The Oxford Handbook of Career Development 0190069708, 9780190069704

Table of contents :
Cover
The Oxford Handbook of Career Development
Copyright
Short Contents
About the Editors
Contributors
Table of Contents
Preface
Chapter 1: Introduction: Rethinking Career Development
Origins of the Career Development Field
Vocational Guidance
Differential Psychology
Interactionist Sociology
Life Course Development
Summary
What Is Career Development?
Contexts
Career Development Theory
Practice
Why We Created This Handbook
Inspiration
Career Development as an Inclusive Term
The Centrality of Learning
International Perspectives
Engaging with Key Debates and Controversies
Transdisciplinarity
Pluralism
The Structure of the Book
Contexts
Concepts
Practice
Final Words
References
Section 1: Contexts
Chapter 2: The Decline of Decent Work in the Twenty-First Century: Implications for Career Development
Introduction
Causes of the Decline in Decent Work
Consequences of the Decline in Decent Work
Consequences for the Individual
Consequences for Community and Society
Critiques of Traditional Theories
Implications for Career Development: The Psychology of Working Theory
Theoretical Development and Overview
Implications for Intervention
Individual and Group Intervention
Systemic Intervention
Conclusion
References
Chapter 3: The Economic Outcomes of Career Development Programmes
Introduction
A Conceptual Model of Economic Outcomes
Individual-Level Economic Outcomes
Reduction in Economic Inactivity
Increased Wages
Limitations of the Evidence Base on Individual Outcomes
Employer-Level Economic Outcomes
Increased Productivity
Reduced Staff Turnover
Limitations of the Evidence Base on Employer Outcomes
State-Level Economic Outcomes
Increased Labour Market Participation
Decreased Unemployment
Reduced Skills Shortages
Increased Gross Domestic Product
Limitations of the Evidence Base at the State Level
Limits of the Economistic Rationale
Conclusions
References
Chapter 4: Career Development and Human Capital Theory: Preaching the “Education Gospel”
Introduction
Why Is Education Important for Career?
Career Development Intervention as Educational Action
Career Development as Part of the Education System
Human Capital Theory
Critiques of Human Capital Theory
Moving Beyond Human Capital Theory
References
Chapter 5: Linking Educators and Employers: Taxonomies, Rationales, and Barriers
Introduction
Education–Employer Links: Different Roles at Play
Potential Employer Roles
Potential Education Roles
A Taxonomy of Education–Employer Links
Education Policy—Examples
Curriculum Development—Examples
Institutional Management—Examples
Curriculum Delivery—Examples
Non-Curriculum Skills Development and Career Guidance—Examples
Employer Engagement for Career Development Work: Rationales and Barriers
Policy Rationale and Institutional Benefits
Barriers to Partnership Working
Benefits for Students
Conclusion
References
Chapter 6: Authentic Education for Meaningful Work: Beyond “Career Management Skills”
Introduction: Situating Career Development Work
Benefits of Learning About Work
International Developments in Work Learning Programmes
What Is the Problem That Career Learning Is an Answer to?
Education and the World of Work
The Dark Side of Work
Authentic Work Education
From Common Sense to Good Sense
There Are Alternatives—Another World Is Possible
Conclusion
References
Chapter 7: Career Guidance: Living on the Edge of Public Policy
Introduction: Public Policy as Intervention
The Process of Public Policy Development
The Arguments for Government Intervention
Intervention—The Use of Policy Instruments
Regulations
Economic Incentives
Information
Policy Evaluation
International Public Policy Interest in Career Guidance
International Policy Reviews
International Policy Networks
International Symposia on Career Development and Public Policy
Policy Studies
Conclusion
References
Chapter 8: The Aims of Career Development Policy: Towards a Comprehensive Framework
Introduction
The UN Sustainable Development Goals
Labour Market Goals
Educational Goals
Social Equity Goals
Health and Well-Being Goals
Environmental Goals
Peace and Justice Goals
Cross-cutting Themes
Social Justice
Sustainability
Societal Change
Conclusion
References
Section 2: Theory
Chapter 9: Career Development Theory: An Integrated Analysis
Introduction
A Thematic Overview of Career Theories
Identity
Environment
Career Learning
Psychological Career Resources
The Framework in Practice
Conclusion
References
Chapter 10: Organizational Career Development Theory: Weaving Individuals, Organizations, and Social Structures
Introduction
The Organization as Context for the New Career
The Organizational Perspective
Theories of Organizational Career Development as Process
Moving Organizational Career Development Forward
Conclusion
References
Chapter 11: Organisational and Managerial Careers: A Coevolutionary View
Introduction
Organisational and Managerial Careers—Topics and Developments
The Social Chronology Framework
A Coevolutionary View of Careers
An Example: Mentorship as a Coevolving Intervention
Conclusion
References
Chapter 12: The Narrative Turn in Career Development Theories: An Integrative Perspective
Introduction
Four Decades of Narrative Psychology
McAdams’ Narrative Self Theory
Hermans’ Dialogical Self Theory
White and Epston’s Narrative Interventions
Emergence of Narrative Approaches in the Fields of Career Choice and Development
Narrative Career Counselling
Life and Career Self-Construction
The Life Design Approach
The Life Career Assessment
Career Construction Counselling
Research on Career Construction Counselling
Conclusion
References
Chapter 13: The Positioning of Social Justice: Critical Challenges for Career Development
Introduction
Talk of Social Justice: Commitment, Confusion, and Contention
Re/framing Social Justice: Shifting Boundaries
Retributive Social Justice
Distributive Social Justice
Recognitive Justice
Critical Social Justice
Looking Forwards: Critical Movement(s)
References
Chapter 14: Cultural Learning Theory and Career Development
Introduction
Nature of the Integrative Approach Adopted
Theoretical Integration and Critical Sifting
Richness of Cultural Insight
Bridging Career and Education Studies
Bridging Contrasting Traditions Within Career Theory
Summary
Cultural Learning Theory of Career Development
Learning Relationships
Learning Contents
Learning Processes
Learning Contexts
Personal Myth
Summary
Cultural Learning Theory in Practice
Reflexivity
Initial Phase
The Nature of the Service
Agreeing Mutual Agendas
Middle and End Phases
Cultural Influences Collage
Career Management Styles Card Sort
Golden Threads Activity
Bridging
Reviewing
Networking
Life Story
Assessing Learning
Conclusion
References
Chapter 15: The Cultural Preparedness Perspective of Career Development
Culture and Career Psychology
The Cultural Preparation Process Model
Cultural Learning
Enculturation
Cultural Preparation Status Equilibrium
Acculturation
Applications of the Cultural Preparation Process Model
The Cultural Preparation Process Model as a Template for Intervention Development
Recognize Cultural Leadership
Expand the Definition of “Client”
Identify and Accommodate Ways of Living
Identify, Valorize, and Integrate Cultural Symbols
Integrate Livelihood and Career
Outcomes and Evidence for Culturally Mediated Interventions
Assessment and Career Guidance
The Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire
Conclusion
References
Chapter 16: Career Development Theories from the Global South
Introduction
Key Issues in Global Career Development Theories
Constructing Contextualized Theories by the Global South
The Need to Contextualize Theories
The Importance of Producing Theories from the Global South
The Intercultural Dialogue Framework for Constructing Contextualized Theories
Examples of Theoretical Productions from the Global South
Conclusion
References
Chapter 17: Cross-Cultural Career Psychology from a Critical Psychology Perspective
Introduction
Cross-Cultural Career Psychology
Abstract
Critical Psychology
Critical Psychology in Relation to Cross-Cultural Career Psychology
Serviceable Other
Epistemology
Universality
Individualism/Collectivism
Common Career Themes in Cross-Cultural Career Psychology
Assessment and Construct Validity
Reporting on Differences and Similarities
Secondary Themes: Work–Family, Immigration, and Refugees
Future Research and Practice
References
Chapter 18: The Career Development Profession: Professionalisation, Professionalism, and Professional Identity
Introduction
Defining a Profession
Critiques of Professions
Career Development Work as a Profession
Recognition of the Need for Career Development and Career Development Professionalism
Gaining Policy Support and Partnership
Managing Hybrid Professionalisms
Challenges to Career Development Professionalism
Holding on to a Professional Identity
Conclusion
References
Chapter 19: Transformative Career Education in Schools and Colleges
Defining Transformative Career Education
Transformative Career Education in Curriculum Design
Implementing Transformative Career Education Effectively
Self-Development
Career Exploration
Career Management
Conclusion
References
Chapter 20: Labour Market Information for Career Development: Pivotal or Peripheral?
Introduction
The Role and Nature of Labour Market Information
The Role of Career Theory
Professionalism and Ethical Practice
Challenges for Integrating Labour Market Information into Practice
Skills for Giving Information
Competence and Confidence in the Use of Information and Communications Technology
Quality of Labour Market Information
Ethical Practice in Data Collection
Provenance of Data
Data Disaggregation
Conclusion
References
Chapter 21: The Role of Digital Technology in Career Development
Introduction
What Is the Digital Environment?
How Digital Technologies Shape Societies
Why Are Digital Technologies Important for Individuals’ Career Development?
Library
Media Channel
Surveillance Camera
Marketplace
Meeting Place
Arena
Using Technology to Deliver Career Development Support
Pedagogy for Digital Career Learning
Conclusion
References
Chapter 22: Career Assessment
What Is Career Assessment?
Key Vocational Concepts in Career Assessment
Career Assessment in Higher Education
A Qualitative Method to Assess Employability
A Quantitative Method to Assess Employability
Advances in Career Assessment
A Caution on the Discourse of Career Assessment
Conclusion
References
Chapter 23: Client-Centred Career Development Practice: A Critical Review
Introduction
Critiques of the Concept of Client-Centredness
Difficulties With the Application of Client-Centredness
The Role of Critical Reflection
Summary
The Critical Model of Client-Centred Career Development
Individual
Cultural Context
Opportunities
Using the Model
Conclusion
References
Chapter 24: Career Counselling Effectiveness and Contributing Factors
Introduction
Does Career Counselling Work?
Ingredients of Effective Career Counselling
Job Search Counselling
Career Choice Counselling
Modality Differences
Suggestions for Research
Conclusion
References
Chapter 25: Evidence-Based Practice for Career Development
Introduction
Evidence-Based Practice: A Contested Field
The Role and Identity of the Practitioner
Evidence and Theory
The Purposes and Ownership of Evidence
The Outcomes of Career Development Interventions
Levels of Analysis
Proximal and Distal Outcomes
Outcomes Defined as Quantitative or Qualitative
Subjective and Objective Outcomes
Categories of Outcomes
Economic Outcomes
Educational Outcomes
Psychological Outcomes
Social Outcomes
Appraising the Quality of Evidence
Collating and Synthesising Research Evidence to Inform Policy and Practice
Bias in Collating Evidence
Formal Synthesis of Academic Evidence: Meta-analyses and Literature Reviews
Making Evidence Summaries Accessible to Practitioners and Policymakers
Evidence for Public Policy
Developing a Model of Evidence-Based Practice for Career Development
Contextual Knowledge
The Voice of the Service User
Applying the Model
Conclusion
References
Name Index
Subject Index

Citation preview

The Oxford Handbook of Career Development

OX F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S YC H O LO G Y AREA EDITORS:

Clinical Psychology David H. Barlow Cognitive Neuroscience Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn Cognitive Psychology Daniel Reisberg Counseling Psychology Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-­Ida C. Hansen Developmental Psychology Philip David Zelazo Health Psychology Howard S. Friedman History of Psychology David B. Baker Methods and Measurement Todd D. Little Neuropsychology Kenneth M. Adams Organizational Psychology Steve W. J. Kozlowski Personality and Social Psychology Kay Deaux and Mark Snyder

OX F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S YC H O LO G Y

The Oxford Handbook of Career Development Edited by

Peter J. Robertson Tristram Hooley Phil McCash

1 2021

1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2021 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data Names: Robertson, Peter J. (Career adviser), editor. | Hooley, Tristram, editor. | McCash, Phil, editor. Title: The Oxford handbook of career development / edited by Peter J. Robertson, Tristram Hooley, Phil McCash. Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2021] Identifiers: LCCN 2021000116 (print) | LCCN 2021000117 (ebook) | ISBN 9780190069704 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190069735 (ebook other) | ISBN 9780190069728 (epub) | ISBN 9780190069711 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Career development. Classification: LCC HF5381 .O96 2021 (print) | LCC HF5381 (ebook) | DDC 331.702—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021000116 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021000117 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America.

S H O RT CO N T E N T S

About the Editors  vii Contributors ix Table of Contents  xi Chapters 1–370 Name Index  371 Subject Index  381

A B O U T T H E E D I TO R S

Peter J. Robertson is a qualified career adviser and a chartered psychologist. He teaches career theory and policy to postgraduate students at Edinburgh Napier University, and he is a Fellow of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling (NICEC) and an editor of the Institute’s Journal. His research interests focus around the links between careers, health, and well-­being; and employment support services for disadvantaged groups. Tristram Hooley is a researcher and writer specializing in career and career guidance. He has published nine books and numerous articles and reports. He is Professor of Career Education at the University of Derby, Professor II at the Inland Norway University of Applied Sciences, and Chief Research Officer at the Institute of Student Employers. His work is focused on the inter-relationships between career, politics, technology, and social justice. Phil McCash is a qualified career development practitioner with experience of working with young people and adults in a variety of contexts and settings. He was elected a Fellow of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling (NICEC) in 2008 and edits the NICEC journal. He currently works as an Associate Professor at the University of Warwick’s Centre for Lifelong Learning where he is Course Director for the Master’s in Career Education, Information, and Guidance in Higher Education and Director of Graduate Studies.

CO N T R I B U TO R S

Sajma Aravind

The Promise Foundation Bangalore, India Gideon Arulmani

The Promise Foundation Bangalore, India Anthony Barnes

National Institute for Career Education and Counselling England, UK Barbara Bassot

Canterbury Christ Church University Canterbury, UK Jenny Bimrose

University of Warwick Coventry, UK David L. Blustein

Boston College Chestnut Hill, MA, USA Tibor Bors Borbély-­Pecze

John Wesley Theological College Budapest, Hungary Jason Brown

University of Southern Queensland Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia Paulo Miguel Cardoso

University of Évora Évora, Portugal Vanessa Dodd

Nottingham Trent University Nottingham, UK

Maria Eduarda Duarte

University of Lisbon Lisbon, Portugal Whitney Erby

Boston College Chestnut Hill, MA, USA John Gough

University of Warwick Coventry, UK Hugh Gunz

University of Toronto Toronto, Ontario, Canada Ellen R. Gutowski

Boston College Chestnut Hill, MA, USA Sara Hammer

University of Southern Queensland Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia Michael Healy

University of Southern Queensland Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia Tristram Hooley

University of Derby Derby, UK Barrie A. Irving

Edinburgh Napier University Edinburgh, Scotland, UK Elnaz Kashefpakdel

Education and Employers London, UK

Maureen E. Kenny

Boston College Chestnut Hill, MA, USA Sachin Kumar

Government College of Teacher Education Dharamshala, India Kate Mackenzie Davey

Birkbeck College, University of London London, UK Wolfgang Mayrhofer

Vienna University of Economics and Business Vienna, Austria John McCarthy

International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy France Phil McCash

University of Warwick Coventry, UK Peter McIlveen

University of Southern Queensland Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia Siobhan Neary

University of Derby Derby, UK Christian Percy

University of Derby Derby, UK Harsha N. Perera

University of Nevada Las Vegas, USA Ashley E. Poklar

Cleveland State University Cleveland, Ohio, USA

x   Contributors

Marcelo Afonso Ribeiro

University of São Paulo São Paulo, Brazil Peter J. Robertson

Edinburgh Napier University Edinburgh, Scotland, UK Jérôme Rossier

University of Lausanne Lausanne, Switzerland Sunita Shrestha

Antarang Psychosocial Research and Training Institute Kathmandu, Nepal Tom Staunton

University of Derby Derby, UK Graham B. Stead

Cleveland State University Cleveland, Ohio, USA Ronald G. Sultana

University of Malta Msida, Malta Maribon Viray

Martin Luther Christian University Meghalaya, India Tony Watts

National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, England, UK Susan C. Whiston

Indiana University Indiana, USA Julia Yates

City, University of London London, UK

TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S

Preface xiii Tony Watts 1. Introduction: Rethinking Career Development  1 Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, and Peter J. Robertson Section 1  • Contexts 2. The Decline of Decent Work in the Twenty-First Century: Implications for Career Development  23 Ellen R. Gutowski, David L. Blustein, Maureen E. Kenny, and Whitney Erby 3. The Economic Outcomes of Career Development Programmes  35 Christian Percy and Vanessa Dodd 4. Career Development and Human Capital Theory: Preaching the “Education Gospel”  49 Tristram Hooley 5. Linking Educators and Employers: Taxonomies, Rationales, and Barriers 65 Christian Percy and Elnaz Kashefpakdel 6. Authentic Education for Meaningful Work: Beyond “Career Management Skills”  79 Ronald G. Sultana 7. Career Guidance: Living on the Edge of Public Policy  95 John McCarthy and Tibor Bors Borbély-­Pecze 8. The Aims of Career Development Policy: Towards a Comprehensive Framework 113 Peter J. Robertson Section 2  • Theory 9. Career Development Theory: An Integrated Analysis  131 Julia Yates

10. Organizational Career Development Theory: Weaving Individuals, Organizations, and Social Structures  143 Kate Mackenzie Davey 11. Organisational and Managerial Careers: A Coevolutionary View  155 Hugh Gunz and Wolfgang Mayrhofer 12. The Narrative Turn in Career Development Theories: An Integrative Perspective  169 Jérôme Rossier, Paulo Miguel Cardoso, and Maria Eduarda Duarte 13. The Positioning of Social Justice: Critical Challenges for Career Development  181 Barrie A. Irving 14. Cultural Learning Theory and Career Development  193 Phil McCash 15. The Cultural Preparedness Perspective of Career Development  213 Gideon Arulmani, Sachin Kumar, Sunita Shrestha, Maribon Viray, and Sajma Aravind 16. Career Development Theories from the Global South  225 Marcelo Afonso Ribeiro 17. Cross-Cultural Career Psychology from a Critical Psychology Perspective  239 Graham B. Stead and Ashley E. Poklar Section 3  • Practice 18. The Career Development Profession: Professionalisation, Professionalism, and Professional Identity  257 John Gough and Siobhan Neary 19. Transformative Career Education in Schools and Colleges  269 Anthony Barnes 20. Labour Market Information for Career Development: Pivotal or Peripheral?  283 Jenny Bimrose 21. The Role of Digital Technology in Career Development  297 Tristram Hooley and Tom Staunton 22. Career Assessment  313 Peter McIlveen, Harsha N. Perera, Jason Brown, Michael Healy, and Sara Hammer 23. Client-­Centred Career Development Practice: A Critical Review  325 Barbara Bassot 24. Career Counselling Effectiveness and Contributing Factors  337 Susan C. Whiston 25. Evidence-Based Practice for Career Development  353 Peter J. Robertson Name Index  371 Subject Index  381

xii   Table of Contents

PREFACE

Tony Watts, Founder and Life Fellow, National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, UK. Career development matters. It matters to individuals, because it significantly determines their sense of identity, the fulfilment and wellbeing they derive from their learning and work, and the contributions they make to the societies of which they are part. It matters to learning and work organisations, because it significantly determines the extent to which they harness and foster the talents and motivations of their students and workers. It matters to societies, because it significantly determines the extent to which they optimise the human resources of their citizens and their sense of social justice. Career development is complex. It operates at the interface between individuals and social structures. It is concerned with transitions between learning and work, and across organisational boundaries. For these reasons, it is at risk of marginalisation. Yet it is precisely for these same reasons that it is such a crucial lubricant of social structures and of people’s lives. It was these considerations that inspired me and my NICEC colleagues to write Rethinking Careers Education and Guidance: Theory, Policy and Practice, published in 1996. The five of us had worked closely together for several years, and so were able to produce a book in which our individual voices were audible but within a strong common framework. Parts of the 1996 book are still of value, but much is out-­of-­date. Moreover, it was clearly focused on the UK, which was a strength in terms of its coherence, but a limitation in terms of its scope and impact. This is why I warmly welcome this new book. It draws together many threads from recent research, which have greatly deepened our understanding of what career development comprises and how it works. It also has several advantages over the 1996 volume: it is more strongly inter-­disciplinary, draws from a wider range of cultural perspectives, and is more socially critical. For all these reasons, I strongly recommend this book to all who recognise how important career development is, and who want to enhance their understanding of it and engage more effectively with it, whether as practitioners, as policy-­makers or as researchers.

C H A PT E R

1

Introduction: Rethinking Career Development

Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, and Peter J. Robertson

Abstract This chapter introduces readers to The Oxford Handbook of Career Development and to the field of career development. The origins of the field are discussed in relation to vocational guidance, differential psychology, interactionist sociology, and life course development. The selection of the term career development for this volume is explained with regard to three interlocking themes: the broader contexts of career development, including government policy; the wide range of theory concerned with career-related experiences, phenomena, and behaviour; and the broad spectrum of career helping practices, including one-to-one work and group work. The inspiration and aims for the volume are set out, and the challenges associated with terminology in the field are acknowledged. The editors seek to provide a state-of-the-art reference point for the field of career development, and engender a transdisciplinary and international dialogue that explores key current ideas, ­debates, and controversies. The volume is divided into three sections. The first explores the economic, educational, and public policy contexts for practice. The second section focuses on concepts and explores the rich theoretical landscape of the field. The third section turns to practice, and the translation of ideas into action to support individuals and groups with their career development. Keywords: career, career development, career theory, transdisciplinarity, vocational ­guidance

Origins of the Career Development Field The field of career development has multiple roots. It has different origins in different nations, and indeed there is a need for further exploration of its history outside the Anglophone world and Western Europe. Its academic roots lie primarily in psychology and sociology and in the dialogue between these disciplines. The origins of its policy and practice lie in the drive to respond to major societal and economic challenges. Throughout history, individuals have experienced the trials, tribulations, and triumphs of life, supported each other through them, and reflected on this process. This process has generally taken place within specific family, educational, religious, work, and community contexts, and it has played a key role in the preservation and evolution of societies. For example, the ancient universities in India provided students with guidance and pastoral support for post-university life (Sharma & Sharma, 2004). There is also an extensive

classical literature that appears to connect with career-related themes. For example, Plato’s Republic, a Socratic dialogue from ancient Greece, proposes a threefold division of labour based on guardians, auxiliaries, and producers (Plato, 1974). It also contains the evocative ‘Myth of Er,’ which tells of the allocation of souls and life patterns. To take a further example, the Tao Te Ching, an anthology of wise sayings dating from 4th century bc China, advocates a quiet life of action through inaction, contemplation, and discernment (Lao Tzu, 1963). There are countless other examples in ancient literature. Many of the great religious and philosophical traditions contain teachings that address career-related topics, such as right living, service, and calling. In addition, there are novels, plays, poems, and art with rich connected themes. For example, the novels of Miguel de Cervantes, George Eliot, Leo Tolstoy, and Henry James are saturated with career-relevant topics, such as situation, relations, vocation, culture, social impact, and the passage of time. And, as Sultana (2014) pointed out, the limitations and possibilities of career development were exercising the young Karl Marx in his 1835 essay ‘Reflections of a Young Man on the Choice of a Profession’. Whilst such cultural practices and written texts brim with what we can now see as rich career-related themes, it would be anachronistic to claim them for the field of career ­development. It is in the context of changing societal beliefs and practices taking place in the last 150 years that the modern, formal evolution of the career development field can be traced in detail. In this section, we identify four important early strands to that ­process: vocational guidance, differential psychology, interactionist sociology, and life course ­development. Vocational Guidance The origins of the vocational guidance movement can be found in the late 19th century and early years of the 20th century. Rapid industrialisation, urbanisation, and the emergence of state education systems presented formidable social challenges. Occupational choice had become more complex, and the transition from school to employment raised novel problems. Individuals had to navigate the new forms of social organisation that emerged around the growing industries and cities. Modernity had also questioned the formerly comforting religious, political, and psychological verities of earlier times. Vocational guidance emerged from the pragmatic and intellectual responses to these challenges. Its pioneers were social reformers and innovators. In the United States, Frank Parsons started a vocational guidance centre in Boston and wrote a landmark text on the topic: Choosing a Vocation (Parsons,  1909). The book ­advocated a threefold matching process of occupational choice: understanding yourself, ­understanding the requirements of different lines of work, and ‘true reasoning’ on the relationship between them. The influence of this text on the vocational guidance movement in America is well documented (Savickas,  2009). It is evident that Parsons’ work was motivated by a passion for social activism on behalf of disadvantaged groups (Mann, 1950;

2    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

O’Brien, 2001). Many of Parsons’ concerns, such as the assessment of individuals, use of occupational information, and the promotion of social justice, continue to be central themes in current writing and practice in the field. For some, the role of Parsons as the ‘father of vocational guidance’ represents a satisfactory origin myth. The story is, of course, more complicated, and the vocational guidance movement has multiple origins, with ­independent contemporaneous roots in different countries. Some of the earliest attempts at public policymaking in vocational guidance were made in the United Kingdom. In 1904, Maria Ogilvie Gordon made a proposal for local education authorities and school boards across Britain to set up Educational Information and Employment Bureaux to support school leavers in finding suitable work (Heginbotham, 1951). She published A Handbook of Employments Specially Prepared for the Use of Boys and Girls on Entering the Trades, Industries, and Professions (Ogilvie Gordon,  1908). Around this time the U.K.  government created a public employment service, bringing job seekers and employers together, but its network of ‘labour exchanges’ failed to adequately meet the needs of young people. So subsequent legislation, notably The Education (Choice of Employment) Act (1910), sought to implement Ogilvie Gordon’s vision. This began a long dialogue between employment and educational policy and the involvement of both national and local government in providing specialist ­employment support services for youth. In time, career services would emerge from these roots with a distinct and separate identity from the public employment service. Worldwide developments are less well documented in the English-language literature but are equally important to acknowledge. These developments took place largely independently and can be illustrated with the following examples. In Norway, vocational guidance bureaus were opened in 1897 (Kjærgård, 2020). In Austria, over 30 child guidance clinics were established between 1898 and 1934; they drew from the psychoanalytic theories of Alfred Adler (Ansbacher & Ansbacher, 1956). In Germany, a vocational counselling department was opened in 1908, making support for information seekers available to schools (Savickas, 2008). In India, the first vocational guidance laboratory was opened in 1915 at the University of Calcutta (Sharma & Sharma, 2004). Finally, vocational guidance functions were also introduced in Japan between 1910 and 1915 (Watanabe & Herr, 1983). Differential Psychology The growing influence of differential psychology provided a scientific perspective on vocational guidance. The technology of psychometrics emerged from intelligence testing by educational psychologists, and it was underpinned by developments in statistics. Psychometricians applied their methods to questions of occupational choice at an early stage. There were pioneers of this scientific rationalist approach to vocational guidance in the United Kingdom (notably Burt, 1924), where the creation of the National Institute for Industrial Psychology by C. S. Myers in 1921 became a focus for the work (Peck, 2004). In the United States, the scientific approach combined with and complemented Parsons’

Introduction: Rethinking career development    3

approach. At Harvard, the German applied psychologist Hugo Münsterberg addressed issues of occupational choice, and in 1910 he developed an early theory of vocation that incorporated thought, feeling, and behaviour (Porfeli, 2009). The technology of psychometrics was further developed through its use in military recruitment during World War I (and later during World War II). In addition, the University of Minnesota engaged in large-scale testing and placement of jobseekers in the 1920s and 1930s, using tests of arithmetic, practical judgement, dexterity, and vocational interests (Moore, Gunz, & Hall, 2008). Interactionist Sociology Arguably, the formal study of career began in earnest in the 1920s and 1930s in the pioneering Sociology Department at the University of Chicago. Clifford Shaw’s The JackRoller: A Delinquent Boy’s Own Story (1930/1966) and The Natural History of a Delinquent Career (1931) were perhaps the first academic texts to use the term career in an organised and intentional way. Shaw expanded the popular meaning of career, as a middle-class job, to include the nonwork roles of individuals at the margins of straight society. Shaw focused not on paid, middle-class work but on the social phenomenon of what was then called delinquency. His research also featured the rich and extensive use of life history. This enabled the unfolding process of career to be seen through the interpretive lens of the occupant. Furthermore, Everett  C.  Hughes, in two articles entitled Personality Types and the Division of Labour (Hughes, 1928) and Institutional Office and the Person (Hughes, 1937), developed the first explicit career theory, that is, a conceptual grammar for the critical interpretation of career development. This technical vocabulary included collective life, culture, ecology, group, interaction, contingencies, call/mission, patterns, roles, meaning, rituals, offices, stages, status, and forms. In the latter article, Hughes (1937, pp. 64–67) provided one of the first systematic definitions of career, asserting that career is made up of the work and nonwork activities (‘vocations’ and ‘avocations’) of both men and women of all social classes. He referred to career as the ‘the moving perspective’ in which persons orient themselves with reference to other people, institutional forms, and social structures and interpret the meaning of their lives. He further argued that the study of career could help with understanding the nature and ‘working constitution’ of society. Shaw and Hughes were influenced by their fellow Chicago sociologists Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, George Herbert Mead, and Herbert Blumer (Blumer,  1969; Mead, 1934/1967; Park,  1915; Park & Burgess,  1921; see also Barley,  1989). They also drew (particularly via Park) on the interpretivist approach of the German sociologist Georg Simmel, whose influence can be seen in their view of career as a continual process of social interaction involving themes of otherness and marginality, and in their use of career theory to construct an interpretive grammar of social life. They also gained from the work of scholars linked to the School of Social Service Administration at the university, such as

4    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

Jane Addams, Florence Kelly, and Edith Abbott, who were pioneers in social work, ­methodology, knowledge of the city, and the integration of theory and practice (Shaw, 2010). Their influence can be detected in Shaw’s and Hughes’ use of the case history, ­concern for social welfare, and contact with people at the margins of society. The significance of Shaw’s and Hughes’ work for the career development field is threefold. First, career was reimagined in egalitarian terms as the moving perspective through which all individuals interpret the meaning of their lives. Second, the scope of career was extended from microsociology to the constitution of society, thereby considerably expanding its organisational and political reach. Third, another wave of Chicago scholars built on their work and mobilised career as a key interactionist term that crossed conventional boundaries of subjective/objective, individual/society, private/public, success/failure, work/nonwork, and familiar/strange (see Becker, 1966; Goffman, 1961/1968). The innovative scholarship of ‘Chicago School Sociology’ has occasionally suffered from neglect but is now acknowledged as one of the central traditions within career theory (see Barley, 1989; Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018; Hodkinson, 2009; Law, 2009; McCash, 2018; Moore et al., 2008; Roberts, 1980; Savickas, 1996; Super, 1980). Life Course Development The study of the life course has preoccupied philosophers, playwrights, and artists since earliest times. It first became formalised by psychologists and sociologists in the early part of the 20th century. This section focuses on four contributions of particular relevance to the origins of the career development field. The first relates to the German psychologist Charlotte Bühler, who pioneered a whole-of-life approach to psychology in reaction to what she saw as the reductive approaches then prevalent in psychology. In an article entitled ‘The Curve of Life as Studied in Biographies’, Bühler (1935) systematically analysed hundreds of biographies featuring a wide range of individuals from business owners to factory workers. She postulated different stages in the life span, from an expansionist preparation phase, to a stable specification phase, a results-testing phase, and finally, a relinquishing phase where activities and positions were given up. She saw career in holistic, life-span terms and argued that these ideas could enhance the support of career development. The second example relates to one of the first career pattern studies. In Occupational Mobility in an American Community, the sociologists Percy E. Davidson and H. Dewey Anderson (1937) reported on a study of people living in San Jose, California. They developed a visual and theoretical representation of career patterns as contrasting patterns of participation in family, education, and work—, that is, temporal pathways through family environment, elementary school, senior school, college, first job, and more regular job. Third, in their book Industrial Sociology, Delbert Miller and William Form (1951) developed a more extensive approach to career patterns. They identified alternating phases of trial and stability, as well as four main types of career pattern: stable, conventional, ­unstable, and multiple trial. Finally, all the above mentioned psychological and sociological

Introduction: Rethinking career development    5

approaches were synthesised by the social psychologist Donald Super, who designed a further, even larger, career pattern study. He developed the first comprehensive theory of career development and linked it to the practice of vocational guidance (Super, 1954, 1957). The significance of these studies lies in their emphasis on the temporal, lifelong nature of career development. They distinguished between the experience of multiple individual jobs versus an overall career. This career was interpreted in relation to contrasting patterns of family experiences, educational participation, and job roles. These studies broadened the scope of vocational guidance practice from matching clients with jobs, to helping clients learn to prepare for, and engage with, an overall career consisting of multiple roles, situations, experiences, and life themes. Summary This brief review of the literature locates the origins of the career development field in four contrasting strands: vocational guidance, differential psychology, interactionist sociology, and life course development. Understandably, perhaps, some of the literature in the field focuses on only one strand, or even one element thereof, and this has led to questions about whether it really is a field at all. The extent of fragmentation and isolation can, however, be overstated. There are a number of important integrative texts dating from both the early era (see Ginzberg, Ginsburg, Axelrad, & Herma, 1951; Super, 1957) and the contemporary era (see Arthur, Hall, & Lawrence, 1989; Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018; Patton & McMahon, 1998) that seek to synthesise the various strands in the field. This volume is intended as a further contribution to that process of integration. What Is Career Development? In this volume, the term career development is used as a key organising concept. This terminology, like all terminology, is imperfect and requires further discussion and explanation. Career development is seen as a transdisciplinary field that draws originally from the disciplines of sociology and psychology. It has developed significant links with education and organisational studies, and it also connects with aspects of economics, literary studies, cultural studies, history, geography, philosophy, and a number of other disciplines. Strictly speaking, career development is neither a discipline in its own right nor a subsection of another discipline. Rather, it is a transdisciplinary field within which a range of different traditions, topics, theories, epistemologies, and ontologies intersect. In different countries, different disciplines and traditions hold sway. One of the aims of this volume is to increase the amount of transdisciplinary dialogue and to bring the varied discussions within the field together. The term career development has been selected because it allows for discussion of three interlocking themes: the wider contexts of career development, including government policy; the wide range of theory concerned with career-related experiences, phenomena, and behaviour; and the broad spectrum of career helping practices, including one-to-one

6    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

work and group work. In this section, the field is briefly discussed in relation to those three themes: contexts, theory, and practice. Contexts Career development is seen in context rather than viewed in individualistic terms. All ­individuals are regarded as part of an extensive career development system. This wider context includes geography, political decisions, labour markets, socioeconomic status, education, and the media. For example, career is not just about choosing what we want from an unlimited occupational and lifestyle menu. Our careers are also shaped by the place and communities in which we live. Geographical and family ties define the opportunities that are open to us, and influence our behaviours and expectations. We make career decisions, but we do not make them entirely within circumstances of our own choosing. Opportunity structures are shaped by the political economy. Career development is not just an individual series of choices, it is where the individual interacts with society. It is where our psychology intertwines with the social, and it relates to how we interact with social ­institutions, such as the education system, businesses, organisations, and the state. Career Development Theory Career development theory attempts to interpret the wide range of career-related experiences, phenomena, and behaviours, including negative experiences, such as bullying, precarity, or racism. It also relates to positive experiences, such as helping others, receiving respect, and personal achievements. Career theory seeks to link the wider context with the felt experience of career development. While the word development may have a problematically normative association with improvement and enhancement, it can also mean, as in photography, to emerge or to come into being. So, while individuals do not necessarily see their careers steadily and progressively improving, they do undoubtedly see them ­developing in the sense of emerging and coming into being. Not everyone encounters the same experiences or moves through stages in the same order, but we are born and ultimately die, and, in between, most of us will grow up and grow older, experience setbacks, and find new opportunities. Our careers are the pathway that we take through life; therefore, the concept of time is critical to career. Our careers operate on at least two temporal dimensions. We have career choices to make every day. Should I stay at the office later or go home to my family? Should I finish my coursework or go to the pub? Should I stay in bed or get up and go to work? These are all cross-sectional career decisions, where we play off one activity against another. But, the concept of career also adds in another set of decisions: in addition to cross-sectional decisions, we have longitudinal career decisions to make. Working harder now might open more opportunities in the future. On the other hand, suspending our capacity to earn, whilst studying may ultimately increase our long-term earning power and capacity to control our lives. Enacting our career is a conversation between the present and

Introduction: Rethinking career development    7

the future, and our pasts frame the way in which this conversation can happen. In this volume, we discuss a wide range of career development theories reflecting the contrasting traditions within the literature. We also ask authors to integrate existing ideas into new approaches that help advance the field. Practice Purposeful helping interventions, including one-to-one work and group work, form a rich and important literature in the career development field. In other texts, such interventions are variously described as career counselling, career coaching, and career guidance. However, throughout most of this book, we avoid using this terminology because it is sometimes associated with one-to-one interventions, rather than work with groups. We use terms like career development services to encompass work with individuals and groups. This wrangling with nomenclature raises a wider issue for anyone seeking to access career development support. Citizens seeking help with their career will encounter a bewildering array of terms, such as career counsellor, career coach, career adviser, career guidance adviser, career teacher, career development professional, guidance worker, counsellor, coach, life coach, work coach, psychologist, and so on. One report, drawing on U.K. job specifications, found more than a 100 job titles in use for career development workers (Neary, Marriott, & Hooley, 2014). This complexity is further increased by the fact that career development services are also provided by individuals in a wide range of additional occupations, including managers, trainers, learning and development professionals, teachers, and lecturers, to name but a few. In addition, career development support is provided on an informal basis as part of ordinary life. Because career is so central to all our lives, we inevitably speak to our friends, family, colleagues, and passing acquaintances about it, and they, despite their ‘lack’ of professional qualification or formal role, offer us information, advice, and ideas that form a kind of career development help. In this volume, we have encouraged using terminology as inclusively as possible in the hope that each chapter speaks to any individual engaged in career development support, regardless of their job title or role. As indicated, the contributors to this volume have been encouraged to use terms like career development support and career development service(s) when referring to purposeful helping interventions. In some cases, contributors have opted to use alternative terms (for example, career enactment, career counselling, career guidance, or career education); in these cases, they have been encouraged to explain their terminology and to reflect on why their terminology is appropriate. Why We Created This Handbook Career is not a single moment of decision when we choose one job over another. It is deeply woven into the ongoing fabric of our lives. Our careers are conducted continuously, and they develop in social and political contexts that provide contrasting opportunities and limitations. Career is all around us and there is no escape from it, because it describes

8    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

the coming together of our life, our learning, and our work. Career is important to the lives of individuals across the world and to the societies in which they live. As the editors of, and contributors to, The Oxford Handbook of Career Development, we are no different. We are researchers, writers, and thinkers who are interested in career development, and we experience our own careers alongside the theories, research, and models found in this book. Since everyone has a career, and it matters for both individuals and societies, it is critical that we understand how careers work and that we consider how we can usefully intervene. This is one reason why we are so glad to be able to present this volume. The decision to edit this volume emerged from the belief that career development is central to our understanding of social experience. Career acts as a framework for interpreting social realities and the place of individuals within them. It also acts as a framework for more specific action—i.e., practical interventions to help individuals. Career development work is an active practice informed by research and scholarship. This volume therefore aims both to deepen our understanding of career development, and to provide insights and inspiration to drive forward career development interventions. The volume has been conceived and put together amidst our teaching, research, conference travel, and all the other aspects of our personal and professional lives. It is therefore related to our own personal journeys, statuses, and career aims. It is also a social act undertaken as part of our interaction with both the learned society of which we are all fellows, the National Institute of Career Education and Counselling (NICEC), and the wider field of career development (see Watts, 2014, for a history of NICEC). The handbook is intended as an intervention and a continuation of a bigger conversation about the past, present, and future of career development. In this section, we describe the inspiration for this volume in relation to existing scholarship. We then proceed to discuss our central underpinning assumptions in relation to career development. These assumptions relate to inclusivity, the centrality of learning, internationalism, engagement with contemporary debates, transdisciplinarity, and pluralism. Inspiration The inspiration for this volume emerged out of a conference organised by NICEC in 2016. All the editors of the volume, and many of the contributors, attended the conference, where we challenged ourselves to ‘rethink career development for a globalised world’. The conference commemorated Rethinking Careers Education and Guidance: Theory, Policy and Practice (Watts, Law, Killeen, Kidd, & Hawthorn, 1996), which for many of us had long served as a touchstone for the field. The current volume began as an attempt to update Rethinking and to build on the discussions that had taken place at the NICEC conference. But it quickly became something more, as we recognised the need to make The Oxford Handbook of Career Development more international and more transdisciplinary, as well as to recognise the multiple traditions and perspectives that now characterise the field.

Introduction: Rethinking career development    9

Rethinking was a landmark text in the United Kingdom in the 1990s, and it gave voice to over 20 years of thinking, research, and activism that had been conducted by the ­scholars involved in NICEC. It was a powerful attempt to resituate career development work beyond the subdiscipline of counselling psychology. Rethinking drew on education, organisational studies, economics, management, sociology, and political economy. It also found a central role for learning at the core of career development work and developed new career learning theory to underpin this (Law, 1996a). In Rethinking, it was recognised that career development is unavoidably political and that individuals act in ways that are framed by their environment and by social and public policy systems (Killeen, 1996a; Watts, 1996a, 1996b). Furthermore, in drawing together a variety of different disciplinary traditions, Rethinking also recognised the lifelong and multicontext nature of career development. Career development activities are always situated; for example, they take place in schools (Law, 1996b), colleges (Hawthorn, 1996), universities (Watts, 1996c), businesses (Kidd, 1996), and career and public employment services (Killeen & Kidd, 1996). In each of these contexts, career development work is fighting for time, resources, and priority against a range of other functions. Yet, in each place, it also offers individuals and society huge benefits if its potential can be realised (Killeen, 1996b). Rethinking made a unique contribution to the field when it was published, because it was able to simultaneously summarise the state of play in the field and point the way forward. This is exactly the kind of contribution that we hope the current volume will make. At the same time, we also acknowledge the huge contributions made by the many other multi-author volumes on career development. There have been various impressive attempts to draw together the field both before Rethinking (for example, Arthur et al., 1989; Brown & Brooks, 1990; Watts, Super, & Kidd, 1981) and after it (for example, Arthur & McMahon, 2019; Arulmani, Bakshi, Leong, & Watts, 2014; Athanasou & Perera, 2019; Collin & Young, 2000; Gunz & Peiperl, 2008; Lent & Brown, 2013; Maree, 2019). We have drawn on all these volumes, and many more, as we have planned and written The Oxford Handbook of Career Development. There are also important texts focusing on discrete issues, such as social justice (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2018a, 2019), and key geographies (Cohen-Scali, Nota, & Rossier, 2017; Sultana, 2017). The current volume seeks to build on all this work by bringing together a variety of scholars and by summarising the state of the art in career development as we enter the third decade of the 21st century. Within the Oxford Handbooks series itself, there are also a number of important and relevant contributions that intersect with the current volume and the field of career development, including volumes focusing on meaningful work (Yeoman, Bailey, Madden, & Thompson,  2019), participation in organisations (Wilkinson, Gollan, Marchington, & Lewin,  2010), personnel psychology (Cartwright & Cooper,  2009),

10    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

skills and training (Warhurst, Mayhew, Finegold, & Buchanan, 2017), the psychology of working (Blustein,  2013), and lifelong learning (London,  2011). The existence of these authoritative Oxford Handbooks in related thematic areas creates the ideal context for the current volume. Oxford Handbooks assemble a series of specially commissioned essays from leading figures in the discipline, critically examine key concepts, and shape the future of the relevant field. This volume seeks to do this in the field of career development, examining both how individuals develop and enact their careers in context and the kind of interventions that may be used to support them. Career Development as an Inclusive Term Career development is an inclusive term that relates to all individuals regardless of class, gender, sexuality, ability, location, or ethnicity. Career development does not relate only to individuals preparing for middle-class, volitional, paid work and advancing within it. Career, as Watts (2015, p. 31) once noted, is ‘richly ambiguous’. It is a concept not limited to hierarchical progression within an organisation or occupation. It encompasses a very wide range of activities, including formal or informal paid work, study, housework, caring work, voluntary or community work, political activism, and so on. It also includes religious practices, leisure interests, health maintenance, family time, and relaxing. Career development is a key concept because it draws together and integrates all these important activities. In our sense, individuals have only one career, within which they engage in a wide range of activities, situations, and roles throughout their lives. The Centrality of Learning Learning is central to career development both in theory and in practice. Learning helps us to understand career experiences both good and bad. It also helps us to see career development work, in all its forms, as a broadly educational enterprise within which the career learning of participants is a core concern (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen;  2018b; Krumboltz, 2009; Law, 1996a; Patton & McMahon, 1998). This provides a unifying vocabulary for understanding and framing the spectrum of helping activities, including oneto-one work and group work. International Perspectives We have adopted an avowedly internationalist perspective throughout the volume. For example, we have aimed to avoid what Ribeiro and Fonçatti (2018) described as top-down ‘globalised localisms’ (i.e., taking a local practice from one context, such as North American career counselling, and imposing it without adaptation globally). We have drawn authors from 14 countries across the world, and we have asked them to write for an international audience, to acknowledge an international context, and to recognise the situated nature of career development.

Introduction: Rethinking career development    11

Engaging with Key Debates and Controversies In the current volume, we seek to acknowledge and engage in current debates and controversies, such as discussions about the nature of career development (Arulmani, 2014; Blustein, 2013; Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018), the future of work and career (Hooley, 2019), the variety of competing theoretical traditions that inform the field (Hooley et al., 2018b; Juntunen, Motl, & Rozzi, 2019; Leung, 2008), the evidence on the efficacy of different interventions and approaches (Hooley,  2017; Kashefpakdel, & Percy,  2017; Whiston, Mitts, & Li, 2019), and the intense political debate around the level of public policy commitment to the field (Inter-Agency Working Group on Work-based Learning (WBL), 2020; International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy, 2019). Transdisciplinarity This volume falls within the psychology subject area in the Oxford Handbook series. We seek to fully recognise the psychological nature of career development, but we do so in the context of a transdisciplinary approach, because psychology is just one of the disciplines that contribute to our understanding, along with sociology, organisational studies, education, and other disciplines. We therefore encouraged authors to approach career development from any relevant discipline and to acknowledge other disciplinary influences. Furthermore, whilst some similar volumes present a list of distinct theories and approaches, we have asked authors to be integrative and to engage with a range of disciplines, ideas, and traditions. Pluralism Whilst The Oxford Handbook of Career Development hopes to drive the field forward, it does not aim to resolve every debate and issue. Partly, this arises from our own experiences as editors. We recognise shared aims and objectives for this volume, but we also have our own distinctive agendas, traditions, epistemologies, preoccupations, and so on. Broadening this out, we felt it was appropriate for the volume to recognise a diversity of positions and viewpoints. We therefore took a consciously pluralist perspective that recognised and respected different theoretical, national, and cultural traditions. However, we have attempted to bring the different perspectives into robust dialogue with each other. We have asked authors to weigh in on crucial debates, to advocate specific opinions, and to construct new arguments. The Structure of the Book This volume is divided into three sections: contexts, concepts, and practice. Contexts refers to the way in which careers are shaped by interaction with the environments they inhabit. Concepts refers to the rich theoretical landscape of this field. Practice refers to activities to support individuals and groups with their career development. Here we provide an overview of each section in turn.

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Contexts Context is important in any study of career development. Career experiences are not ­universal; rather, they are shaped and constrained by their environments. Here we are primarily concerned with economic, sociopolitical, and institutional contexts. Careers can be understood as a key point at which the activity of an individual intersects with the economy. Accordingly, the first chapter (Gutowski et al., this volume) highlights concerns about the growth of economic inequality and the decline of decent work. It is argued these concerns are international preoccupations and that they pervade all parts of the world. Gutowski et al. draw a direct line from concern about the quality of paid employment opportunities to concepts that can be used in understanding career development. Percy and Dodd (this volume) explore the contribution that career development interventions make to the economic life of a country. They lay out the challenges and ­evidence for this way of thinking. An important political dimension of career development is its position in relation to public policy. In developed nations, many career interventions are undertaken directly or indirectly by the state. Yet, ensuring sufficient citizen access to career development services remains a challenge in all countries, despite the widespread belief that supporting the careers of individuals is a ‘public good’ with wider societal benefits. McCarthy and Borbély-Pecze (this volume) chart the evolution of public policy for career development services. In spite of its promotion by influential international bodies, they find that public policy specifically targeted on career development support remains marginal—an adjunct to the main thrust of policymaking. Robertson (this volume) focuses more closely on the goals for public policy. Most studies have found that government intervention in careers is intended to promote the effective functions of the labour market, to support the operation of the education system (and its links to employment), and to promote social equity. Robertson suggests a broad framework of potential socially desirable goals for public policy and highlights the potential of well-being, criminal justice, and environmental goals. Careers are enacted within and between institutions, and institutions mediate the ­influence of government policy. Three chapters explore the importance of the education system and its links to employment for career development. Hooley (this volume) questions the way in which the education system embeds career development work as part of a highly political human capital development project that makes the individual’s career primarily an economic contribution to society. Sultana (this volume) picks up similar themes and asks how career development learning engages with the current political economy and what possibilities might exist for more critical and authentic forms of career development education. Percy and Kashefpakdel (this volume) situate the discussion of career education by exploring in detail the variety of ways in which employers interface with educational institutions and cooperate to promote career development learning.

