sc. exercitus) . . . quem pulsum a se Domitio duce sciebat . . . (‘. . . which he knew had been routed by himself when Domitius led it . . .’ B. Alex. 74.3)

(d)

Non sino, neque equidem illum me vivo corrumpi sinam. (‘No I won’t, and I won’t let him be corrupted while I’m alive.’ Pl. Bac. 419)

16.2 Finite satellite clauses Finite satellite clauses contain an indicative or a subjunctive verb form. For the tenses and moods required or allowed in the various satellites clauses, see §§ 7.85ff.

The Oxford Latin Syntax. Harm Pinkster, Oxford University Press (2021). © Harm Pinkster. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199230563.003.0016

238

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

and §§ 7.128ff., respectively. There are no satellite clauses containing an imperative verb form. Historic infinitives are rare.1

. Classes of finite satellite clauses The division of finite satellite clauses into fourteen classes that follows is mainly based on semantic grounds. The number of classes distinguished is not entirely the same as in Chapter  10 on prepositional and noun phrases functioning as satellite. Where appropriate, a further distinction is made between the use of a specific class of satellite clause as adjunct or as disjunct, with a further distinction between attitudinal disjuncts (the clause indicates some form of comment on either the content or the wording (or: linguistic form) of the main clause) and illocutionary disjuncts (the clause specifies the communicative function of the main clause—see § 10.97).

. The role of subordinators in satellite clauses Finite satellite clauses consist of a clause which is connected to the main clause by a subordinating device and which contains a finite verb form (but see below). The subordinating device indicates the semantic relation between the subordinate clause and its main clause. The function of this subordinating device is not the same in all types of finite satellite clauses (see also § 14.6). In some clauses the only function seems to be to indicate the semantic relation of the subordinate clause with respect to the (complex) sentence as a whole, a relation that may be made explicit by a correlating expression in the main clause, as in (a). In other clauses, notably in space clauses, the subordinating device has a syntactic and semantic function in its own clause as well, and the correlating expression in the main clause may have a meaning that is different from the subordinating device, as in (b) (see §  16.6, ex. (f)). This usage resembles that  of relative pronouns, which, apart from connecting the subordinate and main clauses, have a function in their own clause as well; indeed, devices such as unde in  (b)  are relative adverbs. Temporal cum satellite clauses are also often included in this category (see § 16.10). In this chapter the term ‘subordinator’ is used for all these devices. (a)

Equidem hercle nullum perdidi ideo quia numquam ullum habui. (‘I for one haven’t lost any such man for that reason, because I’ve never had one.’ Pl. As. 622)

(b)

. . . eo unde discedere non oportuit aliquando revertamur. (‘. . . let me at length return to those pursuits from which I never should have departed.’ Cic. Att. 2.16.3)

1 For the use of the historic infinitive in the historians, especially Tacitus, see Perrochat (1932a: 67–70).

Finite satellite clauses 239 Some of the subordinators used in satellite clauses are formally identical to ones used in argument clauses. See § 14.4. Further, a number of subordinators occur in more than one type of satellite clause. Satellite clauses without a subordinator are very rare. Examples are (c) and (d)— purpose clauses—and (e)—a result clause. There are more instances in (very) Late Latin texts by less educated authors.2 (c) Siquidem mihi saltandum est, tum vos date bibat tibicini. (‘If I have to dance, then you two must give the flute player something to drink.’ Pl. St. 757) (d) Da quaeso scribae recitet ex codice professionem. Recita. (‘Kindly hand this to the clerk so that he can read aloud from the volume the passage about the returns to be made. Read it, please.’ Cic. Ver. 3.26) (e) Et si fistula erit, turundam intro trudito; si turundam non recipiet, diluito, indito in vesicam, eo calamum alligato, ita premito in fistulam introeat. (‘If there is a fistula, insert a pellet; or if it will not admit a pellet, make a solution, pour it into a bladder, attach a reed to it, and squeeze the bladder in such a way that the solution enters into the fistula.’ Cato Agr. 157.14)

For the use of the historic infinitive in subordinate clauses, see § 7.71, Appendix, and § 7.122. For the use of the accusative and infinitive in subordinate satellite clauses, see § 15.109. Also, just as in other types of clauses and sentences, a finite verb (and other constituents) may be absent for various reasons.

. Satellite clauses (seemingly) filling an argument position Satellite clauses are sometimes so closely interwoven with their main clause that they resemble argument clauses. Examples are the conditional si clauses in (a) and (b). In the main clause of (a) the second argument of interdicunt is not expressed and must be inferred from the si clause: it is coreferential with qui: ‘that somebody’. The si clause could be replaced by an autonomous relative clause functioning as a whole as the second argument of interdicunt. (For autonomous relative clauses, see §§ 18.15ff. See also § 14.17.)3 (a)

Si qui aut privatus aut populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt. (‘If any person or people has not abided by their decision, they ban such from sacrifice.’ Caes. Gal. 6.13.6)

(b)

Et si quid contusum est, erumpet. (‘And if a part of the body has been bruised, it will burst.’ Cato Agr. 157.4)

2 For further references, see Sz.: 531–2. For Late Latin, see Svennung (1934). 3 For a discussion of these and related instances, see Bodelot (2005: 469–73).

240

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

16.6 Space clauses (adjuncts) Space satellite clauses locate the event of the superordinate clause in space. There are four types, introduced by position, direction, source, or path expressions. Each of these types is typically introduced by one of the subordinators (or more precisely: relative adverbs—see §  16.4 and below) given in Table  16.1. The main clause may contain one of the demonstrative or anaphoric adverbs in the right hand column, which may either precede (their preparative use) or follow (their resumptive use). Examples of each of the four types are (a)–(d), respectively.4 Table 16.1 Survey of spatial relative adverbs Position

ubi ‘where’, ubicumque ‘wherever’, ubiubi ‘wherever’

hic ‘here’, ibi ‘there’, illic ‘over there’, istic ‘over there’

Direction quo ‘whither’, quocumque ‘whithersoever’, quoquo ‘whithersoever’

huc (and hoc) ‘hither’, illuc (and illo(c)) ‘thither’, istuc (and isto(c)) ‘to the place where you are’, eo ‘thither’, eodem ‘to the same place’

Source

unde ‘whence’, undecumque ‘from whatever direction’

hinc ‘hence’, illinc ‘thence’, istinc ‘from over there’, inde ‘thence’

Path

qua ‘by which route’

ea ‘along that way’

(a)

Istic ubi vis condormisce. (‘Sleep over there where you like.’ Pl. Rud. 572)

(b)

Do fidem, si omittis, isto me intro ituram quo iubes. (‘I give you my word that if you let go of me, I’ll go in there where you tell me to.’ Pl. Mil. 455)

(c)

Brevis erit (sc. oratio), si, unde necesse est, inde initium sumetur . . . (‘It will be brief if the beginning is taken up from the point where it needs to be . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.28)

(d)

(Hannibal) . . . effecit ut ea elephantus ornatus ire posset, qua antea unus homo inermis vix poterat repere. (‘. . . Hannibal made it possible for an elephant with its equipment to go over places along which before that a single unarmed man could barely creep.’ Nep. Han. 3.4) Relative space adverbs are used in a variety of non-spatial senses (for details, see the OLD). The most conspicuous case is ubi, which is also regularly used in time clauses (see § 16.23). An example of an ubi clause that is used in a sense somewhere between the locative and temporal is (e), where ubi has to be taken in the sense of ‘in which (situation)’.5 4 See Wölfflin (1896).

5 See OLD s.v. ubi § 8.

Time clauses

241

(e) Rursus autem ex cognitionis consultatione, ubi sit necne sit aut fuerit futurumve sit quaeritur, unum genus est quaestionis . . . (‘And again, under the consideration of learning, in cases where it is inquired whether a thing is (or was, or will be) or not, one class of question is . . .’ Cic. Part. 64)

The correlative pairs may have different functions in their own clause, as is shown by exx. (f), repeated from §  16.4, and (g). In (f) unde is part of a subordinate clause, where it functions as a source argument with discedere; the clause as a whole functions as a direction argument with the verb revertamur in the main clause, as is made explicit by eo. Ex. (g) shows unde functioning as source adjunct. In (h) and (i) there is no such correlating element. (f)

. . . eo unde discedere non oportuit aliquando revertamur. (‘. . . let me at length return to those pursuits from which I never should have departed.’ Cic. Att. 2.16.3)

(g)

Eo inpendi laborem ac periculum unde emolumentum atque honos speretur. (‘Toil was bestowed and danger risked, they said, in causes from which benefit and honour could be hoped for.’ Liv. 4.35.7)

(h)

Sed redeat unde aberravit oratio. (‘But my discourse should return to the point from which it wandered.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.66)

(i)

. . . ut unde deiecisset restitueret. (‘. . . to restore to the place whence he had ejected.’ Cic. Caec. 23)

Space clauses as exemplified above are in fact autonomous relative clauses functioning as space satellites. They are dealt with in this Chapter to maintain the same organization of satellites as in Chapter 10. Autonomous and adnominal space clauses are also used in other functions at the sentence and noun phrase levels. For details, see § 18.36. Just as with noun phrases functioning as direction and source expressions, it is often difficult to decide whether the clausal constituents in such sentences are an argument or a satellite. To a lesser extent this holds also for position expressions. This problem is ignored in this section, because the internal and external properties of the two types of clause are very much the same.

16.7 Time clauses (adjuncts) Time satellite clauses locate the event of their superordinate clause in time. More precisely they indicate the temporal relation of the event referred to in the superordinate clause with respect to the event in the time clause. This is illustrated by (a)– (c), in which time clauses are used independently as answers to a question with quando ‘when?’

242 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Obstitisti videlicet ne ex Italia transire in Siciliam fugitivorum copiae possent. Ubi, quando, qua ex parte? Cum aut ratibus aut navibus conarentur accedere? (‘But you made it impossible, as you claim, for bands of revolted slaves to cross from Italy to Sicily. Where? When? From what quarter? When they were attempting to approach Sicily by boat or ship?’ Cic. Ver. 5.5)

(b)

‘Quando tandem, Galba de triclinio tuo exibis?’ # ‘Cum tu,’ inquit, ‘de cubiculo alieno.’ (‘ “Galba, whenever will you come out of your own dining room?” # “When you,” he said, “come away from other people’s bedrooms.” ’ Cic. de Orat. 2.262)

(c)

Quando ista vis autem evanuit? An postquam homines minus creduli esse coeperunt? (‘When did the virtue disappear? Was it after men began to be less credulous?’ Cic. Div. 2.117)

The temporal relationship between the events of the subordinate and the superordinate clause may be one of simultaneity, as in (a) and (b); anteriority, as in (c); or posteriority, as in (d). (d)

Prius quam intro redii, exanimatus fui. (‘Before I returned inside, I was practically dead.’ Pl. Aul. 208)

The subordinators used to mark these three types of relationship are given in Table 16.2. Some of these are in fact relative adverbs (see §16.10 and § 18.38 on cum (quom)). Table 16.2 Survey of temporal subordinators simultaneity

(a) cum (quom) and quoniam ‘when’, quando ‘when’, quandocumque and quandoque ‘whenever’, quotiens ‘as often as’ (for ubi, see § 16.6); (b) donec, dum, quamdiu, quoad, and quatenus ‘as long as’

anteriority

cum ‘when’, ‘after’, postquam, ubi, and ut ‘after’, cum primum, cum extemplo, simul, simulatque, simulac, simul ut, ubi primum, and ut primum ‘as soon as’ (also ex quo ‘since’ and—very rarely—unde)

posteriority

antequam and priusquam ‘before’; donec, (dum,) and quoad ‘until’

The lexical meaning of the subordinators interacts with the semantic value of the types of states of affairs and the tenses used in the two clauses, which explains why some subordinators are used in more than one subclass of time clauses. The most conspicuous subordinator in this respect is dum, which can be translated as both ‘as long as’ and ‘until’ depending on the type of state of affairs and the tenses and moods used (for details, see § 16.15 and § 16.17, respectively).6

6 For dum and the types of events with which it occurs see TLL s.v. dum 2202.50ff.

Time clauses

243

Depending on the context, the relationship between a time clause and the main clause may be interpreted as causal (cum, dum, postquam, quando), concessive (or adversative) (cum, dum, postquam, quando), conditional (dum and quando), or final (antequam, priusquam). In most of these cases the mood of the temporal clause is subjunctive. Cum especially can be used in a wide range of contexts, and it resembles in this respect ablative absolute clauses.7 There are a few instances of et and atque ‘and’ in the (following) main clause after finite and non-finite temporal subordinate clauses. See § 19.12.

. Time clauses denoting an event that is simultaneous with the event in the main clause The first group of subordinators shown in Table 16.2 (time clauses denoting simultaneity) can be divided into two subgroups, one that indicates at what time or in what period the state of affairs of the main clause was located (cum, quando, and quoniam), more or less equivalent to quo tempore, and another one that indicates the extent of time of the state of affairs of the main clause.8

. Time clauses that locate the event of the main clause in time (cum, dum, quando, quoniam, quotiens) The first four time clauses that locate the event of the main clause in time (with cum, dum, quando, or quoniam) are discussed in separate sections. For quotiens, see § 16.13, Appendix. The use of quoniam and of quando and its compounds as temporal subordinators is relatively uncommon and mostly attested in Early Latin. The use of dum in a locating sense is poetic and Late. 16.10 Time clauses with cum (quom) Cum (< quom) clauses locate the state of affairs of the main clause in time, that is, they indicate when the state of affairs of the main clause takes, took, or will take place. The most common uses of cum clauses are treated in § 7.125 (use of the tenses) and § 7.142 (use of the moods). Cum clauses may precede, as in (a), or (less often) follow their main or superordinate clause, as in (b). When they precede, the information they convey is usually closely connected to the preceding context. When they follow, they sometimes describe a further development in a series of events rather than locate the state of affairs of the main clause in time.9 An example is (c). The relation between the main clause and a following cum clause is sometimes as loose as between a main clause and a connecting relative clause, as in (d). (Further examples in the Supplement.)10 In 7 8 9 10

See Lavency (1975; 1976) and Luraghi (2001: 411–13). Woodcock (1959: 177) uses the term ‘contemporaneous’ for this subgroup. Sz.: 623 calls this use of cum ‘weiterführend’. See also K.-St.: II.340–2, which is the source of most of the examples above.

244

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

the next section special attention will be given to so-called cum inversum clauses, which in most cases have an indicative verb form. In narrative texts the locating function of the cum clause is less prominent, and its function is rather to introduce and set the stage for the event in the main clause, as in (e).11 (a)

Quom exibam, hic erat. (‘When I came out, she was here.’ Pl. Mil. 181)

(b)

Praesagibat mi animus frustra me ire, quom exibam domo. (‘My mind felt a premonition that I was going in vain when I left the house.’ Pl. Aul. 178—NB: Cicero Div. 1.65 quotes it with subjunctive exirem)

(c)

Plus triginta annis natus sum, quom interea loci / numquam quicquam facinus feci peius nec scelestius / quam hodie . . . (‘It’s been more than thirty years since I was born, during which time I’ve never committed a worse or more wicked crime than today . . .’ Pl. Men. 446–8)

(d)

. . . medico quem tecum tu eduxeras imperasti ut venas hominis (sc. Platoris) incideret; cum quidem tibi etiam accessio fuit ad necem Platoris Pleuratus eius comes, quem necasti verberibus summa senectute confectum. (‘. . . you ordered the physician whom you had taken out with you to open the man’s veins. To the murder of Plator you added that of Pleuratus his friend, whom you scourged to death, worn out though he was with extreme old age.’ Cic. Pis. 83–4)

(e)

Ut Alexandrum regem videmus, qui cum interemisset Clitum familiarem suum, vix a se manus abstinuit. (‘As for instance we see King Alexander did, who after he had killed his friend Clitus could scarcely keep his hands off himself.’ Cic. Tusc. 4.78) Supplement: Litteras in contione recitasti quas tibi a C.  Caesare missas diceres ‘CAESAR PULCHRO’, cum etiam es argumentatus amoris esse hoc signum, cognominibus tantum uteretur . . . (Cic. Dom. 22); Recordare cetera, quam cito senatum illo die facta sortitione coegerim, quam multa de te verba fecerim, cum tu ipse mihi dixisti orationem meam non solum in te honorificam sed etiam in collegas tuos contumeliosam fuisse. (Cic. Fam. 5.2.3); Cum Caesar in Galliam venit, alterius factionis principes erant Haedui, alterius Sequani. (Caes. Gal. 6.12.1) Primo actu placeo; quom interea rumor venit / datum iri gladiatores, populu’ convolat. (Ter. Hec. 39–40); (sc. Piso) . . . domum se abdidit; inde nocte intempesta . . . navem conscendit . . . et ultimas Hadriani maris oras petivit, cum interim Dyrrachii milites domum . . . obsidere coeperunt . . . (Cic. Pis. 92) . . . sed uterque nostrum cedere cogebatur magnitudini animi orationisque gravitati, cum quidem ille maxima laude et gratulatione omnium vestrum pollicitus est se quod velletis esse facturum . . . (Cic. Phil. 9.9) Neque est ille vir passus in ea re publica quam ipse decorarat atque auxerat diutius vestrorum scelerum pestem morari, cum tamen ille (sc. Gabinius), qualiscumque est, 11 See Kroon (1998a) and Heberlein (2014: 272–3).

Time clauses

245

qui est ab uno te improbitate victus . . . conlegit ipse se vix . . . (Cic. Pis. 27); Torpebat Vitellius et fortunam principatus inerti luxu ac prodigis epulis praesumebat . . ., cum tamen ardor et vis militum ultro ducis munia implebat . . . (Tac. Hist. 1.62.2) Cum is a temporal relative adverb, which is used both adnominally (fuit tempus cum ‘there was a time when’ (see § 18.38)) and autonomously, as in this section. Some scholars indeed deal with these clauses as relative clauses.12 Cum is also used as a subordinator in argument clauses with gaudeo ‘to rejoice’ and related verbs (see §  15.23). For cum clauses that resemble secondary predicates, see § 21.15, Appendix. Unlike quando and its locative counterpart ubi, cum does not have a corresponding interrogative homonym (nor an indefinite one).13 The relationship between a cum clause and its superordinate clause may be made more precise by various adverbs (see § 14.18), as is illustrated by (f)–(h). (f) At primum istae ipsae leges quas recitas, ut mittam cetera, significant, quam noluerint maiores nostri, nisi cum pernecesse esset, hominem occidi. (‘But, in the first place those very laws which you read—to say nothing of other points—prove how utterly our ancestors disapproved of any man being slain, unless it was absolutely unavoidable.’ Cic. Tul. 49) (g) Omnia cum adprobatione ingenti sunt audita, praeterquam cum ad mentionem Nabidis ventum esset. (‘The whole speech was received with great applause, except when mention was made of Nabis.’ Liv. 34.48.5) (h) (sc. legionem) . . . incitatissimam retinui aegre mehercules, nec retinuissem si uno loco habuissem, utpote cum singulae quaedam cohortes seditionem fecerint. (‘Nevertheless I have managed to retain it though in a most restless state: nor should I have retained it, if I had kept it united and stationary, for certain cohorts have actually mutinied.’ Pol. Fam. 10.32.4)

16.11 So-called cum inversum clauses A special type of cum clause is the so-called inverse cum clause, or cum inversum, in which the roles of the main and the cum clause are reversed: the cum clause, which normally locates the state of affairs of the main clause in time and presents background information, contains the most prominent event itself, and this event is thus situated within the state of affairs of the main clause. In this configuration the main clause denotes an event that is part of the set of events in the preceding context and continues them. Most often the event in the main clause is presented as ongoing (expressed in the imperfect—see § 7.20, as in (a) and (c)), or as following previous actions (expressed in the pluperfect, as in (b)), whereas the state of affairs in the cum

12 Discussion in Maurel (1995). 13 For the much disputed cumque in Hor. Carm. 1.32.15, see Nisbet and Hubbard ad loc. and Sz.: 200, with references.

246

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

clause is terminative or momentaneous. Both clauses are in the indicative. Formally, these cum clauses are subordinate clauses and the identification of them as cum inversum constructions is not always self-evident, as in (b).14 (a)

Tu clamabas deum fidem atque hominum omnium, / quom ego accurro teque eripio vi, pugnando, ingratiis. (‘You were calling upon the faith of all gods and men, when I ran up and rescued you by fighting, with force, against their will.’ Pl. Men. 1053–4)

(b)

Longe iam abieram / quom sensi. Redeo rursum, male me vero habens. (‘I was a long way past when I realized it. I retraced my steps in a bad mood.’ Ter. Eu. 633–4)

(c)

Iamque ab eo non longius bidui via aberant, cum duas venisse legiones missu Caesaris cognoscunt. (‘And by now they were no farther from him than a two days’ march, when they learnt that two legions were come, as dispatched by Caesar.’ Caes. Gal. 6.7.2)

Cum inversum clauses are used to express that a more or less unexpected incident occurs in the midst of another event or just after another event. This relationship between the main and cum clauses is often made more explicit by satellites in the main clause like vix ‘scarcely’ and iam ‘by this time’, ‘already’, as in (c) and in (d)–(f). The events in the cum clause are most often expressed in the historic present or the perfect. However, this combination of main and cum clause is exploited in artistic narrative, and other tenses (including the historic infinitive) are found as well, as in (e) and (f). The cum clause may contain an expression of unexpectedness like repente ‘suddenly’ or subito ‘all of a sudden’. The cum inversum construction became a favourite ‘technique de rupture’ (interruption technique) in narrative prose and poetry.15 (d)

Vix ea fatus eram, gemitu cum talia reddit. (‘Scarcely had I said the words, when with a groan he answers thus.’ Verg. A. 2.323)

(e)

Iamque adeo donati omnes opibusque superbi / puniceis ibant evincti tempora taenis, / cum . . . inrisam sine honore ratem Sergestus agebat. (‘And now all had their gifts and, proud of their wealth, were going their way, their brows bound with purple fillets, when . . . Sergestus brought in his ridiculed, inglorious boat.’ Verg. A. 5.268–72)

(f)

Iamque Ostiam invectum multitudo ingens, iam in urbe clandestini coetus celebrabant, cum Tiberium anceps cura distrahere . . .

14 The best discussion of the relationship between the cum clause and its main clause is still Nehring (1929: 141–54). See also Lavency (1975). 15 For ‘techniques de rupture’ in narrative prose, see Chausserie-Laprée (1969: part IV), with statistical data on cum pp. 592–5. For the use of cum inversum as a ‘Diskursstrategie’, see Wehr  (1984: 181–7), Heberlein (2008), and Viti (2013). Virgil’s use of the cum inversum and related coordinate constructions is discussed by Hahn (1956: 179–89). See also § 19.24 on the use of the coordinators et, -que, and atque. For the similarity of cum and nisi in certain contexts ‘de rupture’, see Orlandini and Poccetti (2019b).

Time clauses

247

(‘Already huge crowds were greeting his arrival in Ostia, already there were clandestine receptions in the capital itself, when the dilemma began to distract Tiberius . . .’ Tac. Ann. 2.40.1) Supplement: Cum + historic present: Iam [hosce] apsolutos censeas, / quom incedunt infectores corcotarii . . . (Pl. Aul. 520–1); Erat hiemps summa . . . cum iste imperat lictoribus ut Sopatrum de porticu, in qua ipse sedebat, praecipitem in forum deiciant nudumque constituant. (Cic. Ver. 4.86); Vixdum epistulam tuam legeram, cum ad me . . . Postumus Curtius venit . . . (Cic. Att. 9.2a.3); Iamque paulum a fuga aberant, quom Sulla profligatis iis, quos advorsum ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit. (Sal. Jug. 101.8); Iamque fere spatio extremo fessique sub ipsam / finem adventabant, levi cum sanguine Nisus / labitur infelix . . . (Verg. A. 5.327–9); Romae interim plerumque obsidio segnis et utrimque silentium esse . . . cum repente iuvenis Romanus admiratione in se  civis hostesque convertit. (Liv. 5.46.1); Metuque concessum barbarus ratus moliri  portas et claustra refringere parat, cum patefactis repente portis cohortes duae . . . ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt . . . (Liv. 23.18.2–3); Iam haud procul castris aberant pedites equitesque, et Thracum quidam in vagos palatosque per agros hostes impetum fecerant, cum repens terror castris infertur. (Liv. 33.15.6); Nos interim vestiti errare coepimus, immo iocari magis et circulis ludentium accedere, cum subito videmus senem calvum, tunica vestitum russea, inter pueros capillatos ludentem pila. (Petr. 27.1); Itaque ad casae ostiolum processi, cum ecce tres anseres . . . impetum in me faciunt . . . (Petr. 136.4—NB: this is the reading of L, which is defended by Petersmann (1977: 276–7); most editors assume a lacuna because of the perfect tense in the main clause); . . . cedendum potius quam pellerentur ignavi specie prudentium admonebant, cum interim cognoscit hostes pluribus agminibus inrupturos. (Tac. Agr. 25.3); Nec procul seditione aberant, cum Hordeonius Flaccus abire legatos, utque occultior digressus esset, nocte castris excedere iubet. (Tac. Hist. 1.54.2) Cum + imperfect: Nulla nota, nullus color, nullae sordes videbantur his sententiis adlini posse, cum iste repente ex alacri atque laeto sic erat humilis atque demissus ut non modo populo Romano, sed etiam sibi ipse condemnatus videretur. (Cic. Ver. 17); Vix erat hoc plane imperatum, cum illum spoliatum stipatumque lictoribus videres. (Cic. Ver. 4.86—NB: potential subjunctive of the past) Cum + perfect: Vix annus intercesserat ab hoc sermone cohortationis meae, cum iste accusavit C.  Norbanum defendente me. (Cic. de Orat. 2.89); Iamque haec facere noctu apparabant cum matres familiae repente in publicum procurrerunt flentesque proiectae ad pedes suorum omnibus precibus petierunt ne . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.26.3); Et iam finis erat, cum Iuppiter aethere summo / despiciens mare velivolum terrasque iacentis / litoraque et latos populos, sic vertice caeli / constitit et Libyae defixit lumina regnis. (Verg. A. 1.223–6); Sensit utraque acies unius viri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus, cum M.  Fabius consul transiluit iacentis corpus obiectaque parma ‘hoc iurastis,’ inquit, ‘milites, fugientes vos in castra redituros?’ (Liv. 2.46.5); Necdum sciebamus, mitteremus suspiciones nostras, cum extra triclinium clamor sublatus est ingens, et ecce canes Laconici etiam circa mensam discurrere coeperunt. (Petr. 40.2); C. Asinio C. Antistio consulibus nonus Tiberio annus erat compositae rei publicae, florentis domus (nam Germanici mortem inter prospera ducebat), cum repente turbare fortuna coepit, saevire ipse aut saevientibus viris praebere. (Tac. Ann. 4.1.1)

248

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Cum + pluperfect: His ex sententia rectoris et militum ordinatis vix dies intercessere pauci, cum Mamertinum . . . Avitianus ex vicario peculatus detulerat reum. (Amm. 27.7.1) Cum + (historic) infinitive: Fusis Auruncis victor tot intra paucos dies bellis Romanus promissa consulis fidemque senatus expectabat, cum Appius et insita superbia animo et ut collegae vanam faceret fidem, quam asperrime poterat, ius de creditis pecuniis dicere. Deinceps et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus tradebantur et nectebantur alii. (Liv. 2.27.1); Iam legiones in testudinem glomerabantur, et alii tela saxaque incutiebant, cum languescere paulatim Vitellianorum animi. (Tac. Hist. 3.31.1) Certain cum clauses, as in (g) and (h), are sometimes taken as cum inversum clauses, but they do not exhibit the ‘incident’ character of the latter; rather, they are parallel events (‘while’, ‘on which occasion’—OLD § 11).16 (g) Itaque multum diei processerat, quom etiam tum eventus in incerto erat. (‘And so a considerable part of the day had passed, when the outcome of the battle was still uncertain.’ Sal. Jug. 51.2) (h) Tria milia ferme aberat, cum hauddum quisquam hostium senserat. (‘He was some three miles away when not one of the enemy had yet noticed them.’ Liv. 28.2.1) Supplement: Evolarat iam e conspectu fere fugiens quadriremis, cum etiam tum ceterae naves uno in loco moliebantur. (Cic. Ver. 5.88); Eoque ad te tardius scripsi quod cottidie te ipsum exspectabam, cum interea ne litteras quidem ullas accepi . . . (Cic. Fam. 3.6.5); De quo et praesens tecum egi diligenter, cum tu mihi humanissime respondisti, et scripsi ad te accurate antea. (Cic. Fam. 13.75.1); Iamque dies consumptus erat, quom tamen barbari nihil remittere atque, uti reges praeceperant, noctem pro se rati acrius instare. (Sal. Jug. 98.2)

16.12 The temporal use of quoniam Quoniam (< quom iam) was originally a temporal subordinator and was still mainly so used by Plautus. By Cicero’s time, however, it had developed into a causal subordinator to mark reason disjuncts (see § 16.42). Examples of its temporal use are (a)–(c). Note correlative (temporal—see § 10.30) ibi in (c). In (d) it is difficult to tell whether the clause is a temporal or a reason clause. (a)

Is quoniam moritur—ita avido ingenio fuit— / numquam indicare id filio voluit suo . . . (‘When he died, he didn’t even want to make this known to his own son—he was so greedy . . .’ Pl. Aul. 9–10)

(b)

Negavit posse, quoniam arcesso, mittere. (‘When I invited her, he said he couldn’t send her.’ Pl. Cas. 583) 16 Examples in Chausserie-Laprée (1969: 564ff.).

Time clauses (c)

249

. . . quoniam nuntiatum est / istarum venturos viros, ibi festinamus omnis. (‘. . . when it was announced that these women’s husbands were going to come, at that point we all bustled about.’ Pl. St. 676–7)

(d)

Quoniam ei qui me aleret nil video esse relicui, / dedi ei meam gnatam quicum aetatem exigat. (‘When I saw that he had nothing left with which to maintain me, I gave him my daughter to spend his life with.’ Pl. Trin. 14–15)

16.13 Time clauses with quando, quandoque, and quandocumque Time clauses with the adverb quando in a temporal sense ‘when’ are common in Plautus but rare in later times, when cum was preferred. Even more rare are time clauses with quandoque ‘at whatever time’ and quandocumque ‘whenever’. In the main clause there may be a correlative expression, like tum in (a). In (b), the quando clause is in reply to the interrogative adverb quando? ‘when?’ in the preceding sentence. The events in the quando clause are often iterative, but not necessarily so, as in (c). The indicative prevails, but the subjunctive is used as well, when it is justified in its context, as in (d). (a)

Ubi satur sum, nulla crepitant. Quando esurio, tum crepant. (‘When I’m full, they don’t rumble at all; when I’m hungry, then they do.’ Pl. Men. 926)

(b)

Id quando fit? Quando illi cursus interdictus est. (‘When does this happen? Whenever its path is forbidden to it.’ Sen. Nat. 6.17.1)

(c)

Quando id quod sat erat satis habere noluit, / ego paussam feci. (‘When she didn’t want to be satisfied with what was satisfactory, I stopped.’ Pl. Poen. 458–9)

(d)

Utinam . . . tum essem natus quando Romani dona accipere coepissent. Non essem passus diutius eos imperare. (‘If only I had been born in those days when the Romans began to accept bribes. I should then have suffered them to hold their supremacy no longer.’ Cic. Off. 2.75) Supplement: Igitur tum accedam hunc, quando quid agam invenero. (Pl. Mos. 689); Omne ego pro nihilo esse duco quod fuit, quando fuit. (Pl. Per. 637); Auctoritatem senatus exstare hereditatis aditae sentio tum quando (quom cj. Klotz) Alexa mortuo legatos Tyrum misimus . . . (Cic. Agr. 2.41); . . . censuerunt patres Apollini ludos vovendos . . . et quando ludi facti essent . . . hostias maiores dandas. (Liv. 25.12.12) Et hoc puta vatem dixisse, quandoque ista gens suas litteras dabit, omnia conrumpet . . . (Cato Fil. 1(J)); . . . quandoque ab eadem parte sol . . . iterum defecerit, tum . . . expletum annum habeto. (Cic. Rep. 6.24); . . . ne cunctaretur Agrippam morte adficere quandoque ipse supremum diem explevisset. (Tac. Ann. 1.6.1); In proeliis cotidianis quandocumque fors obtulerat . . . (B. Alex. 22.2)

250

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Appendix: Quotiens ‘as often as’, quotienscumque ‘every time that’ and quotiensque ‘every time that’ indicate iterativity. Examples are (e)–(i). The regular mood is the indicative, but the subjunctive is found from Pliny the Elder onwards and then expands (for a comparable development in cum clauses, see §  7.125).17 The main clause may contain the correlative adverb totiens, as in (g). (e) . . . quoius quotiens sepulcrum vides, sacruficas / ilico . . . Orco hostiis . . . (‘. . . whenever you see her tomb, you immediately sacrifice victims . . . to Orcus . . .’ Pl. Epid. 175–6) (f) . . . se . . . si tot consulibus meruisset quotiens ipse consul fuit, omnia iura belli perdiscere ac nosse potuisse. (‘. . . that if he had served under consuls as often as he himself was consul, he might have learnt and become thoroughly acquainted with all the laws of war.’ Cic. Balb. 47) (g) Quotienscumque dico, totiens mihi videor in iudicium venire . . . (‘Every time I make a speech I feel I am submitting to judgement . . .’ Cic. Clu. 51) (h) Quid tu huc occursas in urbem quotienscumque advenimus? (‘Why do you keep running here every time we come into town?’ Pl. Truc. 282) (i) . . . quotiensque habebis cui des ad me litteras nolim praetermittas. (‘. . . and as many times as you have anyone to whom you can give a letter for me, please don’t fail.’ Cic. Att. 11.13.5)

16.14 Time clauses with dum locating the event of the main clause in time From Ovid onwards instances of dum occur where it locates the state of affairs of the main clause in time instead of indicating the extent of time (for which see § 16.15).18 Examples are (a) and (b). In later authors this locating use of dum increases at the expense of cum.19 (a)

Forsitan admotis etiam tangere labellis, / rumpere dum niveo vincula dente volet. (‘Perchance thou wilt even be touched by her approaching lips when she seeks to break thy bands with her snowy tooth.’ Ov. Ep. 18.18–19)

(b)

Finisque adurendi est, dum ex omni parte sensus doloris est. (‘The cauterizing is stopped when pain is felt all over the lesion.’ Cels. 5.28.1B) Supplement: Ac dum . . . fruendi laborarem inopia, casu scilicet pessumo lucerna fervens oleum rebullivit in eius umerum. (Apul. Met. 5.26.5); Viderimus de fide istorum, dum suo loco digeruntur. (Tert. Nat. 1.7.30); Dum promissionem Dei audivit, non haesitavit omnino. (August. Serm. 16A.12)

17 For examples, see OLD s.v. 18 See Poirier (2001; 2009). 19 For a comparison of some late historical texts with Caesar, Sallust, and Tacitus, see Galdi (2016c: 651–3), with references.

Time clauses

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. Time clauses indicating the extent of time of the event in the main clause Time clauses indicating the extent of time can be divided into three groups: (i) the clause contains an event that is co-extensive with the event of the main clause: ‘while’ or ‘as long as’ (dum and quamdiu; for donec and quoad see below); (ii) the clause contains an event that is co-extensive with the event of the main clause, but lasts longer than this event: ‘while still’ or ‘during the time that’ (dum); (iii) the clause contains an event that constitutes the limit of the event of the main clause: ‘up to the time that’ or ‘until’ (donec (donicum, donique, doneque),20 dum, quamdiu (in Late Latin), and quoad (quaad)).21 The relationship between clauses of the third type and their main clause is by implication also one of posteriority (see Table 16.2 on p. 242). 16.16 Time clauses indicating a co-extensive event Of the subordinators used to combine an event in the main clause with a co-extensive event in the subordinate clause, dum is already found in Early Latin. It is the most common subordinator meaning ‘as long as’. The main clauses often contain expressions denoting the duration of the event, such as tam diu ‘so long (as)’, tantisper ‘for so long (as)’, usque ‘all the time (that)’.22 The examples of dum below illustrate the variety of tense combinations. Ex. (a) shows two present tense forms, (b) two simple futures, (c) an imperfect and a pluperfect that is notionally an imperfect, (d) two perfects, (e) a perfect in the main clause, with an imperfect in the subordinate clause, (f)—less common—the other way around. (a)

Quod sibi volunt, / dum id impetrant, boni sunt. (‘They are good while they’re trying to achieve what they want for themselves.’ Pl. Capt. 232–3)

(b)

Quia edepol, dum ego vivos vivam, numquam eris frugi bonae. (‘Because as long as I live my life you’ll never be any good.’ Pl. Ps. 337)

(c)

Te dum vivebas noveram. (‘While you lived I knew you.’ Pl. Truc. 165)

(d)

Dedi, dum fuit. # Non peto quod dedisti. (‘I gave you money as long as I had some. # I’m not asking for what you gave.’ Pl. Ps. 256)

(e)

Fuit haec gens fortis, dum Lycurgi leges vigebant. (‘This race was brave, while the laws of Lycurgus were being honoured.’ Cic. Tusc. 1.101)

20 For these three forms, see TLL s.v. 1992.32ff. 21 For this tripartition of extent of time clauses, see Woodcock (1959: 177). But see also TLL s.v. dum. For the differences and similarities in meaning of dum, donec, and quoad, and the historical development, see Poirier (1996; 1998; 2001; integrated in 2009 and 2012). See also Sz.: 629, 654 for the frequency with which authors use these subordinators. 22 See TLL s.v. donec 2003.55ff.; s.v. dum 2231.81ff.

252 (f)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, iure omnia saeva patiebamur. (‘While the Carthaginians were unconquered, we quite naturally were suffering all kinds of hardship.’ Sal. Jug. 14.10)

Quamdiu is used as an extent of time relative adverb from Cicero onwards, as in (g) and (h). (g)

(sc. aurum) Sumpsit a Clodia, sumpsit sine teste, habuit quamdiu voluit. (‘He took it from Clodia, took it without witnesses, and kept it as long as he wanted.’ Cic. Cael. 31)

(h)

Tamdiu pependit in arbore socius amicusque populi Romani . . ., quamdiu voluntas Aproni tulit. (‘This friend and ally of Rome . . . hung there from that tree . . . for as long as Apronius chose to let him hang.’ Cic. Ver. 3.57)

Instances in which quoad can be interpreted more or less in this way are found from Cicero’s time onwards, but a translation ‘for the time that lasted as long as’, implying a limit, is more in line with quoad’s common meaning ‘until’, as in (i). (For the use of quoad in degree clauses, see § 16.37.) Also interesting is (j) from Tacitus, which might suggest that the three subordinators are more or less synonymous and used here for the sake of variatio. However, this variation may have been motivated by the difference between the types of states of affairs in the quoad and donec clauses as opposed to the dum clause. (i)

Ut aegroto, dum anima est, spes esse dicitur, sic ego, quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit, sperare non destiti. (‘As there is said to be hope for a sick man while there is life, so I, as long as Pompey was in Italy, did not give up hope.’ Cic. Att. 9.10.3)

(j)

(sc. tempus) Egregium vita famaque, quoad privatus vel in imperiis sub Augusto fuit; occultum ac subdolum fingendis virtutibus, donec Germanicus ac Drusus superfuere; . . . intestabilis saevitia, sed obtectis libidinibus, dum Seianum dilexit timuitve. (‘One (phase) of life and reputation was exceptional so long as he was a private individual or in command under Augustus; one secretive and guileful in its fabrication of virtues while Germanicus and Drusus survived; . . . infamous for his savagery, but with his lusts cloaked, while he loved or feared Sejanus.’ Tac. Ann. 6.51.3—tr. Woodman (adapted))

Quoad is gradually replaced by donec, which is absent from Caesar and rare in Cicero. In Livy, for example, donec is three times as frequent as quoad. The archaist Apuleius has quoad relatively often, but hardly in the ‘as long as’ meaning. The earliest instances in which donec is used meaning more or less ‘as long as’ are in Lucretius and Horace. However, its more common meaning until Late Latin is ‘until’. Quatenus is sporadically used in juridical texts. There is variation among authors in the relative frequency with which they use these expressions. A few more early instances of each of the subordinators involved are given below in the Supplement.

Time clauses

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Supplement: Donec gratus eram tibi / nec quisquam potior bracchia candidae / cervici iuvenis dabat, / Persarum vigui rege beatior. (Hor. Carm. 3.9.1–4); Donec eris sospes, multos numerabis amicos. (Ov. Tr. 1.9a.5); Sed donec stetit ante signa Mago, gradum sensim referentes ordines et tenorem pugnae servabant. (Liv. 30.18.12); Vulgus trucidatum est, donec ira et dies permansit. (Tac. Ann. 1.68.5) Mane dum scribit. (Pl. Bac. 737); Ovibus frondem viridem, usque dum habebis, praebeto. (Cato Agr. 30); . . . dum id rescitum iri credit, tantisper cavet. (Ter. Ad. 70); . . . nam antea / qui scire posses aut ingenium noscere, / dum aetas metus magister prohibebant? (Ter. An. 52–4); C. Claudius . . . usus est hoc Cupidine tam diu dum forum dis inmortalibus populoque Romano habuit ornatum . . . (Cic. Ver. 4.6); Nec enim dum eram vobiscum, animum meum videbatis, sed eum esse in hoc corpore ex iis rebus quas gerebam, intellegebatis. (Cic. Sen. 79) Est quidam Graecus qui cum isto vivit, homo, vere ut dicam—sic enim cognovi— humanus, sed tamdiu quamdiu aut cum aliis est aut ipse secum. (Cic. Pis. 68); . . . quamdiu facta est caedes civium, domo se tenuit . . . (Nep. Ep. 10.3) . . . a tutela et cura excusantur, quatenus rei publicae causa absunt, et interea curator loco eorum datur. (Justin. Inst. 1.25.2) Anniculis iam factis dandum hordeum et furfures, usque quaad erunt lactantes. (Var. R. 2.7.12); Custodiatur igitur vita mea rei publicae eaque, quoad vel dignitas vel natura patietur, patriae reservetur. (Cic. Phil. 12.30); . . . liciti sunt usque adeo quoad se efficere posse arbitrabantur. (Cic. Ver. 3.77); Et defendebatur egregie quoad tela suppeditarunt. (Liv. 30.25.6); A multis tentatus non modo nullum detrimentum existimationis fecit, sed, quoad vixit, virtutum laude crevit. (Nep. Ca. 2.4) The first instance of a pluperfect in this type of dum clause is (k). As the imperfects in the preceding sentence show, the pluperfect of terminative averto is equivalent to a state in the past. Something similar is the case with the future perfect inveneris in (l) (quoted by Sz.: 612). (k) Eodem tempore Romani et ruinas muri supervadebant et scalas ad stantia moenia inferebant. Et dum in unam partem oculos animosque hostium certamen averterat, pluribus locis scalis capitur murus, armatique in urbem transcenderunt. (‘At the same moment the Romans were both climbing over the ruins of the wall and moving their ladders against the standing ramparts. And while the eyes and thoughts of the enemy were fixed on the conflict, the wall in several places was taken by escalade and the soldiers climbed over into the city.’ Liv. 32.24.5) (l) . . . ut, dum illa legis et in his aliquid doctrinae . . . inveneris, putes tibi quoque scripta esse quae scripta sunt. (‘. . . so that, while you read those and find in these some teaching, you may think that what has been written has been written also for you.’ Hier. Ep. 32.1.3) For the use of dum in stipulative clauses, see § 16.53. This use is related to its purely temporal co-extensive meaning.

254

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

16.17 Dum clauses indicating an event that lasts longer than the event of the main clause Dum clauses indicating an event that lasts longer than the event of the main clause (‘while yet’, ‘during the time that’) are found from Early Latin onwards. The main clause may contain an expression like interea and interim ‘in the meantime’, as in (a) and (b), or subito and repente ‘suddenly’, as in (c)–(e), which shows that the event of the main clause is an incident that occurs while the event of the dum clause is going on. Note in (e) the extent of time expression paucos dies. The verbs of these dum clauses are usually in the present indicative no matter what the tense of the main clause is (for details and examples, see § 7.126). (a)

Quid fit deinde? # Dum haec aguntur, interea uxorem tuam / nec gementem nec plorantem nostrum quisquam audivimus. (‘What happened next? # Meanwhile, while this was going on, none of us heard your wife groaning or weeping.’ Pl. Am. 1098–9)

(b)

Interim dum de condicionibus inter se agunt . . . paulatim circumventus interficitur. (‘While they two were discussing terms together . . . he was gradually surrounded and slain.’ Caes. Gal. 5.37.2)

(c)

Ego dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus accusatoris eius socer. (‘While I was still in my province honouring Appius with all manner of compliments, I suddenly became his accuser’s father-in-law.’ Cic. Att. 6.6.1)

(d)

Dum spoliandis iis . . . tempus teritur, repente milites . . . concurrerunt. (‘While time was being taken to strip them . . ., suddenly soldiers . . . came running.’ Liv. 29.9.5)

(e)

Dum paucos dies ad Vesontionem rei frumentariae commeatusque causa moratur . . . tantus subito timor omnem exercitum occupavit ut . . . (‘While he was tarrying a few days at Vesontio for the provision of corn and other supplies . . . so great a fear suddenly seized upon all the army, that . . .’ Caes. Gal. 1.39.1)

Dum clauses are increasingly found with an imperfect subjunctive from the time of Virgil and Livy onwards, the first sure instance being (f). This semantically unmotivated use of the subjunctive is possibly influenced by the fact that from this time onwards dum is increasingly used as a locating (instead of as a duration) subordinator, more or less equivalent to cum, with which the subjunctive became normal in Cicero’s time (see § 7.142).23 (f)

Hic, dum in opere nostri distenti essent, complures ex superiori loco adversariorum decucurrerunt . . .

23 See Poirier (2009), who notes examples from Ovid onwards.

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(‘At this point, while our men were busily engaged in the operation, a fair number of the enemy swooped down upon them from higher ground . . .’ B. Hisp. 23.2)

(g)

Illa quidem, dum te fugeret per flumina praeceps, / immanem ante pedes hydrum moritura puella / servantem ripas alta non vidit in herba. (‘She, in truth, while fleeing headlong from you along the river, saw not the monstrous serpent that before her feet, doomed maiden, hugged the banks amid the deep grass.’ Verg. G. 4.457–9)

(h)

In quae haud magno certamine impetu facto, dum praedae magis quam pugnae memores tererent tempus, triarii Romani . . . conglobati ad praetorium redeunt . . . (‘There, after they had forced an entrance without much opposition, while they were frittering away their time, their thoughts more taken up with the booty than with the battle, the Roman reserves . . . closed up their ranks and returned to the praetorium . . .’ Liv. 2.47.5)

16.18 Time clauses indicating an event that concludes the event of the main clause The main subordinators that are used in clauses denoting an event that constitutes the limit of the event of the main clause (‘up to the time that’, ‘until’) are donec, dum, and quoad. Of these dum is found in all periods of Latin (but see below), quoad is very rare before the Classical period, and donec is very rare in the Classical period. Quamdiu is rarely used in this type of clause in juridical texts and in Late Latin. The main clauses often contain expressions denoting duration or limitation, such as tam diu ‘for such a long time’, usque ‘up to the time that’, adeo usque ‘right until’, ad eum finem ‘up to the point when’, tantisper ‘for such time (as)’. The regular tenses in this type of subordinate clause are the present, perfect, and future perfect, as is shown in (a)–(c), respectively, but the simple future occurs as well, as in (d). Dum is rarely used in clauses with the perfect tense in Early and Classical Latin:24 for the ‘until’ interpretation, the subjunctive of an infectum tense is normal. For the use of the subjunctive in these clauses when intention or design is involved, see § 7.141. Donec is increasingly used with an infectum tense (in the subjunctive), so for example in Tacitus and in Late Latin authors.25 (a)

Age age, mansero / tuo arbitratu, vel adeo usque dum peris. (‘All right, all right, I’ll wait just as you wish, or even until you die.’ Pl. As. 327–8)

(b)

. . . impedit / piscis usque adeo donicum eduxit foras. (‘. . . he keeps the fish entangled until he’s taken them out.’ Pl. Truc. 38–9)

(c)

Usque ero domi, dum excoxero lenoni malam rem aliquam. (‘I’ll be at home throughout until I’ve cooked up some misfortune for the pimp.’ Pl. Per. 52)

24 So Sz.: 615.

25 See Poirier (1998; 2001; 2009).

256 (d)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Erroris ambo ego illos et dementiae / complebo . . . / adeo usque satietatem dum capiet pater / illius quam amat. (‘I’ll fill both of them . . . with misunderstandings and madness until my father gets enough of the woman he’s in love with . . . .’ Pl. Am. 470–3) Supplement: . . . ne quoquam exsurgatis, donec a me erit signum datum. (Pl. Bac. 758); . . . coquito usque donec commadebit bene, aquam defundito. (Cato Agr. 156.5); Suadere orare usque adeo donec perpulit. (Ter. An. 662); . . . tamen usque eo timui, nequis de mea fide atque integritate dubitaret, donec ad reiciundos iudices venimus. (Cic. Ver. 1.17); Hic iam ter centum totos regnabitur annos / gente sub Hectorea, donec regina sacerdos / Marte gravis geminam partu dabit Ilia prolem. (Verg. A. 1.272–4); Ita de comitiis, donec rediit Marcellus, silentium fuit. (Liv. 23.31.9); Sed neque credes tu mihi, donec compleris sanguine campum . . . (Liv. 25.12.6); . . . laetique interdum nuntii vulgabantur, donec provisis, quae tempus monebat simul excessisse Augustum et rerum potiri Neronem fama eadem tulit. (Tac. Ann. 1.5.4); . . . hostium potius exercitibus illum furorem, illam discordiam inicerent orabat, donec fatisceret (v.l. fatiscere) seditio et extremo iam die sua quisque in tentoria dilaberentur. (Tac. Hist. 3.10.4); . . . testudinem lanceis contisque scrutantur, donec soluta compage scutorum exsangues aut laceros prosternerent multa cum strage. (Tac. Hist. 3.27.3) Eodem modo latitudinem orbiculis ligneis aut armillis ferreis temperato, usque dum recte temperabitur. (Cato Agr. 22.2); Delibera hoc dum ego redeo, leno. (Ter. Ad. 196); Si non, saepius facito, usque dum odorem malum dempseris. (Cato Agr. 110); [ea] Mansit in condicione atque pacto usque ad eum finem dum iudices reiecti sunt. (Cic. Ver. 16); Nunc et Scaevola, quoniam in Tusculanum ire constituit paululum requiescet, dum se calor frangat . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.265); Tibi igitur hoc censeo, latendum tantisper ibidem dum effervescit haec gratulatio et simul dum audiamus quem ad modum negotium confectum sit. (Cic. Fam. 9.2.4—NB: dum + indicative followed by dum + subjunctive); Tityre, dum redeo (brevis est via), pasce capellas . . . (Verg. Ecl. 9.23); Ille quidem lateat malim, dum tempora dentur / laetitiae mixtos non habitura metus. (Ov. Ep. 16.5–6); . . . me satiavit, usque dum lassis animis et marcidis artibus defatigati simul ambo corruimus inter mutuos amplexus animas [h]anhelantes. (Apul. Met. 2.17.4) Igitur hanc dotem periculo mulieris esse dico, quamdiu dominus vel pater ratam promissionem vel donationem habuerit. (Julian. dig. 23.3.46); . . . non cogitare . . . noctem tamdiu esse quamdiu inlucescat dies . . . (Cypr. Ep. 59.11.2) Milo autem cum in senatu fuisset eo die quoad senatus est dimissus, domum venit . . . (Cic. Mil. 28); An id exspectamus quoad ne vestigium quidem Asiae civitatum atque urbium relinquatur? (Cic. Phil. 11.25); Atque hoc scitis omnes, usque adeo hominem in periculo fuisse quoad scitum est Sestium vivere. (Cic. Sest. 82); . . . tamen non faciam finem rogandi quoad nobis nuntiatum erit te id fecisse quod magna cum spe exspectamus. (Cic. Att. 16.16e.2); Quoad dedita arx est, caedes tota urbe passim factae . . . (Liv. 26.46.10)

In historical prose from Livy onwards donec clauses are used to introduce an unexpected or sudden interruption of an ongoing state of affairs, comparable with cum

Time clauses

257

inversum (see § 16.11) and ni ‘de rupture’ (see § 16.62) clauses.26 Examples of donec ‘de rupture’ are (e) and (f). In (e), the main clause has a perfect tense; in (f), an imperfect. As in the case of sentences containing a cum inversum clause, the imperfect tense is the most common one in main clauses with a donec ‘de rupture’ clause, but it does not predominate to the same degree. (e)

Nec minor caedes in urbe quam in proelio fuit donec abiectis armis nihil praeter vitam petentes dictatori deduntur. (‘Nor was the slaughter in the city less than it had been in the battle, until, with their weapons cast aside, they surrendered to the dictator, seeking nothing but their lives.’ Liv. 4.34.3)

(f)

Pugnabaturque in angustiis ambigue donec Germani transnatantes terga Labeonis invasere. (‘A battle was fought in this narrow space without a decisive issue until the Germans swam across the river and attacked Labeo’s rear.’ Tac. Hist. 4.66.2)

An exceptional instance of a donec clause with an imperfect cited in the literature is (g). This is a beautiful illustration of Tacitus’ exploitation of the limits of the tense system. See also § 7.124. (For a historic infinitive in a donec clause in Tacitus, see § 7.122.) (g)

Inferioris Germaniae legiones diutius sine consulari fuere, donec missu Galbae A. Vitellius aderat . . . (‘The soldiers of Lower Germany were without a general of consular rank for a considerable time, until A. Vitellius was present by dispatch of Galba . . .’ Tac. Hist. 1.9.1) Appendix: Donec, dum, and quoad clauses are also regularly found with the verb exspecto ‘to wait in expectation’, which is also used with argument clauses, both with an accusative and infinitive and with an ut clause (see § 15.98 (ii) and § 15.40, respectively). In this combination they resemble to some extent argument clauses, as in (h). (h) Num exspectatis dum L.  Metellus . . . de istius scelere improbitate audacia testimonium dicat? (‘You’re not going to wait till L. Metellus gives testimony concerning Verres’ wickedness, dishonesty, and audacity, are you?’ Cic. Ver. 3.122)

. Time clauses denoting anterior events Latin has a variety of subordinating devices which introduce time clauses that indicate anterior events. The subordinator cum (quom) can be used in clauses that indicate an event that is anterior to the event in the main clause, in which case it usually precedes that clause.27 Postquam and the prepositional relative phrase ex quo indicate anteriority by their own lexical meaning. Simul (ac/atque), ubi, and ut 26 For donec ‘de rupture’, see Chausserie-Laprée (1969: 617–36). 27 For the lexical status of cum, see § 16.4.

258

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

indicate parallel events, and anteriority of the clause has to be inferred from the context or is expressed by the tense of the verb and/or by adverbs denoting succession. Examples of such adverbs are primum ‘for the first time’, as in the combination ut primum ‘as soon as’ (from Cicero’s time onwards), statim ‘immediately’, as in statim ut (from Cicero onwards), and mox ‘soon’, as in mox ut (in Late Latin).

. Time clauses with cum Time clauses with cum (quom) that denote an anterior event are dealt with in § 7.125. The anterior interpretation of these clauses is a consequence of the use of one of the tenses of the perfectum stem. Two examples are (a) and (b). An example of the combination of cum with primum is (c). (a)

Prima pars cum adorta oppugnare est (esset cj. Riemann), atrox sane et anceps proelium fuit. (‘After the first third began to attack, there was, to be sure, a fierce and indecisive battle.’ Liv. 28.3.6)

(b)

Cum Ilium captum est, Hannibal . . . omnes statuas aeneas . . . incendit. (‘After Ilium was taken, Hannibal set fire to all the bronze sculptures.’ Petr. 50.5 (Trimalchio speaking))28

(c)

Haec quom primum acta est, vicit omnis fabulas. (‘When it was first staged, it surpassed all other plays.’ Pl. Cas. 17)

. Time clauses with postquam Postquam and in prose also posteaquam (especially in Varro and Cicero) are the most common subordinators indicating anteriority. The elements of the compound—the adverb post(ea) and the comparative particle quam—are still regularly separated by particles like vero in Classical prose, as in (a). Postquam is preferred over posteaquam when the time elapsed is specified, as in (b) (the same holds for the adverbs post and postea—see § 10.30).29 (a)

Postea vero quam intellexerunt isti virum fortem quem summe provincia expectabat Q. Arrium, non succedere, statuerunt . . . (‘But after they understood that that brave man, Quintus Arrius, whom the province was eagerly looking for, was not his successor, they then settled . . .’ Cic. Ver. 4.42)

(b)

. . . Habonio opus in acceptum rettulit quadriennio post quam diem operi dixerat.

28 On Petronius’ use of cum, see Petersmann (1977: 275–8). 29 The most complete information can be found in TLL s.vv. posteaquam and postquam. For the (rare) use of post and postea as subordinators in Late Latin, see TLL s.v. 185.18ff. and 192.10ff. For rare and Late instances of post quod, see TLL s.v. quod 164.59ff. (see also § 16.84).

Time clauses

259

(‘. . . at last he enters the work in Habonius’ name as undertaken by him, four years after the day which he had fixed for its completion.’ Cic. Ver. 1.149)

Because of the basically comparative meaning of these subordinators, anteriority need not be expressed in the verb, although it sometimes is. This is illustrated in (a) above: both the postea . . . quam clause and the main clause are in the perfect tense. Another example with two perfects is (c); one with two historic presents is (d); one with two (actual) presents is (e). In (b) above, by contrast, with the pluperfect dixerat, and in (f) with the perfect sunt . . . meriti, anteriority is expressed in the verb; in both cases the tense indicates anteriority with respect to the tense of the main clause. In Classical prose the pluperfect is preferred when the time elapsed is indicated (as in (b) above by quadriennio, a so-called ablativus mensurae, see §  20.10), but it also occurs in other contexts (ex. (g)), especially in Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus. The relative order of the two clauses may be relevant as well. For the use of the imperfect in a postquam clause, see § 7.124. (c)

Postquam peperit, pueros lavere iussit nos. (‘After she gave birth, she told us to wash the boys.’ Pl. Am. 1102)

(d)

Abeo ab illis, postquam video me sic ludificarier. (‘I left them after I saw I was being made a fool of this way.’ Pl. Capt. 487)

(e)

Nunc ego illam me velim / convenire, postquam inanis sum, contemptricem meam. (‘Now I’d like her to meet me, now that I have nothing, that woman who despises me.’ Pl. Bac. 530–1)

(f)

Nam illi qui nil metuont postquam sunt malum meriti, / stulta sibi expetunt consilia. (‘For those who don’t fear anything, even after deserving a thrashing, are seeking stupid counsel for themselves.’ Pl. Mos. 860–1)

(g)

Nam omnis posthabui mihi res, ita uti par fuit, / postquam id tanto opere vos velle animum advorteram. (‘I’ve put off all my other business, as was only proper after I’d realized you were so set on the marriage.’ Ter. Ph. 908–9)

The regular mood in the postquam clause is the indicative. The subjunctive (influenced by its use with cum) is found five times in Cicero (quam in each case being emended to quom or cum)30 and rarely elsewhere, in less elevated texts or in Late Latin, as in (h) and (i) below.31 (h)

Postquam Iuba ante portas diu multumque primo minis pro imperio egisset cum Zamensibus, dein cum se parum proficere intellexisset, precibus orasset

30 See Sz.: 598–9 and TLL s.vv. posteaquam 196.58ff. and postquam 252.44ff. 31 For further examples of the subjunctive, see TLL s.v. postquam 251.44ff.

260

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position uti se ad suos deos penates admitterent . . . petit ab eis ut sibi coniuges liberosque redderent ut secum eos asportaret. (‘After Juba for a long time earnestly treated with the men of Zama before the gates of the town and at first employed threats, as his authority warranted, but then, when he realized that he was making but little headway, he besought them with entreaties to let him have access to his own hearth and home . . . he begged them to hand over to him his wives and children, so that he could carry them away with him.’ B. Afr. 91.3)

(i)

Inter quae illud elucere clarius potuit, si Macrianum regem ea tempestate terribilem vivum capere potuisset, ut industria magna temptarat, postquam eum evasisse Burgundios, quos ipse admoverat Alamannis, maerens didicisset et tristis. (‘And among these it would have been a most glorious feat if he had been able to take King Macrianus alive, who was at that time formidable. He had made great efforts to do so after he learned with grief and sorrow that the king had escaped from the Burgundians, whom Valentinian himself had aroused against the Alamanni.’ Amm. 30.7.11)

. Time clauses with simul Time clauses with simul ‘as soon as’ alone or in combination with ac and atque—also written as one word—and (in Cicero) also with et, are rare in Early Latin but common in Cicero’s time. Whereas in Classical prose the longer forms are preferred, simul becomes more popular in poetry from the Augustan poets onwards and then also in literary prose from Livy onwards. The choice between ac and atque is mainly phonologically determined (see §  19.26). There are also instances of the combination of simul(ac/atque) with primum, as in (d).32 (a)

Simul herbae coeperint nasci, eximito. (‘Clear off the weeds as soon as they begin to grow.’ Cato Agr. 48.2)

(b)

Id quidem tibi hercle fiet, / ut vapules, Demaenetum simul ac conspexero hodie. (‘That’ll happen to you, getting beaten, as soon as I set eyes on Demaenetus today.’ Pl. As. 478–9)

(c)

Simul et quid erit certi, scribam ad te. (‘As soon as there is anything definite I shall write to you.’ Cic. Att. 2.20.2)

(d)

Simulac primum ei occasio visa est . . ., aversa pecunia publica quaestor consulem exercitum sortem provinciamque deseruit. (‘As soon as an opportunity presented itself to him . . ., the quaestor, having embezzled the public money, deserted his consul, his consul’s army, the lot and his sphere of duty.’ Cic. Ver. 1.34) 32 The most complete survey of simul is Jones (1906: 90–102).

Time clauses

261

As for the use of the tenses, the same tendency applies in essence to simul (ac/atque) as was said about the use of the perfect with postquam to denote an event that is anterior to a past event in the main. The indicative is the normal mood, with a few instances of the subjunctive in Silver and Late Latin (see OLD s.v. § 11b). A few other temporal adverbs are—rarely—used as a subordinator in combination with the coordinator atque. Ulpian has a couple of instances of statim atque (see OLD s.v. statim § 4). TLL s.v. atque 1084.71ff. also mentions Late Latin instances of ilico atque and protinus atque.

. Time clauses with ubi Clauses with ubi in a temporal sense ‘at or after the time in or at which’, ‘when’ are common in Early Latin comedy and are not rare in the Classical period. The combination with primum meaning ‘as soon as’ is used by Plautus a few times; it is absent from Cicero, but frequent in the historians Livy and Tacitus. Examples are (a)–(e). There are also a few instances of ubi combined with semel ‘once’.33 See also § 7.124. (a)

Nam ubi me aspiciet, ad carnuficem rapiet continuo senex. (‘As soon as he sees me, the old man will drag me to the executioner.’ Pl. Bac. 688)

(b)

Principio ut illo advenimus, ubi primum terram tetigimus, / continuo Amphitruo delegit viros primorum principes. (‘First, when we arrived there, as soon as we touched the shore, Amphitruo immediately chose the leading men among those of high rank.’ Pl. Am. 203–4)

(c)

Quod ubi iste audivit, usque eo commotus est ut . . . (‘When Verres heard this, he was so thoroughly upset that . . .’ Cic. Ver. 4.39)

(d)

At hostes ubi primum nostros equites conspexerunt . . ., impetu facto celeriter nostros perturbaverunt. (‘However, as soon as the enemy saw our cavalry, they charged, and speedily threw our men into confusion.’ Caes. Gal. 4.12.1)

(e)

Sed ubi minitari Artabanus et parum subsidii in Armeniis, vel, si nostra vi  defenderetur, bellum adversus Parthos sumendum erat, rector Syriae Creticus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat . . . (‘But, when Artabanus started menacing and too little support for Vonones was coming from the Armenians (the alternative, if he was to be defended by our might, was taking up war against the Parthians), the governor of Syria, Creticus Silanus, summoned him and surrounded him with guards . . .’ Tac. Ann. 2.4.3—tr. Woodman; NB: historic infinitive coordinated with an imperfect indicative—see § 7.122)

The normal mood in temporal ubi clauses is the indicative, as in the examples above. However, the subjunctive is found in those clauses that refer to a repeated event (the

33 Details in Jones (1906: 233–45); Sz.: 651–2; OLD s.v. semel § 4.

262

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

so-called iterative use of the subjunctive—see § 7.142) from Livy onwards, as in (f) and (g). This use is almost completely confined to the imperfect and pluperfect, but see (h). Most authors who allow the subjunctive use the indicative as well and often more frequently. An instance of the exceptional use of the subjunctive for a one-time event is (i).34 (f)

. . . consilium et modum adhibendo, ubi res posceret, priores erant. (‘. . . they surpassed him in using wisdom and restraint when the need arose.’ Liv. 3.19.3)

(g)

Id ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. (‘After he said this, he would hurl his spear into their territory.’ Liv. 1.32.13)

(h)

Mox, ubi sanguis in artus extremos suffuderit, levi ictu cruorem eliciunt atque in vicem lambunt. (‘Then, when the blood has run to the extremities, they draw it out with a slight incision, and each prince licks it in turn.’ Tac. Ann. 12.47.2)

(i)

Quod ubi coeptum est fieri et equis concitatis Iuliani impetum fecissent, Pacideius suos equites exporrigere coepit in longitudinem . . . (‘When this manoeuvre was under way and the Julians had delivered their attack at full gallop, Pacideius began to deploy his horsemen on a broader front . . .’ B.  Afr. 78.4—NB: coordinated with a ‘correct’ perfect) Supplement: . . . Titianus et Proculus, ubi consiliis vincerentur, ad ius imperii transibant. (Tac. Hist. 2.40); Amicorum libertorumque, ubi in bonos incidisset, sine reprehensione patiens, si mali forent, usque ad culpam ignarus. (Tac. Hist. 1.49.3); . . . erat tamen interdum timidus ad audaces, contra timidos celsior, ut videretur, cum sibi fideret, de coturno strepere tragico et, ubi paveret, omni humilior socco. (Amm. 27.11.2—NB: parallelism with cum clause)

. Time clauses with ut Clauses with ut (rarely uti in poetry from Virgil onwards)35 in a temporal sense ‘when’, ‘as soon as’, and ‘since’ (see OLD s.v. §§ 25, 26, 27) are found from Early Latin onwards. Examples are (a)–(c). They are less frequent than simulac, ubi, and cum clauses. The combination with primum in the sense of ‘as soon as’ is common in Cicero’s time, as in (d). Later authors use it with varying frequency. It is relatively frequent in Petronius (but not among the freedmen).36 A few instances of ut combined with semel are found from Plautus onwards, as in (e). The precise interpretation of the ut clause depends among other things on the tense in that clause: the simultaneous interpretation ‘when’, 34 For the instances in Livy, see Riemann (1885: 296–7). See also K.-St.: II.364. 35 So Sz.: 635. 36 Details in Jones (1906: 233–45). For Petronius, see Petersmann (1977: 274).

Time clauses

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for example, correlates with the imperfect (an ongoing event in the past), as in (g) and (h). See also § 7.124. (a)

Verum in tonstrina ut sedebam, me infit percontarier / ecquem filium Stratonis noverim Demaenetum. (‘But as I was sitting at the barber’s he began to ask me if I knew a certain Demaenetus, the son of Strato.’ Pl. As. 343–4)

(b)

Nam ut dudum hinc abii, accessi ad adulescentes in foro. (‘When I went away from here some time ago, I approached young men in the market.’ Pl. Capt. 478)

(c)

Quid ego, qui illam ut primum vidi, numquam vidi postea? (‘What should I have done? After seeing her for the first time I never saw her again.’ Pl. Epid. 600)

(d)

Qui ut primum in illud oppidum venit, statim tamquam ita fieri non solum oporteret . . . ita continuo signum ut demolirentur et Messanam deportarent imperavit. (‘Who, as soon as he came to their city, in a moment, as if it were not only a becoming thing to be done . . . in a moment, I say, ordered them to take the statue down and to transport it to Messana.’ Cic. Ver. 4.84)

(e)

Quia septem menses sunt, quom in hasce aedis pedem / nemo intro tetulit, semel ut emigravimus. (‘Because it’s seven months since anyone put a foot into this house once we’d moved out.’ Pl. Mos. 470–1)

(f)

Ut cuique aliquid acciderit qua re commodius sit esse plebeium, simili ratione adoptabitur. (‘Whenever anything happens to anyone to make it more convenient for him to be a plebeian, he will be adopted in the same manner.’ Cic. Dom. 37)

(g)

. . . praegressus Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque veniret, primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, et eos ipsos sedulo audientes secunda irae verba et per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum viae campum deduxit. (‘. . . Tullius, who had gone ahead, arrived before them at the source of the Ferentina. There, when any of their chief men arrived, he met them with words of complaint and indignation, and he led to a field which lay below the road both the leaders themselves, who listened eagerly to words which ministered to their anger, and through their influence the rest of the throng also.’ Liv. 2.38.1)

(h)

. . . hac sic communicantibus nobis, iam ut exiremus de aecclesia, dederunt nobis presbyteri loci ipsius eulogias . . . (‘. . . and when the oblation had been duly made, at which we communicated, and as we were coming out of the church, the priests of the place would give us blessed gifts . . .’ Pereg. 3.6—tr. McClure and Feltoe)

264

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

The normal mood in temporal ut clauses is the indicative, as in (a)–(f). Instances of ut clauses in the subjunctive referring to repeated events are found from Livy onwards, as in (g) and (h).37 Tacitus extends the use of the historic infinitive to ut clauses (see § 7.122). An example is (i). Note the imperfect patiebantur in the coordinated clause. (i) Mox, ut praeberi ora contumeliis et posita omni ferocia cuncta victi patiebantur, subit recordatio illos esse, qui nuper Bedriaci victoriae temperassent. (‘Later when the defeated troops offered their faces to every indignity and, with all ferocity laid aside, they were suffering all kinds of abuse, the victors began to remember that these were the troops who had recently shown moderation after they had won at Bedriacum.’ Tac. Hist. 3.31.3)

. Time clauses with mox, primum, and statim A number of adverbs that in earlier periods were used in combination with cum, ubi, and ut to indicate the rapid succession of events came to be used independently, that is as subordinators, in Late Latin (sometimes combined with atque or quam). Mox ‘soon’ is so used in Vetus Latina versions of the Bible, but also in other texts, as in (a). A (disputed) example with primum is (b); with statim, (c).38 (a)

Mox autem primus pullus cantaverit, statim descendet episcopus . . . (‘As soon as the first cock has crowed, the bishop immediately comes down . . .’ Pereg. 24.9)

(b)

Proinde horrifico adversum fragore terrente, primum apud Argentariam . . . concurri est coeptum, sagittarum . . . pulsibus crebriores hinc indeque sternebantur. (‘Therefore, when from the opposite side the terrifying battle-cry was heard, as soon as the battle began at Argentaria, many were struck down on both sides by wounds from . . . flying arrows.’ Amm. 31.10.8—NB: usually emended to ubi primum)

(c)

. . . statim est adeptus imperium (sc. Carus), Sarmatas . . . contudit . . . (‘. . . as soon as he (Carus) received the imperial power, he crushed the Sarmatians . . .’ Hist. Aug. Car. 9.4)

. Time clauses with ex quo Time adjuncts with the preposition ex in the temporal sense ‘since’ are common from Plautus onwards (see § 10.29). Time clauses with ex and the relative pronoun quo are

37 See Riemann (1885: 297) and Väänänen (1987: 81). Also K.-St.: II.364. 38 TLL s.v. mox 1553.1ff.; s.v. prior 1368.10ff. See also Jones  (1906) and Sz.: 637. For ‘reduction of subordinators’, see Heberlein (2011: 291–4).

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attested from Cicero’s time onwards. Two examples are (a)—with quo used as a relative determiner with tempore—and (b)—with corresponding ex illo. (a)

Ex quo tempore concordia de civitate sublata est, libertas sublata est. (‘Since the time when concord disappeared from our state, liberty disappeared.’ Rhet. Her. 4.19)

(b)

Impius ex quo / Tydides sed enim scelerumque inventor Ulixes /. . . / corripuere sacram effigiem / . . . / ex illo . . . (‘But from the time that the ungodly son of Tydeus and Ulysses, the contriver of crime . . . snatched up the sacred image . . . from that time . . .’ Verg. A. 2.163–9)

. Time clauses denoting a posterior event Latin has two subordinators to introduce time clauses that denote a posterior event, antequam (also ante quam as two words, rarely anteaquam—like posteaquam) and priusquam (and prius quam as two words) ‘before’; the latter is the older one. It is not always easy to decide whether we are dealing with two words or one.39 Priusquam is found from Plautus onwards and remains prevalent in most Classical authors, including Livy. However, antequam, which is attested from Cato and Terence onwards, is already more frequent in Cicero, and priusquam gradually disappears in the course of the development of Latin. The indicative is predominant in Early and Classical Latin, as in (a) and (b), but semantically justified subjunctives do occur. For the use of the subjunctive when intention or design is involved, see (c). The expansion of its use without a semantic justification starts from Livy onward (see § 7.141). For the use of the imperfect and pluperfect in these clauses, see § 7.124. (a)

Nam semper occant prius quam sariunt rustici. (‘Farmers always harrow before they hoe.’ Pl. Capt. 663)

(b)

Quin iam prius quam sum elocutus scis si mentiri volo. (‘No, even before I’ve finished speaking you know if I want to lie.’ Pl. Mer. 155)

(c)

Haec facito, ante quam viniam fodere incipias. (‘Do all this before you begin cultivating the vines.’ Cato Agr. 50.2)

(d)

Piso in Annalibus scribit . . . Mettium Curtium Sabinum . . . in locum palustrem, qui tum fuit in foro antequam cloacae sunt factae, secessisse . . . (‘Piso in his Annals writes . . . a Sabine named Mettius Curtius . . . got away into a swampy spot which at that time was in the Forum, before the sewers had been made . . .’ Var. L. 5.149)

39 Distributional data in Sz.: 600. Contextual criteria for determining whether one is dealing with one or with two words are given in TLL s.v. priusquam 1410.34ff.

266

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

Specifications of the time elapsed beforehand are normal with antequam but very rare with priusquam. A normal instance of an ablative of measure with antequam is (e).40 An exceptional instance with prius . . . quam is (f). (e)

Itaque vitem triduo antequam inserant desecant . . . (‘For this reason they cut off the vine three days before grafting . . .’ Var. R. 1.41.3)

(f)

. . . / puer septuennis surrupitur Carthagine, / sexennio prius quidem quam moritur pater. (‘. . . (sc. the only son) is kidnapped from Carthage as a seven-year-old boy, six years before his father dies.’ Pl. Poen. 66–7) There are rare instances of prius = priusquam in Late Latin (TLL s.v. prius 1344.41ff.). For pridie quam, postridie quam, and related expressions, see § 20.5.

. Non-temporal interpretations of time clauses Depending on context, time clauses can be interpreted in various other senses, especially as reason and concessive (or: adversative) clauses. They are dealt with in §§ 16.29–32. They have received considerable attention in the literature.41 The clauses for which this is particularly relevant are those with the subordinators cum and postquam. For dum, causal interpretations are rare.42

. The interpretation of cum (quom) clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause Scholars have different views on the need to distinguish a separate use of cum as a subordinator of reason. There is also disagreement both about when the first instances of causal cum can be found and about when the first instances of this cum with a subjunctive can be found.43 There is no strong evidence for a separate causal meaning:44 there are no instances of a cum clause in answer to a cur or quare ‘why’ question in the LLT material. Also, instances of cum with the correlating adverbs idcirco, ideo, and propterea are exceptional.45 An example of a cum clause with such a correlating expression is (a). Further support for regarding the causal interpretation as only contextually determined can be found in the fact that some authors combine cum with various expressions to underline the causal interpretation of the cum clause. Examples are (in decreasing order of frequency) the adverb praesertim ‘especially’ (often in Cicero), as in (b); the particle quippe ‘as is natural when’, ‘inasmuch as’ (relatively 40 41 42 43 44 45

See TLL s.v. antequam 155.28ff.; 157.8ff. For general discussion, see Heberlein (2008; 2011: 238–41). For ubi, see Sz.: 652. Interesting is ubi . . . eo in Sal. Cat. 52.23, as suggested by Branden Kosch. For discussion and references, see Heberlein (2011: 281–4). See Lavency (1996b; 1997: 241–2; 2003) and Baños (2014: 67–70). TLL s.v. idcirco 175.64ff; s.v. ideo 217.43ff.; s.v. propterea 2132.68ff. See also Lodge s.v. quom 528A.

Time clauses

267

frequent in Cicero and Pliny the Elder), as in (c);46 or utpote ‘as one might expect’, ‘as is natural’ (a favourite of Pliny the Elder), as in (d). These words are very rarely, if ever, combined with quia, quod, quoniam, and quando in the authors covered by the LLT. Christian authors do not use utpote with any of these subordinators. Quippe is occasionally combined with cum, quod, and quia in later Christian authors (not in Tertullian) and there are more instances of praesertim combined with cum and quia, notably in Augustine. These three considerations argue against postulating a contextindependent causal meaning of cum. Nevertheless, a few examples that are sometimes cited in the literature as causal cum clauses are added in the Supplement.47 (For the use of the moods in causally interpreted cum clauses, see § 7.143.) (a)

. . . praefatus idcirco se hunc iudicandi modum secutum, cum liqueret sibi Titinium . . . coniugium expetisse. (‘. . . prefacing that he had followed this mode of judgement because it was clear to him that Titinius had sought to marry . . .’ V. Max. 8.2.3)

(b)

Praesertim quom is me dignum quoi concrederet / habuit, me habere honorem eius ingenio decet. (‘Because he has considered me worthy, a man whom he could trust, it’s only fair that I should respect his inclinations.’ Pl. As. 80–1)

(c)

Intellego te, frater, alias in historia leges observandas putare, alias in poëmate. # Quippe quom in illa omnia ad veritatem, Quinte, referantur, in hoc ad delectationem pleraque. (‘As I understand it, then, brother, you believe that one set of principles must be observed in writing history, another in poetry. # Certainly, Quintus, since in the former all things are judged by reference to the truth, while in the latter most things are judged by reference to pleasure.’ Cic. Leg. 1.5)

(d)

Me . . . incommoda valetudo, e qua iam emerseram utpote cum sine febri laborassem . . . tenebat duodecimum iam diem Brundisi. (‘An indisposition, from which I have now recovered (as is to be expected since I was ill without a fever) . . . has kept me these twelve days at Brundisium.’ Cic. Att. 5.8.1) Supplement: Isto tu pauper es quom nimis sancte piu’s. (Pl. Rud. 1234); Ei obviam bubulcus de plebe Venusina advenit et per iocum, cum ignoraret qui ferretur, rogavit num mortuum ferrent. (Gracch. orat. 49 ap. Gel. 10.3.5); Sed demiror / quid sit quam ob rem hunc tanto opere omnis nos celare volueris / partum, praesertim quom et recte et tempore suo pepererit. (Ter. Hec. 529–31); . . . ut non intellegam, quare aut hic vetet intercedere aut quemquam intercessurum putet, cum intercessio stultitiam intercessoris significatura sit, non rem impeditura. (Cic. Agr. 2.30); Nam cum solitudo et vita sine amicis insidiarum et metus plena sit, ratio ipsa monet amicitias comparare . . . (Cic. Fin. 1.66); ‘Quem hunc appellas, Zeno?’ ‘Beatum,’ inquit. ‘Etiam beatissimum?’ ‘Quippe,’ inquiet, ‘cum tam docuerim gradus istam rem non habere quam virtutem, 46 For quippe cum, see Schrickx (2011: 120–4).

47 More examples in OLD s.v. § 6.

268

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position in qua sit ipsum etiam beatum.’ (Cic. Fin. 5.84); Superabatur navium multitudine. Dolo erat pugnandum, cum par non esset armis. (Nep. Han. 10.4); Hanc (sc. aquam) putant nimio frigore esse noxiam, utpote cum profluens ipsa lapidescat. (Plin. Nat. 31.28)

Cum clauses rarely function as an attitudinal or an illocutionary disjunct. An example of an illocutionary cum clause that gives the reason for making the statement of the main clause is (e); ex. (f) contains the justification for making the observation of the main clause (it is an attitudinal disjunct). (e)

Sed quom pietatem amori video tuo praevortere, / omnes tibi patres sunt? (‘But since I can see that you prefer filial piety to your love, are all men your fathers?’ Pl. Ps. 293–4)

(f)

Falso excipitur et spartum, quippe cum in Hispania multa in spartariis mella herbam eam sapiant. (‘It is a mistake to say that esparto grass is also an exception, because a great deal of the honey obtained in the broom-thickets in Spain tastes of that plant.’ Plin. Nat. 11.18)48

. The interpretation of dum clauses as indicating the reason for the content of the main clause Causal interpretations of dum clauses are found from Pliny the Elder onwards.49 Examples are (a) and (b). Most instances are much later. As with cum, there is little reason to assume a context-independent causal meaning. (a)

(sc. Apollodorum) . . . crebro perfecta signa frangentem, dum satiari cupiditate artis non quit, ideoque insanum cognominatum. (‘. . . often breaking his statues in pieces after he had finished them because he was unable to be satisfied due to his passion for his art, and consequently he was given the surname of the Madman.’ Plin. Nat. 34.81)

(b)

. . . sectam de auctoris appellatione mutari utique probum usitatumque ius est, dum philosophi quoque de auctoribus cognominentur Pythagorici et Platonici . . . (‘. . . it is no doubt a fair and usual custom that a sect should be marked out by the name of its founder, since philosophers are called Pythagoreans and Platonists after their masters.’ Tert. Nat. 1.4.1—tr. Holmes)

48 Discussed by Tarriño (2004: 366–7). 49 See OLD s.v. dum § 4.b ‘with loss of temporal force’ and TLL s.v. dum 2211.80ff.; 2221.55ff. ‘significatione tantum causali’. One dum clause from Plautus Am. 637–9 is cited by the TLL s.v. as an early instance, but this is unnecessary. See also Baños (2014: 71–2).

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. The concessive (or: ‘adversative’) interpretation of cum (quom) clauses The relationship between a cum clause and the main clause may, depending on the content of the clauses, be interpreted as adversative (‘while’, ‘whereas’) or as concessive (‘though’, ‘even when’). Early instances cited in this connexion are (a)—indicative, the regular mood in this time period—and (b)—subjunctive.50 Note in (a) the use of the correlative concessive adverb tamen. Instances of this adverb and also of nihilominus ‘nevertheless’ are rare, but they can be found until Late Latin. A Classical example is (c), in the subjunctive which is normal in that period, although there are also instances of the indicative. A Late Latin example is (d)—in the indicative, although in other authors the subjunctive is predominant.51 As in causally interpreted clauses, one occasionally finds praesertim, as in (e), an adverb which is not found with true concessive subordinators. (a)

Servi qui, quom culpa carent, tamen malum metuont, / i solent esse eris utibiles. (‘Those slaves who fear a thrashing even when they’re free from guilt are generally useful to their masters.’ Pl. Mos. 858–9)

(b)

Eo vos vostrosque adeo pantices madefactatis, quom ego sim hic siccus. (‘With that you irrigate yourselves and also your bellies, while I am dry here.’ Pl. Ps. 184)

(c)

. . . Socrates . . . cum facile posset educi e custodia, noluit . . . (‘. . . Socrates . . . though he could easily have been removed from prison, refused . . .’ Cic. Tusc. 1.71)

(d)

Et cum hi (sc. montes) omnes, qui per girum sunt, tam excelsi sint . . ., tamen ipse ille medianus . . . tanto altior est omnibus illis . . . (‘And though all the peaks in the group attain such a height, yet the central one . . . is so much higher than them all . . .’ Pereg. 2.6)

(e)

. . . nihil nos magnopere mirari cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur . . . (‘. . . we are not very greatly astonished, even though by it no extreme need is relieved . . .’ Cic. Off. 2.56) Supplement: Classical indicative forms: . . . etiam cum alienissimos defendimus, tamen eos alienos, si ipsi viri boni volumus haberi, existimare non possumus. (Cic. de Orat. 2.192); Quom tabulas signa toreumata emunt, nova diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt vexant, tamen summa lubidine divitias suas vincere nequeunt. (Sal. Cat. 20.12)

50 The examples (‘adversative’ in his terminology) are taken from Bennett: I.141f.; 303. 51 See Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 168–70) and Spevak (2005b: 176–80) for the Late Latin use of cum ‘concessivum’.

270

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Classical subjunctive forms: Cuius ingenium variosque sermones immortalitati scriptis suis Plato tradidit, cum ipse litteram Socrates nullam reliquisset. (Cic. de Orat. 3.60); Fuit enim perpetuo pauper, cum divitissimus esse posset . . . (Nep. Phoc. 1.2); Nam (sc. Druentia flumen) cum aquae vim vehat ingentem, non tamen navium patiens est . . . (Liv. 21.31.11) Late Latin instances: An cum miserum esse neminem libeat, libet tamen esse misericordem . . .? (August. Conf. 3.2.3); (sc. litterae) Brevi enim erant transcursu quae, cum mihi voluptatem adferant, negant satietatem . . . (Symm. Ep. 5.50); Nec enim cautum deinde expergefactis, quos petebant insidiae, in apertum properare discrimen, cum iam undique frendentium catervae Persarum in proelia venirent accensae. (Amm. 19.6.8)

. The concessive and reason interpretations of postquam clauses In specific contexts the temporal relationship between a postquam clause and its main clause may be interpreted as a reason (cf. quoniam), as in (a); or even as concessive, as in (b), where the main clause contains tamen.52 (a)

Nam postquam haec aedes ita erant ut dixi tibi, / continuo est alias aedis mercatus sibi. (‘Well, after our house was the way I told you, he immediately bought himself another.’ Pl. Mos. 647–8)

(b)

Postquam obtineri non poterat, tamen labefactandae legis Treboniae causa effectum est, ut cooptarentur tribuni plebis C. Lacerius et M. Acutius . . . (‘Although this could not be obtained, nevertheless, in order to invalidate the Trebonian law, it was brought about that Gaius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius should be chosen tribunes . . .’ Liv. 5.10.11)

16.33 Manner clauses Manner clauses denote the manner in which the event of the main clause takes (took or will take) place or the way the event has to be understood. They are introduced by the relative adverbs ut(i) and sicut(i), also velut(i), ‘just as’, ‘like’; by the relative phrases quemadmodum (also: quem ad modum) and quomodo (also quo modo) ‘in the manner in which’, ‘as’; and the subordinator ceu ‘as (if)’—found mainly in poetry, in prose from Seneca onwards. The manner expressions based on modus ‘manner’ are relatively infrequent in Early and Classical Latin. The conditional comparative subordinators quasi ‘as if ’, tamquam ‘as though’, and velut ‘as if ’ are dealt with separately in § 16.66. Ut clauses can function as adjuncts and as (attitudinal or illocutionary) disjuncts. The clauses with a subordinator other than ut are mainly used as 52 For further examples of a reason interpretation, see OLD s.v. postquam §  3; TLL s.v. postquam 246.71ff.; 248.33ff. For an ‘adversative force implied’, see OLD s.v. postquam § 3. See also Sz.: 599.

Manner clauses 271 adjuncts. The clauses discussed in this section are usually called ‘comparative clauses of manner’ or ‘clauses of comparison’.53 Manner clauses can also function as subject complement, as in (a) and (b) (see § 9.36). (a) Haec res sic est ut narro tibi. (‘This is just as I’m telling you.’ Pl. Mos. 1034) (b) Ero ut me voles esse. (‘I will be as you want me to be.’ Pl. Capt. 228)

. Manner adjunct clauses Manner adjuncts denote the way in which the state of affairs of the main clause takes place. There may be a corresponding manner expression in the main clause, either an adverb like sic ‘so’ or—less common—ita ‘so’, also proinde ‘in the same way (as)’, or a noun phrase, as in (c).54 Examples of ut clauses are (a)–(d), of clauses introduced by the other expressions, (e)–(g). (a)

Facis ut alias res soles. (‘You’re handling the matter as you usually handle other things.’ Pl. Am. 536)

(b)

. . . cogat alios laudare, sicut in multis conatus est. (‘. . . let him force others to give praises, as in many cases he has tried to do.’ Cic. Ver. 2.139)

(c)

Hoc modo res gesta est ut ego dico. (‘The matter happened just the way I’m telling you.’ Pl. Rud. 1072)

(d)

Ut sementem feceris, ita metes. (‘As ye sow, so shall ye reap.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.261—tr. May and Wisse)

(e)

Conserva igitur tuis suos, ut quemadmodum cetera quae dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum reperiatur. (‘Preserve, then, for your adherents their loved ones, so that, just as the rest of the things said by you, so this may be found completely true.’ Cic. Lig. 33)

(f)

Quo modo autem in corpore est morbus, est aegrotatio, est vitium, sic in animo. (‘Now as the body is liable to disease, to sickness, to defect, so is the soul.’ Cic. Tusc. 4.28)

53 For a discussion of the terminology and the various uses of manner clauses with ut, see Revuelta (2002). A monograph on the subject is Fontana (1997). See also Tarriño (2011: 399–420) and Van Laer (2013, 2014, 2015). 54 A large number of correlative expressions can be found in Lodge, s.v. ut 922B–923A; Merguet (Reden) s.v. ut 1053B–1054A; TLL s.v. modus 1285.55ff. (quemadmodum); 1294.41ff. (quomodo). See also Revuelta (2002: 210–16).

272 (g)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Impastus stabula alta leo ceu saepe peragrans / (suadet enim vesana fames), si forte fugacem / conspexit capream aut surgentem in cornua cervum, / gaudet . . . / . . ., / sic ruit in densos alacer Mezentius hostis. (‘Even as often an unfed lion, ranging the deep coverts, for maddening hunger prompts him, if haply he has spied a timorous roe or stately-antlered stag, exults . . ., so Mezentius springs lightly upon the massed foemen.’ Verg. A. 10.723–9) Supplement: An te auspicium commoratum est an tempestas continit (cj. Luchs, continet P), / qui non abiisti ad legiones, ita uti dudum dixeras? (Pl. Am. 690–1); Satis audacter. # Ut pudicam decet. (Pl. Am. 838); Faciam ita ut iubes (Pl. Am. 1144); Quid tu? recte’n atque ut vis vales? (Pl. Aul. 183—NB: coordination with a manner adverb); Eandem puellam peperit quam a me acceperat, / sine opstetricis opera et sine doloribus, / item ut aliae pariunt quae malum quaerunt sibi. (Pl. Cist. 140–2); Diespiter me sic amabit— # Ut quidem edepol dignus es. (Pl. Poen. 869); Proinde ut decet amat virum suom, cupide expetit. (Pl. St. 284); Ut potero feram. (Ter. An. 898); Non, si ex capite sis meo / natus, item aiunt ut Minervam esse ex Iove . . . (Ter. Hau. 1035–6); Quapropter ut invitus saepe dissensi a Q. Fufio, ita sum eius sententiae libenter adsensus. (Cic. Phil. 11.15); Nimirum eodem modo haec aspicitis ut priora. (Cic. Phil. 13.26); Ut frumenta nata sunt, ita decumae veneunt. (Cic. Ver. 3.147); Nimirum ut hic nomen suum conprobavit, sic ille cognomen. (Cic. Ver. 4.57); At reliquarum legionum milites . . . a tribunis militum legatisque, ut erat a Caesare praeceptum, retinebantur. (Caes. Gal. 7.47.3); Utque volans alte raptum cum fulva draconem / fert aquila . . . / haut aliter praedam Tiburtum ex agmine Tarchon / portat ovans. (Verg. A. 11.751–8); Quare ars est aput te ministrare nec temere et ut libet conlocatur argentum sed perite  struitur et est aliquis scindendi obsonii magister? (Sen. Dial. 7.17.2—NB: coordination); Hunc ego non ut multi sed artissime diligo. (Plin. Ep. 6.8.2—NB: coordination)55 Estne intus nunc Phronesium? # Utut aliis, tibi quidem intus. (Pl. Truc. 188) Itaque ille perfectus quem iam dudum nostra indicat oratio, utcumque se affectum videri et animum audientis moveri volet, ita certum vocis admovebit sonum. (Cic. Orat. 55); (sc. Theophrastus scripsit) . . . quae essent in re publica rerum inclinationes et momenta temporum, quibus esset moderandum, utcumque res postularet. (Cic. Fin. 5.11) Sicut tuom vis unicum gnatum tuae / superesse vitae sospitem et superstitem, / ita ted optestor . . . (Pl. As. 16–18); Atque utinam, sicut mihi tota in hac causa versatus ante oculos, sic nunc horum te offeras mentibus . . . (Cic. Scaur. 49) Suspensaeque diu lacrimae fluxere per ora, / qualiter abiecta de nive manat aqua. (Ov. Am. 1.7.57–8) Non enim quem ad modum si quaesitum ex eo sit stellarum numerus par an impar sit, item si de officio multisque aliis de rebus, in quibus versatus exercitatus, nescire se dicat. (Cic. Luc. 110); . . . primo in magna spe fuit quemadmodum Rhodiam classem ad Samum circumsessis ad exitum faucibus portus expugnasset, sic et Romanam expugnaturum. (Liv. 37.28.6); Et quo modo hominum inter homines 55 This instance is quoted by Van Laer (2013: 413).

Manner clauses 273 iuris esse vincula putant, sic homini nihil iuris esse cum bestiis. (Cic. Fin. 3.67); Quo modo in militia aut via fessus adminiculum orarem, ita in hoc itinere vitae senex . . . praesidium peto. (Tac. Ann. 14.54.2); Nam quomodo fama non est unius sermo nec infamia unius mala existimatio, sic nec claritas uni bono placuisse. (Sen. Ep. 102.8) Ceu cum frigore inhorruimus, tremor sequitur, sic terras quoque spiritus extrinsecus accidens quassat. (Sen. Nat. 6.24.4) Some of the corresponding adverbs (e.g. proinde) are also found with the comparative particle atque/ac. There the particle and the phrase or clause it introduces must be considered obligatory constituents required by the valency of proinde in the same way as atque in expressions like aliter atque and idem atque—see § 20.15. Sometimes two events may be compared which are in contrast with each other, with ita or sic in the main clause and (sic)ut in the manner clause (‘while . . . at the same time’ (OLD s.v. ut § 5b)). Seneca has an instance of quemadmodum used in this way. Examples are (h)–(k). (h) Nam ut (sc. Pausanias) virtutibus eluxit, sic vitiis est obrutus. (‘For while he possessed conspicuous merits, yet he was overloaded with defects.’ Nep. Paus. 1.1) (i) Saguntini ut a proeliis quietem habuerant . . . ita non nocte, non die umquam cessaverant ab opere . . . (‘The Saguntines, though they had had a rest from fighting . . . neither by night nor by day had ever ceased from labour . . .’ Liv. 21.11.5) (j) Ceterum iter multo quam [ut] in ascensu fuerat, ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut breviora ita adrectiora sunt, difficilius fuit. (‘The rest of the path was much more difficult than it was along the ascent, as indeed most parts of the Alps from the Italian side are shorter but more precipitous.’ Liv. 21.35.11) (k) Nam quemadmodum sola non prosunt, sic curationem adiuvant. (‘For though, by themselves, they are of no avail, yet they are a help towards the cure.’ Sen. Ep. 94.36) Quatenus meaning quomodo is found in Late Latin, from Tertullian onwards, as in (l).56 (l) Sequitur itaque ut, quatenus circumcisionis carnalis et legis veteris abolitio expuncta suis temporibus demonstratur, ita sabbati quoque observatio temporaria fuisse demonstretur. (‘It follows, accordingly, that, in the same way as the abolition of carnal circumcision and of the old law is demonstrated as having been consummated at its specific times, so also the observance of the Sabbath is demonstrated to have been temporary.’ Tert. Iud. 4.1)

56 See Wölfflin (1888: 407–8).

274

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

If the main and subordinate clause would contain more or less identical constituents one of them may remain implicit in either clause, as is shown in (m) and (n): nominabatur is not repeated as nominatur; erat not as est. (m)

Mensa vinaria rotunda nominabatur cilibantum, ut etiam nunc in castris. (‘A round table for wine was formerly called a cilliba, as even now it is in the camp.’ Var. L. 5.121)

(n)

Antiquis enim torus e stramento erat, qualiter etiam nunc in castris. (‘For people in old times had bedding of straw, in the same way as in camp now.’ Plin. Nat. 8.193)

. Attitudinal manner clauses (disjuncts) Attitudinal manner clauses give evidence for the content of the main clause (or a part of it), situate it in a general context, or qualify the assertion in some way (see also § 6.2). These clauses represent the point of view of the speaker and are therefore usually in the indicative mood, and often in the present tense. Examples are (a)–(c). A number of such ut clauses have become idioms, such as ut opinor ‘as I think’ and ut videtur ‘as it seems’. Manner clauses are also used as disjuncts to justify or to comment on the wording chosen in the main clause. Examples are (d) and (e). Sometimes the ut clause can be interpreted in a causal sense, as in (f).57 In these attitudinal manner clauses the emphasizer quidem is quite common.58 (a)

Pol ego ut rem video, tu inventu’s, vera vanitudine / qui convincas. (‘As I see this matter, you’ve been found to be the sort of person who confutes the truth with falsehood.’ Pl. Capt. 569–70)

(b)

Ut sunt humana, nihil est perpetuom datum. (‘Nothing, as is the way with all things human, is given for good.’ Pl. Cist. 194)

(c)

Nominatae, ut ait Ennius, Titienses ab Tatio, Ramnenses ab Romulo, Luceres, ut Iunius, ab Lucumone; sed omnia hec vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragoedias Tuscas scripsit, dicebat. (‘These tribes were named, as Ennius says, the Titienses from Tatius, the Ramnenses from Romulus, the Luceres, according to Junius, from Lucumo; but all these words are Etruscan, as Volnius, who wrote tragedies in Etruscan, stated.’ Var. L. 5.55)

57 Gibert (2007) deals with attitudinal manner clauses; some examples are taken from his article. For terminology and criteria, see also Revuelta (2002: 203–25). Many examples can be found in Lodge s.v. ut 924B–925A, who observes: ‘comparatio parenthetica est, non genuina’. Also OLD s.v. ut §§ 20–2. In Sz. the use of ut in expressions like ut opinor is called ‘parenthetical’ (634). So also Fontana  (1997), Bolkestein (1998a)—on the differences between parenthetical expressions of opinion in the use of ut— and already K.-St.: II.450. For the causal interpretation of ut clauses, see Baños  (2014: 73–7) and Van Laer (2014). 58 So Kroon (2009b: 154).

Manner clauses 275 (d)

Quid erat induta? An regillam induculam an mendiculam? / # Impluviatam, ut istaec faciunt vestimentis nomina. (‘What did she wear? The royal or the beggarly dress? The marbled dress, as those women invent names for their clothes.’ Pl. Epid. 223–4)

(e)

‘Serit arbores quae alteri saeculo prosient’, ut ait Statius noster in Synephebis. (‘He plants the trees to serve another age, as our Caecilius Statius says in his Young Comrades.’ Cic. Sen. 24)

(f)

Pallida est, ut peperit puerum. (‘She’s pale, as having given birth to a boy.’ Pl. Truc. 576) Supplement: Content: Homo hic ebrius est, ut opinor. (Pl. Am. 574); Quom me adiit, ut pudentem gnatum aequom est patrem, / cupio esse amicae quod det argentum suae. (Pl. As. 82–3); Salvos sum. Salva spes est, ut verba audio. (Pl. Cas. 312); . . . nescio, nisi, ut meus est animus, fieri non posse arbitror. (Pl. Cist. 5); Nam hic latro in Sparta fuit, / ut quidem ipse nobis dixit, apud regem Attalum. (Pl. Poen. 663–4); . . . quasi Dircam olim, ut memorant, duo gnati Iovis / devinxere ad taurum . . . (Pl. Ps. 199–200); Atque ut nunc valide fluctuat mare, nulla nobis spes est. (Pl. Rud. 303); Ita, ut ingenium’st omnium / hominum ab labore proclive ad lubidinem, / accepit condicionem, dehinc quaestum occipit. (Ter. An. 77–9); Tria sunt enim, ut quidem ego sentio, quae sint efficienda dicendo. (Cic. Brut. 185); Natura nulla est, ut mihi videtur, quae non habeat in suo genere res complures dissimiles inter se, quae tamen consimili laude dignentur. (Cic. de Orat. 3.25); Quinti fratris epistulam ad te misi, non satis humane illam quidem respondentem meis litteris, sed tamen quod tibi satis sit, ut equidem existimo. (Cic. Att. 13.47a.2); Quod reliquum est, cottidie tabellarios habebis et, ut ego arbitror, etiam quid scribas habebis cottidie. (Cic. Att. 16.15.3); Ad alteram partem succedunt Ubii, quorum fuit civitas ampla atque florens, ut est captus Germanorum. (Caes. Gal. 4.3.3); Patre usus est diligente et, ut tum erant tempora, diti . . . (Nep. Att. 1.2—NB: at the adjective phrase level); Pastor Aristaeus fugiens Peneia Tempe / amissis, ut fama, apibus morboque fameque / tristis ad extremi sacrum caput adstitit amnis . . . (Verg. G. 4.317–19); Paucae civitates, ut quidem ego audio, quas vicina maxime hiberna premebant in ius dicionemque venerunt. (Liv. 40.35.13); . . . a sole numquam absistens partibus sex atque quadraginta longius, ut Timaeo placet. (Plin. Nat. 2.38); Circuitus vero totius Ponti viciens semel L, ut auctor est Varro et fere veteres. (Plin. Nat. 4.77); M. Sergio, ut equidem arbitror, nemo quemquam hominum iure praetulerit . . . (Plin. Nat. 7.104);59 Aesculapius . . . novissime fertur Hippolytum . . . sanasse, ita uti Eratosthenes dicit. (Hyg. Astr. 2.14, l. 578) Et, quemadmodum nostra quidem fert opinio, oratoris ars et facultas in hac materia tripertita versari existimanda est. (Cic. Inv. 1.7) Quo modo nunc se istorum artes habent, pertimescenda est multitudo causarum. (Cic. de Orat. 2.140); . . . quo modo Stoici dicunt omnis esse divites qui caelo et terra frui possint . . . (Cic. Fam. 7.16.3); Sed, quo modo video, si aestimationes tuas vendere

59 For more instances from Pliny the Elder, see Tarriño (2004: 364). For Pliny the Elder’s use of sicut(i), see also Duarte (2019).

276

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position non potes neque ollam denariorum implere, Romam tibi remigandum est. (Cic. Fam. 9.18.4); Quo modo quidem nunc se res habet, modo ut haec nobis loca tenere liceat . . . (Cic. Fam. 14.14.1); Sed quomodo dicunt—ego nihil scio, sed audivi—cum Incuboni pilleum rapuisset, et thesaurum invenit. (Petr. 38.8 (Hermeros speaking)) Style: O praeclarum custodem ovium, ut aiunt, lupum! (Cic. Phil. 3.27); Venio nunc ad istius quemadmodum ipse appellat studium, ut amici eius, morbum et insaniam, ut Siculi, latrocinium. (Cic. Ver. 4.1); Quam ob rem, si ornate locutus est, sicut et fertur et mihi videtur, physicus ille Democritus, materies . . . (Cic. de Orat. 1.49); Quamvis sphaeram in scaenam, ut dicitur, attulerit Ennius, tamen in sphaera fornicis similitudo inesse non potest. (Cic. de Orat. 3.162); . . . cum isdem ad calcem ut dicitur pervenire. (Cic. Amic. 101); . . . de omni animi, ut ego posui, perturbatione, morbo, ut Graeci volunt, explicabo. (Cic. Tusc. 3.13); Hunc censes primis ut dicitur labris gustasse physiologiam id est naturae rationem, qui quicquam quod ortum sit putet aeternum esse posse? (Cic. N.D. 1.20); Hic tum, ut ait Ennius, nostri ‘cessere parumper’. (B. Hisp. 23.3) In nullo genere aeque facilis mixtura cum fero, qualiter natos antiqui hybridas vocabant . . . (Plin. Nat. 8.213) Appendix: Causally interpreted ut clauses (as in (f) above) are sometimes treated as identical to the use of ut clauses that characterize the property of a constituent in the main clause (see § 20.25).60 A few more examples in which a causal interpretation is possible are: Atque in pauca, ut occupatus nunc sum, confer quid velis. (Pl. Ps. 278); . . . aiunt hominem, ut erat furiosus, respondisse . . . (Cic. S.  Rosc. 33); Horum auctoritate finitimi adducti, ut sunt Gallorum subita et repentina consilia, eadem de causa Trebium Terrasidiumque retinent . . . (Caes. Gal. 3.8.3); . . . exploratores hostium, ut omni fluminis parte erant dispositi, inopinantes quod . . . a nostris opprimuntur. (Caes. Gal. 7.61.1); Sed ubi ille adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso voltu, voce supplici postulare a patribus coepit, ne quid de se temere crederent. (Sal. Cat. 31.7); . . . consulem invenerunt, quam poterant maxime miserabilem bonis sociis, superbis atque infidelibus, ut erant Campani, spernendum. (Liv. 23.5.1); Ipsi, ut est volgus sine rectore praeceps pavidum socors, adventante Civile raptis temere armis ac statim omissis, in fugam vertuntur. (Tac. Hist. 4.37.1)

This type of ut clause can also be used with constituents at a lower level, as in (g), where ut Poenus justifies the qualification expressed by the attribute acutus. Such cases are discussed in § 20.27. (g)

A Clitomacho sumam . . . homo et acutus ut Poenus et valde studiosus ac diligens. (‘I shall take it from Clitomachus . . . a clever fellow as being a Carthaginian, and also extremely studious and industrious.’ Cic. Luc. 98)

60 So K.-St.: II.451–2.

Manner clauses 277

. Illocutionary manner clauses (disjuncts) Illocutionary manner disjuncts either denote what the status of the content of the main clause is in relation to its context or they aim at the involvement of the audience in what is being said. Examples are (a)–(b) and (c), respectively.61 (a)

Quamquam, ut iam dudum dixi, resciscet tamen / Amphitruo rem omnem. (‘Still, as I told you some time since, Amphitruo will find out the whole thing all the same.’ Pl. Am. 491–2)

(b)

In quo ego tam subito et exiguo et turbido tempore multa divinitus, ita ut dixi, non mea sponte providi . . . (‘In that crisis, so sudden, so sharp, so stormy, I showed great foresight guided, just as I have said, not by my own resources but by divine inspiration.’ Cic. Sul. 43)

(c)

Ita sum, ut videtis, splendens stella candida, / signum quod semper tempore exoritur suo / hic atque in caelo. (‘I am the way you see me: resplendent with a shining star, a constellation that always rises in its due season here and in heaven.’ Pl. Rud. 3–5) Supplement: Fugitivos ille, ut dixeram ante, huius patri, / domo quem profugiens dominum apstulerat, vendidit. (Pl. Capt. 17–18); Ita ut occepi dicere, / lenulle, de illac pugna Pentetronica, / quom sexaginta milia hominum uno die / volaticorum manibus occidi meis. (Pl. Poen. 470–3); Mercatorem autem strenuum studiosumque rei quaerendae existimo, verum, ut supra dixi, periculosum et calamitosum. (Cato Agr. pr. 3); Hic di immortales, ut supra dixi, mentem illi perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret insidias. (Cic. Mil. 88); Is igitur, ut dico, Timarchides in omnes civitates accepto pretio censores dimisit. (Cic. Ver. 2.136); Quare cum genere idem sit, fit aliud, quod parte quadam et specie, ut diximus, differat. (Cic. Inv. 1.40); Quid de Paulo aut Africano loquar aut, ut iam ante, de Maximo? (Cic. Sen. 61); Scilicet, ut tu scribis, casus consilium nostri itineris iudicabit. (Cic. Att. 15.25.1); Erat vallis inter duas acies, ut supra demonstratum est, non ita magna at difficili et arduo ascensu. (Caes. Civ. 2.34.1);62 Interim ii qui ad alteram partem oppidi, ut supra demonstravimus, munitionis causa convenerant . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.48.1); Tenebat adversum oppidum e  regione pon, ut supra scripsimus, tripertito. (B.  Hisp. 5.2); Ipsius triquetrae, ut diximus, promunturium Pelorum vocatur . . . (Plin. Nat. 3.87); Sed, ut coeperam dicere, ad hanc me fortunam frugalitas mea perduxit. (Petr. 75.10 (Trimalchio speaking)); Missus tamen Drusus, ut rettulimus, paci firmator. (Tac. Ann. 2.46.5) Cyperos iuncus est, qualiter diximus, angulosus . . . (Plin. Nat. 21.117) Sed in animo est, quemadmodum ante dixi, leviter transire ac tantummodo perstringere unamquamque rem . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 91)

61 For the illocutionary use of ut clauses, see Griffe (1985). For instances with the verb dico, see TLL s.v. 973.48ff. and Garcea (2003: 192–4). 62 For the word order demonstratum est, typical for this type of clause, see Devine and Stephens (2006: 189–90).