Introduction: Rethinking career development    13

Concepts The second section of the book explores the concepts and theories that underpin the career development field. For those entering the field, the range of theory now available can appear bewildering. Yates (this volume) provides a sound starting point by offering a survey of around 40 theoretical approaches to career development. Rather than undertaking a traditional chronological account, she identifies four key recurring concepts: identity, environment, career learning, and psychological career resources. One of the strongest streams of career theory focuses on career experiences of professionals and managers within (and beyond) organisations. Mackenzie Davey (this volume) explains the evolution of this literature from its origins in the work of psychologists in business schools and provides a critique of its limitations. Organisational career theory continues to evolve and to be a fertile source of ideas. Gunz and Mayrhofer (this volume) provide one example of a direction for this tradition and offer a social chronology framework that seeks to integrate the spatial, temporal, and ontic dimensions of career. Much career development theory wrestles with a recognition of change and complexity within the individual, in the labour market, and in wider society. But, whilst this starting point is widely shared, it can lead theorists in a variety of directions. Rossier, Cardoso, and Duarte (this volume) present one of the most currently influential approaches to individual career development—the application of narrative counselling—with strong roots in the work of Mark Savickas, Jean Guichard, and wider narrative theory. This approach is intended to enable individuals to reimagine their careers and to adapt to change. In contrast, Irving (this volume) takes an explicitly political approach to critical social justice in response to workplace inequality and instability. For Irving, the required response is a form of critical education that empowers individuals to challenge the limitations in their context. In the last decade, one of the most striking developments in career thinking has been a growing sensitisation to culture. For this reason, we feature this emerging area strongly. Many authors from different parts of the world see career as a fundamentally cultural phenomenon, and one that looks very different depending on where you are standing. Stead and Poklar (this volume) critique the use of Western frameworks of thought in studying careers across cultures. Ribeiro (this volume) makes a case for the value of career theories emerging from the ‘Global South’ to add to, rather than replace, existing dominant theories. Arulmani, Kumar, Shrestha, Viray, and Aravind (this volume) apply the cultural preparedness perspective to understand the experiences of traditional craft workers in India adapting to a globalised economy. McCash (this volume) takes an integrative approach to career and education studies and argues for a cultural learning theory of career development. He links this to innovative practice in the form of a cultural learning alliance. Practice Although it is informed by contextual understanding and a theoretical underpinning, the practice of career development requires its own focus. Perhaps we should speak of practices

14    Phil McCash, Tristram Hooley, Peter J. Robertson

in the plural—because career development interventions can come from a wide variety of professional contexts, including organisational development, human resources, counselling, education, employment support, and social and youth work. Indeed, the notion of ‘professional’ needs to be examined. Gough and Neary (this volume) look at the challenges facing career development practitioners as they seek to define themselves collectively as a profession and to establish the kind of relationship with the state that underpins this ­identity. Bimrose (this volume) addresses a key issue for career development practitioners as knowledge professionals and focuses on the role of labour market information. She argues that many of the generic helping skills used by career development professionals are shared by many professions, and so it is the skills used for handling knowledge of the labour market that represent the distinctive contribution that career development practitioners can bring to the table. Much career development practice operates within a counselling paradigm. For this group of practitioners, Rogerian approaches to the relationship between service user and helper have been highly influential. Bassot (this volume) examines the tradition of ‘clientcentredness’ and provides a critique of it informed by culturally and contextually sensitive theories. McIlveen, Perera, Brown, Healy, and Hammer (this volume) look at another key aspect of career development practice, the process of assessing individuals to understand their career development needs. They argue that career assessment needs to be understood as a skilled and integral element of career development practice, but also one that can be approached in a variety of ways. Another important strand to career development practice lies in educational ­approaches. Barnes (this volume) focuses on career education in schools and colleges by drawing on the links between career development theory and transformative learning theory. He explores the potential to achieve radical and progressive outcomes from more ambitious programmes of career education, and he describes effective pedagogical approaches to teaching, learning, and assessment that can assist learners in transforming their self-understanding, their relation to others, their potential to act, and their world view. Increasingly, the contact between career development service providers and their serv­ice users, irrespective of whether it is conceptualised as counselling or education, is mediated by digital technology. Hooley and Staunton (this volume) provide a review of the different metaphors through which the role and potential of technology is understood in this field. They analyse three contrasting pedagogical positions that guide the choices of practitioners in their use of new technology. Of course, all these diverse approaches to career development practice have value only if they are effective. Questions of efficacy are essential both for the choice and the design of approaches and for negotiations with policymakers and funders about the provision of career development services. Whiston (this volume) examines the evidence on the effectiveness

Introduction: Rethinking career development    15

of individual career counselling. She discusses the evidence from meta-analysis, which she argues offers a compelling synthesis of research in the field. Robertson (this volume) provides a broader overview of approaches to evaluating career development interventions and the formidable conceptual, definitional, and methodological challenges to be overcome. He presents an approach to evidence-based practice that seeks to integrate research evidence with local, contextual, and pragmatic practitioner understandings. Final Words Career development policy, theory, and practice are dynamic and in a process of continual change. In this volume, we have tried to capture the state of the art as we enter the third decade of the 21st century. Our aim has been to provide a stronger, more integrative platform for future discussion and debates. We hope that we have achieved this by bringing together an international array of scholars and writers. Career development certainly matters to us, and, wherever you are, we hope that this volume helps you to move forward in your life and to make a positive difference in the lives of others. References Ansbacher, H.  L., & Ansbacher, R.  R. (Eds.). (1956). The individual psychology of Alfred Adler: A systematic presentation in selections from his writings. New York, NY: Basic Books. Arthur, M.  B., Hall, D.  T., & Lawrence, B.  S. (Eds.) (1989). Handbook of career theory. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Arthur, N., & McMahon, M. (Eds.) (2019). Contemporary theories of career development: International perspectives. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Arulmani, G. (2014). The cultural preparation process model and career development. In G.  Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 81–103). New York, NY: Springer. Arulmani, G., Bakshi, A.  J., Leong, F.  T., & Watts, A.  G. (Eds.) (2014). Handbook of career development. International perspectives. New York, NY: Springer. Athanasou, J. A., & Perera, H. N. (Eds.) (2019). International handbook of career guidance. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Barley, S. R. (1989). Careers, identities, and institutions: The legacy of the Chicago School of Sociology. In M. B. Arthur, D. T. Hall, & B. S. Lawrence (Eds.), Handbook of career theory (pp. 41–65). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Becker, H. S. (1966). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York, NY: Free Press. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Blustein, D. L. (Ed.) (2013). The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Brown, D., & Brooks, L. (Eds.). (1990). Career choice and development. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bühler, C. (1935). The curve of life as studied in biographies. Journal of Applied Psychology, 19, 405–409. Burt, C. (1924). Principles of vocational guidance. British Journal of Psychology, 14, 336–352. Cartwright, S., & Cooper, C.  L. (Eds.). (2009). The Oxford handbook of personnel psychology. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Cohen-Scali, V., Nota, L., & Rossier, J. (2017). New perspectives on career counselling and guidance in Europe. Berlin, Germany: Springer. Collin, A., & Young, R. A. (Eds.). (2000). The future of career. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Davidson, P. E., & Anderson, H. D. (1937). Occupational mobility in an American community. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Ginzberg, E., Ginsburg, S. S., Axelrad, S., & Herma, J. L. (1951). Occupational choice: An approach to a general theory. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

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Goffman, E. (1968). Asylums. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. (Original work published 1961) Gunz, H., & Mayrhofer, W. (2018). Rethinking career studies: Facilitating conversation across boundaries with the social chronology framework. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gunz, H., & Peiperl, M. (Eds.). (2008). Handbook of career studies. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Hawthorn, R. (1996). Careers work in further and adult education. In A.G.  Watts, B.  Law, J.  Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 112–126). London, UK: Routledge. Heginbotham, H. (1951). The youth employment service. London, UK: Methuen. Hodkinson, P. (2009). Understanding career decision-making and progression: Careership revisited. Career Research and Development: The NICEC Journal, 21, 4–17. Hooley, T. (2017). Moving beyond ‘what works’: Using the evidence base in lifelong guidance to inform policy making. In K. Schroder & J. Langer (Eds.), Wirksamkeit der beratung in bildung, beruf und beschäftigung [The effectiveness of counselling in education and employment] (pp. 23–34). Bielefeld, Germany: WBV. Hooley, T. (2019). Career guidance and the changing world of work: Contesting responsibilising notions of the  future. In M. A. Peters, P. Jandrić, & A. J. Means (Eds.), Education and technological unemployment (pp. 175–191). Singapore: Springer. Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (Eds.). (2018a). Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism. London, UK: Routledge. Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (2018b). The neoliberal challenge to career guidance: Mobilising research, policy and practice around social justice. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 1–28). London, UK: Routledge. Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (Eds.). (2019). Career guidance for emancipation: Reclaiming justice for the multitude. London, UK: Routledge. Hughes, E. C. (1928). Personality types and the division of labour. American Journal of Sociology, 33, 754–768. www.jstor.org/stable/2765829 Hughes, E.  C. (1937). Institutional office and the person. American Journal of Sociology, 43, 404–413. doi:10.1086/217711 Inter-Agency Working Group on Work-based Learning (WBL). (2020). Investing in career guidance. Retrieved from https://www.cedefop.europa.eu/files/2227_en.pdf International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy (ICCDPP). (2019). Communiqué 2019: Leading career development services into an uncertain future: Ensuring access, integration and innovation. Oslo, Norway: Skills Norway. Juntunen, C.  L., Motl, T.  C., & Rozzi, M. (2019). Major career theories: International and developmental perspectives. In J.  Athanasou & H.  Perera (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 45–72). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Kashefpakdel, E. T., & Percy, C. (2017). Career education that works: An economic analysis using the British Cohort Study. Journal of Education and Work, 30, 217–234. doi:10.1080/13639080.2016.1177636 Kidd, J. M. (1996). Career planning within work organisations. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 142–154). London, UK: Routledge. Killeen, J. (1996a). The social context of guidance. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 3–22). London, UK: Routledge. Killeen, J. (1996b). The learning and economic outcomes of guidance. In A.  G.  Watts, B.  Law, J.  Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 72–91). London, UK: Routledge. Killeen, J., & Kidd, J.  M. (1996). The careers service. In A.  G.  Watts, B.  Law, J.  Killeen, J.  M.  Kidd, & R.  Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 155–172). London, UK: Routledge. Kjærgård, R. (2020). Career guidance and the production of subjectivity. In E. H. Haug, T. Hooley, J. Kettunen, & R.  Thomsen (Eds.), Career and career guidance in the Nordic countries. Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV. Krumboltz, J.  D. (2009). The happenstance learning theory. Journal of Career Assessment, 17, 135–154. doi:10.1177/1069072708328861 Lao Tzu. (1963). Tao te ching (D. C. Lau, Trans.). London, UK: Penguin.

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Law, B. (1996a). A career-learning theory. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 46–71). London, UK: Routledge. Law, B. (1996b). Careers work in schools. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 95–111). London, UK: Routledge. Law, B. (2009). Building on what we know: Community-interaction and its importance for contemporary careerswork. Retrieved from http://www.hihohiho.com/memory/cafcit.pdf Lent, R. W., & Brown, S. D. (Eds.). (2013). Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (2nd ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley. Leung, S. A. (2008). The big five career theories. In J. A. Athanasou & R. Van Esbroeck (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 115–132). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. London, M. (Ed.). (2011). The Oxford handbook of lifelong learning. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Mann, A. (1950). Frank Parsons: The professor as crusader. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 37, 471–490. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1893322 Maree, J. G. (2019). Handbook of innovative career counselling. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. McCash, P. (2018). Career development at depth: A critical evaluation of career development theory from the perspective of analytical psychology (Doctoral dissertation). University of Essex. Mead, G. H. (1967). Mind, self and society from the standpoint of a social behaviorist. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1934) Miller, D. C., & Form, W. H. (1951). Industrial sociology: An introduction to the sociology of work relations. New York, NY: Harper. Moore, C., Gunz, H., & Hall, D. T. (2008). Tracing the historical roots of career theory in management and organization studies. In H. Gunz & M. Peiperl (Eds.). Handbook of career studies (pp. 13–38). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Neary, S., Marriott, J., & Hooley, T. (2014). Understanding a ‘career in careers’: Learning from an analysis of current job and person specifications. Derby, UK: International Centre for Guidance Studies, University of Derby. O’Brien, K. (2001). The legacy of Parsons: Career counsellors and vocational psychologists as agents of social change. Career Development Quarterly, 50, 66–76. Ogilvie Gordon, M. M. (1908). A handbook of employments specially prepared for the use of boys and girls on entering the trades, industries, and professions. Aberdeen, UK: Rosemont Press. Park, R.  E. (1915). The city: Suggestions for the investigation of human behavior in the city environment. American Journal of Sociology, 20, 577–612. Park, R. E., & Burgess, E. W. (1921). Introduction to the science of sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Parsons, F. (1909). Choosing a vocation. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Patton, W., & McMahon, M. (1998). Career development and systems theory: A new relationship. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Peck, D. (2004). Career services: History, policy and practice in the United Kingdom. London, UK: Routledge Falmer. Plato. (1974). The republic (D. Lee, Trans., 2nd ed.). Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Porfeli, E. J. (2009). Hugo Münsterberg and the origins of vocational guidance. Career Development Quarterly, 57, 225–236. Ribeiro, M. A., & Fonçatti, G. D. O. S. (2018). The gap between theory and context as a generator of social injustice: Seeking to confront social inequality in Brazil through career guidance. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 193–208). London, UK: Routledge. Roberts, R. J. (1980). An alternative justification for careers education: A radical response to Roberts and Daws. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 8, 158–174. doi:10.1080/03069888008258185 Savickas, M. L. (1996). A framework for linking career theory and practice. In M. L. Savickas & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), Handbook of career counseling theory and practice (pp. 191–208). Palo Alto, CA: Davies-Black. Savickas, M. L. (2008). Helping people choose jobs: A history of the guidance profession. In J. A. Athanasou & R. Van Esbroeck (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer.

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Savickas, M. L. (2009). Introduction to the special section: Pioneers of the vocational guidance movement: A centennial celebration. Career Development Quarterly, 57, 194–198. Sharma, R. N., & Sharma, R. (2004). Guidance and counselling in India. New Delhi, India: Atlantic. Shaw, C. R. (1931). The natural history of a delinquent career. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Shaw, C.  R. (1966). The jack-roller: A delinquent boy’s own story. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1930) Shaw, I. (2010). Sociology and social work: An unresolved legacy of the Chicago school. In C. Hart (Ed.), The legacy of the Chicago school of sociology: A collection of original essays in honour of the Chicago school during the first half of the 20th century (pp. 44–64). Poynton, UK: Midrash. Sultana, R. (2014). Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will? Troubling the relationship between career guidance and social justice. International Journal of Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 5–19. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9262-y Sultana, R. (2017). Career guidance and livelihood planning across the Mediterranean. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense. Super, D. E. (1954). Career patterns as a basis for vocational counselling. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 1, 12–20. Super, D. E. (1957). The psychology of careers: An introduction to vocational development. New York, NY: Harper. Super, D. E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16, 282–298. Warhurst, C., Mayhew, K., Finegold, D., & Buchanan, J. (Eds.). (2017). The Oxford handbook of skills and training. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Watanabe, A., & Herr, E. L. (1983). Guidance and counselling in Japan. The Personnel and Guidance Journal, 61, 462–465. Watts, A. G. (1996a). Socio-political ideologies in guidance. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 351–365). London, UK: Routledge. Watts, A. G. (1996b). Career guidance and public policy. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 380–391). London, UK: Routledge. Watts, A. G. (1996c). Careers work in higher education. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R.  Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 127–141). London, UK: Routledge. Watts, A. G. (2014). The evolution of NICEC: A historical review. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 33, 4–14. Watts, A. G. (2015). Reshaping career development for the 21st century. In T. Hooley & L. Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice (pp. 29–42). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Watts, A.  G., Law, B., Killeen, J., Kidd, J.  M., & Hawthorn, R. (1996). Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice. London, UK: Routledge. Watts, A.  G., Super, D.  E., & Kidd, J.  M. (Eds.). (1981). Career development in Britain. Cambridge, UK: CRAC/Hobsons. Whiston, S. C., Mitts, N. G., & Li, Y. (2019). Evaluation of career guidance programs. In J. A. Athanasou & H. N. Perera (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 815–834). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Wilkinson, A., Gollan, P. J., Marchington, M., & Lewin, D. (Eds.). (2010). The Oxford handbook of participation in organisations. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Yeoman, R., Bailey, C., Madden, A., & Thompson, M. (Eds.) (2019). The Oxford handbook of meaningful work. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

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SECTION

Contexts

1

C H A PT E R

2

The Decline of Decent Work in the Twenty-First Century: Implications for Career Development

Ellen R. Gutowski, David L. Blustein, Maureen E. Kenny, and Whitney Erby

Abstract The aim of this chapter is twofold: (1) to provide an overview of the consequences of the decline in available, quality jobs throughout the world for the individual, community, and society; and (2) to discuss the implications of the changing world of work for career development, with a focus on the psychology of working theory. First, this chapter summarizes existing research and points to the necessity of decent work for well-being. It also reviews the rise in precarious work, resulting in work instability and poverty for a growing number of workers throughout the world. The chapter then discusses consequences of the changing labour market for community and society, articulating why the decline of decent work is a social justice issue. Specifically, the chapter highlights how access to decent work has historically been and continues to be disproportionately out of reach for those who face social and economic marginalization. Finally, the psychology of working theory is presented as a particularly enlightening theoretical contribution for career development work in the twenty-first century. The psychology of working theory asserts the important role of marginalization and economic constraints in hindering access to decent work. This theory also offers several implications for how scholars and practitioners might act to mitigate such deleterious social forces that contribute to poverty and inequality. Keywords: decent work, precarious work, work instability, poverty, economic constraints, marginalization, psychology of working theory

Introduction The twenty-first century has witnessed unprecedented transformations in the world of work, which have aversively affected the modern worker in multiple ways. For the past several years, the global labour force has expanded at a faster rate than that of job creation, and the number of unemployed is anticipated to continue to rise worldwide (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2018). Growth in automation coupled with the rise of neoliberal policies have created a perfect storm resulting in the loss of work in some sectors and in considerable uncertainty about the stability of the employment landscape (Blustein, 2019; Hooley, Sultana, . . . Thomsen, 2018). Furthermore, vulnerable employment, or precarious work, which is characterized by restricted access to social protections and consistent income, has surged throughout the world (ILO,  2014a;  2017;  2018; Kalleberg . . .Vallas, 2017; Standing, 2014). For example, the ILO estimates that approximately 1.4 billion people— that is, 42 percent of the world’s population—are in vulnerable forms of employment, a

statistic that is expected to continue to rise by 17 million per year for the next several years (ILO, 2018). In this chapter, we argue that these dramatic shifts, which have had serious consequences for the world’s most vulnerable, necessitate a relevant response from the field of career development. We first provide an overview of the causes and consequences of the decline in available, good quality jobs for the individual, community, and society. Next, we discuss the implications of the changing world of work for career development, with a focus on perspectives that can enrich and advance career development in the twenty-first century. Causes of the Decline in Decent Work Decent work is defined as encompassing the following: (1) adequate compensation and health care, (2) safe and secure working conditions, (3) hours that allow for free time and rest, and (4) organisational values that complement family and social values (Duffy et al., 2017; ILO, 2008). Moreover, decent work is recognized as a fundamental human right (ILO, 2008; United Nations, 1948) and as central to human well-being (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, . . . Guichard, 2019; Duffy, Blustein, Diemer, . . . Autin, 2016). The causes of the decline in decent work are complex and are often attributed primarily to automation and robotic replacement of jobs. However, a critical perspective on trends in the labour market reveals that neoliberal policies have diminished power for worker organisations (e.g., unions) and reduced worker protections (Hooley, 2018). Since the late 1970s, neoliberal world leaders have asserted that trade should be free of state intervention and governed only by market demands and that any threats to free markets are equivalent to not only a violation of market competition but also a violation of individual freedoms (Harvey, 2005). These policies have encouraged the commodification of labour, leading to an erosion of both social and employment security (Standing, 2011). As a result, workers have faced excessive pressures to become temporary instead of permanent employees (Standing, 2011). These policies have resulted in the marginalization of stable and decent work for many people throughout the world (Harvey, 2005). Consequences of the Decline in Decent Work Consequences for the Individual The integral role of decent work for well-being is apparent in research documenting the mental health impacts of unemployment and precarious work. A substantial body of literature supports the finding that unemployment is linked to a multitude of mental health issues, including increases in suicidal behaviour, drug and alcohol usage, risktaking, and psychopathology such as depression and anxiety, as well as lower life satisfaction (Frasquilho et al., 2015; Paul . . . Moser, 2009). One meta-analytic investigation comparing unemployed and employed adults across samples from 26 countries indicated that the prevalence of psychological issues (i.e., depression, anxiety, lowered subjective well-being, and lowered self-esteem) among the unemployed was more than

24    Ellen R. Gutowski, et al

double that of those who were employed (Paul . . . Moser, 2009). Moreover, the results from this study made a convincing argument for a causal effect of unemployment on decreased well-being. Specifically, the authors analysed a subset of 27 longitudinal studies focusing on individuals who had undergone mass layoffs. Those who had been laid off suffered from an escalation in distress after becoming unemployed for 6 months or longer. Beyond the impacts of unemployment, research suggests a relationship between job quality and mental health, indicating that the rise in precarious forms of employment may cause psychological harm (Clarke, Lewchuk, de Wolff, . . . King, 2007; Frasquilho et al., 2015; Vives et al., 2013). One mixed-methods investigation involving 3,244 surveys with working-age Canadian adults and 82 interviews with a subset of survey respondents who were precariously employed revealed that the majority of precarious participants expressed substantial levels of stress and uncertainty about the future, as well as impairments to their physical and mental health (Clarke et al., 2007). Corroborating this research, an international systematic review indicated that individuals in unstable forms of employment during economic recession experience high levels of mental distress, depression, and anxiety (Frasquilho et al., 2015). Furthermore, studies using continuous measures of precariousness have shown that higher levels of precariousness are associated with diminished mental health (Vives et al., 2013). Taken together, although more research on the psychological consequences of precarious work is needed, existing analyses illuminate the importance of decent work for individual well-being and the profound psychological difficulties associated with its absence. Consequences for Community and Society While the importance of work for individual well-being is clear, the availability of decent work also has a significant impact at a societal level. Existing research suggests that limited opportunities for decent work may produce community-wide hardship. Wilson’s (1996) classic investigation of Chicago neighbourhoods offers an illustrative case study that shows how community instability can follow the loss of accessible and stable jobs in US cities. Consistent with this US-based research, analyses by the ILO and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) reveal that areas of the world that experience high levels of unemployment are often the same areas that experience high levels of social and civil unrest, crime, and conflict (ILO,  2016; OECD,  2015). Furthermore, global economic development studies document how the generation of work opportunities and alleviation of poverty can foster societal stability and security (Bhawuk, Carr, Gloss, . . . Thompson, 2014; McWha-Hermann, Maynard, . . . O’Neill Berry, 2016). Although these analyses do not establish causal patterns, the relationship is likely to be complex such that lack of work breeds individual and community instability, which undermines the ability of individuals and communities to work together in ways that ­develop and expand decent work (McWha-Hermann et al., 2016).

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When discussing the growth in precarious work, it is critical to acknowledge that some workers have always been in precarious positions. Indeed, in many areas throughout the world, women, people of colour, immigrants, and others without access to social and economic capital have a history of being exploited in the world of work and of experiencing limited opportunities for security and stability. Although racism, sexism, and other social barriers continue to disproportionately limit access to the opportunity structure for historically marginalized groups, in recent years, problems of unemployment, underemployment, and work instability are also increasingly common for those from higher ends of the socioeconomic ladder (Sharone, 2014). A key aspect of the current shifting work context is loss of personal control, heightened insecurity, fear, and helplessness as stable jobs disappear (Blustein, Olle, ConnorsKellgren, . . . Diamonti, 2016) and are replaced by either short-term employment or no work at all (Kalleberg, 2009; Sharone, 2014). Declines in the availability of stable work have been accompanied by increased financial and social inequality, a growing sense of competition for the stable jobs that do exist, and a rise in the expression of intergroup prejudice and hostility (Stiglitz, 2015). Thus, the neoliberal workplace may compound difficulties for workers who have faced a history of xenophobia, racism, sexism, or other forms of social marginalisation. Indeed, some research suggests that sexual harassment may be particularly pervasive within precarious work settings (LaMontagne et al., 2009), and more research is needed on the relation between employment precarity and workplace abuse and violence. At a global level, the reduction in the availability of decent work has generated an upsurge in migration as many search for economic and social opportunity (ILO, 2017). Migrants have been victims of exploitation and human rights violations in their host countries (ILO, 2014a) and have been met with the misperception that they are the cause of work scarcity, income inequality, and a decline in the standard of living (ILO, 2014b). Taken together, the decline in decent work is a social justice issue: lessening access to well-being for a growing portion of the population and creating social divisions (Blustein,  2019). The rising scarcity of quality jobs has disproportionately harmed the world’s most vulnerable. Those living at the margins are finding fewer pathways to opportunities that promise stability and security and may be subjected to victimization and ­exploitation. With such transformations in the world of work, it is imperative that career development scholars and practitioners respond. However, career development theorists, particularly in the latter part of the twentieth century, focused primarily on individuals with some degree of career choice privilege, overlooking the lives of those at the margins with limited volition (Blustein, 2017). Indeed, important theoretical contributions, such as those of Donald Super, Anne Roe, and John Holland, were shaped by this prior era’s growing opportunities for upward mobility, particularly for those in the middle class (Blustein, 2017). For example, the pioneering work of Super brought a developmental orientation to the study of career choice and expanded understandings of career choice by

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incorporating multiple life roles throughout the life span. Yet, as Richardson (1993) makes clear, conceptualizing career as a developmental progression over time possesses an inherent middle-class bias, leaving out those without access to occupational opportunities that enable progressive advancement. Initiatives from throughout the world have countered this trend, which has been particularly prevalent in North America, by focusing on the working lives of people of colour, women, and others who have experienced forms of economic and social marginalization (Betz . . . Fitzgerald, 1987; Blustein, 2006; Richardson, 1993; Roberts, 1995; Smith, 1983; Sultana, 2014). The sections that follow review some of the critiques of traditional career choice and development theory and practice, with a focus on insights from educational sociologists as well as scholars who study race and gender. This review is followed by a presentation of one illuminative theoretical paradigm, the psychology of working theory (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, et al., 2019; Duffy et al., 2016), which we believe has particular relevance for confronting the multifaceted challenges within the shifting work context. Critiques of Traditional Theories Early career development services and research focused on the working class, immigrants (Parsons, 1909), and school leavers (Roberts, 1968). In the latter half of the twentieth century, however, the field of career development witnessed a digression from its roots of serving marginalized groups and a steady movement toward emphasising career choice and development for the middle class (Blustein, 2017). This heightened attention to the working lives of people who had a relative degree of volition shaped career development scholarship in many areas of the world, although this movement was particularly prevalent in North America. Despite a growing trend to develop theories and practice models to serve those with relative volition, some scholars from varied disciplines and regions throughout the world pushed back against this prevailing discourse. Important contributions highlighted the roles of socioeconomic status (Hodkinson, Sparkes, . . . Hodkinson,  1996; Richardson, 1993; Roberts, 1968, 1977; Willis, 1977), race (Helms . . . Cook, 1999; Smith, 1983), and gender (Betz . . . Fitzgerald, 1987) in career development experiences and critiqued the era’s focus on the working lives of the White middle class. Offering a sociological perspective, Roberts (1968,  1977), presented opportunity structure theory, which highlighted that occupational prospects are available to school leavers based not on personal ambition or choice but, rather, on social factors. Drawing from cross-national research, Roberts highlighted the importance of elements such as personal networks, local labour markets, family background, and sociocultural capital in opening or inhibiting opportunities within the world of work (for an overview of Roberts’ work, see Bimrose, 2019). Subsequent sociological scholarship has built upon Roberts’ propositions by demonstrating how social class determines the occupational roles assumed (Willis, 1977), as well as the importance of community interactions in shaping working lives (Law, 1981). Watts translated existing

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theoretical developments into practice and policy recommendations, advocating for an expansion of career development services (Watts, 1996) and for the importance of devising interventions that are applicable to the lived experiences of young people at risk of being socially excluded from the workforce (Watts, 2001). An integrated analysis of career development theory is provided by Yates (this volume), and an account of the development of public policy in the field is given by McCarthy . . . Borbély-Pecze (this volume). Further critiques addressed the inadequate attention to people of colour and women within career scholarship. For example, Elsie Smith (1983) and Janet Helms (Helms . . . Cook, 1999) articulated the limitations of Western, White assumptions in the career development discourse of the time. In their volume devoted to the working lives of women, Betz and Fitzgerald (1987) provided a feminist critique of prevailing theories, affirming the importance of work in women’s lives. These early critiques paved the way for more recent efforts from throughout the world that continue to push for a critical consideration of sociocultural influences on career development (Arulmani, Kumar, Shreskenntha, Viray, . . . Aravind, this volume; Hooley et al.,  2018; Irving, this volume; Ribeiro, this volume). Implications for Career Development: The Psychology of Working Theory Theoretical Development and Overview Building on the emerging concerns that traditional career development discourse privileged those with a relative degree of choice in their work lives, Blustein (2006) developed a theory that sought to attend to all those who work and who are striving to work and provided a critically framed perspective for understanding and intervening in the work lives of people. The psychology of working theory (PWT; Blustein, 2006, 2013) articulated a rationale for an inclusive vision for career development by highlighting a number of features and ideas that sought to embrace the needs of people and communities that were not being served by traditional career choice and development theories. A central assumption of the PWT is the notion that working optimally has the capacity to fulfil human needs for (1) power and survival, (2) social relationships, and (3) selfdetermination. The need for power and survival entails the biological needs for food, shelter, and safety, as well as the need for access to the opportunity structure. The need for social relationships pertains to the basic human need for connection, belonging, and social contribution. Self-determination involves the need for authentic engagement in life via autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Blustein (2006, 2013) also described the substantial obstacles that exist in many communities and nations, including sexism, racism, heterosexism, ageism, and other forms of marginalization, which function to reduce access to meaningful and decent work. In addition, the PWT articulated a broad array of factors to be considered in both individual and systemic career development work.

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The first decade of research and practice emerging from the PWT has led to several theoretical innovations, including the relational theory of working (Blustein, 2011) and the development of a testable research model for the PWT (Duffy et al., 2016). These advances are characterized by their interdisciplinary vantage point, integrating ideas from contemporary psychoanalytic theory, sociology, and economics. When considered collectively, the PWT and its offshoots have adopted overtly systemic perspectives that seek to frame individual behaviour in context and clearly show how social, economic, political, and historical forces shape opportunities and behaviour. Implications for Intervention The PWT has served as the basis for numerous individual, group, and systemic interventions, addressing the needs of a diverse array of populations (Blustein, Kozan, ConnorsKellgren, . . . Rand, 2015; Kenny, Blustein, . . . Meerkins, 2018). A fundamental component of career development work using a psychology of working perspective is the consideration of the role of contextual influences in clients’ lives. Blustein advocates applying an emancipatory communitarian approach (Prilleltensky, 1997) to career development services (Blustein et al., 2015). An emancipatory communitarian perspective stresses the importance of refraining from overemphasising the role of individual responsibility when understanding barriers that clients face, which may lead to inadvertent victim-blaming (Blustein et al., 2015). Based on this understanding, the PWT also advocates for systemic change to reduce economic and social marginalization, in addition to enhancing the capacity of individuals and groups to navigate existing constraints. Furthermore, the PWT promotes inclusive psychological practice in individual career development work, which involves the integration of career development work and mental health interventions. This approach acknowledges that many clients experience multiple systemic barriers simultaneously, and it aims to holistically address client needs (for a case study, see Blustein, Duffy, Kenny, Gutowski, . . . Diamonti, 2019). Individual and Group Intervention A consideration of the sociocultural nature of career development has led some to assert the limitations of psychological interventions (Roberts,  1968). However, we maintain that ­ although the impact of individual career development services is inevitably limited unless accompanied by systemic change, career development services that bolster individual ­resources can be beneficial. The PWT asserts that two psychological characteristics—work volition and career adaptability—are important in facilitating access to decent work but may be negatively impacted by unfavourable, macro-level conditions. Work volition is an individual’s perception of choice in decision-making despite constraints (Duffy, Diemer, Perry, Laurenzi, . . . Torrey, 2012). Career adaptability is the ability to complete tasks and cope with challenges associated with career planning and implementation (Savickas . . . Porfeli, 2012).

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Individual and group career development services might aim to target these characteristics alongside systemic interventions. The PWT identifies additional, malleable factors that can mitigate the negative ­influence of oppressive, systemic barriers on obtaining decent work. For example, an extensive body of research has documented the contributions of social support to positive psychological, academic, and vocational outcomes across the life span (Gutowski, White, Liang, Diamonti, . . . Berado, 2017; Kenny . . . Medvide, 2013). The impact of social support on vocational outcomes can likely be explained in part by the concept of social capital, which refers to an individual’s social network (i.e., who they know) and the propensities that arise from these networks to do things for one another (Putnam, 2000). Social support may be bolstered to aid clients in the search for meaningful and decent work by, for example, incorporating mentoring into career development services. Indeed, relational support across the varied context of people’s lives is an integral resource that assists individuals in coping with challenges accompanying the decline of decent work (Kenny, Blustein, . . . Meerkins, 2018). Critical consciousness represents another malleable factor in the PWT model that can decrease self-blame, enhance self-esteem, increase agency (Blustein, Duffy, et al., 2019), and be targeted through a range of career development services (Kenny, Blustein, Gutowski, . . . Meerkins, 2018; Kenny, Blustein, Liang, Klein, . . . Etchie, 2019). Critical consciousness is defined as a critical analysis of social inequities, the motivation to engender social change, and action taken to reduce such inequities (Watts, Diemer, . . . Voight, 2011). Research has found higher levels of critical consciousness to be positively associated with numerous beneficial vocational outcomes among marginalized youth (Diemer . . . Blustein, 2006; McWhirter . . . McWhiter, 2016) and survivors of domestic violence (Chronister . . . McWhirter, 2006). For example, in one experimental study of 73 female survivors of domestic violence, participants were assigned to one of two career intervention groups. Both intervention groups received career interventions; however, one group received an additional career intervention designed to enhance critical consciousness. Those who received the additional critical consciousness intervention evidenced greater levels of self-efficacy in their career searches at post-test, and at 5-week follow-up, these participants had made more progress toward their career goals. This research has led career development scholars to argue for the integration of critical consciousness enhancement activities in career interventions and broader public policy ­efforts (Kenny et al., 2018). Importantly, the advancement of social justice is facilitated when all persons examine their role in oppression. Thus, in addition to potential benefits for those who have been marginalized by society, critical consciousness can serve to enhance awareness of the systemic roots of injustice, decrease discrimination, and foster a commitment to social justice among dominant groups (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, et al., 2019).

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Systemic Intervention In addition to fostering change in people’s lives, career development professionals should engage in systemic research and action to expand decent work, promote economic growth, and make workplaces more just. We propose that career development as a field embrace a commitment to changing larger economic and social structures that control access to decent work. In a recent practice-oriented statement, Blustein, Kenny, Autin, and Duffy (2019) argued for a theory of change paradigm as a meta-perspective, consistent with PWT and other new perspectives in career development (Hooley et al.,  2018; Robertson, 2015). A theory of change is based on the assumption that some theories can function as vehicles for individual and systemic change. With regard to systemic practice, career development scholars and practitioners can intervene in their local communities and workplaces, as well as at the national level, to advocate for social change. This engagement may include educational activities or social and political organising. Working with legislatures and media outlets can be instrumental in infusing critical consciousness into public discourse and effecting social change. Engagement with international organisations is another mechanism for exerting change at the systemic level. For example, the ILO has sought to set labour standards and develop policies and programs that enhance economic opportunity, optimally facilitating the conditions for decent work. The decent work standards are a first step in establishing a clear set of policy guidelines for workers. We hope that further effort will be devoted to developing standards that promote worker well-being and greater access to the fruits of one’s labour (Blustein et al., 2016). From a policy research perspective, scholars might examine the psychological and social costs and benefits of programs that afford economic and social protections, such as guaranteed incomes, in the context of declining work. Research might also examine ways to influence public attitudes to enhance critical consciousness more broadly, especially as opportunities in the market work sphere diminish (Blustein, 2019; Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, et al., 2019). Conclusion The diminished opportunities for access to decent work in the twenty-first century constitute an undeniable social justice issue. A growing segment of the world’s population is impacted by the reduction in available, quality jobs. In recent years, social divisions and prejudice have adversely affected individuals throughout the world, with groups that have historically faced social and economic marginalization among the most vulnerable. As such, career practitioners and scholars have a responsibility to act in service of the expanding number of those living at the margins. In this chapter, we have provided a theoretical overview of perspectives that place systemic barriers at the forefront of understanding access to decent work. We have focused on the PWT as a model that can be used to inform a range of interventions at the individual, group, and systemic levels. We hope that we

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2015). Securing livelihoods for all: Foresight for action. Paris: Author. Parsons, F. (1909). Choosing a vocation. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Paul, K. I., . . . Moser, K. (2009). Unemployment impairs mental health: Meta-analyses. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 74, 264–282. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.01.001 Prilleltensky, I. (1997). Values, assumptions, and practices: Assessing the moral implications of psychological discourse and action. American Psychologist, 52, 517–535. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.52.5.517 Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: America's declining social capital. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Richardson, M. S. (1993). Work in people's lives: A location for counseling psychologists. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 40, 425–433. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.40.4.425 Roberts, K. (1968). The entry into employment: An approach towards a general theory. Sociological Review, 16, 165–184. doi:10.1111/j.1467-954X.1968.tb02570.x Roberts, K. (1977). The social conditions, consequences and limitations of career guidance. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 5, 1–9. doi:10.1080/03069887708258093 Roberts, K. (1995). Youth employment in modern Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Robertson, P. J. (2015). Toward a capability approach to careers: Applying Amartya Sen's thinking to career guidance and development. International Journal of Educational and Vocational Guidance, 15, 75–88. doi:10.1007/s10775-014-9280-4 Savickas, M. L., . . . Porfeli, E. J. (2012). Career Adapt-Abilities Scale: Construction, reliability, and measurement equivalence across 13 countries. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 80, 661–673. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2012.01.011 Sharone, O. (2014). Flawed system, flawed self: Job searching and unemployment experiences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Smith, E. J. (1983). Issues in racial minorities’ career behavior. In W. B. Walsh . . . S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology (pp. 161–222). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Standing, G. (2011). The precariat: The dangerous new class. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Standing, G. (2014). A precariat charter: From denizens to citizens. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Stiglitz, J. (2015). The great divide: Unequal societies and what we can do about them. New York: Norton. Sultana, R.  G. (2014). Career guidance for social justice in neoliberal times. In G.  Arulmani, A.  J.  Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, . . . A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 317–333). New York. Springer. United Nations. (1948). Universal declaration of human rights. Retrieved from http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ UDHR/Documents/UDHR_Translations/eng.pdf Vives, A., Amable, M., Ferrer, M., Moncada, S., Llorens, C., Muntaner, C., . . . Benach, J. (2013). Employment precariousness and poor mental health: Evidence from Spain on a new social determinant of health. Journal of Environmental and Public Health, 2013, 1–10. doi:10.1155/2013/978656 Watts, A.  G. (1996). Toward a policy for lifelong career development: A transatlantic perspective. Career Development Quarterly, 45, 41–53. doi:10.1002/j.2161–0045.1996.tb00460.x Watts, A. G. (2001). Career guidance and social exclusion: A cautionary tale. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 29, 157–176. doi:10.1080/03069880020047111 Watts, R.  J., Diemer, M.  A., . . . Voight, A.  M. (2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and future directions. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 134, 43–57. doi:10.1002/cd.310 Willis, P. (1977). Learning to labour: How working class kids get working class jobs. London: Routledge. Wilson, W. J. (1996). When work disappears: The world of the new urban poor. New York: Knopf.

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C H A PT E R

3

The Economic Outcomes of Career Development Programmes

Christian Percy and Vanessa Dodd

Abstract This chapter sets out a conceptual model of the economic outcomes of career ­development work. It is centred on the financial metrics that are most important to ­stakeholders at three different tiers of the economy. These tiers include individuals, ­organizations/employers, and the state. Empirical examples from the literature are provided to show that financial impacts can be identified at each tier. The limitations of the model and the evidence base are discussed. In addition, a critical examination of a narrow focus on economic outcomes in public policy is presented in order to convey the limitations of an economistic rationale for career development. Keywords: career development, financial metrics, economic outcomes, public policy, public services, return on investment, cost benefit analysis

Introduction Policymakers and analysts expect career development services to demonstrate value in order to compete for public investment, particularly where budgets are under pressure, where public accountability systems drive transparency over spending and outcomes, and where an educated and critical electorate expect high standards of evidence. This chapter focuses particularly on economic outcomes as one type of value that may occur as a result of an adequately funded career development system. In this chapter, career development refers to a lifelong process of managing learning, work, leisure, and transitions to participate effectively in work and society (Career Development Institute, n.d.). The chapter takes a broad perspective on career development, incorporating relevant career development activities throughout education and life: at school and higher education, as well as during adulthood. Previous scholars have attempted to establish both the theoretical and the empirical economic case for career development programmes. The pioneering work of Killeen, White, and Watts (1992), which detailed both learning outcomes and economic outcomes, has been built on in subsequent decades by, among others, Watts (1999); Mayston (2002); Hughes (2004); Hooley and Dodd (2015); and Hughes, Mann, Barnes, Baldauf, and McKeown (2016). Despite this, key questions remain regarding the economic value

of career development. Is career development effective from the perspective of its impacts on financial metrics? Would these impacts alone be sufficient to make career development work worthwhile? Theoretical research on career development provision has identified a variety of outcomes at different levels (e.g., the individual level, employer level, and state level). Most empirical research has, by contrast, concentrated at the individual level measuring shortand medium-term intervention-specific learning outcomes. These outcomes typically measure changes in awareness, knowledge, attitudes, or behaviours rather than long-term outcomes such as economic benefits to society and the economy, although the body of evidence for the latter has developed in recent years. Governments, and to a lesser extent international aid donors and charitable funders, have increasingly focused on financial metrics, such as employment outcomes, salaries, productivity, and tax receipts. This focus is driven, in large part, by the emphasis placed on cost–benefit analyses that have become more popular during the new public management movement since the 1980s (e.g., Andrews & Van de Walle, 2013). This focus creates a challenge for career development programmes, given the limitations of the evidence base, and supports the motivation for this chapter. This chapter first sets out a conceptual model of economic outcomes, centred on the different financial metrics that are most salient to stakeholders at three different tiers of the economy: individuals, organizations/employers, and the state. Empirical examples are cited for each tier to build evidence that impact on such metrics can be identified, with the limitations set out alongside them. Finally, these limitations are situated in a critical examination of the narrow focus on economic outcomes to convey the limitations of the economistic rationale for career development provision. A Conceptual Model of Economic Outcomes Career development can lead to economic outcomes at three tiers of the economy: the individual level, the organizational/employer level, and the state level. The model presented in Figure 3.1 is based on financial metrics rather than broader ways of conceptualizing economic benefits to reflect the approach that is typically taken by policymakers and funders. Such approaches emphasize cost–benefit analysis (CBA) and return on investment (ROI) requirements and typically prioritize impacts at one tier of the economy over others depending on their primary audience. This model (Figure 3.1) is adapted from several typologies integrating the education, social, and economic outcomes of career development (Hooley & Dodd, 2015; Hughes et al., 2016; Mayston, 2002; Watts, 1999), and it extracts the key financial metrics that are relevant to each tier of the economy. This model, based on financial metrics, is different from other models in which career development activities explicitly drive the intervention outcomes. Such models typically transverse different tiers of the economy. For instance, career development programmes in

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Individual level Reduction in economic inactivity Increased wages Employer level Increased productivity Reduced staff turnover State level Increased labour market participation Decreased unemployment Reduced skills shortages Increased GDP Figure 3.1  Financial metrics tracking economic benefits of career development.

schools (see Percy & Kashefpakdel, this volume; Barnes, this volume) might improve individual employment as a long-term outcome in a variety of ways, including (but not limited to)

•



•



•



•

helping students choose courses and pathways that best fit them and reflect demand in the economy; helping students see the future relevance of their time in education, increasing motivation, retention, and attainment; directly building career management skills such as workplace etiquette, job hunting, interviewing, and curriculum vitae (CV)/application management; and creating direct links with workplaces.

As a result of programmatic outputs and the short-, medium-, and long-term outcomes of career development interventions, it is theorized that individuals may be better able to find better fitting jobs, may be more engaged in the workplace, and may be more productive as a result. In turn, such productivity benefits the state in terms of increasing the size of the economy. How this economic growth is used is then a political decision—for example, for tax revenues, public services funding, deficit reduction, or consumer spending. Despite the logic that traces the impacts of career development interventions across the life course and at different tiers of the economy, empirical studies typically quantify financial impact within only one of the economic tiers set out in Figure 3.1. For instance, studies that demonstrate a wage gain for individuals as a result of career development programmes typically do not also demonstrate a benefit for the state in terms of economic

Economic outcomes of career development programmes    37

growth. This three-tier model can therefore help categorize the financial metrics tested in different empirical studies and aid delivery organizations, campaigners, or policy teams to identify the studies that are most relevant to their audience. Individual-Level Economic Outcomes Reduction in economic inactivity and increased wages are the primary financial metrics identified as individual-level outcomes. Each might be measured and operationalized in different ways. For instance, reduction in economic inactivity is commonly measured as the transition from unemployment (i.e., actively job seeking) to employment, but it can also be measured in terms of labour market participation (i.e., from not actively job seeking to job seeking) or increased activity via increased hours (e.g., from part-time work to full-time work) whether via an expansion of an existing activity or the addition of a new activity. Increased wages and increased activity are often considered in terms of sustained change as well as immediate impact—for example, whether wages remain higher or individuals remain in employment 6 weeks or 6 months after the initial change. This section highlights three studies from Denmark and the United Kingdom and three international literature reviews and meta-analyses. These case studies, reviews, and meta-analyses provide examples of individual-level economic benefits from both adult and school-age interventions. Reduction in Economic Inactivity There is evidence that career development reduces economic inactivity in adults as well as smooths transitions for young people from school to work. In terms of improving employment outcomes in adult populations, Graverson and van Ours (2008) found a positive impact from a mandatory career development programme in Denmark. This programme was introduced using an experimental design in which unemployed workers were randomly assigned to the programme (i.e., treatment group) while the other half did not ­receive an intervention (i.e., control group). The median unemployment duration of the control group was 14 weeks, whereas it was 11.5 weeks for the treatment group. Evidence of improved employment outcomes was observed from career development programmes in the United Kingdom. The New Deal for the Young Unemployed programme in the United Kingdom targeted individuals aged 18–24 years who had been unemployed and claiming out-of-work benefits for at least 6 months (Blundell, Dias, Meghir, & Reenen, 2004). A large-scale data set was generated and used to control for a wide range of factors. The analysis found that the programme significantly increased the proportion of people making a transition to employment by approximately 5 percentage points. For school-age interventions, a literature review by Hughes et al. (2016) identified 27 studies—19 relating to the United States, 6 to the United Kingdom, 1 to Canada, 1 to Finland, and 1 to the Netherlands (one study relates to both the United States and the

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United Kingdom)—that between them cover a range of career development activities, including work-related learning, work experience, mentoring, job shadowing, enterprise activities, and careers provision. Two-thirds of the studies identified positive outcomes, and one-third identified mixed outcomes. In the United Kingdom, further research has identified individual-level quantitative benefits for young people. For example, school-age career development interventions with employers has been associated with a reduction of students not in education, employment, or training (NEET; Mann, Kashefpakdel, Rehill, & Huddleston, 2017; Percy & Mann, 2014). Meta-analyses support arguments that career development can reduce economic inactivity. One meta-analysis assessing 47 interventions found statistical support for career development efficacy in supporting employment outcomes. Liu, Huang, and Wang’s (2014) study found the interventions to be effective in delivering employment outcomes when both skill development and motivation enhancement activities formed part of the intervention. Different types of activities may also reinforce each other to support ­outcomes (Blundell et al., 2004). Increased Wages Studies have investigated how career development programmes delivered in school relate to wage outcomes later in life. A multi-topic longitudinal dataset, the British Cohort Study, has several measures of career development activity experienced at ages 14–16 years, including timetabled careers classes, personal contact with school staff to discuss careers informally, meetings or other classes in which careers were discussed, and career talks with external speakers. Percy and Kashefpakdel (2018) found that career talks with external speakers in particular were related to wage outcomes for those in full-time employment at age 26 years, while controlling for academic attainment, socioeconomic background, dem­o­graph­ics, and the home learning environment, translating into an average 8 percent wage premium per 10 such talks aged 14–15. Limitations of the Evidence Base on Individual Outcomes Several studies that unpack the relationship between individual-level economic outcomes and career development use robust methodologies, focusing typically on largescale programmes such as government-funded unemployment-to-work programmes or common school-level activities. This includes the use of large-scale longitudinal data sets (Percy & Kashefpakdel,  2018), treatment and control groups (Graverson & van Ours, 2008), and meta-analyses (Liu et al., 2014). Such methodologies have not been applied to other types of activity, such as career coaching, job search assistance, ­networking events, and group residential activities. Such services are typically provided by private sector players and have lacked robust and independent long-term empirical evaluations. They tend to rely instead on anecdotal case studies, within-programme feedback, and user satisfaction metrics.

Economic outcomes of career development programmes    39

A key analytical challenge in the school-to-work transitions literature is the need to adjust for the many factors that can influence a young person’s career journey. The wide range of such factors, and difficulties in measuring and tracking certain factors, is one source of analytical difficulty. Such factors include socioeconomic background, dem­o­ graph­ics, region, choice of sector, lifestyle preferences, and human capital (Judge & Cable, 2004). Individual motivation in the form of self-selection bias for voluntary career development programmes or in the form of enthusiastic participants doing additional, untracked activities even among compulsory programmes is an important analytical factor for understanding intervention efficacy. Any future positive wage outcomes or participation in guidance may be driven by an individual’s motivated mindset or self-efficacy, rather than the guidance itself. Factors such as academic attainment or school attendance help control for broad levels of motivation for school-age participants, but there remain other possibilities of mindset bias and self-selection bias. However, it can also be argued that individual mindset and motivation is not a fixed quantity but, rather, something that career education and guidance seeks to influence and shape positively. As a result, attempts to control for agency may be inappropriate in some cases (Kashefpakdel & Percy, 2017). Employer-Level Economic Outcomes This section sets out two arguments that employers should see financial benefits as a result of career development programmes through (1) increased productivity and (2) reduced staff turnover. These benefits may be seen regardless of whether such programmes are driven by the employers or take place outside their budgets. Although there is evidence of employee benefits—for example, increased job satisfaction, well-being, and improved job performance—the direct financial evidence base is particularly weak in this area (Kieffer, Schinka, & Curtiss,  2004; Pseekos, Bullock-Yowell, & Dahlen,  2011). Studies at the ­employer level typically focus more on metrics such as staff engagement and retention. In this section, we exclude benefits that might accrue via the staff who provide or support career development programmes for others, as opposed to via the staff who are the direct beneficiary of the programme. For instance, there is a separate literature on the benefits staff might get from volunteering, for example, if they act as mentors or otherwise volunteer in career development programmes in schools, and how those benefits might flow through to their employers, for example, via increased skills and reduced training costs (Wilson & Hicks, 2010). Increased Productivity When individual productivity increases, benefits can—in principle—be shared between the individual via wages and the employer via greater efficiency in resource use and/or profits, with the relative distribution of those benefits typically depending on their respective negotiating positions and the broader social and legal context. Improvements in

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individual wage benefits were directly demonstrated in the section on individual-level economic outcomes, but microeconomic models argue that employers would only pay individuals more if they were more productive (or at least thought to be more productive), subject to their relative negotiating positions (Meager & Speckesser, 2011). More generally, employers, whether public, private, or third sector, can benefit in a well-functioning labour market in which individuals understand the opportunities available, the skills required, and their own fit for them. Internationally, career development in the workplace (sometimes referred to as “talent management”) can support workplace productivity through a range of mechanisms, ­including improved employee engagement and dedicated training schemes provided to accelerate talented individuals (Bhatnagar,  2008; Kehinde,  2012; Michaels, HandfieldJones, & Axelrod, 2001). Reduced Staff Turnover Although there is a lack of empirical evidence that career development reduces staff turnover, some studies have explored the possibility that better internal career management can help retain staff (Bhatnagar, 2007) and result in more effective job matching and increased productivity (Schofield, 2018). Limitations of the Evidence Base on Employer Outcomes There is a need to improve the evidence base on employer-level economic benefits because the current knowledge relies on the extrapolation from evidence at the individual level or indirect references from the talent management literature. The latter particularly refers to understanding how career development may support firms with the reduction of staff turnover. A key limitation of extrapolating from individual-level benefits is that these may be “signalling” or “positional” benefits to the individual that may extrapolate weakly to ­employer-level and state-level benefits, if at all. For instance, career guidance might enable one person to make a better career choice and gain employment, where unemployment is considered a highly likely counterfactual outcome (e.g., demonstrated via a propensity sample matching method). However, if we consider the stock of jobs in the economy to be fixed in the short term, this gain has been achieved at someone else’s loss. The person may have secured the job due to better career management skills, such as CV writing and interview skills, rather than anything that reflects higher in-job productivity. Similarly, if a wage premium is achieved at the individual level, it would be necessary to demonstrate this is due to a performance or productivity factor (rather than, for instance, a signalling or negotiation-based factor) for macroeconomic benefits to flow through with certainty. This is an example of a pessimistic application of signalling mechanisms, in which any benefit from signalling helping the employer identify the best candidate more easily is negligible (for the classic exposition, see Spence, 1973). The challenges in measuring

Economic outcomes of career development programmes    41

productivity are a further complicating factor, despite a wide array of techniques available to support such exercises at individual, organizational/employer, sector, and national levels (Atkin, Amit, & Osman,  2019; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2001). In partial mitigation of this, there is evidence from the United Kingdom that sectorlevel organizations see potential opportunities for school-age career activities to generate genuine economy-level benefits. Sector-level engagement in careers guidance includes the Institute of Grocery Distribution (2017) presenting the benefits to the food and grocery industry and the Construction Industry Training Board (2017) doing so for the construction industry. Similarly, Health Education England works with Inspiring the Future to have volunteer speakers from the National Health Service visit schools for careers events. Such organizations primarily focus on increasing awareness, widening participation, lowering the skills gap, and skills mismatching as the vectors by which school-age careers guidance drives impact. State-Level Economic Outcomes As with employer-level outcomes, state-level outcomes can be argued to follow—to an extent—from individual-level outcomes. There is evidence that these theoretical arguments have been influential on international agencies, international development funding, and government policy in the United Kingdom. In addition to such examples, a quantitative case study of government savings from unemployment budgets is presented from the United States. Increased Labour Market Participation Macroeconomic arguments for state-level outcomes have been proposed by international agencies at the European Union level (Cedefop, 2014) and via the International Labour Organization (ILO) (Hansen, 2006). Cedefop (2014) argues that lifelong guidance supports individuals’ as well as organizations’ and governments’ economic and social goals through flexible and personalized guidance helping individuals achieve their aspirations and through knowledge transmission, which in turn helps organizations and economies adapt over time. Cedefop specifically highlights the potential for guidance to reduce unemployment among those aged 15–34 years, to support career transitions and career satisfaction among middle-aged individuals facing unstable work situations, and to improve economic productivity by ensuring that those in work make better use of their key skills. Decreased Unemployment The Gatsby Charitable Foundation (2014) put forward an economic case for the United Kingdom to invest in career development. It suggested that a system of good career guidance benchmarks would increase educational attainment and reduce disengagement with the education system and labour market, which would translate into increased tax revenue

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as well as other state-level economic outcomes. A hypothesis-driven breakeven analysis by PricewaterhouseCoopers (2014) concluded that a US$250 per-pupil school-based careers intervention would be considered to offset the costs to government if just 1 more pupil per 1,000 were to obtain an undergraduate degree or if just 3 or 4 more pupils per 1,000 were to be prevented from becoming NEET. In December 2017, the UK government took this forward and articulated a new careers strategy for England that integrates the system of benchmarks suggested by the Gatsby Charitable Foundation and links to broader economic strategies, including the government’s Industrial Strategy (Department for Education, 2017). Voluntary career development support embedded in unemployment benefits programmes can help benefits claimants return to work sooner and save money for the government. An evaluation of the Nevada-based Reemployment and Eligibility Assessment (REA) initiative in the United States (Michaelides, Poe-Yamagata, Benus, & Tirumalasetti, 2012) used a random assignment methodology to identify that REA treatment group claimants collected 3.1 fewer weeks and approximately $900 lower total benefit amounts than their peers. The programme saved the state four times what it cost to deliver. In February 2018, the US Congress passed a budget bill that sought to make the grant support for the programme permanent and increase its funding to more than $3 billion during the following 6 years. It is important to highlight that such benefits do not necessarily follow automatically from career development programmes or in different contexts. For instance, a nonexperimental evaluation of another programme with similar ambitions, the relatively light-touch service offered to adult job seekers by the National Careers Service in the United Kingdom, failed to find similar benefits. However, the authors highlighted the significant econometric challenges in using statistical methods to construct an appropriate counterfactual group in the absence of an experimental or random-assignment-based design, limiting the insights that can be drawn from their analysis (Lane, Conlon, Peycheva, Mantovani, & Chan, 2017). Reduced Skills Shortages The ILO’s handbook (Hansen, 2006) focuses on low- and middle-income countries with potential improvements in labour market outcomes (including reducing mismatches between labour supply and demand) and in social equity and inclusion. Some international development agencies have funded career development initiatives as part of broad strategies for macroeconomic development in low-income countries, commonly located within strands dealing with technical and vocational education and guidance. For instance, the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ) has funded school-to-work transition initiatives in Indonesia that addressed labour market information, career counselling and guidance services, and collaboration between local industry and educational providers (GIZ,  2013). The Cooperative Vocational Training in the Mineral Resource Sector

Economic outcomes of career development programmes    43

programme in Mongolia, financed by the governments of Germany, Switzerland, and Australia, included a component to boost the qualifications of vocational education and career guidance staff through capacity development and by placing development advisers in schools (GIZ, 2014). Increased Gross Domestic Product Hughes (2004) theorized that a 1 percentage point increase in productivity through ­improved job matching could create the equivalent, at the time, of up to US$186 billion in increased production in the United Kingdom, based on the United Kingdom’s total annualized gross domestic product (GDP) of approximately US$1.8 billion in 2002. A range of logic models were emphasized by which a level of impact should be expected from career development programmes. This included reduced friction in labour markets, greater exploitation of individual employee potential, and the benefit of better managed transitions between jobs and sectors as industrial disruption continues and potentially accelerates. Although this level of impact is difficult to estimate directly, it was argued that a small impact—such as 1 percent—could ultimately be expected to accumulate to a significant effect in absolute terms at the economic level. Limitations of the Evidence Base at the State Level Empirical work at the state level used economic what-if modelling and quasi-experimental designs to generate evidence to support career development benefits at the state level. The findings have been used as evidence to inform policy decisions in the United Kingdom and to increase investment in US states. However, the reliance on extrapolation from ­individual-level benefits suffers from similar issues as those of the employer-level analysis. The most clearly demonstrated state-level economic impact lies in unemployment benefits savings. However, studies typically focus on short-term economic impact (e.g., job acquisition and 6-month sustainment) against a weak counterfactual (continued unemployment). Breakeven analyses, meanwhile, are helpful for placing interventions in perspective, but they only present cross-scenario analysis rather than evidence to support a particular scenario. The lack of a strong empirical evidence base directly demonstrating state-level benefits remains a shortfall in the literature. More rigorous evaluations, although welcome, are unlikely to resolve uncertainty entirely. Instead, as with the majority of macroeconomic policy levers, increased confidence is built up through underpinning theory and multiple types of study that each shore up aspects of the theory rather than through a single “prove-it-or-lose-it” experiment. Indeed, some stakeholders may be more convinced of the economic benefits of career development programmes as a result of diverse studies that focus on interim measures (such as attitudinal change, behavioural change, or qualification gain), scaffolded by coherent theory, rather than by studies that seek to measure state-level economic metrics directly.