278

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Nuper quidem, ut scitis, me ad regiam paene confecit. (Cic. Mil. 37); Piso igitur hoc modo, vir optimus tuique, ut scis, amantissimus. (Cic. Fin. 4.73); L.  Coelius Antipater scriptor, quemadmodum videtis, fuit ut temporibus illis luculentus, iuris valde peritus, multorum etiam, ut L. Crassi, magister. (Cic. Brut. 102)

16.37 Degree clauses (adjuncts) Autonomous relative clauses with quod can be used to indicate the degree to which what is stated in the main clause is (was, will be) realized. Examples are (a)–(b). These clauses are normally in the indicative.63 Quantum is occasionally found as well, as in (d)–(f). These clauses resemble the clauses of qualification discussed in § 16.83. (a)

Ill’, quod in se fuit, accuratum habuit quod posset mali / faceret in me . . . (‘As far as was in his power he took pains to do me all the harm he could.’ Pl. Bac. 550–1)

(b)

Di istaec prohibeant! # Deos nescio. Ego, quod potero, sedulo. (‘May the gods forbid it. # I don’t know as to the gods; so far as I shall be enabled, I will carefully prevent it.’ Ter. Hau. 1038)

(c)

Quae tibi mandavi et quae tu intelleges convenire nostro Tusculano velim, ut scribis, cures, quod sine molestia tua facere poteris. (‘What I commissioned you to get for me, and anything you see suitable to my Tusculan villa, I should be glad if you will, as you say in your letter, procure for me, so far as you can without putting yourself to too much trouble.’ Cic. Att. 1.5.7)

(d)

Postidea domum / me rursum quantum potero tantum recipiam. (‘Afterwards I’ll return home again as quickly as I can.’ Pl. Aul. 118–19)

(e)

Quam (sc. fidem) qui laedit oppugnat omnium commune praesidium et, quantum in ipso est, disturbat vitae societatem. (‘One who violates this promise attacks what is the common safeguard of all, and, as far as it is in his power, ruins all social life.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 111)

(f)

Illum deum (cj. Eden) ab Iove, quem, quantum quidem in illo fuit damnavit incesti? (‘That he was made god by Iuppiter, whom he, as far as was in his power, condemned on the accusation of incest?’ Sen. Apoc. 8.2)

There are related expressions with the relative adverbs quatenus ‘to the extent to which’ (OLD s.v. 7a) and quoad ‘to the degree that’ (OLD s.v. 3a), as in (g) and (h), respectively. See also § 16.53 on stipulative clauses. (g)

. . . vulgus quod absit a perfecto non fere intellegit, quatenus autem intellegit, nihil putat praetermissum. 63 See Hale (1891) and D’Elia (1975).

Degree and respect clauses

279

(‘. . . the common crowd does not, as a rule, comprehend how far it falls short of real perfection, but, to the extent to which they do comprehend they think there is no deficiency.’ Cic. Off. 3.15)

(h)

. . . animo non deficiam et id quod suscepi, quoad potero, perferam. (‘. . . I will not lose courage, but will accomplish to the best of my ability the task which I have undertaken.’ Cic. S. Rosc. 10) Most grammars distinguish two types of comparative clauses, those of manner (discussed in this Syntax in §§ 16.33–6) and those of degree, which are discussed in this paragraph. For comparative clauses with ut, see §§ 20.24–7. See also § 16.83.64

16.38 Respect clauses (disjuncts) Respect clauses identify a state of affairs or an entity for which the information contained in the main clause is particularly relevant. The subordinating device is quod ‘as for’, ‘with regard to’. These clauses, which are usually found in sentence-initial position, present the frame for the information of the main clause and often make reference to the preceding context or to an earlier exchange, as in (a) and (b). For an embedded quod clause, see (c). They are illocutionary disjuncts.65 (See also § 16.83.) (a)

Quod ille gallinam aut columbam se sectari aut simiam / dicat, disperistis, ni usque ad mortem male mulcassitis. (‘As to the fact that he might say he was chasing a hen or a dove or a monkey, you’re done for, unless you savagely beat him to death.’ Pl. Mil. 162–3)

(b)

Romae quod scribis sileri, ita putabam. (‘As to the fact that you write that there is silence in Rome, so I thought.’ Cic. Att. 2.13.2)

(c)

Quare quom ad analogias quod pertineat non est ut omnia similia dicantur . . . (‘Since therefore so far as concerns the Regularities it is not essential that all words that are spoken should be alike in their systems . . .’ Var. L. 9.83) Supplement: Quod illa aut amicum aut patronum nominet / aut quod illa amicai amatorem praedicet, / fores occlusae omnibus sint nisi tibi. (Pl. As. 757–9); Ingenium patris habet, quod sapit. (Pl. Poen. 1198a);66 Sane quod tibi nunc vir videatur esse hic, nebulo magnus est. (Ter. Eu. 785); Nam ita me di ament, quod me accusat nunc vir, sum extra noxiam. (Ter. Hec. 276); Quod quisque pecudes in calleis viasve publicas itneris causa indubus vieie publiceis pastum inpulsum itineris causa erit neiquid populo eive publicano d6

The negation word in concessive clauses is non. The concessive clause more often precedes the main clause, but it may also follow, or be inserted. As in other complex 200 Details can be found in Spevak (1998). 201 Quantitative data on the use of si compounds in the history of Latin can be found in a Table compiled by J.B. Hofmann in Burckhardt’s article in TLL s.v. etiamsi 964.59ff. The data in Martín Puente (2002) are slightly different. I use her information on etiamsi and quamquam. The data on quamvis come from the LLT. The data on licet are from Spevak (2001: 338).

356

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

sentences, the actual order depends on the distribution of topical and focal information over main and subordinate clauses. Main clauses that follow the subordinate clause often contain an adversative adverb (especially tamen, also nihilominus and the connector at). Here, too, there is variation from author to author, and the frequency of concessive or adversative expressions in the main clause varies by concessive subordinator. Only 12 out of 255 instances of the subordinator quamquam in Cicero’s prose are found without tamen in the main clause; figures for etsi (17/307) and tametsi (1/65) show a similar proportion. By contrast, the scalar concessive quamvis and the concessive conditional etiamsi occur without tamen much more frequently (quamvis 50/99; etiamsi 192/342).202 A few examples with quamquam are (d)–(f).203 In (g), the first tamen connects the entire complex sentence with the preceding sentence.204 More instances of such expressions in the main clause can be found in the sections on the individual subordinators. (d)

. . . et quamquam hoc tibi aegre est, tamen fac accures. (‘. . . and although this upsets you, make sure you prepare it nevertheless.’ Pl. Cas. 421)

(e)

Quod ego quamquam quid sit nescio, tamen hoc statuo, hunc, si amicus esset Pompeio, laudaturum illum non fuisse. (‘Although I do not know what this means, nevertheless my conviction is that if Clodius were a friend to Pompeius he would not have congratulated him.’ Cic. Har. 52)

(f)

Quamquam ego vinum bibo, at mandata / non consuevi simul bibere una. (‘Even though I do drink wine, it isn’t my custom to drink down your commands at the same time.’ Pl. Per. 170–70a)

(g)

Sed tamen Lurconem quamquam pro sua dignitate moderatus est in testimonio dicendo religioni suae, tamen iratum Flacco esse vidistis. (‘Nevertheless, you saw that, although Lurco with his usual dignity restrained himself when giving evidence, he was nevertheless angry with Flaccus.’ Cic. Flac. 87)

Three of these words (quamquam, etsi, and tametsi) are also used as contrastive connectors of sentences as in (h), where the connector etsi is followed by the subordinator quamvis, and in (i), where quamquam is the connector and etsi the subordinator. The relationship between such independent sentences and the preceding sentences is one of comment, correction, or clarification. It therefore resembles the relationship between attitudinal and illocutionary concessive clauses and their corresponding main clauses. In Cicero roughly half of the instances of these words are sentence

202 See Martín Puente  (2002: 50, 88, 103, 135), Eckert  (2003: 226–37), and Spevak  (2005c: 147–9; 2006c: 225, Table 2). There are sequences of tamen in a main clause and concessive subordinators in a following concessive clause, but no real instances of correlation (see also Spevak 2005c: 154). 203 A survey of correlating expressions with etiamsi and etsi can be found in TLL s.v. 968.21ff. and 974.49ff.; 976.44ff. 204 The example is taken from Martín Puente (1998a: 314).

Concessive clauses

357

connectors (quamquam more than half, etsi less).205 Often it is difficult to decide whether the sentences are really independent. Editors vary in the way they punctuate before such concessive sequences. See also § 24.34. (h)

Etsi, quamvis non fueris suasor et impulsor profectionis meae, at probator certe fuisti, dum modo Kal. Ian. Romae essem. (‘All the same, although you did not recommend or instigate my trip, you certainly did approve of it, provided I was back in Rome on the Kalends of January.’ Cic. Att. 16.7.2)

(i)

Quamquam haec quidem iam tolerabilia videbantur, etsi aequabiliter in rem  publicam, in privatos, in longinquos, in propinquos, in alienos, in suos inruebat. (‘Still, such acts as these came to be looked on as endurable, although he encroached equally upon the state, upon individuals, upon those at hand, upon those at a distance, upon foreigners, upon his very own.’ Cic. Mil. 76)

Etsi, quamquam, and later licet are also used as concessive particles with constituents below the clause level. This use is relatively rare in the Classical period, but it becomes more frequent in later authors. The following examples show the types of constituent modified by concessive particles (no chronology implied). In (j) and (k) etsi and quamquam, respectively, modify attributive adjectives (note tamen in (k)). In (l)–(n) etsi and quamquam are used with appositive adjectives (note tamen in (m) and the position of quamquam in (n)). Ex. (o) shows the use of quamquam with an adverb functioning as a satellite. Exx. (p) and (q) show a prepositional and a noun phrase functioning as satellites. (j)

Nam etsi iustum dolorem pudor impediebat. (‘For shame impeded his pain, even though it was just.’ Tac. Ann. 11.35.2)

(k)

Et patres quamquam rem parvam, tamen . . . laeti accepere id . . . (‘The senators, though it was a small matter, nevertheless gladly welcomed it . . .’ Liv. 4.8.5)

(l)

. . . quaedam adferunt per se adiuvantia, etsi non necessaria . . . (‘. . . and add certain things which themselves give aid, although they are not necessary . . .’ Cic. Top. 59)

(m)

. . . Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. (‘. . . Numidia had fallen to Metellus, a man of spirit and, although he was an opponent of the popular party, of a nevertheless consistently unblemished reputation.’ Sal. Jug. 43.1)

(n)

Haec, mira quamquam, fidem ex eo trahebant . . . (‘The tale, though remarkable, drew credibility from this . . .’ Tac. Ann. 6.30.4) 205 See the table in Martín Puente (2002: 143).

358 (o)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position . . . responsumque quamquam non inutiliter, fortuito tamen magis consensu quam communi consilio esse. (‘. . . and although a not useless answer had been returned, yet this had been due rather to their happening to feel alike about the matter than to a concerted plan.’ Liv. 3.51.1)

(p)

Nam et si dicatur, licet ex occasione materiae, suo tamen arbitrio bona protulisse (sc. Deum) . . . (‘Now, if it be also argued, that although matter may have afforded Him the opportunity, it was still His own will which led Him to the creation of good creatures . . .’ Tert. Hermog. 14.1—tr. Holmes)

(q)

. . . C.  Caesar . . . quamquam sua sponte eximiaque virtute, tamen approbatione auctoritatis meae colonias patrias adiit . . . (‘. . . Gaius Caesar . . . although of his own accord and by his own rare virtue, yet with the warranty of my authority, entered the colonies founded by his father . . .’ Cic. Phil. 5.23)

Concession may be expressed in other ways besides subordination with specialized subordinators. In (c) at the beginning of this section there are two independent sentences. Tamen in the second sentence signals that the speaker expected another outcome of the state of affairs described in the first sentence (for details about concessive sentence connexion and how it differs from concessive subordination, see § 24.31). For the concessive interpretation of cum, and ut clauses, see §  16.31 and §  16.82, respectively. For the concessive interpretation of relative clauses, see § 18.24. For the concessive interpretation of participial clauses and secondary predicates, see § 16.89 and § 21.17.206 For the concessive interpretation of generalizing autonomous relative clauses, see § 18.33. Concessive clauses (not with all concessive subordinators) are used as adjuncts and as attitudinal and illocutionary disjuncts, as discussed below in §§ 16.70–2.207

. So-called concessive conditional clauses Clauses introduced by etsi are normally understood as concessive clauses. However, in a way comparable to what is shown for si clauses, the relation between the content of the etsi clause and the main clause may be such that it is interpreted as conditional rather than as concessive. This is illustrated by (a) and (b), where de Melo’s Loeb translation has ‘even if ’. The use of et alone in the sense ‘even’ is Post-Classical and poetic.208 This is different in the case of etiamsi (etiam si), because etiam is used in this 206 For the definition of ‘concession’ and the various forms in which this may be expressed, see Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 139–43) and Spevak (2005b: Introduction), with references. Also—briefly— Martín Puente (2002: 21–5). 207 Crevels (2000) distinguishes four types of concessive relations within the framework of Functional Grammar: content, epistemic, speech-act, and textual (the latter concern sentence connexion). For another, related, approach, see Spevak (2005b). 208 See TLL s.v. 908.22ff.

Concessive clauses

359

sense from Early Latin onwards (though for that period the combination of it with si is not beyond doubt). From signalling an extreme condition etiamsi developed into a concessive subordinator. In Cicero’s time it is used in both senses. The conditional interpretation of etsi and etiamsi clauses is especially likely in cases like (b) and (e), with the subjunctive mood.209 The scalar concessive subordinator quamvis resembles etiamsi insofar as it may indicate that what its clause refers to is indeed the case to a very high or extreme degree (for details, see below, §  16.75). However, it lacks the conditional aspect of etiamsi.210 Additionally, strengthening of the conditional subordinator (like etiamsi) and of free-choice indefinites (like quamvis) is a well-known source for concessive expressions in many languages.211 For a conditional interpretation of licet, see (f). (a)

Etsi pervivo usque ad summam aetatem, tamen / breve spatium est perferundi quae minitas mihi. (‘Even if I live to a great age, it’s still only a short period for me to bear what you’re threatening me with.’ Pl. Capt. 742–3)

(b)

Pol etsi taceas, palam id quidem est. Res ipsa test’est. (‘Even if you were to be silent it would be obvious: the facts speak for themselves.’ Pl. Aul. 421)

(c)

Etiamsi dudum fuerat ambiguom hoc mihi, / nunc non est, quom eam [con]sequitur alienus puer. (‘Even if this had been in doubt for me for a long time, it’s not now, since someone else’s child is following her.’ Ter. Hec. 648–9)

(d)

Eundem igitur esse creditote, etiamsi nullum videbitis. (‘Believe therefore that the same thing exists, even if you do not see it.’ Cic. Sen. 79)

(e)

Etiamsi propter amicitiam vellet illum ab inferis evocare, propter rem publicam non fecisset. (‘Even if he had been desirous for friendship’s sake of summoning him from the dead, for the commonwealth’s sake he would have refrained from doing so.’ Cic. Mil. 79)

(f)

. . . nec tibi parsero, licet mehercules Iovem Olympium clames. (‘. . . and I shall not spare you, even though by Hercules you cry out to Olympian Jove.’ Petr. 58.5 (Hermeros speaking))

209 For etsi, see TLL s.v. 974.10ff., Mellet (2002), and Spevak (2005b: 107, n. 91). The concessive conditional interpretation of etsi is rejected by Martín Puente  (2002) and Bertocchi and Maraldi  (2011: 148–50). For etiamsi, see TLL s.v. 965.78ff., Martín Puente (1998b), and Mellet (2002: 258–9). 210 For a different view, see Bertocchi and Maraldi (2010a). 211 See König and Siemund  (2000), Spevak  (2005b: 11–25), Bertocchi and Maraldi  (2010a; 2011: 140–2).

360

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

. Concessive and concessive conditional clauses functioning as adjunct The most common use of concessive and concessive conditional quamquam, quamvis, etsi, tametsi, etiamsi, and licet clauses is as adjuncts. Examples are (a)–(f). In all these cases the natural cause and effect relationship between the states of affairs in the subordinate and main clauses is in some way frustrated. Concessive adjunct clauses usually precede their main clause, and tamen is quite frequent with the purely concessive subordinators (for concessive conditionals, see § 16.69). (a)

Quamquam ego serva sum, / scio ego officium meum . . . (‘Even though I’m a slave girl, I know my duty . . .’ Pl. Per. 615–16)

(b)

. . . ut . . . quamvis civis Romanus esset, in crucem tolleretur. (‘. . . that even if he were a Roman citizen, he might be put on the cross.’ Cic. Ver. 5.168)

(c)

Nil habeo certi quid loquar. Non vidi eam, etsi vidi. (‘I don’t have anything definite to say: I didn’t see her, even if I did.’ Pl. Mil. 407)

(d)

Tam etsi fur mihi es, molestus non ero. (‘Even though you are a thief in my eyes, I won’t make trouble.’ Pl. Aul. 768)

(e)

. . . sed in animo revolvente iras, etiam si impetus offensionis languerat, memoria valebat. (‘. . . but in his heart, brooding over its grounds for wrath, even if the first transport of resentment might have died down, memory lived.’ Tac. Ann. 4.21.1)

(f)

Licet tibi, ut scribis, significarim ut ad me venires, id dono tamen et intellego te istic prodesse, hic ne verbo quidem levare me posse. (‘Although I may have suggested to you, as you say, that you should join me, nevertheless I give that up, and realize that you are helping me where you are, whereas you could do nothing even verbally to lighten my load here.’ Cic. Att. 3.12.3—NB: an early instance of licet as a subordinator in a reported statement) Supplement: Quid, impurate? Quamquam Volcano studes, / cenaene causa aut tuae mercedis gratia / nos nostras aedis postulas comburere? (Pl. Aul. 359–61); Aetoli cives te salutamus, Lyce, / quamquam hanc salutem ferimus inviti tibi . . . (Pl. Poen. 621–2); Quamquam ad ignotum arbitrum me appellis, si adhibebit fidem, / etsi ignotu’st, notu’s. Si non, notus ignotissumu’st. (Pl. Rud. 1043–4); Quamquam estis nihili, tam ecastor simul vobis consului. (Titin. com. 157); Quamquam enim adsunt Kalendae Ianuariae, tamen breve tempus longum est imparatis. (Cic. Phil. 3.2); Quoi quamquam virtus, gloria atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen inerat contemptor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatis malum. (Sal. Jug. 64.1); Gratum primoribus civitatis etiam plebs adprobavit, quod reversis ab exilio iura libertorum concessisset, quamquam id omni modo servilia ingenia corrumpebant . . . (Tac. Hist. 2.92.3); Quamquam autem distulerim congressionem . . ., non erit delibationi

Concessive clauses

361

transfunctoria expugnatio. (Tert. Val. 6.2); Quamquam sitierit te anima mea, tamen multo te plus carnis meae labore quaesivi . . . (Hier. Ep. 122.1.13) Quamvis sphaeram in scaenam, ut dicitur, attulerit Ennius, tamen in sphaera fornicis similitudo inesse non potest. (Cic. de Orat. 3.162); Nam quamvis de mensura minus auctoribus convenit, hanc tamen videri commodissimam docuit noster usus. (Col. 2.9.1); Palumbis et turtur plurimum terna nec plus quam bis vere pariunt, atque ita, si prior fetus corruptus est et ut, quamvis III pepererint, numquam plus II educant. (Plin. Nat. 10.158); Neque miseratus est posthac Tiberius, quamvis domus Hortensii pudendam ad inopiam delaberetur. (Tac. Ann. 2.38.5); Nec ipsa mali relevatio fit per communionem cladis sed per solatium caritatis, ut quamvis alii ferendo patiuntur alii cognoscendo compatiuntur, communis sit tamen tribulatio . . . (August. Ep. 99.2) Sed quod crebro videt, non miratur, etiamsi, cur fiat, nescit. (Cic. Div. 2.49); Nam ista veritas, etiam si iucunda non est, mihi tamen grata est. (Cic. Att. 3.24.2); Apud quem etiam si caritate a fratre maiore vincor, misericordia certe reus vinci non debeo. (Liv. 40.15.15); In hac controversia, etiamsi coniecturalis est et habet quasi certum tritumque iter, fuit tamen aliqua inter declamantis dissensio. (Sen. Con. 7.7.10); Etiamsi credideris, nego te velle. Etiamsi volueris, nego te posse. (Tert. Apol. 8.4); . . . semper tamen credidi et esse te et curam nostri gerere, etiamsi ignorabam vel quid sentiendum esset de substantia tua vel quae via duceret aut reduceret ad te. (August. Conf. 6.5.8) Etsi mihi facta iniuria’st, verum tamen / . . . abduce hanc, minas quinque accipe. (Ter. Ph. 407–10); Quam etsi spero falsam esse, numquam tamen extenuabo. (Cic. Marc. 21); . . . Caesar . . . huc iam deduxerat rem, ut equites, etsi difficulter atque aegre fiebat, possent tamen atque auderent flumen transire . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.62.1); Quae singula etsi distrahebant rem publicam, exercebant tamen illorum temporum eloquentiam . . . (Tac. Dial. 36.4); Nam, etsi a Numa concepta est curiositas superstitiosa, nondum tamen aut simulacris aut templis res divina apud Romanos constabat. (Tert. Apol. 25.12); Qua iniquitate percitus qui audiebatur ‘etsi me,’ inquit, ‘despicit imperator, negotii tamen est magnitudo, ut non nisi iudicio principis nosci possit et vindicari.’ (Amm. 20.2.4) Non eo genere sumus prognatae, tametsi sumus servae, soror, / ut deceat nos facere quicquam quod homo quisquam irrideat. (Pl. Poen. 1201–2); Nolebat in agendo discere, tametsi non provinciae rudis erat et tiro . . . (Cic. Ver. 2.17); Nostri tametsi ab duce et a fortuna deserebantur, tamen omnem spem salutis in virtute ponebant . . . (Caes. Gal. 5.34.2); At ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Iugurthae rebatur, tamen, quia penes eosdem, si advorsaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. (Sal. Jug. 26.2); Quae tametsi maestitiam sollicito incuterent principi, residua tamen non contemnebat urgentia, dum pugnandi tempus ei veniret optatum. (Amm. 22.14.1) Quod bonum felix et faustum itaque, licet salutare non erit, Photis illa temptetur. (Apul. Met. 2.6.8); Si furioso . . . rem tradideris, licet ille non erit adeptus possessionem, tu possidere desinis. (Gaius dig. 41.2.18.1); Omnibus licet membris lavet quotidie Israel, numquam tamen mundus est. (Tert. Or. 14); Qui credit in me, licet moriatur, vivet . . . (Cypr. Mort. 21); . . . et privatus licet dici velles, inhaesit tibi ingenita maiestas. (Paneg. 7.12.4); . . . itaque quoniam episcopus, licet Siriste noverit, tamen semper Grece loquitur et nunquam Siriste. (Pereg. 47.3); . . . si quis eum adisset . . . hoc non

362

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position impetrato ad eundem, quem metuebat, licet multa praetenderet iusta, remittebatur. (Amm. 27.7.8)

When the concessive and the main clause (would) have the same verb, it is normally expressed only once, as in (g) and (h). In (g) audiebat has to be understood in the etiamsi clause, in (h) continentur has to be understood in the main clause. (g)

Erat surdaster M. Crassus, sed aliud molestius, quod male audiebat, etiamsi, ut mihi videbatur, iniuria. (‘Marcus Crassus was half-deaf; still he suffered another worse annoyance, in hearing himself spoken ill of, even if, as I thought at the time, what he heard was unjust.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.116)

(h)

Coniuges autem et liberi et fratres et alii, quos usus familiaritasque coniunxit, quamquam etiam caritate ipsa, tamen amore maxime continentur. (‘Wives, however, and children and brothers and others, who become attached to us by association and familiarity, although (they are bound to us) by actual esteem as well, are bound to us chiefly by affection.’ Cic. Part. 88)

. Concessive clauses functioning as attitudinal disjunct Concessive clauses are used as attitudinal disjuncts to mitigate, elaborate, or comment on the content of the main clause, as in (a) and (b). Ex. (c) is an example of a concessive disjunct commenting on the wording of the main clause.212 Concessive disjuncts more often follow the main clause (in such instances the main clause does not contain tamen or a related expression) and, when the concessive clause precedes, tamen is much less common than in the adjunct type. Attitudinal concessive clauses may contain disjuncts like the epistemic adverb fortasse ‘perhaps’, as in (b). (a)

Contentionis praecepta rhetorum sunt, nulla sermonis, quamquam haud scio an possint haec quoque esse. (‘There are rules for oratory laid down by rhetoricians; there are none for conversation, although perhaps these could exist as well.’ Cic. Off. 1.132)

(b)

Mihi quoque, inquit Brutus, [et] exspectanda sunt ea quae Attico polliceris, etsi fortasse ego a te huius voluntarius procurator petam, quod ipse, cui debes, incommodo exacturum negat. (‘The things which you promised Atticus, Brutus said, must also be awaited by me, even though I, as his willing agent, shall perhaps demand that which he himself, to whom you are a debtor, denies that he will exact at your inconvenience.’ Cic. Brut. 17)

(c)

Erat enim inter eos dignitate regia, quamvis carebat nomine . . . (‘As a matter of fact, he enjoyed the rank of king among them, although he didn’t hold that title . . .’ Nep. Milt. 2.3—NB: the use of the indicative fits in with the type of concessive clause: a factual comment) 212 K.-St.: II.444 use the term quamquam correctivum.

Concessive clauses

363

Supplement: Nec refert de Graeco an de Latino loquar, quamquam Graecum esse priorem placet. (Quint. Inst. 1.4.1); Non videt autem (sc. mens) quod minimum est, formam suam (quamquam fortasse id quoque, sed relinquamus). (Cic. Tusc. 1.67); Haec si torreatur aequa parte rubrica admixta, sandycem facit, quamquam animadverto Vergilium existimasse herbam id esse illo versu. (Plin. Nat. 35.40) Certe nisi sole adverso non fiunt nec umquam nisi dimidia circuli forma nec noctu, quamvis Aristoteles prodat aliquando visum, quod tamen fatetur idem non nisi XXX luna posse fieri. (Plin. Nat. 2.150); Impune erratur nisi delinquatur—quamvis et errare delinquere est—impune, inquam, vagatur qui nihil deserit. (Tert. Praescr. 11.1); Quem quidem Aurelianus idcirco dicitur occidisse, quod superbior illa epistula ipsius diceretur dictata consilio, quamvis Syro esset sermone contexta. (Hist. Aug. Aur. 30.3)213 Talia esse scripta eius non dubito, etiam si magis reminiscor quam teneo . . . (Sen. Ep. 100.12); Levissimum autem longe genus ex verbo, etiam si est apud Ciceronem in Clodiam . . . (Quint. Inst. 9.2.99) Quam ob rem . . . etsi utile est etiam subito saepe dicere, tamen illud utilius, sumpto spatio ad cogitandum, paratius atque accuratius dicere. (Cic. de Orat. 1.150); Etsi hoc, inquit, fortasse non poterit sic abire, cum hic adsit—me autem dicebat, tamen audebo te ab hac Academia nova ad veterem illam vocare . . . (Cic. Fin. 5.7); Ubi etsi  adiectum aliquid numero sit, magna certe caedes fuit. (Liv. 3.8.10); Terra etsi aliquanto specie differt, in universum tamen aut silvis horrida aut paludibus foeda . . . (Tac. Ger. 5.1) Quorum tametsi utrumque convenit orationi, tamen possis illud grammaticum, hoc rhetoricum magis dicere. (Quint. Inst. 9.3.2) Et licet multa sunt eius laudanda in huiusmodi controversiis, unum tamen sufficiet poni, ad cuius similitudinem acta vel dicta sunt. (Amm. 18.1.3); Septima decima mansio, quam in ‘lateres’ possumus vertere, licet quidam Lebona transferentes male ‘candorem’ interpretati sunt. (Hier. Ep. 78.19)

The relationship between the attitudinal concessive clause and the main clause is often one of contrast. The main clause may either contain generally acknowledged information, as in (d), or refer to someone else’s words or actions, as in (e), which is repeated from § 16.68. In these cases, the concessive clause almost always precedes. With such contrastive concessive clauses, the main clause often contains tamen or a related expression, as in (f), but also epistemic adverbs like certe ‘certainly’, utique ‘absolutely’, and profecto ‘assuredly’, as in (g)–(h).214 (d)

De futuris autem rebus etsi semper difficile est dicere, tamen interdum coniectura possis propius accedere . . . (‘Although it is always difficult to speak of things to come, nevertheless you can sometimes come quite close to the mark by guessing.’ Cic. Fam. 6.4.1)

213 This example is discussed by Spevak (2005c: 155). 214 Spevak (2005b: 58–9) calls such concessive clauses ‘confrontatives’. Most examples are taken from that source. For epistemic adverbs with etiamsi, see TLL s.v. 968.60ff.

364 (e)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Etsi, quamvis non fueris suasor et impulsor profectionis meae, at probator certe fuisti, dum modo Kal. Ian. Romae essem. (‘All the same, although you did not recommend or instigate my trip, you certainly did approve of it, provided I was back in Rome on the Kalends of January.’ Cic. Att. 16.7.2)

(f)

. . . quamquam omnis virtus nos ad se allicit . . ., tamen iustitia et liberalitas id maxime efficit. (‘. . . although every virtue attracts us . . . still justice and generosity do so most of all.’ Cic. Off. 1.56)

(g)

Et erat tam demens hic cui vos ingenium certe tribuitis, etiam si cetera inimica oratione detrahitis, ut omnis suas fortunas alienis servis committeret? (‘And this man, whom you certainly credit with some ability, although you deprive him of other qualities with your hostile language—was so great a fool as to entrust all his fortunes to another person’s slaves?’ Cic. Cael. 57)

(h)

Vos, etiamsi tunc faciendum non fuerit, nunc utique faciendum putatis. (‘You think that even if then it ought not to have been done, yet now at any rate it ought.’ Liv. 5.53.3) Supplement: Sed omnis loquendi elegantia, quamquam expolitur scientia litterarum, tamen augetur legendis oratoribus et poetis. (Cic. de Orat. 3.39); Qua quidem de re quamquam assentior iis, qui haec omnia regi natura putant—quae si natura neglegat, ipsa esse non possit—tamen concedo ut qui de hoc dissentiunt existiment quod velint . . . (Cic. Fin. 5.33); Ego valeo, quamvis animus aeger bonum sanitatis ignoret. (Symm. Ep. 4.74.2); Quamquam voluntas non sit in crimine, error in culpa est. (Hier. Ep. 22.8.5); Victorino martyri in libris suis, licet desit eruditio, tamen non deest eruditionis voluntas. (Hier. Ep. 70.5.2)

. Concessive clauses functioning as illocutionary disjunct Although it may be assumed that in Latin, as in other languages,215 concessive clauses function as illocutionary disjuncts to specify the relationship between the speaker and the addressee, to position the state of affairs of the main clause in a wider context, or to indicate its position in the ongoing discourse, there are not many undisputed instances.216 (a)

Ex quo, quamquam hoc videbitur fortasse cuipiam durius, tamen audeamus imitari Stoicos . . . (‘Therefore, although this will seem perhaps too strict to some, still we may dare to imitate the Stoics . . .’ Cic. Off. 1.23)

215 See Crevels (2000: 32). One of her examples is: The answer is on page 200, although I’m sure you already know that. 216 For (a), see Spevak (2005b: 40).

Concessive clauses (b)

365

Sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen res publica firma erat, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. (‘But although you were wont to give little weight to my words, yet the state was unshaken; its prosperity put up with your neglect.’ Sal. Cat. 52.9) Supplement: Mihi quoque, inquit Brutus, [et] exspectanda sunt ea quae Attico polliceris, etsi fortasse ego a te huius voluntarius procurator petam, quod ipse, cui debes, incommodo exacturum negat. (Cic. Brut. 17); . . . teque ad hoc studium religiosa exhortatione destimulo, licet bona voluntas quae ex ingenio venit non sit agitanda calcaribus. (Symm. Ep. 5.94)

. The individual concessive subordinators: quamquam, quamvis, the si compounds, and licet The following sections deal with the individual concessive subordinators. They differ from each other in the frequency with which they are used and in the periods in which they were used. Quamquam is the most common concessive subordinator, used from Plautus onwards. Licet is Late and quamvis mainly Silver Latin. Etsi and tametsi are also used from Early Latin onwards. There are also differences between the subordinators in the use of the moods.

. Concessive clauses with quamquam Quamquam is used as a concessive subordinator from Plautus onwards to express an acknowledged fact.217 The indicative is the appropriate mood for such statements, as in (a). However, the subjunctive is also used with its normal semantic justification, as in (b), where we find a potential subjunctive.218 In addition it is found in certain wellknown syntactic configurations (see § 7.162 on ‘modal assimilation’), as in (c), where it is embedded in the ut . . . doleremus clause. The use of it without one of these semantic or syntactic justifications starts with Nepos, as in (d), and it becomes the prevalent mood in Tacitus and Pliny the Younger and in later authors. The spread of the subjunctive was probably stimulated by its use with quamvis. However, in attitudinal and illocutionary quamquam clauses the indicative is preferred for semantic reasons.219 Quamquam gradually becomes less common than quamvis.220 (a)

Pol quamquam domum cupio, opperiar . . . (‘Even though I long for home, I’ll wait . . .’ Pl. Trin. 842)

217 For the relationship between quamquam as a concessive subordinator and sed and other adversative coordinators, see Maraldi (2001). For its use as a connector, see § 24.34. 218 See Wisse et al. ad loc. 219 So also in Tertullian and Cyprian. See Waszink ad Tert. An. 38.1. 220 Details and references in Sz.: 602–3. For Livy (no semantically unmotivated instances of the subjunctive), see Ladouceur (1981).

366 (b)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Quae (sc. eloquentia) quamquam (quamvis L) contemnatur ab eis, necesse est tamen aliquem cumulum illorum artibus adferre videatur. (‘Although it might be despised by them, still it must seem to add some embellishment to their skills.’ Cic. de Orat. 3.143)

(c)

Ita nobismet ipsis accidit ut, quamquam essent multo magis alia lugenda, tamen hoc doleremus quod . . . (‘So it befell me that, although other things were to be lamented much more, still I grieved over the fact that . . .’ Cic. Brut. 8)

(d)

Nec praeteribo, quamquam nonnullis leve visum iri putem . . . non amplius quam terna milia peraeque in singulos menses ex ephemeride eum expensum sumptui ferre solitum. (‘I shall not pass over the fact, although I suppose that some will regard it as trivial, that we know from the entries in his day-book that he consistently limited his expenses to not more than three thousand sesterces each month.’ Nep. Att. 13.6) Supplement: Semantically justified subjunctives: Sed in versibus res est apertior, quamquam etiam a modis quibusdam cantu remoto soluta esse videatur oratio . . . (Cic. Orat. 183); Quamquam enim sensus abierit, tamen suis et propriis bonis laudis et gloriae, quamvis non sentiant, mortui non carent. (Cic. Tusc. 1.109); Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentis, quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas, tamen inportunum est . . . (Sal. Jug. 3.2); Nec vero Alciden me sum laetatus euntem / accepisse lacu, nec Thesea Pirithoumque, / dis quamquam geniti atque invicti viribus essent. (Verg. A. 6.392–4—a reported statement ‘although, as they said . . .’); Quamquam expertum exercitum adsuetumque imperio, qui in Volscis erat mallet, nihil recusavit. (Liv. 6.9.6) Semantically unmotivated subjunctives: Neve haec commenta putetis, / admonitu quamquam renovetur luctus amarus, / perpetiar memorare tamen. (Ov. Met. 14.464–6); Hae flexere virum voces, et, tempora quamquam / sint aliena toris iam fato in bella vocante, / foedera sola tamen vanaque carentia pompa / iura placent sacrisque deos admittere testes. (Luc. 2.350–3); At hercule Germanicum, Druso ortum, octo apud Rhenum legionibus imposuit adscirique per adoptionem a Tiberio iussit, quamquam esset in domo Tiberii filius iuvenis . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.3.5); Quamquam autem et retro praestruxerimus . . . pubertatem quoque animalem cum carnali dicimus convenire . . . (Tert. An. 38.1)

. Concessive clauses with quamvis Quamvis is a scalar adverb in Plautus—as in (a) below, where it modifies malam. It is related to the free-choice indefinite determiner quivis (see § 11.115). It usually modifies gradable adjectives and adverbs, but it is also used as an adverb of degree on the clause level. The mood in the (independent) sentences in which it occurs is the subjunctive (called: ‘concessive’). As a (scalar) concessive subordinator in a subordinate clause that is related to a main clause (often containing tamen) it is found from Varro

Concessive clauses

367

and Cicero onwards, although it continues to be used as a scalar adverb as well, for which see (b), where it is found next to licet. A clear instance of its use as a subordinator is (c), repeated from § 16.70: civis Romanus is not gradable (not all scholars agree on this—see OLD s.v. quamvis § 3b). The regular mood in such quamvis clauses is the subjunctive. The earliest undisputed instance of an indicative is (e), repeated from § 16.71, where the indicative fits in with the (attitudinal) type of concessive clause, namely a factual comment (see also the examples in the Supplement). Usually the indicative is explained on the analogy of quamquam. The use of both an indicative and a subjunctive in the same quamvis clause in Ammianus (ex. (f)) can only be understood as stylistic variation influenced by Greek.221 (a)

Quamvis malam rem quaeras, illi reperias. (‘However bad the thing you’re looking for, you could find it there.’ Pl. Trin. 554)

(b)

Et praeter eos quamvis enumeres multos licet, quom deni creentur, non nullos in omni memoria reperies perniciosos tribunos . . . (‘And beyond these, you could count as many as you like; for when a college of ten is elected, you will find some tribunes in every period whose activities are harmful . . .’ Cic. Leg. 3.24)

(c)

. . . ut . . . quamvis civis Romanus esset, in crucem tolleretur. (‘. . . that even if he were a Roman citizen, he might be put on the cross.’ Cic. Ver. 5.168—NB: the imperfect subjunctive esset cannot depend on vis in quamvis)

(d)

. . . constantiam . . . quam ego quamvis ipse probarem ut probo, tamen non commemorarem nisi a te cognovissem in primis eam virtutem solere laudari. (‘. . . the constancy which, though I respected it myself, as I do respect it, I nevertheless would not mention, unless I had known that that virtue in particular is accustomed to be praised by you.’ Cic. Lig. 26)

(e)

Erat enim inter eos dignitate regia, quamvis carebat nomine . . . (‘As a matter of fact, he enjoyed the rank of king among them, although he didn’t hold that title . . .’ Nep. Milt. 2.3)

(f)

Et quamvis offundebatur oculis altitudo pulveris et aestus calescens officeret alacritati membrorum, tamen velut exauctoratus amisso ductore sine parsimonia ruebat in ferrum. (‘And although high clouds of dust blinded the eyes, and the burning heat weakened the activity of their limbs, yet as though discharged by the loss of their leader without sparing themselves, they rushed upon the swords of the enemy.’ Amm. 25.3.10)222

221 For the development of quamvis from a scalar adverb (see § 11.97) into a scalar concessive subordinator, see Schaffner (1954), Bertocchi (2002a), Spevak (2005b: 74–81), Leuschner (2008), and Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 156–60). For the use of the moods, see Sz.: 603–4. 222 See Ehrismann (1886: 45).

368

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Supplement: Subjunctive: Nunc quamvis sint homines qui mortuum Cn. Carbonem oderint, tamen hi debent, non quid illi accidere voluerint, sed quid ipsis in tali re metuendum sit cogitare. (Cic. Ver. 1.39); . . . et si tibi pro P. Rutilio non philosophorum more, sed tuo licuisset dicere, quamvis scelerati illi fuissent, sicuti fuerunt . . . , tamen omnem eorum importunitatem ex intimis mentibus evellisset vis orationis tuae. (Cic. de Orat. 1.230); . . . quamvis sint sub aqua, sub aqua maledicere temptant. (Ov. Met. 6.376); Ad flumina cum pecora suis temporibus anni parantur ad conceptionem partus, per id tempus adiguntur eo cotidie potum, ex eoque, quamvis sint alba, procreant aliis locis leucophaea, aliis locis pulla, aliis coracino colore. (Vitr. 8.3.14); Neronem enim transeo, quamvis sciam non corrumpi in deterius, quae aliquando etiam a malis, sed honesta manere, quae saepius a bonis fiunt. (Plin. Ep. 5.3.6) Indicative: Ut quisque duo verba in quattuor formis finxeri[n]t similiter, quamvis haec nolemus (nolimus Spengel), tamen erunt sequenda, ut † Iuppiti, Marspitrem. (Var. L. 8.33); Hoc ille natus, quamvis patrem numquam viderat, tamen . . . in paternae vitae similitudinem deductus est. (Cic. Rab. Post. 4—NB: various emendations for quamvis and for viderat); Nec bonus Eurytion praelato invidit honori, / quamvis solus avem caelo deiecit ab alto. (Verg. A. 5.541–2); Non tibi quamvis infesto animo et minaci perveneras (secl. Novák), ingredienti fines ira cecidit? (Liv. 2.40.7); Ex quo casu, quamvis vita redditur, tamen id fere membrum debilitatur. (Cels. 2.4.7); Iam scies patrem tuum mercedes perdidisse, quamvis et rhetoricam scis. (Petr. 58.8 (Hermeros speaking)); Quamvis non minus sudoris habuimus, etiam postquam ad stabulum pervenimus. (Petr. 79.5); De vita tua aeterna certus eram, quamvis eam in aenigmate et quasi per speculum videram. (August. Conf. 8.1) The subjunctive is semantically justified in instances like (a) above, where quamvis modifies malam (for this ‘concessive’ use of the subjunctive, see § 7.59).223 The subjunctive in (g) from Cicero may be explained along the same lines, although in other cases this may seem artificial. On the other hand, the indicative is perfectly understandable in (h) and (i), cited as early instances of the use of this mood: the clauses describe plain facts. (For the indicative in an attitudinal clause, see above, (e).) (g) Quamvis sis molestus, numquam te esse confitebor malum. (‘However distressing you might be, I shall never admit that you are an evil.’ Cic. Tusc. 2.61) (h) Quamvis est circum caesis lacer undique membris / truncus, adempta anima circum membrisque remota / vivit et aetherias vitalis suscipit auras. (‘However much the trunk is mangled with the limbs hewn all around, though the soul be rent from him all around and wrested from his body, he lives and draws in the breath of heaven to give him life.’ Lucr. 3.403–5—quamvis modifies lacer; text and translation by Bailey) (i) Neque aliud magis tempus pestilentiae patet, cuiuscumque ea generis est, quamvis variis rationibus nocet. (‘Nor is any other period of the year more exposed to pestilence, of whatever sort it is and no matter how various the ways in which it is harmful.’ Cels. 2.1.9—NB: quamvis modifies variis) 223 See Woodcock (1959: 201–2).

Concessive clauses

369

Quamvis is a combination of the degree adverb quam ‘how’ and the second person singular form vis of the verb volo. Other personal forms are also attested, as in (j) and (k). Such expressions are also found as degree expressions with adjectives and adverbs, as in (l). (j) Quam volent in conviviis faceti, dicaces, non numquam etiam ad vinum diserti sint, alia fori vis est . . . (‘However humorous, witty, sometimes glib they may be at dinner parties over drinks, the idea of court is one thing. . .’ Cic. Cael. 67—NB: the mss. vary) (k) Quam volumus licet, patres conscripti, ipsi nos amemus, tamen . . . omnis gentis nationesque superavimus. (‘However good be our conceit of ourselves, conscript fathers, nevertheless . . . we have excelled every race and every nation.’ Cic. Har. 19—Note the presence of licet) (l) Quod commodum est, expectate facinus quam voltis improbum. (‘As is convenient, expect a deed however immoral you wish.’ Cic. Ver. 5.11) Quamlibet ‘in whatever degree one likes’ is used as a scalar degree modifier of adjectives and adverbs (see § 11.97). It is relatively popular in Ovid and later in Augustine, but infrequent in other authors; a rare example is (m). From Silver Latin onwards it is also occasionally found on the clause level, resembling the use of quamvis as a subordinator ‘however much’ (with a subjunctive), as in (n). (m) . . . Curionem video se dupliciter iactaturum, primum ut aliquid Caesari adimat, inde ut aliquid Pompeio tribuat, quodvis quamlibet tenue munusculum. (‘. . . I envisage that Curio will make his weight felt in two directions: first he’ll try to take something away from Caesar, then give something to Pompey, any little douceur, however trifling.’ Cael. Fam. 8.10.3) (n) Nam certe quamlibet parvum sit, quod contulerit aetas prior, maiora tamen aliqua discet puer ipso illo anno, quo minora didicisset. (‘For though the knowledge contributed by the earlier years may be small, still the boy will be learning some more important things in the year in which he would otherwise have been learning more elementary matters.’ Quint. Inst. 1.1.18).

. Concessive clauses with etsi, etiamsi, tametsi, and tamenetsi Concessive subordinators formed with si ‘if ’ are found from Early Latin onwards. As with si clauses, these clauses may be in the indicative or in the subjunctive (potential and counterfactual). The degree to which these subordinators are used varies by author and text.224 In poetry they are avoided. Tamenetsi (or: tamen etsi) is very rare in all periods of Latin. Etsi is the most common concessive subordinator in this group 224 See the reference in note 201.

370

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

in all periods of Latin (and so absent from Sallust). Tametsi is the most common concessive subordinator in Rhet. Her. and in Sallust and is also relatively frequent in Cicero’s orations and in the jurists, but it is rare in other authors and texts. Etiamsi (or: etiam si) is the most frequent concessive subordinator in argumentative texts, Cicero’s included. It is the only one used by Seneca the Elder and almost the only one used by  Seneca the Younger in his philosophical works. It is also predominant in Pliny the  Elder and in Petronius. Tertullian, however, strongly prefers etsi over etiamsi. Augustine uses both, with a slight preference for etsi. 16.77 Concessive clauses with etsi Etsi is found from Early Latin onwards, with varying popularity. It is rare in poetry. The use of the moods is the same as in si clauses. Ex. (a) has the indicative, the normal mood for presenting factual information; (b) has the potential subjunctive, (c) the counterfactual subjunctive. An interesting example is (d) with the difference in mood between the etsi and etiamsi clauses.225 The first attested semantically unmotivated subjunctive seems to be found in (e). (a)

Equidem tam sum servos quam tu, etsi ego domi liber fui, / tu usque a puero servitutem servivisti in Alide. (‘Yes, I am a slave like you, even if I was free at home and you were a slave in Elis from childhood.’ Pl. Capt. 543–4)

(b)

Pol etsi taceas, palam id quidem est. (‘Even if you were to be silent it would be obvious.’ Pl. Aul. 421)

(c)

Sed me vera pro gratis loqui, etsi meum ingenium non moneret, necessitas cogit. (‘But even if my character did not warn me, necessity compels me to speak what is true instead of what is agreeable.’ Liv. 3.68.9)

(d)

Ut qui pila ludunt non utuntur in ipsa lusione artificio proprio palaestrae, sed indicat ipse motus didicerintne palaestram an nesciant, et qui aliquid fingunt, etsi tum pictura nihil utuntur, tamen utrum sciant pingere an nesciant non obscurum est, sic in orationibus hisce ipsis iudiciorum contionum senatus, etiam si proprie ceterae non adhibeantur (v.l. adhibentur) artes, tamen facile declaratur utrum is, qui dicat, tantummodo in hoc declamatorio sit opere iactatus an ad dicendum omnibus ingenuis artibus instructus accesserit. (‘Just as ball-players do not in their game itself employ the characteristic dexterity of the gymnasium, and yet their movements show whether they have had such training or know nothing of their art and, just as, in the case of those who are portraying anything, even though at the moment they are making no use of the painter’s art, there is none the less no difficulty in seeing whether or not they know how to paint; even so is it with these same speeches in the Courts, the popular assembly and the 225 For information about the use of etsi in various authors, see TLL s.v. etsi 973.62ff.

Concessive clauses

371

Senate-house—granting that the other arts may not be specially brought into play, still it is made easily discernible whether the speaker has merely floundered about in this declamatory business or whether he has come to the task of speaking with training in all the liberal arts.’ Cic. de Orat. 1.73)

(e)

. . . ignes, quibus etsi propria desit (defit cj. Orelli) / forma, per appositi noscuntur lumina signi. (‘. . . stars, which, even though a constellation of their own may be lacking, are recognized through the lights of a constellation nearby.’ Germ. Arat. 377–8)

16.78 Concessive clauses with tametsi (and tam etsi) Tametsi (also written tam etsi, editors vary) is found from Early Latin onwards (though less frequently than etsi), with both the indicative and the (potential and counterfactual) subjunctive mood, as in si clauses. The first attested semantically unmotivated subjunctive is in (e). (a)

Audis quae dico, tam etsi praesens non ades. (‘You can hear what I’m saying, even if you’re not physically present.’ Pl. Am. 977)

(b)

Memini, tam etsi nullu’ moneas. (‘I have that in mind even without you prompting me.’ Ter. Eu. 216)

(c)

Si veniret ab Statilio, tametsi artificio Roscium superaret, adspicere nemo posset. (‘If he had come from Statilius, although he might have surpassed Roscius in skill, no one would have looked at him.’ Cic. Q. Rosc. 30)

(d)

Quod tametsi non reprehendunt, tamen magno opere quod laudent non habent. (‘Even though they do not censure this, nevertheless they do not have much to praise.’ Cic. Ver. 46)

(e)

Nunc mihi videtur, tametsi non sint Italicae consuetudinis palaestrarum aedificationes, traditae tamen, explicare . . . (‘Although the building of palaestrae is not of Italic custom, still, since it has been handed down, it seems right for me now to explain . . .’ Vitr. 5.11.1)

16.79 Concessive clauses with etiamsi (and etiam si) Etiamsi (also written etiam si, editors vary) is a compound of the scalar additive particle etiam ‘even’ (see § 22.22) and the conditional subordinator si ‘if ’. Clauses introduced by etiamsi that can be regarded as regular conditional clauses, as in (a), can be found in all periods of Latin. The fact that etiam and si can be separated by other constituents—as in (b) and (c)—confirms that the two parts are still independent words with their original meanings. After an isolated concessive etiam si in Terence, instances of its concessive use are cited from Cicero onward, as illustrated by (d). In Classical prose etiamsi far less frequently corresponds with tamen in the main clause

372

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

than the actual concessive subordinators. On the other hand, the epistemic adverbs certe ‘certainly’ (ex. (e)) and profecto ‘assuredly’ are used more often with etiamsi.226 Convincing concessive instances in which the ‘contrary to expectation’ feature is present are found from Seneca the Elder onwards, as in (f).227 The moods are the same as in si clauses. The first attested semantically unmotivated subjunctives are found in the freedmen’s passages in Petronius (ex. (g)).228 (a)

Atque equidem filium / tum etiam si nolit, cogam ut cum illa una cubet. (‘And indeed, I would force your son to sleep together with her, even if he were unwilling.’ Ter. Ad. 850–1)

(b)

Omniane bonis viris quae facere possunt facienda sunt, etiamne, si turpia, si perniciosa erunt, si facere omnino non licebit? (‘Are good men to do everything they have the power to do, even if those things are  base, if they are pernicious, if it will be altogether unlawful to do them?’ Cic. Phil. 13.14)

(c)

Si haec . . . non ad homines, verum ad bestias, aut etiam ut longius progrediar, si . . . haec conqueri ac deplorare vellem, tamen omnia muta . . . commoverentur. (‘If I were speaking . . . not even to human beings, but to brute beasts, or to go even further, if I were minded to tell this tale of suffering and wrong . . . even all that is mute and lifeless would be moved.’ Cic. Ver. 5.171)

(d)

Hoc . . . ita vobis planum faciemus, ut hoc statuatis, etiamsi spatium ad dicendum nostro commodo vacuosque dies habuissemus, tamen oratione longa nihil opus fuisse. (‘This fact . . . we will make so plain to you that you will conclude that, even we had had days to spare and time to speak at leisure, there would still have been no need to speak at any great length.’ Cic. Ver. 56)

(e)

Nimirum enim inops ille, si bonus est vir, etiam si referre gratiam non potest, habere certe potest. (‘For presumably that poor man, if he is a good man, even if he is not able to return a favour, can at least be grateful.’ Cic. Off. 2.69)

(f)

Etiamsi multa contra expectationem accidunt, numquam tamen futurum putavi, ut . . . (‘Even though many things happen contrary to expectation, still I never thought it would come about that . . .’ Sen. Con. 2.1.1)

(g)

Diffusus hac contentione Trimalchio ‘Amici,’ inquit, ‘et servi homines sunt et aeque unum lactem biberunt, etiam si illos malus fatus oppresserit (oppressit cj. Buecheler).

226 See Martín Puente (1998a: 322–4). 227 For information about the development of etiamsi, see TLL s.v. etiamsi 964.75ff. Martín Puente (2002: 126–8) has evidence for the purely conditional meaning of etiamsi clauses in her corpus (Caesar, Cicero, Sallust). See also Martín Puente (1998b). 228 For critical discussion, see Petersmann (1977: 283).