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Limits of the Economistic Rationale This section sets out three main limits of a financial metrics-driven approach to career development programmes: (1) the emphasis on short-term outcomes and managerialism that is common in the new public management approach of ROI-driven public investment decisions, (2) the reductive perspective on career satisfaction and success, and (3) the risk that a focus on financial outcomes treats those outcomes as fixed as part of a deterministic system rather than reflecting the collective socially patterned judgments and intersubjective power structures in the labour market. New public management (Vigoda, 2003) is a broadly defined set of approaches to public services, typically based on reconfiguring it as a fundamentally measurable exercise, drawing on key performance indicators and regular tracking and prioritizing institutionand individual-level accountability to drive system change above the connections between institutions or their embedded social context. This approach to public services has been criticized from a range of perspectives (see Dent, Chandler & Barry [2004] focusing on the United Kingdom; see Paddison and Walmsley [2018] focusing on New York). In career development programmes, there is a risk that new public management encourages a focus on short-term, measurable outputs (e.g., the creation of a CV or number of interviews attended) and outcomes (e.g., sustained 6-week employment) rather than longer term or difficult-to-measure outcomes such as career satisfaction, life balance, or fulfilment from the individual’s perspective or productivity, innovation, and sustainability from the economy’s perspective. Such an approach risks naturally funding and promoting programmes that are optimized for quick wins rather than tackling challenging underlying issues such as stereotypes, bad choices, or empowering people to work harder to change their option set or trying more unusual careers. ROI analyses elevate financial outcomes above other outcomes (see Robertson, this volume). The limitations of GDP as a measure of human well-being have been well established, although it has proved very difficult to shift policy priorities accordingly (Dynan & Sheiner, 2018). For instance, behavioural economic and sociologically derived discussions of career choice suggest that there is far more to job satisfaction, well-being, and social value than employment status or salary level (Blustein, 2019; see also Gutowski, Blustein, Kenny, & Erby, this volume). Financial metrics might pressure career development professionals to privilege such aspects of work for their clients over others, such as the perceived impact of work, work–life balance, workplace safety, opportunities for creativity, progression, mastery and personal autonomy, relationships at work and peer groups, geography, and type of firm, which can also be very important in individual circumstances. Those choosing to work in the third sector or the public sector, as influenced by inspirational experiences and thoughtful counsellors, may choose lower wages than they could otherwise earn, but in a way that might reflect better career guidance—a purely economistic analysis might conclude such career guidance to have been detrimental or at least suboptimal.

Economic outcomes of career development programmes    45

The convenience of measurability in financial outcomes poses a further risk, portraying such outcomes as fixed yardsticks against which to measure success. In practice, the numerical clarity of wages, although an understandable proxy for short-term government ROI decisions, is ultimately a reflection of the negotiating positions and social power structures that create the status quo (see Hooley, this volume). Measuring intervention success on the basis of economic insights, which ultimately relate to labour market structures, will reflect as much how societies value and organize different occupations and career paths as it does the aptness of career development to enable someone to be the best version of themselves that they are willing to be, within the choices they can control or influence, and within the constraints that they cannot. This limitation is particularly challenging to address, even conceptually. For instance, efforts to consider broader outcomes such as job satisfaction are not only psychologically complex and variable but also ultimately limited by individuals’ own ability to evaluate their success, given constrained selfknowledge and the lack of counterfactuals—we have no sight of alternative universes to see the results of paths not taken. Conclusions This chapter set out a model that captures the different financial metrics that can represent economic outcomes at three tiers of the economy (individual, employer, and state), providing examples of the empirical evidence and its limitations organized by tier, as well as a broader summary of the conceptual limitations of economistic rationales. Despite its limitations, the overall academic literature paints a clear picture that at least some career development programmes can have a measurable economic benefit. The evidence varies by quality at different tiers of the economy, with the strongest evidence existing for adults transitioning from unemployment to work and for students transitioning from school to work. Arguments for the macroeconomic benefit of career development programmes have had some influence, particularly on international organizations, despite this limited evidence base and its reliance on extrapolating from individual-level benefits. However, the uncertainties in such extrapolation processes, especially outside of unemployment savings, may be limiting the willingness of governments to commit significant investments in this area. References Andrews, R., & Van de Walle, S. (2013). New public management and citizens’ perceptions of local service efficiency, responsiveness, equity and effectiveness. Public Management Review, 15, 762–783. doi:10.1080/14 719037.2012.725757 Atkin, D., Amit, K., & Osman, A. (2019). Measuring productivity: Lessons from tailored surveys and productivity benchmarking, AEA Papers and Proceedings, 109, 444–449. doi:10.1257/pandp.20191005 Bhatnagar, J. (2007). Talent management strategy of employee engagement in Indian ITES employees: Key to retention. Employee Relations, 29, 640–663. doi:10.1108/01425450710826122 Bhatnagar, J. (2008). Managing capabilities for talent engagement and pipeline development. Industrial and Commercial Training, 40, 19–28. doi:10.1108/00197850810841602

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Blundell, R., Dias, M. C., Meghir, C., & Reenen, J. (2004). Evaluating the employment impact of a mandatory job search program. Journal of the European Economic Association, 2, 569–606. doi:10.1162/1542476041423368 Blustein, D. L. (2019). The importance of work in an age of uncertainty. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Career Development Institute. (n.d.). What is career development? Retrieved from https://www.thecdi.net/ About/CareerDevelopment Cedefop. (2014). Briefing note: Career guidance in unstable times: Linking economic, social and individual benefits. Thessaloniki, Greece: European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (Cedefop). Construction Industry Training Board. (2017). Changing perceptions: The growing appeal of a career in construction. Kings Lynn, UK: Author. Dent, M., Chandler, J., & Barry, J. (2004). Questioning the new public management. London: Routledge. Department for Education. (2017). Careers strategy: Making the most of everyone's skills and talents. London: Author. Dynan, K., & Sheiner, L. (2018). GDP as a measure of economic well-being. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute. Gatsby Charitable Foundation. (2014). Good career guidance. London: Author. German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ). (2013). SED-TVET programme. Retrieved from https:// www.giz.de/en/downloads/giz2013-en-tvet-indonesia.pdf German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ). (2014). Cooperative vocational training in the mineral resource sector. Retrieved from https://www.dfat.gov.au/sites/default/files/vocational-training-in-the-mineralresource-sector-in-mongolia-factsheet.pdf Graverson, B. K., & van Ours, J. C. (2008). How to help unemployed find jobs quickly: Experimental evidence from a mandatory activation program. Journal of Public Economics, 92, 2020–2035. doi:10.1016/j. jpubeco.2008.04.013 Hansen, E. (2006). Career guidance: A resource handbook for low- and middle-income countries. Geneva: International Labour Office. Hooley, T., & Dodd, V. (2015). The economic benefits of career guidance. Careers England. Hughes, D. (2004). Investing in career: Prosperity for citizens, windfalls for government. Winchester, UK: The Guidance Council. Hughes, D., Mann, A., Barnes, S.-A., Baldauf, B., & McKeown, R. (2016). Careers education: International literature review. London: Education Endowment Foundation. Institute of Grocery Distribution. (2017). Bridging the skills gap—Developing talent across the food and grocery industry. Watford, UK: Author. Judge, T., & Cable, D. (2004). The effect of physical height on workplace success and income: Preliminary test of a theoretical model. Journal of Applied Psychology, 89, 428–441. doi:10.1037/0021-9010.89.3.428 Kashefpakdel, E. T., & Percy, C. (2017). Career education that works: An economic analysis using the British Cohort Study. Journal of Education and Work, 30, 217–234. doi:10.1080/13639080.2016.1177636 Kehinde, J. (2012). Talent management: Effect on organizational performance. Journal of Management Research, 4, 178–186. doi:10.5296/jmr.v4i2.937 Kieffer, K. M., Schinka, J. A., & Curtiss, G. (2004). Person–environment congruence and personality domains in the prediction of job performance and work quality. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51, 168–177. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.51.2.168 Killeen, J., White, M., & Watts, A. (1992). The economic value of careers guidance. London: Policy Studies Institute. Lane, M., Conlon, G., Peycheva, V., Mantovani, I., & Chan, S. (2017). An economic evaluation of the National Careers Service. London: Department for Education. Liu, S., Huang, J., & Wang, M. (2014). Effectiveness of job search interventions: A metaanalysis review. Psychological Bulletin, 140, 1009–1041. doi:10.1037/a0035923 Mann, A., Kashefpakdel, E. T., Rehill, J., & Huddleston, P. (2017). Contemporary transitions: Young Britons reflect on life after secondary school and college. London: Education and Employers. Mayston, D. (2002). Assessing the benefits of career guidance. Derby, UK: Centre for Guidance Studies. Meager, N., & Speckesser, S. (2011). Wages, productivity and employment: A review of theory and international data. Brighton, UK: Institute for Employment Studies. Michaelides, M., Poe-Yamagata, E., Benus, J., & Tirumalasetti, D. (2012). Impact of the Reemployment and Eligibility Assessment (REA) initiative in Nevada. Columbia, MD: IMPAQ International. Michaels, E., Handfield-Jones, H., & Axelrod, B. (2001). The war for talent. Boston: Harvard Business Press.

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2001). Measuring productivity: Measurement of aggregate and industry-level productivity growth. Paris: Author. Paddison, B., & Walmsley, A. (2018). New public management in tourism: A case study of York. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 26, 910–926. doi:10.1080/09669582.2018.1425696 Percy, C., & Kashefpakdel, E. T. (2018). Insiders or outsiders, who do you trust? Engaging employers in schoolbased career activities. In A. Mann, P. Huddleston, & E. T. Kashefpakdel (Eds.), Essays on employer engagement in education (pp. 201–216). New York: Routledge. Percy, C., & Mann, A. (2014). School-mediated employer engagement and labour market outcomes for young adults: Wage premia, NEET outcomes and career confidence. In A. Mann, J. Stanley, & L. Archer (Eds.), Understanding employer engagement in education—Theories and evidence (pp. 205–221). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. PricewaterhouseCoopers. (2014). Assessing benchmarks of good practice in school career guidance. London: Gatsby Charitable Foundation. Pseekos, A.  C., Bullock-Yowell, E., & Dahlen, E.  R. (2011). Examining Holland's person–environment fit, workplace aggression, interpersonal conflict, and job satisfaction. Journal of Employment Counseling, 48, 63–71. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1920.2011.tb00115.x Schofield, R. (2018, December 3). “Total talent management” could solve the productivity puzzle. Personnel Today. Retrieved from https://www.personneltoday.com/hr/taking-a-total-talent-management-approach-tothe-productivity-problem/ Spence, M. (1973). Job market signaling. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87(3), 355–374. Vigoda, E. (2003). New public management. In J. Rabin (Ed.), Encyclopedia of public administration and public policy (Vol. 2, pp. 812–816). New York: Marcel Dekker. Watts, A.  G. (1999). The economic and social benefits of guidance. Educational and Vocational Guidance Bulletin, 63, 12–19. Wilson, W., & Hicks, F. (2010). Volunteering- The Business Case. London: The City of London.

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C H A PT E R

4

Career Development and Human Capital Theory: Preaching the “Education Gospel”

Tristram Hooley

Abstract This chapter analyses the relationship between career development, education, and human capital theory. It argues that education lies at the heart of our understanding of how ­individuals develop their careers and how purposeful career development interventions can support them in this endeavour. Career development services are most evident and accessible in the education system. This relationship is not accidental but is rooted in both the historical development of the field and in the importance of human capital theory to the ideology of both education and career development. The chapter finishes by critiquing the dependence of policymakers and advocates for the field on human capital theory and by considering alternative relationships that could be built between education and career development. Keywords: career development, education, human capital, human capital theory, public policy

Introduction The concept of career, in the sense that it is employed in this volume, yokes together work (in both paid and unpaid forms), education and learning, and other forms of purposeful activity undertaken by individuals, such as civic participation and engagement in family. It describes how individuals spend their time across their life course and, once the concept of ‘career development’ is introduced, suggests that individual agency can exert at least some influence over how the life course unfolds. While this broad definition underpins much writing in career development (Super, 1980; Watts, 2015a), in practice, as in the popular understanding of career, the focus is often shifted to the context of paid work through the use of concepts like work-related learning, employer engagement, and ­employability. This economic framing of the idea of career connects with human capital theory, which also frames the purpose of education in economic terms (see Percy & Dodd, this volume). This chapter explores how the economic framing of education and career has shaped the forms that career development interventions take, and the chapter provides both a critique and alternative approaches.

Why Is Education Important for Career? Participation in education, and particularly in formal education that leads to recognised qualifications, has become a principal route through which people seek personal advancement. A wider range of literature, which is often described as ‘human capital theory’, has taken note of this and has expended a lot of effort in documenting and theorising the ­relationship between education, salary, and wider life chances. Becker (2009, p. 15) argued that education, ‘schooling, a computer training course. . . and lectures on the virtues of punctuality and honesty’, should be viewed as ‘capital’, with an equivalence to having money in the bank or owning stocks and shares, in that they are investments that individuals make that offer returns for that individual. The terminology of ‘capital’ has become widespread across a range of disciplines and is variously deployed by Bourdieu (1986) and Hirschi (2012)—with some conceptual relationships between the different theories and uses of ‘capital’. However, human capital theory has a distinct epistemology from theories associated with Bordieusian capital theory and Hirschi’s psychological capital/career resources model. This chapter focuses on human capital theory and discusses its history, intellectual basis, and use by policymakers. Evidence for human capital theory can be found in a number of places. For example, there is an observable association between qualification levels and lifetime earnings that, as data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) presented in Figure 4.1 shows, holds true across most countries. In Figure 4.1, national average salaries for people whose highest level of qualification is upper secondary education are indexed to 100. The figure shows how those with other levels of qualification compare in terms of what they earn. In all but a very small number of countries, the headline relationship is straightforward; the more qualifications you have, the more you earn. Other research has pointed out that beyond the level of averages, such salary benefits are not equally distributed to all (Oliver, 2016). Individuals’ careers are not just shaped by the level of their qualifications, but also by the nature of the qualification and how organisations recognise and value qualifications. These also interact with wider demographic factors, meaning that, although higher qualifications are positively associated with earning power, they do not provide a perfect correlation nor a certain route to career advancement. The end of this chapter looks at some of the critiques of the assumption that more education equals a better career, but the relationship between participation in the education system and career success, at least as far as can be measured by salary, is strong enough to serve as a heuristic. Grubb and Lazerson (2004) ironically referred to this heuristic as ‘the education gospel’. Under the influence of the education gospel, the role of career development interventions is to persuade individuals to ‘stay in school’ and garner more human capital. More subtly, it is to encourage people to make wise choices about the educational pathways that they should choose, with one eye on their own capabilities and the other on what the

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Upper secondary education

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Figure 4.1  Relative earnings by qualification level in 35 countries. Data from OECDStats (2019).

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CHILE BRAZIL COSTA RICA MEXICO HUNGARY PORTUGAL UNITED STATES IRELAND GERMANY LITHUANIA CANADA KOREA ISRAEL UNITED KINGDOM OECD - AVERAGE CZECH REPUBLIC FRANCE SWITZERLAND POLAND LUXEMBOURG EU (OECD MEMBERS) LATVIA AUSTRALIA GREECE NETHERLANDS NEW ZEALAND BELGIUM FINLAND SLOVAK REPUBLIC ESTONIA NORWAY DENMARK SWEDEN AUSTRIA ITALY SPAIN TURKEY

labour market demands. Hodkinson (2008) noted that there are problems with viewing career development as a process of rational ‘investment choices’ because career decisionmaking is not rational, it unfolds in a nonlinear way, and is influenced by actions, events, and circumstances that are beyond the control of the individual. But, as Hodkinson also showed, much policy and many career development interventions are developed with the aim of increasing the rationality of individual’s investment choices. Career development and education are connected beyond the signalling power of qualifications and a view of education as an investment to enhance earning power. Education develops skills and knowledge that may be useful in the workplace or in other parts of life, it builds self-awareness, it affords space for self-exploration and the testing of personal capabilities, and it allows people to discover more about the world and to consider their place within it. Even where formally constituted career development interventions are absent, all education offers the possibility of supporting and informing career development, especially if ‘career’ is defined as encompassing more than just paid work. Such thinking moves between different conceptions of what both education and career are. On the one hand, education can be viewed as being informed by a technocratic rationality (Sultana, 2014) and providing a series of technical and behavioural trainings that are designed to fit individuals for the workplace, to increase productivity, and to maximise earning potential. On the other hand, when viewed through the lens of a developmental rationality, which Sultana (2014, p. 16) argued addresses human beings’ interests in ‘securing and extending possibilities of understanding oneself and others in the conduct of life’, education is addressed to self-actualisation and personal growth, which can then be enacted and continued through an expansive notion of career as a personal journey. Career Development Intervention as Educational Action Learning is a fundamental aspect of all living things and is how they discover their environment, adapt to it, and interact with it. Education is purposeful interventions that are made to facilitate learning. In the early 20th century, the progressive educator John Dewey argued that ‘as societies become more complex in structure and resources, the need of formal or intentional teaching and learning increases’ (2004, p. 9). As individuals deal with increasing complexity, they need more help and support to navigate the social structures and to formulate their responses to them. Such responses rely on the acquisition of both knowledge about how things work and the skills required to operationalise that knowledge and to turn it into meaningful action. Viewed in this sense, career development interventions are clearly educational in nature. Such an association is most obvious when viewing the tradition of interventions that are described as career education (Barnes, this volume; Law & Watts,  2015; McCash, 2006; Patton, 2005; Sultana, this volume). Such interventions use the recognisable ‘grammar’ or set of rules, assumptions, and practices of education: defining curricula,

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identifying a teacher or tutor, setting tasks and activities to facilitate engagement with knowledge and the development of skills, and assessing, often informally, the outcomes of these activities. There is another important tradition in career development work that is less obviously ‘educational’. This tradition views careers work as a form of counselling and in some cases as a form of therapy (Burwell & Chen, 2006; Shefer, 2018) or, in a related but distinct tradition, as a form of coaching (Yates, 2013). Such traditions are typically focused on one-to-one interactions and do not draw on the same grammar as career education (Bassot, this volume; Whiston, this volume). However, in the sense that Dewey is describing it, they remain educational interventions. Counselling and coaching activities are purposeful interventions that support those who participate in them to learn about themselves and the world and to consider how best to engage and interact with that world. Such one-toone interventions draw on a different grammar, which includes contracting, building the working alliance, active listening, and homework activities. Although the activities look different, they are seeking a common end, which is to help the individual to learn about and take agency in their career. This is not to argue that the educational lens is the only way in which career development interventions can be viewed. It would be equally possible to draw out the therapeutic aspects of career education. However, the point is to recognise that career development interventions do not just encourage individuals to engage with education, but that they are in and of themselves educative. This educative dimension is heightened and emphasised by the fact that career development interventions are most commonly located within, or close to, the formal education system. Career Development as Part of the Education System The history of education has developed in dialogue with work and career (Watts, 2015b). From its origins, the career and vocational strand has been an important component of formal education. Given this close relationship, it is unsurprising that politicians and employers have repeatedly asked whether the education system could be better aligned to employment. One consequence of this has been the creation of a range of career development services across a wide range of countries (McCarthy & Borbély-Pecze, this volume; Watts, 2014). At the core of career development work’s relationship to education is its organisational location within, or adjacent to, the formal education system (OECD, 2004). Career development services can be found in several organisational locations, notably in public employment services, as a private-sector service paid for by the individual, and in the workplace, either through the human resource management function of firms or, in some countries, through trade unions. However, in most countries, career development services are concentrated within the education system, including schools, the vocational education and training system, higher education, and adult education (Hooley, 2014).

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Career development programmes and interventions are always encountered in a context that shapes their natures and aims. In most cases, the context is an educational institution and the politics, funding, aims, culture, and internal dynamics of that institution act on and shape the kinds of career development programmes and services that are available. Key to this is the attempt to align the processes and outputs of the education system with the needs of employers and the labour market. This relationship is in turn shaped by the societal role that education is expected to play in the economy as a producer of what is often described as ‘human capital’. Human Capital Theory Underpinning much of the way that the value of education and career development education is understood by policymakers and many others in the field is the concept of human capital. Human capital theory was developed in the early 1960s as a way of understanding why the level of physical resources available (from coal to machinery) fails to fully explain organisational performance or national productivity (McCracken, McIvor, Treacy, & Wall, 2017). Human capital theory recognised that people are an important resource for organisations and countries and that different people add varying amounts of economic value, depending on their knowledge, skills, abilities, and attributes. Crucially, the theory also recognises that human beings can develop through education and experience. Because of its economic frame of reference, human capital theory views the process of human development as the production of human capital through a process of investment in education and training. Schultz (1961), one of the originators of human capital theory, recognised the moral complexity of what he was proposing. Schultz (1961, p. 2) wrote, ‘To treat human beings as a wealth that can be augmented by investment runs counter to deeply held values. It seems to reduce man once again to some material component, something akin to property’. To conceive of human beings as capital and education as investment inevitably diminishes people and education, rooting the value of both in technocratic and economistic ­rationalities. But, despite these reservations, Schultz maintained that ‘by investing in themselves, people can enlarge the range of choice available to them. It is one way free men [sic] can enhance their welfare’. The international OECD data presented at the start of this chapter suggest, that at least in some ways, Schultz and the human capital theorists appear to be right and the promise of the ‘education gospel’ has been realised. The philosophical dilemma that Schultz faced in the formation of human capital theory has been at the heart of debates in the field ever since. Human capital theory locates the desired outcome of education as economic value and uses the imagery of money (financial capital) to clarify how education can support the development of career and the production of wider forms of social and economic value. People invest their time and money in education to accumulate human capital, which can ultimately be converted into

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other forms of capital, such as money and goods. Paid work provides the means through which this exchange takes place. Where career development services can be interpolated into this process of capital accumulation and exchange, they offer a unique additional component to human capital theory. If education is a form of investment, then career development services exist to provide advice about investment choices. What course should an individual follow, how much is this likely to be worth over a lifetime, and how can the investment best be r­ ealised? In this sense, Watts and Sultana (2015) argued that career development services act as Adam Smith’s famous ‘invisible hand of the market’ made manifest, by supporting ­individuals to make wise and informed decisions on the educational market and to invest their human capital effectively. In his history of the origins of career development services, Stephens (1970, p. xiv) argued that it was exactly this logic that was responsible for career development services’ original position within the education system, noting that ‘in the name of social and economic efficiency. . . the youth who has been carefully trained would also have to be carefully counselled into a suitable occupational niche’. In addition, career development education also fosters the acquisition of specialised kinds of human capital that are associated with individuals’ participation in the labour market. So, career development professionals are not just acting as investment advisers, but also schooling individuals in the skills and knowledge that they will need to become wise investors. The development of these ‘career management skills’ and ‘employability skills’ has become a key aim of career guidance policy, and such skills are expected to underpin individuals’ capacity to become self-reliant (Sultana, 2012). Human capital theory provides an explanation of how wealth is created that is useful for individuals but it is at the level of policy that the theory has had its most explicit influence (Baptiste, 2001). Fitzsimons (2017) argued that ‘human capital theory is the most influential economic theory of Western education, setting the framework of government policies since the early 1960s’ and noted that ‘it is seen increasingly as a key determinant of economic performance’. In this sense, its influence extends beyond the propositions outlined by Schultz, Becker, and the other theorists, towards a broader ideology that places education and the development of human capital at the heart of the effective functioning of neoliberalism. This ideology can be found most clearly in the politics and policies of ‘third way’ reforming neoliberals during the 1990s and 2000s, who advocated for lifelong learning as a part of both educational and economic policy. Tony Blair summarised the policy case for human capital theory in his conference speech 2 years before he became the British Prime Minister. I present to you today our proposals to equip our people and businesses for new technological and economic challenges, to change the basis of this country's thinking of the past 100 years. Education is the best economic policy there is for a modern country and it is in the marriage

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of education and technology that the future lies. The arms race may be over; the knowledge race has begun and we will never compete on the basis of a low-wage, sweat shop economy. It cannot be done that way. We have one asset—our people, their intelligence, their potential. Develop it, we succeed, neglect it, we fail. It is as simple as that and the pace of technological change means that this task is urgent. (Blair, 1995)

In this speech, Blair also addressed two of the key features of human capital theory that emerged under the influence of the OECD in the 1980s (Baptiste, 2001): first, the idea that an educated populace will be more flexible and adaptive to change, and, second, that they will be better at making use of new technologies. Not only does human capital add economic value, but also it acts as a multiplier to the value added by technologies and inoculates people against negative outcomes associated with automation and technological development. Since Blair’s speech, human capital theory has continued to be a highly influential strand of policy thinking across the globe. Holborow (2012) expressed some surprise that the ideas associated with human capital theory have continued to hold sway following the global financial crash in 2008, when many other neoliberal ideas have been discredited. For example, in a paper for the European Commission, Redecker et al. (2011) linked the idea of investment in human capital to the ideas of career management, arguing that ‘professional careers will become more flexible and dynamic and all citizens, no matter how highly qualified, will need to proactively design and promote their careers by seizing relevant training opportunities’ (p. 10). Bengtsson (2011) argued that, within the European Union, formal career development services have increasingly been placed at the heart of European human capital strategy. Career development interventions are useful to policymakers because they can help to advocate for the value of education, support people in their interaction with the education system, and alert them to the labour market value of different educational options. The ideology of human capital theory places a burden of responsibility on ­individuals, who must commit to ongoing investment in their skills and knowledge throughout life. Human capital is not just built up, it can also erode as the world changes, rendering previous learning less useful. It can even be subject to dramatic ­collapses, as when an industry shuts down and highly developed knowledge and skills within that sector suddenly become worthless. In this scenario, accessing education and committing to learning become the individual’s best strategy to ensure that their career development can be maintained. Career development services have the potential to become invaluable parts of this social and economic quest for human capital because they can help to socialise individuals into becoming lifelong learners, orientate them to the key shifts in the labour market, and help them to prepare to make shifts, often by committing to further human capital development through participation in the formal education system.

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Many of the attempts to build a policy rationale for investment in career development have explicitly made use of human capital theory. Mayston (2002) argued that career guidance can help to reduce the risks of investment in human capital to individuals, Hooley and Dodd (2015) described the development of human capital as one of the key individual outcomes of participating in career development, and Bernes, Bardick, and Orr (2007) argued that a key aim of research in the field must be to strengthen the case that career development interventions have an observable impact on human capital development. Human capital theory has been demonstrated to be a good fit with the field of career development. Individuals need human capital to advance their careers, and the process of accessing career development interventions both acts as a guide on how to develop human capital and facilitates the development of specialised forms of human capital, such as career management skills and employability skills. Furthermore, this relationship is both recognised by policymakers and valued by them as contributing to economic policy aims. However, despite the convenience of human capital as an organising framework, there are also problems with it that need to be acknowledged. Critiques of Human Capital Theory There are a range of important critiques of human capital theory that lead away from viewing participation in education as a process of investment for financial gain. Such critiques inevitably lead to possible alternative roles for career development. Critiques fall into two main categories: first, there are concerns that the simple relationship between education and economic growth proposed by human capital theory is overstated. This perspective argues that the benefits promised by human capital theory often fail to materialise even when countries follow the ‘education gospel’. Second, there are a range of political, ethical, and philosophical objections about the way in which human capital theory shapes human subjects, the education system, and the field of career development. Wolf (2002) made several explicit attacks on the logic and evidence behind human capital theory. In particular, she challenged the idea that simply increasing the number of highly qualified individuals will lead to economic growth. Sending more people to university does not necessarily result in more or higher skilled employment. While a lack of skills might be a drag on economic growth, a surplus of skills is unlikely to drive growth. Baptiste (2001) made a similar point, noting that despite many developing economies’ investing heavily in education as a (human capital theory informed) route to development, they did not have economies that were able to capitalise on their newly educated populations. As Brown and Lauder (2006) argued, a highly skilled populace does not seem to act as a ‘magnet’ for jobs, in part because many countries are pursuing similar education policies and so it is difficult to get ahead, and in part because knowledge-intensive industries often do not create that many jobs. Such arguments trouble some of the economic rationales for investing in career development as a stimulus for human capital development and suggest that there might be limits on the returns for such investments.

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Wolf was also scathing about the way in which qualifications are used as a proxy for real skills or economically valuable attributes. It is relatively easy for government to invent new forms of qualification and to push citizens through such qualifications, but if employers do not value the skills developed through these qualifications, they offer limited returns on people’s investments. This critique is worrying because career d ­ evelopment services are often asked to take a proactive role in engaging learners with new forms of qualifications and other educational reforms (Watts,  2010). Such initiatives directly co-opt career ­professionals into preaching the education gospel as a part of human-capital-inspired policy. This is possible in part because government provides the bulk of the funding for career development services and so has some capacity to set the objectives for such services. Finally, Wolf also called into question the alignment between individual labour market success and macroeconomic outcomes. Just because individuals who access education earn more than those who do not (see Figure 4.1) does not necessarily mean that more education leads to economic growth. It may simply provide a way to understand inequality within societies. Education may not be an absolute good (the more you have, the better off you are) in the way the human capital theorists describe, it may be a positional good (if you have more than someone else, you will be better off than they are). Again, this raises an important question for career development services because it places them in the position of reordering inequality by helping people to maximise their human capital rather than making everyone better off. The recognition of the positional nature of human capital calls into question some of the economic promises made by human capital theory, but perhaps even more fundamentally, it also raises some major ethical and political issues. Viewed through this lens, career development interventions may in effect be providing some individuals with the tools to outperform others. If wise investment in human capital increases their chance of accessing the good life, it may simultaneously decrease other people’s chance of doing the same because they find themselves at the bottom of the human capital ladder. This recalls Law’s (2012) concern about viewing career as a race. In the human capital theory race, individuals are investing their resources wisely and building up their capacity to succeed (and beat others). So, the choice of a degree in science rather than one in creative therapies is likely to be rewarded with a high salary and a social and economic position that allows an individual to feel that they have won the race. It is also important to think about the losers in this race. What happens to the person who fails to seek out career development support, to invest in the kind of education that brings a strong financial return, and ends up struggling to make ends meet? Human capital theorists would argue that such an individual should be helped to see the error of their ways and encouraged to redouble their efforts to do better in the race by making more and wiser investments in human capital. This process is what Rose (1990) and others working with Foucauldian ideas described as ‘responsibilisation’ and the creation of an idealised ‘enterprising self ’. Individuals are encouraged to view their lives and their

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careers as solely their responsibility and to ignore wider social and political factors. So, if you want a better life, you need to make better investments. This conception of human capital focuses attention on agentic choice-making and ignores how opportunities are structured in ways that make choices about one course or an alternative largely meaningless in terms of accessing the kinds of wealth, power, and opportunities that are preserved for the privileged (Roberts, 2009). Individuals begin with different amounts of capital to invest and their opportunities to increase their human capital are limited by the opportunity structure within which they operate (Hodkinson, 2008). Placing all the responsibility for career onto individuals serves both to obscure the fact that they may have few opportunities to manage their career and side-steps the possibility that there may be social and political strategies, rather than individual ones, that might help them to access the good life. Ironically, such responsibilisation is often dependent on state investment in the education system. Education spending is one area of public spending that neoliberal governments view as legitimate, because it can be used to simultaneously develop human capital and to foster a subjectivity that is conducive to free market competition. As the United Kingdom’s Chancellor of the Exchequer argued in 2007: Only with investment in education can free markets, free trade and flexibility succeed. And the prize is enormous. If we can show people that by equipping themselves for the future they can be winners not losers in globalisation, beneficiaries of this era of fast moving change, then people will welcome open, flexible, free-trade and pro-competition economies as an emancipating force. (Gordon Brown, quoted in Grant, 2009, p. xv)

Brown’s argument highlights the political and ideological nature of human capital theory and shows how this is layered onto the economistic rationales. Education is not just about helping people to do well in their careers, it is also about helping them to realise what ‘winning’ is and to recognise that they can be ‘winners’. It is also possible to question whether salary can serve as a proxy for the value of skills. Human capital theory views skills as operating on one dimension (more or less), rather than the more heterogeneous view within which different people have different skills and knowledge that can be deployed for different purposes. The imposition of a binary scale on heterogeneous reality serves to impose a hierarchy that is ultimately useful in justifying an unequal class society. It argues that those who are paid less must have less human capital and therefore that they have invested their time and efforts unwisely. Such an analysis ignores the fact that it is not skill levels alone that determine salary. So, it would be possible to argue that a nurse has a similar (or perhaps greater) level of skill than a stockbroker and yet society rewards the latter over the former. Viewing this phenomenon through the lens of human capital theory misses most of what is going on, both in terms of the way in

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which capitalism rewards different occupations and in the way that access to such elite occupations is organised. Bowles and Gintis (1975, p. 82) summarised these critiques by arguing that human capital theory ‘provides, in short, a good ideology for the defence of the status quo. But it is a poor science for understanding either the workings of the capitalist economy or the way towards an economic order more conducive to human happiness.’ From an ethical and political viewpoint, human capital theory has a number of ­problems. First, it offers positional advantage in a race, rather than necessarily increasing human flourishing. Second, it allocates responsibility for accessing the good life to the individual and bypasses social and structural causes for, and solutions to, career failures. Third, it buys into a normative logic where career success is conflated with salary. Finally, it also serves to diminish and narrow the idea of what both education and career are and are for. Human capital theory views education as an investment that individuals make in themselves to advance their careers. In its policy formulation, education is viewed as an investment that governments or societies make in their economies. This results in a technocratic vision based around simple and predictable outcomes. Good education is defined as a course that leads the individual towards a better salary, and a good career is one in which the individual can attract a high salary. Human endeavours and the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness are reduced to entries on a balance sheet. Education, despite its co-option into human capital theory, has proved itself to be quite resistant to some of the theory’s assumptions. Despite the increasing focus on ­employment outcomes and employability metrics, educators continue to view what they deliver as more than just the provision of knowledge that will maximise salary returns. As Watts (2015b, p. 15) argued, ‘At its best, it [education] is concerned with the development of the individual’s full range of abilities and aptitudes, with the cultivation of spiritual and moral values, with the nurturing of imagination and sensibility, with the transmission and reinterpretation of culture’. This is also true of career development interventions, which have drawn on a wide range of traditions beyond the technocratic and economistic rationalities emphasised by human capital theories (Sultana, 2014). Sultana highlighted the existence of both developmental and emancipatory rationalities within the career development field as alternative ways of thinking about what career development is trying to achieve. This expansive tradition emphasises education and career development’s capacity to develop citizens, transform individuals’ thinking, contribute to well-being and human flourishing, and, in more radical formations, contribute to social change (Darder, Baltodano, & Torres, 2003; Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2018, 2019). This chapter begins with a broad definition of career as the individual’s journey through life, learning, and work. A journey in which paid work is likely to be an important element, but one in which time and energy are shared across a range of roles, which have been described by Super (1980) as child, student, leisurite, citizen, worker, spouse, homemaker, parent, and pensioner. It would be possible to critique Super’s framework as heteronormative, ageist, and culturally specific, but the idea of career as a rainbow of different

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roles and relationships is a powerful one that it is worth hanging on to. Human capital theory bypasses all of this in favour of an economistic definition where career is conflated with paid work and its purpose is the generation of financial return. Moving Beyond Human Capital Theory Many of the criticisms of human capital theory are strongly related to critiques that have been made of career development services and theories, such as the focus on agentic and individualised narratives about how careers work and the corresponding blindness to social and collective analyses (Hooley et al., 2018). Such a focus on the individual can seem to render the career development professional as an apolitical actor who is seeking only to help individuals to advance their own interests. But, career development services and career development policies have been co-opted into the ideology of human capital theory, and this very focus on the individual acts as a technology by which people are asked to buy into the discourses of meritocracy and individualism. There is not room in this chapter to set out a complete alternative to the career development field’s reliance on human capital theory. Such an alternative would need to include theoretical aspects (rethinking concepts like competencies and career management skills and challenging agentic assumptions), political aspects (recognising and critiquing the close association between human capital theory and neoliberalism), and tactical aspects (considering how the field can make a new case for funding and policy support that does not rely so heavily on human capital theory). There is also reason to be careful about ­entreaties to career development professionals to adopt emancipatory practices or to challenge human capital, when such professionals mainly operate within policy, funding, and managerial regimes that are shaped by the ideology of human capital theory. Challenging such regimes cannot be viewed as an individualistic choice about an approach to practice, as dissent is likely to result in discipline and sanction. Nonetheless, it is important to remember that career development practice and theory are not simply expressions of the ideology of human capital theory. Law (2012) argued that there is a need to try to deconstruct the metaphor of the (human capital fuelled) race that underpins so much of career theory, and to replace it with the metaphor of the journey. Journeys, he noted, like careers, are social, multifaceted, helped by cooperation, and able to simultaneously pursue multiple destinations. Such a metaphorical shift leads away from the economistic framing of career encouraged by human capital theory. Career does not have to be essentially competitive and focused on achieving the highest financial return. It is possible to value and enjoy the experience of living and to move away from individualistic conceptions of what career success might be (see Robertson, this volume). Untangling human capital theory from career development will not be easy, because it is buried deep in theory and practice and in the policies, funding, and regulatory frameworks that govern the field as well as in client expectations. Nonetheless, the critiques discussed in this chapter provide ample reason to attempt to resituate the field in ways that

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are less compliant to neoliberal rationalities. Hooley, Sultana, and Thomsen (2018, 2019) argued that the political economy is in crisis and that it is time to move the career development field away from its reliance on neoliberal ideas like human capital theory. They argued that, instead of viewing career development as supporting wise investment choices and enabling people to win the race, career development should take a critical stance, seeking to demystify and transform the current opportunity structure. If it is to take such a role, career development work needs to help individuals develop a critical understanding of the world; name oppression; problematise norms, assumptions, and power relations; and build solidarity and take collective action. Given that career development work will continue, for now at least, to operate in a world in which human capital theory is important, it will need to operate at a range of levels. For example, career development interventions may seek to help people to understand that their own life chances are likely to be improved by gaining recognised qualifications, but also support reflection about why this is and what social problem it solves. In addition, career development practitioners may wish to work with clients to influence policy and systems in ways that challenge the inequalities of power and opportunity that characterise the careers of those who have different types and levels of qualification. At the heart of such an endeavour is a fundamental question for human capital theory, which is whether it is fair and justifiable that access to the good life depends on an individual’s ability to accumulate more human capital than those around them. In addressing these complex issues at multiple levels, career development practitioners will have to straddle what Watts (2015c) described as the ‘progressive’ rationale for career development education, that it can help individuals to maximise their position within the current political economy, and the ‘radical’ rationale, which views career development interventions as having a legitimate role in remaking the political economy, and in this context challenging the ­hegemony of human capital theory. Human capital theory has been central to the theory and practice of career development. This chapter challenges the assumption of both the explanatory power of human capital theory and its desirability. There is a need to shine a spotlight on human capital theory and to recognise its ideological character. Most importantly, for careers professionals, there is a need to notice the way human capital theory has shaped our practice and to consider what alternatives might look like. References Baptiste, I. (2001). Educating lone wolves: Pedagogical implications of human capital theory. Adult Education Quarterly, 51, 184–201. doi:10.1177/074171360105100302 Becker, G. S. (2009). Human capital: A theoretical and empirical analysis, with special reference to education (3rd ed.). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Bengtsson, A. (2011). European policy of career guidance: The interrelationship between career self-management and production of human capital in the knowledge economy. Policy Futures in Education, 9, 616–627. doi:10.2304/pfie.2011.9.5.616

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Bernes, K.  B., Bardick, A.  D., & Orr, D.  T. (2007). Career guidance and counselling efficacy studies: An international research agenda. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 7, 81–96. doi:10.1007/s10775-007-9114-8 Blair, T. (1995). Leader’s speech. Labour Party, Brighton 1995. Retrieved from http://www.britishpoliticalspeech. org/speech-archive.htm?speech=201 Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J.  Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). New York, NY: Greenwood. Bowles, S., & Gintis, H. (1975). The problem with human capital theory—A Marxian critique. Proceedings of the Eighty-Seventy Meeting of the American Economics Association, 65, 74–82. Brown, P., & Lauder, H. (2006). Globalisation knowledge and the myth of the magnet economy. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 4, 25–57. doi:10.1080/14767720600555046 Burwell, R., & Chen, C.  P. (2006). Applying the principles and techniques of solution-focused therapy to career counselling. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 19, 189–203. doi:10.1080/09515070600917761 Darder, A., Baltondano, M., & Torres, R. D. (2003). The critical pedagogy reader. London, UK: Routledge. Dewey, J. (2004). Democracy and education. New York, NY: Dover. Fitzsimons, P. (2017). Human capital theory and education. In M. A. Peters (Ed.), Encyclopaedia of educational philosophy and theory. Singapore: Springer. Grant, N. (2009). Foreword. In D.  Hill & R.  Kumar (Eds.), Global neoliberalism and education and its consequences (pp. vii–xviii). London, UK: Routledge. Grubb, W. N., & Lazerson, M. (2004). Education gospel: The economic power of schooling. London, UK: Harvard University Press. Hirschi, A. (2012). The career resources model: An integrative framework for career counsellors. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 40, 369–383. doi:10.1080/03069885.2012.700506 Hodkinson, P. (2008). Understanding career decision-making and progression: Careership revisited. The Fifth John Killeen Memorial Lecture, October 2008. Retrieved from http://www.cegnet.co.uk/uploads/resources/ Careership.pdf Holborow, M. (2012). Neoliberalism, human capital and the skills agenda in higher education—The Irish case. Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies (JCEPS), 10, 93–111. Hooley, T. (2014). The evidence base on lifelong guidance. Jyväskylä, Finland: European Lifelong Guidance Policy Network (ELGPN). Hooley, T., & Dodd, V. (2015). The economic benefits of career guidance. n.p.: Careers England. Hooley, T., Sultana, R. G., & Thomsen, R. (2018). The neoliberal challenge to career guidance: Mobilising research, policy and practice around social justice. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice (pp. 1–27). London, UK: Routledge. Hooley, T., Sultana, R. G., & Thomsen, R. (2019). Towards and emancipatory career guidance: What is to be done? In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for emancipation: Reclaiming justice for the multitude (pp. 247–257). London, UK: Routledge. Law, B. (2012). The uses of narrative: Three scene storyboarding—Learning for living. Retrieved from https://www. hihohiho.com/storyboarding/sbL4L.pdf Law, B., & Watts, A.G. (2014). Careers education. In T. Hooley & L. Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 71–78). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Mayston, D. (2002). Developing a framework theory for assessing the benefits of career guidance. York, UK: University of York. McCash, P. (2006). We’re all career researchers now: Breaking open career education and DOTS. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 34, 429–449. doi:10.1080/03069880600942558 McCracken, M., McIvor, R., Treacy, R., & Wall, T. (2017). Human capital theory: Assessing the evidence for the value and importance of people to organisational success. London, UK: CIPD. OECDStats. (2019). Education and earnings. Retrieved from https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode =EAG_EARNINGS Oliver, D. (2016). Wage determination in Australia: The impact of qualifications, awards and enterprise agreements. Journal of Industrial Relations, 58, 69–92. doi:10.1177/0022185615598188 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2004). Career guidance and public policy: Bridging the gap. Paris, France: OECD. Patton, W. (2005). A postmodern approach to career education: What does it look like? Research article: Narrative counselling. Perspectives in Education, 23, 21–28.

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Redecker, C., Leis, M., Leendertse, M., Punie, Y., Gijsbers, G., Kirschner, P., . . . Hoogveld, B. (2011). The future of learning: Preparing for change. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Roberts, K. (2009). Opportunity structures then and now. Journal of Education and Work, 22, 355–368. doi:10.1080/13639080903453987 Rose, N. (1990). Governing the enterprising self. In P. Heelas & P. Morris (Eds.), The values of the enterprise culture—The moral debate (pp. 141–164). London, UK: Unwin Hyman. Schultz, T. W. (1961). Investment in human capital. The American Economic Review, 51, 1–17. Shefer, T. (2018). Narrative career therapy: From the problem-saturated story to a preferred story and career path. Australian Journal of Career Development, 27, 99–107. doi:10.1177/1038416218785175 Stephens, W.  R. (1970). Social reform and the origins of vocational guidance. Washington, DC: National Vocational Guidance Association. Sultana, R. G. (2012). Learning career management skills in Europe: A critical review. Journal of Education and Work, 25, 225–248. doi:10.1080/13639080.2010.547846 Sultana, R.  G. (2014). Rousseau’s chains: Striving for greater social justice through emancipatory career guidance. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 33, 15–23. Super, D. E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16, 282–298. doi:10.1016/0001-8791(80)90056-1 Watts, A. G. (2010). Career guidance and post-secondary vocational education and training. Paris, France: OECD. Watts, A. G. (2014). Cross-national reviews of career guidance systems: Overview and reflections. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 32, 4–14. Watts, A. G. (2015a). Reshaping career development for the 21st century. In T. Hooley & L. Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 29–41). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Watts, A. G. (2015b). Education and employment: The traditional bonds. In T. Hooley & L. Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 15–27). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Watts, A.  G. (2015c). Socio-political ideologies of guidance. In T.  Hooley & L.  Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 171–186). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Watts, A.  G., & Sultana, R.  G. (2015). Career guidance policies in 37 countries: Contrasts and common themes. In T.  Hooley & L.  Barham (Eds.), Career development policy and practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 295–310). Stafford, UK: Highflyers. Wolf, A. (2002). Does education matter? Myths about education and economic growth. London, UK: Penguin Books. Yates, J. (2013). The career coaching handbook. London, UK: Routledge.

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C H A PT E R

5

Linking Educators and Employers: Taxonomies, Rationales, and Barriers

Christian Percy and Elnaz Kashefpakdel

Abstract Despite their many overlaps and areas of common interest, the domains of ­education—particularly school-based education—and employment can seem far apart, with different structures, incentives, and experts. Policymakers and commentators have pointed to this distance as exacerbating economic and social issues, ranging from underemployment and unsatisfactory productivity to job satisfaction and social mobility. This chapter draws on examples from Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries of the diverse mechanisms proposed to narrow this distance in a new taxonomy established across seven aspects of the school-based education process: education policy, curriculum development, institutional management, curriculum delivery, non-curriculum skills development, career guidance, and graduation. The benefits and barriers to partnership working between employers and educators are discussed and linked to the debate regarding the need for state subsidy to support partnership working. Keywords: employer engagement, underemployment, job satisfaction, social mobility, work experience, careers talks

Introduction Education is about more than preparation for employment, but such preparation ­nonetheless forms a key part of its purpose, both for society as a whole in subsidizing it and for the young people and adults participating in it. Such links can often be seen in early forms of education, such as the sixth-century British schools that focused on vocational preparation for priesthood (Watts, 2015) or China’s Song dynasty imperial examinations to select so-called scholar bureaucrats for the civil service (Lee, 1985). Highly vocational courses remain widely available today. Although the specific courses and pathways vary from country to country, it is not unusual for secondary, tertiary, and adult community education institutions to offer vocational options, including subjects such as hairdressing, human resources, medicine, and law. The need for close links between the domains of employment and education is widely held to be important, and has been so for most of recent history, even if a background debate has raged regarding how influential such links should be in education overall (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2017; Williams, 1961). Elsewhere, we argue that employer

engagement in career development work can serve not only to reproduce social inequalities and reinforce the prevailing social paradigms but also—when used in a deliberate, directed manner—to challenge them, helping individuals reimagine their roles outside of received boundaries (Percy & Kashefpakdel, 2018). In the late 2010s, transnational trends have pointed toward growing urgency in improving links between employment and education, with such trends including globalization, liberal labour regulation, and technological change (Mann & Huddleston, 2017). The primary rationale for increased government funding is typically economic in nature, with many countries able to point to one or another symptom of a poorly coordinated system: skills mismatch, graduate underemployment, low productivity, high youth unemployment, low wage returns to certain qualifications, and so on (e.g., Department for Education, 2017; International Labour Organization, 2018; Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2004, 2018). Education is able, in principle, to support these economic outcomes via various processes that intersect with and serve the needs and contexts of employers (see Percy & Dodd, this volume). While recognizing that none of these processes are straightforward or uncontested, it can be helpful to group them in the four ways suggested by Watts (2015): selection (using qualifications as selection criteria for jobs), socialization (influencing attitudes to work), orientation (understanding work and career choices), and preparation (acquiring specific work-necessary skills). Despite the similarity of these trends and concomitant challenges across many developed nations, countries vary widely in the depth and breadth of links between educators and employers. This chapter describes a taxonomy of education–employer links, with ­examples drawn from a range of member countries of the OECD across seven aspects of school-based education: education policy, curriculum development, institutional management, curriculum delivery, non-curriculum skills development, career guidance, and graduation of a particular phase of education (primarily upper secondary education in this sense). In the context of this handbook, career guidance is analogous to what is elsewhere described as career development work, and it focuses on the interventions or services designed to help people make decisions and manage their careers. The terminology of “career guidance” is adopted in line with the definition of guidance proposed by the OECD and used by a wide range of policy stakeholders. In these terms, career guidance is “services intended to assist individuals, of any age and at any point throughout their lives, to make educational, training and occupational choices and to manage their careers” (OECD, 2004, p. 19). Reflecting the objectives of this handbook, the chapter then drills into the rationale for employer engagement as applied to career guidance and non-curriculum skills development in education institutions (see Sultana, this volume; Barnes, this volume). Respecting space constraints, this chapter focuses on full-time education drawing on examples from secondary education, highlighting that examples from primary and tertiary education are available elsewhere (e.g., for primary education, see Kashefpakdel, Rehill, &

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Hughes,  2018; for tertiary education, see Taylor & Hooley,  2014) and acknowledging that  part-time education and lifelong learning are important topics requiring separate treatment. Education–Employer Links: Different Roles at Play There are many ways that the domains of education and employment can intersect, ­depending on the roles each might be prioritizing in a given relationship or set of activities. Potential Employer Roles Employers can consider themselves “consumers” of education, in that they recruit the graduates it produces; “stakeholders,” whether as taxpayers and hence funders of many education activities or through their operation in the same geographical spaces; as well as broader “strategic partners” where they have sustained interactions or delivery responsibilities with particular institutions (UK Commission for Employment and Skills [UKCES], 2012). More generally, many employers are also learning institutions in their own right, encompassing activities such as delivering and managing their own training programmes for staff or external partners and engaging in internal research, self-reflection, and continuous improvement exercises that enable staff to continue developing and learning. Employers as institutions, while having a distinct institutional identity and locus, are also closely shaped by the individuals who own it or work there, recognizing that tensions can exist between and within these groups regarding how best to engage with education. Many of these individuals have, or will anticipate having, additional roles as parents, extended family members, or interested citizens, which can lead to further philanthropic and outside-interest perspectives in which employers want educational institutions to succeed as a valued outcome in its own right. Such outside-work roles and interests naturally influence within-work priorities and decisions, but in ways that vary from person to person and context to context. Some employers are also, of course, in commercial relationships with education institutions, whether it is providing goods, such as textbooks or computers; services, such as cleaning, agency staff, or accountancy; or co-delivery, such as externally funded R&D programmes with university researchers. Such employers may engage with educators on a broad range of activities in the hope of furthering a commercial relationship or accessing further institutions through its partner’s network. Some employers prefer to engage with education by working directly with educators, whereas others prefer to engage via employer associations. The interests of individual employers and such sectoral or professional groups are often well aligned—for example, in the promotion of their sector as attractive to job applicants or the development of robust education–career pathways. In other areas, interests may diverge, such as in building personal brand recognition or recruiting specific applicants. Industries also vary in the extent to which they can collaborate effectively via associations, particularly regarding pooling funding and developing widely trusted, industry-standard qualifications.

Taxonomies, rationales and barriers    67

Depending on the balance of roles, employers may choose to engage either very closely or very little (if at all) with education institutions and may favour a different set of activities and motivations, depending on their local needs. For instance, within the “consumer role,” employers who primarily recruit school-leavers can be expected to engage more with schools than with universities and to focus more on jobs fairs, work experience, and older-age pupils. Meanwhile, employers who primarily recruit graduates but with concerns regarding the diversity of their workforce may choose to focus more on general awareness and career inspiration activities at an earlier stage in secondary schools or with primary-aged pupils. Potential Education Roles Education institutions have a similarly diverse set of roles that shape the extent and nature of their interactions with the broader labour market. In their role assisting students to obtain qualifications, employers may be engaged to support the delivery of this teaching, as well as potentially serving roles in defining the requirements for qualifications or assessing performance. In their role preparing students more broadly to develop into fulfilled and economically productive citizens, employers may be engaged to help them understand the nature of the workplace and their options within it. Some education institutions also provide career development work by leveraging their role as employers in their own right. For example, schools might offer work experience or introductory conversations to their own students, including in functions that are not directly education related, such as their own administrative offices, premises teams, or canteens. External policy and curriculum frameworks may also set requirements or expectations for working with employers, as well as being a topic on which employers and educators may collaborate to lobby government and other important stakeholders. Teachers and school staff also frequently have connections with the domain of work in addition to the school as its own workplace, such as through prior work activities, through procurement activities, or through friends and families, which can act as a catalyst around which employer activities are initiated. Similarly, students engage with the domain of work in many ways outside of school-mediated channels—they too are consumers and sometimes (as they grow older) employees, whether part-time or full-time—and also gain partial insights into work through the media and their personal networks. A Taxonomy of Education–Employer Links Given the diversity of roles and motivations described previously in this chapter, there are multiple ways of structuring a taxonomy of links and activities. For instance, it could be structured by how demanding the activities are on employers (Chartered Institute for Personnel and Development, 2012) or by the primary objective of either the employer or the education institution. Because this handbook covers career development, it is helpful to deploy a taxonomy within which career-related activities feature in the top-level categories.

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Table  5.1 takes areas of education activity as an organizing logic for a high-level taxonomy of education–employer links across seven categories: education policy, curriculum development, institutional management, curriculum delivery, non-curriculum skills development, career guidance, and graduation (as in the transition out of one stage of education into the next stage of life). These seven categories are arranged broadly in order of increasing proximity and intensity of engagement with the young person. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner (1979) and Patton and McMahon (2014), these seven categories can be further structured into macrosystem-level links, which involve setting the framework for individual delivery institutions; mesosystem-level links, working at the institution level; and microsystem-level links, working in a specific part of the institution. The purpose of this taxonomy is not to conflate constituent activities or elide their differences—indeed, technical education, curriculum advisory, career development work, management, and so on are all distinct, all with their own, if occasionally overlapping, objectives. Instead, the purpose is to highlight that they all require or draw on links between employers and educators and hence all benefit from forms of “employer engagement”; employer engagement is an umbrella term referring to efforts to engage employers in the broad task of education—to motivate their participation and to channel it in constructive ways. As such, they all have the potential to contribute to a larger challenge, regardless of their individual priorities—that of decreasing the gap between education and employment and supporting efforts to tackle social and macroeconomic issues referred to at the beginning of this chapter. The commercial activities of both education institutions and employers are excluded, although the authors note that such activities can play a complementary and enriching role for the links listed, as well as a potentially distorting role in some cases. Education Policy—Examples Examples of employers engaged in lobbying and policy advisory councils can be found in many countries. For instance, the Skills Committees in the United Kingdom played an important role as negotiation fora between employers, schools, and government, being publicly subsidized entities with a remit to convene employers within various sectors, canvass opinions, explore proposals, and support sector-wide initiatives (Solberg & Borbely-Pecze, 2015). Austria has a managed policy participation process, via chambers of commerce, industry associations, and labour organizations, borne out of popular technical and vocational education and training (TVET) tracks in secondary education but increasingly used to comment on and influence other aspects of education (Peter Härtel, Country Expert, personal communication, fall 2017). Curriculum Development—Examples Employer advisory committees are regularly used to ensure curriculum content is relevant, but in most cases they focus on TVET or on more general employability and transferable

Taxonomies, rationales and barriers    69

Table 5.1  Taxonomy of Education–Employer Links Education Activity

Possible Employer Link

Example Types of Activity for Employersa

Macrosystem-Level Links Education policy

Shape policy/legislation. Ensure education institutions are able to serve the needs of employers.

Participate in advisory councils. Respond to consultations. Lobby policymakers. Develop position papers.

Curriculum development

Define learning outcomes/ accreditation criteria. Define pedagogical requirements.

Serve as advisers/stakeholders. Provide formal approval/veto. Act as awarding organisations. Lobby decision-makers.

Mesosystem-Level Links Institutional management

Ensure institutions are well run (either overall or on specific areas of ­operation). Help institutions raise money as ­required. Support institutional links in the ­community. Ensure the education institution is able to serve the needs of its relevant employer stakeholders.

Serve as governors, directors, or sponsors of institutional leadership. Provide mentoring, CPD, or support to managers. Provide core funding or fundraising to institutions as philanthropy. Own and run institutions.

Microsystem-Level Links Curriculum delivery

Deliver courses to students. Assess performance of students.

Teach curriculum modules (including work-based learning). Make work/project opportunities where required for the course. Provide non-work-related activities, such as helping primary-age pupils to read or tutoring teenagers in maths. Mark/assess work or performance.

Non-curriculum skills development

As partners Build work-relevant skills for young people/adult students (with the ­employer not expecting to gain direct operational value from the activities).

Run skills workshops in soft skills (e.g., communications and mock interviews) or technical skills (e.g. using Excel). Support enterprise activities in which the young person explores/develops their own product or service. Provide work experience opportunities.

As producers Use students to support their operations.

Hire interns with an expectation that they contribute significantly to the employer’s operations as well as learning from the experience. Design and oversee projects that do something useful for the employer.

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Career guidance

Raise awareness and understanding of career opportunities/requirements. Help students decide on the choices they need to make.

Mentoring Workplace visits or shadowing Careers talks/Q&A Work taster events Information-sharing (e.g., brochures)

Graduation

Hire young people and adult students, incorporating an informed ­assessment of the relative values of qualifications.

Be present at jobs fairs. Offer open days. Promote immediate vacancies via the same range of activities as career guidance.

a   As individual employers, individual volunteers, or via employer bodies. CPD, continuing professional development; TVET, technical and vocational education and training.

skills rather than the detail of general or academic education. Such activities can also extend to employer associations gaining recognition as awarding organizations for particular qualifications, such as the Engineering Construction Industry Training Board in the United Kingdom. There are also cases of broader engagement, such as in the United States, where employers have been engaged by federal and state policymakers to develop a taxonomy that organizes employment into 16 “career clusters,” each with a corresponding description of the skills needed to be employable across a variety of occupations in that cluster (Solberg & Borbely-Pecze, 2015). Although such activities are more common at the national or sectoral level, curriculum oversight can also take place at the institution level, with some colleges in Canada also described as drawing on employer advisers in this respect (Donnalee Bell, CCDF, personal communication, fall 2017). Employer participants are typically unpaid, although the committees are normally supported by a paid-for secretariat and expenses may be covered. Institutional Management—Examples In Austria, TVET-specialized schools have compulsory advisory bodies with significant local employer participation, both to support mutual communication and to improve the services offered to students. In other schools, various forms of partnerships and cooperation exist but are not compulsory. An example from the United States is the use of Employer Advisory Committees for School to Career Partnerships in Marin County, California, but this advisory function is limited to the governance of careers-related ­activities. Similarly, in England, there is an optional service available to most secondary schools, free-at-point-of-use, to have an employer volunteer support the development of an effective strategic plan for integrating employers into their career guidance activities (Enterprise Advisers, funded by the UK Government and typically match-funded by ­regional government).

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England appears to be the rare example where employers as a community have also been encouraged to take on formal governance responsibilities in schools. All state­maintained schools in England have a governing body, legally accountable for the school’s budget, head teacher performance management, and various other aspects of the school’s strategic operation. Such governors are typically unpaid volunteers drawn from the local community and will often have employer links themselves. However, since the 2000s, there has been increasing encouragement for such governors with employer links to identify themselves and to use those links for the benefit of the schools. Such governors have often been termed “employer governors” or “employee governors” and been championed as such by corporate social responsibility groups such as Business in the Community, business groups such as the Confederation of British Industry, and sector charities such as Education and Employers (James & Percy, 2010; James et al., 2010). Curriculum Delivery—Examples Employer participation in delivering TVET courses is widespread, notably in apprenticeships. For instance, in Germany, 50 percent or more lower secondary school leavers typically enter a form of apprenticeship training via a process led by the Vocational Guidance Service (Berufsberatung) in the local Employment Agencies and supported by the Federal Employment Agency, with schools playing a secondary role. It is less common for employers to play an active role in the curriculum delivery of general or academic education, but possible methods have been described. For instance, the Careers and Enterprise Company in England recommends, among other curriculumenhancing techniques, that schools draw on employer volunteers to inspire student interest in science, technology, engineering, and math and also to use school alumni to contribute to teaching and demonstrate the workplace relevance of English (Collins & Barnes, 2017). However, such activities can be difficult in practice because teachers may be worried that these activities dilute the message in already crowded curriculum time (Watts, 2011), and they can be difficult to relate to learning objectives (Rowe, Aggleton, & Whitty, 1993). Employer support to curriculum delivery also occurs in ways that do not draw explicitly on their knowledge of the workplace. For instance, reading partner schemes have been familiar in the United States and Europe for many years (Mann, Rehill, & Kashefpakdel,  2018), and number partner schemes are also present (Morris,  2014). Schemes are characterized by the use of largely untrained or only briefly trained employer and employee volunteers brought into primary schools to hear and help children read on a regular basis (Torgerson, King, & Snowden, 2002). Non-Curriculum Skills Development and Career Guidance—Examples Although analytically distinct in terms of outcomes, many activities that involve employers serve both a skills development objective and a career guidance objective, such as a

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skills competition in which an employer mentor draws on their knowledge of the workplace to help students develop commercial awareness and project management skills, while often indirectly helping the students understand aspects of specific jobs at the same time. For this reason, activities in these two categories are more easily presented together. Although such activities are familiar in many countries, there is significant variation in how widespread they are, particularly outside of TVET-track students. In England, a diverse landscape of third-party organizations and intermediaries has formed to encourage and run such activities (e.g., Business in the Community, Education and Employers, The Careers & Enterprise Company, Young Enterprise, and Speakers for Schools, among hundreds of other providers and intermediaries). In South Korea, government policy has incentivized companies to provide support to schools, recognized through certifications and awards. Such activities include work experience, day programmes, career camps, and developing audiovisual material for schools (Solberg & Borbely-Pecze, 2015). Employer Engagement for Career Development Work: Rationales and Barriers This section first describes the common policy rationale for employer engagement, which typically seeks to present a picture of compelling social and institutional benefits, and then explains barriers to partnership working. These barriers suggest a more cautious interpretation of the benefits, at least for educators and employers at the institutional level. Policy Rationale and Institutional Benefits Stanley and Mann (2014, p. 5) argue that government policy interventions to promote employer engagement for career development can be clustered around four primary stated objectives:

• • • •

To improve pupils’ preparedness for work To address labour market skills shortages To enhance social mobility To improve pupil engagement and attainment

The extent to which government intervention is warranted to deliver these objectives is not always fully explained. Policy statements, and the charities or intermediaries funded to support such work, often emphasize the enormous benefits to both education institutions and employer institutions in working more closely together to support students’ career development. In one typical example, UKCES (2012) draws on primary research to ­enumerate a list of benefits to both sides, as shown in Table 5.2. With such benefits available from partnership working, employers and educators might be thought sufficiently keen to work with each other that they make it happen directly. Although this does take place to some extent, entirely organic partnerships with

Taxonomies, rationales and barriers    73

Table 5.2  Benefits to Businesses and Schools in Working Together Example Benefits to Businesses

Example Benefits to Schools

• • • • • • •

• Better motivated students • Students better understand links between education and their future • Students make better course choices that reflect their interests • Better student attendance • Better student outcomes/progression • More interesting and engaging lessons, with more working world context • Potential for partnerships to extend into other areas (e.g., support with governance and fundraising) • Secondment/CPD opportunities for teachers

Improved recruitment Greater productivity Lower turnover Reduced training/supervision cost Improved staff morale Community engagement/profile building Enabling/demonstrating commitment to social mobility and diversity priorities • Helps to win public sector contracts

CPD, continuing professional development. Source: UKCES (2012).

no third-party support or introduction have proved infrequent outside of highly structured vocational education. Unlike general education, structured vocational education provides a framework in which introductory conversations are easier to initiate and partnerships easier to standardize, such as the apprenticeship programmes in Germany and Austria, which often involve close partnerships between employers, unions, employer associations, education institutions, and the state. In this context, it is instructive to explore the barriers to partnership working outside of such frameworks and possible limitations to the benefits shown in Table 5.2. Barriers to Partnership Working In the English context, UKCES (2012) highlights different working cultures and languages between employers and educators. For instance, employers may expect more complete or more prompt replies to emails than classroom-based teachers are often able to deliver. Employers are often naturally more focused on career-related outcomes, such as recruitment, whereas schools are often focused on nearer-term educational outcomes. Both sides are described as time-poor, with limited resources to invest in the partnership. Misinformation about how difficult it is (e.g., regulations involved) and a lack of advice and guidance are also frequently cited. These barriers are likely to be genuine in many cases but are unlikely to be the whole explanation. Different working cultures and misinformation are barriers, but they are frequently overcome by both businesses and schools in other circumstances—for example, when secondary schools work with local community groups or universities or when small and medium-sized enterprises work with large multinationals or bid for public sector contracts. An important nuance to the claimed benefits in Table 5.2 is that both employers and educators have other options for achieving such benefits. For instance, a school attracting

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unwanted attention due to poor examination results has many more direct methods to raise attainment than bringing in employers: The school may recognize employer volunteers could help, but it may still view booster classes or 1:1 tuition as a more productive use of curriculum time (e.g., the Teaching & Learning Toolkit; Education Endowment Foundation, 2018). For certain employers, there can be a continuing professional development or motivational benefit to volunteering (Corporate Citizenship, 2010), but this benefit might be gained (or thought to be gained) more cost-effectively from a short course or a team event than from establishing partnerships with schools, once time costs and initial familiarity are considered alongside financial costs. In other words, there may be benefits to working together, but that does not mean they are beneficial enough to drive activity at scale. There are also market failures in connecting some of the key benefits listed in Table 5.2 to the individual activities of partnership. An employer investing in career support for 14- and 15-year-olds and hoping to see a payoff in terms of increased quantity and quality of job applicants will typically not see any of that payoff for at least 4 years (often nearer 8 years), reducing the enthusiasm for investment. The payoff in terms of recruitment is also uncertain, even improbable. Unless an employer has a near monopsony (i.e., an employer that employs the vast majority of employees in a specific area, such as most countries’ armed forces or the United Kingdom’s National Health Service), it is likely that individuals who are upskilled by an employer will end up working for a competitor. Given this, motivations may be stronger at a sector level than for smaller individual firms, although there are challenges of collaboration and investment as a sector as well (Payne, 2008). These stem from issues such as competitive pressures, free rider problems, and organizational challenges. Benefits for Students Potential benefits for employers and educators can be listed, as previously discussed, but that does not mean they are always sufficient (or sufficiently well researched, well evidenced, and well communicated) to overcome barriers to partnership working. However, this section closes by highlighting that the strongest evidence concerns the benefit of ­employer engagement for the students, noting that the disproportionate focus of evidence may partly reflect community and funder interest rather than necessarily the relative scale of impacts. Literature reviews have identified quantitative and qualitative evidence of impact from employer engagement on education, economic, and social outcomes (Hughes, Mann, Barnes, Baldauf, & McKeown, 2016; Mann et al., 2018). In particular, there are examples of wage premia identified in empirical studies (e.g., in longitudinal data sets [Kashefpakdel & Percy, 2017] and in randomized control trials [Kashefpakdel, Percy, & Rehill, 2019; Kemple & Willner, 2008]) scaffolded by a causal theory of change drawing on social, human, and cultural capitals (Jones, Mann, & Morris, 2016). Because long-term

Taxonomies, rationales and barriers    75

benefits to students (and the economy as a whole) can only be imperfectly and incompletely reflected in the institutional benefits to specific schools and employers engaged in partnership activities, a positive externality argument can be invoked to justify taxpayer intervention, much as with other education funding. Conclusion This chapter has drawn on examples across OECD countries to describe the diverse mechanisms that countries have used to enable the domains of employment and education to work more closely together, spanning education policy, curriculum development, institutional management, curriculum delivery, non-curriculum skills development, career guidance, and graduation. Policymakers hope that such closer working will help tackle a diversity of socioeconomic issues and often seek to encourage it by pointing to the many benefits that both sides can experience in closer working. Nonetheless, this chapter questions whether such benefits are sufficient on their own to drive partnership working of the quantity and quality desired. Diverse barriers exist that limit optimal levels of activity, including cultural and administrative barriers, market failures, and the reality that employers and educators are themselves highly diverse and not all experience or recognize similarly large benefits from partnership working. Given these constraints and the evidence of long-term economic benefits, a narrowly fiscal case for external investment and state intervention can be made. Different and broader cases for state support can also be developed, drawing for instance on such motivations as enhancing social justice, enabling greater self-fulfilment, or promoting societal stability. This chapter closes by recognizing that although closer working partnerships between the domains of employment and education can contribute to tackling policy issues, it is important to be reasonable in what can be expected from what is, for many, a voluntary engagement outside of their core areas. Most people in the domain of work are not trained career professionals, pedagogues, or curriculum designers—and nor are employers or their capacities distributed evenly by geography. Employers have much to contribute to the work of education; they must be supported in doing so. References Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Chartered Institute for Personnel and Development. (2012). Learning to work. London: Author. Collins, J., & Barnes, A. (2017). Careers in the curriculum: What works? London: Careers & Enterprise Company. Corporate Citizenship. (2010). Volunteering—The business case: The benefits of corporate volunteering programmes in education. London: City of London. Department for Education. (2017). Careers strategy: Making the most of everyone's skills and talents. London: Author. Education Endowment Foundation. (2018). Teaching & learning toolkit. London: Author. Retrieved from http://www.educationendowmentfoundation.org.uk/evidence-summaries/teaching-learning-toolkit Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (Eds.). (2017). Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism. London: Routledge.

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Hughes, D., Mann, A., Barnes, S.-A., Baldauf, B., & McKeown, R. (2016). Careers education: International literature review. London: Education Endowment Foundation and Bank of America Merrill Lynch. International Labour Organization. (2018). Global commission on the future of work: Skills policies and systems for a future workforce (Issue brief, cluster 4). Geneva: Author. James, C., Brammer, S., Connolly, M., Fertig, M., James, J., & Jones, J. (2010). The “hidden givers”: A study of the governing bodies in England. Reading, UK: CfBT. James, C., & Percy, C. (2010, October 15). The notion of the “employee governor”: An analysis of type, motivation and role in relation to the dynamics of institutional change. Paper presented at the Education and Employers Taskforce conference, “The Point of Partnership: Understanding Employer Engagement in Education,” University of Warwick, Warwick, UK. Jones, S., Mann, A., & Morris, K. (2016). The “employer engagement cycle” in secondary education: Examining the testimonies of young British adults. Journal of Education and Work, 29, 834–856. doi:10.1080/13639080 .2015.1074665 Kashefpakdel, E., Percy, C., & Rehill, J. (2019). Motivated to achieve: How encounters with the world of work can change attitudes and improve academic achievement. London: Education and Employers Charity. Kashefpakdel, E., Rehill, J., & Hughes, D. (2018). What works? Career-related learning in primary schools. London: Careers and Enterprise Company. Kashefpakdel, E. T., & Percy, C. (2017). Career education that works: An economic analysis using the British Cohort Study. Journal of Education and Work, 30, 217–234. doi:10.1080/13639080.2016.1177636 Kemple, J. J., & Willner, C. J. (2008). Career academies: Long-term impacts on labor market outcomes, educational attainment, and transitions to adulthood. New York: MDRC. Lee, T. (1985). Government education and examinations in Sung China. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press. Mann, A., & Huddleston, P. (2017). Schools and the twenty-first century labour market: Perspectives on structural change. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 45, 208–218. doi:10.1080/03069885.2016.126 6440 Mann, A., Rehill, J., & Kashefpakdel, E. (2018). Employer engagement in education: Insights from international evidence for effective practice and future research. London: Education Endowment Foundation. Morris, K. (2014). Number partners: Impact report. London: Education and Employers. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2004). Career guidance and public policy: Bridging the gap. Paris: Author. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2018). Good jobs for all in a changing world of work: The OECD jobs strategy. Meeting of the OECD Council at Ministerial Level Paris, 30–31 May 2018. Paris: Author. Patton, W., & McMahon, M. (2014). Career development and systems theory: Connecting theory and practice (3rd ed.). Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. Payne, J. (2008). Sector skills councils and employer engagement—Delivering the “employer-led” skills agenda in England. Journal of Education and Work, 21, 93–113. doi:10.1080/13639080802090260 Percy, C., & Kashefpakdel, E. (2018). Social advantage, access to employers and the role of schools in modern British education. In T.  Hooley, R.  Sultana, & R.  Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for emancipation: Reclaiming justice for the multitude (pp. 148–165). London: Routledge. Rowe, G., Aggleton, P., & Whitty, G. (1993, June). Cross-curricular work in secondary schools: The place of careers education and guidance. Careers Education and Guidance, 2–6. Solberg, S., & Borbely-Pecze, T. (2015). Engaging employers. Adel, IA: Kuder. Stanley, J., & Mann, A. (2014). A theoretical framework for employer engagement. In A. Mann, J. Stanley, & L.  Archer (Eds.), Understanding employer engagement in education: Theories and evidence (pp. 36–52). London: Routledge. Taylor, A., & Hooley, T. (2014). Evaluating the impact of career management skills module and internship programme within a university business school. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 42, 487–499. doi:10.1080/03069885.2014.918934 Torgerson, C., King, S., & Snowden, A. (2002). Do volunteers in schools help children learn to read? A systematic review of randomised controlled trials. Educational Studies, 28, 433–444. doi:10.1080/ 0305569022000042435 UK Commission for Employment and Skills. (2012). Business and schools: Building the world of work together. London: Author.

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Watts, A. (2015). Education and employment: The traditional bonds. In T. Hooley & L. Barham (Eds.), Career development policy & practice: The Tony Watts reader (pp. 15–28). Stafford, UK: Highflyers Resources. Watts, A. G. (2011). Global perspectives in effective career development practices. Curriculum & Leadership Journal, 9(9). http://cmslive.curriculum.edu.au/leader/global_perspectives_in_effective_career_developmen, 33172.html?issueID=12379 Williams, R. (1961). The long revolution. London: Chatto & Windus.

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C H A PT E R

6

Authentic Education for Meaningful Work: Beyond “Career Management Skills”

Ronald G. Sultana

Abstract This chapter focuses on work education in education settings and explores how it can be conceptualized so that it contributes to flourishing and well-being. The chapter first provides an overview of recent developments in “career learning” worldwide, noting the increasing importance that it has been given as a contributor to enhanced competitivity in knowledgebased economies. The chapter notes that the centrality of work in the curriculum is justified because “meaningful work” maintains its importance as the hallmark of a flourishing life. Much of the work that is available in neoliberal economies, however, is increasingly the cause of distress, hardship, exploitation, and abuse. A case is made for an authentic work ­education programme that helps participants understand the nature of meaningful work, to aspire to it, and to decode the causes that frustrate access to it. It is argued that, as with all truly educational enterprises, authentic work education should provide the intellectual tools and encourage the moral resolve to imagine more socially just and fulfilling ways of living together and to gain a measure of individual and collective control over the forces that shape lives. Keywords: work education, career guidance, career learning, authentic education, ­pragmatic utopias, territories of hope, career development

Introduction: Situating Career Development Work Throughout Europe and in many countries worldwide, note several authors, there has been an increasing policy emphasis on aligning formal education with the “needs” of the labour market and preparing students for the “world of work” (Allais & Shalem, 2018; Grubb & Lazerson, 2004; Kuhn & Sultana, 2006; Vally & Motala, 2014). Although such global-level policy priorities and discourses are mediated by local context, they nevertheless powerfully shape education and exert a homogenizing influence (Mundy, Green, Lingard, & Verger,  2016). The story line that is often presented—by national governments, supranational entities (e.g., the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the European Union, and the World Bank), influential think tanks, and “policy entrepreneurs”—is that in a knowledge-based economy, both young people and adults need to develop “career management skills.” These skills, it is claimed, will help them navigate complex, nonlinear, and unpredictable transitions between learning and earning, where the traditional boundaries between the spheres of education, training,

working, and leisure have become increasingly blurred (Sultana, 2012a). An important, if somewhat contradictory, part of that narrative is that we actually do not know much about what “the real world of work” will look like in the future and what skills will be needed—other than the disposition and commitment to “learn how to learn” in a lifelong process of self-creation in response to constant changes brought about by technological innovation, including automation and artificial intelligence (Hooley, 2018). Some present such a scenario as being exciting, taking humanity to the cusp of a “brave new world.” Others express grave concerns about the ability of formal education institutions to prepare the next generation for what is to come. This is especially the case for schools, whose formal and informal curricula hark back to the Fordist mentality that shaped them as much as it shaped mass production systems. Both hopes and fears have brought wholesale reform efforts in their wake, including what Sharma (2016) calls the “STEM-ification” of curricula. It is science-oriented subjects, it is argued, that will provide the knowledge and skills base on which innovative technologies can be developed, and which will therefore give countries and regions a competitive edge over others. Schools are also tasked to further buttress this curricular core with “twenty-first century skills” and dispositions—such as entrepreneurial attitudes and competences, digital literacy, innovative and critical thinking, communication skills, and self-regulated learning—all of which will make the next generation job-ready and “employable” in the new economy (Griffin, McGraw, & Care,  2012; Hooley,  2018; Kuratko,  2005; van de Oudeweetering & Voogt, 2018). Benefits of Learning About Work It is easy to see how, in this narrative, the issue of providing career management skills and career development education to students is bound to gain traction, for it promises to help young people navigate through the vicissitudes of life; to steer them toward relevant curricular streams; to encourage continued commitment to further education and training, thus improving the “human stock” of required skills; and to develop particular orientations to, and connections with, the labour market. Because the experience of being mismatched can be damaging in all sorts of ways to the economy and the individual alike (Kalleberg, 2007), the claim can be made that career development work with citizens is more likely to lead to a happier and therefore more productive workforce and less wastage of public funds due to attrition. Students who choose their educational and training pathways wisely and who develop a life project are less likely to change courses or drop out and are more likely to engage purposefully with learning, remain motivated, and achieve more highly. Research evidence that confirms the economic and educational benefits of career development work (Bowes, Smith, & Morgan, 2005; Hooley & Dodd, 2015; Hughes, Bosely, Bowes, & Bysshe,  2002; Killeen & Kidd,  1991; see also Percy & Dodd, this volume), and that it is therefore both a private and a public good, has led to a remarkable resurgence of policy interest in career development education. So too have national and

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regional preoccupations with economic performativity, leading to international reviews of services covering more than 55 countries throughout both the Global North and the Global South (Watts, 2014). Much career development work involves helping students think about the world of work, about their current understanding of it, and about their future relationship to it. Work education generally aims to make students more aware of themselves and of the work environment and also to develop a range of meta-cognitive skills, all of which help them make life-related choices, plans, and decisions. In the best of cases, such work-related learning and career development interventions encourage students to become aware of the influence of such factors as social background, gender, and ethnicity in limiting their “capacity to aspire” (Appadurai, 2004). This can lead to a greater understanding of the way one’s “horizons for action” (Hodkinson, Sparkes, & Hodkinson, 1996) have been socially constrained and curtailed, increasing the likelihood that “adaptive preferences” (Nussbaum, 2001) are duly challenged. In these and other ways, therefore, career-related work can also claim to advance the social justice agenda (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2018a, 2018; Sultana, 2014). International Developments in Work Learning Programmes The international interest in the potential benefits of career development education has led several countries to take initiatives to broaden access to services by, among others, embedding career learning more formally in curricula, from primary (Magnuson, 2000; Welde, Bernes, Gunn, & Ross,  2016) to higher education levels (Collins & Barnes,  2017; Foskett & Johnston,  2006; Frigerio, Mendez, & McCash,  2012; Rott,  2015; see also Barnes, this volume). Initiatives at both compulsory and higher education levels have included introducing or reinforcing work-related teaching in the curriculum through ensuring that established areas of knowledge connect to work-related issues and career management skills (e.g., teaching successful job interview techniques in the creative arts lessons, and writing a job application letter or curriculum vitae [CV] in a language class), through the promotion of entrepreneurial skills by setting up mock companies or cooperatives under the tutorship of seasoned business mentors (e.g., the Young Enterprise Scheme), through organizing work shadowing and work experience placements, and so on. Attention has been given to questions relating to the “what” and “how” of career learning—that is, what a career education curricular framework should include (Education Scotland, 2015; Hooley, Watts, Sultan, & Neary, 2013; Thomsen, 2014) and how best to teach and assess career management skills (Law,  1999; Sultana,  2013). Career learning curricula may exhibit various degrees of sophistication in relation to rationale, content, learning theories, and pedagogical and assessment approaches, but ultimately their main preoccupation seems to be in reiterating the aims of self-development, career exploration, and career management, as expounded in the DOTS model (Law,  1999; Law & Watts,  1977). Important texts have been published in this regard (Barnes, Bassot, &

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Chant, 2011; McCowan, McKenzie, & Shah, 2017), as have handbooks, web-based and digital material, and a plethora of resources, including guidelines for how career development services in schools can be improved (Andrews & Hooley, 2018; Gatsby Charitable Foundation, 2014; National Centre for Guidance in Education, 2017; Sultana, 2018a). The international reviews referred to previously have also noted that in many contexts, school-based career education has evolved from being a one-shot intervention, aimed mainly at one or more key transition points, to being more developmental in scope—from being aimed at adolescents to an appreciation of the fact that one should start laying the building blocks earlier, at least with older primary schoolchildren; from targeting individuals, and especially those experiencing difficulties, to a programme that is more universal in orientation, engaging whole classes and year groups; and from focusing on career information and educational guidance to viewing education for the working life and citizenship more holistically and critically (Irving, 2018; Midttun & McCash, 2018; Pouyaud & Guichard, 2018; Simon, Dippo, & Schenke, 1991). All this “busyness” around career development work—which has seen the setting up of transnational networks focusing on policy (e.g., the European Lifelong Guidance Policy Network, the International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy, and Cedefop’s CareersNet) and practitioner training (e.g., the Network for Innovation in Career Guidance and Counselling in Europe)—is both significant and revealing. Descriptive accounts of these initiatives abound and are often presented to illustrate “examples of good practice.” They tend to be highly valued by practitioners due to their concreteness, promissory benefits to students, and direct relation to action. However, they should not replace analytical and evaluative study, which carefully examines wider contextual relations. It is to a consideration of this that we now turn. What Is the Problem That Career Learning Is an Answer to? A powerful way of viewing the links between policy initiatives and trends and the wider matrix of power relations, including the complex interplay between the local and the global, is to ask the following: What is the problem that a specific policy, or raft of joinedup policies, is an answer to? As the critical policy analysis tradition reminds us, asking what the “problem” is represented to be, and how such representations affect the kinds of policies and practices developed, can help us avoid becoming trapped within the assumptions of the particular field, policy context, or practice being studied (Bacchi,  2009; Simons, Olssen, & Peters, 2009). Asking these sorts of questions is especially important in the case of career development education because its attraction to policymakers is also ideological, in the sense that it provides a narrative that serves to mask system failure or to lay the cause of failure at the wrong door. In a context in which the presumed “cure” to economic recession—increased investment in education and training—is giving diminishing returns to youths and adults alike (Brown, Lauder, & Ashton, 2010; Collins, 2000; Tomlinson, 2008), career

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development education can serve to reinforce the neoliberal agenda of “responsibilization” (Hooley et al., 2018b), whereby structural, systemic problems such as graduate unemployment and underemployment are represented to be problems with individuals, who only have themselves to blame for their misfortune (Savelsberg, 2010). If only they had better career management skills, if only they had made better educational and occupational choices, if only they had edited their CV, and if only they had improved their manners and even their looks (Yates, Hooley, & Kaur Bagri, 2016)—then they would have got the job. In this narrative, then, career development education promotes the notion of the individual being an entrepreneur of the self (Irving, 2018; Peters, 2016), involved in a process of “life design” (Savickas et al., 2009), with career learning carving a role for itself both in schools and in public and private employment services. In many countries, deficit narratives that pathologize both formal education and young people abound, with the former being presented as outdated institutions unresponsive to the “needs” of industry and the latter as being “deficient” in character, competence, and commitment, and thus to blame for their protracted transitions and marginalization in the labour market (Brunila, 2013). With the problem defined in this way, career development education tends to adopt a “technocratic” rationality (Sultana, 2018b), with practitioners viewing their role largely in terms of tightening the bonds between school and work (Watts, 1985), of helping students develop those qualities that are presumed to be lacking, thus rendering them more attractive to employers. If, on the other hand, the problem of difficult, delayed, and truncated transitions is located in the way the economy is organized, and in what it gives most value to, then career development education is more likely to take on a different, “emancipatory” role—one that contributes to the overall educational enterprise of helping students make sense of the world in which they live, including the world of work. That would include helping them understand how, despite permitting the state to confine them between the four walls of institutionalized compulsory or near-compulsory schooling during the best years of their life—in principle as a preparation for independent and productive living—society fails to offer so many of them access to decent livelihoods. The contention in this chapter is that work education of the latter type—that is, a form of authentic education that helps students decode what is happening around them and that equips them with the knowledge, skills, and dispositions to aspire to, and help bring about, a world in which all can flourish and attain well-being—is important, possible, and necessary. In the following sections, I first outline why I think it is important for the world of work to feature prominently in educational and training curricula. I then make a case for the critical work education that is necessary if the “flourishing” and “wellbeing” of all were indeed the goal and raison d’être of our educational efforts. Education and the World of Work The argument that school curricula should give importance to the world of work is, in many ways, an easy one to make: Work remains central to human flourishing, providing

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for such human needs as shared experience, a structured experience of time, collective purpose, and status and identity, in addition to livelihood (Veltman, 2016). If work is so central to human flourishing, it should follow like night follows day that an education predicated on the goal of promoting and facilitating such thriving will prepare all its students for work so that they enjoy as much of the benefits accruing from it as possible. But herein lie at least two major problems: (1) the nature of work in the contemporary world and (2) the nature of work in the world that is yet to come. The first suggests that work is far from meaningful for vast swathes of the population; the second predicts that automation and artificial intelligence (AI) will render human work obsolete. Both have major implications for our approach to work education, as noted next. The Dark Side of Work When Veltman (2016) celebrates the importance of work in people’s lives, she is of course talking about meaningful work. She spends a good portion of her book noting that for many, work is far from meaningful or fulfilling, and indeed argues that given the complex division of labour in contemporary societies, it is tragically not possible for meaningful work that supports human flourishing to be available to all people, even when the work they do is socially necessary. This does not detract from her claim that work is nevertheless central to our lives as humans, to the extent that most of our experiences of exploitation can be traced back to it, be this in the form of unfair compensation, lack of respect, or siphoning off of the results of one’s energies and efforts to the disproportionate benefit of those who already enjoy higher levels of power, status, and wealth. The task of describing the contemporary labouring world is a challenging one, given that one’s experience of work varies greatly depending on what one does and where. Even so, if we had to paint with a broad brush, we would be justified in arguing that work in the twenty-first century is, for many, a bane: A Gallup study carried out in 2013 and involving 230,000 full-time and part-time workers in 142 countries found that only 13  percent of people feel engaged and fulfilled by their jobs. International Labour Organization (ILO; 1999, 2016) reports that present fine-grained portraits of the experience of work in the Global North and South echo such a pessimistic conclusion. ILO data regarding “decent work” throughout the world are increasingly negative for an ever larger number of people, in terms of the four indicators of employment, social protection, workers’ rights, and social dialogue. This leads to worldwide disillusionment arising from people’s own experience of work, whether exclusion from the labour market, poor working conditions, low wages, exposure to vulnerability and insecurity, or job quality (Ryder, 2017). Several authors have reflected on the nature of work under the sway of neoliberalism, providing further empirical evidence that gives substance to a grim portrayal of work in contemporary times—work that is marked by insecurity, precarity, intensification, deskilling, temporary-to-zero contracts, and intrusive surveillance (Cederström & Fleming, 2012;

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Fleming, 2015; Frayne, 2015; Procoli, 2004; Sennett, 1998). All these authors, and many more, reinforce the point made by a long line of critics of capitalism, starting with Marx and on to Gorz and, more recently, Standing (2011), who, in discussing the “precariat,” distinguishes “work” (which Standing says captures the activities of necessity, surviving and reproducing, and personal development) from “alienated labour” (whose function is to produce marketable outputs or services, with those who control it often oppressing and exploiting those who perform it). That distinction has been obscured by the sanctification of paid employment during the past two centuries, with even progressive forces buying into the notion that a “job” brings “dignity,” “status,” and a sense of belonging in society (Standing, 2018). Authentic Work Education We are thus confronted by the fact that for many, what passes for work is hardly conducive to human flourishing. Furthermore, it is not even clear as to whether even this sort of work, however unfulfilling, will be at all available in the near future given advances in robotics and AI. Whether, as the optimists would have it, we are on the threshold of a new golden age of leisure (Kleiber, 2012), or whether we are instead heading for a deepening chasm between a technological elite and the rest, is anybody’s guess. A review in the MIT Technology Review that synthesized the predictions made by global experts in economics and technology concluded that, well and truly, “We have no idea how many jobs will actually be lost to the march of technological progress” (Winick, 2018). None of this, however, renders work education irrelevant. If anything, with so much that is at stake in terms of having access to flourishing and meaningful lives, it is reasonable to claim that all students are entitled to a truthful, authentic work education programme that helps them both recognize and understand the way work is shaped now and how it might be shaping up in the future. The question that we now need to ask is: Is this what students are getting? And if not, what would such a truthful, authentic work education look like? That raises other existential questions, such as the following: What does it mean to be human? What does it mean to live a “good life”? How can work—defined as the quintessential human activity that transforms nature, including one’s own sense of self— translate into creative acts that nourish material and nonmaterial needs, including one’s sense of self in relation to others and the world? What kind of social arrangements could/ should be put into place so that everybody can lead dignified lives, free from domination and exploitation? Several historians of education have documented the extent to which these sorts of questions have been given importance or have instead been eclipsed by the more utilitarian concerns of “making a living.” Unsurprisingly, we find here a recurrent pattern: Economic downturns have tended to marginalize the kinds of educational visions that a long line of educational thinkers—from Socrates to Dewey and Freire—fostered (Carnoy & Levin, 1985), promoting instead a troubling utilitarianism that subordinated education to economic imperatives.

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As I have noted in my reviews of career development programmes in many areas of the world, there is a distinct tendency for students to be encouraged to adapt to and “feed” into the world of work as it is rather than to question it in the light of already existing and possible alternatives (Sultana,  2012a,  2012b). As decades of scholarship in educational sociology have shown, this is an endeavour in which the whole formal educational enterprise colludes (Watts, 1985): Schools teach the specific skills (e.g., vocational and digital proficiency, literacy, and numeracy) and generic competences (e.g., “soft skills”) that are functional to the economy; they invest a great deal of resources in selecting, sorting, and credentialing individuals, thus organizing the distribution of “hands” and “minds” across the whole spectrum of vacancies available, while at the same time legitimizing that distribution; and they teach about “work” through the formal curriculum, and even more so due to the way of life that schools inculcate through their ethos, their routines and rituals, and their institutional and pedagogical cultures. Schools thus instil such habits as time discipline, they normalize the notion of authority, they inculcate the disposition to postpone gratification, they demand the acceptance of a disciplinary regime that subordinates body movements and bodily needs to external demands, they expect students to expend effort for extrinsic rewards (e.g., grades) rather than intrinsic ones (e.g., pleasure in doing something), and they teach students to consider as natural the socially and historically constructed distinction between “work” (which is demanding, often boring, requiring a disciplined effort, and akin to “labour” and “toil”) and “play/leisure” (which is about selfexpression, freedom, and enjoyment—an opportunity to “re-create” oneself ) (Apple, 1995). In all these ways, education institutions powerfully communicate to the younger generation hegemonic notions about how to inhabit the world. Educators are here faced with a predicament: Should they teach for work, encouraging students to adapt to the “new spirit of capitalism” (Boltanski & Ciapello, 2007) so as to stand a better chance of securing insecure livelihoods in a liquid world (Bauman, 2006)? Or should they teach about work (and against labour), by helping students develop the thinking and activist tools to challenge the way in which the neoliberal labour market is letting citizens down? Or should educators perhaps do both, in an effort to transcend what Prilleltensky and Stead (2012) refer to as the “adjust/challenge” dilemma? This quandary is duly acknowledged. Those who teach about work—as much as any other educator—act in loco parentis; that is, they seriously take into account Dewey’s (1907) well-known dictum, which states, “What the best and wisest parent wants for his own child, that must the community want for all its children. Any other ideal for our schools is narrow and unlovely; acted upon, it destroys our democracy” (p. 19). Most parents—even those most critical of the status quo—would nevertheless want their children to have access to a livelihood, even if that entails a temporary compromise on political and ideological ideals. An authentic education, however, cannot simply focus on helping students “adjust.” Although educators cannot be expected to resolve systemic problems, the answer is not a

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resigned withdrawal from the political, because this in itself would be a political act, and ultimately collusion with the prevalent state of affairs. Rather, as educators, we are called upon to navigate the tensions and contradictions that necessarily arise in the “messy” field of practice where pragmatism and realism have to respond to the moral and ethical imperatives of education. Although the “adjust/challenge” dilemma cannot be readily resolved, courageous practitioners need to endure the productive discomfort of working in the field of forces between the two. It is by remaining open to the seemingly contradictory demands represented by the adjust/challenge dilemma that new insights into emancipatory action can be generated, avoiding the twin temptations of idealism, on the one hand, and pessimism, on the other hand. That leads us to a number of final reflections in this chapter, in response to the question: What, then, would an authentic work education in a democracy entail? The following deliberations are meant to open up critical conversations rather more than serving as a blueprint in any shape or form. From Common Sense to Good Sense A first point to be made is that it is crucial that an authentic work education examines the common-sense assumptions on which it is based and the historical forces that gave rise to them. The current “planet speak,” utilizing as it does a set of “elevator words” such as “lifelong education” and “lifelong guidance,” serves to identify what is (and what is not) a “problem,” creating ways to talk about it and offering “solutions” to it (Simons et al., 2009, p. 46). It conjures up an image of an economic world subject to constant, rapid, and ultimately “inevitable” change forces, in front of which individuals have no other option but to adapt if they are to survive—and to do so throughout their whole lifetime. Within this discourse, the dynamic flows of capital worldwide, which contribute to instabilities that are increasingly difficult to manage at a nation state level (Bauman, 2017), tend to be reified—that is, they are often assumed to be a “given” and not open to question, and that furthermore there is no viable alternative. The implication is that it is individuals who must adjust their way of being in the world (Bengtsson, 2011, 2015), with career development education being one of the services that supports such adaptations by providing information, advice, and guidance where and when needed, lifelong. It is in the nature of totalizing ideology to persuade that the prevailing order is natural, normal, self-evident, universal, and that it works in the interests of all— while mystifying, excluding, and denigrating alternatives (Eagleton, 1991). It is equally in the nature of an authentic education to reveal the masking that goes on around social conflicts, where a state of affairs that works in the interests of the powerful is presented by the latter as if it satisfies the interests of all. One way of helping students become aware of the contingent nature of their understanding of the world of work is by developing an historical imagination. An authentic education programme that has the world of work as its focus would therefore help students

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understand how work has come to be what it is, the hopes and dreams for decent and dignified living that have sometimes flourished and sometimes been devastated, the interests that are at stake, who stands to gain and who to lose in shaping the workplace in particular ways, and what can be done to gain a measure of collective control over such forces and dynamics. It will remind students of past struggles that saw subordinate groups claim for themselves a raft of rights at work that although far from being comprehensive, nevertheless did make substantial differences in the ability of the majority to live decently if not actually flourish. There Are Alternatives—Another World Is Possible Another way to help students become aware of the contingent nature of their understanding of the world of work is by developing an anthropological/comparative imagination. In other words, an authentic work education programme would also encourage students to understand that, as the clarion call of the World Social Forum reminds us, another world is possible (Smith, 2004). It would do so by giving witness to the myriad exciting grassroots movements that have arisen locally and globally to challenge “dead labour” and to enact meaningful work. In doing so, critical work educators would be providing students with the intellectual tools and moral resolve to not only trouble the present but also imagine more socially just ways of living together, furnishing them with examples of how such aspirations are neither idealistic nor dystopian. These “new economies” constitute a broad set of ideas and practices that share a common critique of mainstream economic thought, that ideologically range from “defensive struggles” (Dinerstein, 2014) that try to modify and humanize capitalism to approaches that articulate alternatives to the market, and set out to prefigure a better, post-capitalist society in the belief that personal flourishing is really only truly possible within the norms and institutions of civil life. They thus contest such neoliberal canons as “the focus on growth as an economic goal, faith in markets as efficient allocative mechanisms, and the role of government and national banks in issuing money and credit” (Avelino et al., 2015, p. 5). They however do not only contest but also tap into embedded values, cooperative practices, mutual aid, reciprocity, and generosity in order to build diverse, ecologically sound, and directly democratic economies (Avelino et al., 2015). These are not oddball, one-off, ephemeral initiatives: The plethora of concepts and terms in circulation demonstrates the sheer vitality in the search for meaning and for alternative ways of organizing production and consumption and of being together—including “green,” “communal,” “community,” “collaborative,” “sharing,” “inclusive,” “solidarity,” “informal,” “social,” “social impact,” “social entrepreneurship,” “core,” and “commons-based” economies. We are therefore here talking about a groundswell of local but, due to antiglobalization movements, increasingly transnationally connected responses to the imposition of market-led restructuring (de Sousa Santos,  2006) that represent what Dinerstein (2014) calls “hope movements.” These efforts enact “territories of hope” that “articulate a

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wider conceptualization of work, as dignified work that moves away from the traditional division between work and labour, and engages rather with the possibility of conceiving work as a wider social activity by a multiplicity of subjects” (Dinerstein, 2014, p. 1049). They thus offer “alternative forms of sociability, social relation and solidarities, caring practices, learning processes, and emancipatory horizons” (Dinerstein, 2014, p. 1050). And yet few, if any, career education programmes in circulation make any reference to such social and economic experiments. Few, if any, discuss what, following Piketty (2014), one could call “pragmatic utopias”—such as the 4-day workweek, flexicurity, universal basic income, and a global tax on wealth—which require grassroots support for progressive taxation and for the socialization of profit in a world in which, by 2030, the richest 1 percent will own two-thirds of global wealth (Frisby, 2018). Fewer still discuss the even more far-reaching experiments in “solidarity economics” that represent alternatives to both capitalism and planned economies, where what matters are “life values” rather than “profit values” (Miller, 2005), and which therefore more profoundly unsettle, challenge, and generate alternatives to the kinds of identities, lifestyles, and political and institutional modalities that have become hegemonic. Some of these “real utopias”—as Olin Wright (2010) refers to them in a series of book projects that evaluate the value, processes, and effects of substantive and radical economic, political, and cultural projects and assemblages—feature in Box  6.1. These are not “utopic”—the Greek meaning of which is “no-where.” Rather, they are “now-here,” enacted by real people in real situations mobilizing a range of collective, grassroots methods to organize economic activity. All these social and economic experiments contest the neoliberal given, which views the common good as the unintended result of the individual search for private interest (Zamagni, 2014, p. 193). Instead, these movements gesture at a world in which economic values are inseparable from social values and in which economic relationships and the human activity we refer to as “work” are framed by ethics, where ethics concern how values are inescapably intertwined with social relationships (Davis & Dolfsma, 2008). It is in such a context that “work”—even modest work—can attain meaningfulness. And it is by opening up vistas of the possible that work education can trouble the numbing effect of programmes that would have students acquiesce and “fit in” with what is unfit for humans. The stimulation of the critical faculties in regard to the world of work, paving the way for the search for—and imagining of—alternatives, requires more than historical or anthropological knowledge: The taste for the what could and the what should be is much more powerfully nourished by experience. That insight is at the heart of deep learning and a view of education that, in Dewey’s (1916) words, “is not a preparation for life; it is life itself ” (p. 239). An authentic work education would thus necessitate more than just a radical revision of the “career management skills” curriculum. Rather, as in Dewey’s laboratory schools, it would also set out to ensure that students engage in meaningful work tasks and relations that balance “the distinctive capacity of individuals with their social

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Box 6.1  Pragmatic Utopias and Territories of Hope •

The Mondragon cooperatives in the Basque region in Spain, which provide a reminder that efficiency and the generation (and socialization) of profit are not mutually exclusive, in contexts where economic and not just civic democracy is valued due to worker participation in ownership and management (Johnson, 2017). • The Argentinian Movement of Unemployed Workers (Movimento de Trabajadores Desocupados [MTD]—also known as the Piquetero movement), which engaged in collective action and implemented cooperative forms of work and social activities in neighbourhoods. These included housing cooperatives, training and education, and environmental projects, all of which served to “generate ‘genuine’ and ‘dignified’ work and democratic and solidarity practices, in collaboration with other popular movements, social organizations, local trade unions and small businesses” (Dinerstein, 2014, p. 1043). • The Movimento Sin Terra (MST) in Brazil, which has for the past three decades mobilized an agrarian reform movement involving hundreds of thousands of landless peasants who occupy large unproductive land estates and who pressure the government to redistribute this land to landless families, enabling them to collectively farm their own land through cooperatives, within the context of a solidarity economy (Wright & Wolford, 2003). • The city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, which for decades has promoted participatory governance and direct democracy by allocating sizeable portions of its wealth to citizens, who decide how and where it is used on the basis of discussions within local communities and neighbourhoods (Baiocchi, 2005).

service” (p. 360). That would require an overhaul of an education system that has become increasingly a mirror image of the market—leading us to echo Dewey’s assertion that the kind of education he was interested in was “not one which will ‘adapt’ workers to the existing industrial regime; I am not sufficiently in love with the regime for that” (p. 42). For it is by experiencing life in an environment that promotes human flourishing that tomorrow’s adults would accept nothing less than such democratic and enabling relations at work, and civic life more generally. Conclusion This chapter has argued that students of all ages are entitled to an authentic education that expands their understanding of “work” as a source of personal fulfilment. It has claimed that most work education programmes tend to present the world of work in a reified manner, with participants being encouraged to comply, consent, and collude rather than to comprehend, challenge, and contest. This chapter has moreover made a case for work education programmes that promote an understanding of how, across time and space, communities have struggled to improve the conditions under which they laboured, and in some cases even set out to develop economic systems operating with a different logic and values than those of the market. Such a curriculum could be justified if education is understood as an endeavour that both transmits (educare) and draws out (educere) the best that humanity can be. Work education thus understood would engage students in conversations

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Mundy, K., Green, A., Lingard, R., & Verger, A. (2016). Introduction: The globalization of education policy— Key approaches and debates. In K. Mundy, A. Green, R. Lingard, & A. Verger (Eds.), The handbook of global education policy (pp. 1–20). Chichester, UK: Wiley. National Centre for Guidance in Education. (2017). A whole school guidance framework. Dublin: Author. Nussbaum, M. (2001). Symposium on Amartya Sen’s philosophy: 5 adaptive preferences and women’s options. Economics and Philosophy, 17, 67–88. doi:10.1017/S0266267101000153 Olin Wright, E. (2010). Envisioning real utopias. London: Verso. Peters, M.  A. (2016). Education, neoliberalism and human capital: Homo economicus as “entrepreneur of himself.” In S. Springer, K. Birch, & L. MacLeavey (Eds.), The handbook of neoliberalism (pp. 297–307). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Cambridge, MA: Belknap. Pouyaud, J., & Guichard, J. (2018). A twenty-first century challenge: How to lead an active live whilst contributing to sustainable and equitable development. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 31–46). London: Routledge. Prilleltensky, I. & Stead, G. B. (2012). Critical psychology and career development: Unpacking the adjust– challenge dilemma. Journal of Career Development, 39, 321–340. doi:10.1177/0894845310384403 Procoli, A. (Ed.). (2004). Workers and narratives of survival in Europe: The management of precariousness at the end of the twentieth century. New York: SUNY Press. Rott, G. (2015). Academic knowledge and students’ relationship to the world: Career management competence and student centred teaching and learning. Journal of the European Higher Education Area, 2, 51–70. Ryder, G. (2017, February 1). Decent work or indecent politics. Social Europe. Savelsberg, H. J. (2010). Setting responsible pathways: The politics of responsibilisation. Journal of Education Policy, 25, 657–675. doi:10.1080/02680939.2010.493224 Savickas, M. L., Nota, L., Rossier, J., Dauwalder, J.-P., Duarte, M. E., Guichard, J., . . . van Vianen, A. E. M. (2009). Life designing: A paradigm for career construction in the 21st century. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 75, 239–250. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.04.004 Schwartz, B. (2015). Why we work. New York: Simon & Schuster. Sennett, R. (1998). The corrosion of character: The personal consequences of work in the new capitalism. New York: Norton. Sharma, A. (2016). The STEM-ification of education: The zombie reform strikes again. Journal for Activist Science & Technology Education, 7, 42–50. Simon, R. I., Dippo, D. A., & Schenke, A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. New York: Greenwood. Simons, M., Olssen, M., & Peters, M. A. (Eds.). (2009). Re-reading education policies: A handbook studying the policy agenda of the 21st Century. Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense Publishers. Smith, J. (2004). The World Social Forum and the challenges of global democracy. Global Networks, 4, 413–421. doi:10.1111/j.1471–0374.2004.00102.x Standing, G. (2011). The precariat: The new dangerous class. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Standing, G. (2018, March 23). Left should stop equating labour with work. Social Europe. Retrieved from https://www.socialeurope.eu/why-work-not-labour-is-ecological-imperative Sultana, R. G. (2012). Learning career management skills in Europe: A critical review. Journal of Education and Work, 25, 225–248. doi:10.1080/13639080.2010.547846 Sultana, R. G. (2012b). Career education: Past, present . . . but what prospects? British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 41, 69–80. doi:10.1080/03069885.2012.739373 Sultana, R. G. (2012c). Flexibility and security? The implications of “flexicurity” for career guidance. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 45, 145–163. doi:10.1080/03069885.2012.721125 Sultana, R. G. (2013). Career management skills: Assessment for learning. Australian Journal of Career Guidance, 22, 82–90. doi:10.1177/1038416213496759 Sultana, R. G. (2014). Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will? Troubling the relationship between career guidance and social justice. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 5–19. Sultana, R. G. (2018a). Enhancing the quality of career guidance in secondary schools: A handbook. MyFuture Project. Sultana, R. G. (2018). Precarity, austerity and the social contract in a liquid world: Career guidance mediating the citizen and the state. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 63–76). London: Routledge.