Concessive clauses

373

(‘Trimalchio expanded at this dispute and said, “Ah, my friends, a slave is a man and drank his mother’s milk like ourselves, even if a cruel fate has trodden him down.” ’ Petr. 71.1 (Trimalchio speaking))

16.80 Concessive clauses with tamenetsi (and tamen etsi) In most of the twenty or so sequences of tamen etsi and tamenetsi in the LLT (Antiquitas) database, both elements can be explained as separate words with their own meaning (tamen sometimes connecting with the preceding context), and editors vary in the way they punctuate the sentences in which this sequence is found. A few more convincing items, where tamenetsi functions as a compound concessive subordinating device, are (a)–(c).229 There are also attestations of tamen etsi in Christian authors, including Augustine. (a)

Eumque si quam gloriam peperisse videatur, tamenetsi ea non sit iniqua merces periculi, tamen ea non delectari . . . (‘And that, if he seems to have won any glory, even though the price of the risk is not unfair, still he does not enjoy these things.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.210—see Leeman et al. ad loc.)

(b)

Quae tamen etsi absunt, at mens sibi conscia factis / praemetuens adhibet stimulos torretque flagellis . . . (‘And even if these are absent, yet the guilty conscience, terrified before anything can come to pass, applies the goad and scourges itself with whips . . .’ Lucr. 3.1018–19)

(c)

Quibus tamenetsi deesse summam fatendum est, non est tamen maximae calamitatis loco numeranda parum plena felicitas. (‘Even if it must be admitted that the highest (awareness) is lacking from these, still in a situation of the greatest disaster, happiness must not be counted small.’ [Quint.] Decl. 6.16—NB: v.l. tametsi)

. Concessive clauses with licet The impersonal deontic modal verb licet ‘it is permitted’, ‘one may’ is used with a finite complement clause in the subjunctive from Plautus onwards, as in (a) (for more examples and—in Plautus’ time much more frequent—alternative constructions, see §  4.14). Its use with an epistemic meaning is attested in the Classical period, for instance in (b), where it signals a possible line of reasoning. Licet is also used with this meaning in combination with an infinitive, as in (c). Note that in (b) the tense of eligerent and probarent is imperfect: in its epistemic meaning there is no restriction on the tense of the embedded clause with licet. It is difficult to determine when precisely licet developed into a concessive subordinator. Concessive interpretations of the relation between a complex of licet (and also, in Classical and Silver Latin, other forms, 229 Example (a) is rejected as an example of the use of tamenetsi as a concessive subordinator by Martín Puente (2002). For discussion, see also Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 151–2).

374

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

like the future licebit) and a subjunctive verb form, on the one hand, and a preceding or following clause on the other can be found from the time of Cicero onwards, as in (d). Clear contexts in which licet is not used as a modal verb are exemplified by (e)– (g). In (e) esset gestum is a pluperfect tense form, a tense which is not normally found in independent concessive sentences (see § 6.34) and which is also rare in complement clauses with the modal licet.230 In (f) erit is an early instance of an indicative form, semantically fully justified in its context. The indicative is common in the Digests, although the subjunctive is predominant (many concessive clauses are of the attitudinal type, but the indicatives may also be due to the Greek compilers of the Digests).231 It is also relatively frequent in Ammianus, who also uses the subjunctive. In (g) licet introduces an ablative absolute, in a way comparable with other subordinators (see § 16.89). In Late Latin the order main clause / licet clause became quite rare, except in attitudinal and illocutionary licet clauses (see §§ 16.71–2). It is important to note that licet continued to be used as a modal verb throughout Latinity.232 (a)

Estne empta mi istis legibus? # Habeas licet. (‘She is mine on those terms? # You can have her.’ Pl. Epid. 471)

(b)

Licet enim eligerent et probarent quemlibet, qui sibi in omnes res subpeditaret exempla, vel poetam vel oratorem, cuius auctoritate niterentur. (‘For they might choose and approve whom they would, poet or orator to supply them with examples for all cases, one on whose authority they could rely.’ Rhet. Her. 4.7)

(c)

Crescere itemque dies licet et tabescere noctes, / et minui luces . . . (‘Days may also increase and nights may wane, and days again may diminish . . .’ Lucr. 5.680–1)

(d)

Licet iste dicat emisse, sicuti solet dicere, credite hoc mihi iudices . . . (‘Verres may say, as he usually does say, that he bought everything; but believe me, gentlemen . . .’ Cic. Ver. 4.133)

(e)

Quod factum licet necopinantibus nostris esset gestum, tamen . . . (‘But although this operation had come as a surprise to our men, yet . . .’ B. Hisp. 16.3)

(f)

. . . licet salutare non erit, Photis illa temptetur. (‘. . . even if it will not be salutary, let Photis be assailed.’ Apul. Met. 2.6.8)

(g)

. . . ut diem suum sibi domus facia[n]t licet sole nolente. (‘. . . so that the house creates its own sunlight even with the sun denying its rays.’ Apul. Met. 5.1.6)

230 For imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive forms with licet, see Purnelle (2001: 579–80). 231 So Kalb (1888: 66). Details in TLL s.v. licet 1365.81ff. 232 For the history of the development of licet, see Núñez (1991: 184–6), Maraldi and Orlandini (1998), Martín Puente (1998a), Purnelle (1998; 2001), and Spevak (1998; 2005b: 82–92), as well as TLL s.v. licet 1364.1ff.

Concessive clauses

375

Supplement: Past tense subjunctive in the licet clause: . . . neque multa ab eo (sc. verborum etyma dici possent), quem non erunt in lucubratione litterae prosecutae, multum licet legeret. (Var. L. 7.2); Croeso divitior licet fuissem, / Iro pauperior forem, Charine, / si conchem totiens meam comesses. (Mart. 5.39.8–10); Ad cenam si me diversa vocaret in astra / hinc invitator Caesaris, inde Iovis, / astra licet propius, Palatia longius essent, / responsa ad superos haec referenda darem . . . (Mart. 9.91.1–4); Improbitas illo fuit admirabilis aevo, / credebant quo grande nefas et morte piandum / si iuvenis vetulo non assurrexerat et si / barbato cuicunque puer, licet ipse videret / plura domi fraga et maiores glandis acervos. (Juv. 13.53–7) Indicative mood in the licet clause: Respondi apparere id actum esse, ut id quoque accederet, licet scriptura non continetur. (Labeo dig. 18.1.78 pr.); . . . valet transactio, quia fructus habitationis praestatur, licet ruinae vel incendio subiecta transactio est. (Ulp. dig. 2.15.8.25); Super quorum moribus licet in actibus principis Marci et postea aliquotiens memini rettulisse, tamen nunc quoque pauca de isdem expediam carptim. (Amm. 14.4.2) There are a few instances of quamvis licet and licet quamvis in the same clause, as in (h) and (i); quamvis in such cases has its normal scalar meaning. In Late Latin licet is found with other concessive subordinators (and also with si) as well. These combinations seem to function as reinforced equivalents of licet.233 (h) Proinde licet quamvis caelum terramque reantur / incorrupta fore aeternae mandata saluti. / Et tamen . . . (‘So let them think as much as they like that heaven and earth will be indestructible, entrusted to some everlasting protection. And yet . . .’ Lucr. 6.601–3—following Bailey ad loc.) (i) Quamvis licet insectemur istos, ut Carneades solebat, metuo ne soli philosophi sint. (‘However we may attack such men, as was the way of Carneades, I have a misgiving they are the only true philosophers.’ Cic. Tusc. 4.53)

. The concessive interpretation of ut clauses Subordinate clauses in the subjunctive with ut in combination with a main clause containing some form of contrastive information can receive a concessive (conditional) interpretation ‘even supposing’ or ‘even if ’. Ex. (a) is the only instance from Early Latin, but Cicero has many. Concessive ut clauses usually precede the main clause. The regular negation word is non. The main clause often contains the kind of words that are also found with the concessive clauses discussed in § 16.68, e.g. tamen, as in (b), and at, as in (c). The ut clause sometimes contains the particle iam (see § 16.57, with note 161), as in (d).234 233 See TLL s.v. licet 1367.63ff.; references in Sz.: 605. See also Schaffner (1954: 37). 234 For the concessive interpretation of ut clauses, see Iordache (1985), Maraldi (1998), Spevak (2005b: 112–14, 182), and Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 170–2).

376 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Iam in hac re, ut taceam, quoivis facile scitu’st quam fuerim miser. (‘And in such a situation, even if I were to remain silent, it must be obvious to anyone how miserable I was.’ Ter. Hec. 296)

(b)

Ut enim non efficias quod vis, tamen, mors ut malum non sit, efficies. (‘For though you may not succeed in your wish, still you will succeed in showing that death is not an evil.’ Cic. Tusc. 1.16)

(c)

Et tamen hoc quoque uti concedam scire, at id ipsum / quaeram . . . / unde sciat . . . (‘And yet even if I grant that he knows that, still I will ask just this: . . . how he knows . . .’ Lucr. 4.473–5)

(d)

. . . sed, ut iam nos hoc fallat, de Buthroto te non fallet. (‘. . . but even supposing I am deceived in that, you shall not be disappointed over Buthrotum.’ Cic. Att. 15.2.2) Supplement: Ut enim neminem alium nisi T. Patinam familiarissimum suum rogasset, scire potuit illo ipso die Lanuvi a dictatore Milone prodi flaminem necesse esse. (Cic. Mil. 46); Mihi porro, ut ego non dicam, quis omnium mortalium non intellegit quam longe progredi sit necesse? (Cic. Ver. 5.179); Ut enim quaeras omnia, quomodo Graeci ineptum appellent, non reperies. (Cic. de Orat. 2.18); Ut enim rationem Plato nullam adferret—vide, quid homini tribuam—ipsa auctoritate me frangeret. (Cic. Tusc. 1.49); Verum ut hoc non sit, tamen, sive ruet get rem publicam, praeclarum spectaculum mihi propono, modo te consessore spectare liceat. (Cic. Att. 2.15.2); In iis autem rebus quae nihilo minus ut ego absim confici poterunt peto a te ut me rationem habere velis . . . (Cic. Fam. 10.2.2); Ac iam ut omnia contra opinionem acciderent, tamen se plurimum navibus posse . . . (Caes. Gal. 3.9.6); Ut desint vires, tamen est laudanda voluntas. (Ov. Pont. 3.4.79); Quod cum ita sit quae, malum, ratio est expertis talia experiri, cum iam ut virtus vestra transire alio possit, fortuna certe loci huius transferri non possit? (Liv. 5.54.6); Albucius in duas partes declamationem divisit. Primum negavit ullam esse proditionem, deinde, ut esset, ad se non pertinere. (Sen. Con. 7.7.10); Ecce hic dies ultimus est. Ut non sit, prope ab ultimo est. Vale. (Sen. Ep. 15.11); . . . utque familiae ipsae iam exstinctae sint, reperies, qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. (Tac. Ann. 4.33.4); Iam, ut (sc. Roma) venalis fuisset, habuit emptorem. (Flor. Epit. 1.36.18) Ut clause follows: Nihilominus tamen agi posse de compositione, ut haec non remitterentur, neque hanc rem illi esse impedimento. (Caes. Civ. 3.17.4); In eo nullum periculum est, etiam ut (v.l. etiamsi) nulla curatio adhibeatur. Maturescit enim per se, atque erumpit. (Cels. 5.28.8) This concessive use of ut clauses is treated as a variant of the use of ut clauses functioning as result satellite, the decisive reason being the use of the negator non. For a survey of existing explanations and an explanation of her own, see Maraldi (1998). The only example of ut ne mentioned in the literature is (e), but this may well be explained differently, as a purpose disjunct (see § 16.50).

Concessive clauses

377

(e) Sin quaeris, qui sint Romae regnum occupare conati, ut ne replices annalium memoriam, ex domesticis imaginibus invenies. (‘But if you ask who have tried to establish tyrannies at Rome, I will tell you so that you don’t have to search through historical records: you will find them in your own family tree.’ Cic. Sul. 27)

16.83 Quod and quantum clauses of qualification (disjuncts) Clauses of qualification introduced by the relative pronoun quod or the relative adjective quantum contain a restriction on the applicability of what is asserted in the main clause. Thus they function as attitudinal disjuncts (see § 10.98). They are found from Early Latin onwards. The content of the main clause is usually negated, or negation is implied. The quod clause has a—potential—subjunctive (for which see § 7.104), as in the formula quod sciam ‘as far as I know’ in (a).235 Instances of non-first person subjects and of tenses other than the present tense exist as well, as in (b) and (c). Formally, the clause is a relative clause, with quod being the object of the verb.236 The  clauses sometimes contain the emphasizer quidem (in Pliny the Elder also equidem).237 For other types of relative clauses of qualification, see § 18.27. See also § 16.38. (a)

Mequidem praesente numquam factum est, quod sciam. (‘This never happened when I was present, as far as I know.’ Pl. Am. 749)

(b)

Dic mihi, enumquam intestina tibi crepant, quod sentias? (‘Tell me, do your intestines ever rumble, as far as you observe?’ Pl. Men. 925)

(c)

Nam numquam ante hunc diem meis oculis eam, quod nossem, videram. (‘For up to today I had never seen her with my own eyes, so far as I knew.’ Ter. Hec. 863) Supplement: Non me novisti? # Quod quidem nunc veniat in mentem mihi. (Pl. Epid. 638); Est tibi Menaechmo nomen. # Tantum quod sciam. (Pl. Men. 297); Vigilo hercle quidem, quod sciam. (Pl. Men. 503); Tune has pepulisti foras? . . . Non equidem istas, quod sciam. (Ter. Ad. 638–41); Quaero autem, cur Alexandro tam inlustre somnium, tam certum, nec huic eidem alias, nec multa ceteris. Mihi quidem praeter hoc Marianum nihil sane, quod meminerim. (Cic. Div. 2.141); . . . qui se unus, quod sciam, sapientem profiteri sit ausus. (Cic. Fin. 2.7); His addit—ut nihil, quod equidem noverim, praeteream—Aristoteles nullum animal nisi aestu recedente expirare. (Plin. Nat. 2.220); Fortasse aliquis iubebit sepeliri. Certe, quod sciam, nemo prohibebit. ([Quint.] Decl. 6.24); Haec forma .l{lvpj‚pƒ| nova nec ab ullo alio, quod ego sciam,

235 Hale (1891) accounts for the use of the subjunctive as being related to the fact that the main clauses are usually negative. 236 For the development of these quod clauses, see Taylor (1951). 237 See TLL s.v. equidem 721.73ff.

378

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position usurpata est. (Fro. Ant. 1.2.12); Iam dudum, quod sciam, fidei atque parciloquio meo perpendisti documenta, nec eo setius adprobabitur tibi nunc etiam firmitas animi mei. (Apul. Met. 5.13.1); Totum, quod sciam, Vetus Testamentum omnis haereticus inridet. (Tert. Marc. 5.5.10); Si frigus fuerit et brumales nives, ligna non coemam. Calidius vigilabo vel dormiam, certe, quod sciam, vilius non algebo. (Hier. Ep. 43.3)

Quantum is used in the same context as quod, as in (d). However, unlike the clauses with quod, those with quantum are found in the indicative as well, as in (e). Quantum is also found with other verbs; an example is (f). Probably influenced by this expression is quanta ingenia in (g).238 (d)

Usque in hunc diem, Iulia, quantum quidem ego sciam, adsiduus viri tui comes . . . dedisti operam, ne quid . . . (‘Up to this day, Julia, at least so far as I am aware, as the constant companion of your husband . . . you have taken pains, that nothing . . .’ Sen. Dial. 6.4.3)

(e)

. . . nemo adhuc correptus hoc malo, quantum ego scio, expeditus est. (‘. . . no one who has been struck by this illness has ever been cured, as far as I know.’ Larg. 171)

(f)

Ac te ipsum, quantum ego opinione auguror, . . . aetas mitigabit. (‘And, so far as I can surmise, . . . age will mellow you.’ Cic. Mur. 65)

(g)

Ego enim, quantum auguror coniectura quantaque ingenia in nostris hominibus esse video, non despero fore aliquem aliquando . . . (‘For personally, so far as I can form a prediction, and judging from the vast supply of talent which I see existent among our fellow-citizens, I do not despair of its coming to pass that some day some one . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 1.95) Supplement: Hic illam vidit osculantem, quantum hunc audivi loqui. (Pl. Mil. 275); Enimvero, Dave, nil loci’ st segnitiae neque socordiae, / quantum intellexi modo senis sententiam de nuptiis. (Ter. An. 206–7); Deficio, nostrisque, a corpore quantum / auguror, accedent tempora parva malis. (Ov. Tr. 4.6.39–40); Romanorum primus, quantum ego quidem sciam, condidit aliqua in hanc materiam M. Cato . . . (Quint. Inst. 3.1.19); Saturnum itaque, quantum litterae, neque Diodorus Graecus . . . neque ullus commentator eiusmodi antiquitatum aliud quam hominem promulgaverunt. (Tert. Apol. 10.7)

16.84 Satellite clauses introduced by complex subordinators A device that developed from the Classical period onwards is that of prepositional phrases followed by quod, serving as a complex subordinating device.239 These expressions superficially look like quod clauses with a preparative pronoun (discussed in 238 This is the explanation of Howard (1962: 311). 239 For quantitative data for the period from Lucretius to Gellius, see Baños (2014: 92).

Complex subordinators

379

§ 15.14), but they are different, because an expression like cum eo in (a) cannot be omitted without making the resulting utterance ungrammatical. Some of them, like (b), also look like preparative expressions with causal quod (see § 16.39), but here too quod alone could hardly be interpreted as causal. This use of quod is part of its development into an omnipurpose subordinator, parallels of which can be found outside Latin/Romance. In Dutch, for example, dat ‘that’ has the same range of uses. Other instances that illustrate this phenomenon for quod are (c)–(e). The subordinate clauses connected in this way to the main clause are declarative. There are also a few instances of quia used in this way. One example will suffice: (f), in which a causal interpretation of quia seems not entirely excluded.240 (a)

Sit sane . . ., sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod sine peccato meo fiat. (‘So be it . . . but with the proviso surely that it be done without any fault on my part.’ Cic. Att. 6.1.7)

(b)

. . . cum Hannibal Carthagine expulsus Ephesum ad Antiochum venisset exul proque eo quod eius nomen erat magna apud omnis gloria, invitatus esset ab hospitibus suis, ut eum quem dixi, si vellet, audiret . . . (‘. . . when Hannibal, banished from Carthage, had come in exile to Antiochus at Ephesus and, inasmuch as his name was highly honoured all the world over, had been invited by his hosts to hear the philosopher in question, if he so pleased . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 2.75)

(c)

Prata dicta ab eo quod sine opere parata. (‘Prata “meadows” are named from this, that they are parata “prepared” without labour.’ Var. L. 5.40)

(d)

. . . ex eo intellegi potest quod vos de re iudicare non debetis. (‘. . . may be understood from the fact that you are not supposed to decide upon this question.’ Cic. Caec. 102)

(e)

Nec vero Aristoteles non laudandus in eo quod omnia quae moventur aut natura moveri censuit aut vi aut voluntate. (‘Aristotle is also to be commended for his view that all things that move do so by nature, force, or will.’ Cic. N.D. 2.44)

(f)

Sed (sc. Isocrates) cum ex eo quia quasi committeret contra legem ‘quo quis iudicio circumveniretur’ saepe ipse in iudicium vocaretur, orationes aliis destitisse scribere . . . (‘But when it happened repeatedly that he was summoned as having violated a law like ours “providing against circumvention or chicanery by judicial process,” he ceased to write speeches for others . . .’ Cic. Brut. 48) Supplement: With is: Dilectuque decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio et insectante ambitionem collegae, qui populari silentio rem publicam proderet et ad id quod de credita 240 So TLL s.v. ex 1107.8ff.

380

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position pecunia ius non dixisset, adiceret ut ne dilectum quidem ex senatus consulto haberet. (Liv. 2.27.10); Ad id quod sua quemque mala cogebant auctoritate publica evocati omnia delubra inplent. (Liv. 3.7.8); Medium ferme diei erat, et ad id quod sua sponte cedente in mare aestu trahebatur aqua acer etiam septentrio ortus inclinatum stagnum eodem quo aestus ferebat . . . (Liv. 26.45.8) Cum eo quidem quod vix ullus est tam communis locus, qui possit cohaerere cum causa nisi aliquo propriae quaestionis vinculo copulatus . . . (Quint. Inst. 2.4.30); Nec fortuiti sermonis contextum mirabor umquam, quem iurgantibus etiam mulierculis videamus superfluere cum eo quod, si calor ac spiritus tulit, frequenter accidit ut successum extemporalem consequi cura non possit. (Quint. Inst. 10.7.13) Non enim tam multa dixit de rationibus non relatis quam de eo quod civis improbus ut optimus laudatus esset. (Cic. Opt. 21—NB: parallelism) Causa fortissimis optimisque consulibus Kalendis Ianuariis de re publica primum referendi fuit ex eo quod XIII Kalendas Ianuarias senatus me auctore decrevit. (Cic. Phil. 6.1); At Caesar . . . et ex eventu navium suarum et ex eo quod obsides dare intermiserant fore id quod accidit suspicabatur. (Caes. Gal. 4.31.1—NB: parallelism) Neque in eo solum offenderat quod patriae male consuluerat, sed etiam quod amicitiae fidem non praestiterat. (Nep. Phoc. 2.2); In eo quoque plebs superior fuit quod tenuit ne consules in proximum annum crearentur. (Liv. 4.30.16); Labdacismum vitium in eo esse dicunt quod eadem littera vel subtilius a quibusdam vel pinguius ecfertur. (Consent. V.394.22K.) Nam praeter id quod his levissimi cuiusque animus facillime terretur, nescio an etiam naturaliter apud plurimos plus valeat malorum timor quam spes bonorum . . . (Quint. Inst. 3.8.40) Habitus cum se ab omni eius modi negotio removisset, tamen pro loco, pro antiquitate generis sui, pro eo quod se non suis commodis sed etiam suorum municipum ceterorumque necessariorum natum esse arbitrabatur, tantae voluntati universorum Larinatium deesse noluit. (Cic. Clu. 43—NB: parallelism); Sin autem pro magnitudine iniuriae proque eo quod summa res publica in huius periculo temptatur haec omnes vindicarent . . . (Cic. S. Rosc. 148—NB: coordination); Quin pro eo quod pluribus verbis vos . . . fatigavi veniam a vobis . . . velim . . . (Liv. 38.49.13) Haec vulgo iactata super id quod nullo auctore certo firmantur prompte refutaveris. (Tac. Ann. 4.11.1) . . . Marcellus etiam adverso rumore esse, superquam quod primo male pugnaverat, quia vagante per Italiam Hannibale media aestate Venusiam in tecta milites abduxisset. (Liv. 27.20.10)241 Cf.: . . . si in eo crimen est quia suffragium tulit, quis non tulit publicanus? (Cic. Planc. 35) With hic: Prima atque praecipua opinionum circa hoc differentia quod alii malos quoque viros posse oratores dici putant . . . (Quint. Inst. 2.15.1); . . . in hoc sumus sapientes quod naturam optumam ducem tamquam deum sequimur eique paremus. (Cic. Sen. 5); Quae non laudantur modo a plerisque, sed, quod est peius, propter hoc ipsum quod sunt prava laudantur. (Quint. Inst. 2.5.10) 241 For superquam ‘in addition to the fact that’, see Iordache (2010: 10).

Complex subordinators

381

Instances of quod clauses directly governed by prepositions are of a (much) later date.242 See below, however, for praeter. A special subtype of these satellite clauses is formed by expressions meaning ‘except’ in combination with quod and—in Early Latin more often—quia, without a difference in meaning.243 The most common combination is nisi quod, with the adverb nisi.244 Praeterquam (and praeter quam) and much less often praeter, tantum, and excepto are used in the same way,245 as in (g)–(l). (g)

Nam equidem nisi quod custodem habeo liberum me esse arbitror. (‘For really, except for the fact that I have a guard, I judge myself to be a free man.’ Pl. Capt. 394)

(h)

. . . nec, nisi quia miser non eo pessum, / mihi ulla abest perdito permities. (‘. . . and I’m destroyed and lack no ruin, except that I don’t sink to the bottom, wretch that I am . . .’ Pl. Cist. 223–4)

(i)

Nam dum abs te absum, omnes mihi labores fuere quos cepi leves, / praeterquam tui carendum quod erat. (‘While I was parted from you, all the hardships I bore were light, except for the fact of having to live without you.’ Ter. Hau. 399–400)

(j)

Praeter quod non sum iurgiosus, etiam libenter te nuper usque albus an ater esses ignoravi . . . (‘Not being a contentious man myself, until quite recently I did not even know whether you were dark or pale, and with pleasure too . . .’ Apul. Apol. 16.9—tr. Hunink)

(k)

Componit edictum iis verbis ut quivis intellegere possit unius hominis causa conscriptum esse, tantum quod hominem non nominat. (‘He composed a clause for his edict so worded that anyone can see how it was framed to meet the case of one particular person, except for the fact that he does not name the man.’ Cic. Ver. 1.116)

(l)

Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae, / excepto quod non simul esses, cetera laetus. (‘These lines I am dictating to you behind Vacuna’s crumbling shrine, happy on all counts save that you are not with me.’ Hor. Ep. 1.10.49–50) Supplement: Sed memento te, quae nos sentiamus, omnia probare, ni quod verbis aliter utamur, mihi autem vestrorum nihil probari. (Cic. Fin. 4.80); Cum de industria omnia . . . proferrentur, silentium omnium rerum ac iustitio simile otium fuit, nisi

242 The precise category of these items is difficult to assess. They are sometimes called prepositions, sometimes adverbs. See also § 14.6. 243 See Sz.: 589 for earlier postulations of an original difference in meaning. 244 See Bertocchi and Maraldi (2011: 115–18). 245 For the development of excepto, see Löfstedt (1976: 136 (= 2000: 188–9)) and Molinelli (2001). See also § 12.24 and TLL s.v. excipio 1249.26ff.

382

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position quod . . . verecundia inde inposita est senatui ex patribus iubendi aediles curules creari. (Liv. 7.1.4–6); Vixeruntque mira concordia, per mutuam caritatem et in vicem se anteponendo, nisi quod in bona uxore tanto maior laus, quanto in mala plus culpae est. (Tac. Agr. 6.1); . . . infelix, qui huic uni rei vivit, ut altilia decenter secet, nisi quod miserior est, qui hoc voluptatis causa docet quam qui necessitatis discit. (Sen. Ep. 47.6); Nec ullum miserae reformationis video solacium, nisi quod mihi iam nequ[e]eunti tenere Fotidem natura crescebat. (Apul. Met. 3.24.6); . . . arescunt omnia siti perpetua, nisi quod in puteis aqua repperitur exilis, quid agerent . . . (Amm. 18.7.9); Quid est homo, nisi quod memor es eius? (August. Serm. 163.12) Nam praeter quod246 diurnae quietis imagines falsae perhibentur, tunc etiam nocturnae visiones contrarios eventus nonnumquam pronuntiant. (Apul. Met. 4.27) Ego me in Cumano et Pompeiano, praeter quam quod247 sine te, ceterum satis commode oblectabam . . . (Cic. Q. fr. 2.13.1); Hoc autem loco tantum explicemus haec honesta, quae dico, praeterquam quod nosmet ipsos diligamus, praeterea suapte natura per se esse expetenda. (Cic. Fin. 5.61); Nam praeterquam quod in populo nihil erat praesidii sublata provocatione, intercessionem quoque consensu sustulerant . . . (Liv. 3.36.6); Praeterquam quod nomina tantum ducum in Hispania Romani habeant, exercitum quoque inde veterem deductum. (Liv. 29.1.21) Intestinas meas noverat. Tantum quod mihi non dixerat quid pridie cenaveram. (Petr. 76.11 (Trimalchio speaking)) Iter commode explicui, excepto quod quidam ex meis adversam valetudinem ferventissimis aestibus contraxerunt. (Plin. Ep. 8.1.1); Nos autem, excepto quod Christiani sumus, . . . sumus etiam praepositi . . . (August. Serm. 46.2) Incedere inde agmen coepit primoribus, super quam quod dissenserant ab consilio, territis etiam duplici prodigio, milite in vulgus laeto ferocia ducis, cum spem magis ipsam quam causam spei intueretur. (Liv. 22.3.14); Haec vulgo iactata super id quod nullo auctore certo firmantur, prompte refutaveris. (Tac. Ann. 4.11.1) . . . ad Dei filium pertinet iuxta quod Deus est. (Ambrosiast. in Rom. 1.1.3)248 De publicis scribenda non suppetunt absque eo quod in Traiani platea ruina unius insulae pressit habitantes. (Symm. Ep. 6.37)249

The same phenomenon can be observed with ut clauses in the subjunctive, often called result (consecutive) clauses. Thus one finds cum, in, and pro + eo + ut, as illustrated by (m) and (n). (m)

. . . debeo profecto, quantumcumque possum, in eo quoque elaborare ut sint opera, studio, labore meo doctiores cives mei . . . (‘. . . however much I am able, I assuredly must also work to make my fellow citizens more educated through my zeal, enthusiasm, and labour . . .’ Cic. Fin. 1.10)

(n)

Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita cum eo ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset.

246 TLL s.v. praeter 1001.72 makes a distinction between ‘respectu admittendi’, as in the examples provided here, and ‘respectu excludendi’ in later texts. 247 On praeterquam, see Iordache (2010: 8–12). 248 See TLL s.v. iuxta 754.6ff. 249 For the history of this use of absque, see Haverling (1988: 45–8).

Infinitival clauses

383

(‘The Lanuvini were given citizenship, and their worship was restored to them, with the stipulation that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be held in common by the burghers of Lanuvium and the Roman people.’ Liv. 8.14.2) Supplement: Et Antium nova colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent. (Liv. 8.14.8); Si nihil reliqua proficiunt, sanguis mittendus est, sed paulatim cotidieque pluribus diebus, cum eo ut cetera quoque eodem modo serventur. (Cels. 3.22.7); Romae sicut plebis victoria fuit in eo ut quae mallent, comitia haberent, ita eventu comitiorum patres vicere. (Liv. 4.56.1); Galli, quos praedae populationumque conciverat spes, postquam pro eo ut ipsi ex alieno agro raperent agerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse premique utriusque partis exercituum hibernis videre, verterunt retro Hannibalem ab Romanis odia. (Liv. 22.1.2) Appendix: For an example of a comparable combination, but this time with a subordinate interrogative clause (an indirect question), see (o). (o) . . . in omnibus quae aguntur ex eo quomodo quisque natus est . . . quid deceat exquirimus . . . (‘. . . in all that is undertaken we try to find out what is proper for everyone on the basis of how he was born . . . ’ Cic. Off. 1.119)

For comparable argument clauses, see § 15.1 fin.

16.85 Non-finite satellite clauses . Infinitival satellite clauses The present infinitive is used as a purpose adjunct from Early Latin onwards with verbs of transferring (e.g. do ‘to give’) and movement (e.g. eo ‘to go’, mitto ‘to send’). This usage is found from Early Latin onwards, but it is almost entirely absent from the prose of Cicero and Caesar. The range of verbs in each of these groups widens gradually, especially in poetry, where the infinitive had certain advantages over the competing supine, gerund, and gerundive expressions.250 It is very common in Christian writers, often copying or following the Greek model.251 Grammars call this use of the infinitive its ‘final’ use. An example of a ‘final’ infinitive with the verb do is (a). The object of da is unspecified, but mulsum can be understood from the preceding clause. In (b), quod is the subject of passive dari. The drink distributed is also understood as the object of bibere. The competing expression would be mulsum bibendum da, with a gerundival secondary predicate as discussed in § 21.9, as in (c). The gerundival expression is the one preferred in Classical prose. 250 For Virgil’s extensive use of infinitives, see Görler  (1985: 271–2). For a diachronic survey, see Perrochat (1932b: 164–9). 251 See Burton (2000: 187–8).

384 (a)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Age, circumfer mulsum, bibere da usque plenis cantharis. (‘Go on, pass the honey-wine round, give it to us so that we can drink it from full goblets.’ Pl. Per. 821)

(b)

. . . quod iussi dari bibere et quantum imperavi, / date. (‘. . . what I ordered to be given her to drink, and as much as I prescribed, give it to her.’ Ter. An. 484–5)

(c)

. . . calefactamque aquam pueris bibendam dedit. (‘. . . he heated the water and gave it to the children to drink.’ V. Max. 2.4.5)

Another non-finite competitor of the infinitive bibere in (a) would be an ad + gerund expression, as in (d) (see also § 16.100). As the infinitive gradually replaces the gerund, rare instances like (e), where the preposition ad governs the infinitive manducare, are fully understandable (with, perhaps, some influence from Greek). This alternative expression is relatively late and forms the basis for the Romance expressions like French donner à manger.252 (d)

. . . et exemplum ceteris ad imitandum dedit. (‘. . . and he gave others an example to imitate.’ Enn. Euh. 10V=11FRL)

(e)

Quomodo potest hic nobis carnem dare ad manducare? (‘How can he give us meat to eat?’ Vet. Lat. (cod. Verc.) Joh. 6.52) Supplement: Active: Bis in die farciat et meridie bibere dato: ne plus aqua sita siet horam unam. (Cato Agr. 89); Idem Cn. Flavius, Anni filius, dicitur ad collegam venisse visere aegrotum. (Calp. hist. 27=29C); . . . nec Homerum audio, qui Ganymeden ab dis raptum ait propter formam, ut Iovi bibere ministraret. (Cic. Tusc. 1.65); Ille (sc. Xerxes) quoque ipse, viam qui quondam per mare magnum / stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum / ac pedibus salsas docuit super ire lacunas . . . (Lucr. 3.129–31); . . . dederatque comam diffundere ventis . . . (Verg. A. 1.319); Musis amicus tristitiam et metus / tradam protervis in mare Creticum / portare ventis . . . (Hor. Carm. 1.26.1–3); Maxime regum, / di tibi dent capta classem redducere Troia. (Hor. S. 2.3.190–1); Et quoniam in patria, fatis agitatus iniquis, / vivere non potui, da mihi posse mori. (Ov. Ars. 2.27–8); . . . idcirco stolidam praebet tibi vellere barbam / Iuppiter? (Pers. 2.28–9); Sic mirum, si a Deo data eadem canit quae Deus suis dedit nosse? (Tert. Test. 5.2); . . . unam atque eamdem nobis tribuens vitam habere cum Christo. (Hier. Ephes. 1.2.1); Esurivi enim et dedistis mihi manducare. (Vulg. Mat. 25.35) Passive: Quae totiens rapta’st, praebuit ipsa rapi. (Ov. Her. 5.132); Nihil prius petierunt a praetore quam ut bibere sibi iuberet dari. (Liv. 40.47.5); . . . licet sinus lateraque dissuta relinquant flatibus agitari ventorum . . . (Amm. 23.6.84)

252 For a survey of the development of the infinitive in general (which she calls ‘prospective’), see Fruyt (1996). For the Romance development, see Roegiest (1983). For instances with the verb do, see TLL s.v. 1688.59ff. See also Norberg (1943: 216). For a discussion of the infinitive as one of the purpose expressions, see Cabrillana (2011).

Infinitival clauses

385

Further Late Latin examples and discussion can be found in Norberg (1943: 206–31), also useful for the rest of this section. In certain text types (poetry, translations of the Bible) the influence of Greek cannot be excluded, but the increase in the use of the infinitive at the cost of the gerund and gerundive is mainly an internal Latin development.

From Early Latin onwards the infinitive is also found with verbs of (implied) movement.253 Examples are (f) and (g). The most common non-finite purpose expression is the supine in -um, as in (h) (see also § 16.112). Hardly used in Early Latin is the gerundival purpose adjunct expression (ibit ad aurum arcessendum), as in (i) (see also § 16.106), which is common in Classical prose. In Augustan poetry the range of verbs with which the infinitive is used is widened, under Greek influence.254 The infinitive is used in Bible translations and in quotations from the Bible, where the Greek koine text has an infinitive and the agent of the infinitive is coreferential with the subject of the governing verb. An example is (j).255 Christian authors rarely use infinitives in their own texts. As with the verb do (see above), predecessors of a Romance expression can be found from the Vetus Latina onwards in the form of an ad + infinitive expression, as in (k). (f)

Illa autem in arcem abiit aedem visere / Minervae. (‘She has gone to the Acropolis to visit the temple of Minerva.’ Pl. Bac. 900–1)

(g)

Senex in Ephesum ibit aurum arcessere. (‘The old man will go to Ephesus to fetch the gold.’ Pl. Bac. 354)

(h)

Tune es qui hau multo prius / abiisti hinc erum accersitum? (‘Aren’t you the one who went away a little earlier to fetch his master?’ Pl. Rud. 1055–6)

(i)

. . . legati ad arcessendum Hannibalem . . . venerunt. (‘. . . legates came to invite Hannibal . . .’ Liv. 24.13.8)

(j)

Paene universa civitas convenit audire verbum Domini. (‘Almost the whole city came together to hear the word of God.’ Vulg. Act. 13.44)

(k)

Cum veneris ad bibere, accede et illuminare. (‘Since you have come to drink, come forward and be illuminated.’ August. Serm. 225.4) Supplement: Ecquis currit pollinctorem accersere? (Pl. As. 910); Militis parasitus modo / venerat aurum petere hinc. (Pl. Bac. 631–31a); Ego hunc missa sum ludere. (Pl. Cas. 688); Recipe te et recurre petere recenti (Pl. Trin. 1015); . . . nunc ad amicam venis

253 For statistical information about Plautus and Terence and discussion, see Adams and Vincent (2016: 266–8). 254 See Penney (1999: 253–8) and Calboli (2009: 131–3). For the history of the infinitive with the verbs eo and venio, see Adams and Vincent (2016). 255 See Burton (2000: 187–8).

386

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position querimonias referre. (Pl. Truc. 167); Nostra ilico / it visere ad eam. (Ter. Hec. 188–9); Sempronius Lilybaeo celocem in Africam mittit visere locum, ubi exercitum exponat. (Coel. hist. 12=9C); A quo est in Sota Enni: ‘Ibant malaci viere Veneriam corollam’. (Var. L. 5.62); . . . cum . . . visere venissemus . . . (Var. R. 2.1.1); . . . nec dulces occurrent oscula nati / praeripere . . . (Lucr. 3.895–6); Non nos aut ferro Libycos populare penatis / venimus, aut raptas ad litora vertere praedas . . . (Verg. A. 1.527–8); . . . idem omnis simul ardor agit nova quaerere tecta. (Verg. A. 7.393); Atqui non ego te tigris ut aspera / Gaetulusve leo frangere persequor. (Hor. Carm. 1.23.9–10); An potius maritum, qui tuo vulnere periclitatur, intervisere venisti? (Apul. Met. 6.9.2); Utriusque nominis testes esse vel magi adsunt. (Tert. Apol. 22.2); Non venerant mori, ideo nec nasci. (Tert. Carn. Chr. 6.5); . . . et iam unusquisque hiens ad domum suam festinat manducare . . . (Pereg. 30.3); . . . statim unusquisque animosi vadent in Syon orare ad columnam illam . . . (Pereg. 37.1); . . . venimus adorare eum. (Vulg. Mat. 2.2); . . . et ipse salvator non venit iustos vocare, sed peccatores. (Hier. Ep. 11.2); Ergo quantum in medico est, sanare venit aegrotum. (August. Tract. Io. 12.12); Ad tua, sanctae, limina veni, nihil aliud quam parvitatis meae vota deferre. (Greg. Tur. Jul. 21) NB: Ipsum elegit . . . ad offerre sacrificium Deo. (Vet. Lat. (cod. Tolet.) Sirach 45.20— cf. Tob. 3.25 with later instances to follow in the 7th century).

In Late Latin the infinitive is also occasionally found as a purpose adjunct with other verbs besides those mentioned above, for which Early or Classical examples are lacking and where the Greek original is copied.256 An instance of this is (l). (l)

. . . et sedit populus comedere ac bibere et surrexerunt ludere. (‘. . . and the people sat down to eat and drink, and they stood up to play.’ Vulg. Ex. 32.6) Supplement: . . . non stabam frui Deo meo, sed rapiebar ad te . . . (August. Conf. 7.23); Et rursus Esaias ait erit radix Iesse et qui exsurget regere gentes in eo gentes sperabunt. (Vulg. Rom. 15.12) From Cicero’s time onward, but especially in poetry, the infinitive is also found with manipulation verbs such as rogo ‘to ask’, hortor ‘to urge on’, and moneo ‘to warn’. Although these infinitival expressions are often called ‘final’, they are actually arguments of the governing verbs and not satellites. See the discussion of this ‘prolative’ use of the infinitive in §§ 15.114ff.

. Participial satellite clauses The most commonly known participial satellite clause is the ablative absolute clause. An example is (a). (a)

Tum Cethegus . . . recitatis litteris (a me, sc. Cicerone) . . . repente conticuit.

256 For a discussion of possible Greek influence, see Calboli (2009: 131–3).

Participial clauses

387

(‘Then Cethegus . . . when his letter was read out (by me) . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10)

Perfect passive participles are the most common form of participle used in participial clauses, as in the example above. However, the present active, present and perfect deponent, and future active participles are allowed as well, as illustrated by (b)–(e). (b)

Fugiens . . . Pompeius . . . homines movet. (‘The picture of Pompey on the run affects men.’ Cic. Att. 7.11.4)

(c)

. . . senatus consultum factum ut . . . is . . . potissimum consulibus ad bellum profectis urbi praeesset. (‘. . . the senate decreed that . . . he . . . should be in charge of the city when the consuls took the field.’ Liv. 24.9.5)

(d)

. . . qui non nascentibus Athenis sed iam adultis fuerunt . . . (‘. . . who belonged to Athens not in her infancy but in her maturity . . .’ Cic. Brut. 27)

(e)

Augebat metum . . . invasurus hostis. (‘The enemy being about to invade heightened the alarm.’ Tac. Ann. 1.36.2)

For a discussion of the internal structure of participial clauses and their relation to gerundival and non-verbal clauses, see § 14.14.257

. Participial ablative absolute clauses Participial ablative absolute (ablativus absolutus) clauses are found in all periods of Latin and in all types of texts and registers, although with varying distributions and degrees of internal complexity.258 Perfect participles are relatively rare in the comedies of Plautus and Terence, but seem to be fully exploited by the early historians of the second century bc. Passive participles are much more common than deponent ones. Present participles are used with much lower frequency than perfect participles. They are relatively rare in Early Latin but become a normal part of the narrative technique of the early historians. They are relatively frequent in Cicero’s works, where they serve as an alternative for substantival ablative absolute clauses (see § 16.116) and are characteristic of the narrative style of Caesar and the Caesarean corpus. Finally they are fully integrated into the narrative techniques of Livy, Tacitus, and most other authors with literary aspirations until Late Latin.259 In didactic texts, such as Pliny the Elder, ablative absolute clauses were a convenient way to condense information.260 However, 257 For the development of absolute constructions from Latin to the Romance languages, see MüllerLancé (1994). 258 For the history of the analysis of this construction from Antiquity onwards, see FlinckLinkomies  (1929: 7–27), Sluiter  (2000), and Copeland and Sluiter  (2009: 314–38). For the history of the  term ‘ablativus absolutus’ (found for the first time c.1050), see also Scaglione  (1970) and Keydana (1997: 6–7). 259 For the relative frequency of the present participle in participial satellite clauses in late (fifth- and sixth-century) historians, see Galdi (2016c) and Gayno (2016: 38–9). 260 For Pliny the Elder’s use of the ablative absolute, see Cova (1986).

388

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

the present participle is rare in stylistically less elaborated texts, such as the Cena Trimalchionis and the Vetus Latina translations of the Bible. Future participles are very uncommon in all periods of Latin. The first attestation is from Asinius Pollio (see § 16.89), followed by several instances in Livy. As for the stylistic register of ablative absolute clauses, Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 227–44; 250–6) shows, among other things, that in the Vetus Latina translations of the Bible present participle ablative absolute clauses are avoided, whereas in the Vulgate translation they are used to translate Greek participial clauses. There is a similar difference between the ‘vulgar’ version of the Epistula Alexandri ad Aristotelem and the more literary version by Leo Presbyter. To a lesser extent this also holds for the use of perfect passive participles (ibid.: 250–6). The development of the complex ablative absolute clauses of the Classical authors, especially the historians, was influenced by ‘the syntactic models of classical Greek literary prose’ (Coleman 1989: 364).

In the following sections attention will be paid to five different aspects of the participial ablative absolute clause: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v)

The semantic relationship between the participial clause and the matrix clause (§ 16.89); The relationship between arguments of the participial and matrix clauses (§ 16.90); The internal complexity of the participial clause (§ 16.91); Participial ablative absolute clauses without a corresponding noun (phrase) (§ 16.92); The impersonal use of perfect passive participles (§ 16.93).

16.89 The semantic relationship between the participial ablative absolute clause and the main clause The most common use of the ablative absolute clause is as an adjunct, as (a), repeated from § 16.87, and (b). The latter is an example of the ‘ablatif absolu de reprise’ (summarizing absolute ablative) which is typical of Caesar’s narrative, but also found in Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus.261 (a)

Tum Cethegus . . . recitatis litteris (a me, sc. Cicerone) . . . repente conticuit. (‘Then Cethegus . . . when his letter was read out (by me) . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10)

(b)

. . . omnibus navibus ad unam incolumibus milites exposuit. . . . Expositis militibus naves eadem nocte Brundisium a Caesare remittuntur . . . (‘…he landed the soldiers from all of his ships without losing a single ship. . . . Once the soldiers were on land, Caesar sent the ships back to Brundisium the same night . . .’ Caes. Civ. 3.6.3–8.1)

261 For an exhaustive discussion, see Chausserie-Laprée (1969: 109–20). For Tacitus, see Enghofer (1961: 114–20). See also § 23.67.

Participial clauses

389

Although most ablative absolutes function as adjunct, they can also be used as disjuncts, as in (c), where viso . . . favo provides the evidence for a statement in the main clause (it is an attitudinal disjunct). (c)

Aliubi enim favi cera spectabiles gignuntur, ut in Sicilia, Paelignis, aliubi copia mellis, ut in Creta, Cypro, Africa, aliubi magnitudine, ut in septentrionalibus, viso iam in Germania octo pedum longitudinis favo in cava parte nigro. (‘In some places honeycombs distinguished for their wax are formed, as in Sicily and the Abruzzi, in other places for quantity of honey, as in Crete, Cyprus, Africa, in others for size, as in the northern countries, a comb having before now been seen in Germany that was 8 ft. long, and black in its hollow part.’ Plin. Nat. 11.33)

Ablative absolute clauses cover a broad range of meanings (position in time, cause, condition, concession, or manner, and especially—but more vaguely—circumstance). However, unlike finite satellite clauses with a similar meaning, the semantic relationship with the matrix clause is not marked by a subordinator;262 as a result, the precise relationship between an ablative absolute and the main clause must be inferred.263 The examples given below to exemplify the various semantic relations must therefore be seen as groupings of more or less similar interpretations (argument and satellite constituents within the ablative absolute are marked in italics and bold italics, respectively). Ablative absolute clauses in their ‘circumstance’ interpretation are often more or less equated with cum clauses. Baños (1992, 1994) shows that the ablative absolute clauses and cum clauses are more or less in complementary distribution: cum clauses are required when there are structural limitations on the use of an ablative absolute, or when the clause is structurally complex.264 Supplement: Position in time: Perfect participle: . . . patriam deseres, / cognatos, affinitatem, amicos factis nuptiis. (Pl. Trin. 701–2); Pallam ad phrygionem fert confecto prandio / vinoque expoto, parasito excluso foras. (Pl. Men. 469–70); (sc. L. Mummius) Achaia · Capt(a) · Corinto / deleto · Romam · redieit / triumphans. (CIL I2.626.3–5 (Rome, 142 bc)); Custodibus discessis multi interficiuntur. (Coel. hist. 32=29C); His sic tractatis accusator utetur loco communi . . . (Rhet. Her. 2.21); Nunc, absoluta a nobis difficillima parte rhetoricae, hoc est inventione perpolita atque omne causae genus adcommodata, tempus est ad ceteras partes proficisci. (Rhet. Her. 3.8); Quam ob rem, quoniam Dolabella hesterno die hoste decreto bellum gerendum est, imperator est deligendus. (Cic. Phil. 11.16); Tamen ante Periclem, cuius scripta quaedam feruntur, et

262 Another difference between finite satellite clauses and participial ones is that the former locate the state of affairs in time, whereas participial clauses only indicate relative time. 263 Krisch (1988) takes the temporal/circumstantial meaning as the basic meaning of the participial clauses and explains the other interpretations as contextually determined. 264 See also Hoff  (1989: 409–10). For Late Latin authors, including Ammianus Marcellinus, see Gago (1998).

390

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Thucydidem, qui non nascentibus Athenis sed iam adultis fuerunt, littera nulla est, quae quidem ornatum aliquem habeat et oratoris esse videatur. (Cic. Brut. 27); Dein Sulla omnia265 pollicito docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur. (Sal. Jug. 103.7); . . . in quo uno tantum esset, ut, quoad ille viveret, ipsi securi esse non possent, interfecto nihil habituri negotii essent. (Nep. Eum. 12.1—NB: parallelism with quoad clause); P. et Cn. Scipionibus inter se partitis copias . . . (Liv. 23.26.2); . . . misso Syphace et captivis, ceteras urbes Numidiae quae praesidiis regiis tenebantur adiuvante Masinissa recipit. (Liv. 30.12.22); . . . gratum elocuta consiliantibus / Iunone divis . . . (Hor. Carm. 3.3.17–18); Septentrionalis vero Oceanus maiore ex parte navigatus est, auspiciis Divi Augusti Germaniam classe circumvecta ad Cimbrorum promunturium . . . (Plin. Nat. 2.167); Adde quod omne caput fluvii . . . / . . . ingresso vere tumescit / prima tabe nivis. (Luc. 10.223–5); Ex · auctoritate / Imp(eratoris) · Caesaris / Vespasiani · Aug(usti) · / loca · publica · a privatis / possessa · T(itus) · Suedius · Clemens / tribunus · causis · cognitis · et / mensuris · factis · rei / publicae Pompeianorum / restituit. (CIL X.1018 (Pompeii)); Occasione / inventa spero me celerius aput te / venturum. (CEL 147.9–11 (Karanis, ad 100–25)); Conferti tantum et pilis emissis post umbonibus et gladiis stragem caedemque continuarent, praedae immemores. Parta victoria cuncta ipsis cessura. (Tac. Ann. 14.36.2); Quo mortuo aut capite deminuto revertitur ad eum tutorem tutela, qui cessit. (Gaius Inst. 1.170); . . . Sticho statim libertatem consecuto . . . (Scaev. dig. 34.1.18.2); Contra illi, qui nos oderunt, dolere, non gaudere debebant, consecutis nobis quod elegimus. (Tert. Apol. 49.6); Nuncupato igitur Licinio imperatore Maximinus iratus nec Caesarem se nec tertio loco nominari volebat. (Lact. Mort. 32.1); Lecto ergo eo loco et annuntiata Pascha fit missa. (Pereg. 29.5) Present participle: Interea prope iam occidente sole inhorrescit mare, / tenebrae conduplicantur . . . (Pacuv. trag. 411–12); Piro florente dapem pro bubus facito. (Cato Agr. 131, cf. Var. R. 1.37.5; Plin. Nat. 18.243); . . . queritur priore patrono causam defendente numquam perorari potuisse . . . (Cic. Quinct. 34); Hanc opinionem discipulus eius Pythagoras maxime confirmavit, qui cum Superbo regnante in Italiam venisset, tenuit Magnam illam Graeciam . . . (Cic. Tusc. 1.38); Dubitante Caesare atque eorum studio cupiditatique resistente sibique eruptione pugnari non placere clamitante etiam atque etiam aciem sustentante subito dextro cornu iniussu Caesaris tubicen a militibus coactus canere coepit. (B. Afr. 82.3); Fracti bello fatisque repulsi / ductores Danaum, tot iam labentibus annis, / instar montis equum divina Palladis arte / aedificant . . . (Verg. A. 2.13–16); Potantibus ergo nobis et accuratissime lautitias mirantibus larvam argenteam attulit . . . (Petr. 34.8); Prius fuit a litore stadiis X—maritimum etiam Vipsania porticus habet—Iuba vero prodente p. (Plin. Nat. 6.139); Etiamsi albescente caelo exire voluero (Tab. Vindon. 46 (Windisch, between ad 30 and 101)); Quo tenente regnum Aeneas ab Ilio Troia a Graecis expugnata in Italiam venit statimque bello exceptus . . . (Justin. 43.1.10) Future participle: (sc. Rex apum) procedit foris non nisi migraturo examine. (Plin. Nat. 11.54)

265 Perfect deponent participles governing an argument are not attested until this example. A full list of such instances can be found in Schmalz (1884).

Participial clauses

391

Cause: Perfect participle: . . . qui cursum rerum eventorumque consequentiam diuturnitate pertractata notaverunt . . . quid futurum sit, intellegunt. (Cic. Div. 1.128—NB: if this is the correct interpretation; see Pease ad loc.); C. Flaminium Coelius religione neglecta cecidisse apud Transumenum scribit cum magno rei publicae vulnere. (Cic. N.D. 2.8); Nec dissolutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. (Tac. Ann. 14.5.2—NB: coordination with a quod clause) Present participle: Ad quas adero, et omni ope atque opera enitar, adiuvante me scilicet auctoritate tua et gratia et summa aequitate causae, ut de Buthrotiis senatus consultum quale scribis fiat. (Cic. Att. 14.14.6); Cum duce adsumpto Alexandrini . . . eludentibus . . . militibus regis aetatem atque infirmitatem magnum dolorem acciperent . . . (B. Alex. 25.1); Honesta res est, sollemnitate publica exigente, induere domui tuae habitum alicuius novi lupanaris! (Tert. Apol. 35.4); . . . ubi incensus est vitulus ipse, iubente sancto Moyse . . . (Pereg. 5.6); . . . hos patri / inscripsi v / sus dictante / dolore . . . (CIL VIII.1359.15–18 (Testur (Africa Proconsularis), ad 408/21)) Future participle: Huius ergo viri tot tantisque operibus mansuris266 in omne aevum praedicare de ingenio atque industria superva. (Asin. Pollio apud Sen. Suas. 6.24); Parumper silentium et quies fuit nec Etruscis, nisi cogerentur, pugnam inituris et dictatore arcem Romanam respectante . . . (Liv. 4.18.6); Carthaginienses…prima luce oppugnaturis hostibus / castra saxis undique . . . congestis augent vallum… (Liv. 28.15.12–3); Ceterum propalam conprehendi Dareus non poterat tot Persarum milibus laturis opem regi. Graecorum quoque fides timebatur. (Curt. 5.10.7); Exercitum Vitellii universum advenisse, nec multum virium a tergo, quoniam Galliae tumeant et deserere Rheni ripam inrupturis tam infestis nationibus non conducat. (Tac. Hist. 2.32.1) Condition: Perfect participle: Quae potest esse vitae iucunditas sublatis amicitiis? (Cic. Planc. 80) Present participle: . . . maximas vero virtutes iacere omnis necesse est voluptate dominante. (Cic. Fin. 2.117); Denique nihil me sciente frustra voles. (Sal. Jug. 110.5) Concession: Perfect participle: Is me nunc renuntiare repudium iussit tibi. / # Repudium rebus paratis, exornatis nuptiis? (Pl. Aul. 783–4) Present participle: Conligavit? # Atque equidem orante ut ne id faceret Thaide. (Ter. Eu. 956); Atque ex his horum contraria facile tacentibus nobis intellegentur. (Cic. Inv. 2.157); Itaque acrius de integro coortum est bellum pluribusque partibus vix accipientibus quibusdam opera locis vineae coeptae agi admoverique aries. (Liv. 21.8.2) Manner/Circumstance: Perfect participle: Qui (sc. rex apum) tamen et ipse spoliandus est alis, ubi saepius cum examine suo conatur eruptione facta profugere. (Col. 9.10) Present participle: Egone istuc dixi? # Tute istic, etiam astante hoc Sosia. (Pl. Am. 747); . . . resistam et aut concedente aut etiam adiuvante Milone eius conatum 266 There is a conjecture mansuri, adopted by many editors.