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Thomsen, R. (2014). A Nordic perspective on career competences and guidance—Career choices and career learning. Oslo, Norway: NVL. Tomlinson, M. (2008). “The degree is not enough”: Students’ perceptions of the role of higher education credentials for graduate work and employability. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 29, 49–61. doi:10.1080/01425690701737457 Vally, S., & Motala, E. (Eds.). (2014). Education, economy and society. Pretoria, South Africa: University of South Africa Press. van de Oudeweetering, K., & Voogt, J. (2018). Teachers’ conceptualization and enactment of twenty-first century competences: Exploring dimensions for new curricula. Curriculum Journal, 29, 116–133. doi:10.1080/ 09585176.2017.1369136 Veltman, A. (2016). Meaningful work. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Watts, A. G. (1985). Education and employment: The traditional bonds. In R. Dale (Ed.), Education, training and employment: Towards a new vocationalism? (pp. 9–22). Oxford: Pergamon. Watts, A. G. (2014). Cross-national reviews of career guidance systems: Overview and reflections. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 32, 4–14. Welde, A.  M.  J., Bernes, K.  B., Gunn, T.  M., & Ross, S.  A. (2016). Career education and the elementary school  level: Student and intern teacher perspectives. Journal of Career Development, 43, 426–446. doi:10.1177/0894845316633524 Winick, E. (2018, January 25). Every study we could find on what automation will do to jobs, in one chart. MIT Technology Review. Retrieved from https://www.technologyreview.com/s/610005/every-study-wecould-find-on-what-automation-will-do-to-jobs-in-one-chart Wright, A., & Wolford, W. (2003). To inherit the earth: The landless movement and the struggle for a new Brazil. Oakland, CA: Food First Books. Yates, J., Hooley, T., & Kaur Bagri, K. (2016). Good looks and good practice: The attitudes of career practitioners to attractiveness and appearance. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 45, 547–561. doi:10.1080/030 69885.2016.1237615 Zamagni, S. (2014). Public happiness in today’s economics. International Review of Economics, 61, 191–196. doi:10.1007/s12232-014-0209-5

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C H A PT E R

7

Career Guidance: Living on the Edge of Public Policy

John McCarthy and Tibor Bors Borbély-Pecze

Abstract Public policy formation and implementation for career guidance provision are complex issues, not least because in most countries career guidance is a peripheral part of legislation for education, employment, and social inclusion. Policy solutions are compromises by nature. Regulations and economic incentives are the main policy instruments for career guidance provision, but there is often incoherence between the intentions of the regulations and the economic incentives provided for policy implementation. The intermediary organizations that serve to implement policy add significant variability to policy effects. International bodies and organizations have shown significant interest in the role of career guidance in education and employment policies through the undertaking of policy reviews, the formulation of recommendations for career guidance, and, in some cases, providing economic incentives to support their implementation. However, there is a dearth of evaluation studies of policy formation and implementation at the national level. Keywords: career guidance, public policy, policy development, policy implementation, policy instruments, evaluation

Introduction: Public Policy as Intervention This chapter explores career guidance as a public policy intervention. The label “career guidance” is used throughout this chapter because it is the preferred terminology adopted by key international organizations working in this space, particularly the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which defined and codified this terminology as part of its review of the field (OECD, 2004). In practice, the terminology used within the international policy sphere is variable and contested, but we decided to avoid extended discussion of this issue and adopt the dominant terminology. Public policy refers to intentions to a course of action by government when faced with issues that affect citizens. It can be expressed by inaction or by any or a combination of government decisions, laws, mandates, regulations, guidelines, procedures, statements of priorities and principles, and standards. Such writs provide guidance to governments for their actions and are also a means of providing government accountability to citizens. Vedung (1998) notes the basic policy choice to be taken by government on issues concerning citizens is whether it should intervene or not. He proposes a typology of policy choice:

non-intervention, which allows market mechanisms, civil society, and households to provide solutions; and intervention, which can take different forms, such as regulation and incentives. Actions of government in addressing citizens’ needs are, in general, reactions to the non-existence of the perfect market and the corresponding existence of market failures. That first decision, intervention or non-intervention, reflects government knowledge of the problem and of possible solutions. It may also reflect political ideology, resources, priorities, or a combination of these. Intervention can be described as a “resource approach” (Vedung, 1998), where resources are allocated by government to support implementation. Intervention is the main focus of this chapter. Vedung (1998) identifies three types of policy instruments that support intervention: regulations (rules and directives), economic incentives (material, physical, and human resources), and information (e.g., information campaigns to influence people’s behaviour). These different interventions can be used at the same time. There are many important research questions concerning the choice and use of policy instruments, including questions regarding their effectiveness in government policy implementation and the public ac­cept­ance of their use, which may provide legitimacy to government for their use. Government (national and/or regional) on its own cannot implement policies; it requires the assistance of implementation bodies, sometimes referred to as polity (BorbélyPecze, 2019), to apply the policy instruments. These can be government organizations or agencies and/or nongovernment actors (private, nonprofit, or both). All public policy implementation is mediated by organizations, their leaders, workers, and each organization’s culture and environment. The Process of Public Policy Development Public policymaking has many different starting points. Examples include political commitments given during an election; a government minister or their adviser’s commitment to a public cause that interests them; an unforeseen crisis in the population, such as nationwide youth unrest; an attempt to fix a problem arising from an existing policy; technological changes; advocacy and lobby groups; social movements; or the results of an evaluation study. One or a combination of these starting points helps to get an issue onto a policy agenda. Policy proposals can also gain traction by hitching a ride on other policies: Career guidance policies can emerge as part of wider education, employment, social inclusion, and economic policies. Buck (1996) describes the stages of the public policymaking process as follows:

1. Agenda setting 2. Policy formulation and legitimation 3. Implementation 4. Evaluation 5. Policy maintenance, succession, or termination

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Becoming part of the policy agenda is a particular challenge for a field such as career guidance, which is viewed as an instrument to achieve a broad range of public policy goals (discussed later) rather than an end in itself. Buck (1996) distinguishes between a systemic agenda (identified political community issues with varying degrees of public interest and no proposed solutions) and an institutional or decision agenda (where policymakers actively consider an identified problem area and decide on specific, concrete proposals to deal with the problem area). The awareness and support of the general public are generally necessary for issues to move from the systemic to the institutional agenda. Career guidance often starts as part of the systemic agenda as a recognized public issue, before moving to the institutional agenda. Policy formulation involves defining the limits of a problem, drafting and providing options for policy proposals outlining the relative strengths and weaknesses of each, and drawing on research and evaluation studies and other relevant legislative and/or administrative documents as appropriate. This task is mainly undertaken by ministry officials, sometimes accompanied by formal or informal consultation with relevant stakeholders. The policy solution emerges through negotiation, bargaining, and compromise. Goodin, Rein, and Moran (2011) refer to the illusion of institutional rationality that governs the policy process, particularly the illusion at the point of policy formulation of having full information on (1) the best approaches to action; (2) the constraints (material, social, political, and financial) on pursuing the action; (3) the consequences of the action— intended, unintended, expected, unexpected; and (4) the efficiency and the effectiveness of the action, its public acceptance, and the perceived legitimacy of government to pursue the action. Policy implementation concerns the transformation of the policy goals into action. Buck (1996) notes the role that bureaucratic resources and administrative discretion play in the implementation. The former concerns the technical and administrative expertise of those working in the organizations charged with policy implementation, whereas the latter refers to discretion given to administrators in organizations to apply the policy in a specific context. It is not possible to write all possible context scenarios into a policy document and rules for each. Goodin et al. (2011) refer to the role of “street level bureaucrats”—for example, police, social workers, teachers, and career guidance workers—who apply policies in contexts and through behaviours at a distance from management. They note that control over the policy is lost as the implementation goes down the management chain, leading Bardach (1977) to conclude that it cannot be taken for granted that policies will be implemented on the ground as intended—and that usually they will not. Policy evaluation can be formative or summative. The former occurs throughout the policy formulation and implementation process, and the latter occurs when a policy or a programme of policy implementation is completed. Policy evaluation has its own challenges, as Buck (1996) notes. These include measuring efficiency versus effectiveness, the precision of the policy goals, the interpretation of such goals as expressed in a programme

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of action, and the measurement of outcomes. Policy evaluation must also take into ­consideration the many other variables that affect policy implementation, such as how administrative discretion was used; the values of the intermediary organization, the administrators, and the “street bureaucrats” and professionals within an organization; the views and experiences of the public for whom the policy was designed and of the general public if different; and the values and expectations of the evaluator. Public policies are reviewed over time to determine if they are still relevant and useful. Such reviews can cause policies to be modified, continued, or terminated. New governments with different priorities and values may bring about policy change. The policy design cycle and process outlined previously are presented in a logical sequence for purposes of illustration. However, the reality of the process is quite different. Stages sometimes overlap, and there is continuous interaction with other policies and policy cycles, especially for career guidance provision, which in most instances forms a very small part of broader social and economic policies. This introduction to public policy and to the public policy cycle sets the framework in which government policy intervention in the field of career guidance is now examined. The Arguments for Government Intervention The arguments for government policy intervention in the field of career guidance are manifold and have been well recited by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD,  2004) and the European Lifelong Guidance Policy Network (ELGPN, 2015a). Some of the policy goals are centred on the individual—for example, to improve career decision-making, to better understand the consequences of learning pathways and choices, to assist in job change or reintegration into the labour market, to support the validation of competences gained through nonformal and informal learning, and to plan life-wide decisions such as withdrawal from the workforce and retirement. ELGPN references families and communities as well as individuals as targets and beneficiaries of policy goals for career guidance. It notes that individuals, families, and communities differ in their capacities to manage their learning and work pathways and that career learning helps build the capacities of all three social unit categories to compensate for such differences. Other arguments for government intervention are of a broader social and economic nature. The OECD (2004) classifies them as learning goals, labour market goals, and social equity goals. Learning goals that career guidance supports include improving the efficiency and effectiveness of education systems (participation, engagement, retention, performance, and progression) and improving the interface between education and the labour market. Labour market goals that career guidance supports include improving the match between labour market supply and demand, addressing skills shortages, and preventing or reducing unemployment. Social equity goals that career guidance supports include improving the social integration of migrants, ethnic minorities, persons with

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­ isabilities, and the socially disadvantaged; and improving gender equity and gender d ­segmentation in the labour market. A framework for understanding the potential aims of public policy for career development is provided by Robertson (this volume). Intervention—The Use of Policy Instruments Regulations, economic incentives, and information are the resource instruments that governments use for policy implementation. In this chapter, regulation is used in its broadest governmental sense: statutory provisions, directives, guidelines, norms, rules, procedures, etc. that support the provision of career guidance to citizens. Economic incentives refer to resources provided by government to enable the application of the regulations. Information refers to a range of media used by government to communicate policy messages, including communication campaigns, television programmes and advertising, and printed and online materials that aim, for example, to make citizens aware of the existence of a service and encourage them to use it. Regulations Statutory provisions are the foundation of state intervention because they provide a legal basis for the development of policy and strategy documents, the allocation of resources, economic incentives, and information campaigns. In many countries, career guidance is referenced in the legal framework for the provision of education. In Ireland, the Education Act (Government of Ireland, 1998) makes it a legal obligation of a post-primary school “to ensure that students have access to appropriate guidance to assist them in their educational and career choices.” Because the Act does not define precisely what is meant by “access to appropriate guidance,” the Irish ministry subsequently issued a set of guidelines (Department of Education and Science, 2005) on the implications of this legal requirement for schools. Similarly, in Finland, the Basic Education Act (Government of Finland, 1998) gives students the right to career guidance, government decrees define the number of hours for guidance and the qualifications of guidance counsellors, and the National Education Board determines the objectives and content of career learning. In the United Kingdom, the Education Act (Government of the United Kingdom, 2011) references the responsibilities of schools in England to provide “impartial and independent” guidance to students up to the age of 16 years. Definitions of career guidance are provided within the Act. The Department for Education periodically develops and publishes new or revised strategies for policy implementation, the most recent of which is Careers Strategy: Making the Most of Everyone’s Skills and Talents (Department for Education, 2017). In other countries, such as the Republic of Korea, there is a specific legal framework for the provision of career guidance. The Career Education Act (Republic of Korea, 2015) describes the responsibilities of the national and provincial governments and of schools in providing careers education to students. The Act, which consists of four chapters and

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23 articles, defines the legal entitlement of students to careers education; describes different features of careers education provision; and establishes the relationship between the Career Education Act and other relevant acts, such as the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (Republic of Korea, 2009). In a summary of legislation in European countries (ELGPN, 2012a), there are several examples of countries whose laws for the labour market sector make reference to career guidance provision—for example, Estonia, France, Norway, and Spain. In general, career guidance receives just a passing mention as a labour market measure to support unemployed persons and is among a range of tasks entrusted to the public employment service (PES). Regulation also refers to directives, norms, and curricula. The relevant government ministry can specify the type of qualifications for career guidance practitioners—for example, in Finland and Ireland—and in the latter also specify the content of their training (Department of Education and Skills, 2016) in order for them to be eligible for employment. Career guidance objectives may be included in general curriculum documents issued by ministries (The Scottish Government, 2008) or in specific curricular guidelines for career guidance (Ministry of Education, 2009). Economic Incentives Referencing career guidance in regulations is just the first step. Organizations and resources (human, material, physical, and virtual) are needed for policy implementation. The main organizations for the delivery of career guidance in the education sector are schools, higher education institutions, vocational education and training (VET) centres, and adult and community learning centres. PES or public–private partnerships are the main vehicle for career guidance provision in the labour market sector. Often, resources are given to organizations such as schools and public employment offices as part of their budgets to deliver a range of policy objectives including career guidance, with some administrative discretion on how the budget is to be used. Human resource allocations for career guidance provision in the education and labour market sectors are good examples of government economic incentives and commitment to policy implementation. Sometimes, there is coherence between these incentives, the requirements of the legislation, and the expectations for delivery. For example, the ratio of guidance practitioner to school students in secondary education in Finland is approximately 1:245. However, there are many examples of incoherence. Contrast the Finland ratio with ratios in Australia, the United States, and Tunisia. In a study of school counselling in Australia, Campbell and Colmar (2014) noted that ratios varied from 1:1,050 students in New South Wales to 1:3,500 students in South Australia. The national average practitioner to student ratio in the United States in 2015 was 1:482, with variations from 1:202 in Vermont to 1:924 students in Arizona (National Association for College Admission Counseling and the American School Counselor Association, 2015). The national ratio in

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Tunisia in upper secondary school is 1:6,000 (Mejri & McCarthy, 2017). In France, the professeurs principaux in schools have responsibility for career guidance provision to students but are not required to have any training or qualification, even though they are paid extra to undertake this activity. The examples presented previously highlight some of the intervening variables in the education sector that enable outcomes for clients and support the achievement of policy objectives (e.g., in Finland) or limit and frustrate these purposes (e.g., in Tunisia). Unrealistic employment counsellor-to-client ratios were also mentioned in a study of career guidance in the PES in 28 European countries (Sultana & Watts, 2006). Employment counsellors have role tensions—for example, addressing a client’s employment needs and aspirations versus meeting government job placement targets or holding social security benefit-driven interviews. With insufficient time allocated for career guidance, the chances of implementing career guidance measures as intended by policy seem just as unlikely in the employment sector as in the education sector in many countries. Where an employment counsellor/case worker has just 5–10 minutes to assist a client to review the personal barriers against their labour market activation and inclusion and to provide personalized support, the outcomes for the client and for policy implementation are always going to be very limited. It is not surprising, therefore, that in a Eurobarometer (European Commission, 2014) survey of almost 30,000 citizens across 29 member states, only 24 percent of respondents stated that they had used a career guidance service, and in some countries, that figure dropped to 3 percent. The main reason for never having used a career guidance service was the lack of access (45 percent). Resources are critical for access. Inadequate resourcing causes organizations to prioritize target groups and activities, and thus an organization’s own interpretation of policy implementation may be very different from that expected in the national policy and strategy documents. In some countries, government policies for career guidance provision favour targeting over universal provision. There are many different demands on education and employment institutions, of which career guidance provision is just one and, often, is peripheral. Grubb (2002) describes career guidance activities as adjuncts rather than central to education and training, and more broadly to policies intended to improve the flexibility and efficiency of labour markets. He further refers to two key resourcing issues that affect policy implementation: (1) decentralization that gives budgetary discretion for policy implementation to local organizations—for example, schools—creating inconsistencies of career guidance delivery across schools; and (2) tying funding for career guidance to school budgets, which, given that career guidance is a relatively peripheral activity in schools, leads to a situation in which it is likely the first to be cut when public funding becomes scarce, as happened in Ireland in 2012. This equally applies to services for the unemployed: In periods of economic crisis with high unemployment, governments may find it easier to cut career guidance interventions of employment counsellors at a time when the need for them is actually greater.

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Other factors that impinge on the effectiveness of policy implementation include institutional leadership and the value that an organization places on career guidance activity. For example, a whole school approach contrasts with career education and guidance as the sole responsibility of the practitioner. The practitioner’s own professional interpretation of their role is also a factor. Thus, Bardach’s (1977) contention that policies are rarely implemented as intended because of any or all of the previously mentioned intervening variables is particularly valid for the provision of career guidance. Information There are very few examples of government-led or government agency-led information campaigns to promote the benefits of career guidance to citizens and to encourage different categories of citizens to use them. However, such examples have shown very positive results in creating public demand for career services. In early 2002, a major marketing campaign was undertaken by Careers Scotland, a government agency, mainly to increase its brand recognition. As a result, the percentage of the Scottish adult population who had heard of Careers Scotland, as indicated in an omnibus survey (Segal Quince Wicksteed Consulting, 2003), increased from 37 percent to 72 percent between March 2002 and April 2003. The proportion of the population of Scotland who said they would find advice or guidance about careers, training, or other learning opportunities “very useful” increased from 12 percent to 22 percent during the same period. Page, Newton, Hawthorn, Hunt, and Hillage (2007) evaluated another such campaign that was undertaken in the context of the promotion of adult learning in the United Kingdom through Learndirect. Television advertising and shows were reported as the most dominant sources in motivating the public to use the guidance services offered. Information campaigns stimulate and create potential demand from the public for career guidance provision. They are very underutilized as a policy instrument. In summary, policy instruments (regulations, economic incentives, and information) are the main government policy implementation tools for career guidance provision. In many countries, regulations and economic incentives are used together, but there are very few country examples in which coherency exists between the policy expectations and the economic incentives given for policy implementation. Information has been shown to be a very effective policy tool. Policy Evaluation Countries differ in the attention that they pay to the evaluation of policy implementation for career guidance provision. In the education sector, in some countries, the schools’ inspectorate may review how a sample of schools implement ministry policy (e.g., the Office for Standards in Education [2013]). In the labour market sector, within the European Union (EU)/European Economic Area, each PES undertakes annual self-assessment of its annual Activity Plan, which includes employment guidance/career guidance-related activities.

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The Centre for Study and Research on Qualifications in France undertakes policy ­evaluation research on career guidance for both the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Labour and Employment. Sometimes, governments may commission a third party to assess career guidance policy implementation; for example, the National Audit Office of Finland (2015) reviewed the state and quality of the local cooperation network of guidance services as well as the activities of the steering ministries (Education and Culture, and Employment and Economy) in reinforcing the prerequisites for career guidance services. Governments may also undertake informal evaluation of career guidance provision for young people and adults, such as the study of public perceptions of career guidance provision undertaken for the National Guidance Forum (2007) in Ireland. In general, however, there is little national systematic and regular evaluation of regulations and economic incentives used for career guidance policy implementation. External sources such as international organizations have undertaken such reviews with the cooperation of national governments. Their review findings have often stimulated national policy developments. The international organizations have also developed a rigorous review methodology for policies and systems. We now consider the roles of such organizations. International Public Policy Interest in Career Guidance During the past 70 years, international organizations have intermittently shown interest in policies for career guidance. The effective use of manpower and national prosperity were the main aims for career guidance in the International Labour Organization’s (ILO, 1949) Vocational Guidance Recommendation. That recommendation was subsumed into a broader recommendation on human resource development (ILO,  1975), with career guidance referenced as contributing to employment policies and to social and economic development. A further revision in 2004 placed career guidance as supporting policies for lifelong learning and promoting the interests of individuals, enterprises, and society. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), a United Nations sister organization to ILO, framed career guidance as supporting access to technical and vocational training and as a means of combatting all forms of social inequality (UNESCO, 2015). The right of citizens to career guidance to enable them to choose occupations was enshrined in the European Social Charter (Council of Europe, 1961). This was a significant step forward because member countries committed to addressing citizens’ needs for career guidance, defining it as a citizen social entitlement. To date, there has been no evaluation of its implementation. A more encompassing perspective on career guidance was provided in the recommendation of the Commission of the European Economic Community (1966) on vocational guidance as a tool to support policies for education, training, and employment and as an educational, social, and economic instrument to help individuals integrate the labour

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market (Watts, Sultana, & McCarthy,  2010). The recommendation included an implementation monitoring mechanism. Member states agreed to produce progress ­ reports and the Commission undertook to publish a regular report on the function of vocational guidance and its progress and experience gained, including progress made by the member states in its implementation. Progress was tracked in the form of country selfreports on an annual basis initially and subsequently up to 1975 at intermittent intervals. There was, however, little attempt at comparative evaluation. Almost 40 years later, the Council of the European Union agreed on its first ­resolution on lifelong guidance (Council of the European Union, 2004), recognizing the importance of career guidance for the achievement of the EU goals of economic development, labour market efficiency, occupational and geographical mobility, and for the efficiency of investment in education and vocational training and in lifelong learning. This recognition was reinforced by a subsequent resolution (Council of the European Union,  2008) on the better integration of lifelong guidance into lifelong learning strategies. All of the policy positions (recommendations and resolutions) referenced previously were developed through a process of consultation, negotiation, and bargaining by the member countries of each body. Their content, therefore, represents compromises among the member countries, as indeed are any definitions of career guidance that they contain. Such compromises take into account the challenges posed by the social, cultural, and economic conditions of the member countries and the diverse terminology of career guidance according to language, culture, sector, organization, and professional usage of terms. The recommendations and resolutions also demonstrate how policy positions on career guidance are revised over time to take into account new social and economic challenges and possible government responses to these. In common, they posit career guidance as a means of supporting individuals in their professional development and, more broadly, as a mechanism for the achievement of a range of social and economic public policy goals. They highlight elements of career guidance provision that need to be improved at the national level, which have remained constant during the past 70 years. These elements include the provision of citizen lifelong access to services, the quality of career guidance tools and services, the training of practitioners, national stakeholder cooperation and coordination, career and labour market information, accountability, funding, and research. The persistence of these challenges suggests that inadequate attention has been paid at the national level to both the resourcing and the evaluation of policy implementation. Although the international recommendations for national improvement, as policy instruments, fit within the category of regulations, they are of a nonbinding nature. Many of these international bodies and organizations do not have the resources (economic incentives), mechanisms, or continuity of interest to promote, monitor, and evaluate the implementation of their recommendations. We now turn to recent policy and systems reviews undertaken by some such organizations.

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International Policy Reviews The international reviews undertaken by the OECD (2004), the World Bank (Watts & Fretwell, 2004), the European Training Foundation (ETF; Sultana & Watts, 2007; Sultana & Zelloth,  2003; Zelloth,  2009), and the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (Cedefop; Sultana, 2004) sought to understand how the organization, management, and delivery of career guidance at a national level in whichever forms it existed supported the advancement of public policy goals in education and the labour market. The review methodology consisted of the completion of a national questionnaire by the host country partners and, in some cases, national visits by experts. In addition, the OECD commissioned expert papers on specific review issues—for example, the training of practitioners—and career/occupational information. The results of the reviews highlighted the perceived importance of career guidance in public policy and the significant challenges of policy implementation across the education and employment sectors. In developed countries, these challenges centred on weak or absent national leadership, the lack of a national strategic vision for career guidance, inadequate inter-ministerial coordination and cooperation, limited access to services, the absence of quality assurance mechanisms, inadequate resourcing of services, and the lack of evidence of impact. In developing and transition economies, contextual issues were more to the fore. These included limited public resources, high unemployment (especially youth), rural and urban poverty, large informal economies, the need for community capacity building, and specific family and cultural factors that have a major impact on career decision-making. Among the sociocultural issues highlighted were the importance of family influences, the impact of gender stereotyping, and the influence of patronage. The reviewers noted the existence of weak policy frameworks for career guidance in many developing and transition economy countries. Where such frameworks existed, in practice they were ignored. Nongovernmental organizations and civil society played important roles in the absence of government intervention. Moving from review results to follow-up actions, the OECD (2004) and Cedefop (Sultana, 2004) review findings formed the basis for the priority actions of the European Council resolutions on lifelong guidance in 2004 and 2008 referenced in the previous section. Member states were encouraged to develop lifelong guidance systems, to improve citizen access to services and the quality of provision, to favour career management skills teaching and learning, and to develop national leadership through cross-sectoral and interministerial cooperation and coordination. Two subsequent EU policy reviews (Cedefop, 2011; Sultana, 2008) were undertaken to assess the impact of these two European Council resolutions. The most recent country evaluations of the implementation of the resolutions were a self-assessment undertaken in 2015 by the 30 country members of ELGPN (2015b). Taking 2008 as a starting point, the more common impacts reported by member countries included the reformation of regulations, legislation, policies, and strategies; policy evaluations; and the development of lifelong guidance systems. There were improvements in

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communication and cooperation between different ministries and with other stakeholders (including social partners and nongovernmental organizations), mainly through the establishment of national lifelong guidance fora or other representative mechanisms. Increased cooperation between service providers within and across sectors and innovations in lifelong guidance service delivery (e.g., online) were also reported. Career management skills received increased visibility in national curricula, and national standards for quality assurance, including data collection for the evidence base for policies, were developed. These improvements took place during a period of a major economic crisis in the EU that affected public service funding, and consequently career guidance provision, of many countries. The international policies reviews on their own have added considerably to our knowledge and understanding of how countries view the role of career guidance in public policy terms; how public policies for career guidance work; and how services for career guidance are organized, managed, and delivered. They have identified issues regarding the coherency of service delivery; the fragmented nature of provision; and the difficulties of strategic leadership of a service of public interest that straddles administrative boundaries, both inter-ministerial and national versus regional authority. They also highlight the importance of social and economic context factors that influence the nature and extent of career guidance provision. Significantly, the reviews have provided the field with a methodology for benchmarking and assessing current policy implementation and with criteria (e.g., access, resourcing, strategic leadership, quality assurance, and measuring effectiveness) for such assessment. When a follow-up mechanism, such as an international policy network, is established to support national reform drawing on international mutual learning, the chances of national reforms in career guidance provision greatly increases. International Policy Networks ELGPN was a member state-led European (as opposed to European Commission or Commission agency-led) initiative that existed from 2007 to 2015, financed mainly by EU programme funds (an example of international economic incentives to promote national career guidance policies through international cooperation and mutual learning). The network consisted of country team representatives (education and employment) of 30  member states and Switzerland (observer country); representatives of the European Commission and its agencies; and other international organizations, such as the International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy. Its work was coordinated by Finland. ELGPN was tasked with producing EU common reference tools for national policy and systems development for lifelong guidance in the member states related to the policy priorities agreed to in the resolutions of the European Council (2004, 2008) described previously. The common reference tools developed through member state collaboration include EU Policy Guidelines (ELGPN, 2015a), Resource Kit (ELGPN, 2012b), Quality Assurance Framework (ELGPN, 2015c), and Glossary (ELGPN, 2014). The tools are intended to act as EU reference points or benchmarks for improvements in lifelong

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g­ uidance provision in national education, training, employment, and social inclusion systems. The national impact of the work of ELGPN was described previously. EU collaboration and agreement are not easy tasks in themselves because they require negotiation and compromise, and the application of EU-agreed positions at the national level is often as great a challenge. Policy and systems changes take time amid ever-changing EU, national, and regional political interests, priorities, ministers, officials, and changing economic and social circumstances. A European Network of PES was established on a statutory basis by the European Council and European Parliament (2014) to develop and apply performance benchmarks for PES actions across 28 countries and to develop good practices, including for career guidance. Its remit involves providing input to the European Employment Strategy and corresponding national labour market policies. Despite the marginal role that career guidance plays in most PES programmes, the Network has already produced a practitioner’s toolkit for career guidance and lifelong learning (European Commission, 2017). International Symposia on Career Development and Public Policy The concept of international symposia on career development and public policy emerged in the 1990s as a means of international policy sharing and learning to support the development of national responses to common challenges that countries face in the provision of career guidance (Watts, Bezanson, & McCarthy, 2014). They were designed as active working events to which countries send national teams consisting of policy officials, serv­ ice managers, leaders of professional associations for career guidance, and researchers. International organizations, including OECD, UNESCO, ILO, and the European Commission and its agencies ETF and Cedefop, also participate. National teams develop country papers on the symposium themes in advance of each symposium, and these provide the key issues for discussion. At the end of each symposium, country teams develop action plans to implement between symposia. Nine such symposia have taken place since 1999, funded in all but one case by government economic incentives. Although the impact of these events on national policy developments is difficult to quantify, they have helped facilitate strong working relationships among international organizations (OECD, ETF, Cedefop, and World Bank), which in turn have enabled several overlapping policy reviews (discussed previously) to be based on a common methodology, thus producing international comparable data. The symposia have also led to the establishment of the International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy, funded mainly by governments, to support international policy sharing and learning between symposia. Policy Studies Studies of public policy normally fit one of two categories: analysis of the policy proc­ess or analysis of policy content. The former includes analyses of policy formation and of the

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instruments (regulations, economic incentives, and information) developed for policy implementation. The latter may include programme evaluation, impact studies, or policy design. Policy studies use a range of different disciplinary prisms through which an analysis is undertaken—for example, sociology, psychology, economics, anthropology, philosophy, geography, and labour market studies. The analyses may be value-laden just as policies themselves are value-laden. Using an economics lens, Grubb (2002) examined the role of markets and governments in the provision of careers information and guidance. The market model is the fallback position in which government decides not to intervene. Grubb identified many reasons why markets have difficulty in handling career guidance as a commodity: difficulty in specifying and defining supply and demand; the highly variable nature of what constitutes career guidance; the difficulties of estimating the time and cost of such interventions; and the large societal benefits that accrue from career guidance. These issues make it difficult to justify pinning the costs of such services on the individual, especially where those who most need it are least likely to be able to afford and willing to pay. D’Agostino, Baghioni, Legay, Gayraud, and Valette-Wursthen (2019) studied the impact of the 2015 devolution of responsibility for public career guidance services to regional authorities on the implementation of an individual’s rights to career counselling in France. This devolution required the regional authorities to promote and support cooperation between career guidance actors (education, training, and employment institutions) for the benefit of individuals, using regulations and economic incentives. The variables that had most impact were the level of interest of the regional authorities in such promotion, the nature and level of economic activity of an area, and the degree of cooperation among actors prior to the devolution. Hooley, Sultana, and Thomsen (2018, 2019) present a series of studies of policy content analysis (descriptive and prescriptive) undertaken through sociological, philosophical, and critical psychology lenses, which have tended to focus on the perceived negative effects of neoliberal economic policies of governments on the living and working conditions of people, on the nature of career guidance practice, and on social justice. A desired outcome for the authors is the development of emancipatory career guidance in which all categories of career guidance workers have a critical role to play as advocates of social justice in making individuals and groups aware of the structural sources of their problems. Social justice is a very broad political issue that concerns all citizens, governments, public institutions and services, and social partners. Institutions such as schools, VET centres, and universities are well-recognized means of social reproduction. Although it is important to sensitize career guidance practitioners to social justice issues, there are many and more significant actors and instruments (e.g., political parties, social partners, civil society, public institution leaders, teachers, school curricula, and tax regimes) that influence social change. The ILO (2004), for example, recommended to its member countries that young people should learn the rights and obligations of all concerned under labour-related laws

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and other forms of labour regulation. Such knowledge is a prerequisite for the promotion of social justice in the workplace. As previously described in this chapter, policy formation for career guidance faces many challenges, including the peripheral nature of career guidance in policies for education, training, employment, and social inclusion; the very meagre economic incentives given in most countries for the implementation of the regulations where such exist, especially the ratio of career practitioners to students and to the unemployed; the lack of information campaigns to stimulate public demand and take-up of such services; and the lack of regular national policy and systems evaluation studies. The expectation in some of the policy content studies (Hooley et al.,  2018,  2019)—that career guidance workers should be significant agents of social change by using emancipatory career guidance—may be disproportionate, misplaced, and misdirected. Conclusion The processes of public policymaking and policy implementation are quite complex. Although career guidance is recognized as a service of public interest in which the state should intervene, as per the policy statements of the ILO, UNESCO, the Council of Europe, and the European Council, career guidance still forms a peripheral part of public policies for education, training, employment, social inclusion, and economic development. And even when it is referenced in national legislation, career guidance has to compete for institutional recognition with other competing policy interests in order to become or stay visible on policy agendas and to attract the economic incentives required to implement the legislation in a meaningful way through a dedicated programme. Policy implementation challenges at the national level—access, quality, training, national cooperation and coordination, information, accountability, funding, and research—have consistently remained the same for the past 70 years. Policy interest in career guidance waxes and wanes at the national and international levels unless mechanisms are put in place to support its continuous development. Several international bodies have adopted nonbinding policy positions (regulations) on career guidance, agreed through negotiation and compromise, taking due cognizance of different socioeconomic and sociocultural contexts. However, few such bodies have the means (economic incentives) and constancy of interest to support and monitor national implementation of recommendations. The policy interest in career guidance of international bodies and particularly the policy reviews undertaken by them have stimulated national improvements for a period of time. Indeed, one may rightly ask whether any systemic national improvements in some countries would ever occur in the absence of such external interest. International policy reviews, international symposia on career development and public policy, and international policy networks have acted as tools for national improvement in many countries, particularly in the European Union. They have contributed to developing international benchmarks for policy and systems reviews. Policy studies of career guidance to date have been

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Watts, A. G., & Fretwell, D. H. (2004). Public policies for career development: Case studies and emerging issues for designing career information and guidance systems in developing and transition economies. Washington, DC: World Bank. Watts, A.  G., Sultana, R.  G., & McCarthy, J. (2010). The involvement of the European Union in career guidance policy: A brief history. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 10, 89–107. doi:10.1007/s10775-010-9177-9 Zelloth, H. (2009). In demand: Career guidance in EU neighbouring countries. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. doi:10.2816/78201

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C H A PT E R

8

The Aims of Career Development Policy: Towards a Comprehensive Framework

Peter J. Robertson

Abstract This chapter explores and questions the aims of public policy for career development. In the early years of the 21st century, an international consensus emerged in the literature describing the intentions of governments when they seek to intervene in the careers of their citizens. A case is made for a broader conception of the socially desirable outcomes from career interventions. Drawing on the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, a ­systematic framework of six types of policy goal for career development services is ­proposed: (i) labour market goals, (ii) educational goals, (iii) social equity goals, (iv) health and well-being goals, (v) environmental goals, and (vi) peace and justice goals. The latter three categories represent new or relatively neglected areas of focus. Cross-cutting themes of social justice, sustainability, and societal change are highlighted. Keywords: career development, development goals, public policy, social justice, sustainability

Introduction From its origins in the early 20th century, career development work (then known as vocational guidance) has never been a purely economic instrument. It has been motivated by social concerns from the outset (Brewer, 1942; Peck; 2004; Savickas, 2008). Some of its pioneers in the United Kingdom, United States, and Germany could be characterised as social reformers or philanthropists (Savickas, 2009), and the earliest government interventions are rooted in their contributions. Serious academic study of public policy for career development work became established much later, in the 1990s (notably, Watts, 1996a). The idea that career interventions could offer wider social benefits was sketched out by Killen, Watts, and Kidd (1999). By the early years of the 21st century, a consensus emerged that the aims for public policy in career development could be categorised into three families of goals: 1. Labour market goals: To facilitate effective functioning of the labour market, matching individuals to work that suits them, and reconciling the supply of labour to the demand.

2. Educational goals: To facilitate effective functioning of the education and training system, to promote skills development and lifelong learning, and to smooth transitions from education into the labour market. 3. Social equity goals: To promote social inclusion and equality of opportunity. This threefold distinction is evident in complementary international reviews of policy: in developed nations by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD; 2004), in middle-income nations and emerging economies by the World Bank (Watts & Fretwell, 2004), and in European Union member nations (Sultana, 2004). It is also evident in an associated academic discourse (Watts, 2008; Watts & Sultana, 2004). It continues to be prominent in international thinking (International Centre for Career Development in Public Policy, 2019). Nonetheless, labour market considerations c­ ontinue to be in the foreground of government thinking about the purpose of career development policy, with broader educational and social equity goals sometimes becoming secondary or supportive to an economic agenda. Whilst this body of work provides a helpful starting point to characterise the relevant government aims for career development policy, it is problematic because it addresses what is, not what could be. It draws on studies of what governments do and say that they do. It does not seek to outline the full potential range of socially desirable objectives for career development policy. In order to understand the full scope of possible purposes for career development policy, it is necessary to identify a taxonomy of policy goals that is credible, authoritative, current, and of relevance worldwide. Such a framework is provided by the UN Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015), which define shared international policy objectives for the year 2030. These replace the UN Millenium Development Goals, and it is the responsibility of nation states to implement them. Many nations, along with the European Union (2017), have adopted the goals. The UN Sustainable Development Goals The UN goals have begun to influence conceptions of career development. Professor Jean Guichard, as UNESCO Chair in Lifelong Career Counseling, led a series of activities that culminated in a conference at the University of Wroclaw in 2016 which concluded that practitioners should develop interventions in line with the UN goals (Cohen-Scali et al., 2018). Cohen-Scali (2018) suggested that career development work should integrate new societal challenges into its aims, including population growth, climate change, loss of biodiversity, inequality in access to resources, and access to decent work. The Sustainable Development Goals may expand our conception of the purposes of career development in a way that has global relevance, credibility, and currency. The framework offers an additional advantage: it does not privilege Western high-income economies. It is developed with low- and middle-income economies very much in mind, whilst retaining relevance to prosperous nations. The goals are reproduced in Table 8.1 (United Nations, 2015, pp. 14–35).

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Table 8.1  United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015) 1

End poverty everywhere

2

End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture

3

Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages

4

Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all

5

Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls

6

Ensure availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all

7

Ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all

8

Promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all

9

Build resilient infrastructure, promote inclusive and sustainable industrialization and foster innovation

10

Reduce inequality within and among countries

11

Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable

12

Ensure sustainable consumption and production patterns

13

Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts

14

Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development

15

Protect, restore and promote sustainable use of terrestrial ecosystems, sustainably manage forests, combat desertification, and halt and reverse land degradation and halt biodiversity loss

16

Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels

17

Strengthen the means of implementation and revitalize the Global Partnership for Sustainable Development

The potential aims of career development policy can be identified using the UN framework. It is clear that career development is not relevant to all the goals and pertains more to some than to others. Nonetheless, the number of goals to which career development has some bearing is striking. The UN structure can be partially collapsed to produce an adequate classification for the goals of career development policy that is simple but broadens the scope of current thinking. A sixfold framework is proposed here: (i) labour market goals, (ii) educational goals, (iii) social equity goals, (iv) health and well-being goals, (v) environmental goals, and (vi) peace and justice goals. Labour Market Goals This category relates directly to Goal 8: Promote sustained, inclusive, and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work for all. Employment-related objectives are inevitably central concerns for career development policy. The economic considerations are directly addressed by Dodd and Percy (this volume), so this important area can be dealt with briefly here.

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The influence of neoliberalism on career development policy discourse is far reaching (Irving, 2018). This discourse tends to frame people as serving a macroeconomic purpose, but tends to neglect the converse view that the purpose of the economy is to serve people and to enable them to meet their basic needs and to lead a meaningful life. It is therefore important that the UN goal balances economic growth with concern for people’s having access to good quality employment. Issues of decent work are explored by Gutowski, Blustein, Kenny, and Erby (this volume). Promoting access to work, particularly for youth at risk of unemployment, has been a goal of career development services from their very earliest inception (Peck, 2004). Goals 1 and 2 relate to the eradication of poverty and hunger. In recent years, some theorists have been arguing that notions of ‘career’ are not meaningful to people who are struggling to put food on the table and for whom notions of choice in life seem to be an unattainable middle-class ideal. Alternative terms have been suggested, notably ‘livelihood planning’ (Arulmani & Kumar, 2009; Sultana, 2017) as a more pragmatic label for helping those who face daily challenges of economic survival, particularly in low- to middleincome economies. Educational Goals Policy goals related to learning are well established in the career development field. This area is highlighted by UN Goal 4: Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all. Educational issues are explored elsewhere in this volume, so again this can be dealt with briefly here. There has been some hollowing out of educational goals for career development policy towards an emphasis on raising attainment, the development of skills for industry, and on preparing students to transition from the education system into work by embedding generic employability skills and attributes. There is a tendency to conflate career development policy with vocational education and training (VET) policy, subsuming the former under the latter (Watts,  2009). In a neoliberal conception, the VET system enables individuals to serve an economic growth agenda. Hooley (this volume) explores how this human capital development agenda has influenced conceptions of schooling and careers. Whilst the technocratic function of education has its place, this neglects the full meaning of education to its participants and its wider value to society. Individuals may look to education for personal growth and transformation, for access to social (as opposed to vocational) status, for interest, for cultural enrichment, to build or reforge their identity, and to make friends or find partners. More specifically work-related or career education need not be narrowly functional in preparing pupils and students for employment (Sultana, this volume). The UN goal is framed in terms of access and inclusion, not in terms of economic instrumentality, so it accommodates a broader vision of the role of education.

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Social Equity Goals Social equity goals relate to fair access to career opportunities and the equitable distribution of life chances across the population. This means equity with respect to social categorisation primarily by gender, socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, religion, age, sexuality/gender identity, or migration. This is, and will remain, a central concern of career development work. Gender continues to have a great influence in determining the roles that individuals adopt in relation to formal and domestic work (Kantamneni,  2014). So, UN Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls is clearly relevant here. Women are less likely to participate in the global labour market (International Labour Organisation [ILO], 2018). They face four main issues when they do: pay inequality, occupational segregation into traditionally female work roles, underrepresentation in senior, prestigious, or powerful jobs, and sexual harassment in the workplace (Bimrose, 2001, 2004). With biographies that often interweave child-rearing, caring roles, and home-making with participation in formal employment, women’s careers may be more complex than those of men (Bimrose et al., 2014). In addition, UN Goal 10: Reduce inequality within and among countries is explicitly relevant. In recent years, persuasive evidence has been produced for growing economic inequalities (Piketty, 2014; Stiglitz, 2013) driven by a combination of globalisation, new technologies, and widespread adoption of government policy underpinned by neoliberal ideologies. Similar factors are at work across many nations, mitigated to a greater or lesser extent by government intervention. These issues present a challenge to services engaged in career development work. Roberts (2005) claimed that the career development profession is incapable of addressing issues of class, due to its reliance on individualistic psychological concepts. But there have been moves in psychology to expand the discipline to recognise and respond to issues of poverty and inequality (Ali, 2014; Blustein, 2006, 2014). Since the 1960s and 1970s, there has been a progressive extension of human rights and employment rights to groups that are potentially disadvantaged in the labour market. Nonetheless substantial asymmetries remain between demographic and social groups in society. This extensive range of issues is summarised very briefly below. Race, ethnicity, and religion: Whilst developed economies have made good progress in establishing legislative frameworks that prevent or limit racial oppression, work continues to be an environment in which racial inequality is evident (Flores, 2014). Tensions associated with issues of religion and ethnic identity are dynamic and problematic in many societies although they manifest themselves uniquely in every nation. Migration: Mobile populations have distinctive career experiences and often encounter considerable challenges. For example, Roma (travellers) and refugees are particularly disadvantaged at work (ILO,  2014). The career development issues facing migrants, as well as their support needs, have only recently become an important focus of study (see Newman, Bimrose, Nielsen, & Zacherd, 2018).

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Older workers: A convergence of demographic, social, cultural, and economic factors in developed economies has led to working lives’ being extended. Retirement has become a longer and more complex life transition. This has led to greater focus on older workers as a potential service user group for career development research and intervention (Launikari, Lettmayr, & van Loo, 2011; Sterns & Sterns, 2014). Disability: Around 15 percent of the world’s population has a disability: their educational achievement and levels of economic participation are substantially reduced compared to the nondisabled population (World Health Organization,  2011), with their unemployment rates almost doubled (OECD, 2010). This is in spite of a range of human rights and legislative arrangements at national and international levels (ILO,  2017). Historically, intervention for those with acquired health conditions and disabilities has been known as vocational rehabilitation: a multidisciplinary practice often in response to industrial injury or trauma. As Fabian (2014) demonstrated, this simple social re-integration model does not capture the complexity of the relations between work and disability. Sexuality and gender identity: Minorities can be defined in terms of their sexual preference (for example, lesbian, gay, bisexual, pansexual, or asexual), and/or in terms of their gender identity (for example, transgender, intersex). These groups represent a more recent focus in employment protection legislation, and in some nations substantive discrimination continues to be sanctioned by the state. These groups have received rather less attention in the career development literature. In addition to discrimination in employment recruitment, salient issues that Anderson and Croteau (2014) identified include difficulties in workplace relationships and in workplace sexual identity management. Heteronormativity, or assumptions of conformity to majority heterosexual societal norms, represents a challenge to career development practice (Hancock, 2019). This non-exhaustive list highlights some key social categories to consider but may be inadequate to capture an individual’s experience. Intersectionality must also be considered. Individuals are not identified by a single social marker, so they may simultaneously belong to multiple categories and perhaps face multiple disadvantages. Socially constructed identities may be contested. Each group in each location faces unique challenges. Health and Well-Being Goals This category relates to UN Goal 3: Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages. Public policy related to careers development has largely ignored issues of health and well-being (Robertson,  2013a). A neglect of health is also evident in the literature on career development work. Individual counselling approaches to career development have been influenced by psychotherapy. Some authors have sought to import clinical practice to career counselling, or vice versa (Franklin & Medvide, 2014). Others have stressed the commonalities and overlap between issues addressed in career counselling and personal/ therapeutic counselling (Richardson, 1996; Zunker, 2008). The emergence of a wider literature on the relationship between work, health, and public policy has to date had only a

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modest impact on career development practices. Yet it could be argued that positive well-being is an ultimate goal of all social interventions. Robertson (2013b) argued that there were two likely mechanisms through which career development interventions may promote mental well-being. First, guidance interactions incorporate factors with a short-term therapeutic effect, specifically a supportive relationship, recognising and building on existing strengths, promoting a future orientation, a goal focus, and a sense of personal agency. Second, career development interventions may promote enduring well-being through enabling sustainable work. Unemployment tends to be detrimental to mental health (Paul & Moser, 2009; Waddell & Burton, 2006). Conversely, work provides access to psychosocial factors that facilitate well-being (Warr, 2007), provided the work is of good quality. These benefits are likely to be enhanced where the work is of enduring interest and consistent with personal values—considerations that are central in career development work (Redekopp & Huston, 2019). Health outcomes are intimately linked to socioeconomic status, so any consideration of health and career development must encompass the relationship between work and health inequality (Robertson, 2014). There has been a growing recognition among public health specialists that work and education are factors that have a profound impact on population health and on socioeconomic status gradients in health outcomes (Bambra, 2011; Foresight Mental Capital and Wellbeing Project, 2008; Marmot, 2010; World Health Organization, 2007). This has been slow to affect thinking in the career development field, but Blustein (2008) has sought to highlight the links between work, health and public policy, and Robertson (2013a) has argued that career development work represents an unrecognised public health intervention. The recent emergence of the psychology of working perspective has located mental health at the heart of a contemporary approach to career development research (Duffy, Blustein, Diemer, & Autin, 2016). Environmental Goals There is now widespread and growing international concern about environmental issues. ‘Climate Change is the defining issue of our time and we are at a defining moment’ (United Nations,  n.d, p. 1). The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) seeks to coordinate international climate policy and provides global leadership on this issue (see IPCC,  2019). There is a strong emphasis in the UN (2015) Sustainable Development Goals on the need to shift towards an environmentally sustainable society and economy, notably in Goal 13: Take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts. In addition, Goals 9, 12, 14, and 15 relate to industry-specific activities to promote environmentally sustainable work. Issues of climate change, pollution, degradation of natural resources and habitats, and the loss of biodiversity have worldwide significance. The acknowledgement of the significant economic risks associated with climate change was signalled in the United Kingdom by the Stern report, which concluded ‘the benefits of strong and early action far outweigh the economic costs of not acting’

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(Stern, 2006, p. iv). It is the poor in developing economies that are most vulnerable to the early impacts of climate change and environmental degradation. Plant (2014, 2015) has led the way in articulating the need for career development to move away from promoting individualistic engagement with the economy towards a more collectively responsible vision of career development services that locates the environment as central to its concerns. Crucially, he envisaged a turn towards what he labelled as ‘green guidance’ not as a superficial change in practice, but as a deep change in the philosophy of career development that gives ecology equal weight with economy in policymaking. This call was taken up by Cohen-Scali et al. (2018), who identified environmental challenges, alongside demographic changes, as critical areas for career development policy and practice to respond to. Responding to environmental challenges is not unproblematic for the career development profession, as there are different views on the urgency of environmental matters and competing political visions of the priorities for action. Privileging one industry over another (such as green energy over fossil fuels) may present practitioners with challenges to their ethical frameworks or to relationships with key stakeholders. This concern can be overcome. Both governments and career services have had little hesitation in preferentially promoting career choices in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), which are believed to be economically valuable, so the active promotion of a green economy is equally possible. Environmental issues may become progressively more difficult to ignore. There is, however, little evidence to date that environmental considerations in career development have had a significant impact on national policymakers. There are recent signs that green guidance is beginning to become a mainstream concern for the career development profession, as evidenced by CERIC (2019), who produced a special issue on climate change of their Careering magazine for practitioners. Peace and Justice Goals This area has received little attention in the career development literature, so its inclusion requires some justification. It relates to UN Goal 16: Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all, and build effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions at all levels. Whilst the notion of a peace may not seem obviously pertinent to career development, this linkage is an old idea. The pioneer of vocational guidance, Frank Parsons, articulated a progressive vision in ‘The philosophy of mutualism’ where individual needs and community needs were compatible in a just, peaceful, and prosperous society supported by collective institutions (Gummere,  1988; O’Brien,  2001). Career services contribute to this objective by steering individuals towards their appropriate adult life role. More recently, Plant (2014) and Cohen-Scali (2018) have found inspiration in Parson’s utopian vision of mutualism. Similarly, Pouyard and Guichard (2018) explicitly linked social justice in the labour domain to peace and ecology. 120    Peter J. Robertson

Societies with gross economic inequalities and high levels of structural unemployment are more vulnerable to civil unrest, and these issues can be aggravated by ethnic, nationalist, or religious tensions. Young men, or indeed any citizens, who see no future for themselves and have a strong sense of unfairness, may find ways to express their frustration. Youth unemployment continues to be a global issue, with some regions, such as North Africa, facing a formidable challenge (ILO, 2018), and these regions may be prone to political instability. There remains some debate as to the importance of unemployment and economic inequality as causal factors in the outbreak, duration, and intensity of civil unrest; they probably interact with other local, social, political, and ecological factors (Couttenier & Soubeyran, 2015). At a societal level, career development services working to improve access to decent work and to reduce social inequity could contribute to peace in the workplace, in places of learning, and in the community. This cannot be done in isolation; it is only viable if other social, educational, and employment institutions are working together towards these aims. Educational institutions are not always a force for good in divided societies (Smith & Vaux, 2003), but they can play an important role in postconflict reconciliation—as, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland (Emkic, 2018; Smith, 2010). The interconnected impact of policies and practices of economics, inequality, youth, and education was acknowledged by Sen (2007) in a report addressing peace and democracy in the Commonwealth nations. Career development interventions routinely operate in a space where these policies and practices interact. Arguably, career development services could make some level of contribution to social integration even where institutional systems are weak, but this has not been explored in the published literature. The notion of career development work as a force for peace is complicated by the potential for a range of ethical orientations towards military (and security-related) careers. Societies also vary in the extent to which they are militarised, with some enforcing conscription as a compulsory, albeit temporary, career choice. Armed forces can be seen as guarantors of peace or as a threat to it. Intrasociety peace does not necessarily mean peace with other nations or societies; on the contrary, international aggression may be used by political leaders as a way to overshadow internal tensions. There is another, wider, yet more tangible contribution that should be considered: career services may have a role in reducing or preventing crime. There is a widespread belief that securing stable employment reduces criminal activity (Lageson & Uggen, 2013). And yet offenders may face formidable barriers in the labour market, in addition to structural barriers that may affect any socioeconomically disadvantaged population. Their employment prospects are shaped by employers’ attitudes to crime. Rejection of exoffenders in the early screening stages of personnel selection is widespread and has led in the United States to the ‘ban the box campaign’ (Henry & Jacobs, 2007), which advocates the removal of questions on application forms requiring the disclosure of offences. There are numerous examples of vocational rehabilitation interventions designed to support prisoners in finding work. These are rarely in the form of isolated career counselling. The aims of career development policy    121

More common is provision of vocational training, complemented by work placements and by advice and support for job seekers. A career development programme may encompass these elements in addition to postrelease support. There is some evidence for the effectiveness of these programmes in achieving employment outcomes, but of greater interest here is the potential for such programmes to contribute to desistance from offending. Any factor that reduces re-offending is potentially of interest to policymakers. The available literature reviews (such as Harrison & Schehr,  2004; Vernick & Reardon,  2001) and meta-analyses (Davis, Bozick, Steele, Saunders, & Miles,  2013; Wilson, Gallagher, & MacKenzie, 2000) suggest that vocational interventions reduce recidivism. These claims are made cautiously, as the available evidence is mixed and limited by methodological weaknesses. The possibility of selection bias cannot be discounted: programme intakes may consist of those more willing and able to move away from crime. Conversely, where vocational programmes are reported as ineffective, this may reflect poor programme design, or failure to provide adequate postrelease support and follow-up. Generally, success in finding employment is negatively associated with re-offending, at least in adults, so any successful employment support programme may make a contribution. Whilst as yet the evidence base is inadequate for drawing firm conclusions, there are indicators that career development interventions may help offenders to find work and reduce recidivism. There is little reason to believe that policymakers have given serious consideration to the potential contribution of career development interventions to crime reduction. It is certain that no attention has been given to its role in crime prevention. Effective career development interventions could potentially steer people into education or roles in the legitimate economy that provide viable and sustainable alternatives to engaging in criminal careers or gang membership. Prevention is of great value both socially and economically. Cross-cutting Themes Whilst it is useful to categorise policy goals into broad types, there are still strong interconnections between them. There may be synergies achieved where policy action in one domain has positive impacts in another domain. Three cross-cutting themes are discussed here: social justice, sustainability, and societal change. Social Justice Social justice is a politically and philosophically contested notion, with a complex relationship to career development (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2017; Irving, 2005; Irving, this volume; Sultana, 2014). Nonetheless, it is relevant to all aspects of practice, and it is not confined to the social equity category of policy goals. Socioeconomic status affects people’s access to decent work, to educational opportunities, and to health treatments and well-being outcomes, as well as their ability to avoid the consequences of ecological

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damage or involvement with the criminal justice system. Issues of social justice are central to career development work (International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 2013; McMahon, Arthur, & Collins, 2008) and should infuse all the relevant public policy objectives. Sustainability The UN goals give prominence to sustainability. This term has become familiar from its ecological sense, but it is usefully ambiguous in that it has other meanings that cut across the policy categories. Sustainability simply means the potential to endure over time. This does not imply a static position; renewal and adaptation are necessary to survive. At an individual level, the notion of the sustainable career has been explored by De Vos, Dujardin, and Meyers (2016), Heijden and De Vos (2015), and Newman (2011). De Vos, Dujardin, Gielens, and Meyers (2016) explicitly suggested that the sustainable career needs to be put on the policymakers’ agenda. Longer life spans mean potentially longer careers and greater need for individuals to find ways to sustain a healthy relationship to work over longer time frames (Vuori, Blonk, & Price, 2015). Institutions also need to be sustainable and to renew themselves. At a societal level, as highlighted in UN Goals 8 and 11, communities and economic growth also need to be sustainable over time. Societal Change To a greater or lesser extent, all of the goals relate to bringing about positive change in society or reducing negative outcomes. Conceptualising career development practitioners as agents of social change is nothing new; it is a theme in the work of the earliest pioneers of the field, such as Frank Parsons (O’Brien, 2001). A distinction can be made between a reactive role and a proactive role for career development policy. A reactive approach would mean seeking to mitigate the economic and health effects of unemployment, or the consequences of environmental degradation, or the exclusion of minorities or offenders. A proactive approach would be to see career development policy as contributing to societal change—a position labelled as ‘radical’ by Watts (1996b, p. 354). This might mean adopting a preventive role or driving and anticipating change. Proactive approaches are less common, and they arguably present some ethical challenges in career counselling in terms of imposing the practitioners’ social values on an individual service user. This dilemma is largely avoided if educational approaches are used with groups: raising awareness whilst respecting individual choice. Conclusion In recent years, the widespread adoption of neoliberal models for economic governance has tended to focus career development services on a technocratic function: human capital development in support of economic growth. Career development services are used to serve the public policy objective of creating a skilled and adaptable labour force, directed

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towards industries with labour shortages. Governments have also, to a greater or lesser extent, sought to use career development services as a tool to promote equality in education and work, and occasionally to promote social mobility. The potential for career development work to bring about emancipatory social change is embraced by some scholars more enthusiastically than it is by governments. To date, studies of public policy in this field have provided frameworks that are predominantly descriptive. This is a sound starting point, but progress requires laying out the full range of potential policy goals—outlining the possibility space from which policy action can be selected. By drawing on the UN Sustainable Development Goals, it is possible to extend our sense of the potential contribution of career-related policy. The established threefold distinction of economic, learning, and social justice goals for career development policy can be expanded to a sixfold structure: 1. Labour market goals 2. Educational goals 3. Social equity goals 4. Health and well-being goals 5. Environmental goals 6. Peace and justice goals In doing so, the neglected potential of health, environmental, and justice-related goals is brought to the foreground. The role of career development services in supporting social justice, promoting sustainable lives and economies, and facilitating societal change cuts across all six objectives. There remain substantial barriers to realising this potential. Improved mental health, support for green industrial growth, and reductions in crime rates are rarely considered in career-related policymaking. This is unfortunate, as even modest progress on these outcomes is highly desirable. Responsibility for the governance of career services is almost always within departments tasked to deliver economic or educational objectives. Consequently, the wider social benefits of career development work have yet to be fully realised. Overcoming these problems will require clear communication to policymakers of a vision for the role of the career services of the future. References Ali, S. R. (2014). Poverty, social class and working. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 127–140). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Anderson, M. Z., & Croteau, J. M. (2014). Towards an inclusive LGBT psychology of working. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 103–126). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Arulmani, G., & Kumar, S. (2009). Career and livelihood planning: Training manual. Bangalore, India: Jiva Project, The Promise Foundation. Bambra, C. (2011). Work, worklessness and the political economy of health. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

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Bimrose, J. (2001). Girls and women: Challenges for career guidance practice. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 29, 79–94. doi:10.1080/03069880020019392 Bimrose, J. (2004). Sexual harassment in the workplace: An ethical dilemma for career guidance? British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 32, 109–123. doi:10.1080/03069880310001648049 Bimrose, J., Watson, M., McMahon, M., Haasler, S., Tomassini, M., & Suzanne, P. A. (2014). The problem with women? Challenges posed by gender to career guidance practice. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 77–88. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9256-9 Blustein, D. L. (2006). The psychology of working: A new perspective for career development, counselling and public policy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Blustein, D. L. (2008). The role of work in psychological health and well-being: A conceptual, historical and public policy perspective. American Psychologist, 63, 228–240. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.63.4.228 Blustein, D. L. (2014). The psychology of working: A new perspective for a new era. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 3–18). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Brewer, J. M. (1942). History of vocational guidance. New York, NY: Harper. CERIC. (2019). Climate change and careers (Special issue). Careering: Canada’s Magazine for Career Development Professionals. Toronto, Canada: CERIC. Cohen-Scali, V. (2018). Interventions in career design and education for the future. In V.  Cohen-Scali, J.  Pouyaud, M.  Podgórny, V.  Drabik-Podgórna, G.  Aisenson, J.  L.  Bernaud, . . . J.  Guichard (Eds.), Interventions in career design and education: Transformation for sustainable development and decent work (pp. 317–325). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Cohen-Scali, V., Guichard, J., Aisenson, G., Moumoula, I. A., Pouyaud, J., Drabik-Podgórna, V., . . . Bernaud, J.  L. (2018). The UNESCO life long career counseling chair project: Main purposes and implemented actions. In V.  Cohen-Scali, J.  Pouyaud, M.  Podgórny, V.  Drabik-Podgórna, G.  Aisenson, J. L. Bernaud, . . . J. Guichard (Eds.), Interventions in career design and education: Transformation for sustainable development and decent work (pp. 1–11). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Couttenier, M., & Soubeyran, R. (2015). A survey of the causes of civil conflicts: Natural and economic conditions. Revue d’Économie Politique, 6, 787–810. Davis, L. M., Bozick, R., Steele, J. L., Saunders, J., & Miles, J. N. V. (2013). A meta-analysis of programs that provide education to incarcerated adults. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. De Vos, A., Dujardin, J-M., & Meyers, C. (2016). Conceptual framework for sustainable careers. In A. De Vos, J-M. Dujardin, T. Gielens, & C. Meyers (Eds.), Developing sustainable careers across the lifespan: European Social Fund Network on Career and AGE (Age, Generations, Experience) (pp. 9–28). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. De Vos, Dujardin, J-M., Gielens, T., & Meyers (2016). Facilitating sustainable careers: Getting started. In A. De Vos, J-M. Dujardin, T. Gielens, & C. Meyers (Eds.), Developing sustainable careers across the lifespan: European Social Fund Network on Career and AGE (Age, Generations, Experience) (pp. 91–97). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Duffy, R., Blustein, D. L., Diemer, M. A., & Autin, K. L. (2016). The Psychology of Working Theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 63, 127–148. doi:10.1037/cou0000140 Emkic, E. (2018). Reconciliation and education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: From segregation to sustainable peace. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. European Union. (2017). The new European consensus on development: ‘Our world, our dignity, our future’. Joint statement by the Council and the representatives of the governments of the member states meeting within the Council, the European Parliament and the European Commission. Brussels, Belgium: EU. Fabian, E. (2014). Work and disability. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 185–200). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Flores, L. Y. (2014). Race and working. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 71–84). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Foresight Mental Capital and Wellbeing Project. (2008). Final report. London, UK: The Government Office for Science. Franklin, A. J., & Medvide, M. B. (2014). Psychotherapy and the integration of the psychology of working into therapeutic practices. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 252–270). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Gummere, R.  M. (1988). The counsellor as prophet: Frank Parsons, 1854–1908. Journal of Counseling and Development, 66, 402–405. doi:10.1002/j.1556–6676.1988.tb00899.x

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Hancock, A. (2019). The career development of lesbians, gay men and bisexuals. Journal of the National Institute of Career Education and Counselling, 42, 47–55. doi:10.20856/jnicec.4208 Harrison, B., & Schehr, R. C. (2004). Offenders and post-release jobs. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 39, 3, 35–68. doi:10.1300/J076v39n03_03 Heijden, B.  I.  J.  M., & De Vos, A. (2015). Sustainable careers: Introductory chapter. In A.  De Vos & B. I. J. M. Heijden (Eds.), Handbook of research on sustainable careers (pp. 1–20). Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar. Henry, J. S., & Jacobs, J. B. (2007). Ban the box to promote ex-offender employment. Criminology and Public Policy, 6, 755–762. doi:10.1111/j.1745–9133.2007.00470.x Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (2017). The neoliberal challenge to career guidance—Mobilising research, policy and practice around social justice. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 1–28). London, UK: Routledge. International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG). (2013). Communiqué on social justice in educational and career guidance and counselling. Montpellier, France: International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance. International Centre for Career Development in Public Policy (ICCDPP). (2019). Communiqué 2019: Leading career development services into an uncertain future; Ensuring access, integration and innovation. Tromsø, Norway: International Centre for Career Development in Public Policy. International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2014). Promoting equity: Ethnic diversity in the workplace; A step-bystep guide. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Organisation. International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2017). Decent work for persons with disabilities: Promoting rights in the global development agenda. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Organisation. International Labour Organisation (ILO). (2018). World employment social outlook: Trends 2018. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Organisation. Irving, B. (2005). Social justice: A context for career education and guidance. In B. Irving & B. Malik (Eds.), Critical reflections on career education and guidance: Promoting social justice within a global economy (pp. 10–24). London, UK: Routledge. Irving, B. A. (2018). The pervasive influence of neoliberalism on policy guidance discourses in career/education: Delimiting the boundaries of social justice in New Zealand. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 47–62). London, UK: Routledge. Kantamneni, N. (2014). Gender and the psychology of working. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 85–102). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Killeen, J., Watts, A. G., & Kidd, J. (1999). Social benefits of career guidance. NICEC briefing. Cambridge, UK: National Institute for Career Education and Counselling. Lageson, S., & Uggen, C. (2013). How work affects crime—and crime affects work—over the life course. In C. L. Gibson & M. D. Krohn (Eds.), Handbook of life course criminology (pp. 201–212). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Launikari, M., Lettmayr, C., & van Loo, J. (2011). Ageing Europe at work—Guidance to support longer careers of ageing workers. In CEDEFOP, Working and ageing: Guidance and counselling for mature learners (pp. 208–290). Luxembourg: European Union. Marmot, M. (2010). Fair society, healthy lives: Strategic review of health inequalities in England post 2010. London, UK: The Marmot Review. Retrieved from http://www.marmotreview.org McMahon, M., Arthur, N., & Collins, S. (2008). Social justice and career development: Looking back, looking forward. Australian Journal of Career Development, 17, 21–29. Newman, A., Bimrose, J., Nielsen, I., & Zacherd, H. (2018). Vocational behavior of refugees: How do refugees seek employment, overcome work-related challenges, and navigate their careers? Journal of Vocational Behavior, 105, 1–5. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2018.01.007 Newman, K. L. (2011). Sustainable careers: Lifecycle engagement in work. Organizational Dynamics 40, 136–143. doi:10.1016/j.orgdyn.2011.01.008 O’Brien, K.  M. (2001). The legacy of Parsons: Career counsellors and vocational psychologists as agents of social change. Career Development Quarterly, 50, 66–76. doi:10.1002/j.2161–0045.2001.tb00891.x Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2004). Career guidance and public policy: Bridging the gap. Paris, France: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2010). Sickness, disability and work: Breaking the barriers. A synthesis of findings across OECD countries. Paris, France: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

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Paul, K. I., & Moser, K. (2009). Unemployment impairs mental health: Meta-analyses. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 74, 264–282. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.01.001 Peck, D. (2004). Careers services: History, policy and practice in the United Kingdom. London, UK: Routledge Falmer. Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Plant, P. (2014). Green guidance. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & T. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 309–316). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Plant, P. (2015). Green guidance: Guidance for the future. Revista Española de Orientación y Psicopedagogía, 26, 115–123. Pouyard, J., & Guichard, J. (2018). A twenty-first century challenge: How to lead an active life whilst contributing to sustainable and equitable development. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism, (pp. 31–46). London, UK: Routledge. Redekopp, D. E., & Huston, M. (2019). The broader aims of career development: Mental health, wellbeing and work. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 47, 246–257. doi:10.1080/03069885.2018.1513451 Richardson, M. S. (1996). From career counselling to counselling/psychotherapy for work, jobs and career. In M. L. Savickas, & B. W. Walsh (Eds.), Career counselling theory and practice (pp. 347–360). Palo Alto, CA: Davies-Black. Roberts, K. (2005). Social class, opportunity structures and career guidance. In B. Irving & B. Malik (Eds.), Critical reflections on career education and guidance: Promoting social justice within a global economy (pp. 130–142). London, UK: Routledge. Robertson, P. J. (2013a). Career guidance and public mental health. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 13, 151–164. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9246-y Robertson, P. J. (2013b). The well-being outcomes of guidance. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 41, 254–266. doi:10.1080/03069885.2013.773959 Robertson, P. J. (2014). Health inequality and careers. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 42, 338–351. doi:10.1080/03069885.2014.900660 Savickas, M. L. (2008). Helping people choose jobs: A history of the guidance profession. In J. A. Athanasou & R. van Esbroeck (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 97–113). Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Springer. Savickas, M.  L. (2009). Pioneers of the vocational guidance movement: A centennial celebration. Career Development Quarterly, 57, 194–198. Sen, A. (2007). Peace and democratic society. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers. Smith, A. (2010). The influence of education on conflict and peace building. Paris, France: UNESCO. Smith, A., & Vaux, T. (2003). Education, conflict and international development. London, UK: Department for International Development. Stern, N. (2006). Stern review on the economics of climate change. London, UK: HM Treasury. Sterns, H. L., & Sterns, A. A. (2014). Approaches to ageing and work. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 160–184). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Stiglitz, J. E. (2013). The price of inequality. London, UK: Penguin. Sultana, R. G. (2004). Guidance policies in the knowledge society: Trends, challenges and responses across Europe. Thessaloniki, Greece: CEDEFOP. Sultana, R. G. (2014). Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will? Troubling the relationship between career guidance and social justice. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 5–19. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9262-y Sultana, R. G. (2017). Anchoring career guidance in the Mediterranean? In search of southern perspectives. In R. G. Sultana (Ed.), Career guidance and livelihood planning across the Mediterranean: Challenging transitions in South Europe and the MENA region (pp. 3–15). Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. United Nations. (n.d.). Climate change. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/sections/issues-depth/ climate-change/ United Nations. (2015). Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development. New York, NY: United Nations. Retrieved from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/transformingourworld/ publication United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). (2019). Special report: Global warming of 1.5o C; Summary for policymakers. New York, NY: United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Vernick, S.  H., & Reardon, R.  C. (2001). Career development programs in corrections. Journal of Career Development, 27, 265–277. doi:10.1177/089484530102700403

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SECTION 

Theory

2

C H A PT E R

9

Career Development Theory: An Integrated Analysis

Julia Yates

Abstract Career theories are developed to help make sense of the complexity of career choice and development. The intricacy of the subject matter is such that career theories most often focus on one or two aspects of the phenomenon. As such, the challenges of integrating the theories with each other, and integrating them within career practice, are not insignificant. In this chapter, an overview of the theoretical landscape is offered that illustrates how the theories align with each other to build up a comprehensive picture of career choice and ­development. The chapter introduces a wide range of theoretical frameworks, spanning seven decades and numerous academic disciplines, and discusses the most well-known ­theorists alongside less familiar names. The chapter is structured around four concepts: identity, environment, career learning, and psychological career resources. Suggestions are offered for the incorporation of theories in career practice. Keywords: career theory, career development, identity, career learning, e­ nvironment, psychological career resources

Introduction Career development is complex. The choices people make and the paths they carve out for themselves are influenced by psychological, sociological, geographical, historical, political, physical, economic, and educational factors (Gunz, 2009). Career theories are devised to simplify these complexities. Their purpose is to reduce complex career behaviours into concepts that are easier to understand (Young, Marshall, & Valach, 2007), and the more complex the particular phenomenon, the more vital it is to develop theories that help in understanding it. Yet making sense of the theories themselves is no mean feat. A consequence of the multifaceted diversity of the subject is that whereas the body of career development literature as a whole addresses the full range of influences on career development, individual theories tend to focus on one or two aspects alone, leading to the “segmented and disparate nature” of the field (Patton & McMahon, 2014, p. 147). Compounding the challenge of reintegrating theories that focus on diverse aspects of career development are the different philosophical traditions that underpin the theories. Career theories from the early to mid-twentieth century were strongly influenced by positivist epistemology, which assumes a single objective truth. Career development

scholarship aimed to expose facts about the world of work and offer advice as to how individuals should best situate themselves within it (Bassott, 2012). Moving forward to the twenty-first century, many contemporary career theories are influenced by constructivism, which holds that reality is constructed by the individual, from their unique personal perspective, based on their interactions with the world around them (Young & Collin, 2004). Contemporary theorists can be critical of the more traditional positivist approaches suggesting that those theories do not reflect the realities of people engaging in the labour market in the twenty-first century and, as such, are not fit for purpose. These distinctions between philosophies and disciplines have influenced the way that career writers survey the theoretical perspectives. A common approach to describing career theories (Kidd, 2008; OCR, 2018; Sharf, 2016; Walsh & Osipow, 2014) is to focus on clusters of theories, grouping the theories chronologically. Although this approach might provide a useful historical overview, there is a limitation with the implicit or explicit invitation to espouse the more recent theories and reject the older ones. Collin (2009, p. 3) stresses that “the richness, complexity and ambiguity [of career development] cannot be grasped from one perspective alone” and a wholesale rejection of the less fashionable theories could leave readers with a limited and partisan understanding of the field. In this chapter, I take a different approach. The epistemological position that most closely fits the approach to career development theory adopted in this chapter is that of pragmatism (Dewey, 1933; Rorty, 1999). The starting point for pragmatism is not “What is my worldview?” but, rather, “What problem do I want to solve?” Approaches are judged by the actions they lead to rather than the philosophical position from which they start (Smith, 1999). A theory should be judged on the basis of its relevance and value, and it is accepted that different approaches will be needed to solve different problems (Richardson, Constantine, & Washburn,  2005). Such an integrated approach, which conceptualizes career development theories as elements of a holistic landscape and highlights synergies and strengths of theories, will offer an accessible synthesis. A framework that draws on many different theories will facilitate practitioners as they identify the individual theory that is most appropriate for any given context. This chapter, then, aims to offer an integrated overview of career theories, interpreting them in terms of themes rather than chronology, discipline, or epistemology. This synthesis of career theory benefits students and practitioners because it does not force a choice between one theory and another and, instead, tries to bring theories together, highlighting similarities rather than differences. This approach demonstrates that the theories can combine to help explain more about a client’s career story than any one theory could on its own (see also McCash, this volume; Rossier, Carduso, & Duarte, this volume). The theories chosen are, arguably, the most influential career theories of the moment, and this chapter highlights the positive contributions they can make to our understanding and our practice. But it should be noted that these theories are not without their flaws. Most of the career literature is Western, written in English, and assumes an individualistic

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culture. It presupposes that people have a choice and want to use their careers as a means of achieving self-actualization, and although many theories acknowledge the complexity of the influences on career, the body of literature as a whole has been criticized for its tacit support of the neoliberal agenda, emphasizing individual agency at the expense of structural change (McMahon & Arthur, 2019). To some degree, the integrated model presented in this chapter addresses these criticisms. This approach highlights not only the range of influences but also the interactions between influences, acknowledging the interdependence between agency and structure. The model also explicitly contests the notion that career development is individualistic and middle class, and it incorporates theories that examine the experiences of many types of people living their lives and negotiating their careers in a range of different contexts. A Thematic Overview of Career Theories In the sections that follow, I offer a thematic analysis of 40 career theories, drawn from a range of countries, disciplines, epistemologies, and decades. The theories are grouped together based on their central concepts, and the resulting framework consists of four themes: identity, environment, career learning, and psychological career resources. I describe the four elements discretely in this chapter, but of course, in reality, they are not wholly separate, either conceptually or chronologically. The elements interweave and develop concurrently rather than sequentially, and a single theory might fit within more than one theme. I start, then, with an exploration of the idea of identity, the role it fulfils in career development, and the position it holds in career theories. Identity Identity is a psychosocial construct that tells people “who they are and who they could become” (Patton & McMahon, 2014, p. 277), and it lies at the heart of many traditional and contemporary career development theories. Identity, as it relates to career development, includes aspects of an individual’s background, their demographic and personal characteristics, what matters to them, and how they fit in their society. The idea of identity has been interpreted in different ways. Conceptualized as an object, the self can be observed, tested, and measured (Savickas, 2011). This understanding of the self is central to the influential person–environment fit approaches which assume that workers are more satisfied and more effective in jobs whose principal characteristics reflect their interests, values, and skills. Key examples are Holland’s (1997) theory of vocational personalities and Dawis and Lofquist’s (1984) theory of work adjustment, which acknowledges that workers can both change their environments and adjust to them. A second tranche of theories acknowledge the self in a more subjective way, focusing on the ever-changing nature of the individual. These theories hold that individuals are in control of and responsible for their own personal development. Super’s (1990) life-span, life-space model, for example, suggests that people fulfil different roles throughout their

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lives that play out in different contexts, and Mainiero and Sullivan’s (2005) kaleidoscope career model explores the changing drivers of men and women throughout their working lives. Arthur and Rousseau’s (2001) boundaryless career model examines the relationship between the individual and the organization, and it highlights the role of psychological and physical flexibility in career paths. In recent years, a group of theorists have conceptualized the self as social and inextricably linked to context. The self, as defined in theories of this genre, is both conceptualized and constructed by the individual: People make their own meanings from their experiences, working out who they are by creating narratives, or telling stories about themselves, which account for their interactions with their environments. This version of the self is core to the contemporary constructionist understanding of career, and it takes centre stage in Ibarra’s work on identity and narrative (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010) and Savickas et al.’s (2009) influential theory of life design, which conceptualizes the self as constructed, holistic, and fluid. Identity can also be future oriented, informing goals and aspirations. Possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986) are concerned with different versions of ourselves in various hypothetical futures. These possible selves can be positive or negative, realistic or fantastical. They have been shown to have an impact on career goals and motivation (Strauss, Griffin, & Parker, 2012) and have been used to understand the process of career change (Ibarra, 2005). In addition to these multidimensional theories that have identity at their heart, there are many theories that explore specific aspects of identity and their role in career development. Values are emphasized in a number of different approaches. In Hall and Mirvis’ theory of the protean career (Hall, 1996), the authors suggest that a protean career path is one that is both self-directed and values-driven. Brown (1996) and Colozzi (2003) discuss the importance of value congruence, which is the degree to which an individual’s values are mirrored by the values of the organization for which they work. Dik and Duffy (2009) have written widely about vocation or calling and how it can impact, positively and negatively, on individual careers. Numerous theories examine the role of demographic characteristics, including gender (Gottfredson,  2002), class (Heppner & Scott,  2004), sexuality (Fassinger, 1995), and race (Helms & Piper, 1994). These career theories thus acknowledge that identity has a significant impact on career development. But individuals do not develop or define themselves in a contextual vacuum, and alongside this focus on identity, many authors highlight the pivotal role that environment plays in identity formation and career development. Environment An individual’s environment consists of myriad different facets that are both fluid (subject to constant change) and socially constructed (developed and conceptualized by the individual in response to their experiences). The relationship between the environment and

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the individual is dynamic, and the individual both influences and is influenced by their environment. Influential career development theories which focus on the role that the environment plays are wide ranging. Roberts’ (2009) opportunity structures theory identifies the importance of the environment into which we are born, and the opportunities to which we are exposed, highlighting the critical impact that socioeconomic class has on career development. Conceptualizations of work are influenced by the immediate and wider context in which individuals find themselves, and theories such as Gottfredson’s (2002) theory of circumspection and compromise demonstrate that images or preconceptions of work, based on a combination of personal experience and exposure to social norms or stereotypes, have an impact on the identities, aspirations, and career goals of even quite young children. The influence of social, cultural, and human capital has been incorporated into career development theory by Chudzikowski and Mayrhofer (2011) and Hodkinson and Sparkes (1997) in their sociological careership theory, which treads a careful path between assuming that individuals have complete freedom to make their own choices and reducing career development to the product of social determinism. Hodkinson and Sparkes pay particular attention to Bourdieu’s notions of habitus (ingrained behaviour and attitudes) and fields (settings in which people compete for desirable resources). They develop key concepts that are relevant across the social spectrum, such as horizons for action, the idea that people’s choices are inevitably limited to the opportunities and possibilities that they are aware of; and pragmatic rationality, a decision-making process that relies in part on tacit information, incomplete knowledge, and others’ opinions. The impact of chance events is incorporated into a number of career theories. Mitchell, Levin, and Krumboltz’s (1999) theory of planned happenstance highlights the importance of noticing and taking advantage of opportunities, and Pryor and Bright’s (2003) chaos theory of careers conceptualizes people as complex systems that are influenced by the complex system of the world around them and the chance events which that generates. Other people play a significant part in an individual’s career development, and many theories acknowledge the inevitable and often valuable role that other people play in one’s career decisions. Blustein, Schultheiss, and Flum (2004) offer a relational theory of careers which holds that career development is socially situated and intrinsically relational. They contend that context is an integral part of career development, and an individual’s conceptualization of work or career is developed through relationships with others. Individual perspectives of the world are therefore both culturally and historically embedded, and innately individual. Each of us makes our own interpretation of a shared world, as seen from our unique perspective. Alongside theories that show how environments can shape individuals and their career paths, a number of theories highlight the way that individuals can influence their environments, including the theory of work adjustment (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984s) and job crafting (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001).

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These first two themes of identity and environment encompass the key influences on the content of career development. The next two themes, career learning and psychological career resources, focus on the process of career development. Career Learning Learning in career development concerns building up understanding about oneself, the environment, and the interplay between the two. This knowledge develops in different ways, and career learning theories explore both the context in which the learning can take place and the underlying cognitive processes. One tranche of career theories explores the impact that interactions with others have on career learning. Law (1981) highlights people’s interactions within their local communities in his community interaction theory, which foregrounds the influence of an individual’s interactions with their peers, family, teachers at school, neighbourhood, and ethnic group and stresses the explanatory and predictive power of these exchanges. At the heart of the social learning theory of career decision-making (Mitchell, Jones, & Krumboltz,  1979) is vicarious learning, which explains that learning comes not only from reflecting on our own experiences but also from reflecting on the experiences of others. Mitchell et al. identify two types of learning experiences that lead to a better understanding of oneself and one’s context: instrumental learning, through which people develop interest in activities in which they succeed, and associative learning, in which people build up overall impressions of phenomena based on all the images and encounters they have had throughout our lives. Atkinson and Murrell (1988) offer a meta-model based on Kolb’s learning cycle that highlights the importance of experiential learning and reflection. Turning now to the cognitive aspects of career learning, Law’s (1999) career learning theory explores the processes that people use to examine and make judgements about career information. It offers a four-stage model consisting of (1) sensing—gathering information; (2) sifting—making sense of the information: comparing, mapping, and creating a narrative; (3) focusing—making a judgement: deciding on one’s personal view; and (4) understanding—identifying goals and putting plans into action. Cognitive information processing theory (Peterson, Sampson, & Reardon, 1991) proposes that there are three domains of knowledge which work together to make career decisions. First, there are the knowledge domains of self-knowledge and occupational knowledge, which together make up the “database” of information needed. Then there are generic information processing skills (communication, analysis, synthesis, and execution) that provide the skills needed to make the decisions. Third, there are meta-cognitions, which coordinate the brain activity through identifying and selecting the relevant information. These career theories help us understand how people absorb and process information. The final theme in this framework focuses on the psychological resources that can be operationalized to assist individuals as they develop their careers.

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Psychological Career Resources Theories of psychological career resources are helpful for understanding and explaining the factors that equip people to navigate their career paths and make positive choices. The constructs discussed here (self-efficacy, adaptability, resilience, hope, and optimism) appear frequently in models and theories of career resources. These are aspects of an individual’s character that may influence or contribute toward their identity, and they are introduced here as resources that facilitate career development. Self-efficacy is a measure of self-belief (Bandura, 1977). Those with high levels of selfefficacy—that is, those who believe that they have the skills and resources to achieve a particular task—are likely to put more effort into the task and demonstrate better coping strategies. Self-efficacy is core to many career theories, notably Lent, Brown, and Hackett’s (1994) social cognitive career theory. This is a complex theory that acknowledges the interwoven nature of a number of different aspects of career and highlights the role that outcome expectations and self-efficacy play in personal choice. Self-efficacy has also taken centre stage in theories about women’s career development (Betz & Hackett,  1983) as levels of self-efficacy have been shown to account for some of the differences in men’s and women’s career paths. Two qualities that have received significant attention in the literature in recent years are adaptability and resilience. Career adaptability is described as the ability to anticipate change and to develop the strategies and skills needed to negotiate the changes that lie ahead; resilience is the ability to respond to changes once they have taken place (Bimrose & Hearne, 2012). Savickas and Porfeli (2012) developed a model of career adaptabilities that incorporates four specific qualities: concern (planning), curiosity (exploration), confidence (self-efficacy), and control (decision-making). The notion of proactive adaptability is also central to Fugate, Kinicki, and Ashforth’s (2004) conceptualization of employability. They describe employability as a psychosocial construct, comprising career identity, social and human capital, and proactive adaptability. The last two resources included here are hope (Snyder, 2002) and optimism (Carver, Scheier, & Segerstrom, 2010). Hope is described as the combination of a goal, a vision of a clear pathway to that goal, and the motivation to realize the goal (Snyder, 2002). This combination has been shown to have a positive impact on career development: Those with higher levels of hope are better able to set their own career goals and more likely to realize them. Optimism is a positive assumption that things are likely to turn out well. People with higher levels of optimism are more likely to develop good relationships, have more perseverance, and cope better when faced with adversity. Optimism has been shown to help with resource building (Scheier & Carver, 2003) and the development of networks and social support (Brissette, Scheier, & Carver, 2002). Alongside the literature that focuses on these individual constructs, there are more complex models that combine various of the previously discussed elements with other constructs or resources. In his model of career resources, Hirschi (2012) combines hope,

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efficacy, resilience, and optimism with identity resources and social and human capital. The same four constructs are combined by Luthans and Youssef (2004) to form a higher order construct described as psychological capital. Arthur, Claman, and Defillipi’s (1995) intelligent career model defines career capital as an accumulation of three types of knowledge: knowing why (motivation and self-awareness), knowing how (the skills and knowledge needed to do the job well), and knowing whom (the networks that give access to opportunities and information). The Framework in Practice This thematic overview of career theories comprises the themes of identity, environment, career learning, and psychological career resources. This synthesis aims to offer an explanation of the complex phenomenon of career development. Yet although an overview of the theoretical landscape is valuable, perhaps more important is an account of how this model can be applied in practice and how it can add value to those making career choices. The model can be used within planned career education programmes or as a tool to help understand and guide one-to-one career conversations. Using the four themes to guide a career education programme can ensure that clients are offered the opportunity to consider their own career development broadly, acknowledging and addressing each aspect of the framework. The model offers four distinct themes but, of course, the actual process of making career choices is not divided into four discrete chronological stages. A career education programme that draws on this framework needs to acknowledge the interwoven, concurrent complexities of the process, referring backwards and forwards, and encouraging clients to make their own links between the different segments themselves. The model offers two themes that focus on content (identity and environment) and two that are process orientated (career learning and psychological resources). Sessions might cover topics that incorporate both identity and environment or might focus on concepts that put one or other in the spotlight, but all sessions will benefit from drawing on understanding of the process of career learning, and all sessions can offer an opportunity to enhance relevant psychological resources. During a group session that includes a focus on identity, participants can be encouraged to ask themselves, “Who am I?” and “Who do I want to be?” Practitioners can draw on the career-style interview (Savickas,  2011), use a possible selves exercise (Hock, Schumaker, & Deshler,  2003), or apply the depth-orientated values extraction to help clients crystallize their values (Corlozzi, 2003). When focusing on their environment, participants should be encouraged to consider “What is influencing me?” and “What are the opportunities open to me?” There are practical exercises offered as part of planned happenstance theory (Mitchell et al.,  1999) and the chaos theory of careers (Pryor & Bright,  2003) that can facilitate participants to focus on external influences. Sessions should not cover any one of these topics in isolation. Environment and identity are distinct

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but not unrelated constructs: Environment influences identity, and identity influences environment. Participants should always be encouraged to consider these bidirectional influences and to acknowledge that both identity and environment affect all aspects of their lives, including their interpretations of their own experiences. The two process themes, career learning and psychological resources, should underpin every session. An undercurrent of career learning will ensure that participants examine “What do I know?” and work out “How do I make sense of it all?” whatever the topic in question. A session plan that has been devized according to the principles of sensing, sifting, focusing, and understanding from career learning theory (Law, 1999), or the different domains of knowledge from cognitive information processing theory (Peterson et al., 1991), and that acknowledges and capitalizes on the information learned from others (Law, 1981; Mitchell et al., 1979) will lead to more effective learning and in-depth understanding. A focus on psychological resources, the final theme of the framework, within career education could support participants to develop the skills to expedite their paths toward their career goals, answering the question, “How can I give myself the best chance to get where I want to go?” Clients’ psychological resources can be developed using the practical interventions from the career adaptabilities model (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012) and psychological capital (Luthans & Youssef, 2004). Sessions could also incorporate opportunities for vicarious learning and the chance for individuals to share their own successes in order to increase their psychological resources. In a one-to-one context, the framework has two distinct contributions to make. First, it can offer some guidance for the direction of conversation. With the four themes in mind, a practitioner can assess the progress made prior to, or during, a career conversation and judge whether the conversation is covering the most important ground, asking themselves and perhaps their clients, too, whether the focus should be shifted to another area. A client who has spent some time considering their identity might usefully be encouraged to question whether a discussion about their environment could be of value. An individual who seems lacking in confidence about their choices could be invited to consider their psychological career resources to determine whether some discussions or interventions in that sphere could help them feel more efficacious about their future. The framework can also validate clients’ own stories or feelings. If they learn that the particular challenge that they are facing is acknowledged within a theoretical framework, clients may feel that they are not alone, and this can provide a sense of reassurance and confidence in their ability to move forward. A young person who is feeling overwhelmed at the magnitude and complexity of the career development choices they need to make may be reassured to know that the choice is a complex one for most people, and sharing a framework such as this with a client may suggest potentially fruitful avenues for exploration, serving as a template that can highlight some key areas as yet unexplored or unchallenged.

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Conclusion Decades of research in this field has led to an extraordinary range of detailed and valuable theories explaining aspects of career development. The thematic overview of career theories presented in this chapter has incorporated key ideas from 40 of the most well-known and influential of these, grouped around four themes. This integrated framework highlights the many aspects of identity that career theories have covered; the different aspects of one’s environment that have an impact on identity development and opportunities, both subjective and objective; the processes by which people learn and understand career and careers; and the psychological resources that support individuals as they make their choices and put their plans into action. The model synthesizes a wealth of information, ideas, and concepts, and it draws from different academic disciplines, philosophical traditions, and decades. It focuses on alignments and synergies and shows how theories can be brought together to explain different facets of the phenomenon. It is hoped that the clarity and parsimony of the framework will enable practitioners to make use of the theoretical ideas to enhance their practice and better serve their clients. References Arthur, M. B., Claman, P. H., & DeFillippi, R. J. (1995). Intelligent enterprise, intelligent careers. The Academy of Management Executive, 9(4), 7–20. doi:10.5465/ame.1995.9512032185 Arthur, M. B., & Rousseau, D. M. (Eds.). (2001). The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Atkinson, G., & Murrell, P. H. (1988). Kolb’s experiential learning theory: A meta-model for career exploration. Journal of Counseling & Development, 66, 374–377. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.1988.tb00890.x Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. New York: General Learning Press. Bassot, B. (2012). Career learning and development: A social constructivist model for the twenty-first century. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 12, 31–42. doi:10.1007/s10775-012-9219-6 Betz, N. E., & Hackett, G. (1983). The relationship of mathematics self-efficacy expectations to the selection of science-based college majors. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 23, 329–345. doi:10.1016/0001-8791(83)90046-5 Bimrose, J., & Hearne, L. (2012). Resilience and career adaptability: Qualitative studies of adult career counseling. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 81, 338–344. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2012.08.002 Blustein, D. L., Schultheiss, D. E. P., & Flum, H. (2004). Toward a relational perspective of the psychology of careers and working: A social constructionist analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 423–440. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.008 Brissette, I., Scheier, M.  F., & Carver, C.  S. (2002). The role of optimism in social network development, coping, and psychological adjustment during a life transition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 102–111. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.82.1.102 Brown, D. (1996). Brown’s values-based, holistic model of career and life-role choices and satisfaction. In D. Brown, L. Brooks, & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applying contemporary theories to practice (3rd ed., pp. 327–338). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Carver, C. S., Scheier, M. F., & Segerstrom, S. C. (2010). Optimism. Clinical Psychology Review, 30, 879–889. Chudzikowski, K., & Mayrhofer, W. (2011). In search of the blue flower? Grand social theories and career research: The case of Bourdieu’s theory of practice. Human Relations, 64, 19–36. doi:10.1177/0018726710384291 Collin, A. (2009). One step towards realising the multidisciplinarity of career studies. In A. Collin & W. Patton (Eds.), Vocational psychology and organisational perspectives on career: Towards a multidisciplinary dialogue (pp. 3–18). Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. Colozzi, E.  A. (2003). Depth-oriented values extraction. Career Development Quarterly, 52, 180–189. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2003.tb00637.x Dawis, R. V., & Lofquist, L. H. (1984). A psychological theory of work adjustment: An individual-differences model and its applications. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

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Dewey, J. (1933). How we think: A restatement of the relation of reflective thinking to the educational process. Boston: Heath. Dik, B. J., & Duffy, R. D. (2009). Calling and vocation at work: Definitions and prospects for research and practice. The Counseling Psychologist, 37, 424–450. doi:10.1177/0011000008316430 Fassinger, R. E. (1995). From invisibility to integration: Lesbian identity in the workplace. Career Development Quarterly, 44, 148–167. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.1995.tb00682.x Fugate, M., Kinicki, A. J., & Ashforth, B. E. (2004). Employability: A psycho-social construct, its dimensions, and applications. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 65, 14–38. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.10.005 Gottfredson, L. S. (2002). Gottfredson’s theory of circumscription, compromise, and self-creation. In D. Brown & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development (4th ed., pp. 85–148). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Gunz, H. (2009). The two solitudes: The vocational psychological/organisational gap, as seen from the organisational perspective. In A.  Collin & W.  Patton (Eds.), Vocational psychological and organisational perspectives on career: Towards a multidisciplinary dialogue (pp. 19–27). Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. Hall, D. T. (1996). Protean careers of the 21st century. Academy of Management Executive, 10, 8–16. doi:10.5465/ ame.1996.3145315 Helms, J. E., & Piper, R. E. (1994). Implications of racial identity theory for vocational psychology. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 44, 124–138. doi:10.1006/jvbe.1994.1009 Heppner, M. J., & Scott, A. B. (2004). From whence we came: The role of social class in our families of origin. The Counseling Psychologist, 32, 596–602. doi:10.1177/0011000004265670 Hirschi, A. (2012). The career resources model: An integrative framework for career counsellors. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 40, 369–383. doi:10.1080/03069885.2012.700506 Hock, M. F., Schumaker, J. B., & Deshler, D. D. (2003). Possible selves: Nurturing student motivation. Lawrence, KS: Edge Enterprises. Hodkinson, P., & Sparkes, A. C. (1997). Careership: A sociological theory of career decision making. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 18, 29–44. doi:10.1080/0142569970180102 Holland, J. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. Ibarra, H. (2005). Identity transitions: Possible selves, liminality and the dynamics of career change (working paper No. 31/OB). Paris: INSEAD. Ibarra, H., & Barbulescu, R. (2010). Identity as narrative: Prevalence, effectiveness, and consequences of narrative identity work in macro work role transitions. Academy of Management Review, 35, 135–154. doi:10.5465/amr.35.1.zok135 Kidd, J. M. (2008). Exploring the components of career well-being and the emotions associated with significant career experiences. Journal of Career Development, 35, 166–186. doi:10.1177/0894845308325647 Law, B. (1981). Community interaction: A “mid-range” focus for theories of career development in young adults. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 9, 142–158. doi:10.1080/03069888108258210 Law, B. (1999). Career-learning space: New-DOTS thinking for careers education. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 27, 35–54. doi:10.1080/03069889908259714 Lent, R. W., Brown, S. D., & Hackett, G. (1994). Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 45, 79–122. doi:10.1006/ jvbe.1994.1027 Luthans, F., & Youssef, C.  M. (2004). Positive psychological capital: Beyond human and social capital. Organizational Dynamics, 3, 143–160. Mainiero, L. A., & Sullivan, S. E. (2005). Kaleidoscope careers: An alternate explanation for the “opt-out” revolution. Academy of Management Perspectives, 19, 106–123. doi:10.5465/ame.2005.15841962 Markus, H., & Nurius, P. (1986). Possible selves. American Psychologist, 41, 954–969. McMahon, M., & Arthur, N. (2019). Career development theory, origins and history. In N.  Arthur & M. McMahon (Eds.), Contemporary theories of career development. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Mitchell, A. M., Jones, G. B., & Krumboltz, J. D. (Eds.). (1979). Social learning and career decision making. Cranston, RI: Carroll. Mitchell, K. E., Levin, S., & Krumboltz, J. D. (1999). Planned happenstance: Constructing unexpected career opportunities. Journal of Counseling & Development, 77, 115–124. doi:10.1002/j.1556–6676.1999.tb02431.x OCR. (2018). Level 6 unit on career guidance theory. Retrieved from https://www.ocr.org.uk/Images/ 78173-guidance-on-theories-concepts-and-sources-of-research-for-the-level-6-unit-on-career-guidancetheory.pdf

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C H A PT E R

10

Organizational Career Development Theory: Weaving Individuals, Organizations, and Social Structures

Kate Mackenzie Davey

Abstract Organizational career development theory highlights three different perspectives on career. First, and most commonly, organizations are seen as the context that constrains and enables individual careers. Second, careers may be valued as enhancing or limiting or­gan­i­za­tional ­performance and subject to talent management practices. Third, careers can be ­conceptualized as an ongoing process of interaction between individuals, organizations, and the broader social context. The move from a focus on organizational careers to self­­ driven, boundaryless careers in the 1990s overemphasized individual choice and individual ­responsibility. These ideas became the accepted rule, leading to a divided workforce, with real choice available only to some categories of workers. The psychological contract between individual and organization was largely undermined and the role of the organization and the importance of contextual and structural factors were relatively neglected. To move forward, this opposition between organization structure and individual agency is best avoided. The future of organizational career development theory requires an understanding of both the individual and social context, and their interaction over time. The universality of c­ oncepts of career can be questioned. Abandoning attempts to find a single, dominating career theory allows us to recognize the richness of diverse perspectives. Keywords: organizational career, boundaryless career, career theory, talent m ­ anagement, psychological contract, agency

Introduction Challenges to traditional organizational careers were very much in the news in the 1990s with the announcement of the death and rebirth of the career (Hall, 1996). Specifically, this referred to the end of a career defined by steps up an organization hierarchy and its renewal as an individual project. Career theory after the recession of the 1980s focused on liberating careers from organizational boundaries (Arthur & Rousseau,  1996), leaving employers without a clear role in career development. However, recent examinations of this new career have both undermined the claims of radical change in practice and chal­ lenged the ideological focus on individual agency. The current position of or­gan­i­za­tional career development theory is fragmented, but from these multiple perspectives a more complex and nuanced understanding of organizational career development may be ­constructed.