392

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position refutabo . . . (Cic. Har. 7); . . . . nullo hoste prohibente aut iter demorante incolumem legionem in antuates, inde in Allobroges perduxit ibique hiemavit. (Caes. Gal. 3.6.5)

Instances of participial ablative absolute clauses that cannot be described in terms of ‘adjunct-like’ specifications are rare in Early Latin and in Cicero. From Sallust onward, however, and especially in the historians Livy, Tacitus, and Ammianus Marcellinus, and also in Pliny the Elder, the participial ablative absolute clause is found at the end of the complex sentence, describing the circumstances or offering some form of comment or an explanation, as in (d).267 Another form of loose attachment of a participial ablative absolute clause is shown in (e), where the ablative absolute is attached to a noun phrase. (d)

Arruns prior quam pater moritur uxore gravida relicta. (‘Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife with child.’ Liv. 1.34.2)

(e)

Ibique captivorum simulacra barbarico vestis ornatu superbia meritis contumeliis punita sustinentia tectum conlocaverunt . . . (‘There they placed statues of their captives in barbaric dress—punishing their pride with deserved insults—to support the roof . . .’ Vitr. 1.1.6) Supplement: Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa fratribus morbo absumptis. (Sal. Jug. 5.6); Hactenus de arboribus praecepisse abunde est reddituro pecoris curam et remedia sequenti volumine. (Col. 5.12.5); . . . Dareus . . . cum magno deinde exercitu mare traiecit, inlato Macedoniae et Graeciae bello. (Curt. 4.1.10); Super omnia, quae umquam audita sunt, erit prodigium in nostro aevo Neronis principis ruina factum in agro Marrucino, Vetti Marcelli e primis equestris ordinis oliveto universo viam publicam transgresso arvisque inde e contrario in locum oliveti profectis. (Plin. Nat. 17.245); Vis ei ad calfaciendum extenuandumque, efficax contra suffusiones et caligines oculorum, suco eiusdem poto contra serpentes. (Plin. Nat. 25.158); Nondum ea clades exoleverat, cum ignis violentia urbem ultra solitum adfecit, deusto monte Caelio. (Tac. Ann. 4.64.1)

Hand in hand with the increasing use of elaborate and complex sentences, especially (but not solely) in historical and didactic works, authors began to insert constituents either in the matrix clause or in the ablative absolute clause to make the semantic relationship between them more explicit, such as deinde ‘thereafter’ and tamen ‘nevertheless’ in the main clause, and nisi ‘unless’ and quamvis ‘although’ in the ablative absolute clause. (For the same development in participial secondary predicates, see § 21.18.) The ‘autonomous’ clausal character of ablative absolute clauses was in this

267 For this use of the ablative absolute (which he calls rallonge ‘extension’), see Chausserie-Laprée (1969: 318–27); Enghofer (1961: 130–8); Longrée (1995; 1996a). In their commentary on Tac. Ann. IV Martin and Woodman (1989: 23–4) use the term ‘appendix’. For the frequent use of such ‘appended’ clauses in late historical texts, see Galdi (2016c: 653–5).

Participial clauses

393

way further enhanced. Examples are (f) and (g). However, semantically related finite clauses still remained on the average more complex. (f)

(Dicaearchus) . . . qui collectis ceteris causis . . . deinde comparat . . . (‘(Dicaearchus) . . . who, after gathering together all the other causes (of destruction) . . ., then proceeds to show by way of comparison . . .’ Cic. Off. 2.16)

(g)

Etsi aliquo accepto detrimento tamen . . . locum . . . capi posse. (‘Though some loss should be sustained, yet the place . . . can be captured.’ Caes. Civ. 1.67.5) Supplement: NB: for each adverb/subordinator only the earliest attestations are given. This is not an exhaustive survey of all the particles/subordinators found.268 In the main clause: . . . castris positis populatur inde agrum Romanum . . . (Liv. 2.39.5); Conferti tantum et pilis emissis post umbonibus et gladiis stragem caedemque continuarent, praedae immemores. (Tac. Ann. 14.36.2); Sed confecto proelio, tum vero cerneres, quanta audacia quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. (Sal. Cat. 61.1); Hisce omnibus rebus consideratis, tum denique id, quod primum est dicendum, postremum soleo cogitare, quo utar exordio. (Cic. de Orat. 2.315) Atque haec eo pertinet oratio ut perditis rebus omnibus tamen ipsa virtus se sustentare posse videatur. (Cic. Fam. 6.1.4); . . . quo defendente nullo tamen armatis ascendere esset difficile . . . (Hirt. Gal. 8.33.1) Caesar interim consilio hostium cognito iubet aciem in longitudinem quam maximam porrigi et alternis conversis cohortibus ut una post altera ante signa tenderet ita coronam hostium dextro sinistroque cornu mediam dividit . . . (B. Afr. 17.1) In the ablative absolute clause: Decemviri querentes se in ordinem cogi non ante quam perlatis legibus, quarum causa creati essent, deposituros imperium se aiebant. (Liv. 3.51.13); Postero die sub ortum solis instruxere ab alto naves velut ad iustum proelium navale et tamquam exituris contra Romanis. (Liv. 30.10.11);269 Aetoli campos Thessaliae opimos ad praedam petiere, sequente quamquam non probante Amynandro nec effusas populationes Aetolorum nec castra quo fors tulisset loco sine ullo discrimine aut cura muniendi posita. (Liv. 31.41.7); . . . praesidens certamini Neroneo cupientem inter citharoedos contendere nec quamvis flagitantibus cunctis promittere audentem ideoque egressum theatro revocaverat . . . (Suet. Vit. 4); Non loquar nisi pace facta . . . (Pl. Am. 390); Iste quasi praeda sibi advecta . . . eos in hostium numero ducit. (Cic. Ver. 5.64); Me tueor ut oppressis omnibus non demisse, ut tantis rebus gestis parum fortiter. (Cic. Att. 2.18.3); Ac venti velut agmine facto / . . . ruunt . . . (Verg. A. 1.82–3); Parthi, penes quos velut divisione orbis cum Romanis facta nunc Orientis imperium est, Scytharum exules fuere. (Justin. 41.1.1); Simul et in hostis iam pavidos quippe fuso suae partis validiore cornu impetum facit. (Liv. 3.63.2)

268 A very complete (but not always reliable) list of subordinators can be found in Lease (1928; 1931). Livy has the most abundant and varied use. 269 For Livy’s use of ut and tamquam with participial clauses and secondary predicates, see Traenkle (1968: 139–40).

394

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

The semantic relationship between the ablative absolute clause and the main clause may also be specified by the incorporation of other types of constituents, such as the adverb statim ‘at once’, as in (h). (h)

Opuntii quoque ab eadem ira increpiti quod, cum trahere obsidionem in adventum suum potuissent, viso statim hoste prope in voluntariam deditionem concessissent. (‘The men of Opus also were no less angrily upbraided because, although they could have dragged out the siege until his coming, at the first sight of the enemy they had almost willingly surrendered.’ Liv. 28.7.9) Supplement: Sed a Caesare perfecto demum scelere magnitudo eius intellecta est. (Tac. Ann. 14.10.1); Candente itaque protinus die signo ad arma capienda . . . dato . . . (Amm. 31.7.10)270

16.90 The relationship between arguments of the participial ablative absolute and the main clause In (a), repeated from § 16.87 and § 16.89, the argument of the ablative absolute clause (litteris), semantically the patient of recitatis, does not have the same referent as the argument of the main clause (Cethegus), semantically the agent of conticuit. (a)

Tum Cethegus . . . recitatis litteris (a me, sc. Cicerone) . . . repente conticuit. (‘Then Cethegus . . . when his letter was read out (by me) . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10)

The predominant situation, at least in Classical Latin, is that these constituents of the two clauses are referentially distinct, as in (a), and this is often formulated as a rule that the subject of the ablative absolute clause should not be a constituent of the main clause. School books in particular tend to be very rigid about the need to use the ablative absolute clause if the constituents are distinct and to use a participle as secondary predicate (the so-called participium coniunctum) in the case of identity. However, there are many exceptions to this generalizing statement, even in the ‘Classical authors’.271 Examples of referential identity between constituents of the ablative absolute clause and the main clause are (b) and (c). In the latter example the object of the main clause has to be inferred from the ablative absolute clause. More examples can be found in the Supplement. (b)

. . . non modo permittente patre, sed etiam suadente ab eo semigravit . . . (‘. . . then not only with the permission of his father, but even with his advice, he separated from him . . .’ Cic. Cael. 18)

270 The placement of protinus is ‘cursus causa’, according to den Boeft et al. ad loc. 271 For a discussion of deviations from the rules in Caesar, see Hoff (1989). For Sallust and Livy, see Kruijer and la Roi (2018).

Participial clauses (c)

395

(sc. Vercingetorix) . . . convocatis suis clientibus facile incendit (sc. eos). (‘(Vercingetorix), having summoned his own dependents, easily fired their spirit.’ Caes. Gal. 7.4.1)

In (b) something like (b') (with a secondary predicate) may not seem an impossible alternative (but see below). However, something like (c') sounds odd, because the participle used in this way refers to a state the clientes are in, and less to a sequence of actions of Vercingetorix.272 So there are cases where the two constructions are not interchangeable, that is to say, they are not just two morphological variants for the same message. (b') (c')

A patre non modo permittente sed etiam suadente semigravit. Vercingetorix suos clientes convocatos facile incendit.

Moreover, as is sometimes stated in the literature, instances like (b) and (c) may have had certain advantages: some ablative absolute clauses are more or less set phrases (especially those with invito and absente, for which see § 16.117). Repeating two identical entities stresses this identity; the structure of the entire sentence is more transparent and events are more clearly sequenced than when a secondary predicate is used. Also, the ablative absolute clause usually contains topical information and therefore precedes the main clause. Finally, it is sometimes the case that no grammatical alternative secondary predicate is available. Supplement: Quaeso tamen, tu meam partem, infortunium / si dividetur, me apsente accipito tamen. (Pl. Mil. 865–6); In qua (sc. re publica) quidem nunc me restituto vivit mecum simul exemplum fidei publicae. (Cic. Sest. 50); . . . praesertim cum eius essem civitatis ex qua C. Mucius solus in castra Porsenae venisset eumque interficere proposita sibi morte conatus esset. (Cic. Sest. 48); Qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos qui una fuerunt, concidisti. (Cic. Phil. 2.107); Quibus (sc. navibus) effectis armatisque diebus XXX a qua die materia caesa est adductisque Massiliam his D.  Brutum praeficit, C. Trebonium legatum ad oppugnationem Massiliae relinquit. (Caes. Gal. 1.36.5—NB: dative his immediately follows the ablative absolute); Turribus autem excitatis tamen has altitudo puppium ex barbaris navibus superabat . . . (Caes. Gal. 3.14.4); Ubi se diutius duci intellexit . . . convocatis eorum principibus quorum magnam copiam in castris habebat . . . graviter eos accusat quod, cum neque emi neque ex agris sumi possit . . . ab iis non sublevetur . . . (Caes. Gal. 1.16.5–6); Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis in currus earum distentum inligat Mettium . . . (Liv. 1.28.10); Illo loco aut cadendum esse aut stratis hostibus per corpora eorum evadendum. (Liv. 10.35.18); Cameris dispositis et intextis imum caelum earum trullissetur, deinde harena dirigatur, postea autem creta aut marmore poliatur. (Vitr. 7.3.3); Sed a Caesare perfecto demum scelere magnitudo eius intellecta est. (Tac. Ann. 14.10.1); Interim cunctantibus prolatantibusque spem ac metum Epicharis quaedam, incertum

272 Helttula (1987: 17–19) does regard the ablative absolute in this case as a variant of a direct object modified by a participle.

396

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position quonam modo sciscitata (neque illi ante ulla rerum honestarum cura fuerat), accendere et arguere coniuratos . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.51.1) Clam nuntiis ad Milonem missis . . . atque eo in Italiam evocato . . . sibi (sc. eum) coniunxit atque eum in Thurinum ad sollicitandos pastores praemisit. (Caes. Civ. 3.21.4).

In the initial example (a), repeated as (d), the implied agent of the passive participle in the ablative absolute clause (Cicero) is distinct from the subject of the matrix clause (Cethegus). Other examples are given in the Supplement. (d)

Tum Cethegus . . . recitatis litteris (a me) . . . repente conticuit. (‘Then Cethegus . . . when his letter was read out (by me) . . . suddenly fell silent.’ Cic. Catil. 3.10) Supplement: Nihil prodest narratio tum, cum ab adversariis re exposita nostra nihil interest iterum aut alio modo narrare. (Cic. Inv. 1.30); Post autem aliquanto, toto iam indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit . . . (Cic. Catil. 3.11); . . . Belgas . . . solos . . . esse qui patrum nostrorum memoria omni Gallia vexata (sc. a Teutonis Cimbrisque) Teutonos Cimbrosque intra suos fines ingredi prohibuerint. (Caes. Gal. 2.4.2); . . . concilio prius inter sese habito senatum adeunt factaque dicendi potestate equis se suis stipendia facturos promittunt. (Liv. 5.7.5); Quae tibi virginum / sponso necato barbara serviet? (Hor. Carm. 1.29.5–6); Tum Amyntas facta dicendi potestate ‘Si nihil’, inquit, ‘interest regis, peto, ut, dum dico, vinculis liberer.’ (Curt. 7.1.18); Defuncto autem Herode ecce apparuit angelus Domini in somnis Ioseph . . . (Vulg. Mat. 2.19)273

Much more often, however, and throughout the history of Latin, although there is some fluctuation among authors, the agent of a passive ablative absolute clause and the subject of the matrix clause are referentially identical, as in (e). The agent of the passive ablative absolute clause may be explicitly specified, as in (f). Another possibility is to insert the subject of the main clause, which is also the agent of the participial clause, into the participial clause, as in (g). Livy in particular274 sometimes underlines the identity of agent and subject by the insertion of ipse ‘self ’ into the ablative absolute clause, as in (h). However, sometimes such an inserted ipse seems only to stress the personal involvement of the agent of the ablative absolute clause, as in (i) (see also § 14.18 and § 23.67). In (j), inserted Caesar is the recipient of the action in the ablative absolute clause. (e)

Haec eadem locutus sum domi meae adhibito Quinto, fratre meo . . . (‘I said these same things at my house, with Quintus, my brother, having been invited.’ Cic. Fam. 10.25.3)

(f)

Quis enim potest aut deserta per se patria aut oppressa beatus esse? (‘For who can be happy when he has either deserted his country or oppressed it?’ Cic. Att. 10.4.4)

273 The Vetus Latina version has Cum autem mortuus esset (see also note 256). 274 Material in Riemann (1885: 259–61). For discussion, see Traenkle (1968: 140–2).

Participial clauses (g)

397

Hac re statim Caesar per speculatores cognita insidias veritus . . . exercitum . . . castris continuit. (‘Caesar learnt this at once through his scouts; and fearing an ambush he kept the army in camp.’ Caes. Gal. 2.11.2)

(h)

Romani quoque imperatores . . . iunctis et ipsi exercitibus . . . ad sedem hostium pervenere . . . (‘The Roman commanders on their part . . . when they had united their armies . . . also reached the place where their enemies had concentrated . . .’ Liv. 29.2.1)

(i)

. . . causa ipse pro se dicta . . . damnatur. (‘. . . having pleaded his own cause . . ., he was condemned.’ Liv. 4.44.10)

(j)

Quibus litteris circiter media nocte Caesar adlatis suos facit certiores eosque ad dimicandum animo confirmat. (‘The dispatch was brought in about midnight; Caesar informed his troops thereof, and encouraged them for the fight.’ Caes. Gal. 5.49.4) Supplement: ‘Quid dubitas igitur’, inquam, ‘summo bono a te ita constituto, ut id totum in non dolendo sit, id tenere unum, id tueri, id defendere?’ (Cic. Fin. 2.11); . . . concilio prius inter sese habito senatum adeunt . . . (Liv. 5.7.5) Quo tamen incommodo Domitius accepto reliquias exercitus dissipati collegit . . . (B. Alex. 40.5); Recepta cocus tunica cultrum arripuit porcique ventrem hinc atque illinc timida manu secuit. (Petr. 49.9)

16.91 The internal complexity of the participial ablative absolute clause Authors vary in the degree of complexity of their participial ablative absolute clauses and in the degree to which they strive after ‘integration’ of the participial and the main clause (on the latter, see § 14.15). In the earliest texts we find a few short present participial expressions such as me (in)sciente ‘with me (not) knowing’. There is only one example in Terence of a participial ablative absolute clause containing an argument clause (Eu. 956, quoted in § 16.89, Supplement). There are no instances in Plautus, Terence, Cato, or Varro of participial ablative absolute clauses containing a noun (phrase) in the case form required by the verb, and there are only a few attestations of ablative absolute clauses containing a satellite, as in (a). The use of arguments with the present participle is common in Cicero, as in (b), but not with the perfect deponent participle, which is first attested in Sallust, as in (c).275 The use of satellites is well attested in the early works of Cicero and in the Rhetorica ad Herennium, as shown by (d). The use of participial ablative absolute clauses with more than one simple satellite or argument is typical of educated writers of the Empire, especially in literary narrative and in didactic texts, but see already (e) from Caesar with four adjuncts.276 Many 275 For further examples of perfect deponents with an argument, see K.-St.: I.783–4. 276 For historical accounts and data, see Flinck-Linkomies (1929), Serbat (1979), Coleman (1989), and Keydana (1997: 239–57).

398

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

instances can be found in Ammianus Marcellinus.277 Such clauses are often loosely integrated in their sentence. (a)

Pallam ad phrygionem fert confecto prandio / vinoque expoto, parasito excluso foras. (‘He’s taking the mantle to the embroiderer after the lunch is finished off, the wine drunk out, and the hanger-on locked out.’ Pl. Men. 469–70)

(b)

. . . concursus est ad templum Concordiae factus senatum illuc vocante Metello consule. (‘. . . the mob flocked to the temple of Concord, whither the consul Metellus was summoning the senate.’ Cic. Dom. 11)

(c)

Dein Sulla omnia pollicito docti . . . circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur. (‘Then, after Sulla had promised to do all . . . they lingered there for about forty days.’ Sal. Jug. 103.7)

(d)

Qua oratione habita graviter et sententiose maxime demittitur animus hominum . . . (‘When such a passage is delivered gravely and sententiously, the spirit of man is greatly abased . . .’ Cic. Inv. 1.106)

(e)

At hostes . . . conlocatis insidiis bipertito in silvis opportuno atque occulto loco a milibus passuum circiter duobus Romanorum adventum exspectabant . . . (‘But the enemy . . . posted a double ambush in the woods, in a convenient and covert spot about two miles away; and there they awaited the coming of the Romans.’ Caes. Gal. 5.32.1) Supplement: . . . me . . . absentem principe Cn. Pompeio referente et de corpore rei publicae tuorum scelerum tela revellente revocarant. (Cic. Pis. 25); Me Cn. Pompeius multis obsistentibus eius erga me studio atque amori semper dilexit . . . (Cic. Pis. 76); . . . Lusitanis a Ser. Galba praetore contra interpositam, ut existumabatur, fidem interfectis L. Libone tribuno plebis populum incitante et rogationem in Galbam privilegi similem ferente . . . M. Cato legem suadens in Galbam multa dixit. (Cic. Brut. 89)

Various other factors may contribute to the complexity of participial ablative absolute clauses. One is to use autonomous relative clauses as subject (see § 18.16), as in (f). (f)

. . . Hiberum copias traiecit praemissis qui . . . specularentur. (‘. . . he led his troops across the Ebro, after sending agents ahead to explore . . .’ Liv. 21.23.1)

277 See Bitter (1976: 171–91).

Participial clauses

399

Supplement: Quo enim omnia iudicantur sublato reliqua se negant tollere. (Cic. Luc. 33); . . . ullis ad signa redeuntibus et qui reliqui erant per summa flagitia detractantibus militiam . . . (Sal. Jug. frg. 10a); Deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis relicta revocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum coegit. (Liv. 2.10.7); Rapto poculo argenteo ex oppidani domo Plemini miles fugiens sequentibus quorum erat obvius forte Sergio et Matieno tribunis militum fuit. (Liv. 29.9.2); Calas huic regioni praepositus est, ipse adsumptis qui ex Macedonia nuper advenerant Cappadociam petiit. (Curt. 3.1.24); . . . qui penetratis omnibus Hispaniae gentibus ingenti vi hominum urbiumque potitus numero aditis quae vix audita erant Gallaeci cognomen meruit. (Vell. 2.5.1); . . . avulsa . . . . tamquam impedimento coniugii cum qua cubare solitus eram . . . (Aug. Conf. 6.25) Cf.: . . . cruenta fora templaque, passim trucidatis ut quemque fors obtulerat. (Tac. Hist. 4.1.1)

Another factor that contributes to complexity is the use of a perfect passive participle with an argument clause, the earliest example of which is (g).278 This becomes more frequent from the Augustan period onward, mostly with verbs of thinking and saying. (For such combinations functioning as subject, see § 15.133.) (g)

. . . impetrato prius a consulibus ut . . . permitterent progreditur . . . (‘. . . with consent having first been obtained from the consuls, he proceeds . . .’ Quad. hist. 12) Supplement: Sin vita ante acta ignorabitur, hoc loco praeterito et cur praetereatur demonstrato argumentis accusationem statim confirmare oportebit. (Cic. Inv. 2.34); Perfecto enim et concluso neque virtutibus neque amicitiis usquam locum esse . . . (Cic. Fin. 2.85); At Lucullus audito Q.  Marcium Regem pro consule per Lycaoniam cum tribus legionibus in Ciliciam tendere . . . (Sal. Hist. 5.14); Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae, / excepto quod non simul esses cetera laetus. (Hor. Ep. 1.10.48–9);279 . . . lato . . ., ut solet, ad populum ut equum escendere liceret . . . (Liv. 23.14.2); Sed Tiberius saepe apud se pensitato an coerceri tam profusae cupidines possent . . . postremo litteras ad senatum composuit . . . (Tac. Ann. 3.52.3); . . . et miles nomine Calusidius strictum obtulit gladium addito acutiorem esse (Tac. Ann. 1.35.5); . . . petito . . . ut intrare illi urbem et deos eorum adorare liceret . . . (Justin. 43.5.6); . . . conperto quod homines essent sine litteris et idiotae admirabantur et cognoscebant eos . . . (Vulg. Act. 4.13)

The clausal character of the participial ablative absolute clause can be further exploited by the expansion of the noun phrase with attributive participial constituents and the addition of satellites, among which are other participial clauses including ablative 278 The source of the text is Gel. 9.11.6, where it belongs to what seems to be a quotation. It was attributed to Quadrigarius by Peter, but no longer so by Briscoe in Cornell’s edition. The literature on the subject is abundant. See e.g. Lebek (1970: 263–4) and Ambrosetti in her edition, Appendice, pp. 354–74. 279 For excepto developing into an adverb and preposition, see note 245. Compare also conpleto matutinas ‘after the morning’ (Itin. Anton. Plac. 11, quoted by Väänänen (1981: 167)).

400

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

absolute clauses. An example of a participial clause is (h), where his rebus gestis is a constituent of omni Gallia pacata. (h)

His rebus gestis omni Gallia pacata tanta huius belli ad barbaros opinio perlata est, uti . . . (‘When Gaul had been pacified by the accomplishment of these things, so mighty a report of this campaign was carried to the natives that . . .’ Caes. Gal. 2.35.1) Supplement: . . . prope iam desperata salute nonnullae eiusmodi sententiae dicebantur, ut impedimentis relictis eruptione facta isdem itineribus, quibus eo pervenissent, ad salutem contenderent. (Caes. Gal. 3.3.3); Servius . . . conciliata prius voluntate plebis agro capto ex hostibus viritim diviso ausus est ferre ad populum, vellent iuberentne se regnare. (Liv. 1.46.1); Ignara matre, dein frustra obnitente (sc. Acne) penitus inrepserat per luxum et ambigua secreta ne senioribus quidem principis amicis adversantibus muliercula (sc. Acne) nulla cuiusquam iniuria cupidines principis explente . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.12.2)280

The instances given above in this section are all illustrations of the internal complexity of ablative absolute clauses. Another form of complexity involves the use of more than one ablative absolute clause in a sentence. An early example of this is (i) from Plautus, possibly a parody of a commander’s military report.281 Caesar and Livy are very fond of such strings of ablative absolutes.282 (i)

Hostibus victis, civibus salvis, re placida, pacibus perfectis, / bello exstincto, re bene gesta, integro exercitu et praesidiis, . . . eas vobis gratis habeo . . . (‘Now that our foes are vanquished, the citizens safe, the state tranquil, peace treaties concluded, war come to an end, the affair successfully concluded, the army and garrisons intact . . . I give thanks to you . . .’ Pl. Per. 753–6) Supplement: Confecta Britannia, obsidibus acceptis, nulla praeda, imperata tamen pecunia exercitum ex Britannia reportabant. (Cic. Att. 4.18.5); Caesar ab decimae legionis cohortatione ad dextrum cornu profectus, ubi suos urgeri signisque in unum locum conlatis duodecimae legionis confertos milites sibi ipsos ad pugnam esse impedimento vidit, quartae cohortis omnibus centurionibus occisis signiferoque interfecto, signo amisso, reliquarum cohortium omnibus fere centurionibus aut vulneratis aut occisis, in his primipilo P. Sextio Baculo fortissimo viro multis gravibusque vulneribus confecto . . . (Caes. Gal. 2.25.1–2); Re publica felicissume gesta atque liberatis vectigalibus restitutis, exercitum salvom atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportavit; iterum triumphans in urbem Romam redit. (Liv. 41.28.9)

16.92 Ablative participles without a subject noun (phrase) Sometimes ablative participles are found without a noun (phrase) (or one of the substitutes discussed), which must be understood from the context, although this is not 280 For Tacitus’ usage, see Enghofer (1961). 282 For Caesar, see Odelman (1972: 130–4).

281 So Leeman (1963: 176).

Participial clauses

401

always easy to do. Such instances must be seen as extremes of the general communicative rule that known entities may be left out. The examples cited in the literature come especially from Livy and later historians. An example is (a). (a)

Haec atque talia agitantibus gravescere valitudo Augusti . . . (‘As men were churning over such things as these, there was a deterioration in Augustus’ health . . .’ Tac. Ann. 1.5.1)

In this example the ones who are agitantes are in general the people surrounding Augustus. There are examples of this omission with present active, perfect passive participles, and—less frequent—perfect deponent participles. Supplement: Present active participles: Eranam autem, quae fuit non vici instar sed urbis, quod erat Amani caput, itemque Sepyram et Commorim, acriter et diu repugnantibus, Pomptino illam partem Amani tenente, ex antelucano tempore usque ad horam diei X magna multitudine hostium occisa cepimus castellaque vi capta complura incendimus. (Cic. Fam. 15.4.9); Attalus quoque Pteleon nihil minus quam tale quicquam in alterius oppugnatione urbis timentibus oppressit. (Liv. 31.46.13); Curatum ea scio omnibus fere ossibus confractis prolapsum ex arbore alta putatorem, circumdata universo corpori, aquam suam adspergentibus, quotiens inaresceret, raroque nec nisi deficientem herbam mutationis causa resolventibus, convaluisse vix credibili celeritate. (Plin. Nat. 27.69) Perfect passive participles: Profectus dictator cum exercitu proelio uno Marsos fundit. Conpulsis deinde in urbes munitas, Milioniam, Plestinam, Fresiliam intra dies paucos cepit . . . (Liv. 10.3.5); . . . in Macedoniam rediit, missis ad accolas Histri fluminis barbaros ut in Italiam inrumperent sollicitandos. (Liv. 39.35.4); Biduo deinde ad quietem dato militibus iussisque et classem et machinas pariter admovere, ut undique territis instaret, ipse in altissimam turrem ascendit ingenti animo, periculo maiore. (Curt. 4.4.10); Sed plurimum trepidationis in publico, ut quemque nuntium fama attulisset, animum vultumque conversis, ne diffidere dubiis ac parum gaudere prosperis viderentur. (Tac. Hist. 1.85.2) Perfect deponent participles: Caralitani, simul ad se Valerium mitti audierunt, nondum profecto ex Italia sua sponte Cottam ex oppido eiciunt. (Caes. Civ. 1.30.3) Appendix: A much debated expression is pace et principe in (b). In agreement with some scholars I take it as a position in time adjunct (as in § 10.28), but others take it as an ablative absolute.283 Others again take it as the object of uteremur (instead of quis = quibus). (b) Sexto demum consulatu Caesar Augustus, potentiae securus, quae triumviratu iusserat abolevit deditque iura quis pace et principe uteremur. (‘At last, in his sixth consulate, Augustus Caesar, feeling his power secure, cancelled the behests of his triumvirate, and presented us with laws to serve our needs in peace and under a prince.’ Tac. Ann. 3.28.2) 283 Woodman and Martin ad loc. prefer to take it as a position in time adjunct, pointing to triumviratu in the preceding context, while Enghofer (1961: 73, 111) takes it ‘beyond doubt’ as an ablative absolute.

402

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

16.93 Ablative absolute clauses of one-place verbs There are a few instances of the so-called impersonal use of the perfect passive participle, the best-known of which is sortito ‘after drawing lots’. An example is (a). It is an ablative absolute of the one-place verb sortio (or sortior). For two instances of present participles used in this way, see § 4.90. (a)

Deos quaeso . . . / mi ut sortito eveniat— # —ut quidem hercle pedibus pendeas. (‘I pray to the gods that it falls to me through the lot— # —that you hang from your feet.’ Pl. Cas. 389–90) Supplement: . . . quoieique de eo agro loco ex lege plebeive sc(ito) IIIvir sortito ceivi Romano dedit adsignavit . . . (CIL I2.585.3 (Lex. Agr., 111 bc)).; Sin aliquando tacent omnes, tunc sortito coguntur dicere. (Cic. Ver. 4.142); Nam et ipse, quod principium rei publicae fuit, urbem condidit auspicato . . . (Cic. Rep. 2.16); . . . aliquantisper pugnato nihil promovet Poenus. (Quad. hist. 60=61C)

. Participial absolute clauses in other case forms In the course of time, participial ‘absolute’ clauses in cases other than the ablative developed, with most examples dating from the Late Latin period. They have the same general characteristics as the ablative absolute, but they do not have the same distribution. While some instances must be explained as due to Greek influence, such as the genitive absolutes which are literal translations of Greek texts, others are simply ungrammatical.284 16.95 Participial nominative absolute clauses Nominative absolute constructions with a participle (usually active present) are not found before Late Latin.285 Putative earlier examples (in Calpurnius Piso and in Curtius Rufus, for example) have to be explained in a different way.286 An indisputable example is (a). (a)

. . . et benedicens nos episcopus profecti sumus. (‘. . . and with the bishop blessing us we set out.’ Pereg. 16.7) Supplement: Qui iure familiaritatis admissi, dum alterum priorem dicentem intentus audit tyrannus, ab altero occupatur. (Justin. 16.5.15); Quod vulnus semper humores liquidi profluentes non desinet. (Mulom. Chir. 94); Quae opinio divulgata usque in hodiernum a nescientibus armatorum tantus numerus aestimatur, cum sit nunc exiguus et

284 For absolute clauses in Gregory of Tours, see Tarriño (1991). 285 For the structure and the development, see Galdi (2017), with references. 286 See Keydana (1997: 328). Galdi (2017) accepts Calp. hist. 27.

Participial clauses

403

infirmus. (Vict. Vit. 1.2); Mater autem . . . negata (i.e. necata), soror ipsius in monasterio . . . transmittitur . . . (Greg. Tur. Hist. 5.39) The following example is sometimes taken as a nominative absolute,287 but it is better to regard the si clause as lacking a finite verb form. (b) Si ambo praesentes sol occasus suprema tempestas esto. (‘If both be present, sunset shall be the time-limit.’ Lex XII 1.9 ap. Gel. 17.2.10) Appendix: Due to the increasing similarity in use of the present participle and the gerund, there are also a few examples of a ‘gerundial absolute clause’ instead of a nominative participle, the first instance being in Epist. Alex. (p. 206.17–19K.): Quorum (sc. elephantorum) equites caedendo poplites admodum nongentos congregatos octoginta occidimus . . .288

16.96 Participial genitive absolute clauses The first instances of a genitive absolute clause are found in the Bellum Hispaniense, where they are usually regarded as Graecisms or (better) emended. The ecclesiastical Late Latin examples are often literal translations of Greek biblical texts. There is no reason to assume that the genitive absolute was ever a native Latin construction.289 (a)

Eius praeteriti temporis Pompeius trans flumen Salsum castellum constituit . . . (‘That time having gone past, Pompeius established a fort across the river Salsum . . .’ B. Hisp. 14.1) Supplement: † Huius concidentis temporis ad viri fortis insignia cum conplures adversariorum concursum facerent . . . (B. Hisp. 23.5); . . . et inter se invicem cogitationum accusantium aut etiam defendentium . . . (v.l. cogitationibus accusantibus aut etiam defendentibus) (Vulg. Rom. 2.15—NB: the Greek version has a genitive absolute) NB: Difficult to assess is the genitive in: Aeris confessi rebusque iudicatis XXX dies iusti sunto. (Lex XII 3.1 ap. Gel. 15.13.11 and 20.1.45)

16.97 Participial accusative absolute clauses Reliable attestations of the accusative absolute date from the mid fourth century ad.290 It became a relatively frequent construction in the sixth century in the works of Jordanes and Gregory of Tours. Instances of present active participles are very rare. Supplement: Perfect passive participles: . . . cultores · Domus · Aug(ustae) · area pri / vatam · emptam templum / cum · porticibus · a solo · sua / pecunia · fecerunt . . . (CIL 287 See Holland (1986: 169), referring to Schrijnen (1939) and Krisch (1988: 8). 288 See Aalto (1949: 80–2), Sz.: 144, and Kooreman (1989: 221). 289 See Sz.: 142, Murru (1977), and Maiocco (2005: 42–62). For the (dubious) instances in the Bellum Hispaniense, see Gaertner (2010: 244–5). 290 Earlier and much disputed passages are discussed by Helttula (1987), who has written the most comprehensive monograph on the topic. For Pelagonius, see Gitton (2003).

404

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position VIII.21825.4–7 (Mauretania, ad 158)); . . . reliquias recol / lectas tumu / lum tibi consti / tui . . . (CIL VIII.4372.11–14 (Numidia)); Ac sic ergo visa loca sancta omnia . . . visis etiam et sanctis viris qui ibi commorabantur in nomine Dei regressi sumus in Faran (Pereg. 15.11); . . . seniles / annos inpletos Iuli / um Sarnianum suum ma / ritum secuta est . . . (CIL VIII.7517.3–6 (Numidia)); (Iunoni ceterisque diis immortalibus gratiam referens quod . . .) rebelles caesos, multos / etiam et vivos adpre / hensos, sed e praedas / actas . . . / . . .victorim reportaverit . . . (CIL VIII.8924.9–14 (Mauretania, c. ad 400)); . . . qui impleta tem / pora cessit . . . (CIL VIII.4551.1–2 (Numidia)); Quem tumorem palpatum intelliges carnem intus esse. (Mulom. Chir. 89); Halaricus . . . vastatam Italiam Romam ingressus est. (Jord. Rom. 323); Ille vero porrectam dexteram iuravit . . . (Greg. Tur. Hist. 5.18) Present active participles: Sed ad ista adolescentem non intendentem291 vocavit matrem. (Vet. Lat. 2Macc. 7.25 ap. Lucif. Non Parc. 22.40); Similem dolorem ingentem sine inflatione et in cursu se tollentem huic manu et depremes in anum . . . (Mulom. Chir. 235)

16.98 Prepositional participial satellite clauses Prepositional participial satellite clauses are another variant of the dominant participle construction (see § 14.14. fin.), which are commonly called ab urbe condita constructions.292 Examples are attested from Plautus onward. Among the attested instances those with prepositions indicating time—of which there are many in historical narrative texts—prevail, but more ‘abstract’ instances, for example with sine ‘without’, are found as well. Most instances are relatively short and non-complex, but there are some that contain a satellite or comparable constituent (here marked in italics or bold italics). Participles other than the perfect are very rare.293 For an exceptional example of a neuter singular perfect passive participle of a one-place verb, see (c) (see also § 15.133). (a)

Mox hercle vero post transactam fabulam, / argentum si quis dederit, ut ego suspicor, / ultro ibit nuptum, non manebit auspices. (‘But soon, after the play has reached its end, I suspect if anyone gives her money she’ll marry him willingly and won’t wait for the augurs.’ Pl. Cas. 84–6)

(b)

Illi regibus parere iam a condita urbe didicerant. Nos post reges exactos servitutis oblivio ceperat. (‘They had learned ever since the foundation of the city to obey kings; we after the eviction of the kings had forgotten our servitude.’ Cic. Phil. 3.8)

(c)

. . . invento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis . . . (‘. . . because in the Sibylline books, which were consulted on account of the frequent showers of stone that year, an oracle was found . . .’ Liv. 29.10.4)

291 Editors emend to the ablative; see Helttula (1987: 36). 292 The term was introduced by Hahn (1928: 266). See also Spevak (2018; 2019). 293 Examples can be conveniently found in the TLL under the prepositions involved, for example s.v. ante 134.24ff.; ob 32.77ff.; post 1066.26ff. A large collection of instances can be found in Heick (1936).

Participial clauses

405

Supplement (in alphabetical order by preposition): Passive perfect participles: ab · colonia · deducta · anno · XC . . . (CIL I2.698.1 (Pozzuoli, 105 bc)); Nec cessabant Sabini, feroces ab re priore anno bene gesta, lacessere . . . (Liv. 3.61.13); Ad haec visa auditaque clamor ingens oritur. (Liv. 2.23.7); Annis fere CCCCCX post Romam conditam Livius fabulam dedit C. Claudio, Caeci filio, M. Tuditano cos. anno ante natum Ennium. (Cic. Tusc. 1.3); Sed Laelius . . . neque a proposito deterrebatur neque ante proelium in Thessalia factum cognitum . . . ex portu insulaque expelli potuit. (Caes. Civ. 3.100.3); (sc. Pacem) Cuius impetratae, ab insita animis levitate, ante deductum Cremera Romanum praesidium paenituit. (Liv. 2.49.12); . . . formaque eadem civitatis esset quae ante Sacrum montem occupatum fuerat. (Liv. 3.15.3); Separatim toto tractatu sententia eius indicanda est, ut in omni genere noscamus quae fuerint celeberrima anno DC urbis, circa captas Carthaginem ac Corinthum, cum supremum is diem obiit . . . (Plin. Nat. 14.45); Maior itaque ex civibus amissis dolor quam laetitia fusis hostibus fuit. (Liv.4.17.8); Antigonum igitur appellat, cui et palam facti parricidii gratia obnoxius erat . . . (Liv. 40.56.3); Inter haec parata atque decreta Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum. (Sal. Cat. 43.3); Inde inter eruptionem temptatam compulso in urbem hoste occasio data est Romanis inrumpendi . . . (Liv. 4.61.6); Ut populus . . . ob rem bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat . . . (Cato Mil. 2(J)); ob hasce res · bene · gestas . . . hanc · aedem · . . . dedicat (CIL I2.626.5–10 (Rome, 145 bc)); . . . Volscos Aequosque ob communitam Verruginem fremere. (Liv. 4.1.4); . . . agendum . . . ob mulum ruptum vel debilitatum . . . (Ulp. dig. 9.2.27.34); . . . ob defensum negotium . . . accepisse mercedem. (Amm. 30.4.5); Deinde duoetvicesimo anno post dimissum bellum, quod quattuor et viginti annos fuit, Karthaginiensis sextum de foedere decessere. (Cato hist. 84=77C); . . . post · hance · legem · rogatam . . . (CIL I2.582.23 (Lex incerta, Banzi, c.100 bc)); Hi enim tres post civitatem a L.  Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa res publica. (Cic. Phil. 5.17); . . . eandem indolem militibus Romanis post exactos decemviros esse . . . (Liv. 3.61.6); . . . post finitima cuncta vi vel aequitatis consideratione vel metu subacta . . . (Amm. 23.6.4);294 . . . cum post pugnam agminaque deleta Persarum licenter obambulans armillas aureas vidisset . . . (Amm. 30.8.8—NB: coordination); . . . qui vel post administratam provinciam honorati auctoritate fulcitur . . . (Cod. Theod. 6.35.9); . . . et post facta missa vigiliarum in ecclesia maiore statim cum ymnis venitur ad Anastase . . . (Pereg. 38.2);295 . . . post assertam a Manlio faciem restitutamque a Camillo acrius vehementiusque in finitimos surrexit (Jord. Rom. 138); Sed praeter furta et rapinas et virgis caesos socios haec quoque fecit, ut ipse gloriari solet, eadem quae C. Caesar. (Poll. Fam. 10.32.2); Nam praeter errantis barbariae aut adiectum aut deminutum clamorem miscebat Atellanicos versus . . . (Petr. 68.5); Lustrum propter Capitolium captum, consulem occisum condi religiosum fuit. (Liv. 3.22.1); . . . cum Messeniis propter stupratas virgines suas in sollemni Messeniorum sacrificio bellum intulissent . . . (Justin. 3.4.1); . . . sciturosque296 sine restituta potestate redigi in concordiam res nequeant . . . (Liv. 3.52.2); Sub haec tam varia fortuna gesta L.  Furius Purpurio alter consul per tribum Sapiniam in Boios venit. (Liv. 33.37.1) 294 For Ammianus’ use of the construction, see Helttula (1985). 295 For the ‘indifferent’ form facta missa, see Väänänen (1987: 20, 89). 296 The text is uncertain, but this does not affect the sine phrase.

406

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Present participles: Sequere hac, mea gnata, me, cum dis volentibus. (Pl. Pers. 332); Describam nunc ego cruciatus et miseram corporis patientiam inter tyrannica tormenta saevientia. (Sen. Con. 2.5.6); . . . ob excedentia ripas suas . . . flumina . . . fertiles (sc. sunt). (Mela 2.15); Secuti exemplum veterani haud multo post in Raetiam mittuntur, specie defendendae provinciae ob imminentis Suebos, ceterum ut avellerentur castris trucibus adhuc non minus asperitate remedii quam sceleris memoria. (Tac. Ann. 1.44.4); . . . post Dauni stagnantia regna . . . (Sil. 12.43) NB: . . . ante proelium in Thessalia factum cognitum . . . (Caes. Civ. 3.100.3)

. Gerundial satellite clauses The gerund can be used in adjunct clauses of various forms, both bare cases and prepositional expressions, which can fulfil a range of functions. The description given here is based on the semantic functions gerundial clauses fulfil with respect to the  main clause.297 However, it should be noted that often this relationship has to be inferred from the context. Accordingly, the description given below must not be taken too rigidly. Second arguments are rare, but become more frequent in the Late Latin period.

. Gerundial purpose adjunct clauses There are a few gerundial clauses in the genitive that must be interpreted as purpose adjuncts. Whether on the basis of this small number one wants to assume that there ever existed a rule of Latin grammar in conformity with which these utterances were produced depends on the importance one attaches to a very few genitive noun phrases which seem to be meant as purpose adjuncts (see § 10.83) and to the corresponding gerundival expressions (see § 16.106). Some examples are given below in the Supplement. The dative, as in (a), is much more common, although not frequent either. It is not always easy to distinguish the gerundial satellites from the gerundial arguments presented in § 15.137. (a)

Utuntur (sc. scirpis) in vinea alligando fasces . . . (‘They use (rushes) in the vineyard for tying up bundles of fuel . . .’ Var. L. 5.137)

Prepositional expressions with ad ‘to’, causa ‘for the purpose of, for the sake of ’, gratia ‘for the sake of ’, and a few others are more often used as purpose adjuncts than the above types (those with ad are sometimes difficult to distinguish from gerundial arguments). However, outside of Caesar and legal texts, finite clauses with ut are much more common.298 When used with verbs of giving and receiving, this purpose expression is sometimes in competition with the much more common use of gerundives as secondary predicates, as discussed in § 21.9. Examples with ad are (b) and (c). Clauses

297 On the satellite status of gerunds and gerundives, see Vester (1990). 298 Statistics in Steele (1898). See also Odelman (1972: 92ff.).

Gerundial clauses

407

with causa are relatively frequent in Caesar299 and in legal or administrative texts. Gratia is used much less often. (b)

Tribunus et quadringenti ad moriendum proficiscuntur. (‘The tribune and his four hundred marched forth to death.’ Gel. 3.7.11)

(c)

. . . propones illi exempla ad imitandum. (‘. . . you will set before him examples for imitation.’ Cic. Phil. 10.5) Supplement: Genitive: . . . ne id adsentandi mage quam quo habeam gratum facere existumes. (Ter. Ad. 270) (NB: parallelism with the quo purpose clause); porcas piaculares duas luco coinquendi et operis faciendi immolavit (CIL VI.2065.II.19–20 (Rome, ad 87)); . . . posterior magis admonendi emptoris et liberandi se eandem legem repetierit . . . (Paul. dig. 18.7.9—NB: Kuebler inserts causa)300 Variant readings in the manuscript tradition are an additional problem in the following passages: quae causam facit et continet defensionem, hoc modo, ut docendi causa in hac potissimum causa consistamus. (Rhet. Her. 1.26—NB: some of the mss. omit causa, but cf. inter alia Cic. Inv. 1.18); Tum Scipio: ‘Sunt ista ut dicis; sed audisse te credo Tubero, Platonem Socrate mortuo primum in Aegyptum discendi causa, post in Italiam et in Siciliam contendisse, ut Pythagorae inventa perdisceret . . .’ (Cic. Rep. 1.16—NB: causa is added on the basis of Nonius’ quotation).301 Dative: . . .vitandoque imbres et aestus (sc. casas) tegebant harundinibus et fronde. (Vitr. 2.1.3); Scolymus carduorum generis ab his distat, quod radix eius vescendo est decocta. (Plin. Nat. 21.96); . . . clementiam suam obstringens crebris orationibus, quas Seneca testificando quam honesta praeciperet vel iactandi ingenii voce principis vulgabat. (Tac. Ann. 13.11.2—NB: parallelism with the genitive gerundival clause); Adicit iure iurando Paeti cautum apud signa, adstantibus iis, quos testificando rex misisset, neminem Romanum Armeniam ingressurum . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.16.2); . . . cum primum Charite nubendo maturuisset . . . (Apul. Met. 8.2.1); Ego autem arbitror hoc quoque ligni appellatione contineri, quod nondum minutatim fuit concisum, si iam concidendo fuit destinatum. (Ulp. dig. 32.55.2—NB: or an argument?); Absolvendo reos venis et me verbere torques. (Ven. Fort. Mart. 4.138)302 Prepositional phrases: . . . si analogia rerum dissimilitudines adsumat ad discernendum vocis verbi figuras. (Var. L. 9.42); . . . pecudes, quod perspicuum sit, partim esse ad usum hominum, partim ad fructum, partim ad vescendum procreatas. (Cic. Leg. 1.25); Ad consolandum autem . . . illa valent quae eleganter copioseque collegisti . . . (Cic. Fam. 5.13.3); Nunc ades ad imperandum, vel ad parendum potius; sic enim antiqui loquebantur. (Cic. Fam. 9.25.2); . . . ut spatium ad colligendum se homines haberent . . . (Planc. Fam. 10.23.3); . . . legati, quibus hae partes ad defendendum obvenerant . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.81.6); Post scaenam porticus sunt constituendae, uti, cum

299 300 301 302

They are almost as frequent as ut subjunctive clauses. See Steele (1898). Compare also the use of the genitive in Isidore of Seville, for which see Maltby (2002: 227–9). For other debatable instances, see Aalto (1949: 60–1). See also Pasoli (1963; 1966: 40–2). Aalto (1949: 76–7) takes this as a purpose adjunct in the ablative.

408

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position imbres repentini ludos interpellaverint, habeat populus quo se recipiat ex theatro, choragiaque laxamentum habeant ad comparandum. (Vitr. 5.9.1—NB: parallelism with the quo clause); Non ad exercendum verba diutius hoc idem tracto, sed ut cognata esse ista et eiusdem notae ac naturae probem. (Sen. Nat. 2.21.4); Merum est imperium habere gladii potestatem ad animadvertendum facinorosos homines . . . (Ulp. dig. 2.1.3); . . . nonnullos ad vastandum Moesiam dirigit . . . (Jord. Get. 101); . . . iussit rex ut . . . ad excolendum agros accipiatis . . . (Vict. Vit. 3.20); Quicumque eos ad custodiendum accepit servus sibi ex his fecit. (Greg. Tur. Hist. 3.15)303 Quod si educitur in ambulandum . . . (Mulom. Chir. 115) Noteworthy is the use of the preposition ad in combination with a gerund with the verb habeo, as in (d), a parallel of cases of habeo + gerundive in which the gerundive indicates purpose, as mentioned in § 21.9.304 (d) Oportet . . . facientem melius aliquid habere ad faciendum quam est id quod facit. (‘In order to make, the maker must possess something more valuable than what he is making.’ August. Imm. 8.14) sellae / curulis · locus · ipsi · . . . / ad · Murciae · spectandi · caussa · datus / est (CIL XI.1826.11–14 (Arezzo, Rep.)); . . . cum illam iudicandi causa tabellam sumpserit . . . (Cic. Clu. 159); (sc. pars) . . . quam supra commemoravi praedandi frumentandique causa Mosam transisse . . . (Caes. Gal. 4.16.2); Afranius Petreiusque terrendi causa atque operis impediendi copias suas ad infimas montis radices producunt et proelio lacessunt. (Caes. Civ. 1.42.2) . . . cum aut lavandi aut gestandi aut ludorum gratia prodierit praetor . . . (Gaius dig. 40.2.7—NB: coordination with ludorum); Hostium enim paucis spoliandi gratia mortuos per ea loca diu versatis nullus fugatorum vel accolarum illuc adire est ausus. (Amm. 31.13.12)

In (very) Late Latin bare accusative case forms of the gerund are found instead of prepositional expressions with ad, especially with verbs of movement.305 This has its parallel in gerundival clauses (see § 16.106) and is part of a more general confusion between the functions of the present infinitive and the gerund (see §  15.138). The disappearance of the supine in -um may also have played a role (see § 16.111). An example of a bare accusative case form of the gerund in a purpose adjunct is (e). (e)

. . . alio die ambulandum ducere . . . (‘. . . on another day (you should) take him for a walk . . .’ Mulom. Chir. 133) A few late examples of a bare case accusative are cited by Aalto (1949: 86), for example the gerundival clause in (f). Of course, the very use in this context of the term ‘bare

303 Textually uncertain or debatable instances of ad expressions can be found in Aalto (1949: 89–90). 304 For a discussion of combinations of ad + gerund with the verb habeo, see Norberg (1943: 216). 305 Odelstierna (1926: 32–42) has collected some thirty instances with verbs of movement and seven with other verbs, most of them taken from Fredegar. An example of such a gerund with a verb that does not indicate movement is Fredeg. Chron. 4.66: Spolia eorum Sarracini per legatus Heraclio recipiendum offerunt. A survey in Sz.: 379.

Gerundial clauses

409

accusative’ is questionable as it projects the Classical Latin case system onto the utterances from this period. What is written as an accusative need not correspond with what was actually spoken. It may also be the product of ignorance or a mistaken display of learning (‘Hyperurbanismus’ according to Norberg  (1943: 223)). Most likely in such instances all these factors are in play. (f) Censeo igitur ut adorandum me venias . . . (‘I recommend therefore that you come to adore me.’ Jul. Valer. I.42.51K.=I.1348 R.—NB: Rossellini now reads ut )

. Gerundial instrument/manner adjunct clauses The most widespread use of the gerundial clause is that of describing the method used in effecting something, the action leading up to a certain result, or the manner in which something is obtained, as in (a), (c), and (d). Sometimes the semantic relationship with respect to the main clause is even less specific, for example when the gerund indicates the circumstances, as in (b). The appropriate case form for this semantic relation is the ablative.306 Examples are found from a very early date until the end of the period covered by this Syntax. The gerund may govern an argument in the case required by the verb, as in (c); this becomes quite normal in Late Latin.307 There are also instances of gerunds with a satellite. Gerundial clauses in the ablative became a normal element in building periodic sentences in Livy and then in other historians, as well as in didactic texts by authors striving for conciseness. (a)

. . . mendicum malim mendicando vincere. (‘. . . I’d rather outdo a beggar in begging.’ Pl. Bac. 514)

(b)

. . . mobilitatem . . . quae crescit eundo . . . (‘. . . velocity which grows by moving . . .’ Lucr. 6.341)

(c)

Quaeris quomodo illa tua facias? Dona dando. (‘Do you ask how you can make them your own? By bestowing them as gifts!’ Sen. Ben. 6.3.3)

(d)

(sc. Hannibal) . . . qui senex vincendo factus Hispanias . . . monumentis ingentium rerum complesset. (‘(Hannibal) . . . who, grown old through victories, had filled the Spanish lands . . . with the evidence of his mighty deeds.’ Liv. 30.28.5) Supplement (arguments in italics, satellites in bold italics): . . . Macelucnandod · cepet. (CIL VI.1300.4–5 (Rome, 260 bc)); Male fidem servando illis quoque abrogant etiam fidem . . . (Pl. Trin. 1048); Ego vapulando, ill’ verberando, usque ambo defessi sumus. (Ter. Ad 213); Sed haec

306 Gerundial adjuncts in the ablative are discussed by Vester (1983: 101–21) and, from a diachronic perspective, by Kooreman (1989). For the wide range of semantic relations between the gerund and its clause from Early Latin onwards, see Adams (2013: 725–40). 307 See Kooreman (1989: 224–5 + Table 3 on p. 229).