This chapter argues that the increased focus on individual responsibility for the career led to neglect of the role of the organization in career development theory. Thus, both the centrality of careers for organizational functioning and the importance of organizational support for individual careers have been marginalized. Although careers were once seen as the fulcrum of the individual–organization relationship (Schein,  1978), recession and widespread redundancies undermined employee trust in the organization and or­gan­i­za­ tional confidence in the future (Herriot & Pemberton,  1997). However, research and theorizing relevant to organizational career development continued, often under different headings, shifting focus, developing and refining ways of making sense of this vital, ­complex but conflicted area. This chapter begins by outlining theories treating organizations as the context for career development. This is the area most clearly identified with career development theory specifically through the flawed but influential approaches to the new, boundaryless or protean career. Second, the chapter examines approaches that focus on organizational interests in career development linked with overall organizational development and human resource strategy. Third, the chapter briefly examines various theoretical processes in or­gan­i­za­tional career development, acknowledging the contribution of meta-theoretical approaches to individual agency and context. Finally, the chapter considers the core issues facing organizational career development theory and argues for a celebration of a multi­ plicity of theories reflecting different interests, rather than a search for a single, unified theory of organizational career development. The Organization as Context for the New Career Career studies rooted in organizational psychology most often treat the organization as the context or container that constrains and enables individual careers. Classic theories of fit between individual and work, life span development, social cognitive and social construc­ tivist approaches to career all acknowledge the organization as structuring career devel­ opment. See Yates (this volume) for an analytic overview of theories of career choice and development. New career theories, such as boundaryless and protean models, focus on the organizational context as shifting and unpredictable, and they have dominated the recent organizational career literature. The boundaryless career emerged with the idea of a boundaryless organization, no longer defined by place or contract but, rather, open and mutable (Ashkenas, Ulrich, Jick, & Kerr, 1995). These visions of the future were developed by business school academics and senior managers working with Fortune 500 companies in the United States. They drew on beliefs about technological, social, and economic change, and they challenged traditional hierarchical, functional, organizational, and geographic boundaries with the aim of increasing organizational flexibility and speeding change. For individuals, the focus was on independence and adaptability, specifically rejecting existing career structures; being unconstrained by traditional boundaries; and seeking validation, networks, and

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opportunities outside the employing organization (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Developing new, flexible, entrepreneurial, portfolio and boundaryless careers, highlighting individual values, proactivity, and adaptability, was exciting and optimistic (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Individual agency (self-direction) and subjective success (intrinsic values) are also emphasized in the self-driven, protean career, with a focus on the psychological processes that “enable people to thrive and adapt” (Hall & Doiron,  2018, p. 130). The protean career is linked to self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000), with its emphasis on individual needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Organizational control may threaten need for autonomy, undermining organizational identification and leading to transactional views of work. This protean orientation has been associated with the person­ ality traits openness and extroversion (and negatively associated with agreeableness), but evidence suggests that it is more changeable than traits (Waters, Briscoe, Hall, & Wang, 2014). Although based on a long tradition of career work (Hall, 1976), both protean and boundaryless career theories draw on the rhetoric of change and arguments about the decline in “traditional” employment (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). Protean careers focus on internal drivers, whereas boundaryless careers are linked to job mobility (Gubler, Arnold, & Coombs,  2014), and research requiring operational definitions most often uses the measures of the two approaches developed by Briscoe and colleagues (Briscoe, Hall, & Frautschydemuth,  2006). However, the terms are often conflated. The boundaryless concept particularly has been immensely popular and pro­ ductive, but the definition, evidence, and associated ideological assumptions have been widely challenged. The theory is seen as lacking accuracy (Arnold & Cohen, 2008), pri­ oritizing individual agency over structure (Inkson, Gunz, Ganesh, & Roper, 2012), focus­ ing on organizational boundaries (Gunz, Mayrhofer, & Tolbert,  2011), and lacking empirical support (Rodrigues & Guest, 2010). Empirical evidence, both for change and for individual agency, shows the tendency to overclaim the extent of change, for example, in job tenure (Arnold & Cohen, 2008; Rodrigues & Guest, 2010), and the protean focus on orientation rather than actual mobility may prove more resilient (Gubler et al., 2014). Finally, it is argued that the boundaryless career became normalized (Roper, Ganesh, & Inkson,  2010). Based on overgeneralizing differences between past, present, and future, it was presented as both inevitable and seductive. What began as a description of what a new approach to careers might be became a prescriptive set of rules of what a career should be. Thus, the descriptive and prescriptive were combined to present careers as offering endless choices between opportunities actually available to very few. There is a split between increased employment flexibility at the top, for those with valued assets, and decreased opportunity at the bottom, for those with little negotiating power (Inkson et al., 2012). Thus, although these fields have been immensely productive, initial scepticism has moved to a broader critique, including neglect of empirical evidence, lack of conceptual clarity, overemphasis of individual agency, and the attempt to identify “one best way”

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(Arnold & Cohen, 2008; Inkson et al., 2012; Rodrigues & Guest, 2010). Furthermore, advocates of the new career failed to examine critically assumptions that change is both positive and inevitable and acknowledge the “dark side” to these images of career (Baruch & Vardi, 2016) or their political implications. Neoliberal approaches argued that as the career was an individual benefit so individuals should carry the costs and risks (Roper et al., 2010) and focused on a human capital approach evaluating the assets that employees could offer to organizations (Fleming, 2017). Although some privileged individuals have increased freedom and opportunity, most cannot match the power of employers and risk exploitation. These approaches split individual and organizational interests, neglect mutual gains from career development, and so undermine the role of the organization. Recent reconsideration of these concepts has suggested using boundaryless careers as an “umbrella concept” (Arthur, 2014) linked to earlier traditions exploring interactions between individual subjective experience and organizational practice (Van Maanen & Schein,  1977) and re-emphasized the links between protean and psychological theory (Hall & Doiron, 2018). As is the case for many concepts that become popular, oversim­ plification and overclaiming have damaged the credibility of these theories. Increased cri­ tique of the boundaryless career rhetoric leaves organizational career development theory once more exposed as both ongoing and embracing changes. The Organizational Perspective Organizational researchers have sought to explore career development theory and practice in terms of its influence on company performance. One response to the new career was the “war for talent” (Michaels, Handfield-Jones, & Axelrod, 2001), a con­sult­ancy perspective on the competition to select high-performance employees. Talent management, like other new career rhetoric, has been subject to critique as ill-defined, unethical, and lacking empirical support (Dries, 2013). It has also been associated with a return to (or repackag­ ing of ) traditional paternalist career management, albeit aimed exclusively at continuity of, and development for, the most highly valued employees (Dries, 2013). An early exploration of the career implications of workforce segmentation in employ­ ment relations was Handy’s (1989) image of a three-leafed, shamrock organization. First were the core employees still on traditional open-ended employment contracts and with associated organizational careers; second were specific, highly skilled workers employed on consultancy or project-based work with careers following a professional or entrepreneurial route; and third were low-skilled workers on part-time, temporary, or seasonal contracts that would now be called precarious work. Segmenting employees according to the degree to which their skills are unique and valuable to the organization is core to the resource-based view of the firm (Lepak & Snell, 1999). Here, workers are viewed as human capital, and organizational career development focuses on retention for those with unique and valu­ able skills. Organizations that depend on a high proportion of high-value, highuniqueness employees aim to maintain continuity and focus on reducing turnover

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(De Vos & Dries, 2013). On the other hand, organizations for which decision-making is driven by short-term financial results for shareholders seek workforce on demand rather than a longer term, developmental model necessary for career development (Kalleberg, 2012). The identification and subsequent organizational support for “key talent” create a self-fulfilling prophecy of career success and make an organizational career a rare and desirable commodity (Dries, 2013). This can mean most individuals have no opportunity for training and upward mobility and may lack basic employment security and associated institutional benefits (Bidwell,  2013). Evidence suggests that management focused on retention and development has a more positive impact on performance overall than suc­ cession planning. If the organization focuses solely on careers of high flyers, this segmenta­ tion can lead to high power differentials, undermining perceptions of justice and equity in the treatment of the bulk of workers on whom organizations depend. Indeed, hiring star performers from outside may actually undermine performance. But talent management is not necessarily divisive. Drawing on strategic human resource management’s focus on alignment of people management with corporate strategy and role allocation (Iles, Xin, & Preece, 2010) may lead to a focus on continuity and, in some cases, a paternalist approach to succession planning and retention (De Vos & Dries, 2013). Approaches to employee strengths value the fulfilment of potential of all employees (Dries, 2013). The organization may manage employee preferences, competences, and core activities through or­gan­iz­a­ tional and job design to increase engagement and motivation. The implication of the new, flexible careers outside hierarchy is that as people craft their own careers (Greenhaus & Kossek, 2014), they must fund their own training and development (Bidwell, 2013). However, there is still an organizational interest in career development highlighting the costs of turnover or employee insecurity, leading to disen­ gagement and conformity. At the very least, for organizations that do not offer job security, helping people “react in more productive ways becomes essential” (Lee, Huang, & Ashford, 2018, p. 352). We are left with two images of new flexible, individualized careers. On the positive side are specialists with skills in demand that give them power, choice, the freedom to reject work, and maximum control. More ominously at the other extreme, flexible work transfers risk to low-skilled workers on insecure contracts, increases the likelihood of exploitation, magnifies power differentials, increases the possibility for discrimination, and offers low wages to the working poor who would prefer full-time employment. This group has been called the precariat (Standing, 2011). Theories of Organizational Career Development as Process Integration between theories of the organization as context for individual careers and the organizational interest focuses attention on understanding the processes through which the individual and organization interact. Although these interaction processes have been

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conceptualized in many ways, this section briefly describes social exchange, role transition, career scripts, and institutional theory. Addressing broader concerns about the relation between individual agency and social structure, career theory has drawn on a wide range of social theories (for a review, see Mayrhofer, Meyer, & Steyrer, 2007). Social exchange theories focus on the role of expectations and obligations in the employment relationship, emphasizing the importance of perceived fairness. The career is conceptualized as an ongoing series of renegotiations between the individual and the or­gan­ i­za­tion that goes beyond the legal contract to include unspoken, taken-for-granted, mutual expectations of a psychological contract (Herriot & Pemberton, 1997). The old career deal of job security and career development in exchange for organizational commitment and loyalty was broken due to widespread redundancy. Although both parties were free to rene­ gotiate a deal that suited their individual needs (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996), mismatched expectations about the permanence of employment or criteria for promotion could result in perceived contract breach and have a negative impact (Dabos & Rousseau, 2004). If the organization is not seen as fair, employees may reduce engagement levels or engage in impression management (Huang, Wellman, Ashford, Lee, & Chen, 2017). Negotiating the psychological contract turned out to be complex, especially as the growth in search consul­ tants, employment agencies, and consultancies involved three-way contracting between the individual, the organization, and an intermediary (King, Burke, & Pemberton, 2005). Job insecurity and ambiguous messages about promotion produce an uncertain context that leads to greater concern with fairness, even for those expected to benefit. To be identified as top talent through a process viewed as unfair could have negative implications (Wang, Lu, & Siu, 2015). However, opportunities for career development may encourage high levels of commitment and performance through a sense of mutual obligation. Role theory has provided a way of conceptualizing individual fit to social institutions and transition across the life span (Super, 1990). Work is seen as embedded in social and family context and as one arena for the development and enactment of identity (Savickas et al.,  2009). Initially based in traditional career assumptions of gendered roles and full-time employment, the model has always acknowledged the importance of transition (Nicholson & West, 1989). The boundaries between roles may be more or less subjective and provide a structure, as well as a barrier to career development (Inkson et al., 2012; Rodrigues & Guest, 2010). Acknowledging that boundaries are shifting allows explora­ tion of organizational career development in supporting and making sense of work–life microtransitions and the nature of work/nonwork, as well as highlighting new boundaries and the role of gatekeepers (King et al., 2005). One recent contribution has been a recog­ nition of ongoing transitional or liminal states (Ibarra & Obodaru, 2016). Role theory has proved flexible and adaptive enough to maintain its importance in organizational career development, giving insight into the pressures of dual careers, work–life balance, the importance of mentors and role models, and shifting meanings of work across the life span (Tomlinson, Baird, Berg, & Cooper, 2018).

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The way individuals develop awareness of possible careers available to them is influenced by the context, their own position, and observations and expectations of existing career processes. The concept of career scripts is useful for theorizing the opportunities for and limits to individual agency, and the links between them (Barley,  1989). Career scripts acknowledge both a social context that prescribes what is appropriate and individual actors who consider their career paths given their own social position (Valette & Culie, 2015). Scripts explore the complex ways individuals make sense of and perform their careers both within and beyond the constraints and opportunities of context. Exposing the operation of less visible barriers for outsiders, scripts allow organizations insight into the subtle operation of different levels of social expectation on career success (Cappellen & Janssens, 2010; Dany, Louvel, & Valette, 2011; Duberley, Mallon, & Cohen, 2006). However, scripts are ambigu­ ous (Laudel, Bielick, & Gläser, 2018), with some disagreement about whether they are theorized as psychological, cognitive, social representations (Valette & Culie, 2015) or in sociological terms as based in recurrent behaviour and linked to structuration (Barley, 1989). From a sociological perspective, institutional theory concerns how organizational schemas, norms, and routines arise and come to influence organizational behaviour. Applied to careers, it highlights the “conundrum” of linking social organizational- and individual-level phenomena (Gunz et al., 2011, p. 1615). Rather than viewing the context as fixed and requiring individual adaptation, it highlights links between social influences and decision-making. Thus, the political context of multiple stakeholders within or­gan­i­ za­tions can be acknowledged. Critically, it explores how national and organizational cul­ ture, and wider power relations, influence organizational career development practices such as talent management (Thunnissen, Boselie, & Fruytier, 2013). The fundamental difficulty organizational career development theory faces is in understanding interactions between individual agency, organizational processes, and social contexts over time. An overview of the use of broader social theories to understand these complex relations and their links to inequality in career opportunity is provided by Mayrhofer et al. (2007). These complex interactions must be acknowledged to enable or­gan­i­za­tional career development that recognizes the interdependence of individual, or­gan­i­za­tion, and the wider social context and contributes to theory that identifies the complexity of barriers to career development opportunities for all. Systems theories focus on careers as sequences of activities influenced by the complex interactions of individual psychic systems, organization social systems, and the broader environmental context (Patton & McMahon, 2014). Structuration views individuals and organizations as coconstructing each other in the ways individual activity constitutes institutions and insti­ tutions shape individual activity (Barley, 1989). Bourdieu’s field theory recognizes areas such as social class and its impact through socialization on economic, social, and cultural capital necessary for success in specific fields (Mayrhofer et al., 2007). These theories each provide a way through which links between individual and context may be understood and applied to career.

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Moving Organizational Career Development Forward This limited overview of theories in organizational career development highlights a range of different approaches, the growing complexity of the field, and some of the ongoing problems. Context is inherent in definitions of career. However, one argument is that the recent individual focus on new and boundaryless careers, rather than liberating career development, has merely replaced one set of limiting assumptions focused on organization hierarchies with another focused on individual agency (Dany, 2014). To move forward, organizational career development must avoid such dualist oppositions. Arguing for a move from individual to the wider context in careers, Gunz et al. (2011) emphasize the influences of globalism, technology, and social and economic changes. Ideology is important to identity, group membership, and the meaning and purpose of work, as well as legiti­ mate ways of behaving. Although Mayrhofer et al. (2007) outline four levels of context— work, individual origin, national society and culture, and global context—these change in meaning and significance throughout the life course (Tomlinson et al., 2018). Cross-level effects intersect and overlap to form a “web, within which the individual is at once sus­ pended and is actively weaving” (Duberley et al., 2006, p. 1147). Context operates not as neat, concentric circles but as interwoven interactions between social structures, local events, and ideology, all impacting on careers and decision-making. Gunz and Mayrhofer (this volume) have developed an approach to locate the person in a temporal and spatial context, in addition to the social context of the organization. Frameworks that have focused on individual differences and individual agency have overlooked context (Gunz et al., 2011). As an organizational psychologist, Johns (2018) suggests that psychologists are the victims of the fundamental attribution error, overem­ phasizing individual characteristics when examining the causes of others’ behaviour and ignoring the impact of context. Rather than viewing careers as the property or privilege of the individual, the career could once more be recognized as a joint project involving mutual interests (De Vos & Dries, 2013; Hirsh, 2016). The search for an evidence base for “best practice” in management leads to a focus on identifying averages across settings rather than exploring varieties of context. This can lead to formulaic “dataism” (Alvesson & Gabriel, 2013, p. 255), which ignores the distinctive­ ness of situations and the possibilities of reverse causality, nonlinearity, and the “weaving or knitting together” of disparate elements (Johns,  2018). While statistical analysis becomes increasingly complex and sophisticated, ethnographic studies of specific cases and qualitative approaches to life span development give insight to the variety of experi­ ences of specific groups. Highlighting the different impact of social structures on diverse groups can contribute to our understanding of fairness and inclusion in the workplace (Cohen & Duberley, 2015). Finally, the universality of ideas of career can be interrogated (Mayrhofer et al., 2007; Mitra, 2015; Thomas & Inkson, 2007). While organizational career development theories

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based on traditional career assumptions do not apply to nonstandard employment or global careers (Spreitzer, Cameron, & Garrett, 2017), alternative, once radical, new career models also suffer from being overgeneralized (Dany, 2014). Organizations increasingly recognize the important and complex interactions between life and work roles and also the importance of ethnicity, disability, and gender and nonbinary identities on career. Acknowledging the influence of cultural context and, more radically, the importance of indigenous theories of organizational career development would add richness to existing theory (Mitra, 2015). Furthermore, recognition of historical context may call into ques­ tion claims that we are experiencing especially dynamic times, threatened by a techno­ logical revolution resulting in the sudden disappearance of work as we know it rather than ongoing, incremental change (Rodrigues & Guest,  2010). Sensitivity to such critique could highlight the interaction between individual careers and institutions (Jones, Svejenova, Pedersen, & Townley, 2016) and our reframing of the past. Conclusion This chapter has highlighted common themes in organizational career development, however it has also exposed the fractures between individual and organizational focus, between agency and structure, and the importance of exploring processes. Thoughtful work on organizational career development theory has called for greater integration (Collin, 1998; Dany, 2014; Schein & Van Maanen, 2016), but the dangers of generalizing are clear in the risks of oversimplifying complex ideas, obscuring conflicts of interest, or producing theories that are too complex to be useful. It is vital for career development theory to acknowledge different perspectives. Ultimately celebrating the richness and diversity of approaches may be more productive than striving for a single unified theory of organizational career development. References Alvesson, M., & Gabriel, Y. (2013). Beyond formulaic research: In praise of greater diversity in organizational research and publications. Academy of Management Learning & Education, 12, 245–263. doi:10.5465/ amle.2012.0327 Arnold, J., & Cohen, L. (2008). The psychology of careers in industrial and organizational settings: A critical but appreciative analysis. International Review of Industrial–Organizational Psychology, 23, 1–44. doi:10.1002/9780470773277.ch1 Arthur, M.  B. (2014). The boundaryless career at 20: Where do we stand, and where can we go? Career Development International, 19, 627–640. doi:10.1108/CDI-05-2014-0068 Arthur, M. B., & Rousseau, D. M. (1996). The boundaryless career. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ashkenas, R., Ulrich, D., Jick, T., & Kerr, S. (1995). The boundaryless organization: Breaking the chains of organizational structure. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Barley, S.  R. (1989). Careers, identities, institutions: The legacy of the Chicago school. In M.  B.  Arthur, D. T. Hall, & B. S. Lawrence (Eds.), Handbook of career theory (pp. 41–65). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Baruch, Y., & Vardi, Y. (2016). A fresh look at the dark side of contemporary careers: Toward a realistic discourse. British Journal of Management, 27, 355–372. doi:10.1111/1467-8551.12107

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C H A PT E R

11

Organisational and Managerial Careers: A Coevolutionary View

Hugh Gunz and Wolfgang Mayrhofer

Abstract The field of organisational and managerial careers (OMC) covers a broad range of ­approaches, with roots in fields ranging from sociology to vocational and developmental psychology. This chapter draws on recent work that proposes a framework (the Social Chronology Framework, SCF) in which the study of careers, in particular OMC, is seen to involve the simultaneous application of three perspectives, to do with being, space, and time. Building on this, the SCF takes a view that emphasises the importance of a coevolutionary perspective. Within a bounded social and geographic space, career development happens based on configurations of individual and collective career actors who provide context for each other and coevolve together. The chapter illustrates this by showing how the SCF can suggest new approaches to studying established career development arrangements, such as mentorship. Keywords: career theory, coevolution, mentorship, organisational and managerial ­careers, social chronology framework

Introduction This chapter takes a broad view of career development, to mean both the way that an actor’s career develops over its course and the ways in which others might influence this development. In this sense, we employ the term both in its widely used passive sense, for example in terms of the stages through which people supposedly pass, and in an active sense, in terms of interventions that affect people’s career experiences. Echoing the notion that considerable contextual changes require a move beyond traditional stage theories (Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee,  1978) towards taking into account individual-level and organisational-level sources of change over the lifespan (Nagy, ­ Froidevaux, & Hirschi, 2019), we show how the Social Chronology Framework (SCF: Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018) views careers as lifelong coevolving processes that provide a dynamic, multilevel perspective on career development. Using for illustration the process of mentoring, a widely used and debated form of career development (Chandler, Kram, & Yip, 2011), we show how this approach produces fresh insights. Before doing so, the text briefly reviews the literature on organisational and managerial careers (OMC) and then introduces the SCF and its predictions about coevolutionary career processes.

Organisational and Managerial Careers—Topics and Developments OMC is one of the clearly identifiable discourses within the proto-field of career studies (Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018), alongside vocational psychology and life-span development. Rooted in the writing of well-known career scholars (e.g., Glaser,  1968; Hall,  1976; Hughes, 1958; Schein, 1978; Super, 1957; Van Maanen, 1977), the field covers the work careers of individuals within, across, and along organisations, with a special emphasis on managers as a specific subgroup that receives attention because of their organisational role, visibility, and assumed importance. This perspective—that careers are something that people in managerial careers have and ‘ordinary’ people do not—has been noted in the careers literature with disapproval (for example, Hall, 2002) and is not without its critics (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Vardi & Vardi, 2020). In itself, the field is an amalgam of a variety of approaches, resembling a fragmented adhocracy (Whitley, 1984). Fortunately, authoritative edited volumes exist that address major topics and developments (De Vos & Van der Heijden,  2015; Greenhaus & Callanan,  2006; Gunz, Lazarova, & Mayrhofer, 2020; Gunz & Peiperl, 2007). Against this backdrop, five areas emerge that constitute vibrant discourses. A first and fundamental area addresses issues related to the study of career itself. It covers career as a construct and study focus, examining the concept of careers (Gunz, Mayrhofer, & Lazarova, 2020), and career’s specific variants, such as boundaryless (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996), protean (Hall, 1996), sustainable (De Vos & Van der Heijden, 2015), and kaleidoscopic (Maniero & Sullivan, 2006) careers. In addition, this area focuses on theoretical lenses that OMC studies use. The theories primarily come from economics, sociology, and psychology and focus on career success, job mobility, and career patterns and progression (Dokko, Tosti-Kharas, & Barbulescu, 2020). A few prominent examples may suffice. Human capital theory (Becker, 1975) is used to explain career success outcomes for the consequences of mobility (Dokko & Jiang, 2019). Social network theory (Granovetter,  1973) turns out to be useful in, for example, the analyses of job-search processes (Barbulescu, 2015). Internal labour market theory (Doeringer & Piore, 1971) provides a useful lens when comparing various aspects of internal versus external hiring (Bidwell & Mollick, 2014). Personality theory, focusing on individual differences, provides a link between different traits and objective career success (Abele & Spurk, 2009). Finally, this first area also touches upon methodological issues when studying careers (Kaše, Župić, Repovš, & Dysvik, 2020). A second area acknowledges that careers in general and OMC in particular are social phenomena located at the intersection of the individual and society (Grandjean, 1981) and that careers are always in context (Mayrhofer, Meyer, & Steyrer, 2007). Such a contextual view points towards the importance of specific segments of the social and geographic space within which careers unfold. This includes various industries and kinds of organisations, such as multinational companies (Stahl & Cerdin, 2004), nonprofit organisations (Steinbereithner, 2004), and professional service firms (Williams van Rooij, 2013), that

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provide specific context that influences—and is influenced by—careers. In addition, this also draws attention to the institutional and cultural diversity that plays a role when living and analysing careers. Examples include cultural settings (Smale et al.,  2019) and the specifics of careers across various kinds of boundaries, as exemplified by expatriates (McNulty & Selmer, 2017) or refugees (Eggenhofer-Rehart et al., 2018). A third area points out that careers are inextricably linked with the notion of time. Going beyond reflections on time in careers (Mayrhofer & Gunz, 2020), this emphasises the developmental aspects of OMC and critical junctures that link various stages and episodes of OMC. Examples include the choice of occupation (Gubler, Biemann, & Herzog, 2017), the interface between various segments of the educational system and the labour market (Lester, Mencl, Maranto, Bourne, & Keaveny, 2010), and changes in different aspects of careers due to age, period, and cohort effects (Harding, 2009). The fourth area in OMC deals with interventions at different levels of social complexity, ranging from the individual to the societal level, in order to improve the situation for all the actors involved in careers. One broad area encompasses all those career development services that help individuals in specific stages of their work careers or facing specific problems to cope. Examples include organisational onboarding or buddy programs for new employees (Minnick et al., 2014); individual interventions using labels, such as mentoring or coaching (Bozer, Baek-Kyoo, & Santora, 2015); organizational level interventions that reflect the efforts of the organisation to align individual careers and organisational necessities (McKevitt, Carbery, & Lyons,  2017); and high-flyer programs for so-called high potentials (Church, Rotolo, Ginther, & Levine, 2015). To be sure, many of these interventions, such as various facets of management development, have an elitist flavour, expressing and reinforcing as they do organisational inequity, for example by granting access to an elitist status (Ackers & Preston, 1997; Swailes, 2013). A final area within OMC as a field of career studies deals with future developments. This comprises both trends in career studies (Akkermans & Kubasch, 2017) and expectations regarding the relationship between work and nonwork in individuals’ lives as well as developments in the broader context, such as digitalisation, technological change, globalisation, and alternative forms of working (Shaffer, Kraimer, Chen, & Bolino, 2012). The Social Chronology Framework The term career has attracted many different interpretations, has been studied in many different scholarly disciplines (Moore, Gunz, & Hall, 2007), and suffers from remarkably little conversation between these different discourses (Collin & Young, 2000; Hall, 2002). Consequently, there is little agreement on the meaning of the term. It can be seen as an ‘objective’ sequence of roles (Hughes, 1958), a subjective pattern of experiences (Schein, 1980), a form of retrospective sense-making (Nicholson & West,  1989), a means of linking different levels of social complexity (Hughes, 1958), a form of self-construction (Grey, 1994), and even a product (Bird, 1996). Career may have overtones of ambition, of

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rising through some form of social hierarchy, or of gamesmanship (Hall, 2002). None of these approaches to understanding career differentiates between, on the one hand, career as a whole-life phenomenon and, on the other hand, career as what applies to part of a life, for example the work career. Much of the OMC literature focuses on the work career or its elements (for example, a ‘career’ as a professional footballer followed by a ‘career’ as a TV sports commentator), although even here a substantial subliterature examines the way that work and nonwork facets of life interact (Greenhaus, 2020). A broader interpretation of career, drawing on the tradition of the Chicago school of sociology (Hughes, 1958), regards career as something that involves the entire lifetime (Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018; Van Maanen & Schein, 1977). Even a quick examination of the many and various definitions of career makes it evident that three things underpin any of the definitions: the career actor who ‘has’ the career, the social and geographic space (this distinction is addressed briefly below) in which the career is lived, and the time over which the career happens. The SCF draws on this basic observation to infer that the study of career involves the simultaneous application of three perspectives focusing, respectively, on each of these things in turn, namely ontic (meaning ‘of or relating to entities and the facts about them’; OED, 2013), spatial, and temporal, where perspectives are a way of viewing the world and of making sense of observations, which in turn depend on drawing distinctions (Bateson, 1972/2000). What are the three SCF perspectives and their distinctions, and why do they matter for careers? The ontic perspective focuses on the career actor. It considers the condition of the actor, that is, everything that is known about the actor. In specific studies, specific aspects of the actor’s condition will be considered. For example, suppose we are interested in conducting a study of career development; we might be interested in aspects of actors’ condition like their age, education, and social capital, and how these affect the actors’ development. The ontic perspective makes distinctions between actors by comparing their condition. So, some actors are older than others, some have higher levels of education, some have higher levels of social capital, and so on. Career actors and their condition are embedded in social and geographic spaces—and these two kinds of space, and locating actors within them, are the focus of the spatial perspective. Just as cartographic maps are constructed by boundaries separating geographic or political features, an actor’s social and geographic spaces are structured by boundaries: between organisations, between hierarchical levels, between occupations, between countries, and so on. We locate the actors in terms of positions in relation to these boundaries, for example inside (or outside) the boundary surrounding organisation X, or inside (or outside) country Y. This allows us to enrich a purely ontic view spatially by looking at how condition and position interact. For example, does someone’s level of education affect their ability to cross organisational, occupational, or national boundaries? Power relations (Emerson, 1962) govern the social space. They express themselves through, and are formed

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by, rules in the social space (Bourdieu, 1989). The emerging power distribution affects career actors’ behaviour and their interactions. Implicit in the account so far has been a sense of movement—and that requires time, the centrepiece of the SCF’s temporal perspective. Suppose we are comparing the financial compensation of two career actors in a specific social and geographic setting, such as the Zambian subsidiary of a multinational corporation. Applying the combination of ontic and spatial perspective does not provide much information other than, in Zambia, A is paid more than B. However, explicitly introducing time makes the picture richer. If, for example, B is very much younger than A, our initial impression of A’s outdoing B in objective career success terms must be tempered by the knowledge that B has not yet had enough time to reach a position with a high salary. Once we explicitly add the time perspective to the other two (ontic and spatial), we can trace career patterns over time. For example, C and D might both have reached a similar point in space, having started in much the same place, but C might have done so much more quickly. All the perspectives are necessary in the study of career, although in particular cases the emphasis might be more on one or two of the perspectives. Gunz and Mayrhofer (2018, p. 70, italics in the original) capture this when viewing career as ‘a pattern of a career actor’s positions and condition within a bounded social and geographic space over their life to date’. The SCF makes one fundamental point: careers are not the product simply of individual agency, but of the interplay between agentic and contextual forces over time (see also Inkson, Gunz, Ganesh, & Roper, 2012; and Patton & McMahon’s ‘mutuality of action and interaction’, 2014). This results in a multilevel, coevolutionary view of career and career development. A Coevolutionary View of Careers Our starting point is to identify the basic unit of career analysis, namely what has variously been called status passages (Glaser & Strauss,  1971), role transitions (Allen & Van de Vliert, 1984), career transitions (Louis, 1980), work role transitions (Nicholson, 1984), macro work role transitions (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010), micro-role transitions (Ashforth, Kreiner, & Fugate,  2000), or just plain transitions (Louis,  1980). Here they are called career transitions, namely transitions between positions within a career (over the actor’s life to date) as opposed to between partial careers. Transitions take time, ‘during which an individual is either changing roles . . . or changing orientation to a role already held’ (Louis, 1980, p. 330). Using the language of the SCF, a transition involves ‘changing (a) some aspect of a career actor’s condition and (b) their position in their social and geographic space by crossing at least one boundary. It also involves (c) a period of time over which these changes happen. At least one of these changes has to be significant enough to be interesting to the career actor or an observer’ (Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018, 77).

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A career actor’s condition after a transition is a function of three things: (1) past condition and position, and (2) anticipated future conditions and positions, as well as (3) the complex relationship of condition and position with the social and geographic space. First, and most obviously, it will depend on the actor’s condition and position before the transition. A neurosurgeon moving from a final training position to a position as an independently operating professional is still a neurosurgeon, is only a little older than before the move, and has much the same personality and other individual traits. But there will be changes, too, resulting from the change in their position in social and geographic space. Perhaps they will have gained a little gravitas in their self-presentation, will be compensated better, and their responsibilities will have grown. Second, in a curious way, time works backwards in career transitions. Before making a transition, a career actor is influenced by the kinds of position they see for themselves in the future, experimenting with future conditions sometimes called ‘provisional selves’ (Ibarra, 1999). Third, post-transition condition is a function of the interplay with the social and geographic space through which the actor moves. For example, some organisations have career structures that resemble tournaments: success at one level can mean promotion to a higher one, but failure means that one is out of the contest (Rosenbaum, 1984); some geographic contexts make successful career transitions harder since they are regarded as hardship assignments. This is not necessarily a one-way street: just as the context influences the transitions, so the actor can modify the context. For instance, many will have seen what happens when a ‘star’ is being courted for a new position: all manner of inducements may be offered that would not be offered to a non-star. Of course, a career typically comprises more than one transition. Transitions are followed by others at varying time intervals. So, a model of career involves (a) a chain of transitions stretching over the actor’s life to date and (b) a complex, continuing series of interactions between the actor and the social context. This context is not just an amorphous mass of actors; it comprises a population of actors linked by complex and changing social arrangements defined by the organisations they are associated with and the societies of which they are part. Individuals change as their careers progress; organisations are born, evolve, and die; and societies change in many ways (e.g., demographic, political, and economic changes). Also, the actors are not necessarily only individuals. Collectivities may certainly be regarded as actors in their own right (Coleman, 1974) and as such, they have their own careers (Clarke, 1991). So, the social context in and through which the focal career actor makes their career is composed of a structured population of career actors, both individuals and organisations, each of which is having their own career. The key implication of this account is that the careers of the actors, individual and collective, in the focal career actor’s social context—their social space—have the potential to interact with the career of the focal career actor. To take a simple example, suppose that career actor B is a close colleague of focal career actor A (i.e., B is in A’s social and

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geographic space). The two actors work together on projects, in the process learning from each other and developing as professionals. B provides crucial input to a particular project that helps A gets promoted or attracted to another organisation as a result of the project’s success. In turn, A is now in a position to help the career of B by bringing B to the attention of other influential actors with whom A is now in contact. But suppose now that B is a collective actor; for clarity, call it Beta, the organisation that employs A.  Beta provides an environment that supports the work of A so that A proves to be a very effective employee, boosting the success of Beta. For example, an employee of the UK glass-making firm, Pilkington Brothers, developed a novel process for making flat glass of the kind that goes into windows. This so-called float glass process was extremely expensive to bring to a point at which it could be used on an industrial scale, so expensive that it was almost ruinous for the company. Eventually, however, it proved to be an outstanding success. It was licensed across the world, dominating flat glass production internationally and bringing great success for many years to the company (Anonymous, 2007). This corporate success in turn led to many honours for the inventor and leader of the development project, Alastair Pilkington (no relation to the family owning the company), including a knighthood and Fellowship of the Royal Society. So, to return to our abstract account of the coevolutionary process given above, A’s (Alastair Pilkington’s) success with the float glass process, supported by his employer Beta (Pilkington Brothers), led to commercial success for Beta (market domination of flat glass production), leading in turn to more personal success for A (the honours given to Alastair Pilkington). It should be noted that such a simplified view of ‘success’ glosses over the role that power relations play in how success and failure are defined. Of course, who is ‘successful’ or who ‘fails’ depends to a considerable extent on partially hidden power-related decisions. The picture that thus emerges from an SCF-based view of career is of careers coevolving: the focal actor’s career coevolves with those of individual and collective actors in their social space. It is a particularly striking example of the importance of context to career, of how individual agency and context work together over time to shape careers. An Example: Mentorship as a Coevolving Intervention The preceding two sections lay the theoretical foundations for interpreting OMC as coevolutionary phenomena. The argument is made that a comprehensive understanding of careers, both in general and work-related, requires the simultaneous application of three perspectives— ontic, spatial, and temporal—in order to cover careers’ various facets and levels of social complexity. Applying this three-perspective framework to the examination of career transitions, the SCF identifies coevolution as a key feature of career development. This view acknowledges that the people with whom the focal actor interacts over the course of their development can play a role in how their career unfolds. But it goes further than this, by emphasising the dynamics of the relationship between the focal actor and the people and institutions that occupy their social space. It is not only the case that these

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significant others can affect the focal actor’s career; what happens to the focal actor can affect their careers, too, in an ongoing cycle of interactions as the careers of all occupants of that social space coevolve. Developmental relationships of this kind, in particular those involving explicit mentorship relations, have been much studied in the organizational literature since Levinson et al. (1978) noted the importance of a mentor to early adult development. Kram’s (1985) study of the phases of the mentorship relation brought the subject firmly under the gaze of OMC scholars (Chandler et al., 2011). Although initially the focus of such work was on the support mentors provide to individual protégés, theory developed later about mentorship as a group phenomenon (Higgins & Kram, 2001) and observations grew about the way that mentors could benefit from the relationship (Allen, 2007). The literature has not, however, acknowledged the specifically coevolutionary nature of the mentorship relationship in the sense that mentors and protégé may continue to interact over many years, their careers coevolving the while. It was the application of the SCF to mentorship thinking that led to this particular insight (Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018). This chapter concludes by briefly showing how identifying mentorship as a coevolutionary process achieves considerably more than simply relabeling it. By applying insights from the broader field of coevolutionary theory (Lewin, Long, & Carroll, 1999), it is possible to make predictions about the dynamics of the mentorship relationship that are somewhat counterintuitive and have important implications for developing and maintaining those relationships. If protégés can benefit in career development terms from their mentors, and mentors can benefit similarly from their protégés, then evidently this is a coevolutionary situation. This has interesting implications because it leads to the obvious question: Can coevolutionary theory (Lewin et al.,  1999) provide new insights into how mentorship works, thereby enriching our understanding of this crucial career development process? The answer is that it does, although space here permits only a summary of the analysis (for a fuller account, see Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2018). Heylighen and Campbell (1995, p. 184) define coevolution as an ‘interdependency, where the change in fitness of one system changes the fitness function for another system, and vice-versa’. We suggest that ‘fitness’ in career terms can be operationalised in many ways, but in view of the mentorship literature’s interest in how mentoring helps career success, this is a useful construct for doing so. So, a coevolving mentorship dyad (or larger group) is one in which changes in the success of one member of the group affect the success of the other members, and vice versa. Much of the mentoring literature implicitly assumes that such a coevolving relationship is a good thing. The SCF and, within this thinking, coevolutionary theory also bring some fresh insight by pointing towards potential dangers and drawbacks. Two problematic outcomes are especially important. First, Heylighen and Campbell’s (1995) analysis addressed the tendency of synergistic systems to deteriorate. They argued that there are a number of different kinds of coevolving systems, ranging from synergistic, in which each member benefits from the actions of

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the other(s), to super-competition, in which self-interested behaviour of some members cause losses for all (in the manner of the tragedy of the commons; Hardin, 1968). But they went further, using coevolutionary theory logic to argue that over time synergistic systems have a built-in tendency to change to super-competitive systems. The implication for mentorship relationships is that synergistic relationships can be expected to deteriorate into competitive ones. For example, either the mentor may gradually become exploitative, taking advantage of their superior power, or the protégé may take advantage of their mentor’s being busy and distracted and therefore unaware of all the protégé is up to, which might involve using the mentor’s name to the protégé’s benefit. Once the relationship starts deteriorating in this way, it is difficult to prevent it from getting worse. Second, Baum (1999) extended this work (building on Kauffman, 1993) to model coevolutionary systems and to identify conditions under which stable suboptimal states can arise. He showed that, under certain circumstances, there is a risk that the systems will get ‘stuck’ in a suboptimal state, rather than evolving to a more desirable state. In mentorship terms, this could mean outcomes like cliques that develop based on mentorship groups, which might be seen by the group members as good for them, but not be beneficial from the perspective of the organisation. Baum’s modelling suggests parameter adjustments to the models, which in turn point to steps that organisations could take that minimize the risk of this happening. For example, reorganising mentor–protégé linkages every so often can reduce the possibility that cliques will develop, while introducing more uniform policies and procedures across the organisation may reduce the possibility of suboptimal states arising as the result, for instance, of protégés being mis-advised by their mentors. Conclusion This chapter takes a long journey in a short space. It shows how the SCF’s view of career leads to a more complex interpretation that brings out the influence of context on career development and its coevolutionary nature. It directs the observer’s attention to the way in which careers are not lived in social isolation, meaning that it is to be expected that the career of the focal career actor will coevolve with those of the members of their social space. It is silent about the extent of this coevolution, because that depends on, for example, the nature of the links between the various actors, the work they are doing, and the social structure(s) in which they are embedded. The chapter concludes by illustrating the power of the SCF’s coevolutionary perspective by applying it to the well-established field of mentorship studies. Positing careers as coevolutionary invites the application of the broader field of coevolution theory, which in turn suggests counterintuitive insights about the way mentorship relations may develop in organizational contexts. An introductory chapter like this can only hint at the power of OMC scholarship to add intriguing insights to the study of career development. This chapter takes just one approach—the SCF—and explores only a small fraction of the predictions that emerge

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C H A PT E R

12

The Narrative Turn in Career Development Theories: An Integrative Perspective

Jérôme Rossier, Paulo Miguel Cardoso, and Maria Eduarda Duarte

Abstract During the past 70 years, diverse vocational theories have focused on various important topics such as career choice processes or person–organization fit and adaptation to describe people’s career development. More recently, narrative approaches have been proposed by several authors inspired by dialogical self theory or the life story model of identity in career counselling interventions. This narrative turn encourages career interventions to focus more on the meaning experiences, the reflexive processes involved, and the contextual aspects of career paths, such as the life design interventions. Narrative identity facilitates understanding these dynamics once it is conceived as a meta-­capacity, allowing people to self-­direct and design their actions within these continuous interrelations. Narrative identity is built on a dialogical relationship, allowing individuals to situate themselves in social space and strengthen subjectivity, reflexivity, and intentionality. Considering the narrative processes for intervention research will permit examination in greater detail of the processes underlying change. This chapter thus discusses how narrative career development theories, such as the career construction theory or the life-­long self-­construction theory, can complement existing approaches and constitute an integrative and articulated framework if they take account of previously acquired knowledge. Keywords: career development, career interventions, narrative approaches, life design, narrative identity, subjectivity, intentionality, career construction theory, life-­long self-­construction theory, dialogical self

Introduction This chapter describes the recent narrative turn in career theories and how they emphasize the meaning of experiences, the reflexive processes involved, and the contextual aspects of career paths.1 We describe how narrative psychology emerged in the field of vocational psychology. The different forms of narrative approaches are briefly summarized before we present in more detail how narrative approaches have modified our views on career choice 1   The contribution of Jérôme Rossier was made partly within the framework of the National Centre of Competence in Research-­LIVES financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation (grant 51NF40-­160590) and partly within the framework of a project on normal and dysfunctional personality characteristics supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation (grant 100014_156540).

and development and how they have contributed to the emergence of narrative career counselling, life and career self-­construction, or life design approaches. To illustrate how these approaches are implemented, career construction counselling is described in greater detail. Finally, we show that narrative career counselling approaches should not be viewed as radical alternatives but, rather, as an integrative framework (see Arulmani, Kumar, Shrestha, Viray, & Aravind, this volume; McCash, this volume; Yates, this volume) that can encompass previous advances and considerations within a developmental, contextualized, life-­span, and holistic perspective on people’s identity, career, and life self-­construction. Individuals’ career stories have always been regarded as important. Claparède (1922) and Adler (1958) considered interviews as an essential tool for career counsellors to access life stories and assess vocational abilities. However, during most of the past century, practitioners relied heavily on psychological assessment and the person–environment fit framework, in the positivist hope that scientific development would lead to ever more accurate tools for their interventions. However, people’s situations are complex and develop in a particular context. This implies that the person–environment fit framework cannot be ­applied without considering, in addition, people’s lives, trajectories, and stories. Taking individuals’ career stories and identity development into consideration (Elliott, 2005) has led practitioners and scientists to an increased interest in narrative approaches. These ­approaches have gained visibility during the past 40 years in human sciences (Vassilieva, 2016) and during the past 25 years in the career development literature. People have to navigate in different contexts, adopt different roles, evolve over time, and link their inner life with the way they aim to be in the world. These dynamics develop in three directions (inner life, different roles, over time), which individuals must articulate in a meaningful manner. People need a structured and continuous self-­concept in order to preserve their feeling of integrity while they cross different contexts over time. This continuous self-­concept allows them to integrate their most intimate feelings about themselves, how they actualize themselves in the world, and how they are perceived by others. In this context, narration is a very powerful process to sustain identity development. It allows people to link their inner and their social evolving experiences into a coherent whole. Life stories facilitate the structuring of people’s multidimensional movements into a coherent self-­concept. This ability to narrate our lives also fosters agency by promoting intentionality, which implies linking our stories with future goals and actions (Hartung, 2015). If life stories and themes sustain people’s identity development, self-­narration also allows us to make sense of our life paths (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). This narrative activity sustains the development of the self-­concept and identity throughout time. This activity also helps link and structure the different layers of our self-­representations in their ­dialogical interactions with our environment (Guichard, 2005). Moreover, identity can also be considered a personal meta-­cognitive resource helping individuals monitor and manage their life paths (Stauffer, Maggiori, Froidevaux, & Rossier, 2014). Considering the

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central role of reflexive processes, this approach integrates emotion and cognition, as ­behaviours in context cannot be distinguished from a person’s self-­concept and identity. Four Decades of Narrative Psychology The fact that human beings are storytellers has led life stories to be used to understand and intervene in human functioning throughout the history of psychology. Moreover, the interest in the formal study of narratives has increased in the past four decades, as illustrated by the conceptual work done by, among others, Angus and McLeod (2004), Bruner (1986), Hermans and Hermans-­Jansen (1995), and McAdams (1993). All of these conceptualizations have in common the notion that individuals construct meanings for their lives through the narration of stories about themselves, others, and the world. The increasing interest in narrative approaches is a consequence of a paradigm shift in the social sciences from a positivist search for objective reality to a more postmodern search for meaning and constructed reality. In this postmodern epistemology, narrative frameworks emphasize the role of narrative thinking in the configuration of experience. It is through the elaboration of stories that individuals give meaning to their experiences. Just as theories that guide scientific activity are continually reformulated, individual stories are constructed in the matrix of interpersonal relationships and, therefore, continually reshaped to open self-­experience to new possibilities. William James’ (1892/1963) description of conscious experience laid down the foundations of the explanation of a narrative conception of the self. Such grounds lie in the differentiation of the self between “I” and “Me”—that is, the differentiation between the actor and narrator of experience. In this way, the value of the story emerges as symbolization, organized in time, of human action (Sarbin, 1986). Stimulated by the idea that the self is a process involving a narrator (Me) of the actor (I), McAdams (1993) and Hermans and Kempen (1993) have developed relevant narrative conceptions of the self, while White and Epston (1990) have pioneered the development of a practice based on a narrative view of the self. McAdams’ Narrative Self Theory With consideration to the previous discussion, narration is the individual story turned into an act of communication. McAdams (2009) suggests that through their development, individuals attain the capacity to coherently narrate the narrative of their life, linking past, present, and future with continuity and coherence. That is, individuals develop the capacity to construct a narrative identity defined as “the internalized and evolving story of the self that a person consciously and unconsciously constructs to bind together many different aspects of the self ” (p. 404). However, McAdams’ narrative approach to human functioning is integrative, and, consequently, the narrative mode of functioning is situated in a broad personality perspective. In this view, personality is organized in three hierarchical levels, with each level providing increasingly specific and detailed information

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about the individual (McAdams & Pals, 2006). The first level includes personality trait descriptions such as those conceptualized in the Big Five factor scheme, namely the traits of extraversion, neuroticism, openness to experience, conscientiousness, and agreeableness. The second level encompasses characteristic adaptations such as motives, values, and perceptible patterns of behaviour that are related to what individuals want from their lives. The third level encompasses narrative identity, which describes the most important experiences in an individual’s past and explains development within the context of the personal past. In this framework, an individual’s multiple stories can become structured into a unifying story that helps provide a life with a sense of overall purpose and unity (McAdams, 2013). Hermans’ Dialogical Self Theory Also inspired by the narrative conception of human functioning, Hermans and Kempen (1993) proposed that the self is multivocal. That is, there is no single “I” position organizing self-­ experience but, rather, several “I” positions/voices in continuous dialogue. Therefore, the narrative is viewed as the product of a complex dialogue between the different voices or “I” positions that support and disagree with each other in dialogical relationships (Hermans, 1997). From this perspective, it is difficult to state from where the sense of self unity and coherence emerges. The perspective is different from the one elaborated by McAdams (2013), in which one author tells a story with different characters. From Hermans’ dialogical perspective, different “I” positions become salient in different moments and situations, while others are in the background. In this framework, the sense of self unity and coherence is an emergent property that arises in each moment and situation from the dialogical relations of the “I” positions present in the self. Thus, a dialogical conception of the self does not mean that the self is chaotic but, rather, a process always searching for balance between the different “I” positions. Moreover, this multivocal conception of self reinforces the adaptive purpose of human functioning as a complex, multifaceted process, involving dialogue between different positions that allows individuals to respond, in a creative way, to the complexity of the challenges that arise throughout the life cycle. White and Epston’s Narrative Interventions Grounded in the narrative conception of human functioning, the work of White and Epston (1990) serves as an example of how narrative approaches can assist clients in reauthoring more adaptive narratives. In this perspective, three essential dimensions of the intervention process are emphasized: the externalized language, the discursive framing of the problem, and the identification and extension of unique results. The process of externalization seeks to situate a problem outside the individual and thus separates the person from the problem. In this sense, the therapist asks questions such as “What does sadness do with your life?” The externalization of the problem favours a discursive framing of the

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problem. That is, problems are no longer perceived as “inside” individuals but, rather, ­regarded as linguistic processes. The role of discourse in the explanation of a problem suggests the importance of ­analysing the discourses that feed a problem with clients. Thus, in the therapist’s dialogue with the client, in which the problem is externalized and the narrative is analysed and ­re-­elaborated, exceptions in the client’s discourse that contrast with the problematic ­self-­narrative emerge. White and Epston (1990) call these exceptional moments unique outcomes that can be viewed as markers of narrative change. Thus, in this perspective, the goal of the intervention is to support the client to evoke and expand unique outcomes to facilitate the reauthorship of self-­narrative (White, 2007). In that sense, unique outcomes work as change markers, whereby whenever a unique outcome arises, therapists ask questions, offer reflections, or give feedback that help clients stay with and explore the emergent new narrative. Emergence of Narrative Approaches in the Fields of Career Choice and Development During the first half of the twentieth century, with the development of psychological ­assessment, many academics and practitioners in our field put their hopes in psychometric instruments to help them and their counselees make more appropriate career choices (Rossier & Fiori, 2019). These instruments, together with trait and factor theory, allowed researchers to develop clear and useful guidelines for practitioners. However, this approach is most appropriate in a relatively stable environment in which career choices mainly take people’s competences and job requirements into account. If this approach seems insufficient in the contemporary world, it remains relevant to some extent (see, for example, in personality assessment, Rossier,  2015). The emergence of developmental approaches emphasized the importance of considering the individuals’ evolution throughout the life span (Super, 1980). These developmental approaches do not imply that the question of fit is unimportant but, rather, imply that fit differs from one environment to the next, depending on roles, among other things, and that it evolves over time. This development includes transitions, which can be viewed as moments of vulnerability but also as moments of change. These transitions sometimes require people to make career choices. Although developmental approaches describe how people can navigate in different life spaces, adopting different life roles, across the life span and in a continuous interaction with their social environment (Lent, 2016), these approaches have not directly addressed the career decision-­making processes. For this reason, cognitive approaches can be a helpful addition (Gati & Levin,  2015). This means that all these approaches may be viewed as complementary and should be considered simultaneously when seeking to describe a person’s complex life path. The description of this dynamic complexity is precisely at the centre of different narrative career development theories such as the life design approach (Savickas et al., 2009).