410

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position omittamus; augemus enim dolorem retractando. (Cic. Att. 8.9a.1); . . . sic ulciscar . . . malos civis rem publicam bene gerendo, perfidos amicos nihil credendo atque  omnia cavendo, invidos virtuti et gloriae serviendo . . . (Cic. Red. Pop. 21); Mucius . . . diceret omnem aquam oportere arceri quae pluendo crevisset. (Cic. Top. 38); Iam vero alia animalia gradiendo, alia serpendo ad pastum accedunt, alia volando, alia nando, cibumque partim oris hiatu et dentibus ipsis capessunt, partim unguium tenacitate arripiunt partim aduncitate rostrorum, alia sugunt, alia carpunt, alia vorant, alia mandunt. (Cic. N.D. 2.122); Quodsi expectando et desiderando pendemus animis . . . (Cic. Tusc. 1.96); Quis enim ad me non perscripsit te non solum auctoritate, oratione, sententia tua, quibus ego a tali viro contentus eram, sed etiam opera, consilio, domum veniendo, conveniendis meis nullum onus offici cuiquam reliquum fecisse? (Cic. Fam. 3.13.1—NB: coordination with nouns and gerundival clause); Tua nunc opera meae puellae / flendo turgiduli rubent ocelli. (Catul. 3.17–18); Tu coniunx, tibi fas animum temptare precando. (Verg. A. 4.113); Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci, / lectorem delectando pariterque monendo. (Hor. Ars 343–4); Milanion nullos fugiendo, Tulle, labores / saevitiam durae contudit Iasidos. (Prop. 1.1.9–10); Satis superque humilis est, qui iure aequo in civitate vivit, nec inferendo iniuriam nec patiendo. (Liv. 3.53.9—NB: parallelism with iure aequo); Neutrum faciam, patres conscripti, et si nulla alia re, modestia certe et temperando linguae adulescens senem vicero. (Liv. 28.44.18—NB: coordination); . . . ut . . . auctorem . . . se exhibendo ac velut visa, quae dubia erant, narrando concitaret iras hominum. (Liv. 24.31.14); Iis simul prudenter simul magnifice utendo effecit primum ut sibi deinde ut aliis non indignus videretur regno. (Liv. 33.21.2); Ea lege male utendo alii sociis alii populo Romano iniuriam faciebant. (Liv. 41.8.9); . . . triduum fere consumpsit incerta consilia volvendo. (Curt. 10.8.7); Cum ergo fuerit hoc ita perstratum, supra nucleus inducatur et virgis caedendo subigatur. (Vitr. 7.1.7); Deinde pilae manibus versando efficiuntur . . . (Vitr. 7.11.1); . . . tenuitas eius minus valendo faciliter rumpitur . . . (Vitr. 7.3.8); Deinde cum aeris unda nitentes, cum perventum ad montes, ab eorum offensa et procellis propter plenitatem et gravitatem liquescendo disparguntur (sc. nubes) et ita diffunditur in terras. (Vitr. 8.2.2); . . . circumagendo rotundationem utrarumque manuum et pedum digiti linea tangentur. (Vitr. 3.1.3); . . . Scipionis Aemiliani, quem in adoptionem dando duarum familiarum ornamentum esse voluisti . . . (V.  Max. 2.10.4); Nam quod invidiam facis nobis ingenuos honestosque clamando, vide ne deteriorem facias confidentia causam. (Petr. 107.10); Sperando enim timebimus, timendo cavebimus, cavendo salvi erimus. Contra si praesumamus, neque timendo neque cavendo difficile salvi erimus. (Tert. Cult. 2.2.3); . . . pestem fugiendo vitate . . . (Cypr. Ep. 43.5.3); Haec aliaque in eundem modum saepius replicando maiorem exercitus partem primae barbarorum opposuit fronti . . . (Amm. 16.12.34); Et licet potuit, quoad vixit, ingentia largiendo et intervallando potestates assiduas. . . (Amm. 27.11.2); . . . omnia loca quae filii Israhel tetigerant eundo vel redeundo ad montem Dei . . . (Pereg. 5.11); . . . novum . . . testamentum cui prophetando scienter utiles fuerunt, qualis David fuit. (August. c. Faust. 22.84) There is one much discussed case at Cic. Dom. 1, where the manuscripts have: Cum multa divinitus, pontifices, a maioribus nostris inventa atque instituta sunt, tum nihil praeclarius quam quod eosdem et religionibus deorum immortalium et summae rei publicae praeesse voluerunt, ut amplissimi et clarissimi cives rem publicam bene

Gerundial clauses

411

gerendo religiones, religionibus sapienter interpretando rem publicam conservarent. Edd. emend religionibus to religiones, but the manuscript reading is accepted by Löfstedt (1942/1933: II.162–4) as an instance of contamination.

As in the above examples, the agent of the gerundial clause is almost always identical with the subject of the matrix clause/sentence. This identity may be underlined by the presence of ipse ‘himself ’ in the gerundial clause. Agent/subject identity is also typical of the use of the present active participle as a secondary predicate. This explains the structure in (e), where the participial phrase recipientes umorem is parallel with the gerund siccescendo. See also § 21.14 for the development of the gerund. (e)

(sc. craticii parietes) . . . recipientes umorem turgescunt, deinde siccescendo contrahuntur . . . (‘(walls of wattlework) . . . taking up moisture they swell, then by drying they contract . . .’ Vitr. 2.8.20) Supplement: . . . unus ex Romanis ex propinquo murum contemplans numerando lapides aestimandoque ipse secum quid in fronte paterent singuli, altitudinem muri quantum proxime coniectura poterat permensus . . . ad Marcellum rem defert. (Liv. 25.23.11); Sed eos Ser. Sulpicius Galba . . . prensando ipse . . . stimulaverat ut frequentes ad suffragium adessent. (Liv. 45.35.8); Ita et sua sponte irarum pleni et incitati domos inde digressi sunt instigandoque suos quisque populos effecere, ut omne Volscum nomen deficeret. (Liv. 2.38.6); Non dissimilem offensionem et Aemiliani subiit L. Hostilius Mancinus, qui primus Carthaginem inruperat, situm eius oppugnationesque depictas proponendo in foro et ipse adsistens populo spectanti singula enarrando, qua comitate proximis comitiis consulatum adeptus est. (Plin. Nat. 35.23) Vitex ignis et aeris habendo satietatem, umoris temperate, parum autem terreni habens leviore temperatura comparata egregiam habere videtur in usu rigiditatem. (Vitr. 2.9.9); Credo libero commeantes mari saepiusque adeundo ceteris incognitas terras elegisse sedes iuventuti . . . (Curt. 4.4.20); . . . Piso . . . modo semet adflictando, modo singulos nomine ciens, praemiis vocans seditionem coeptabat . . . (Tac. Ann. 2.81.1); Impetu pervagatum incendium plana primum, deinde in edita adsurgens et rursus inferiora populando anteiit remedia velocitate mali . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.38.3) As for parallelism, see Aalto (1949: 70), who refers to different versions of the same message, for instance Vet. Lat. Luc. 18.18 quid faciendo vs. faciens in the Vulgate.

Exceptions to agent/subject identity are rare. An early instance is (f), where the person hurt by walking is me (see also § 5.35 on the voice value of the gerund). (f)

. . . ut me ambulando rumperet. (‘. . . he’d burst my guts with running errands.’ Ter. Hec. 435) Supplement (arguments in italics, satellites in bold italics): Lumbi sedendo, oculi spectando dolent, / manendo medicum, dum se ex opere recipiat. (Pl. Men. 882–3); Id opprimi sustentando et prolatando nullo pacto potest.  (Cic. Catil. 4.6); Alitur vitium vivitque tegendo . . . (Verg. G. 3.454); Crescit

412

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position enim assidue spectando (spectandi N, spectanti cj. Müller) cura puellae. (Prop. 3.21.3); Paulatim deinde recipiendo in civitatem qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius vires refectae sunt . . . (Vell. 2.16.4); Nec sine canendo tibicines dicti . . . (Var. L. 6.75)

. Gerundial temporal adjunct clauses The gerund is used in various prepositional expressions to locate the state of affairs of the main clause in time. Examples are (a) and (b). (a)

. . . in pariundo aliquot adfuerunt liberae. (‘. . . there were several free women present at the birth.’ Ter. An. 771)

(b)

. . . vociferari inter vapulandum incipit . . . (‘. . . while the lashing still went on, he began to shout . . .’ Gel. 1.26.7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preposition): Namque ante domandum / ingentis tollent animos . . . (Verg. G. 3.206–7); Pol magis metuo ne defuerit mihi in monendo oratio. (Pl. Bac. 37); In supponendo ova observant ut sint numero imparia. (Var. R. 3.9.12); Iam istuc te quoque impediet in navigando et in conserendo, in uxore ducenda in liberis procreandis, plurimisque in rebus, in quibus nihil sequere praeter probabile. (Cic. Luc. 109); Quid praeterea ad te scribam non habeo, et mehercule eram in scribendo conturbatior. (Cic. Att. 1.12.4); Tum Apollinaris, ut mos eius in reprehendendo fuit, . . . (Gel. 13.20.5); . . . si erravit in solvendo . . . (Ulp. dig. 15.3.3.1); . . . in retinendo iura rerum suarum singulare ius est.  (Jav. dig. 41.2.23.1): . . . in proscindendo duritiam soli . . . convellit armos. (Veg. Mulom. 4.18); inter ponendum (Enn. fr. inc. 2); Tum inter laudandum hunc timidum tremulis palpebris / percutere nictu. Hic gaudere et mirarier. (Caecil. Com. 193–4); Inter loquendum. (Afran. Com. 423); . . . inter agendum / occursare capro— cornu ferit ille—caveto. (Verg. Ecl. 9.24–5); . . . suscepta obligatio inter dandum accipiendumque. (Paul. dig. 13.6.17.3) NB: Qui cum ad matrem confugissent, in gremio eius inter ipsa oscula trucidantur, proclamante Arsinoë, quid tantum nefas aut nubendo aut post nuptias contraxisset. (Justin. 24.3.7–8). Appendix: There are some ungrammatical instances, resulting from literal translations from Greek, such as: In autem dormiendo homines venit inimicus (Vet. Lat. Mat. 13.25—NB: corresponding to a subject in a finite clause). See also Wistrand (1967: 71) for discussion.

. Gerundial reason adjunct clauses Prepositional expressions with causa, gratia, and (in Early Latin) ergo ‘for the sake of ’ in combination with the genitive of the gerund are a very common way of expressing a person’s motive for doing something. In rare instances, the preposition ob is also used in this way.

Gerundial clauses (a)

413

. . . omnia aliorum causa esse generata, ut eas fruges atque fructus quos terra gignit animantium causa, animantes autem hominum, ut ecum vehendi causa, arandi bovem, venandi et custodiendi canem. (‘. . . all things were created for the sake of some other thing: thus the corn and fruits that the earth produces were created for the sake of animals, and animals for the sake of man: for example the horse for riding, the ox for ploughing, the dog for hunting and keeping guard.’ Cic. N.D. 2.37) Supplement: Eadem nunc nego. / Dicendi, non rem perdendi gratia haec nata est mihi. (Pl. Cur. 705–6); . . . quae (frequentia) convenit uno tempore undique comitiorum, ludorum censendique causa. (Cic. Ver. 54—NB: coordination); Qui primum illud valde graviter tulerunt, promulgatum ex senatus consulto fuisse ut de eis qui ob iudicandum accepissent quaereretur. (Cic. Att. 1.17.8)

. Gerundial adjuncts in other semantic relations (ablative and prepositional expressions) The bare ablative of the gerund can function as an adjunct of respect (see § 10.90), as in (a): (a)

. . . cum disserendo par esse non posset . . . (‘. . . since he was not able to be his equal in discussion . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 1.240) Supplement: P. Scipio . . . Latine loquendo cuivis erat par . . . (Cic. Brut. 128); Sim digna merendo, / cuius honoratis ossa vehantur avis. (Prop. 4.11.101–2—NB: avis is a conjecture for mss. aquis) NB: Textually uncertain: . . . ut neglegens scribendo fuisse videar . . . (Cic. Fam. 3.9.3—so Shackleton Bailey; Lambinus); Etenim quis est tam scribendo (v.l. in scribendo) impiger quam ego? (Cic. Fam. 2.1.1)

Prepositional gerundial clauses fulfil a variety of semantic functions, depending on the semantic value of the preposition. They are given here in alphabetical order by preposition. Source: Nam sicut a ‘ligando’ ‘lictor’ et a ‘legendo’ ‘lector’ et a ‘viendo’ ‘vitor’ et ‘tuendo’ ‘tutor’ et ‘struendo’ ‘structor’ productis, quae corripiebantur, vocalibus dicta sunt. (Gel. 12.3.4); . . . quae virtus ex providendo est appellata prudentia . . . (Cic. Leg. 1.60) Subject matter: Tibi enim tantum de orationis genere quaerenti respondi etiam breviter de inveniundo et conlocando. (Cic. Orat. 54); Haec ego, inquit, super irascendo sentio. (Gel. 1.26.3) Beneficiary: Heus, senex! Pro vapulando hercle ego aps te mercedem petam. (Pl. Aul. 456) Restriction: Septimius quoque Tertullianus fuit omni genere litterarum peritus, sed in eloquendo parum facilis . . . (Lact. Inst. 5.1.23—NB: parallelism)

414

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

. Gerundival satellite clauses Gerundival satellite clauses are either bare case forms or prepositional phrases. Bare case-form gerundival satellite clauses can appear in the genitive, dative, or ablative. Following the order of the section on gerundial satellites and bearing in mind that the precise semantic function of a gerundival clause in its sentence is often a matter of interpretation, one can recognize a number of different semantic functions, which are discussed in §§ 16.106–10.

. Gerundival purpose adjunct clauses The use of genitive gerundival clauses as purpose adjuncts (see also § 10.83) is a typically Tacitean extension of Latin grammar, although there are earlier instances (some of them disputed).308 An example is (a). The dative is more common, as in (b), though still not frequent. Very rare are instances of ablative gerundival clauses that seem to be intended as purpose adjuncts, as in (c). Prepositional gerundival phrases, by contrast, are quite common as purpose adjuncts, especially those with ad ‘to’, as in (d). Note that in (e) it is difficult to find the feature ‘control’ in the main clause, which is usual with purpose clauses (see also § 16.50).309 (a)

. . . Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. (‘Germanicus set out for Egypt to view its antiquities.’ Tac. Ann. 2.59.1)

(b)

Serviendae servituti ego servos instruxi mihi . . . (‘I schooled my slaves to serve me . . .’ Pl. Mil. 745)

(c)

. . . Nero . . . prosequitur abeuntem . . . sive explenda simulatione, seu . . . (‘. . . Nero . . . escorted her on her way . . . either in order to consummate his hypocrisy, or . . .’ Tac. Ann. 14.4.4)

(d)

Ad aquam praebendam commodum adveni domum. (‘I’ve come home in the nick of time, to fetch water.’ Pl. Am. 669)

(e)

Flamen interim Quirinalis virginesque Vestales . . . quae sacrorum secum ferenda, quae, quia vires ad omnia ferenda deerant, relinquenda essent consultantes . . . (‘Meanwhile the flamen of Quirinus and the Vestal virgins . . . were consulting which of the sacred things they should carry with them, and which, because they were not strong enough to carry them all, they must leave behind . . .’ Liv. 5.40.7) Supplement: Genitive: Cum dicat Orestes se patris ulciscendi matrem occidisse . . . (Rhet. Her. 1.26); . . . ut si arborum trunci sive naves (trabes cj. Schneider) deiciendi operis causa

308 For a discussion of Greek influence, see Calboli (2009: 83–93). For the use of the genitive in Isidore of Seville, see Maltby (2002: 227–9). 309 For this example, see Torrego (2001: 633).

Gerundival clauses

415

essent a barbaris missae . . . (causa deest l) (Caes. Gal. 4.17.9);310 . . . arma civilia. Quae ille adversum divina et humana omnia cepit non pro sua aut quorum simulat iniuria sed legum ac libertatis subvertundae. (Sal. Hist. 1.77.11); Opus erat partibus auctoritate gratia, cuius augendae (causa add. Laurent) C. Marium cum filio de exilio revocavit quique cum iis pulsi erant. (Vell. 2.20.5); . . . clementiam suam obstringens crebris orationibus, quas Seneca testificando, quam honesta praeciperet, vel iactandi ingenii voce principis vulgabat. (Tac. Ann. 13.11.2—NB: parallelism with the dative gerundial clause); Namque hoc genus orationis non capitis defendendi nec suadendae legis nec exercitus adhortandi nec inflammandae contionis scribitur, sed facetiarum et voluptatis. (Fro. Laudes fumi et pulveris 3, p. 215.21 vdH—NB: coordination with genitive nouns; gratia vel causa add. Novák); Quid enim si amicos adhibendos debitor requirat vel expediendi debiti vel fideiussoribus rogandis? (Ulp. dig. 22.1.21.pr.) Dative: Ius iurandum rei servandae, non perdendae conditum est. (Pl. Rud. 1374); Ager oleto conserundo, qui in ventum Favonium spectabit et soli ostentus erit, alius bonus nullus erit. (Cato Agr. 6.2); Quaeritur argentum puerisque beata creandis / uxor . . . (Hor. Ep.1.2.44–5); Scipio . . . protinus causis regulorum civitatiumque cognoscendis . . . Tarraconem rediit. (Liv. 28.16.9–10); . . . ea (sc. testa) non potest in structura oneri ferendo esse firma. (Vitr. 2.8.19); Temporibusque Augusti dicendis non defuere decora ingenia . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.1.2); Nec ad invidiam ista, sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. (Tac. Ann. 2.37.4—NB: coordination with the ad phrase); . . . aliquid cibatus refovendo spiritu desidero. (Apul. Met. 1.18.7); Proinde aurum, aes, argentum, ebur, lignum et quaecumque fabricandis idolis materia capiatur, quis in saeculo posuit nisi saeculi auctor Deus? (Tert. Spect. 2.9); (sc. Zenobia) . . . ut ne virum suum quidem scierit nisi temptandis (cj. Cornelissen, temptatis P) conceptionibus. (Hist. Aug. trig. tyr. 30.12); (sc. Zenobia) . . . iterum potestatem quaerendis liberis dabat. (Hist. Aug. trig. tyr. 30.12); Et quia nec arietibus admovendis nec ad intentandas machinas vel, ut possint forari cuniculi, inveniebatur locus usquam habilis disparatione brevi civitatem Natisone amni praeterlabente, commentum excogitatum est cum veteribus admirandum. (Amm. 21.12.8—NB: parallelism) NB: with the verb esse: Poenam illorum sibi oneri, inpunitatem perdundae rei publicae fore credebat. (Sal. Cat. 46.2); . . . ea modo quae restinguendo igni forent portantes in agmen Romanum ruebant. (Liv. 30.6.3) Ablative: Iam qui ad muros differenda morte properaverant aut fossas cadaveribus aequabant aut . . . (Paneg. 2.34.3) Prepositional phrases (in alphabetical order by preposition): Hic in noxa’st. Ille ad defendundam causam adest. (Ter. Ph. 266); Cum ad rem publicam liberandam accessi . . . (Cic. Fam. 11.10.5); Magnam haec res Caesari difficultatem ad consilium capiendum adferebat . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.10.1); Dimisso conventu decem legati . . . ad liberandas suae quisque regionis civitates discesserunt . . . (Liv. 33.35.1); Carcer enim ad continendos homines, non ad puniendos haberi debet (Ulp. dig. 48.19.8.9); . . . si arborum trunci sive trabes deiciendi operis causa essent a barbaris missae . . . (Caes. Gal. 4.17.10—NB: causa is omitted in one part of the manuscript tradition); Qui accepto oraculo carendi furoris causa . . . (Hyg. Fab. 261); Ex hoc tanto numero 310 Eden (1962: 92) considers causa ‘a quite usual instance of trivialization’.

416

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position deductus est nemo, et cum illam pecuniam nominatim Flacco datam referant, maiorem aliam cum huic eidem darent in aedem sacram reficiendam se perscripsisse dicunt, quod minime convenit. (Cic. Flac. 44); Qui in navem exstruendam vel  instruendam credidit vel etiam emendam . . . (Paul. dig. 42.5.26); Praeterea ad Troiam cum misi ob defendendam Graeciam . . . (Enn. scen. 313V—see Jocelyn p. 394); . . . eadem precor ab isdem dis immortalibus ob eiusdem hominis consulatum una cum salute obtinendum, et ut vestrae mentes atque sententiae cum populi Romani voluntatibus suffragiisque consentiant eaque res vobis populoque Romano pacem tranquillitatem otium concordiamque adferat. (Cic. Mur. 1—NB: parallelism with ut clause); Ac primo mediocria gerebat, existumans Iugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus venturum. (Sal. Jug. 89.2); Cum L. Papirius Cursor dictator reversus in urbem ab exercitu esset propter auspicia repetenda, Q. Fabius, magister equitum, occasione bene gerendae rei invitatus, contra edictum eius prospere adversus Samnites pugnavit. (Liv. Per. 8); . . . propter terrendos miseros viatores in summo atque edito sarcinarum cumulo ad instar exercitus sedulo composuerat. (Apul. Met. 10.1.2)

In (very) Late Latin bare accusative gerundival clauses occur as purpose adjuncts (in place of prepositional expressions with ad), especially with verbs of movement. The same occurs with gerundial clauses (see §  16.100). The earliest instance, which is dubious, is (f).311 (f)

Probabili argumento firmandam fidem ( firmandam edd.) reperto . . . (‘Having invented a plausible means for strengthening his confidence . . .’ Amm. 15.5.21) Supplement: . . . iste homo Dei, qui a Deo obiurgandum Hieroboam regem fuerit missus . . . (Lucif. Cal. Non Conv. 3)

. Gerundival instrument/manner adjunct clauses Bare ablative gerundival clauses functioning as instrument/manner adjuncts are not very frequent. They are very rare in Early Latin, are not uncommon in Classical Latin, but become infrequent once more soon after the Classical period. Most often the ablative gerundival clause describes the method used in effecting something, the factors leading up to a certain result, or the manner in which something is obtained. Further distinctions are difficult to make and depend entirely on the context. Prepositional gerundival expressions with these semantic functions are rare. Very often the agent of the gerundival clause is identical with the subject of the matrix clause (or agent if the verb is passive). Examples are (a) and (b). (a)

His enim ipsis legendis in memoriam redeo mortuorum. (‘For by reading them I refresh my recollection of the dead.’ Cic. Sen. 21) 311 More instances, mainly from Fredegar, can be found in Odelstierna (1926: 32–42).

Gerundival clauses (b)

417

Qui partis honoribus eosdem in foro gessi labores quos petendis. (‘(I,) who, after my honours have been won, have spent the same labour in the forum as when I was seeking them.’ Cic. Phil. 6.17) Supplement: Nisi patrem materno sanguine exanclando ulciscerem . . . (Enn. scen. 147V=144J); Aggerundaque aqua sunt viri duo defessi. (Pl. Poen. 224); Iane pater, te hac strue ommovenda bonas preces precor, uti sies volens propitius mihi . . . (Cato Agr. 134.2); Ancillas, servos, nisi eos qui opere rustico / faciundo facile sumptum exsercirent suom, / omnis produxi ac vendidi. (Ter. Hau. 142–4); . . . ne dicendis sententiis aliquem tribunum alienarem. (Cic. Att. 7.4.2); Qua cum ipsi Caesari nihil esset utilius, gratiam quoque nos inire ab eo defendenda pace arbitrabamur. (Cic. Fam. 4.2.3); . . . tractandis condicionibus et simulatione deditionis extracto primo noctis tempore . . . (Caes. Civ. 3.28.5); Tam felix vobis corrumpendis fuit, qui servitia non commovit auctor? (Liv. 3.17.2); L. Trebonius . . . insectandis . . . patribus, unde Aspero etiam inditum est cognomen, tribunatum gessit. (Liv. 3.65.3–4); Reliquum diei expediendis armis et curatione corporum consumptum, et maior pars noctis quieti data est. (Liv. 25.38.23—NB: coordination with a noun phrase); Inopiae quoque abietis aut sappinorum vitabuntur utendo cupresso . . . (Vitr. 1.2.8); Omnibus quidem virtutum generibus exercendis colendisque populus Romanus e parva origine ad tantae amplitudinis instar emicuit . . . (Gel. 20.1.39) Prepositional phrase: Efficeretur per exceptionem mihi opponendam . . . (Paul. dig. 2.14.27.5)

However, there are also instances in which the agent and the subject are not identical, as in (c), and instances in which the state of affairs of the main clause is [–control], as in (d). In such cases the semantic relationship between the gerundival and the matrix clause is more difficult to describe. (See also § 16.101 on gerundial satellite clauses with these semantic functions and § 5.37 on the voice value of the gerundive.) (c)

. . . . . . plausum meo nomine recitando dedisset, habui contionem. (‘. . . when the people had applauded at the reading out of my name, I addressed them.’ Cic. Att. 4.1.6)

(d)

. . . Antonius coniectura movenda aut sedanda suspicione aut excitanda incredibilem vim habebat . . . (‘. . . Antonius possessed incredible skill in creating a presumption of probability, in allaying or in provoking a suspicion . . .’ Cic. Brut. 144) Supplement: Ita te aggerunda curvom aqua faciam probe, / ut postilena possit ex te fieri. (Pl. Cas. 124–5); At puer Ascanius . . . triginta magnos volvendis mensibus orbis / imperio explebit . . . (Verg. A. 1.267–70); . . . ut contra eo violentior potestas tribunicia inpediendo dilectu esset . . . (Liv. 6.31.4); Prolatandis igitur comitiis cum dictator magistratu abisset, res ad interregnum rediit. (Liv. 7.21.2); Rem per se popularem ita dextere egit, ut medendis corporibus animi multo prius militum imperatori reconciliarentur . . . (Liv. 8.36.7); Nam fruendis voluptatibus crescit carendi dolor. (Plin. Ep. 8.5.2)

418

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

Sometimes the semantic relationship is made explicit (see § 16.89 for this phenomenon in participial clauses) by the presence of a subordinator or an adverb, which enables a wider range of semantic relations between the gerundival and matrix clauses. Supplement: Quam ob rem eas manibus ipsis agricolarum ingessit vertique iussit ipsa die folia et esse confecti sideris signum, nec silvestrium arborum remotarumque, ut in saltus devios montesque eundum esset quaerentibus signa, non rursus urbanarum quaeque topiario tantum coluntur, quamquam his et in villa visendis. (Plin. Nat. 18.265—NB: the clause seems to indicate a possibility); . . . pars Philippopolim exindeque Serdicam, alia Macedoniam cum intemeratis opibus, quas vehebant, omni studio properandum ( properandum add. Lindenborg) excogitato currebant velut in regionibus illis repperiendo Valente. (Amm. 31.16.2)

The gerundive developed into a form of future passive participle in Late Latin (see § 7.84). There are a few instances in Ammianus Marcellinus of a gerundival satellite in which the gerundive is used in this way. Supplement: Pauca itaque super benevolo omnium flumine Nilo, quem Aegyptum Homerus appellat, praestringi conveniet mox ostendendis aliis, quae sunt in his regionibus admiranda. (Amm. 22.15.3); At in Galliis fervorum tenore gliscente diffusis per nostra Germanis iamque Alpibus ad vastandam Italiam perrumpendis nihil multa et nefanda perpessis hominibus praeter lacrimas supererat . . . (Amm. 25.4.25); Sex milium enim annorum in sex diebus tempus ostenditur, quo circa mundum est oberratum et quodam generationum circulo circumcursatum, eodem ipso mundo ad tubae vocem in tempore septimo millesimo resolvendo, sola ecclesia . . . reservanda. (Hil. Myst. 2.10)

. Gerundival temporal/circumstantial adjunct clauses Clear-cut instances of bare case temporal gerundival clauses do not exist. There are a few which may be labelled ‘circumstantial’. In any case, the distinction between these instances and those in the preceding section is vague. Prepositional expressions (especially with in ‘at’) are not uncommon. (a)

. . . labores qui sint re publica ( re p. add. Schuetz) defendenda sustinendi . . . (‘. . . the labours that must be performed in the defence of the state . . .’ Cic. Rep. 1.4)

(b)

. . . quod · in · incendio / restinguendo · interi. (‘. . . because he died while trying to put out a fire.’ CIL XIV.4494.6–7 (Ostia, time of Augustus)) Supplement: Ablative: Accitus, sicut Romulus augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se quoque deos consuli iussit. (Liv. 1.18.6); Ipse cum peditum agmine castris egreditur,

Gerundival clauses

419

nec ex ordine solito quicquam acie instruenda ( acie instruenda edd., but see Weissenborn ad loc.) mutat. (Liv. 28.14.11) Prepositional phrase (in alphabetical order by preposition): . . . ante conditam condendamve urbem . . . (Liv. praef. 6); Nam in prologis scribundis operam abutitur . . . (Ter. An. 5); Magnum crimen vel in legatis insidiandis vel in servis ad hospitem domini necandum sollicitandis, plenum sceleris consilium, plenum audaciae! (Cic. Cael. 51); Sic in interpretando, in definiendo, in explicanda aequitate nihil erat Crasso copiosius. (Cic. Brut. 144); Principia autem in sententiis dicendis brevia esse debebunt. (Cic. Part. 97); Sed ego nulla in re malo quam in te amando constans et esse et videri. (Cic. ad Brut. 1.15.13); . . . rei publicae, quae te in me restituendo multum adiuvisset . . . (Cic. Fam. 1.9.4); Ex victoribus ducenti triginta septem milites perierunt, plures in matutina fuga quam in recipiendis castris. (Liv. 41.4.8—NB: coordination with a prepositional phrase); . . . et in versu faciendo / saepe caput scaberet . . . (Hor. S. 1.10.70–1); Puer ipse quem vult sequatur, ut sit illi saltem in eligendo fratre [salva] libertas. (Petr. 80.5); Sed inter rem agendam istam erae huic respondi quod rogabat. (Pl. Cist. 721); . . . et ille inter aurum accipiendum et in spem pacis solutis animis Gallos adgressus sit . . . (Liv. 6.11.5); Comitiali quoque morbo bis inter res agendas correptus est. (Suet. Jul. 45.1)

. Gerundival reason adjunct clauses There are a few gerundival reason clauses, with ob and propter. It is not easy to distinguish them from purpose expressions (see § 16.106). (a)

Si erunt plures qui ob innocentem condemnandum pecuniam acceperint . . . (‘Should there be several who have taken a bribe to condemn an innocent man . . .’ Cic. Clu. 129) Supplement: Ergo ut omittam tuos peculatus, ut ob ius dicendum pecunias acceptas, ut eiusmodi cetera quae forsitan alii quoque etiam fecerint, illud in quo te gravissime accusavi, quod ob iudicandam rem pecuniam accepisses, eadem ista ratione defendes, fecisse alios? (Cic. Ver. 3.206); Propter litem inofficiosi testamenti ordinandam exheredato filio . . . (Papin. dig. 26.2.26.2)

. Gerundival adjunct clauses in other semantic functions (mostly prepositional phrases) There are very few gerundival clauses that function as a respect adjunct. The gerundive in (a) finds support in the use of an ablative noun with melior ‘better’ in Virgil (see § 11.92, Supplement). (a)

Ipse pugnae avidus et contemnendis quam cavendis hostibus melior . . . (‘Himself eager for battle and better in despising than in guarding against enemies . . .’ Tac. Hist. 4.71.1)

420

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Supplement: . . . qualis excipiendo hoste, quam resistenti vehemens, quam facilis supplicanti. (Paneg. 4.37.2)

Gerundival clauses are used in various other semantic functions, depending on the meaning of the prepositions involved. Examples are (b) and (c). (b)

Qui de amittenda Bacchide aurum hic exiget. (‘Who’ll demand money here for letting Bacchis go.’ Pl. Bac. 223)

(c)

Consiliis tuis quae scribis de quattuor legionibus deque agris adsignandis ab utroque vestrum vehementer adsentior. (‘I emphatically agree with your advice in what you write about the four legions and the assignment of lands by the two of you.’ Cic. Fam. 11.21.5—NB: explicit agent) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preposition; arguments in italics): Fuit (sc. Tubero) autem patricius et transit a causis agendis ad ius civile . . . (Pompon. dig. 1.2.2.46); Atque hoc etiam Plato ibidem dicit non defugiendas esse neque respuendas huiuscemodi exercitationes adversum propulsandam vini violentiam . . . (Gel. 15.2.6); Inde illa veterum circa occultandam eloquentiam simulatio, multum ab hac nostrorum temporum iactatione diversa. (Quint. Inst. 4.1.9); Circa conlocandos quoque calices observari oportet ut ad lineam ordinentur . . . (Fron. Aq. 113.1); A. d. XIII Kal. Ian. senatus [aut] frequens mihi est adsensus cum de ceteris rebus magnis et necessariis tum de provinciis ab iis qui obtinerent retinendis neque cuiquam tradendis nisi qui ex senatus consulto successisset. (Cic. Fam. 12.22a.1— NB: explicit agent); Alterum quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis, magistris faciendis, vendendis, quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. (Cic. Att. 6.1.15—NB: coordination with abstract noun); De mercennariis testibus a suis civitatibus notandis, nisi iam factum aliquid est per Flaccum, fiet a me cum per Asiam decedam. (Cic. Fam. 3.11.3—NB: explicit agent); (sc. fama) erga haec explicanda, quae Romae sunt, obsolescit . . . (Amm. 16.10.17); Leno te argentum poscit, solida servitus, / pro liberanda amica . . . (Pl. Per. 425–6); Quod divo Marco pro libertatibus conservandis placuit . . . (Papin. dig. 40.4.50 pr.); Quae autem in testamento diximus super prohibendis testimoniis . . . (Ulp. dig. 28.1.20.3); . . . missurum ad imperatorem Romanum legatos super petenda Armenia et firmanda pace respondet . . . (Tac. Ann. 15.5.4)

. Supine satellite clauses The two so-called supines are usually described as (originally) accusative and ablative singular forms of a deverbal noun in -us (see § 3.21). Whether this explanation is correct or not (see the individual sections), it does not explain why the first supine (in -um) is active and—if the verb is two- or three-place—is found in combination with arguments, and in Post-Classical authors also with satellites, whereas the second supine (in -u) is passive and is not found with arguments or satellites. As their properties are different, so their histories are different. Both were restricted to a number of

Supine clauses

421

idiomatic expressions by the time of Cicero, but were to some extent revitalized in poetry and literary prose, sometimes beyond the structural properties we know from Early Latin. They did not survive in the Romance languages.

. The use of the first supine (in -um) as a purpose adjunct The first supine (in -um) is found with one- or two-place verbs of movement (e.g. eo ‘to go’, venio ‘to come’, and mitto ‘to send’) and with verbs implying movement (e.g. voco ‘to call’, do ‘to give’) to express the purpose of that action. By far the most common verb with which the first supine occurs is eo, both when physical movement is involved, as in (a), and in a more abstract sense, as in (b). It is in the latter sense that it is also used as a substitute for the future passive infinitive, as in (c) (further details in §  7.72). The first supine, usually regarded as an accusative form (see §  3.21), is sometimes explained as the goal of the movement, indicating ‘whither’, but the presence of two explicit goal constituents in (a) (huc and ad vicinam) shows that questum, whatever its prehistory, is not a goal constituent (see also the first note below). The subject of eo is animate, mostly human (with a very few Late exceptions).312 The second and third argument of the supine can be expressed, like erum in (f). Satellites are almost unattested except after the Classical authors. The supine in -um is relatively common in Early Latin in a restricted number of combinations (partly due to the fact that there is much coming and going in Latin comedy), but it gradually loses ground to competing purpose expressions, especially the active infinitive and gerundi(v)al clauses. However, poets and historians use it in varying degrees, expanding its clausal possibilities. It is relatively popular in the archaizing authors Apuleius and Gellius.313 (a)

Nunc huc meas fortunas eo questum ad vicinam. (‘Now I’m going here to my neighbour to complain about my misfortunes.’ Pl. Cas. 162)

(b)

Mox hercle vero post transactam fabulam, / argentum si quis dederit, ut ego suspicor, / ultro ibit nuptum, non manebit auspices. (‘But soon, after the play has reached its end, I suspect if anyone gives her money she’ll marry him willingly and won’t wait for the augurs.’ Pl. Cas. 84–6)

(c)

. . . nisi se sciat vilico non datum iri. (‘. . . unless she knows she won’t be given to the overseer.’ Pl. Cas. 699)

(d)

Inde partem equitatus atque ferentarios praedatum misit. (‘Then he sent out part of the cavalry and the light troops to go looting.’ Cato Mil. 6(J))

(e)

. . . quo me in silvam venatum vocas? (‘. . . where are you calling me to hunt in the woods?’ Pl. Men. 835)

312 See TLL s.v. eo 648.51ff. 313 For a survey of the first supine forms (although slightly out of date), see Draeger (1878: II.824–8). For Caesar’s use of the first supine, see Carducci (2018).

422 (f)

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Tune es qui hau multo prius / abiisti hinc erum accersitum? (‘Aren’t you the one who went away a little earlier to fetch his master?’ Pl. Rud. 1055–6) Supplement: Eam ero nunc renuntiatum est nuptum huic Megadoro dari. (Pl. Aul. 604); Vos in aram abite sessum. (Pl. Rud. 707); Libii qui aquatum ut lignatum videntur ire securim atque lorum ferunt . . . (Cato hist. 33=30C); Siquando illa dicet ‘Phaedriam / intro mittamu’ comissatum’, Pamphilam / cantatum provocemu’. (Ter. Eu. 441–3); . . . illud videndum, ut satis sit verecundi etiam illam in eandem arenam vocare pugnatum. (Var. L. 10.2.19); . . . et unde hospites atque amici gratulatum Romam concurrerent repente exsistet ipse nuntius suae calamitatis! (Cic. Mur. 89); . . . senatoribus singulis spectatum e senatu redeuntibus. (Cic. Sest. 117); . . . tamen quid potius faciam prius quam me dormitum conferam, non reperio. (Cic. Fam. 9.26.1); Proximo die praesidio in castris relicto universas ad aquam copias educunt. Pabulatum emittitur nemo. (Caes. Civ. 1.81.5); . . . sororem ex matre et propinquas suas nuptum in alias civitates collocasse. (Caes. Gal. 1.18.7); Bello Helvetiorum confecto totius fere Galliae legati principes civitatum ad Caesarem gratulatum convenerunt. (Caes. Gal. 1.30.1); Remiges interim qui aquatum e navibus exierant . . . (B. Afr. 7.5); Ipse in finitima regione Persidis hiematum copias divisit . . . (Nep. Eum. 8.1—NB: movement implied); Inde frumentatum duas exercitus partes mittebat. (Liv. 22.23.9); Cum sole eunt cubitum (sc. galli gallinacei) . . . (Plin. Nat. 10.46); Praeponam enim unum ex libertis sepulcro meo custodiae causa, ne in monumentum meum populus cacatum currat. (Petr. 71.8 (Trimalchio speaking)); . . . omnem viciniam suppetiatum convocans . . . (Apul. Met. 7.7.2); . . . abeunt libidinatum ad filias Moab . . . (Tert. Scorp. 3.4) With arguments (and satellites) expressed (in italics and bold italics, respectively): . . . nunc venis etiam ultro irrisum dominum. (Pl. Am. 587); Quid ego emerui, adulescens, mali, / quam ob rem ita faceres meque meosque perditum ires liberos? (Pl. Aul. 735–6); . . . qui magis potueritis mi honorem ire habitum . . . (Pl. Cist. 4); Iam hercle ego per hortum ad amicam transibo meam / mi hanc occupatum noctem. (Pl. St. 437–8); . . . tum venias. # Vae aetati tuae! / # Vasa lautum non ad cenam dico. (Pl. St. 594–5); Ego . . . / prosilui amicum castigatum innoxium (Pl. Trin. 215–16); Atque equidem ipsus ultro venit Philto oratum filio. (Pl. Trin. 611); Alii di isse ad villam aiebant servis depromptum cibum. (Pl. Trin. 944); . . . missa’st ancilla ilico / obstetricem accersitum ad eam et puerum ut adferret simul. (Ter. An. 514–15— NB: coordination with purpose ut clause); Idque adeo venio nuntiatum, Demipho, / paratum me esse. (Ter. Ph. 906–7); Quid tum? ‘Inde ibi ego te ex iure manum consertum voco’. (Cic. Mur. 26); Etsi admonitum venimus te, non flagitatum. (Cic. de Orat. 3.17); Quo ex oppido cum legati ad eum venissent oratum, ut sibi ignosceret suaeque vitae consuleret . . . obsides dari iubet. (Caes. Gal. 7.12.3); . . . Nectenebin adiutum profectus regnum ei constituit. (Nep. Cha. 2.1); Nupta tu quoque quae tuus / vir petet cave ne neges / ni petitum aliunde eat. (Catul. 61.151–3); . . . licentiam in vos auctum atque adiutum properatis. Neque ego vos ultum iniurias hortor . . . (Sal. Hist. 3.48. 16–17—NB: remarkable use of hortor); Tamen interim transfugas et alios opportunos, Iugurtha ubi gentium aut quid agitaret, cum paucisne esset an exercitum haberet, ut sese victus gereret, exploratum misit (sc. Metellus). (Sal. Jug. 54.2); Si fortuna permittitis uti / quaesitum Aenean et moenia Pallantea, . . . (Verg. A. 9.240–1—NB: quaesitum is

Supine clauses

423

taken as a supine from Antiquity onwards, but it is very odd in its context; see Dingel ad loc., who suggests it is a perfect passive participle); Hic sponsum vocat, hic auditum scripta . . . (Hor. Ep. 2.2.67); . . . atque in me veniat mictum atque cacatum / Iulius et fragilis Pediatia furque Voranus. (Hor. S. 1.8.38–9); In ea castra Q.  Fabius, P. Volumnius, A. Postumius legati ab Roma venerunt questum iniurias et ex foedere res repetitum. (Liv. 3.25.6); . . . eamque iniuriam excidio ipsius ultum iturum. (Tac. Ann. 12.45.1); Tradunt plerique eorum temporum scriptores crebris ante exitium diebus inlusum isse pueritia Britannici Neronem . . . (Tac. Ann. 13.17.2); . . . quin omni sententiarum via servatum ire socios niteretur. (Gel. 6.3.44); Corvus et vulpis unam offulam simul viderant eamque raptum festinabant . . . (Apul. Soc. Prol. 4)314 There is one instance of a supine in an answer to a question with quo ‘whither’, clearly a joke: (g) Quo nunc ibas? # Exulatum. (‘Where were you going just now? # Into exile.’ Pl. Mer. 884) There are a number of idiomatic expressions consisting of supine (-like) forms like pessum and venum in combination with verbs like eo and do, which occur with actual supines as well. Another idiom is herctum cieo. (See also § 10.8.)

. The so-called second supine in -u The so-called second supine construction is found from Early Latin onwards. It is not very frequent (some 600 instances reported); a large number of the supine forms come from a limited number of verbs with a fairly general meaning, such as factu, auditu, dictu. The regular construction consists of a combination of an adjective and a second supine form which can function as subject or object complement at the clause level, as in (a), where facilia factu is the subject complement in the passive clause with facta haec sunt, or as an attribute at the noun phrase level, as in (b)— repeated from § 3.21. In (c), factu optumum is combined with the copula.315 (a)

. . . quorum opera mihi facilia factu facta haec sunt quae volui effieri. (‘. . . through your hard work the things I wanted done became easy for me to do.’ Pl. Per. 761)

(b)

Bonam atque iustam rem oppido imperas et factu facilem. (‘That’s an absolutely fine and reasonable suggestion—and easy enough to carry out.’ Ter. Hau. 704)

(c)

Nunc hoc mihi factu est optumum, ut ted auferam, / aula, in Fidei fanum. (‘Now this is the best thing for me to do, my pot: to carry you off into the shrine of Good Faith.’ Pl. Aul. 582–3)

314 For the so-called Prologus, see Hunink (1995). 315 For a general discussion of the second supine, see Lambertz (1982: 542–4) and Kroon (1989a). The most complete survey of instances is Sjöstrand (1891). For a survey of dictu combinations, see TLL s.v. dico 969.58ff. See also s.v. dignus 1152.71ff; facilis 59.52ff. For the use of the construction by various authors, see Sz.: 382–3.

424

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

In the above examples factu might be omitted without making the remaining expression ungrammatical or meaningless. The situation is different in (d) and (e). (d)

Virtus difficilis inventu est, rectorem ducemque desiderat. (‘Virtue is difficult to find; it needs a director and guide.’ Sen. Nat. 3.30.8)

(e)

In his igitur rebus cum bona sint, facile est intellectu quae sint contraria. (‘As then there are good things in these departments, it is easy to understand what things are the opposite of good.’ Cic. Part. 88)

In (d), inventu seems to be optional: virtus difficilis est is syntactically correct. However, semantically, virtus is the patient of inventu. An alternative, more or less synonymous, formulation would be: difficile est virtutem invenire ‘it is difficult to find virtue’, where virtutem is the object of the infinitive invenire and the combination virtutem invenire the subject of difficile est. In (e), the indirect question quae sint contraria is the subject of facile est intellectu. Unlike in (d), leaving out intellectu would not result in a semantically and syntactically acceptable formulation. Semantically, the indirect question is the patient of intellectu. An alternative formulation would be facile est intellegere, with a present infinitive instead of the supine. In that case the infinitive would be the subject of facile est and quae sint contraria the object of intellegere. On the basis of instances like (d) and (e) the subjects in (a) and (c) can also be interpreted as semantically related to factu. An analogous explanation can be given for rem in (b). At the clause level various types of constituents may function as subject. In (a), it is the autonomous relative clause haec . . . quae volui effieri; in (c), an ut clause with a preparative pronoun hoc; in (e), an indirect question; accusative and infinitive clauses are also not uncommon. These clauses more often follow the supine. For a noun, see virtus in (d). The subject is rarely a human being or concrete entity. The adjectives with which the second supine is used are evaluative, indicating the feasibility or easiness of performing a certain action or the moral or physical quality of the entity involved in such an action. Most of the adjectives involved are one-place, as in (f) and (g). Noteworthy exceptions are dignus ‘worthy’ and indignus ‘unworthy’, which govern an ablative, as in (h) (see §  4.101). Some adjectives with which the supine is used also occur with dative arguments, for example, iucundus ‘pleasant’ (see § 4.100). See also facilis in (l) with a dative and a supine. (f)

Estne hoc miserum memoratu? (‘Isn’t this a sorry tale?’ Pl. Cist. 229)

(g)

. . . incredibile memoratu est quam facile coaluerint. (‘. . . it is unbelievable to relate how easily they merged.’ Sal. Cat. 6.2)

(h)

. . . nihil dignum memoratu actum. (‘. . . nothing worthy of relation was accomplished.’ Liv. 4.43.2)

(i)

Aut (sc. quid est) tam iucundum cognitu atque auditu quam sapientibus sententiis gravibusque verbis ornata oratio et polita? (‘Or what is so pleasing to the understanding and the ear as a speech adorned and polished with wise reflections and dignified language?’ Cic. de Orat. 1.29)

Supine clauses

425

As to the supine forms that are used, authors like Cicero and Livy, who have many instances of the second supine (due to the size of the preserved corpus), on average use each supine form about four times. The supine has limited verbal properties: satellites, as Latino sermone in (j), or argumentlike constituents, as in (k) and (l), are very rare. Many instances are parenthetical, as is the well-known Virgilian expression in (m). (j)

Ex his (sc. oppidis) digna memoratu aut Latino sermone dictu facilia, a flumine Ana litore Oceani oppidum Ossonoba . . . (‘Worthy of mention in this district, or easy to say in Latin, are: on the ocean coast beginning at the river Guadiana, the town Ossonoba . . .’ Plin. Nat. 3.7)

(k)

Quod scire vis qua quisque in te fide sit et voluntate, difficile dictu est de singulis. (‘As to your desire to know how this person and that has behaved and felt towards you, it is difficult to speak of individuals.’ Cic. Fam. 1.7.2)

(l)

Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editioribus locis facilia visu magnoque hortamento erant. (‘Now, all this was easy to see for the Romans from their higher position in the darkness and encouraged them greatly.’ Sal. Jug. 98.7)

(m)

Infert se saeptus nebula (mirabile dictu) / per medios miscetque viris, neque cernitur ulli. (‘Veiled in a cloud, he enters—wondrous to tell—through their midst, and mingles with the people, seen by none.’ Verg. A. 1.439–40) Supplement: Clause level: Ita ridicula auditu iteratu ea (sc. facta) sunt, quae ego intus turbavi. (Pl. Cas. 880); Simul flare sorbereque hau factu facile est. (Pl. Mos. 791); . . . difficile est hoc genus exornationis inventu . . . (Rhet. Her. 4.39); Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes . . . (Cic. Man. 65); Nec hoc tam re est quam dictu inopinatum atque mirabile. (Cic. Parad. 35—NB: parallelism); Incredibile dictu est quam multi Graeci de harum valvarum pulchritudine scriptum reliquerint. (Cic. Ver. 4.124); . . . nascenti cui tris animas Feronia mater / —horrendum dictu— dederat . . . (Verg. A. 8.564–5); Sapiens, vitatu quidque petitu / sit melius, causas reddet tibi. (Hor. S. 1.4.115–16); Id dictu quam re, ut pleraque, facilius erat. (Liv. 31.38.3—NB: parallelism); Ista dabunt formam, sed erunt deformia visu, / multaque, dum fiunt, turpia, facta placent. (Ov. Ars 3.217–18); Nec proinde diiudicari potest quid optimum factu fuerit quam pessimum fuisse quod factum est. (Tac. Hist. 2.39.2); Tum magister comperto, quamobrem malum desideraret, non, uti iussus erat, maiorem, sed quem esse magis idoneum aptioremque faciendo arieti facilioremque portatu existimabat, minorem misit. (Gel. 1.13.12—NB: parallel gerundival clause); Est enim paene supra humanum modum ne in cogitationem quidem admittere quod sit vel factu malum vel inprobum dictu. (Lact. Inst. 6.13.8); . . . si quod inpossibile nobis est factu, illi possibile atque ad modum obsecutionis paratum? (Arn. 2.35) Noun phrase level: Tanta factu modo mira miris modis / intus vidi . . . (Pl. Cas. 625–6—NB: mira used substantivally); . . . hasce herbas huius modi in suom alvom

426

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position congerunt / formidulosas dictu, non esu modo. (Pl. Ps. 823–4); . . . quam levia genere ipso, quam falsa re, quam brevia responsu! (Cic. Clu. 164—NB: parallelism); O rem non modo visu foedam sed etiam auditu! (Cic. Phil. 2.63); O rem cum auditu crudelem, tum visu nefariam! (Cic. Planc. 99); . . . cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillumum visu insidiantibus. (Sal. Jug. 113.5); Ipse arduus altaque pulsat / sidera (di talem terris avertite pestem!) / nec visu facilis nec dictu affabilis ulli. (Verg. A. 3.619–21); Sed si vera potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido imperii duos cognatos vicinosque populos ad arma stimulat. (Liv. 1.23.7); . . . eximuntur grana piperis magnitudine, candida, dulcia, facilia purgatu. (Plin. Nat. 27.95); Quaedam pudenda dictu tanta auctorum adseveratione commendantur, ut praeterire fas non sit . . . (Plin. Nat. 29.61); Nescio quid visu dubium incertumque moveri / corporaque ire videt. (Stat. Theb. 10.391–2); . . . lagoena iuxta orificio caesim deasceato patescens facilis (facili cj. Luetjohann) auritu . . . (Apul. Met. 2.15.6)

The second supine can be used with the nouns fas and nefas in combination with the verb sum ‘it is (not) permissible’, which has more or less the same meaning as the adjectives mentioned above. In (n), an accusative and infinitive clause functions as the subject; in (o), hoc. From the combination with gerundive forms like horrendus ‘terrible’ and pudendus ‘shameful’ the step to the combination of a finite verb form with a supine seems to have been made by Tacitus in (p). There are a few continuations of both constructions in Late Latin. (n)

Quia profecto videtis nefas esse dictu miseram fuisse talem senectutem. (‘Because you surely realize now that it would be monstrous to call unhappy such an old age as his.’ Cic. Sen. 13)

(o)

Humanus . . . animus . . . cum alio nullo nisi cum ipso deo, si hoc fas est dictu, comparari potest. (‘The human mind . . . can be compared with nothing else, if it is right to say so, save God alone.’ Cic. Tusc. 5.38)

(p)

. . . nisi si Gallos et Germanos et—pudet dictu—Britannorum plerosque . . . fide et adfectu teneri putatis. (‘. . . unless you suppose that Gauls and Germans, and even—to their shame be it spoken—many of the tribes of Britain . . . are attached to Rome by loyalty and liking.’ Tac. Agr. 32.1)

The second supine was clearly in decline in the Classical and Silver Latin periods. It is absent from Petronius. The archaists Apuleius and Gellius have it relatively often. Among the ecclesiastical authors Arnobius uses it often, Tertullian not at all. Alternative expressions were gerundial and gerundival clauses (see §§ 17.32–3) and the passive infinitive—especially in poetry—(see § 17.29). It is sometimes difficult to make a distinction between a second supine and the ablative form of a deverbal noun in -us functioning as respect adjunct (see § 10.91 and § 11.92), but sometimes the semantics helps, as in (q) and (r). Note in (r) and (s) the parallelism with the other adjective phrases.

Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses

427

(q) . . . servos is habitu hau probu’st.316 (‘. . . well, he is a slave who isn’t worth keeping.’ Pl. St. 59) (r) Non hodieque magna Scytharum pars tergis vulpium induitur ac murum, quae tactu mollia et inpenetrabilia ventis sunt? (‘Even at the present day does not a large portion of the Scythian tribe garb itself in the skins of foxes and mice, soft to the touch and impervious to the winds?’ Sen. Ep. 90.16—NB: ventis is dative) (s) Alter, o di boni, quam taeter incedebat, quam truculentus, quam terribilis aspectu! (‘The other, O ye good gods! how horrible was his approach, how savage, how terrible was he to look at!’ Cic. Sest. 19) The origin of the construction and its relation to the first supine in -um have received much attention in the literature. The second supine is normally regarded as an ablative form, although some scholars regard it as a dative.317 Those who regard it as an ablative form do not agree on how to explain it. The second supine construction has (partial) parallels in other languages, for example English John is easy to please. ~ It is easy to please John. See Kroon (1989a) for discussion.

16.114 Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses Nominal satellite clauses resemble participial clauses in many respects. Just as with participial satellite clauses, there are two types of nominal satellite clauses: those that occur as bare case forms (ablative absolute clauses) and those that appear in prepositional phrases (just like ab urbe condita constructions).

16.115 Nominal ablative absolute clauses Nominal ablative absolute clauses consist of a noun (phrase) or pronoun that forms the subject of the clause and a subject complement (see § 14.14). This complement can be a noun or an adjective (very rarely a pronoun); accordingly, a distinction is made between substantival and adjectival ablative absolute clauses.

. Substantival ablative absolute clauses The subject constituent in substantival ablative absolute clauses is most often a personal pronoun or a proper name. The nouns that serve as subject complement often 316 Some scholars take habitus as a noun. For discussion, see Petersmann (ad loc.). 317 Sihler (1995: 613), Meiser (1998: 225), and Fruyt (2019a: 197) take it as a dative.

428

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position

indicate functions in society.318 An example of this is consulibus ‘consuls’ in (a), which came to be used as a dating formula. Nouns denoting age do occur but are not frequent (e.g. puero ‘boy’ in (c)). Especially in Early Latin and in Cicero there is a much wider spectrum,319 including deverbal nouns, such as suasor ‘advisor’, as in (b), emptor ‘buyer’, and adiutor ‘helper’, for which, starting in Cicero’s time, the present participle became a competitor. In the first century ad this type of ablative absolute clause became a marginal phenomenon, except for a few stereotyped expressions and deliberately archaizing expressions that appear in some authors, such as Apuleius. For an interrogative sentence, see (d). For relative expressions as subject, see § 18.29. (a)

. . . (sc. Cato) qui L. Marcio M’. Manilio consulibus mortuus est. (‘. . . (Cato,) who died in the consulship of Lucius Marcius and Manius Manilius.’ Cic. Brut. 61)

(b)

Me suasore atque impulsore id factum audacter dicito . . . (‘You may boldly say that it was done on my advice and urging . . .’ Pl. Mos. 916)

(c)

Puero me hic sermo inducitur, ut nullae esse possent partes meae. (‘The conversation is supposed to have taken place when I was a boy, so that I could not take any part.’ Cic. Att. 13.19.4)

(d)

Unde ista erumpunt, quo auctore proferuntur? Si sunt falsa, cur probantur? (‘Where do these handwritten documents spring from, on whose authority are they produced? If they are forgeries, why are they approved?’ Cic. Phil. 2.100) Expressions of the type consulatu Xgenitive or post consulatu Xgenitive become more frequent from the mid fourth century ad onwards (examples are Amm. 20.1.1 and CIL X.4712 (Cales, ad 306), resp.). Inscriptional material in Ruggiero (1956: II.709).

These nominal ablative absolute clauses are almost always non-complex. The range of their semantic relations with their main clauses is smaller than that of participial clauses (see §  16.89). Most of them are adjuncts, but there are also disjuncts, for example with auctor ‘initiator’ and testis ‘witness’, as in (e) and (f). (e)

Potestne virtus, Crasse, servire istis auctoribus . . . (‘Can Virtue be a slave, Crassus, according to those authorities of yours . . .’ Cic. de Orat. 1.226)

(f)

XV p. in longitudinem quas diximus fauces Oceani patent, V in latitudinem, a vico Mellaria Hispaniae ad promunturium Africae Album, auctore Turranio Gracile iuxta genito.

318 A list of nouns used in substantival ablative absolute clauses can be found in Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 262–3). For information about the frequency with which they are used in Plautus and in Cicero’s orations and philosophical works, see Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 72; 130–1, respectively). 319 Especially in Cicero’s orations and letters (Flinck-Linkomies 1929: 130–1).

Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses

429

(‘The ocean straits mentioned are fifteen miles long and five miles broad, from the village of Mellaria in Spain to the White Cape in Africa, as given by Turranius Gracilis, a native of the neighbourhood.’ Plin. Nat. 3.3)320 Supplement: Atqui aut hoc emptore vendes pulchre aut alio non potis. (Pl. Per. 580); Impetrabit te advocato atque arbitro. (Pl. Trin. 1161); Nam me puero venter erat . . . (Pl. ap. Gel. 3.3.5); C.  Licinio praetore remiges scribti cives Romani sub portisculum, sub flagrum conscribti veniere passim. (Cato Orat. 190); ager publicus populi Romanei quei in italia P(ublio) Mucio L(ucio) Calpurnio co(n)s(ulibus) fuit, eius agri . . . (CIL I2.585.15 (Lex Agr., 111 bc)); viar(um) · T. · Vibio · . . . (CIL I2.808.6 (Rome, c.80 bc)); Et quidem licet adicias, inquam, pastorum vitam esse incentivam, agricolarum succentivam, auctore doctissimo homine Dicaearcho . . . (Var. R. 1.2.16); . . . L.  Considio Sex. Saltio, quem ad modum ipsi loquebantur, ‘praetoribus’ . . . (Cic. Agr. 2.92); Rectissime, et quidem ista (sc. natura) duce errari nullo pacto potest. (Cic. Leg. 1.20); Est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa. Quod autem affirmate et quasi deo teste promiseris id tenendum est. (Cic. Off. 3.104); . . . tenent nihilo minus illis mortuis senatus alteram partem, dissidentem a vobis auctore Metello et P. Mucio . . . (Cic. Rep. 1.31); Omnia summa consecutus es virtute duce, comite Fortuna . . . (Cic. Fam. 10.3.2); Postremo quid esse levius aut turpius quam auctore hoste de summis rebus capere consilium? (Caes. Gal. 5.28.6); Itaque magnifice Datamen donatum ad exercitum misit, qui tum contrahebatur duce Pharnabazo et Tithrauste ad bellum Aegyptium . . . (Nep. Dat. 3.5); . . . quis adiutoribus regem adgressus inpellit, uti advorsus Romanos bellum incipiat. (Sal. Jug. 80.3); Auctoribus qui aderant ut sequeretur, ad tribunal Appi perventum est. (Liv. 3.44.9— NB: an autonomous relative clause as subject); Eo tribunorum militarium nulla mentio his consulibus fuit. (Liv. 4.10.9); . . . bellum . . . parare Antiochum Hannibale ministro . . . (Liv. 34.60.1); . . . laudator temporis acti / se puero . . . (Hor. Ars 173–4); Custode rerum Caesare non furor / civilis aut vis exiget otium . . . (Hor. Carm. 4.15.17–18); Ovem rogabat cervus modium tritici / lupo sponsore. (Phaedr. 1.16. 3–4); Trinos soles et antiqui saepius videre, sicut Sp. Postumio  Q.  Mucio et Q.  Marcio  M.  Porcio et M.  Antonio  P.  Dolabella et M.  Lepido  L.  Planco cos., et nostra aetas vidit Divo Claudio principe, consulatu eius Cornelio Orfito collega. (Plin. Nat. 2.99); Antiquissimum in cibis hordeum, sicut Atheniensium ritu Menandro auctore apparet et gladiatorum cognomine, qui hordearii vocabantur. (Plin. Nat. 18.72); [Sed] memini Safinium. Tunc habitabat ad arcum veterem me puero, piper, non homo. (Petr. 44.6); Caesar indicium haud aspernatus congressus abnuit. Posse enim eodem Flacco internuntio sermone commeare. (Tac. Ann. 2.28.2); Impuberes tutore auctore obligantur . . . (Iulian. dig. 26.8.13); Quid etiam est, Aemiliane, quod non te iudice refutaverim? (Apul. Apol. 102); Bene autem quod omnia tempus revelat, testibus etiam vestris proverbiis atque sententiis ex dispositione naturae . . . (Tert. Apol. 7.13); . . . revertar ad te hoc eodem tempore vita comite et  habebit Sara filium. (Vulg. Gen. 18.14); . . . spes una salutis / nam mihi fit chrs, quo duce mors moritur. (Inscr. Christ. 3420.5–6 (Rome)); . . . Palatina cohors palinodiam in exitium concinens nostrum invenit tandem amplam nocendi 320 More instances in Tarriño (2004: 365).

430

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position fortissimo viro auctore et incitatore coetu spadonum . . . (Amm. 18.5.4) Propter hoc nullis auribus credidi quod primum me censore damnaveram. (Sidon. 8.15.2) NB: Non Bibulo quiddam nuper sed Caesare factum est. / Nam Bibulo fieri consule nil memini. (Suet. Jul. 20.2—NB: a popular distichon: sc. consule)

. Adjectival ablative absolute clauses Most adjectives that serve as subject complement in this construction denote a state or condition of the head constituent, which most often refers to a person.321 An example is (a). Much more uncommon is uno ‘alone’ in (b).322 Instances can be found in all periods of Latin, but their distribution over the authors and inscriptions shows that, apart from a few stereotyped expressions, their use began to decrease from the first century ad onward. Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus, however, exploited the possibilities of this construction more intensively and daringly. The expressions are usually short. Note in (c) and (d) the referential identity between mihi and invito me and me libente, respectively. Often adjectival ablative absolute clauses cannot easily be distinguished from noun phrases in the ablative functioning as adjunct denoting the general circumstances under which an event takes place.323 (a)

Non sino, neque equidem illum me vivo corrumpi sinam. (‘No, I won’t allow it, and I won’t let him be corrupted while I’m alive.’ Pl. Bac. 419)

(b)

Mihi quidem uno te plus etiam est quam volo . . . (‘Even with you by yourself I have more than I want . . .’ Pl. Am. 610)

(c)

. . . meas mihi ancillas invito me eripis. (‘. . . you’re tearing my slave-girls away from me against my will.’ Pl. Rud. 712)

(d)

. . . me libente eripies mihi hunc errorem. (‘. . . you must correct my error to my own rejoicing.’ Cic. Att. 10.4.6) Supplement: . . . praesente dictatored (CIL I2.25.9–10 (Rome, 260 bc)); Hostibus victis, civibus salvis, re placida, pacibus perfectis, / bello exstincto, re bene gesta, integro exercitu et praesidiis, / quom bene nos, Iuppiter, iuvisti, dique alii omnes caelipotentes, / eas vobis gratis habeo atque ago, quia probe sum ultus meum inimicum. (Pl. Per.753–6); Sine dote uxorem? # Ita, / tua re salva: hoc pacto ab illo summam inibis gratiam . . . (Pl. Trin. 375–6); Perii miser, / quia pudicitiae huius vitium me hinc apsente est additum. (Pl. Am. 810–11); Tum Valerius tribunus, ceteris inter metum pudoremque ambiguis . . . progreditur . . . (Quad. hist. 12); praedia empto]ris

321 A list of adjectives found in the ablative absolute clause can be found in Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 263–4). 322 Uno te is explained as an ‘ablative of degree of difference’ by Christenson ad loc. 323 A useful list of what he does not regard as ablative absolute clauses but as ‘sociative’ ablatives can be found in Flinck-Linkomies (1929: 265–6).

Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses

431

ter tanti invito eo quei dabit accipito (CIL I2.585.84 (Lex. Agr., 111 bc)); Haec omnia, iudices, imprudente L. Sulla facta esse certe scio. (Cic. S. Rosc. 21); Mutari etiam mores hominum saepe dicebat, alias adversis rebus, alias aetate ingravescente. (Cic. Amic. 33); Cum iam amplius horis sex continenter pugnaretur ac . . . hostes acrius instarent languidioribusque nostris vallum scindere et fossas complere coepissent . . . (Caes. Gal. 3.5.1); At Varinius, dum haec aguntur a fugitivis, aegra parte militum autumni gravitate . . . quaestorem suum C.  Thoranium . . . m miserat. (Sal. Hist. 3.96 A); . . . M. Scaurus . . . trepida etiam tum civitate . . . effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur. (Sal. Jug. 40.4); Tum ad equites dictator advolat obtestans, ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam capessant. (Liv. 2.20.10); Dant tamen arma, non volgo, tantum ut incerto hoste praesidium satis fidum ad omnia esset. (Liv. 3.15.8); . . . duae quinqueremes haud cuiquam dubio quin hostium essent opprimique a pluribus . . . possent nihil aliud quam tumultum ac trepidationem simul militum ac nautarum . . . fecerunt. (Liv. 28.17.14); Vivo patre et hoc parricidium est. (Sen. Con. 7.3.5); Imperator adulescens renuntiatus est omnibus laetis praeter patrem. (Sen. Con. 7.7.1); Hoc multo fortius est, ebrio ac vomitante populo siccum ac sobrium esse . . . (Sen. Ep. 18.4); Attonitis admiratione universis ‘salvo’ inquit ‘tuo sermone’ Trimalchio ‘si qua fides est . . .’ (Petr. 63.1); . . . Sallustius Crispus . . . metuens ne reus subderetur iuxta periculoso ficta seu vera promeret monuit Liviam . . . (Tac. Ann. 1.6.3); Et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. (Tac. Ann. 2.33.2); De Atimeto supplicium sumptum, validiore apud libidines principis Paride, quam ut poena adficeretur. (Tac. Ann. 13.22.2); Haud procul inde agebat Marius Maturus, Alpium maritimarum procurator, fidus Vitellio, cuius sacramentum cunctis circa hostilibus nondum exuerat. (Tac. Hist. 3.42.2); Sed et si credat aliquis invito domino se rem contrectare, domino autem volente id fiat, dicitur furtum non fieri. (Gaius Inst. 3.198); Triumphum ipse distulit maesta civitate clade Variana. (Suet. Tib. 17.2); Ne mora, cum iam in meridiem prono iubare rursum nos ac praecipue me longe gravius onustum producunt illi latrones stabulo. (Apul. Met. 4.4.1); Praevia igitur spe meliorum Romani duces . . . Gothos, quidquid molirentur, sagaciter observabant . . . (Amm. 31.7.6); . . . vibam (= vivam) te sospite semp . . . (CIL VI.25128.14 (Rome)) Noun/pronoun in abl. abs. coreferential with an argument in the main clause: Spectamen bono servo id est, qui rem erilem / procurat, videt, collocat cogitatque, / ut apsente ero rem eri diligenter / tutetur, quam si ipse assit, aut rectius. (Pl. Men. 966–9); . . . nequod iudicium . . . illo absente de existimatione eius constitueretur. (Cic. Ver. 2.60) This form of coreferentiality is particularly frequent in inscriptions, as in (e) and (f), below. Note also the mixed expression in (g).324 (e) . . . / momumentum / me vivo aedific / avi . . . (‘I built the monument while I was alive.’ CIL I2.1251.3–5 (Rome, Rep.))325

324 See the index of CIL VI.6.fasc. 3: ‘passim’.

325 For vivo suo and the like, see Galdi (2000).

432

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position (f) lucia se / viva locum / sibi emit. (‘Lucia bought the place for herself while she was alive.’ Inscr. Christ. Diehl 3739 E (Rome)) (g) c(aio) iulio primiceni / et iuliae irenetis / se bibi (= vivi) fecerunt / liber(tis) libertabus(que) / suis. (‘Gaius Iulius Primigenius and Iulia Irenetis built (this monument) for their freedmen and freedwomen while they were alive.’ CIL X.2567 (Pozzuoli, 1st cent. ad))

There are a few instances in Livy and Tacitus where the subject of the ablative absolute clause is a clause itself, as in (h). (h)

. . . haud cuiquam dubio quin (sc. duae quinqueremes) hostium essent opprimique a pluribus priusquam portum intrarent possent . . . (‘. . . it being doubtful to no one that they belonged to the enemy and that they could be surprised by superior numbers before they entered the harbour . . .’ Liv. 28.17.14) Supplement: Secundum hanc pugnam, nondum gnaris eius qui Messanae erant, Ti. Sempronius consul Messanam venit. (Liv. 21.50.7); . . . trepidis et verba iuris iurandi per varias artes mutantibus quis flagitii conscientia inerat. (Tac. Hist. 4.41.1) In § 9.36 instances are given of adverbs functioning as subject complement. Tacitus extends this use to the ablative absolute clause, as in (i) and (j). (i) Inter quae nulla palam causa delapsum Camuloduni simulacrum Victoriae ac retro conversum, quasi cederet hostibus. (‘Meanwhile, for no apparent reason, the statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell, with its back turned as if in retreat from the enemy.’ Tac. Ann. 14.32.1) (j) Sed ubi diem ex die prolatabant, multis coram et adprobantibus Surena patrio more Tiridan insigni regio evinxit. (‘However, as day after day found them still procrastinating, the Surena, with a crowd being present and expressing its approval, fastened, in the traditional style, the royal diadem upon the brows of Tiridates.’ Tac. Ann. 6.42.4) As with participial ablative absolute clauses (cf. § 16.89 fin.), here too subordinators are sometimes used to make the semantic relationship between the ablative absolute clause and its matrix clause more explicit, as in (k)–(m). (k) Qui si me audissent, quamvis iniqua pace honeste tamen viverent. (‘Had they listened to me, they would at least be living honourably, however harsh the terms of peace.’ Cic. Fam. 7.3.6) (l) Nicias a Dolabella magno opere arcessitus (legi enim litteras) etsi invito me tamen eodem me auctore profectus est. (‘Nicias having been urgently summoned by Dolabella—for I read the letter— has gone against my will, yet at the same time on my advice.’ Cic. Att. 13.28.3)

Nominal (verbless) satellite clauses

433

(m) Quid nos, quibus te vita si superstite / iucunda, si contra, gravis? (‘What about me, to whom life will be a delight with you—if alive—but otherwise a burden?’ Hor. Epod. 1.5–6)

16.118 Nominal absolute clauses in cases other than the ablative Nominal absolute clauses in cases other than the ablative seem not to be recorded, except in substandard inscriptions like (a), where it is difficult to define the case at all.326 (a)

Cucumio et Victoria / se vivos fecerunt. (‘Cucumius and Victoria made this monument, while they were alive.’ CIL VI. 9232.1–2 (Rome))

16.119 Prepositional nominal absolute clauses Prepositional nominal absolute clauses are not infrequent, especially those with nouns referring to functions in society, such as praetor and consul.327 An example is (a). There are also a few instances with adjectives, as in (b). The range of prepositions is more restricted than with the participial ab urbe condita expressions (§ 16.98). Most attested instances are time adjuncts. They can be found in all periods of Latin. (a)

Anno ante me censorem mortuus est, novem annis post meum consulatum . . . (‘He died in the year before I was censor, nine years after my consulship . . .’ Cic. Sen. 19)

(b)

Voltis a Romulo, voltis post liberam civitatem ab iis ipsis, qui liberaverunt? (‘Will you start with Romulus, or will you start after the liberation of the state with the liberators themselves?’ Cic. Parad. 11) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preposition): Qui ab A. Postumio, Q. Fulvio censoribus postve ea testamentum fecit fecerit. (Cic. Ver. 1.106); A quo consule quintus annus erat, cum is ipse Lepidus . . . consul factus esset. (Liv. 39.56.4); Ergo ille a Crasso consule et Scaevola usque ad Paulum et Marcellum consules floruit, nos in eodem cursu fuimus a Sulla dictatore ad eosdem fere consules. (Cic. Brut. 328); . . . mortuus est, annis LXXXVI ipsis ante me consulem. (Cic. Brut. 61); . . . imbelle triennium ferme pestilentia inopiaque frugum circa A.  Cornelium consulem fuit . . . (Liv. 4.20.9); . . . post te praetorem multi in eadem causa fuerunt. (Cic. Ver. 1.111); Igitur post Enthymesin extorrem et matrem eius 326 For variants of the se vivo expression in epigraphic texts, see Zelenai (2018). 327 See note 318.

434

Subordinate clauses filling a satellite position Sophiam coniugi reducem . . . novam excludit copulationem. (Tert. Val. 11.1); Te sequor. / Hic quidem pol certo nil ages sine med arbitro. (Pl. Cas. 142–3); Iudica quod mulier sine tutore auctore promiserit, deberi. (Cic. Caec. 72) Iam post laceros Pentheos artus / Thyades, oestro membra remissae, / velut ignotum videre nefas. (Sen. Oed. 442–4)

CHAPTER 17

Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

17.1 Introductory remarks Subordinate clauses that function as argument or as satellite in their sentences are discussed in Chapters 15 and 16, respectively. However, subordinate clauses can also  be used below the clause level as part of noun, adjective, and adverb phrases. Many of these clauses are comparable with arguments in that they are required by the meaning of the governing words. The nouns, adjectives, and adverbs involved mostly belong to the same semantic classes as the verbs that can govern a subordinate clause on the sentence level, and the classes of subordinate clause are also very similar. Just as one can at the sentence level use an accusative and infinitive clause with a verb of  communication like nuntio ‘to report’, as in (a), one can use an AcI with the noun  nuntius ‘message’, as in (b), where (optatissimum) nuntium is itself the object of accepissem. Nuntium is a third-order entity referring to the content of reporting (see § 3.6). (a)

Eadem nocte transfuga nuntiavit Pompeium et Labienum de iugulatione oppidanorum indignatos esse. (‘That same night a deserter reported that Pompeius and Labienus had been filled with indignation at the massacre of the townsfolk.’ B. Hisp. 18.9)

(b)

Cum optatissimum nuntium accepissem te mihi quaestorem obtigisse . . . (‘After I received the most welcome news of your appointment by lot as my Quaestor . . .’ Cic. Fam. 2.19.1)

An example of a subordinate clause at the adjective phrase level (for adjective phrases, see §§ 11.91ff.) is (c). Here, a gerundival clause depends on the two-place adjective cupidos, which itself functions as attribute with homines in the prepositional phrase in homines . . . cupidos. This use of a subordinate clause with cupidus can be compared with the use of subordinate clauses with the related noun cupiditas in (d) and the related verb cupio in (e). (c)

Atque utinam res publica stetisset quo coeperat statu nec in homines non tam commutandarum quam evertendarum rerum cupidos incidisset!

The Oxford Latin Syntax. Harm Pinkster, Oxford University Press (2021). © Harm Pinkster. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199230563.003.0017



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs (‘I would that the government had stood fast in the position it had begun to assume and had not fallen into the hands of men desirous not so much of reforming as abolishing the constitution.’ Cic. Off. 2.3)

(d)

Ardeo cupiditate incredibili neque, ut ego arbitror, reprehendenda nomen ut nostrum scriptis illustretur et celebretur tuis. (‘I have a burning desire, of a strength you will hardly credit but ought not, I think, to blame, that my name should gain lustre and celebrity through your works.’ Cic. Fam. 5.12.1)

(e)

De quo ut quem optas quam primum nuntium accipias tua medius fidius magis quam mea causa cupio. (‘Upon my word, it’s for your sake rather than my own that I want you to get the news you are praying for concerning him as soon as may be.’ Cael. Fam. 8.3.1)

As for subordinate clauses depending on adverbs, there is no attestation of cupide with a dependent clause, but see (f), with a gerundial clause depending on apte. (f)

(sc. oratio) . . . qua praecepta salutis et laudis apte ad persuadendum edat suis civibus . . . (‘. . . by which he might publish precepts conducive to health and praise in a manner suited to persuading his fellow-citizens . . .’ Cic. Leg. 1.62)

The preceding examples contain clauses that are comparable with arguments. Such clauses occur commonly enough. By contrast, it is much less common to find subordinate clauses below the clause level that are comparable with satellites. A few examples are given in §§ 17.20; 29; 34.

17.2 Subordinate clauses at the noun phrase level Subordinate clauses can be used as an obligatory (less often as optional) attribute with a variety of nouns, many of which are, more or less overtly, related to verbs or adjectives that (may) govern subordinate clauses as their arguments. Many of the internal properties of subordinate clauses at the noun phrase level are therefore identical to or resemble those at the clause level, and these internal properties are dealt with in detail in Chapters 14 and 15. For subordinate clauses that function as subject or object in a clause in which a noun functions as subject or object complement, see § 15.11 and other sections of Chapter 15. Although the subordinate clauses discussed in this chapter must be considered attributes, they differ considerably from attributive (in this Syntax: adnominal) relative clauses. For example, unlike these, the subordinate clauses discussed in this chapter cannot be coordinated with attributive adjectives (for examples of coordination of relative clauses, see § 18.25).¹ ¹ Quirk et al. (1985: 1049) use the term ‘appositive’, but this covers only part of the instances discussed here.

Introductory remarks  When a noun functions as subject or object of the verb in the superordinate clause, it is sometimes difficult to decide whether a clause should be described as an attribute of that noun alone or as an argument of a complex expression consisting of a verb and  the noun. When nouns are used with a support verb (see §  4.4), for example potestatem do or facio ‘to give the power, a chance, opportunity, or right’ (OLD s.v. potestas § 5), it may be more attractive to consider an ut clause like the one in (a), the argument that depends on the combination of noun and verb.² (a)

. . . tibi potestatem dedi / cum hac annum ut esses . . . (‘. . . I’ve given you the power to be with her for a year . . .’ Pl. As. 847–8)

The situation in (b), however, is different. Here the most convincing explanation for the ne clause is that it is an (obligatory) argument of (hoc) praeceptum (officii): teneo itself cannot govern an ut or ne clause, at least not in the meaning required here,³ but the verb praecipio and hence praeceptum can. The determiner hoc has a preparative function and serves to strengthen the relation between the noun and the attributive clause. (b)

Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter tenendum est ne quem umquam innocentem iudicio capitis arcessas. (‘Again, the following rule of duty is to be carefully observed: never bring a capital charge against any person who may be innocent.’ Cic. Off. 2.51)

In other contexts the situation is more complicated, for example in the case of legem promulgavit in (c), which could be paraphrased by: rogavit ‘he proposed’. However, legem is found with a wide range of verbs in more or less the same sense,⁴ and promulgo is not found with an ut clause when it does not govern a noun such as legem.⁵ An ut clause is also possible when lex functions as a satellite, as in (d), or as an attribute, as in (e). All this suggests that in (c) the ut clause is the attribute of legem alone; it is a specification of the rights and duties for those who are subject to the law. The clause is imperative and the use of ut (and not of declarative quod) is fully understandable. (c)

. . . legem promulgavit ut sexenni die sine usuris . . . creditae pecuniae solvantur. (‘. . . he promulgated a law that the money owed shall be paid without accumulation of interest six years from that day.’ Caes. Civ. 3.20.5)

² For a discussion of the status of these subordinate clauses, see Heine (1990: 5–6), with criticism of their treatment in LSS. For argument clauses with the combination of a support verb and a noun, see Hoffmann (2015). For criteria to decide whether a clause depends on the combination of support verb and noun or the noun by itself, see also Hoffmann (2018b). He would deal with many of the examples in this Chapter as having support verbs (p.c.). ³ For ut/ne clauses with teneo in its meaning ‘to make good one’s point (that)’, see OLD s.v. § 16c. ⁴ See TLL s.v. lex 1254.27ff. See also s.v. 1244.62ff. for combinations like ea lege ut/ne. ⁵ See TLL s.v. promulgo 1904.9. There is one attestation of promulgo with an accusative and infinitive clause (Plin. Nat. 27.9 (v.l. provulg . . .)).

 (d)

Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs . . . dilectu per omne Samnium habito nova lege ut qui iuniorum non convenisset ad imperatorum edictum quique iniussu abisset caput Iovi sacraretur. (‘. . . a levy having been held throughout Samnium under this new ordinance, that whosoever of military age did not report in response to the proclamation of the generals, or departed without their orders, should forfeit his life to Jupiter.’ Liv. 10.38.3)

(e)

Ferretne civitas ulla latorem istius modi legis ut condemnaretur filius aut nepos, si pater aut avus deliquisset? (‘Would any state tolerate the passer of a law dictating that a son or grandson be sentenced if his father or grandfather had committed a crime?’ Cic. N.D. 3.90) The status of lex in (f) is ambiguous. It is usually taken as the subject of existential est (see the translation) and in that interpretation the ut clause is the argument of lex, that is: at the noun phrase level. If, however, lex is taken as the subject complement (i.e. it is a law at Rhodes that . . .), the ut clause is subject at the sentence level. In that case it belongs in § 15.11. (f)

Lex est apud Rhodios ut, si qua rostrata in portu navis deprehensa sit, publicetur. (‘There is a law at Rhodes that if any ship with a ram is caught in the harbour it is confiscated.’ Cic. Inv. 2.98)

Still other relations between a noun (and verb) and an ut clause are illustrated by (g) and (h). In (g), the ut clause can be explained on the basis of the valency not only of facultatem,⁶ but also of assequi, as becomes clear if hanc facultatem is excised. The use of hanc resembles that of hoc in (b). However, the need to win the sympathy of one’s fellow-men has already been mentioned in Off. 2.17, and this may explain the use of hanc: it is an anaphoric determiner. The word facultatem itself has not been used before, so the ut clause seems to fulfil an ‘explanatory’ function.⁷ In (h), the ut clause can neither be regarded as the argument of reperiebant nor as that of remedia alone. Without preparative haec the ut clause would be impossible. (g)

Quibus autem rationibus hanc facultatem assequi possimus ut hominum studia complectamur eaque teneamus dicemus . . . (‘I shall presently discuss the means by which we can gain the ability to win and hold the affections of our fellow-men . . .’ Cic. Off. 2.19)

(h)

Quibus rebus nostri usu docti haec reperiebant remedia ut alio loco ignes facerent, . (‘Our men, taught by experience, discovered the following remedies for these emergencies, to light fires in one place, .’ Caes. Civ. 3.50.2)

The nouns in the examples discussed so far belong to different categories. Praeceptum is morphologically and semantically related to praecipio; it refers to the content of a

⁶ See TLL s.v. facultas 148.8ff. ⁷ See Bodelot (1995) for examples (f) and (g) and the analysis of attributive arguments in general. See also Georgiewa (1993/4), Bodelot (2000; 2010), Lavency (2003: 115–25), and Spevak (2014a: 201–4).

Finite clauses at the noun phrase level



command and as such is a third-order entity. Lex is not morphologically or semantically related to a verb, but its content and function can be specified, as is the case in (d) and (e) and it also refers to the content of an order. Remedium is related to the verb (re-)medeor and normally requires the expression either of what it is used for or what it is used against. However, in (h) the ut clause does not express either of these two relations; rather, it describes the content of the remedium. Facultas in (g) is different again. It refers to an ability (a second-order entity), which clearly requires an entity to which this property applies. Note that in (e) and (f) the sentences would be grammatically correct if the ut clauses were not there. In (h) this is excluded by the presence of the determiner haec, which can only be understood as preparative. Further examples of what is described in this paragraph are (i)–(k). Such clauses are sometimes called ‘explicative’.⁸ (i)

. . . usus essem mea consuetudine ut diligenter et quid actum esse et quid ex eo futurum sperarem perscriberem. (‘. . . I should follow my usual practice of describing in detail both what had happened and what consequences I expected to follow.’ Cael. Fam. 8.5.3)

(j)

. . . me ipse consolor, et maxime illo solacio quod eo errore careo quo amicorum decessu plerique angi solent. (‘. . . I am consoling myself, and most of all with the comforting thought that I am free from the delusion by which most men are distressed at the departure of their friends.’ Cic. Amic. 10)

(k)

Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine quod editis annalibus laudatoque M.  Bruto  C.  Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. (‘Cremutius Cordus was prosecuted upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge that in the history he published, after eulogizing Brutus, he had called Cassius the last of the Romans.’ Tac. Ann. 4.34.1)

Just as with verbs at the clause level, many nouns can be used with several of the subordinating devices. The first distinction in the sections that follow is between finite and non-finite clauses. There is a change over time in the frequency with which these types of subordinate clauses are used. There are also differences in the types of text in which they occur, running partly parallel to the historical developments.

. Finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level For finite clauses a further distinction is made between three types that correspond to the distinction ‘declarative’, ‘interrogative’, and ‘imperative’ in Chapter 15. ⁸ See, for example, Gerber and Greef s.v. quod 1343–4, where many instances can be found.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

. Declarative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level The following sections follow the order of treatment of these subordinate clauses in Chapter 15. Only some of the subordinating devices mentioned in that chapter are discussed here, as examples are sometimes lacking.

. Declarative clauses with quod and quia at the noun phrase level The most common subordinator to mark declarative subordinate clauses at the clause level is quod. One would therefore expect this subordinator to be used with nouns that indicate emotion, praise, and blame, and in later periods perception, cognition, and communication (for the verbs, see §§ 15.8–10), but such combinations turn out to be relatively infrequent. Examples are (a)–(c). However, quod clauses are used with other nouns as well, in a way that is often called ‘explicative’ (see also §  17.2), as in (d).⁹ (a)

Non enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timuerunt, contraque summa laus quod minime timendum fuisse senserunt. (‘For no blame is yours if some have feared you, but rather the greatest commendation, that they knew that you were to be feared so little.’ Cic. Marc. 20)

(b)

In litteris veteribus memoria exstat quod par quondam fuit vigor et acritudo amplitudoque populi Romani atque Poeni. (‘In ancient records there is an account that the strength, the spirit and the numbers of the Roman and the Carthaginian people were once equal.’ Gel. 10.27.1)

(c)

Nunc . . . confiteare necesse est te opinionem multum fefellisse quod existimaris me causam A. Cluenti non facto eius sed lege defensurum. (‘Now . . . you must admit that you were greatly deceived by the opinion that I should base my defence of my client’s case not upon its merits but upon its legal aspect.’ Cic. Clu. 143)

(d)

Additurque atrocior saevitia quod caput amputatum latumque in Urbem Poppaea vidit. (‘And there was the addition of a more frightful savagery, in that Poppaea saw the head after it had been amputated and carried into the city.’ Tac. Ann. 14.64.2—tr. Woodman (adapted)) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Quid enim aliud ille dicebat, quam causam sui dementissimi consili et facti adferebat, nisi quod intercessio neglecta, ius tribunicium sublatum, circumscriptus a senatu esset Antonius? (Cic. Phil. 2.53); . . . (sc. se) licentiam arrogantiamque reprehendere quod plus se quam imperatorem de victoria atque exitu rerum sentire existimarent. (Caes. Gal. 7.52.3); Catilinam luxuria primum, tum hinc conflata egestas rei familiaris, ⁹ For examples in Cicero, see Merguet (Phil. and Reden) s.v. quod, §§ III and IV.

Finite clauses at the noun phrase level



simul occasio quod in extremis finibus mundi arma Romana peregrinabantur, in nefaria consilia opprimendae patriae suae conpulere. (Flor. Epit. 2.12.1); . . . cum segnitiem Neronis incusares quod per singulas domos seque et delatores fatigaret. (Tac. Hist. 4.42.4) With a preparative determiner: Sed illa quanta (sc. est) benignitas naturae quod tam multa ad vescendum tam varie tam iucunda gignit . . . (Cic. N.D. 2.131); Iam satis hoc Graiae memorandum contigit urbi / aeternumque decus quod . . . / vincitur una mora. (Luc. 3.388–92); Haec dispositio hanc habet difficultatem quod epistylia propter intervallorum magnitudinem franguntur. (Vitr. 3.3.4); Sed tamen . . . hunc accepi dolorem quod . . . discedis a nobis . . . (Cic. Fam. 15.21.1); Equidem ad reliquos labores . . . hanc molestiam adsumo quod mihi non solum pro Cn. Plancio dicendum est . . . (Cic. Planc. 3); Accessit etiam ista opinio fortasse quod homini homine pulchrius nihil videatur. (Cic. N.D. 1.77); Terrebant haec. Sed ille maximus terror animos agitabat quod saepius Quinctius dictitabat se consulum comitia non habiturum. (Liv. 3.20.8)

Clauses with quia at the noun phrase level are extremely rare.¹⁰ The best example is (e). In (f) the quia clause is most likely a reason adjunct. (e)

Sed ego uno utor argumento quam ob rem me ex animo vereque arbitrer diligi quia et nostra fortuna ea est et illorum ut simulandi causa non sit. (‘But I only employ one proof to convince me that I am loved from the heart and in sincerity—namely, that my fortune and theirs is of such a kind as to preclude any motive on their part for pretending.’ Cic. Fam. 9.16.2)

(f)

Quod eo errore dixisti, quia existumas ab is providentiam fingi quasi quandam deam singularem . . . (‘You said this in error, because you imagine that providence is fashioned by them as a kind of special deity . . .’ Cic. N.D. 2.73)

. Declarative clauses with ut at the noun phrase level Declarative clauses with ut at the noun phrase level are difficult to distinguish from imperative clauses, as is the case with declarative and imperative ut clauses at the clause level (see § 15.25). Examples are (a)–(c) (ex. (a) is repeated from § 17.2). Ex. (b) has a determiner, which may be anaphoric in its context. (a)

. . . usus essem mea consuetudine ut diligenter et quid actum esse et quid ex eo futurum sperarem perscriberem. (‘. . . I should follow my usual practice of describing in detail both what had happened and what consequences I expected to follow.’ Cael. Fam. 8.5.3)

(b)

Ceterum si nihilo minus permaneret in eo vitio ut circa fana bacchari soleret et quasi demens responsa daret . . . vitium tamen esse . . .. (‘But if he persist in that bad habit of cavorting around the shrines and uttering virtually demented ravings . . . it is still a defect . . .’ Ulp. dig. 21.1.1.10) ¹⁰ See K.-St.: II.271, from whom ex. (e) is taken. Ex. (f) is taken from TLL s.v. is 477.66ff.

 (c)

Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs Antiquum etiam retulit morem ut, quo mense fasces non haberet, accensus ante eum iret, lictores pone sequerentur. (‘He also revived a bygone custom, that during the months when he did not have the fasces an orderly should walk before him, while the lictors followed him.’ Suet. Jul. 20.1) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): An vero non iusta causa est ut vos servem sedulo . . . (Pl. Capt. 257); Sunt . . . indicia naturae, maxime scilicet in homine, sed in omni animali, ut appetat animus aliquid agere semper . . . (Cic. Fin. 5.55); In vobis resident mores pristini, / ad denegandum ut celeri lingua utamini. (Pl. Truc. 7–8); Cum mos a maioribus traditus sit ut monumenta maiorum ita suorum quisque defendat ut ea ne ornari quidem nomine aliorum sinat . . . (Cic. Ver. 4.79—NB: ut argument clause and an ut adjunct clause); . . . hac opinione discessi ut mihi tua salus dubia non esset. (Cic. Fam. 6.14.2)¹¹ With a preparative determiner: Hic dies nostris longe gravissimus fuit. Sed tamen hunc habuit eventum ut eo die maximus numerus hostium vulneraretur atque interficeretur . . . (Caes. Gal. 5.43.5); Sed haec eius diei praefertur opinio ut se utrique superiores discessisse existimarent. (Caes. Civ. 1.47.1)

. Declarative clauses depending on nouns of fearing and worrying Just as with the related verbs (see § 15.37), ne is the subordinator of argument clauses with nouns of fearing, as in (a) and (b). (a)

Ergo iste metus me macerat, quod ille fastidiosu’st, / ne oculi eius sententiam mutent, ubi viderit me . . . (‘Well then, since he’s picky, the fear is wearing me out that his eyes might change his decision when he’s seen me . . .’ Pl. Mil. 1233–4)

(b)

Itaque metu ne per tantam gratiam solus rerum poteretur contra eam nisi sua et ipsius consilia disturbaverunt. (‘And out of fear that through such great influence he might gain sole mastery of affairs, they strove against that influence, and thus upset their own planned course of action and his as well.’ Sal. Rep. 2.6.5) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus . . . habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. (Tac. Ann. 1.7.6); Convenere extemplo, alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu ne non venisse fraudi esset . . . (Liv. 1.47.9); Ecastor [nobis] periclum magnum [et] familiae portenditur, / dum eius exspectamus mortem, ne nos moriamur fame. (Pl. As. 530–1); Et tamen interdum praesens vis ipsa pericli / subdit et hunc stimulum quadam de parte timoris / ne pedibus raptim tellus subtracta feratur / in barathrum . . . (Lucr. 6.603–6)

¹¹ For further instances of opinio + ut clause, see TLL s.v. 718.55ff. (called ‘epexegeticum’).

Finite clauses at the noun phrase level



With a preparative determiner: Ille quidem semper inpendebit timor ne rex, quod plerumque evenit, exsistat iniustus. (Cic. Rep. 2.50)

. Declarative clauses with quin at the noun phrase level Declarative clauses with quin at the noun phrase level are infrequent; the nouns they modify belong to the same semantic classes as the verbs with which they occur (see § 15.38). An example is dubitatio in (a). (a)

Cum igitur hic locus nihil habeat dubitationis quin homines plurimum hominibus et prosint et obsint, proprium hoc statuo esse virtutis . . . (‘Since, therefore, there can be no doubt that man is the source of both the greatest help and the greatest harm to man, I set it down as the peculiar function of virtue . . .’ Cic. Off. 2.17) Supplement: . . . nulla dubitatio relinquetur quin honore mortui quam vivo iniuriam fecimus sarciamus. (Cic. Phil. 9.8); Nulla enim nec disceptatio nec dubitatio fuit quin omnes eosdem genti Achaeorum hostes et amicos quos populus Romanus censuisset iudicarent . . . (Liv. 35.50.2)

. The use of tamquam and quasi clauses with nouns of emotion, cognition, and communication Just as with the corresponding verbs (see § 15.44), nouns of emotion, cognition, and communication can be combined with tamquam and quasi clauses, as in (a).¹² (a)

. . . famam diffudit tamquam ultro a Syphace accerseretur. (‘. . . he spread abroad the report that he was expressly sent for by Syphax.’ Fron. Str. 2.7.4) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun) Hoc animo tibi hanc epistulam scribo, tamquam me cum maxime scribentem mors evocatura sit. (Sen. Ep. 61.2); . . . quorum domini in invidiam venerant quasi exceptos supprimerent non solum viatores . . . (Suet. Tib. 8.1—NB: perhaps to be regarded as a support verb construction); Nam, cum omnia ad deum referant, in ea opinione sunt tamquam non, quia facta sunt, significent, sed quia significatura sunt, fiant. (Sen. Nat. 2.32.2); P. Claudius . . . sparsit rumorem quasi bellum iniussu populi inceptum gerere non posset . . . (Fron. Str. 1.4.11); Pactumeio Magno occiso et rumore perlato quasi filia quoque eius mortua mutavit testamentum . . . (Paul. dig. 28.5.93.1)

¹² See Bennett (1900), Bodelot (2014a: 202–4), and Rosén and Shalev (2017).



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

. Interrogative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level In § 15.46 four categories of verbs are distinguished that govern interrogative subordinate clauses. Along the same lines four categories of nouns can be distinguished, each illustrated by two examples, with a clausal question and a constituent question, as in (a)–(h). (i)

nomina interrogandi

(a)

Quibus (sc. legatis) longiorem exorsis orationem brevis interrogatio cessurusne iis tribus urbibus esset sermonem incidit . . . (‘When they had begun a lengthy argument, a terse question, whether he would evacuate these three cities, cut short their speech . . .’ Liv. 32.37.5)

(b)

Succlamationes frequentes erant interrogationesque cur scelere fratris oppressos Ligures in libertatem non restituisset. (‘There were frequent outcries and questions as to why he had not restored to freedom the Ligurians crushed by his brother’s injustice.’ Liv. 42.28.3)

(ii)

nomina investigandi

(c)

Ex homine remediorum primum maximae quaestionis et semper incertae est polleantne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum. (‘Of the remedies derived from man, the first raises the very important and never settled question of whether words and formulated incantations have any effect.’ Plin. Nat. 28.10)

(d)

Quid tibi, malum, me aut quid ego agam curatio est? (‘Damn it, why do you have a care for me or what I do?’ Pl. Mos. 34—NB: disjunction by aut; support verb construction?: see § 4.4)

(iii) (e)

nomina declarandi Absentibus secundum praesentes facillime dabat, nullo dilectu culpane quis an aliqua necessitate cessasset. (‘Whenever one party to a suit was absent, he was prone to decide in favour of the one who was present, with no distinction whether his opponent had failed to appear through his own fault or from a necessary cause.’ Suet. Cl. 15.2)

(f)

Postquam domum venit et mater mentionem intulit quid eo die, quid deinceps ceteris quae ad sacra pertinerent faciendum esset, negat . . . (‘When he came home and his mother made mention of what he had to do that day and on the following days in connexion with the rites, he denied . . .’ Liv. 39.11.1—NB: support verb construction?)

Finite clauses at the noun phrase level



(iv)

nomina sciendi, sentiendi, etc.

(g)

De quo alterum potest habere dubitationem adhibendumne fuerit hoc genus, quod in divisione Panaetii tertium est an plane omittendum . . . (‘But with regard to this assertion, the one point may admit of doubt as to whether that question, which is third in Panaetius’ classification, ought to have been included or omitted altogether . . .’ Cic. Off. 3.9—NB: support verb construction?)

(h)

. . . scientiam quid agatur, memoriamque quid a quoque dictum sit, omnium puto esse oportere. (‘. . . so, I hold, it is for all men to be admitted to the knowledge of what shall here take place, and to the memory of what shall be said by each speaker.’ Cic. Ver. 54)

However, apart from these verb-related nouns there are other nouns as well with which interrogative clauses can function as attributes, such as causa in (i) and difficultate in (j). (i)

An vero non iusta causa est quor curratur celeriter . . . (‘Well, isn’t there a just cause for running quickly . . .?’ Pl. Poen. 533)

(j)

Eo cum venisset, magna difficultate adficiebatur qua ratione ad exercitum pervenire posset. (‘When he arrived there he was confronted with a great difficulty, as to the means whereby he could reach the army.’ Caes. Gal. 7.6.2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Clausal questions: Quod itinerum meorum ratio te nonnullam in dubitationem videtur adducere visurus ne me sis in provincia, ea res se sic habet. (Cic. Fam. 3.5.3); . . . iudicatio nascitur: possintne eiusdem pecuniae plures dissimilibus generibus heredes esse? (Cic. Inv. 2.64); Iudicatio est: cum is, qui potestatis nihil habuerit, iussu imperatoris in foedere et in tanta religione interfuerit, dedendusne sit hostibus necne? (Cic. Inv. 2.92); Deinde (sc. utemur) percontatione scirentne adversarii id scriptum fuisse in lege aut testamento . . . (Rhet. Her. 2.13—NB: following Achard’s Budé edition) Constituent questions: . . . magnamque hominibus admirationem praebebat quam ob rem id accidisset. (B.  Alex. 6.2); Philosophorum vero exquisita quaedam argumenta cur esset vera divinatio collecta sunt. (Cic. Div. 1.5); Id testibus me pollicitus sum planum facturum qui et scire deberent et causam cur mentirentur non haberent. (Cic. Quinct. 86); Quapropter a natura mihi videtur potius quam ab indigentia orta amicitia, adplicatione magis animi cum quodam sensu amandi quam cogitatione quantum illa res utilitatis esset habitura. (Cic. Amic. 27); . . . sapientiam esse rerum divinarum et humanarum scientiam cognitionemque quae cuiusque rei causa sit. (Cic. Tusc. 4.57); Deinde (sc. utemur) conlatione quid scriptum sit, quid adversarii se fecisse dicant, quid iudicem sequi conveniat. (Rhet. Her. 2.13); Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium copiam tantam haberetis ut haec vobis deliberatio difficilis esset quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praeficiendum putaretis. (Cic. Man. 27); Relinquetur desideratio . . . quid ita non etiam ibi nascitur



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs pulvis . . . (Vitr. 2.6.4); . . . regressus ad Dium est dubitatione omnibus exempta quid intercluso ab Thessalia patiendum fuisset . . . (Liv. 44.7.7); . . . alteri (sc. hoc faciendum est), si plane causam redarguendo explicarit, enumeratione ut quidque diluerit et miseratione ad extremum. (Cic. Part. 122); Utendum etiam est excusatione adversus eos, quos invitus offendas, quacumque possis, quare id, quod feceris, necesse fuerit nec aliter facere potueris . . . (Cic. Off. 2.68); Sum in exspectatione omnium rerum, quid in Gallia citeriore, quid in urbe mense Ianuario geratur. (Cic. Fam. 10.4.4); Ei mihi, quom istaec blanda dicta quo evenant madeo metu. (Pl. Mos. 395); . . . omnisque ille sermo ductus a percontatione fili quid in senatu esset actum. (Cic. Brut. 218); Propositioque quid sis dicturus . . . (Cic. de Orat. 3.203) NB: with a preparative pronoun: . . . cum id in controversiam venit qua quis lege puniendus vel honorandus sit. (Quint. Inst. 7.4.41)

. Imperative subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level The common subordinator of imperative argument clauses at the noun phrase level is ut, negated (ut) ne. Examples with deverbal nouns that correspond to the meaning classes illustrated in §§  15.65–80 are (a)–(d). Some nouns do not easily fit in with these classes, for example the agent noun auctor in (e).¹³ (a)

Quid quod a senatu dantur mandata legatis ut D. Brutum que eius adeant . . . (‘Add to this the fact that commands are given to the legates by the senate, that they proceed to Decimus Brutus and his troops . . .’ Cic. Phil. 6.6)

(b)

De voluntate tua ut simul simus, vel studio potius et cupiditate, non dubito. (‘Of your desire for us to be together, or rather your eagerness and anxiety, I have no doubt.’ Cic. Att. 12.26.1)

(c)

. . . sese a suis civibus haec habere mandata ut ad Verrem adirent et eum simulacrum Cereris et Victoriae reposcerent; . . . testimonium ne quod dicerent. (‘. . . they had these commands from their fellow-citizens, that they approach Verres and request him to restore the images of Ceres and Victory; . . . that they were to give no official evidence against him.’ Cic. Ver. 4.113—NB: preparative determiner)

(d)

Omnino omnium horum vitiorum atque incommodorum una cautio est atque una provisio ut ne nimis cito diligere incipiant neve non dignos. (‘In short: there is but one security and one provision against these ills and annoyances, and that is, neither to enlist your love too quickly nor to fix it on unworthy men.’ Cic. Amic. 78)

(e)

Auctor est ut quam primum agere incipiant . . . (‘He is the proposer that they set to work without delay . . .’ Cic. Ver. 2.37)

¹³ For examples see Lodge s.v. ut II.938A; Merguet (Reden) s.v. ut 1044B–1045B; (Phil.) s.v. ut 893; (Caesar) s.v. ut 1129A–1130A; TLL s.v. ne 29828ff.

Finite clauses at the noun phrase level



Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): . . . hoc animo fui semper ut invidiam virtute partam gloriam, non invidiam putarem. (Cic. Catil. 1.29); Huic veri videndi cupiditati adiuncta est appetitio quaedam principatus, ut nemini parere animus bene informatus a natura velit nisi praecipienti aut docenti aut utilitatis causa iuste et legitime imperanti. (Cic. Off. 1.13); Quom ego huius verba interpretor, mihi cautio est / ne nucifrangibula excussit ex malis meis. (Pl. Bac. 597–8); Quibus cum condicionem ferret ut oppido excederent idque sibi vacuum traderent . . . (B. Afr. 25.3); Ibi cognoscit de P. Clodii caede senatusque consulto certior factus ut omnes iuniores Italiae coniurarent, dilectum tota provincia habere instituit. (Caes. Gal. 7.1.1); Atque haec non cupiditate aliqua scribit inductus ut in alienam provinciam mittat litteras ante tempus, sed consilio ne, si tempus sationis praeterisset, granum ex provincia Sicilia nullum haberemus. (Cic. Ver. 3.44); Nam mihi summa curatio est ut amicitiam tuam boni haberent. (Symm. Ep. 1.43.2); Novum in re publica introductum exemplum queritur ut tribunicia intercessio armis votaretur (notaretur cj. Holder) atque opprimeretur . . . (Caes. Civ. 1.7.2); . . . exhortationes et preces miscebat ut spernerent sonores barbarorum et inanis minas. (Tac. Ann. 14.36.1); Totas istas praesagias . . . Marcion illa intentione suscepit ne . . . nativitas quoque eius defenderetur . . . (Tert. Marc. 3.11.1); Fit sermo inter eos et invitatio ut Graeco more biberetur. (Cic. Ver. 1.66); Interim litteras accepit a Caesare ut in Africam exercitum traiceret . . . (B.  Alex. 51.1); . . . scio ego officium meum ut quae rogiter vera, ut accepi, eloquar. (Pl. Per. 616); (sc. Orgetorigem) damnatum poenam sequi oportebat ut igni cremaretur. (Caes. Gal. 1.4.1); Sin quaestiones habitae aut postulatio ut habeantur causam adiuvabunt, confirmandum primum genus quaestionum erit . . . (Cic. Part. 117); . . . prope iam desperata salute nonnullae huiusmodi sententiae dicebantur ut impedimentis relictis eruptione facta isdem itineribus quibus eo pervenissent ad salutem contenderent. (Caes. Gal. 3.3.3); . . . cum . . . vos et omnes boni vota faceretis ut Miloni uti virtute sua liberet. (Cic. Mil. 41); Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae . . . ut muri et portae reficerentur. (Cic. Div. 1.101) With a preparative determiner: . . . huic amanti ac Philocomasio hanc ecficiamus copiam / ut hic eam abducat habeatque. (Pl. Mil. 769–70); . . . in his autem tribus continetur cura etiam illa ut probemur iis quibuscum apud quosque vivamus . . . (Cic. Off. 1.126); Ibi super campos patentes duo duces Poeni ea mente ne detractarent certamen consederunt. (Liv. 28.12.15); . . . et di eam potestatem dabunt ut beneficium bene merenti nostro merito muneres. (Pl. Capt. 934–5) NB: Some of the examples cited above might be taken as manifesting a support verb construction, for example those with copia and potestas.

Imperative clauses with quominus can be used with nouns that are semantically related to the verbs discussed in § 15.72. An example is (f). (f)

Num quando tibi moram adtulerit quo minus concilium advocares legemque ferres . . . ? (‘Did it ever cause you a delay so that you could not summon a meeting and pass a law…?’ Cic. Vat. 15)



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Ex vobis audio nemini civi ullam quo minus adesset satis iustam excusationem esse visam. (Cic. Pis. 36); . . . nullius periculi timorem multitudini fore impedimento quominus se dederent. (B. Alex. 23.2); . . . quae religio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat quo minus C.  Glauciam, de quo nihil nominatim erat decretum, praetorem occideret . . . (Cic. Catil. 3.15)

. Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level The non-finite verbal argument clauses will be discussed in the following sections in the same order as in Chapter 15 (see § 15.90), according to the traditional morphological classification of infinitives (§§  17.13–15), participles (§  17.16), and gerunds and gerundives (§§ 17.17–20).

. Infinitival subordinate clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level Just as in § 15.91, two classes of infinitival clauses are distinguished: accusative and infinitive clauses and prolative infinitive clauses. The difference between the two classes can be seen by comparing (a) and (b). It corresponds to the difference between declarative and imperative clauses explained in Chapter 15. Note in (b) the parallelism with the gerund clause. (a)

Cogitatio igitur diuturna nihil esse in re mali dolori medetur, non ipsa diuturnitas. (‘Continued reflection therefore that there is no evil in the circumstances has a healing effect upon pain, not the continuance of time alone.’ Cic. Tusc. 3.74)

(b)

Summa eludendi occasio’st mihi nunc senes / et Phaedriae curam adimere argentariam . . . (‘Now I have the perfect opportunity to fool the old men and relieve Phaedria’s financial worries . . .’ Ter. Ph. 885–6)

. Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level Accusative and infinitive clauses can be used with nouns that are semantically related to the verbs that can govern an accusative and infinitive clause, especially verbs of cognition and emotion (see §§ 15.94–102). (a)

. . . ut illa opinio, quae semper fuisset, tolleretur alterum non doctissimum, alterum plane indoctum fuisse. (‘. . . in order that that notion, which had always prevailed, be dispelled, (namely) that one of them had no great learning and the other none at all.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.7)

Infinitival clauses at the noun phrase level (b)



. . . crebris nuntiis incitati oppidum ab Romanis teneri praemissis equitibus magno cursu eo contenderunt. (‘. . . incited by frequent messages that the town was held by the Romans, they sent the horsemen in advance and hastened thither in a mighty stream.’ Caes. Gal. 7.48.1— NB: the AcI was deleted by Pluygers, followed by Meusel, who says—wrongly—that AcI clauses are ‘never’ found with nouns that do not form a complex expression with a verb (p. 602 ad loc.)) Supplement (in alphabetical order by noun): Nihil est enim quod tam optundat elevetque aegritudinem quam perpetua in omni vita cogitatio nihil esse quod non accidere possit . . . (Cic. Tusc. 3.34); . . . ubi est illa definitio effatum esse id quod aut verum aut falsum sit. (Cic. Luc. 95); Qua quidem ex re magnum accipio dolorem homines amplissimis populi Romani beneficiis usos L. Pisonem ducem optimae sententiae non secutos. (Cic. Phil. 1.14); Hinc enim illa et apud Graecos exempla Miltiadem . . . vitam ex hostium telis servatam in civium vinclis profudisse . . . (Cic. Rep. 1.5); . . . principes quidam iuventutis inventi, manifesta fides publica ope Volscos hostes adiutos. (Liv. 6.13.7); Haec autem opinatio est iudicatio se scire quod nesciat. (Cic. Tusc. 4.26); Descendit ad accusandum. Quis umquam tam proprie rei publicae causa . . . nulla hominum postulatione aut etiam opinione id eum umquam esse facturum? (Cic. Sest. 89);¹⁴. . . (sc. Tiberius) addictus mathematicae plenusque persuasionis cuncta fato agi . . . (Suet. Tib. 69); Tum promissio, si audierint, probaturos. (Cic. de Orat. 2.339); (sc. iustitia) . . . aliquid quid cum vi sua atque natura . . . tum spe nihil earum rerum defuturum quas natura non depravata desideret. (Cic. Fin. 1.50); . . . non patiar istam manere suspicionem nos rem iudicari nolle. (Cic. Quinct. 34); Hoc vos mihi testes estis me verum loqui. (Pl. Capt. 3) With a preparative determiner: Vetus est haec opinio, iudices, quae constat ex antiquissimis Graecorum litteris ac monumentis, insulam Siciliam totam esse Cereri et Liberae consecratam. (Cic. Ver. 4.106); Nunc mea mater irata est mihi, / quia non redierim domum ad se, postquam hanc rem resciverim, / eum uxorem ducturum esse aliam. (Pl. Cist. 101–3); Est haec res posita, quae ab adversario non  negatur, Caecinam . . . pulsum prohibitumque esse vi . . . (Cic. Caec. 32); . . . subest ille timor ea (sc. utilitate) neglecta ne dignitatem quidem posse retineri. (Cic. de Orat. 2.334) NB: . . . (sc. Scipio) qui hoc Stoicorum (‘this Stoic maxim’) verum esse declaravit, numquam privatum esse sapientem . . . (Cic. Tusc. 4.51); In quo facetum illud Bionis, perinde stultissimum regem in luctu capillum sibi evellere, quasi calvitio maeror levaretur. (Cic. Tusc. 3.62)

. Prolative infinitive clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level In § 15.128 a discussion can be found of the use of the prolative infinitive with nouns that function as subject or object complements. The infinitive is also common with noun–verb combinations that in their meaning resemble simple verbs with which the infinitive is regular. An example is consilium capio, which resembles the class of verbs ¹⁴ For more instances of opinio + AcI, see TLL s.v. 718.36ff.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

described in § 15.125, and which is indeed treated there as a support verb construction. An additional example is (a).¹⁵ (a)

. . . eadem te hora consilium cepisse hominis propinqui fortunas funditus evertere. (‘. . . at the very same hour you formed the plan to ruin utterly the fortunes of one who was your kinsman.’ Cic. Quinct. 53)

The use of the prolative infinitive with nouns in other functions is rare. Where such instances do occur, some scholars assume Greek influence.¹⁶ The gerund or gerundive is much more common. (b)

Quod plerique omnes faciunt adulescentuli / ut animum ad aliquod studium adiungant, aut equos / alere aut canes ad venandum aut ad philosophos . . . (‘He behaved as all young lads tend to do, involving themselves in some pursuit like breeding horses or hunting-dogs or studying philosophy . . .’ Ter. An. 55–7)

(c)

Magnam molestiam suscepit et minime necessariam primus Zeno, post Cleanthes, deinde Chrysippus, commenticiarum fabularum reddere rationem . . . (‘First Zeno, then Cleanthes, then Chrysippus undertook the great and completely unnecessary labour of rationalizing purely fanciful myths . . .’ Cic. N.D. 3.63) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing noun): Omnibus idem animus scelerata excedere terra, / linqui pollutum hospitium et dare classibus Austros. (Verg. A. 3.60–1—NB: variation between prolative infinitive clauses and an AcI); . . . sed tamen saluberrimam consuetudinem tenebat ecclesia in ipsis quoque schismaticis et haereticis corrigere quod pravum est, non iterare quod datum est, sanare quod vulneratum est, non curare quod sanum est. (August. Bapt. 2.7.12); Cupido cepit miseram nunc me proloqui . . . (Enn. scen. 257V=222J); Iuvenes, fortissima frustra / pectora, si vobis audentem extrema cupido / certa sequi, quae sit rebus fortuna videtis. (Verg. A. 2.348–50); . . . iis IIviri · . . . viatores · binos · librarium praeconem haruspicem tibicinem · habere · ius · potestas/que esto · . . . (CIL II.5.1022.LXII.11–15 (Lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae, Osuna, c.44 bc);¹⁷ . . . di monuere uti . . . nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissumum persequi. (Sal. Jug. 102.5); Nunc est illa occasio / inimicum ulcisci. (Pl. Per. 725–6); Rape occasionem . . . non habere cui debitum solveres et a quo exsolvereris. (Tert. Cast. 10.1); Sequitur ordo de lapidicinis explicare . . . (Vitr. 2.7.1); . . . trepidaque a mente recedit / vertere terga pudor . . . (Sil. 4.328–9); . . . nec vero esse ullam rationem disputare cum is qui nihil probarent . . . (Cic. Luc. 17) Appendix: There are several interesting instances of coordination of a gerund and an infinitive, as in (d); such coordination suggests that they were felt as equivalent. There is an

¹⁵ For further examples, see TLL s.v. consilium. See also the discussion in K.-St.: I.742–3. ¹⁶ Discussion in Sz.: 351. See also Skutsch ad Enn. Ann. 294V=255S and Binder (2019: I.352–3). ¹⁷ The actual document is from the Flavian period. See Crawford (1996: I.395).

Participial clauses at the noun phrase level  interesting variation in Mat. 9.6, where the Vetus Latina version (cod. d) has the infinitive dimittere while the Vulgate version has the gerund dimittendi, showing the difference in register. (d)

. . . ut (sc. equites) haberent facultatem turmas Iulianas circumeundi et . . . pugnare. (‘. . . so they might have the ability to swarm round Caesar’s squadrons and fight.’ B. Afr. 78.4)

Supplement: Summa eludendi occasio’st mihi nunc senes / et Phaedriae curam adimere argentariam . . . (Ter. Ph. 885–6—NB: parallelism, see §  17.13); Et dedit ei potestatem congregandi exercitum et fabricare arma. (Vulg. I Macc. 10.6)¹⁸

. Participial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level There are two types of participial clauses (for a general introduction, see § 14.14) that can be used as attribute at the noun phrase level. One type is relatively frequent and consists of a clause containing a noun (phrase) and a perfect participle, both in the genitive case, as in (a); the other is rare and consists of a prepositional phrase, as in (b). In this example, with the first-order noun corona, the prepositional phrase is optional. (a)

Sibi enim bene gestae, mihi conservatae rei publicae dat testimonium. (‘He testifies to the Republic being well served by himself, but saved by me.’ Cic. Att. 2.1.6)

(b)

Nullum ornamentum . . . pulchrius . . . est quam illa corona ob cives servatos . . . (‘No decoration is . . . more beautiful than that crown bestowed for saving the lives of fellow-citizens . . .’ Sen. Cl. 1.26.5)

The clauses in the genitive are instances of the dominant participle construction; the prepositional phrases are instances of the type of dominant participle construction that is usually called ab urbe condita (see § 14.14 fin.). The clauses are usually short, but they may contain satellites (here in italics). Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing noun): Genitive: . . . in actionibus dementiae, malae tractationis, rei publicae laesae. (Quint. Inst. 7.3.2); Certare socii civesque utri reciperatae arcis suum decus facerent (Liv. 3.18.7); . . . tactusque dolore / coniugis amissae lacrimis ita fatur obortis. (Ov. Met. 7.688–9); . . . fateri facinus insimulati falso crimine senatus . . . (Liv. 6.16.1); Cuius fama haud procul iam ab Aricia visi tanto tumultu concivit Romanos, ut . . . (Liv. 2.26.5); Quippe minore exercitu insignes captivos, caedem ducis bellique confecti famam deportarat. (Tac. Ann. 4.26.1); Gloriam captae nobilissimae pulcherrimaeque

¹⁸ For more examples and references, see Aalto (1949: 62).



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs urbis Graecarum dei tibi dederunt, Marcelle. (Liv. 25.29.4);¹⁹ Huius patrati (sc. belli) gloria penes M. Crassum fuit . . . (Vell. 2.30.6); Cum vero . . . provincia tibi ista manupretium fuerit eversae per te et perditae civitatis . . . (Cic. Pis. 57); Syria et Macedonia quas vobis invitis et oppressis pestiferi illi consules pro perversae rei publicae praemiis occupaverunt. (Cic. Prov. 3); Hoc pretium positae virginitatis habe. (Ov. Fast. 6.128); Ob hasce res gestas consul cum . . . videret . . . ad solacium aequatae repulsae sibi quoque negare triumphum . . . (Liv. 10.37.6–7); . . . cum in [hanc] suspicionem C. Flavi equitis Romani occisi venisset . . . (V. Max. 8.4.2); . . . iniuriam corporis et ultionem violatae per vim pudicitiae confessa viro est . . . (Liv. 38.24.9) Prepositional phrase: Nam quas ex itinere antequam ex Asia egressus es ad me litteras misisti, unas de legatis a me prohibitis proficisci, alteras de Appiorum aedificatione impedita, legi perinvitus. (Cic. Fam. 3.9.1); Tamquam enim clausa sit Asia, sic nihil perfertur ad nos praeter rumores de oppresso Dolabella . . . (Cic. Fam. 12.9.1)

. Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level Gerundial and gerundival subordinate clauses at the noun phrase level are found with abstract nouns, such as copia ‘opportunity’ and occasio ‘occasion’, from the earliest authors onward. They are also found with actor deverbal nouns such as auctor ‘instigator’ from Cicero onward. The nouns involved are semantically and often also formally related to verbs or expressions that govern prolative infinitive clauses. Another—much less frequent—class of nouns concerns properties and denotes the manner of the state of affairs referred to by the gerundi(v)al clause, in the way manner adverbs do on the sentence level. An example is (a). Ex. (b) shows the same verb in combination with a corresponding adverb. (a)

Hoc unum (sc. inopia navium) Caesari ad celeritatem conficiendi belli defuit. (‘This (lack of ships) alone hindered Caesar’s speedy conclusion of the war.’ Caes. Civ. 3.2.2)

(b)

. . . arbitratus id bellum celeriter confici posse . . . (‘. . . believing that the campaign could be speedily completed . . .’ Caes. Gal. 3.28.1)

Gerundial and gerundival clauses are most commonly used as arguments of the type of nouns discussed sofar. However, they can also be used with other nouns in a specific context. For instance, the combination of a noun with a specific verb may give this noun access to the combinatorial range of a closely related expression. Thus the word dies ‘day’ seems, of its own meaning, not to require another entity it is related to, but when it depends on postulo ‘to demand’ as an object, it may govern a gerundial clause in the genitive, as in (c), with the meaning ‘day’s time’. In this example the action of delibero is expressed as a defining property of dies. More or less the same ¹⁹ For instances of gloria with a dominant participle, see TLL s.v. 2071.82ff.

Gerundial and gerundival clauses at noun phrase level



content can be conveyed with a prepositional purpose expression with ad, as in (d). Similarly, the word deversorium ‘lodging’ is, at first sight, a clear example of a noun that does not require another entity to complete its meaning (it is a first-order entity; see § 3.6). However, in its non-literal meaning it is used by Cicero with a genitive of the gerund, as in (e), as it is used figuratively with nouns implying certain actions, as in (f). (c)

(sc. Simonides) . . . deliberandi sibi unum diem postulavit. (‘(Simonides) . . . requested a day’s grace for consideration.’ Cic. N.D. 1.60)

(d)

Noctem sibi ad deliberandum postulavit. (‘He asked for a night to consider.’ Cic. Sest. 74)

(e)

Commorandi enim natura deversorium nobis, non habitandi dedit. (‘For nature gave us lodging for passing the time in, not for dwelling in.’ Cic. Sen. 84)

(f)

Studiorum enim suorum M. Varro voluit illud, non libidinum deversorium. (‘For Varro wished that house to be a retreat for his own studies, not for his lusts.’ Cic. Phil. 2.104)

There are, however, also instances that cannot be explained in this way: they are clearly optional constituents (satellites). A humorous example from Plautus is (g), repeated from § 14.16 and § 15.21. Historical authors, especially Tacitus, expand the range of head constituents with which the genitive of the gerundive may occur to non-relational nouns such as victima ‘sacrifice’²⁰—in Livy—and pecunia ‘money’—in Tacitus. Such gerundival clauses are often called ‘final’, and they are indeed not always easy to distinguish from gerundival purpose adjuncts (see § 16.106). This is a literary development that did not affect the language system as a whole and left no trace in the history of Latin. An early example is (h). A large step even further away from relational head nouns is Sallust’s use of a gerundival clause with the substantival plural neuter quantifier omnia ‘everything’ in (i). (g)

Eheu, huic illud dolet, / quia nunc remissus est edendi exercitus. (‘Oh, oh, oh, this one (points to his stomach) is in pain because the army for eating has been dismissed now.’ Pl. Capt. 152–3)

(h)

. . . M. Aemilius . . . exercitum opprimendae libertatis habet . . . (‘. . . Marcus Aemilius . . . has an army for the purpose of overthrowing our liberties . . .’ Sal. Hist. 1.77.3)

(i)

. . . ut . . . omnia retinendae dominationis honesta aestimet. (‘. . . that . . . he regards every means of retaining his supremacy as honourable.’ Sal. Hist. 1.55.8)

²⁰ Aalto (1949: 106–7) quotes instances like immolavit · porcas piaculares · duas · luco coinquiendo et / operis · faciundi (from the Acta Arv. of ad 120—CIL VI.2080.36–7) as parallels.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs Supplement: …placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi . . . (Liv. 8.6.11); . . . sulcus designandi oppidi coeptus . . . (Tac. Ann. 12.24.1); . . . quia pecuniam a Vario Ligure omittendae delationis ceperant . . . (Tac. Ann. 6.30.1); . . . cenam dabat amicis ac magistris sub urbe in rusculo celebrandae lucis annuae . . . (Gel. 19.9.1)

After the Classical period there are also instances in which a gerundival clause defines the content of a noun (phrase) (sometimes referred to as a genetivus explicativus), but just as with the use of the genitive to mark nouns or noun phrases as the attribute of a head constituent, the semantic range is very wide, and precise labelling makes no sense. Examples to illustrate the wide semantic range are (j) and (k). (j)

. . . et proverbium inde natum suspendio arborem eligendi. (‘. . . and from that was born the proverb of “choosing the tree for hanging oneself.”’ Plin. Nat. pr. 29)

(k)

Unde ista tormenta cruciandae simplicitatis et suspendendae veritatis? (‘Why adopt such excruciating means of torturing simple knowledge and crucifying the truth?’ Tert. An. 18.7—tr. Holmes)

Finally there is (l), a passage from the Vulgate which tries to follow the Greek original (which has an infinitive!). (l)

Qui habet aures audiendi . . . (‘He that has ears to hear . . .’ Vulg. Marc. 4.9)

. Gerundial clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level There are several types of gerundial expressions found as argument with nouns: genitive bare case gerunds and prepositional expressions, with ad ‘to’ being the most common preposition. Examples of a gerund in the genitive are (a) and (b). An example of a prepositional gerundial expression is (c). (a)

Et meam partem loquendi et tuam trado tibi. (‘I grant you both my share of speaking and yours.’ Pl. As. 517)

(b)

In hunc me casum vos vivendi auctores impulistis. (‘Such is the dilemma into which you advocates of living have pushed me.’ Cic. Att. 3.9.1)

(c)

. . . perfecistis ut . . . mihi summa facultas ad accusandum daretur . . . (‘…You have brought it about that the greatest ability to accuse was granted to me. . .' Cic. Ver. 2.178)

The gerund may govern an argument (in the case required by the verb—see below for a few exceptions), and satellites are also used occasionally. An example of a gerund in the genitive with an object constituent is (d), where tutores is in the accusative, the

Gerundial and gerundival clauses at noun phrase level



regular case with do ‘to give’. Gerundival clauses are (much) more common for this in all periods of Latin, certainly before Livy.²¹ (d)

Ius dandi tutores datum est omnibus magistratibus municipialibus . . . (‘The right of appointing tutors is granted to all municipal magistrates . . .’ Ulp. dig. 26.5.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing noun): Gerund with abstract nouns: Genitive: Causa autem fuit huc veniendi ut quosdam hinc libros promerem. (Cic. Fin. 3.8);²² . . . habent consuetudinem dandi his quos humane suscipiunt. (Pereg. 11.1); Nam ea res dedit tum existumandi copiam / cotidianae vitae consuetudinem . . . (Ter. Hau. 282–3); Si reducimus exercitum, quis est qui dubitet illos non a cupiditate solum ulciscendi, sed etiam necessitate inposita ex alieno praedandi, cum sua amiserint, agrum nostrum invasuros? (Liv. 5.5.3); . . . complures tum ibi dies sum propter navigandi difficultatem commoratus. (Cic. de Orat. 1.82); . . . si rei dignitas adimet iocandi facultatem . . . (Cic. Inv. 1.25); Eisque · pontificib(us) · . . . togas · praetextas haben/ di ius · potestasq(ue) · esto. (CIL II...LXVI.– (Lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae, Osuna, c.44 bc);²³ Ceterum prophetandi ius et illas habere iam ostendit . . . (Tert. Marc. 5.8.11); Tanta lubido cum Mario eundi plerosque invaserat. (Sal. Jug. 84.3); . . . normamque tenere canendi / primus . . . (CIL XIII.2400.11–12 (Lyon, ad 575)); . . . hortaturque ne sui in perpetuum liberandi atque ulciscendi Romanos pro iis, quas acceperint, iniuriis occasionem dimittant. (Caes. Gal. 5.38.2); Merope postquam vidit occasionem sibi datam esse ab inimico se ulciscendi, redit cum Polyphonte in gratiam. (Hyg. Fab. 137.6); . . . fuisse illi antehac tam truculentum officium edendi homines demiratur. (Jul. Val. 1.17); Patres censuerunt qui honorem quem sibi capere per leges liceret peteret, in eo populo creandi quem velit potestatem fieri aequum esse. (Liv. 32.7.11); Parsimonia est scientia vitandi sumptus supervacuos aut ars re familiari moderate utendi. (Sen. Ben. 2.34.4); Agros rediens vastat ulciscendi magis quam praedae studio. (Liv. 1.15.4—NB: coordination with the noun praedae); . . . speculatores omnia visendi et Scipio ad comparanda quae in rem erant tempus habuit. (Liv. 30.4.6—NB: parallelism with a gerundival clause)²⁴ Prepositional phrase: Sed non senatui libertas ad paenitendum erat . . . (Tac. Ann. 3.51); Non est locus ad tergiversandum. (Cic. Att. 7.1.4); Ad loquendum atque ad tacendum tute habeas portisculum. (Pl. As. 518); . . . (sc. civitates) eo processuras unde receptum ad²⁵ paenitendum non haberent. (Liv. 42.13.3)

²¹ K.-St.: I.735 report that in Cicero there are 587 gerundival clauses in comparison with only 24 gerundial clauses in the genitive with an argument. Curtius, according to their report, is the only one who prefers the gerundial clause. ²² For argument clauses with causa, see Spevak (2014b). ²³ See note 17. ²⁴ Ungrammatical, and possibly inspired by a Greek source, is a unique utterance in Macrobius (1.8.8): . . . certo iam tempore finis factus est procedendi de caelo semina (NB: corresponding with a subject in a finite clause) ad elementorum conceptionem . . . Discussion in Wistrand (1967: 70–1), with a critical comment on putative instances of ‘subjects’ of gerundial clauses mentioned by Sz.: 376. ²⁵ For ad + gerundi(v)al clauses modifying nouns, see TLL s.v. ad 504.61ff.; 538.82ff.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs Gerund with agent nouns: Genitive: . . . Pyrrhus unicus pugnandi artifex . . . (Liv. frg. 1Jal); Auctor ego audendi. (Verg. A. 12.159); Sacrum quoque, quod equidem dis minime cordi esse crediderim, multis saeculis intermissum repetendi auctores quidam erant . . . (Curt. 4.3.23); Nihil amplius quaesierunt quam an auctor esset sibi divinis honoribus colendi suum regem. (Curt. 4.7.28); Non hic Atridae nec fandi fictor Ulixes. (Verg. A. 9.602); . . . ut occidendi Attalum non alio ministro uti mallet. (Curt. 7.1.3); Nam et qui principes inveniendi fuerunt quem ex quaque belua usum habere possemus . . . (Cic. Off. 2.14— NB: indirect question as object); Et ideo nihil prohibet duos reos stipulandi constitui vel promittendi . . . (Julian. dig. 45.2.5)

There are a number of instances of a noun governing a genitive of the gerund, with another noun seemingly depending on the gerund—not, however, in its regular case, but in the genitive. An example is (e). However, I would argue that tuendi is governed by copiam, the combination of which is modified by lucis.²⁶ (e)

Quia mi item ut parentes lucis das tuendi copiam. (‘Because like parents you give me a chance of seeing the light.’ Pl. Capt. 1008) Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing noun): Nominandi istorum tibi erit magis quam edundi copia / hic apud me, Ergasile. (Pl. Capt. 852–3); Utinam ne . . . / neve inde navis inchoandi exordium / cepisset . . . (Enn. scen. 246–8V=210–11J); Agitur utrum M. Antonio facultas detur opprimendae rei publicae, caedis faciendae bonorum, urbis, [eruendorum] agrorum suis latronibus condonandi, populi Romani servitute opprimendi, an horum ei facere nihil liceat. (Cic. Phil. 5.6); . . . quibus ne reiciundi quidem amplius quam trium iudicum praeclarae leges Corneliae faciunt potestatem . . . (Cic. Ver. 2.77); . . . sive enim aliquod fuit principium generandi animalium . . . (Var. R. 2.1.3); Quarum ego quid vobis aut inveniendi rationem aut genera ponam? (Cic. de Orat. 3.156); Earum autem rerum nullam sibi iste neque infitiandi rationem neque defendendi facultatem reliquit. (Cic. Ver. 4.104); Nullas enim consequuntur voluptates, quarum potiendi spe inflammati multos labores magnosque susceperant. (Cic. Fin. 1.60)

. Gerundival clauses functioning as attribute at the noun phrase level Gerundival clauses are found with the same head constituents as the gerundial clauses, which are discussed in the previous section. Typical examples, in the genitive, are (a) and (b). Examples of gerundival clauses in the dative and in a prepositional phrase are (c) and (d), respectively. (a)

. . . natura cupiditatem ingenuit homini veri videndi . . . (‘. . . nature has engendered in mankind the desire of seeing truth . . .’ Cic. Fin. 2.46)

²⁶ The precise relationship between governing noun, gerund, and depending genitive noun is much debated. See Bolkestein (1989a: 7–9), who analyses the fifty-two known instances from the point of view of word order.

Gerundial and gerundival clauses at noun phrase level (b)



. . . te . . . auctorem fuisse . . . moderandae victoriae? (‘. . . that you were the proponent in favour of moderating victory?’ Cic. Fam. 11.27.8)

(c)

Nam cum dies venisset rogationi . . . ferendae . . . (‘When the day came for putting the bill to the Assembly . . .’ Cic. Att. 1.14.5)

(d)

. . . fui verum etiam ceteris auctor ad te adiuvandum . . . (‘. . . but I also urged others to come to your assistance . . .’ Cic. Att. 9.11a.2)

The gerundival clause is in certain ways comparable to a proper deverbal noun and sometimes gerundives and deverbal nouns derived from the same stem occur in similar contexts, as can be seen by comparing (e) and (f): (e)

Die constituta causae dictionis Orgetorix . . . familiam . . . coegit . . . (‘On the day appointed for the presentation of his case Orgetorix gathered his retainers . . .’ Caes. Gal. 1.4.2)

(f)

Haec agitata sermonibus, donec dies causae dicendae venit. (‘Such was the current of talk until the day for speaking the case came.’ Liv. 38.50.10)

However, as is explained in § 3.16 about the gerund, in spite of certain similarities there are also essential differences in distribution. It is not always clear whether the dative and ad clauses are constituents at the noun phrase level or whether they should rather be seen as depending on the combination of the noun and the verb or should even be regarded as purpose adjuncts (for which see § 16.106). Supplement (in alphabetical order by governing noun): Gerundival clause with abstract nouns: Genitive: . . . huius rei aut leniendae aut corrigendae nullam rem adiumento futuram. (Rhet. Her. 2.48); Ea ignominia accepta . . . praebuit iustiorem causam resistendi collegae. (Liv. 4.53.4); Tamen tanta universae Galliae consensio fuit libertatis vindicandae et pristinae belli laudis recuperandae . . . (Caes. Gal. 7.76.2); Date, di, quaeso, conveniundi mi eius celerem copiam. (Pl. Mer. 850); Inde natum initium dicitur fori ornandi ab aedilibus, cum tensae ducerentur. (Liv. 9.40.16); . . . si rationum referendarum ius vetus et mos antiquus maneret . . . (Cic. Fam. 5.20.1); . . . restituendae Romanis Capuae mora atque impedimentum es. (Liv. 23.9.11); . . . erit . . . carnifex cui occidendorum hominum officia credantur . . . (Firm. Math. 8.17.1); Tunc nos in ancipiti periculo constituti vel opprimendi nostri vel deserendi socii remedium e re nata validum eo volente comminiscimus. (Apul. Met. 4.11.1); . . . quia spei maioris avertendae solacium obiectum censebant. (Liv. 5.24.5); Atqui si tempus est ullum iure hominis necandi—quae multa sunt—certe illud est . . . (Cic. Mil. 9); Multi venisse tempus premendae plebis putabant reciperandique iura quae extorta secessione ac vi patribus essent. (Liv. 2.34.8—NB: coordination with a gerund); . . . sicut et collegii concordia et colligendae fraternitatis ac medendi vulneris utilitas exigebat . . . (Cypr. Ep. 55.7.2) Dative: Ego caput huic argento fui hodie reperiundo. (Pl. As. 728); Comitia consulibus rogandis fuere: creati P. Cornelius Lentulus M. Baebius Tamphilus. (Liv.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs 40.18.1); Nam cum dies venisset rogationi ex senatus consulto ferendae . . . (Cic. Att. 1.14.5); . . . vectigalibusve publiceis fruendeis locandeis vendundeis legem deixerunt . . . (CIL I2.585.85 (Lex Agr., Rome, c.111 bc)); Fama est adpulsa nave mercatorum nitri, cum sparsi per litus epulas pararent nec esset cortinis attollendis lapidum occasio, glaebas nitri e nave subdidisse… (Plin. Nat. 36.191); Origo quaestoribus creandis antiquissima est . . . (Ulp. dig. 1.13.1) Prepositional phrase: Actione de rationibus distrahendis nemo tenetur . . . (Paul. dig. 27.3.2.pr.); . . . aut inpudentia et huic et ceteris magnam ad se defendendum facultatem dabit. (Cic. Cael. 50); Eis ad ignoscendum (‘to obtain pardon’) nulla facultas est data et a militibus nostris interfecti sunt. (B. Hisp. 12.2); . . . qui morae ad decernendum bellum ad Naupactum [auctor] fuerat . . . (Liv. 31.40.9); Eam occasionem Polyxenidae ad rem gerendam fore. (Liv. 37.26.7); . . . et speculatores omnia visendi et Scipio ad comparanda quae in rem erant tempus habuit. (Liv. 30.4.6—NB: parallelism with a gerund clause); Instructius deliberatiusque fore arbitramur theorematium hoc de mandatis huiuscemodi obsequendis, si exemplum quoque P.  Crassi Muciani, clari atque incluti viri, apposuerimus. (Gel. 1.13.9) Gerundival clause with agent nouns: Genitive: . . . te et non suscipiendi belli civilis gravissimum auctorem fuisse et moderandae victoriae? (Cic. Fam. 11.27.8); Multa illi opera opu’st ficturae qui se fictorem probum / vitae agundae esse expetit. (Pl. Trin. 365–6) Dative: . . . ille legibus per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor . . . (Cic. Att. 8.3.3) NB: agent nouns referring to magistrates: . . . Demosthenes curator muris reficiendis fuit . . . (Cic. Opt. Gen. 19); . . . curator · vi(i)s · sternundis . . . (CIL VI.1283.b2 (Rome, 181 bc)); . . . curator · pecuniae· publicae · exi / gendae · et · attribuendae . . . (CIL XIV.376.13–14 (Ostia Antica, c. ad 150)); . . . alterum triumvirum coloniis deducundis . . . (Sal. Jug. 42.1)

. Optional gerundial and gerundival clauses at the noun phrase level All sorts of nouns may be modified by optional gerundial and gerundival clauses with various prepositions. (a)

. . . sed etiam commemorant sodalitatem in accusando . . . (‘. . . but in accusing they even harp on their fraternity . . .’ Cic. Cael. 26)

(b)

. . . si mihi libeat totius gentis in testimoniis dicendis explicare levitatem. (‘. . . if I wanted to display the untrustworthiness of the whole nation in giving evidence.’ Cic. Flac. 12) Supplement (in alphabetical order by preposition): Gerundial clauses: Atque hic parum a magistris institutus naturam habuit admirabilem ad dicendum. (Cic. Brut. 280); Nec bestiarum solum ad nocendum scelera sunt sed interim aquarum quoque ac locorum. (Plin. Nat. 25.20) Gerundival clauses: . . . otium / ab senibus ad potandum ut habeam. (Ter. Ph. 831–2); . . . legionis Martiae quartaeque mirabilis consensus ad rem publicam recuperandam laude et testimonio nostro confirmetur . . . (Cic. Phil. 3.7); Nunc propraetoris unius et

Subordinate clauses at adjective/adverb phrase level



parvi ad tuendam Nolam praesidii praeda sumus. (Liv. 23.42.10); Semper illius . . . praestantem in re publica tuenda curam . . . celebrabit. (Cic. Phil. 9.10);²⁷ Quae enim proposita fuerant nobis . . . dignitas in sententiis dicendis, libertas in re publica capessenda, ea sublata tota sunt . . . (Cic. Fam. 1.8.3); . . . omnes quidem debitos Domino spectat ut omnes salutis in promerendo Deo petitores . . . (Tert. Paen. 6.1); . . . decreta super iugandis / feminis . . . (Hor. Saec. 18–19)

17.21 Subordinate clauses at the adjective phrase level Two-place adjectives (see §§  4.99–104) can be used with a subordinate clause as their argument, both when they function as an attribute of a noun phrase, as in (a)—relatively rare—and—much more common—when they function as a subject or object complement, as in (b) and (c), respectively. In (a), dignam governs a gerundival clause; in (b) and (c) dignus and dignos govern a finite ut clause; in (c) indignos governs an autonomous relative clause. For these relative clauses, see § 18.19. Examples of adjectives that function as subject complement can be found in the following sections. (a)

. . . adultum iam esse Britannicum, veram dignamque stirpem suscipiendo patris imperio . . . (‘. . . that Britannicus was now mature, the true and worthy stock for undertaking his father’s command . . .’ Tac. Ann. 13.14.2—tr. Woodman)

(b)

Quia enim non sum dignus prae te palum ut figam in parietem. (‘Because compared with you I’m not worthy to pound a peg into a wall.’ Pl. Mil. 1140)

(c)

. . . si modo quos ut socios haberes dignos duxisti haud indignos iudicas quos in fidem receptos tuearis. (‘. . . if only men whom you have considered worthy to be your allies are not judged by you unworthy to be taken under your protection and defended.’ Liv. 23.42.13)

The embedded clauses at the adjective phrase level have in principle the same structural possibilities as in independent sentences and main clauses, but here as elsewhere these possibilities are rarely exploited, in order to avoid an overload of information. Adjectives may be modified by various types of optional embedded clauses as well, for example a clause indicating the cause of the state or the property denoted by the adjective (see § 17.29). Neuter singular adjectives that function as subject or object complement with a clause as the subject or object are dealt with in Chapter 15.

²⁷ For in + gerundi(v)al clauses modifying nouns, see TLL s.v. in 785.9ff.



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

. Finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level As with governing nouns in earlier sections of this Chapter three types of clauses are distinguished that correspond more or less to declarative, interrogative, and imperative subordinate clauses at the sentence level. However, this threefold distinction is especially relevant for adjectives that denote cognition, as is shown in (a)–(c), with the adjective memor ‘mindful’. Ex. (a) is a rare example of a declarative quod clause; (b) of a not uncommon interrogative clause; (c) of an exceptional imperative clause (note the coordination with diligens).²⁸ (a)

Igitur Antiochus memor quod . . . frater propter segnitiam contemptus fuisset . . . civitates . . . summa industria persequitur . . . (‘Therefore Antiochus . . . remembering that his brother had been despised for his indolence . . . proceeded to make war, with the utmost vigour, on the provinces . . .’ Justin. 36.1.9)

(b)

(sc. Hortensius) Adtuleratque minime volgare genus dicendi . . . memor et quae essent dicta contra quaeque ipse dixisset. (‘And he brought to the Forum a style which was far from commonplace . . . summarizing what had been said on the other side, and what he himself had said.’ Cic. Brut. 302)

(c)

Et memor sum et diligens ut quae imperes compareant. (‘I’m mindful and careful that what you order should appear.’ Pl. Am. 630—NB: parallelism)

With the idiom certiorem facio aliquem ‘to inform somebody’ all three types of clauses are well attested.²⁹ An example of an imperative clause is (d). (d)

. . . Bibulus Pompeium fecerat certiorem ut caveret insidias, in quo ei Pompeius gratias egerat. (‘. . . Bibulus had sent information to Pompeius warning him of a plot, for which Pompeius had thanked him.’ Cic. Att. 2.24.3)

. Declarative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Declarative finite subordinate clauses with quod, quia, and quoniam at the adjective phrase level are very uncommon and mostly Late, as is the case at the clause level (see § 15.113). An example is (a).³⁰ By contrast, accusative and infinitive clauses are attested from Early Latin onwards (see § 17.28). ²⁸ For a very Late instance of memor ut, see TLL s.v. 661.46. ²⁹ See TLL s.v. certus 922.12ff. ³⁰ For such clauses with memor in translations of the Bible, see TLL s.v. 660.52ff.

Subordinate clauses at adjective/adverb phrase level (a)



(sc. rex) . . . ignarus quod . . . eorum animos ut ad opimam praedam sollicitabat. (‘. . . little thinking that . . . he was thus exciting their cupidity for what seemed to them a plentiful loot.’ Justin. 25.1.7) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): (sc. Severus) Sedit et in sella imperatoria temere a ministro posita ignarus quod non liceret. (Hist. Aug. Sept. Sev. 1.9); . . . ordines civitatum et populi . . . detinebant paene publicum defensorem memores quod . . . nihil amiserat per decennium . . . (Amm. 18.6.2) Primo igitur certus esse debes quia nigri . . . oculi imbecillem . . . animum . . . indicant. (Physiogn. 27)

Examples of a ne clause with an adjective of fearing and worrying are (b) and (c). (b)

Ego pol quoque etiam timida sum, quom venit mi in mentem quae sim, / ne nomen mihi quaesti obsiet. (‘I am also, by heaven, rather apprehensive, when I remember what I am, that the reputation of my profession will count against me.’ Ter. Hec. 734–5)

(c)

. . . ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur anxius erat. (‘. . . he worried that some rebellion or war might erupt.’ Sal. Jug. 6.3) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): . . . ita gladiis portas caedebant, quas supra diximus obseratas, admodum anxii ne urbe excisa ipsi quoque sine ullo specioso facinore deleantur . . . (Amm. 19.6.4); . . . (sc. oppidani) pavidiquene iam subrutis muris facta in urbem via esset, fossam intra murum . . . ducere instituunt. (Liv. 38.7.7)

An example of a quin clause with the adjective dubius is (d). (d)

Nec mihi mens dubia est quin te tua numina damnent. (‘And my mind doubts not that you, too, are under condemnation of your gods.’ Ov. Ep. 7.87)

. Interrogative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Interrogative subordinate clauses at the adjective phrase level are not uncommon. Examples are (a) and (b). (a)

Quod ubi est Philodamo nuntiatum, tametsi erat ignarus quantum sibi ac liberis suis iam tum mali constitueretur, tamen ad istum venit. (‘But when this is reported to Philodamus, although he was ignorant what great misfortune was at that moment being contrived for him and for his children, still he comes to him.’ Cic. Ver. 1.65)

 (b)

Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs . . . Lacetani . . . memores quam saepe in agro eorum impune persultassent, quotiens ipsos signis conlatis fudissent fugassentque, patefacta repente porta universi in eos erumpunt. (‘. . . the Lacetani . . . remembering how often they had roamed around this people’s territory with impunity and on how many occasions they had beaten and routed them in pitched battle, suddenly drew open the gate and burst forth in a body against them.’ Liv. 34.20.6) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): Sed Galba . . . anxius quonam exercituum vis erumperet . . . (Tac. Hist. 1.14.1); Hanc tum regionem et totam infestam Masinissa et ex quadam parte dubiae possessionis sui regni an Carthaginiensium esset effecerat. (Liv. 34.62.4); . . . dicit Callisthenem incidisse in hominem summa potentia summaque fortuna sed ignarum quem ad modum rebus secundis uti conveniret. (Cic. Tusc. 3.21); . . . vive memor quam sis aevi brevis. (Hor. S. 2.6.97); Qua re non sum nescius quanto periculo vivam . . . (Cic. Sul. 28)

. Imperative finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level As is stated in § 17.22, true imperative subordinate clauses at the adjective level are very rarely attested. The use of an ut clause with the adjective dignus is illustrated in § 17.21, exx. (b) and (c). These ut clauses are sometimes called ‘consecutive’. Another example is (a) below. Relative clauses are more common with such adjectives than ut clauses, and are normal in the Classical period (see § 18.19). Ex. (b) is an example of what is sometimes called the ‘final’ use of an ut clause governed by an adjective. (a)

Digna res visa ut simulacrum celebrati eius diei Gracchus, postquam Romam rediit, pingi iuberet . . . (‘The affair seemed to merit (it,) that Gracchus, after he returned to Rome, ordered a representation of that day of festivity to be painted . . .’ Liv. 24.16.19)

(b)

. . . idonea esse causa debet ut post annum actio haec dari debeat. (‘. . . there ought to be a satisfactory reason justifying the award of this action after a year.’ Ulp. dig. 4.2.14.2) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): Audivimus de te quod vir potens viribus et aptus es ut sis amicus noster. (Vulg. I Macc. 10.19); Et respondens centurio ait: Domine, non sum dignus ut intres sub tectum meum . . . (Vulg. Mat. 8.8—NB: non sum idoneus ut . . .Vet. Lat. (cod. k))

Ut clauses can also be used after a comparative expression + quam, as in (c) and (d). For autonomous relative clauses after such expressions, see § 18.19. (c)

Quis enim . . . non intellegit Canachi signa rigidiora esse quam ut imitentur veritatem? (‘For who . . . does not recognize that the statues of Canachus are too rigid to reproduce the truth of nature?’ Cic. Brut. 70)

Subordinate clauses at adjective/adverb phrase level (d)



Hannibali nimis laeta res est visa maiorque quam ut eam statim capere animo posset. (‘To Hannibal the idea was too joyous and too vast for him to grasp it at once with his mind.’ Liv. 22.51.3) Supplement: Sed si haec maior esse ratio videtur quam ut hominum possit sensu aut cogitatione comprehendi . . . (Cic. de Orat. 3.21); (sc. Isocrates) Maiore mihi ingenio videtur esse quam ut cum orationibus Lysiae comparetur . . . (Cic. Orat. 41); . . . clarior res erat quam ut tegi ac dissimulari posset . . . (Liv. 26.51.11); Vulva . . . in mulieribus vero, nisi ubi gravidae sunt, non multo maior quam ut manu conprehendatur. (Cels. 4.1.12); Est enim sapientis rustici reputare num maiore fructu vitis se induerit quam ut perferre eum possit. (Col. 4.27.5); . . . in quis erant sagittarii, sicuti ante dictum est, gravioribus telis quam ut apte excuti possent. (Curt. 8.13.6); Itaque nonnullos reperias qui sibi eloquentiores videantur quam ut causas agant. (Quint. Inst. 12.6.6); . . . validiore apud libidines principis Paride quam ut poena adficeretur. (Tac. Ann. 13.22)

. Non-finite subordinate clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level The following sections deal with infinitival, participial, and gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning as argument or satellite at the adjective phrase level. For the supine, see § 16.113.

. Infinitival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Just as in § 17.13 with infinitival clauses at the noun phrase level, two classes of infinitival clauses are distinguished: accusative and infinitive clauses and prolative infinitive clauses.

. Accusative and infinitive clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level The adjectives with which accusative and infinitive clauses can be used as attribute most often denote cognition or emotion, as in (a) and (b), respectively. Instances can be found in all periods of Latin. (a)

Postquam mihi responsum est, abeo ab illo maestus ad forum / med illo frustra advenisse. (‘After receiving this answer, I went away from him to the market, sad that I’d gone there for nothing.’ Pl. Cur. 336–7)

(b)

Constituunt enim . . . duo genera causarum . . . ignari omnis controversias ad universi generis vim et naturam referri. (‘They posit two classes of cases—without realizing that all disputes can be related to one about the essential nature of a general category.’ Cic. de Orat. 2.133—tr. May and Wisse)



Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): (sc. Tarquinius) Conscius deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso adversus se exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit. (Liv. 1.49.2); (sc. Vitellius) Super insitam [mortem] animo ignaviam conscius sibi instare donativum et deesse pecuniam omnia alia militi largiebatur. (Tac. Hist. 2.94.2); . . . Ilioneus . . .‘di’ que ‘o communiter omnes’, / dixerat ignarus non omnes esse rogandos / ‘parcite!’ (Ov. Met. 6.261–4); Ceterum ab ignaris militibus omissam ab hoste pugnam et quid imperator vellet impetus in eos est factus . . . (Liv. 33.10.5); Sed ut maestus est se hasce vendidisse. (Pl. Mos. 796); Quid si me, Meleagre, tuam memor esse sororem / forte paro facinus . . .? (Ov. Met. 9.149–50); Tum tu insiste audax hostium muris memor quam per tot annos obsides urbem ex ea tibi his quae nunc panduntur fatis victoriam datam. (Liv. 5.16.11); Nescius adsumptis Priamus pater Aesacon alis / vivere lugebat. (Ov. Met. 12.1–2); Quis ille haud sane motus satisque prudens otii vitia negotio discuti edicit ut omnes in vestibulo regiae praesto sint. (Curt. 7.1.4)

. Prolative infinitive clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Infinitival clauses are found with adjectives that are semantically, and sometimes formally, related to verbs with which infinitival clauses are common, as in (a) and (b);³¹ however, in poetry and in poeticizing prose, infinitives are used with other adjectives as well. This usage was certainly stimulated by the use of infinitival clauses in similar contexts in Greek.³² In (Classical) prose other expressions are more common, such as gerundival clauses, the supine in -u (for which, see § 16.113), and relative clauses with a subjunctive.³³ The infinitive can refer to a state of affairs that is controlled by the entity the adjective is related to, as in (a)–(d), but this is not necessary, as is shown by (e) and (f).³⁴ (a)

. . . nihili est autem suom qui officium facere immemor est, nisi est ammonitus. (‘. . . but someone who is forgetful in doing his duty unless he’s reminded is worthless.’ Pl. Ps. 1104)

(b)

Insignita fere tum milia militum octo / duxit delectos bellum tolerare potentes. (‘Then he led some eight thousand warriors, wearing badges, chosen men, strong to bear war well.’ Enn. Ann. 10.332–3V=330–1S)

(c)

Illa dolos dirumque nefas in pectore versat, / certa mori, variosque irarum concitat aestus. (‘She revolves in her heart wiles and dreadful crime, fixed on dying, and awakens the swirling surge of anger.’ Verg. A. 4.563–4)

³¹ ³² ³³ ³⁴

For the frequency of the use of the infinitive in Christian writers, see Perrochat (1932b: 188–91). For possible Greek influence, see Calboli (2009: 133–4). For further instances, see K.-St.: I.683–7; Sz: 350–1. For further instances of dignus, see TLL s.v. 1152.32ff.

Subordinate clauses at adjective/adverb phrase level (d)



Aut nihil aut paulo cui tum concedere digna / lux mea se nostrum contulit in gremium . . . (‘Either not at all or a little deserving to give place to that one, my bright one came into my arms . . .’ Catul. 68.131–2)

(e)

Et puer ipse fuit cantari dignus . . . (‘The boy himself was worthy to be sung . . .’ Verg. Ecl. 5.54)

(f)

Campus erat, campi claudebant ultima colles / silvaque montanas occulere apta feras. (‘There was a plain; hills and a forest suited for hiding mountain animals enclosed its borders.’ Ov. Fast. 2.215–16) Supplement (in alphabetical order by adjective): . . . avidi committere pugnam . . . (Ov. Met. 5.75); Cur non, Mopse, boni quoniam convenimus ambo, / tu calamos inflare levis, ego dicere versus, / hic corylis mixtas inter consedimus ulmos? (Verg. Ecl. 5.1–3); . . . amicum, / praesertim cautum dignos adsumere . . . (Hor. S. 1.6.50–1); O celere at mala vota dei / has audire · preces . . . (CIL X.7570.4–5 (Cagliari, 2nd cent. ad (first half))); . . . Caesar . . . certus procul urbe degere. (Tac. Ann. 4.57.1); Cum diabolo temptante congreditur et inimicum tantum vicisse contentus nihil ultra verba conatur. (Cypr. Pat. 6); (Iulianus dixit) Verum non uno modo vicisse contentus argumenti tui, cuius impietatem prodidi, coarguam falsitatem. (August. Jul. 5.39); . . . cupidus falsis attingere gaudia palmis . . . (Prop. 1.19.9); . . . durus componere versus. (Hor. S. 1.4.8); Ah nimium faciles aurem praebere puellae, / discite desertae non temere esse bonae! (Prop. 2.21.15–16); . . . (materiam) spiritalem et penetrare et insidere facilem per substantiae suae subtilitatem. (Tert. Bapt. 4.1); Septima post decumam felix et ponere vitem / et prensos domitare boves et licia telae / addere. (Verg. G. 1.284–6); . . . impiger hostium / vexare turmas . . . (Hor. Carm. 4.14.22–3); Ingens ferre mala et Fortunae subdere colla / nescius . . . (Sil. 10.215–16); . . . ademptus Hector / tradidit fessis leviora tolli / Pergama Grais. (Hor. Carm. 2.4.10–12); . . . Creator omnium et multum potens formare nostra deformia. (Aug. Conf. 9.6); Is recens praetura, modicus dignationis et quoquo facinore properus clarescere . . . (Tac. Ann. 4.52.1); Nomentanus erat super ipsum, Porcius infra, / ridiculus totas semel absorbere placentas. (Hor. S. 2.8.23–4); . . . portu, quo non spatiosior alter / innumeras cepisse rates et claudere pontum . . . (Sil. 8.481–2) Passive infinitive: . . . gens barbara, aspera et regi difficilis . . . (V. Max. 7.3.6); . . . ne totiens falli digna fuisse puter. (Ov. Fast. 3.490); Necdum ora patent, dubiusque notari / signa dabat magnae longe manifesta ruinae / planctuque et gemitu. (Stat. Theb. 3.42–4); Quamquam ipse videri / exiguus, gravia ossa tamen nodisque lacerti / difficiles. (Stat. Theb. 6.844–6); . . . et facilis spargi munda sine arte rosa . . . (Prop. 4.8.40); unde et acetaria appellantur, facilia concoqui nec oneatura sensu cibo et quae minime accenderent desiderium panis. (Plin. Nat. 19.58); . . . urit grata protervitas / et vultus nimium lubricus adspici. (Hor. Carm. 1.19.7–8); . . . maiorque videri / nec mortale sonans adflata est numine quando / iam propiore dei. (Verg. A. 6.49–51); (sc. vitulus) . . . niveus videri, / cetera fulvos. (Hor. Carm. 4.2.59–60)

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Subordinate clauses with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs

. Participial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Instances of participial clauses governed by adjectives are very rare. An example with nescius is (a). (a)

Nescius interea capti ducis arma parabat / Magnus . . . (‘Magnus meanwhile, unaware that the general had been made prisoner, was taking the field . . .’ Luc. 2.526–7) Supplement: . . . nec tremis admissae conscia nequitiae? (Prop. 1.15.38)³⁵

. Gerundial and gerundival clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Gerundial and gerundival clauses with adjectival attributes and subject and object complements are found in all periods of Latin, although in Early Latin only in very small numbers. They are used especially with two-place adjectives that indicate volition, ability, and suitability, and they are marked by the cases or prepositions required by the adjectives (see §  11.92). Examples with gerunds are (a), a genitive, and (b), a dative. (a)

Qui neque in Oceano natare volueris, studiosissimus homo natandi . . . (‘Though you are a person most fond of swimming you had no mind for a dip in the ocean . . .’ Cic. Fam. 17.10.2)

(b)

Semina limus habet virides generantia ranas, / et generat truncas pedibus, mox apta natando / crura dat . . . (‘Slimy mud contains seeds that produce green frogs, without legs at first, but soon it gives them legs adapted to swimming . . .’ Ov. Met. 15.375–7)

The range of adjectives was gradually widened by poets and, following their example, by certain prose authors, with Tacitus as a prominent representative. But some authors went even further and used gerundial and gerundival clauses with adjectives that do not belong to the semantic classes mentioned above. A typical example is (c), where a property of the action or process denoted by the verb no ‘to swim’—which could well be expressed by an adverb celeriter—is predicated of a person. (c)

Ille, celer nandi, iamiamque apprendere tuta / dum parat . . . (‘He, swift in swimming, struggled for a safe hand-hold . . .’ Sil. 4.585–6)

This development is especially notable with respect to the genitive and fits in with the general widening of the use of the genitive with adjectives (see § 11.92 and § 12.14, Appendix). ³⁵ The example was suggested by Leon Wash (University of Chicago).

Subordinate clauses at adjective/adverb phrase level

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Table . Adjectives governing gerundial and gerundival clauses Early Latin

Classical Latin

Silver Latin

Late Latin

 

late Republican period

Augustan period

 

 

cupidus

avidus

aptus

celer

acutus

firmus

idoneus

contentus

insolens

dulcis

natus

inops

doctus

potens

inconstans

peritus

insuetus

impotens

pravus

nobilis

studiosus

promptus

liber

primus

 

 

sciens

memor

pronus

 

 

 

utilis

vetus

 

Table 17.1 gives a number of adjectives found with gerundial and gerundival clauses with an indication of their first attestation in that construction. Gerundial and gerundival clauses in this context rarely contain arguments or satellites. In the examples given in the following sections, adjectives are included which are used as head constituent (so-called substantival use) or which function as appositives.

. Gerundial clauses functioning at the adjective phrase level Examples with a gerund in the genitive and the dative are given in § 17.31, (a) and (b), respectively. Prepositional expressions are illustrated by (a) below. An example of an ablative gerundial clause is (b). Extension of the gerund to adjectives that do not require another entity is shown in (c). (a)

. . . minime aptum ad dicendum genus. (‘. . . a sort ill-suited to public speaking.’ Cic. Brut. 131)

(b)

. . . cul