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Narrative psychology can be viewed as having emerged in reaction to cognitive ­behavioural approaches that focus mainly on information processing. Information processing is very important for career choices and career development. Narrative and postmodern career counselling approaches emphasize, in addition, the importance of people’s self-­representations, which emerge in a constant interaction with their context, career stories, identity development, or meaning of life and work (Busacca & Rehfuss, 2017). This meaning-­making activity is central to all narrative career counselling approaches. This activity allows the promotion of people’s intentionality and self-­directedness, helping them foster change. In our postmodern world, the notion of choice may be substituted by the notion of change, which implies a continuous series of choices. Indeed, realities and options may not be so easily defined. People have to navigate in this uncertainty and design their own identity and career (Savickas et al., 2009). Many narrative techniques and approaches have been developed, some as alternatives to more traditional approaches and others, such as the life design approach, as an integrative model. All these approaches are intended to be adaptable to more flexible and fluid societies and to cultivate the resilience of individuals and social groups (Rossier, Ginevra, Bollmann, & Nota,  2017). In that sense, they share the following features (McIIveen,  2007): (1) Interventions focus on meaning construction, (2) meanings are co-­constructed in collaboration between counsellor and client, (3) interventions consider the interface between career and psychosocial issues, (4) emotions and action are fundamental to foster change (not simply thought), and (5) assessment and intervention are interconnected processes. The features mentioned are present in the four examples of narrative approaches to career counselling described briefly next. However, to deepen the understanding of these approaches, we selected career construction counselling (Savickas,  2011) to explore in more detail. We privilege this approach because it has received the most empirical support. Narrative Career Counselling Cochran (1997) developed the foundations for a narrative approach to career counselling based on previous work (Cochran,  1990; Watkins & Savickas,  1990). He posited that career decision-­making difficulties result from individuals’ experience of the gap or tension between their actual and their desired career positions. To resolve the gap and actualize an ideal future narrative, he recommended that individuals adopt a continuous and coherent career narrative, using the standards of wholeness, harmony, agency, and fruitfulness (Cochran, 1992). That is, clients elaborate career options sustained in a coherent life story (wholeness). The particularities of the work role envisioned or desired (e.g., the setting and hours and the kind of house one can afford) should fit harmoniously with particularities of other career roles (harmony) in order to avoid disharmony in life. Furthermore, in this process, individuals should emerge as active agents striving to overcome the barriers to their purpose (agency), and with the enthusiasm and joy necessary to face future challenges (fruitfulness). However, career choice and development would be incomplete with

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only the adoption of a career narrative. Individuals need to develop practical wisdom—that is, attitudes and behaviours enabling them to face career challenges. The process is completed with the development of a sense of agency that supports actions required to make career decisions and enhances practical wisdom (Cochran, 1997). Life and Career Self-­Construction Career construction theory (Savickas,  2013) stems from a constructivist and narrative ­approach, which claims that people make meaning of their past, present, and future career paths in interactions with their environments. This meaning manifests as life narratives that are co-­constructed in permanent interaction. This activity supports self-­understanding, intentionality, and self-­directedness. Thus, career interventions should also stimulate individuals’ underlying life design processes (Rossier, Maggiori, & Zimmermann, 2014). For this reason, career counselling and career education interventions in individual or group settings include narrative activities based on retracing life experiences, planning career goals, and discussing the meaning and implications of qualitative or quantitative test ­results. Various materials can be used to initiate these narrative processes, but they should concern the intimacy of the client and be discussed and worked into client and counsellor interactions. Such an approach takes advantage of dynamic meaning-­making processes, grounded in people’s need for continuity, and of the dialogical aspects of interactions that develop in a socially constructed space rooted in people’s need for coherence with their context (Brewer, 2003). These processes underlie the narrative identity redefinition that promotes reshaping and strengthening of this perception of continuity and coherence and allows clients to identify new career options. Moreover, individuals’ multiple storylines support the development of multiple social selves that constitute a system of identity and represent a “set of ways of being, acting and interacting in relation to a certain view of oneself in a given context” (Guichard, 2009, p. 253). These different life stories, representing different facets or roles of one person’s identity, allow clients to navigate with ease in a large set of social situations. It is interesting to note that, on a daily basis, the individual does not always have the opportunity to update their self-­concept. The task of redefining the self is interrupted or slowed by the demands of continuous action. This can result in a disparity between personal identity and behaviour. This disparity eventually generates a dissonance, which invites the individual to interrupt their activity and rethink their identity. The Life Design Approach The life design approach was developed as a holistic approach integrating Savickas’ (2013) career construction theory and Guichard’s (2005) life-­long self-­construction approach. It also takes into account the diversity of cultural and social environments, and it focuses on people’s ability to be authors of their own life paths by shaping their environment and lives (Nota & Rossier, 2015). It is argued that people react not only to situations but also in

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order to become the agents of their life stories and authors of their life narratives (Savickas et al., 2009). This approach can be considered holistic because it does not deny the importance of the three different layers of the self, mentioned by McAdams (2013) and discussed previously in this chapter. In fact, all three layers are involved in the self-­deliberation to link the past, present, future, the vocational personality, regulation processes, and adaptive behaviours. This conceptualization results in a three-­dimensional space, with ­different layers of the self, life places, and life span. This complexity should be considered to understand and describe life and career paths. Moreover, the life design approach ­emphasizes the importance of people’s self-­organizing capacities, which they can use to mobilize resources to proactively design their own lives or modify their environments without denying ­possible alienation due to personal and contextual contingencies. For this reason, the aims of any life design intervention are to foster narratability and intentionality, increase the capacity to change the environment, and increase personal agency. The Life Career Assessment The life career assessment (Gysbers, Heppner, & Johnston,  2009) is another narrative ­approach to career counselling aiming to help clients in construction of a life narrative and to elaborate career plans. To this end, the intervention involves four moments. In the first, the counsellor explores meanings contained in career issues such as work experience, education, and relationships. Next, a typical day is analysed to reveal how clients organize and live daily. In the third moment, strengths and obstacles to career development are ­explored. Finally, counsellor and client create a summary to emphasize the information obtained and to relate this information to career goals. Career Construction Counselling In epistemological terms, career construction counselling is located in social constructionism because it emphasizes the relational and narrative processes for explaining meaning construction. In turn, career construction theory (Savickas, 2013) is the conceptual matrix of vocational behaviour and career development underpinning the intervention. The goal is to help clients construct a continuous and coherent life narrative for career construction. To this end, it is fundamental to help clients identify their life themes—that is, their core problems and the solutions they can find (Csikszetmihalyi & Beattie, 1979). The importance of life themes derives from their structuring function, linking narrative identity—here defined as narrative coherence between past, present, and future life story (McAdams, 2009)—to ongoing development. This structuring function helps clients connect life themes to career plans. In this way, career plans emerge as possible solutions to core problems and career development is integrated into an individual’s psychosocial ­dynamics, as one of the dimensions with which they confer order and intention on their existence (Savickas, 2011). The career construction counselling intervention evolves through three sessions in which clients are supported in the exploration of life story episodes, identification of life

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themes, and career plan construction. In the first session, expectations regarding the intervention are discussed; problem formulation is supported; and contextual, personal, and adaptability resources are explored. The sequence of the different counselling sessions is not rigid, however, instead depending on the counsellor–client relationship. The ­sequence of counselling sessions should be adapted to client needs. In this session, the career construction interview (Savickas, 2015) is used to assess life themes. This structured interview addresses five topics to evoke clients’ life episodes: (1) Role models are discovered by exploring admired persons in the past—answers to this question provide characters and attributes for the client to use in guiding self-­construction; (2) favourite magazines, television shows, and websites are used as a stimulus to evoke the types of environments and activities that interest the client; (3) a favourite story from a book or film allows the exploration of the client’s plans and strategies; (4) a favourite saying generates a source of solutions for problems; and (5) early recollections are used to analyse the client’s perspective of the presenting problem or current career concern. In the second session, the meaning of life episodes evoked in previous sessions is ­explored. The counsellor takes on the role of meaning co-­constructor, helping clients explore and symbolize self-­experience to facilitate the construction of a narrative that expresses the central problem of their life, proposes resolutions in the form of goals, and plots methods by which to achieve them. Throughout this process, the narrative elaboration of life themes is fundamental. This is facilitated by helping clients understand how early needs (core problems) lead to the construction of aspirations (goals) that might meet those past needs. Moreover, clients are supported in understanding how their interests are tools used to meet their goals and, thereby, satisfy their needs. Finally, in the third session, the clients is helped to project their life story into realistic career plans. Clients are encouraged to discuss possibilities and constraints of their emergent career intentions. Research on Career Construction Counselling In individual and group interventions, the efficacy of career construction counselling has been established in terms of significant increase in vocational certainty (Cardoso, Janeiro, & Duarte,  2017), career decision-­making self-­efficacy (Di Fabio & Maree,  2011), and career adaptability (Barclay & Stoltz, 2015), as well as the promotion of well-­being and reduction of anxiety about future career instability and insecurity (Obi, 2015). Process research reveals that good outcome cases are characterized by narrative transformation evolving from understanding problem causes and consequences to the elaboration of a new self-­representation and the construction of career plans (Cardoso, Gonçalves, Duarte, Silva, & Alves, 2016; Cardoso, Silva, Gonçalves, & Duarte, 2014). This pattern should be used as heuristic for guiding counsellors in adjusting counselling tasks to the client’s current level of narrative change. Problem formulation is the first step for distancing from the problem. To deepen this process, and increase the understanding of problem causes and

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consequences, counsellors should help clients connect feelings, behaviour, and life ­episodes. The symbolization of self-­experience is fundamental for needs awareness and the elaboration of life themes. Next, to promote a continuous and coherent self-­narrative, it is important to support the client with linking life themes to past and current experiences and desired future. This process should be conducted in a collaborative and safe relational context. Conclusion The increasing interest in narrative approaches follows a paradigm shift in career development theories and practices, relying first on a positivist approach and now more on postmodern perspectives. This turn demands rethinking career development theories to take narrative aspects more into account without denying the importance of previous conceptualizations. This narrative turn suggests paying more attention to the meaning of work, work identity, engagement, and intentionality, but also reconsidering the interaction between individuals and their environment and how they perceive and make sense of this continuous interaction to narrate their lives. In this context, the life design paradigm encourages the consideration of all layers of the self, as well as how they develop in different spaces and over time and interact with their environment. For this reason, narrative approaches can be conceived as an integrative framework for understanding career and life development. Life narratives allow clients to structure and incorporate its three-­dimensional multiple perspectives (several layers of the selves, several life spaces, and several moments) into a coherent self-­concept and identity. The ability to narrate our lives, a meaning-­making ­activity, also fosters agency by developing intentionality and linking past, present, and future with continuity and coherence. Narrative approaches to career development conceive human functioning as a continuous process of self-­organization. Many narrative career interventions have been developed and shown to be effective. These interventions adopt a holistic approach, considering people as actors of their behavioural expressions, agents of the change they induce, and authors of their self-­narration. Narrative career ­interventions furthermore imply a collaborative process between the counsellor and the client to facilitate the rewriting of a life story, in which career plans emerge as possibilities to project the self into new possibilities of self-­construction. References Adler, A. (1958). The education of the individual. New York: Philosophical Library. Angus, L., & McLeod, J. (Eds.). (2004). The handbook of narrative psychotherapy: Practice, theory and research. London: Sage. Barclay, S. R., & Stoltz, K. B. (2015). The life-design group: A case study assessment. The Career Development Quarterly, 64, 83–96. doi:10.1002/cdq.12043 Brewer, M. B. (2003). Optimal distinctiveness, social identity, and the self. In M. R. Leary & J. P. Tangney (Eds.), Handbook of self and identity (pp. 480–491). New York: Guilford. Bruner, J. (1986). Actual minds, possible worlds. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Busacca, L. A., & Rehfuss, M. C. (Eds.). (2017). Postmodern career counseling: A handbook of culture, context, and cases. Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association.

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Rossier, J., & Fiori, M. (2019). Career assessment in Europe: Overview and current trends. In K. B. Stoltz & S. R. Barclay (Eds.), A comprehensive guide to career assessment (7th ed., Chap. 17, pp. 2–17). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Retrieved from https://www.ncda.org Rossier, J., Ginevra, M. C., Bollmann, G., & Nota, L. (2017). The importance of career adaptability, career resilience, and employability in designing a successful life. In K. Maree (Ed.), Psychology of career adaptability, employability and resilience (pp. 65–82). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-66954-0_5 Rossier, J., Maggiori, C., & Zimmermann, G. (2014). From career adaptability to subjective identity forms. In A.  Di Fabio & J.-L.  Bernaud (Eds.), The construction of the identity in 21st century: A festschrift for Jean Guichard (pp. 45–58). New York: Nova Science. Sarbin, T. (1986). The narrative as root metaphor for psychology. In T. Sarbin (Ed.), Narrative psychology: The storied nature of human conduct (pp. 3–21). New York: Praeger. Savickas, M. L. (2011). Career counseling. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Savickas, M. L. (2013). Career construction theory and practice. In R. W. Lent & S. D. Brown (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (2nd ed., pp. 147–183). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Savickas, M. L. (2015). Life-design counseling manual. Retrieved from http://www.vocopher.com Savickas, M.  L., Nota, L., Rossier, J., Dauwalder, J.-P., Duarte, E., Guichard, J., . . . van Vianen, A.  E.  M. (2009). Life designing: A paradigm for career construction in the 21st century. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 75, 239–250. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.04.004 Stauffer, S. D., Maggiori, C., Froidevaux, A., & Rossier, J. (2014). Adaptability in action: Using personality, interest, and values data to help clients increase their emotional, social, and cognitive career meta-capacities. In M. Coetzer (Ed.), Psycho-social career meta-capacities: Dynamics of contemporary career development (pp. 55–72). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-00645-1_4 Super, D. E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16, 282–298. doi:10.1016/0001-8791(80)90056-1 Vassilieva, J. (2016). Narrative psychology: Identity, transformation and ethics. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Watkins, C. E., Jr., & Savickas, M. L. (1990). Psychodynamic career counseling. In W. B. Walsh & S. H. Osipow (Eds.), Career counseling: Contemporary topics in vocational psychology (pp. 79–116). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. White, M. (2007). Maps of narrative practice. New York: Norton. White, M., & Epston, D. (1990). Narrative means to therapeutic ends. New York: Norton.

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The Positioning of Social Justice: Critical Challenges for Career Development

Barrie A. Irving

Abstract Career development theory and practice have the potential to foster a sense of belonging and well-being by facilitating the construction of meaningful life-careers. Social justice issues are integral, because they are concerned with fairness and equity, (in)equality, cultural diversity, psychosocial well-being, and societal values. Career development theorists, researchers, and practitioners, therefore, need a deeper understanding of the multiple and complex influences on how ‘career’ is interpreted and ‘opportunities’ are presented. Such an understanding should provide critical insight into the effects of wider sociocultural and political concerns affecting what is deemed possible in the shaping and enactment of career. Yet the term social justice is often loosely deployed or inadequately defined in contemporary career literature and tends to be absent in discussions of practice. This chapter explores the contested nature of social justice, outlines competing definitions, and considers ways in which critical social justice contributes a transformative dimension to career development. Keywords: career development theory, critical social justice, equity, fairness, life-careers, social justice, values, well-being

Introduction This chapter discusses the sociopolitical and cultural dimensions of social justice and relates them to the career development context. The focus is on the confusion and generalisations that abound regarding how, and where, social justice ‘fits’ in career development. In a special issue of the Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling where all the articles were about aspects of social justice, Hooley and Sultana (2016) contended that those engaged in career development need to ‘draw on diverse theoretical traditions and stimulate new forms of practice’ (p. 2). Recognising this, this chapter draws from a wide range of disciplines, such as education, sociology, and critical social theory, to organise competing definitions of social justice into analytical categories, connecting each to a contemporary political standpoint. The intention is to provide members of the career development community with opportunities to locate theory, assess research, examine policy, and position practice. This framework also presents individuals with opportunities to reflexively situate their own values and experiences, resonating with Watt’s (1996) typologies of sociopolitical ideologies in career education and guidance. Particular

attention is paid to the transformative potential of career development when viewed through a critical social justice lens. Talk of Social Justice: Commitment, Confusion, and Contention In recent times, greater concern has been given to where social justice ‘fits’ within career development. For example, the International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG; 2013) published a communique that called on providers, practitioners, academics, and policymakers to embrace social justice as a core value and to actively expose and challenge structural and societal barriers that contribute to oppression. Although social justice concerns have become more prominent in the career development literature, Hooley, Sultana, and Thomsen (2018) have identified that the concept is differentially understood. Often utilised in catch-all or pragmatic ways and shrouded in depoliticised humanistic and benevolent language, social justice continues to be undertheorised, loosely defined, poorly articulated, and/or inconsistently applied (McMahon, Arthur, & Collins, 2008). Hence, questions remain about what social justice means in theory, where it ‘fits’ in research, and how it is enacted in practice (Arthur, Collins, McMahon & Marshall,  2009). Reflecting its political malleability (Thrupp & Tomlinson, 2005), the language of social justice can be used to justify and legitimate a range of competing standpoints (Reisch, 2002), exacerbating its problematic positioning in career development (Arthur, 2014; Irving, 2010). Hence, rather than transform and right injustices, it has the potential to regulate and to oppress. For example, concern has been voiced that the inclusion of a social justice framework will politicise career development practice (see Metz & Guichard, 2009), thus affecting its position as an ‘impartial’ helping profession. Politics, however, is not simply about party allegiance or parliamentary representation, but is ingrained in, and exercised through, the patterns and behaviours of social life. Entwined with the values, beliefs, and behaviours that permeate everyday experience, politics contributes to the meanings we give to our lives. As Painter and Jeffrey (2009) noted, ‘politics, is part of all social life and all forms of social interaction’ (pp. 8–9), and is thus concerned with how we, individually and collectively, determine the ethical principles that shape our existence and determine fairness and justice. Our personal and professional lives are saturated with competing and complex forms of political perspectives and policies; therefore, how we interpret them tends to act on our understanding of ‘self ’ and ‘justice’, influence where we stand on particular issues, and inform how we might comprehend the needs of diverse client groups. Consequently, political concerns cannot be divorced from career construction and enactment, where fostering a sense of self-in-society, self-belief, and self-identity should be central. Where attempts are made to define social justice, care must be taken to uncover embedded meanings and to expose underlying sociopolitical values and worldviews.

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Consider, for example, how social justice is framed and defined by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD): ‘Social justice’ is a central constitutive element of the legitimacy and stability of any political community. Yet defining what social justice means and how best to achieve it is often subject to considerable controversy. . . . A modern concept of social justice that refers to the aim of realizing equal opportunities and life chances offers a conceptual ideal able to garner the consensus needed for a sustainable social market economy. . . . This concept of justice is concerned with guaranteeing each individual genuinely equal opportunities for selfrealization through the targeted investment in the development of individual ‘capabilities’. (2011, p. 10)

Here, the OECD acknowledges the relationship between social justice and politics, whilst positioning itself as an advocate of a social market economy. Hence, in a synergistic mixed-market economy (Giddens, 1998), all are expected to have access to capabilities that enable them to construct their own version of a meaningful career. The focus on the development of individual capabilities, however, also coheres with employer demands that education supply a steady stream of work-ready labour (Spring,  2015). When viewed through this lens, the construction of social justice, and a meaningful career, appears to be contingent on, and subservient to, an efficient and effective market economy. When social justice is viewed within a floating and contested career discourse that is subject to multiple and competing interpretations (see Harris,  1999; Irving,  2005; McIlveen & Patton, 2006; Sultana, 2018), concerns with political positioning (and asso­ ciated issues of power) become clearer. Thus, claims to social justice and how these relate to a career development context are subject to competing philosophies, reflecting sociopolitical values embedded within differing worldviews. Hence, to paraphrase Gale (2000), given the contested nature of social justice, how will those in the career development community (such as policymakers, researchers, academics, and practitioners) and end users recognise it when they see it? Re/framing Social Justice: Shifting Boundaries Given the slippery nature of social justice, there is a need for conceptual tools that help unravel the complexities concerning how it is implicated in the multifaceted ways ‘career’ is interpreted, ‘opportunity’ is presented, cultures are positioned, and diverse lifestyles are construed. Informed by the work of Gale (2000) and Irving (2010), four models of social justice are presented and related to contemporary political standpoints. This gives the term philosophical substance and political cogency, providing opportunities for career development theorists, researchers, and practitioners to locate their practices. Although these models are notionally discrete, some aspects overlap.

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Retributive Social Justice Associated with the theorising of Friedman (1962) and Nozick (1974), retributive social justice is premised on notions of economic freedom, individual liberty, and the protection of material and property rights. It is assumed that society will benefit from a strong and innovative marketplace, unfettered by state interference, where individuals as self-interested consumers can choose how best to spend their wealth. There is an expectation that the state will facilitate the unencumbered operation of a free market by removing ‘restrictive practices’, by fostering individual responsibility, and by introducing measures that punish those who fail to contribute to wealth generation. Concerning individual liberty, selfinterested consumers are constructed as those who exercise choice over all aspects of their lives and achieve success through personal drive and determination. For example, Nozick (1974) located positive self-esteem within a competitive (economic) context, where it is contingent on ‘winning’. In contemporary times, the retributive social justice model coalesces with a prevailing neoliberal politics where inequality is viewed as a motivating force. To some degree, this is mediated by a neoconservative ideology that seeks to preserve and protect the status quo. Overall, the justice of the market prevails as individuals are held personally responsible for their well-being, with little heed paid to structural injustices. Here, the notion of the selfish individual and an unfettered free market economy is privileged over state welfare, collective responsibility, and social well-being (Harvey,  2005). Social welfare for the ‘undeserving poor’, for example, is seen to work against the individual’s best interests, functioning as a disincentive to those who should be economically productive. Hence, those who fail to conform are subject to economic sanctions, such as the reduction or removal of welfare payments, or are required to participate in ‘work for welfare’ schemes, which are often akin to forms of forced labour. The primary beneficiaries of social justice are those who make an economic contribution, with the benefits unevenly distributed according to wealth, power, and status. Discrimination, meanwhile, is positioned as an individual problem, which, it is anticipated, will be resolved by employers in their drive to recruit the best persons available. This is reinforced by an underlying assumption that those individuals who expend the most energy and display the most ‘talent’ will always rise to the top in a global marketplace (Arthur, 2014). Hence, there is an expectation that ‘the best’ will naturally succeed in the competition for jobs, accompanied by an expectation that the underlying discourses of self-regulation and conformity to dominant market values will be uncritically accepted (Bengtsson, 2014). The boundaryless career discourse propounded by Arthur and Rousseau, (1996), which encourages flexibility, adaptability, and individual responsibility in relation to labour market participation, is saturated with neoliberal thinking (see Roper, Ganesh, & Inkson, 2010). Here, individuals are constructed as free agents within a competitive, marketdriven context who need to learn to become their own career managers. Thus, career development practitioners are expected to encourage clients to adapt, manage, and respond

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positively to life’s (economic) challenges, to enhance their employability, and to engage forever in the pursuit of self-improvement. Given the economic imperative, intertwined with this lies a disciplinary role whereby career development practitioners may find themselves having to exhort their clients to work harder on themselves and their employability skills, to adjust their behaviours and expectations, and to take up any available job, regardless of wage rates, suitability, or interest. This is legitimated through the negative belief that unemployment is the result of individual deficits, with the unemployed positioned as an unnecessary drain on the economy. Underlying this are expectations that career development practice will oil the wheels of capital by ensuring employers have access to a steady stream of work-ready labour. Distributive Social Justice Distributive social justice is principally informed by Rawls’ (1971) liberal-democratic philosophy. His concern was with issues of equality and fairness in the allocation of rights, duties, and the distribution of material and social goods by major social institutions, including government. In the social-democratic sphere, political theorists like Walzer (1983) focused on equity, placing emphasis on the need to assist those from different social groups—for example, by assisting those from low socioeconomic groups to gain access to education through targeted funding (Gale, 2000). Social and economic goods and resources are thus allocated based on the need to facilitate equitable access to all aspects of life through the use of state-funded programmes and legislative measures (including positive discrimination). Looking through a present-day political lens, distributive social justice has been reconstituted in discourses of inclusive liberalism and has been reframed by third-way thinking. Whereas inclusive liberalism ‘seeks to bridge the divide between market and state, economy and society, public and private’ (Walker,  2009, p. 36), third-way social democracy aims to ‘transcend old-style social democracy and neoliberalism’ (Giddens, 1998, p. 26). Third-way politics now shape distributive justice, where particular importance is attached to social cohesion and inclusion as a means of addressing inequality. Individual responsibility supersedes social rights, and choice (and career) is primarily located within a labour market context, whilst participation-in-learning signifies the good worker-citizen (Irving, 2018). The economic utility of education is highly vaunted, with the acquisition of qualifications, competencies, and ‘appropriate’ behaviours positioned as precursors to opportunity. The state actively participates in a social market by mediating and intervening where necessary—for example, to address unfair (dis)advantage or challenge discriminatory practices. A benevolent approach is favoured where the state (or appropriately qualified professionals) decides whose claims are legitimate, determines which needs are just, defines what remedial action should be taken, resolves how, when, and where this will occur, and identifies the contribution that career development must make.

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Although today’s dominant career development theories and models are founded on different precepts (see Holland, 1973; Savickas, 2015; Super, 1990), it is possible to cluster them within the distributive category. All share a desire to help individual clients arrive at ‘suitable’, ‘appropriate’, ‘realistic’, and/or ‘cathartic’ career decisions through testing and/or professional interventions. Underlying these apolitical helping approaches is a desire to ensure that all clients acquire deep self-knowledge and gain the necessary competencies to rationally and effectively self-manage their career (Bengtsson,  2011). Hence, career development practitioners are expected to be skilled, authoritative, and somewhat benevolent experts who are able to assess, diagnose, and/or analyse their clients’ current and future career needs, and thus guide them onto an assumed right path. Embedded within the above theories is an individualised and psychologised monocultural Western worldview that disregards how, in collectivist cultures, for example, the interests of family and community may supersede individual desires, and where expectations and obligations may conflict with dominant norms. Moreover, as Miller-Tiedeman (1988) identified, there is a tendency within career development to privilege the occupational choice and/or employment dimension of career, perhaps reflecting the influence of human capital theory. Human capital theory has become prevalent in education discourses, leading to a confluence of learning and earning (Apple, 2009), and it is increasingly shaping career development policy (Bengtsson,  2011; Hooley, this volume; Irving, 2018). Of significance here is the paucity of attention paid to the multiple and complex ways in which political positioning, policies, and practices impact the potential scope of the career decisions that are made available to clients. Hence, whilst there is some merit in enabling people to gain employability competencies and labour market insight, these can reinforce discourses of conformity, compliance, and self-regulation if isolated from the broader social context, such as critical democratic citizenship (Hyslop-Margison & Sears, 2006). For example, issues of homelessness, poverty, un(der)employment, dis­ crimination, environmental concerns, decent work, trade unionism, and industrial democracy are all implicated in the workings of capital and thus have a place within career development practice. Moreover, the focus on labour market participation can delimit broader reflection on, and theorising about, the many ways in which meaningful careers can be constructed and enacted around life goals in which, for example, paid work is not prioritised or does not feature (Richardson, 2012). Recognitive Justice Framed by the political philosophy of Young (1990), recognitive social justice is anchored in democratic socialist politics. This approach is concerned with patterns of distribution and with the elimination of all forms of institutionalised oppression and domination as a means of redressing injustice. Young (1990, pp. 39–65) identified five faces of oppression, which she characterised as: exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and violence. Concerning domination, Young (1990) identified how institutionalised

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structures can determine, promote, and enforce rules, norms, and behaviours that advantage dominant interests. Young contended, ‘The institutional context should be understood in a broader sense than “modes of production”. It includes any structures or practices, the rules and norms that guide them, and the language and symbols that mediate social interactions within them’ (1990, p. 22), and can thus be seen to incorporate the ­workplace, the family, the state, and all areas of civil society. For example, if a neoliberal worldview is embedded within career education, the economic imperatives that underlie conceptualisations of career, the competencies students are told they must acquire to be productive, and the restrictive subject positions made available, such as the entrepreneurial self/worker, perpetuate a culture of domination that affects all, but can also oppress those who feel culturally alienated. Recognitive justice thus seeks to accord positive recognition to social group difference, to enhance self-identity, self-development, and self-esteem, and to facilitate an equitable distribution of social goods. To achieve this, citizens, but particularly those from oppressed groups, should have opportunities to participate in communicative democratic processes through which all voices are heard, different experiences are respected, diverse values are recognised, and concerns are acted upon. The issue here relates to the extent to which all people are provided with opportunities to participate in, and contribute to, institutional decision-making processes that determine their own actions or conditions of those actions. Economic concerns, meanwhile, are located within a social context where decisions about the equitable distribution of material goods are not contingent on labour market participation but are derived from the needs of communities themselves. The development of communicative processes to facilitate the articulation of multiple views, and to promote respectful, open, and meaningful dialogue, can thus help narrow the gap between ‘career development professional’ and ‘client’. Thomsen (2017) showed how closer direct engagement with formal and informal community-based organisations provides greater insight into diverse lived realities, contributes deeper understanding of the social context, and presents opportunities for advocacy and collaborative action. Moreover, the formation of multidisciplinary communities of practice (which might include employer associations, interest/pressure groups, social/health/youth/community workers, educational establishments, trade unions, and other such bodies) that openly share expertise and resources can enhance understanding of career development and extend the information and support available at grassroots level. Further examples of the complex ways oppression and domination intersect was provided by Sultana (2017), who explored cultural influences on meaning-making in career guidance. A recognitive dimension is also clearly evident in the cultural competency frameworks for career professionals developed by Arthur and Collins (2011) and Nassar-McMillan (2014). Regarding specific social groups, Irving (2013a) reported on an employment-focused school-based project that has sought to extend the career possibilities for dis/abled students with high-end needs, whilst Bimrose et al. (2014) identified the

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career development support required by older women. Adopting a broader approach to career, Barker and Irving (2005), in collaboration with a careers service and Muslim community representatives, produced a culturally sensitive career education pack for Muslim girls that positioned paid employment as only one form of meaningful ‘work’. When viewed through a recognitive lens, career management is positioned as a multifaceted process, constructed in relation to multiple ways of being and belonging, connected to social values alongside desires of self, family, community, and culture. No longer contingent on labour market participation, the ways in which meaningful lives can be constructed outside of, as well as within, economic contexts (Richardson, 2012) are recognized. Thus, it is helpful to remain cognisant of the assertion by Arthur and Collins (2011) that ‘career and career development are constructed terms with multiple meanings defined by cultural assumptions and interpretations’ (Arthur & Collins,  2011, p. 147, original emphasis), and are thus open to multiple possibilities. Critical Social Justice Embracing Young’s (1990) theorising of social group difference, incorporating her concerns with oppression and domination, and advocating for a communicative democracy, the critical model is also embedded within a politics of democratic socialism. Located within a critical social theory frame that seeks to ‘critique domination and subordination, promote emancipatory interests, and combine social and cultural analysis with interpretation, critique, and social explanation’ (Anyon, 2009, p. 2), it takes into account the complex nature and messiness of social, political, and economic relations as closer links are made between demands by social groups for equitable redistribution and engagement in broader sociopolitical critique (Rice,  2018). Entwining distributive, recognitive, and political concerns, critical social justice acknowledges the interplay between local and global contexts, engages productively with issues of power, challenges the hegemony of capital relations, and views the wor(l)d through a transformative lens that allows for alternative ways of seeing and knowing, being and belonging, living and acting, and imagining and hoping (Freire, 1972). Particular attention is paid to critique of the pervasive and persuasive power of dominant discourse that seeks to marginalise alternative choices and silence dissenting voices through attempts to ‘frame representations of “how the world is”, present socially constructed “truths” as incontrovertible, and establish “common sense” explanations and solutions’ (Irving, 2013b, p. 187). For instance, many transnational policies of organisations like the European Union, OECD, and World Bank have also sought to influence what career development ‘is’, and what it should achieve, through the development of universal measures that are often linked to ‘career adaptability’ and employability (see Bengtsson,  2011). Viewing career development through a critical lens confronts such policy discourses by challenging individually derived explanations for career failure, interrogating the conflation of career with economic participation, and troubling

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­ arket-driven doctrines. Hence, those engaged in critical practice seek to create opportunities m for the insertion of counterdiscourses that expose inequitable power relations, question prevailing values, and interrogate whose interests are privileged, thus opening up opportunities for the construction of alternative worlds. This can be seen in the work of ­Hyslop-Margison and McKerracher (2008) in Canada, and Irving (2018) in New Zealand, who have critically analysed career education and guidance policy in their countries. Both exposed the pervasiveness of market-driven discourses and identified how career education curriculum and practice were guided towards an unproblematic neo/liberal understanding of capital relations through state demands that schools produce flexible labour that is responsive in a fractured labour market. This connects with the role of career guidance in relation to ecojustice discourses, and perhaps presents a radical alternative to conservative understanding of career management. Looking more deeply than self-interest, selfsatisfaction, and/or economic gain, Plant (2015) and Irving and Malik-Lievano (2019) argued career development should not simply be concerned with the green jobs of tomorrow, but raise client awareness of how different career choices are implicated in practices that sustain or degrade the planet. Here, attention is focused on the social/environmental costs and responsibilities that accompany career construction. A politically informed understanding is central to the critical model, because it creates spaces for the raising of consciousness and identifies possibilities for productive engagement with injustice and change in real-world situations (Freire, 1972). Irving (2011) utilised Young’s (1990) concept of oppression—and connected it with the critical pedagogy approach advocated by Simon, Dippo, and Schenke (1991)—in his identification of the ways in which career education might meaningfully champion social justice by disrupting the dominance of capital relations that favours a privileged minority and valorises their values (Freire, 1972; Giroux, 2011). Looking Forwards: Critical Movement(s) Given the lack of conceptual resources available, key questions for members of the career development community are how social justice concerns can be incorporated into our theories, research, and practice, and what forms any critique should take (Irving, 2010; Sultana, 2014). The work of Midttun and McCash (2019) is instructive here. Utilising the social justice framework developed by Irving (Irving, 2010), incorporating the typologies of sociopolitical ideologies identified by Watts (1996), and applying the critical pedagogical approach of Simon et al. (1991), Midttun and McCash constructed a professional development workshop to enable career practitioners to critically reflect on competing concepts of social justice, to relate the concepts to their personal worldviews and professional situations, and to connect these to their particular career development contexts and practices within a safe and supportive environment. Their evaluation suggested the workshops enabled participants to gain deeper personal insight into their understanding of social justice, to consider how this related to their organisation’s goals, and to identify

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possibilities for practice. Similar professional development workshop opportunities would appear to be beneficial to all career theorists, researchers, and practitioners—perhaps there is a role for representative national and international bodies (such as trade unions, professional organisations, IAEVG, etc.) to take the lead here. Caught up with/in many competing discourses, the pursuit of social justice remains an incomplete and ongoing ‘project-in-process’ (Sultana,  2014, p. 20). Therefore, this chapter seeks to expose competing ideologies by providing insight into the underlying and embedded values of different forms of social justice, and to show how these intersect with career development, which is itself a contested concept. Although the chapter advocates for the embedding of a critical social justice approach and highlights the need for trans­ form­at­ ive practice, this view is not shared by all. Thus, it is hoped that this discussion will stimulate dialogue and debate about the role of career development in the promotion of social justice, thus avoiding a relativistic and pragmatic drift where ‘social justice’ is utilised to give moral legitimacy to anything and everything. References Anyon, J. (2009). Introduction: Critical social theory, educational research and intellectual agency. In J. Anyon, D. Dumas, D. Linville, K. Nolan, M. Perez, E. Tuck, & J. Weiss (Eds.), Theory and educational research: Toward critical social explanations (pp. 1–23). New York, NY: Routledge. Apple, M.  W. (2009). Understanding and interrupting neoliberalism and neoconservatism in education. Pedagogies: An International Journal, 1, 21–26. doi:10.1207/s15544818ped0101_4 Arthur, M.  B., & Rousseau, D.  M. (1996). The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Arthur, N. (2014). Social justice and career guidance in the Age of Talent. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 47–60. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9255-x Arthur, N., & Collins, S. (2011). Infusing culture in career counselling. Journal of Employment Counseling, 48, 147–149. doi:10.1002/j.2161–1920.2011.tb01098.x Arthur, N., Collins, S., McMahon, M., & Marshall, C. (2009). Career practitioners’ views of social justice and barriers for practice. Canadian Journal of Career Development, 8, 22–31. Barker, V., & Irving, B. A. (2005). Career education for Muslim girls: Meeting culture at the crossroads. In B. A. Irving & B. Malik (Eds.), Critical reflections on career education and guidance: Promoting social justice in a global economy (pp. 72–85). London, UK: RoutledgeFalmer. Bengtsson, A. (2011). European policy of career guidance: The interrelationship between career self-management and production of human capital in the knowledge economy. Policy Futures in Education, 9, 616–627. doi:10.2304/pfie.2011.9.5.616 Bengtsson, A. (2014). Enterprising career education: The power of self-management. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 33, 362–375. doi:10.1080/02601370.2014.896085 Bimrose, J., Watson, M., McMahon, M., Haasler, S., Tomassini, M., & Suzanne, P. A. (2014). The problem with women? Challenges posed by gender for career guidance practice. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 77–88. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9256-9 Freire, P. (1972). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Friedman, M. (1962). Capitalism and freedom. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Gale, T. (2000). Rethinking social justice in schools: How will we recognize it when we see it? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 4, 253–290. doi:10.1080/13603110050059178 Giddens, A. (1998). The third way: The renewal of social democracy. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Giroux, H. (2011). On critical pedagogy. New York, NY: Continuum. Harris, S. (1999). Careers education: Contesting policy and practice. London, UK: Paul Chapman. Harvey, D. (2005). A brief history of neoliberalism. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Holland, J. L. (1973). Making vocational choices: A theory of careers. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

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Hooley, T., & Sultana, R.  G. (2016). Career guidance for social justice. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 36, 2–11. Hooley, T., Sultana, R. G., & Thomsen, R. (2018). The neoliberal challenge to career guidance: Mobilising research, policy and practice around social justice. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 1–27). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Hyslop-Margison, E.  J., & McKerracher, A. (2008). Ontario’s guidance and career education program: A democratic analysis. Journal of Education and Work, 21, 133–142. doi:10.1080/13639080802017933 Hyslop-Margison, E.  J., & Sears, A.  M. (2006). Neo-liberalism, globalization and human capital learning: Reclaiming education for democratic citizenship. Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Springer. International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG). (2013). Communiqué on social justice in educational and career guidance and counselling. Montpellier, France: International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance. Retrieved from https://iaevg.com/Resources#Communiques Irving, B. A. (2005). Social justice: A context for career education and guidance. In B. A. Irving & B. Malik (Eds.), Critical reflections on career education and guidance: Promoting social justice in a global economy (pp. 10–24). London, UK: RoutledgeFalmer. Irving, B. A. (2010). Shifting careers: (Re)constructing career education as a socially just practice. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 10, 49–63. doi:10.1007/s10775-009-9172-1 Irving, B. A. (2011). Career education as a site of oppression and domination: An engaging myth or a critical reality? Australian Journal of Career Development, 20, 24–30. doi:10.1177/103841621102000305 Irving, B. A. (2013a). Access, opportunity, and career: Supporting the aspirations of dis/abled students with high-end needs in New Zealand. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 17, 1040–1052. doi:10.1080/13 603116.2012.728634 Irving, B. A. (2013b). Discourses of delusion in demanding times: A critical analysis of the policy guidelines for career education and guidance in New Zealand secondary schools. Qualitative Research Journal, 13, 187–195. doi:10.1108/QRJ-03-2013-0019 Irving, B.  A. (2018). The pervasive influence of neoliberalism on policy guidance discourses in career/ education: Delimiting the boundaries of social justice in New Zealand. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R.  Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 47–62). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Irving, B. A. & Malik-Lievano, B. (2019). Ecojustice, equity and ethics: challenges for educational and career guidance. Revista Fuentes, 21(2), 253-263. doi:10.12795/revistafuentes.2019.v21.i2.09 McIlveen, P., & Patton, W. (2006). A critical reflection on career development. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance 6, 15–27. McMahon, M., Arthur, N., & Collins, S. (2008). Social justice and career development: Looking back looking forward. Australian Journal of Career Development, 17, 21–29. doi:10.1177/103841620801700205 Metz, A.  J., & Guichard, J. (2009). Vocational psychology and new challenges. The Career Development Quarterly, 57, 310–318. doi:10.1002/j.2161–0045.2009.tb00116.x Middtun, K., & McCash, P. (2019). Social justice and continuing professional development: A workshop for career development practitioners. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomson (Eds.), Career guidance for emancipation: Reclaiming justice for the multitude (pp. 183–199). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Miller-Tiedeman, A. (1988). Lifecareer: The quantum leap into a process theory of career. Vista, CA: Lifecareer Foundation. Nassar-McMillan, S. C. (2014). A framework for cultural competence, advocacy, and social justice: Applications for global multiculturalism and diversity. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 103–118. doi:10.1007/s10775-014-9265-3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy, state, and utopia. New York, NY: Basic Books. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2011). Social justice in the OECD—How do member states compare? Sustainable governance indicators. Gütersloh, Germany: Bertelsmann Stiftung. Retrieved from http://www.sgi-network.org/docs/studies/SGI11_Social_Justice_OECD.pdf Painter, J., & Jeffrey, A. (2009). Political geography: An introduction to space and power. London, UK: SAGE. Plant, P. (2015). Green guidance: Guidance for the future. Revista Espanola De Orientacion Y Psicopedagogia, 26, 115–123. Rawls, J. (1971). A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Educational Press. Reisch, M. (2002). Defining social justice in a socially unjust world. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services, 83, 343–354. doi:10.1606/1044-3894.17

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Rice, S. (2018). Social justice in career guidance: A Fraserian approach. In T.  Hooley, R.  G.  Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 127–141). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Richardson, M.  S. (2012). Counseling for work and relationship. The Counseling Psychologist, 40, 190–242. doi:10.1177/0011000011406452 Roper, J., Ganesh, S., & Inkson, K. (2010). Neoliberalism and knowledge interests in boundaryless careers discourse. Work Employment Society, 24, 661–679. doi:10.1177/0950017010380630 Savickas, M. L. (2015). Life-design counseling manual. Rootstown, OH: Author. Retrieved from http://www. vocopher.com/LifeDesign/LifeDesign.pdf Simon, R. I., Dippo, D., & Schenke, A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. New York, NY: Bergin & Garvey. Spring, J. (2015). Economization of education: Human capital, global corporations, and skills-based schooling. New York, NY: Routledge. Sultana, R.  G. (2014). Rousseau’s chains: Striving for social justice through emancipatory career guidance. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 33, 15–23. Sultana, R.  G. (2017). Career guidance in multicultural societies: Identity, alterity, epiphanies and pitfalls, British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 45, 451–462. doi:10.1080/03069885.2017.1348486 Sultana, R. G. (2018). Precarity, austerity and the social contract in a liquid world: Career guidance mediating the citizen and the state. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 63–76). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Super, D. (1990). A life-span, life space approach to career development. In D. Brown, L. Brooks, & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applying contemporary theories to practice (2nd ed., pp. 197–261). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Thrupp, M., & Tomlinson, S. (2005). Introduction: Education policy, social justice and ‘complex hope’. British Educational Research Journal, 31, 549–556. doi:10.1080/01411920500240684 Thomsen, R. (2017). Career guidance in communities: A model for reflexive practice. Derby, UK: International Centre for Guidance Studies. Walker, J. (2009). The inclusion and construction of the worthy citizen through lifelong learning: A focus on the OECD. Journal of Education Policy, 24, 335–351. doi:10.1080/02680930802669276 Walzer, M. (1983). Spheres of justice. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Watts, A.  G. (1996). Socio-political ideologies in guidance. In A.  G.  Watts, B.  Law, J.  Killeen, J.  Kidd, & R. Hawthorne (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 351–365). London, UK: Routledge. Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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C H A PT E R

14

Cultural Learning Theory and Career Development

Phil McCash

Abstract This chapter focuses on the theoretical basis for career development work. It sets out a case for an integrative cultural learning theory of career development. The distinctive basis of this theoretical perspective is explained, and the five facets of cultural learning theory are described, namely: learning relationships, learning contents, learning processes, learning contexts, and personal myth. In order to inform career development work, these facets are combined in the form of a cultural learning alliance. The formation and agreement of the alliance are described in detail in relation to the initial, middle, and end phases of interactions. Further practical innovations include seven techniques for supporting client learning, including a cultural influences collage, career management styles card sort, and golden threads activity. Implications for the training and development of practitioners are discussed in relation to reflexivity and assessment. Keywords: career development, integrative theory, career theory, learning theory, cultural learning, learning alliance, personal myth

Introduction Culture and learning are about who we are. Whether walking down a city street, busy in the workplace, or interacting on social media, we are immersed in cultural learning all the time. The immersive aspect means that it is not a choice. Cultural learning theory helps us answer five related questions about this state of affairs: (1) Who do we learn with? (2) What do we learn? (3) How do we learn? (4) Where do we learn? (5) Why do we learn? Our responses to these questions enable us to plan and to take action. In career development work, they help us agree on roles and trustworthy relationships with intent and clarity. They assist us in negotiating the focus and goals of the work in useful and accountable terms. Finally, they enable individuals to reoccupy the city streets, workplaces, and social media spaces with renewed purpose and meaning. The focus of this chapter is on the theoretical basis for career development work in group-based and one-to-one contexts. It significantly reconceptualises this work by using an integrative approach to cultural learning theory. It is designed to be of value to all individuals with an interest in career helping regardless of occupational title, training, background, or extent of professionalisation. It is intended to enhance career development

work with individuals and unify potential lines of fracture between the disparate activities of counselling, therapy, coaching, guidance, advice, and education. In terms of structure, the chapter is divided into two parts. In the first part, the distinctive nature of the ­integrative approach adopted is set out, and the key features of cultural learning theory are explicated. In the second part, the cultural learning alliance, derived from the underpinning theory, is described and applied in the detailed practice of career development work. Nature of the Integrative Approach Adopted Integration has long been a feature of the career development literature going back to its earliest roots (for example, Hughes,  1937; Super,  1957). It also features strongly in contemporary accounts (for example, Patton & McMahon, 2014; Savickas, 2013). There is, however, no single, unified approach taken to integration, and each theory is assembled in different ways (see also, in this volume, Rossier, Cardoso, & Duarte; Yates). This section describes the basis of the integrative approach used here. Theoretical Integration and Critical Sifting First, cultural learning theory seeks to integrate a wide range of theories using a proc­ess of critical sifting. Individual theories, used in isolation, can define career too tightly or in exclusive, marginalising, and/or uncritical ways. This problem is addressed by distilling key concepts from career and educational theory. Through this, weaknesses in one theoretical approach are offset by triangulating with contrasting ideas. Equally, classic theories are synthesised with contemporary approaches, thereby updating older accounts and acknowledging new arguments, whilst preserving the valuable insights of the past. This is a critical process and entails discarding problematic material within otherwise useful theories. For example, ideas relating to master narratives, rigid stages, strict hierarchies, and linear models are carefully sifted out of cultural learning theory. The remaining concepts are arranged within five core facets of cultural learning. These facets are all connected but irreducible to each other. One facet includes concepts (e.g., community membership) that relate to relational learning. A second facet includes concepts (e.g., career management behaviours) that relate to the contents of learning. A third facet includes concepts (e.g., evaluation) that relate to learning processes. A fourth facet includes concepts (e.g., space) that relate to learning contexts. Lastly, a fifth facet includes concepts (e.g., purpose) that relate to personal myth. Richness of Cultural Insight Second, the integrative perspective taken in cultural learning theory prioritises richness of cultural insight, and this contrasts with approaches that emphasise parsimony in theory construction (Brown, 2002). Theories are regarded as synthetic forms and are valuable to the extent that they provide vivid insight into the cultural life of the individual in context. Theories that fail to do so are rejected for the purposes of career development

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work. The main purpose of cultural learning theory is to illuminate lived experience and richly interpret cultural life. The goal is not high abstraction, nor a new master narrative. Concepts are primarily used as fine-grained interpretive tools to open up and to illuminate the interpreting world of the other, and empathically to appreciate other points of view. Such an approach draws from ideas located in interactionist sociology and cultural constructivist philosophy. Within the interactionist tradition (Barley,  1989; Becker,  1966; Becker & McCall, 1990; Blumer, 1969; Denzin, 1992; Hughes, 1937; Jacobsen, 2019; Law, 2009; Roberts, 1980; Shaw, 1966, 1931; Super, 1957, 1980) career is regarded as a continual process of social interaction involving themes of otherness and marginality. Career is seen as involving multiple social selves—that is, the interpreting ‘I’ seeing the social ‘me’ acting in a range of work and nonwork roles. Within this approach, the function of career theory is to provide an insightful grammar of cultural life (Hughes, 1937). Career theory is not seen as antagonistic to culture, but as an essential tool for developing cultural understanding. Similarly, in the cultural constructivist tradition (Gaines, 1991; Hutchison, 2006; von Glasersfeld, 1984), theory is regarded as a key for unlocking understanding rather than a map corresponding to a definitively knowable reality. It is held that both knowledge and being are culturally constructed (i.e., we are cultural beings who learn what we know through culture). Cultural constructivism dissolves problematic dualisms, such as subjective versus objective and personal constructivist versus social constructionist knowledge (Stead, 2013; Young & Collin, 2004). This perspective makes space for the personal and the imaginal but asserts that personal and imaginative dimensions are always cultural. Equally, it holds that there is no ultimate objective reality awaiting discovery separate from culture. Cultural realities are always constructed by individuals in context and over time, and theories are judged as valuable to the extent that they assist in the interpretation of these multiple realities. Bridging Career and Education Studies Third, cultural learning theory is integrative in seeking to bridge academic disciplines. For example, it seeks to incorporate career theories linked to learning with ideas from education studies. Career theories with a focus on learning (Arulmani,  2014; Krumboltz,  2009; Law,  1996; Lent,  2013; McCash,  2006) helpfully emphasise finegrained aspects of learning, such as sensing, sifting, focusing, conceptual development, task-approach skills, beliefs, outcome expectations, and personal goals. For example, the term cultural learning has come to prominence in career studies through the cultural preparation process model of career development (Arulmani, 2014). This is an important contribution because it emphasises the intercultural, social cognitive, and global dimensions of learning and the evolution of career beliefs. In educational studies, many learning theories are also relevant to cultural learning (Anderson & Krathwohl, 2001; Bruner, 1996; Freire,  1996; Hodkinson, Biesta, & James,  2008; Kolb,  2015; Lave & Wenger,  1991; McCash, 2018; C. R. Rogers, 1994; D. T. Rogers, 2012; Taylor & Cranton, 2012). For

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example, Hodkinson et al. (2008) argued that all learning should be understood culturally and experientially. This is a significant contribution because it overcomes the dualism between social and individual views of learning and emphasises experiential learning proc­ esses. In addition, Bruner (1996) provided cultural learning theory with an rich definition of culture as a systemic process that bridges the ‘macro’ dimensions of values, rights, exchanges, obligations, opportunities, and power, along with the ‘micro’ aspects of how individual human beings construct reality and meanings. Cultural learning is also seen as immersive. It is not regarded as a variable sitting alongside other variables. All learning, whether informal or formal, is cultural. Nor are schools, colleges, and universities seen as a preparation for culture. They, along with all organisations, are always, already cultural. Culture is seen as ‘a toolkit of techniques and procedures for understanding your world’ (p. 98). It follows that cultural learning does not imply that one person is cultured and another uncultured in a hierarchy of prestige. We are all subject to, and contributing to, cultural learning, all the time. Cultural learning includes the learning of stereotypical and oppressive beliefs as well as enlightening and emancipatory ones. Bridging Contrasting Traditions Within Career Theory Finally, cultural learning theory is integrative in seeking to bridge contrasting traditions within career theory. For example, career theories from the social justice and narrative traditions are sometimes seen in opposing terms, yet both provide rich and useful understandings of culture. Career theories linked to social justice (Arthur,  2019; Blustein,  2013; Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen,  2018; Mignot,  2001; Ribeiro & Fonçatti, 2018; Roberts, 1977; Simon, Dippo, & Schenke, 1991; Stead, 2004) pay attention to marginalisation, participation, role allocation, income distribution, precarity, oppression, and power. For example, Ribeiro and Fonçatti (2018) employed the concept of intercultural dialogue to argue for a rapprochement between theories produced in the Global South and Global North leading to the production of new syntheses. They also advocated retention of the term career as a holistic, organising concept, rather than alternatives like work or livelihood (Arulmani, 2014; Blustein, 2013). Further, they extended the notion of intercultural dialogue to career development work itself and regarded all such interventions as intercultural. Cultural learning theory recognises this by drawing from Global South theories (for example, Arulmani, 2014; Freire, 1970/1996; Ribeiro & Fonçatti, 2018) and Global North theories (for example, Hodkinson, 2009; Savickas, 2013; Super, 1990) and by advancing the notion of the cultural learning alliance as a form of intercultural dialogue. Turning to the narrative tradition, career theories rooted in this perspective (Cochran, 1997; Collin & Young, 1992; McCash, 2018; Rossier, Cardoso, & Duarte, this volume; Savickas, 2013) highlight the importance of symbolic cultural resources in career development. Rather than viewing cultural learning in largely anthropological terms (Arulmani, 2014; Hodkinson et al., 2008), these career theories emphasise that individuals learn through people they have never physically met but have e­ ncountered

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through print, video, online media, and other symbolic artefacts. This expanded dimension of cultural learning is highly significant. The use of such cultural material can ‘light up our own situation’ and ‘open up the world’ (Ricoeur, 2008, p. 145). This has obvious utility in career development work that seeks to engender critical thinking and transformation. Furthermore, cultural learning is not seen as being solely confined to the groups that individuals are born into. People extend their learning to other groups and individuals through use of symbolic artefacts from the past and present. This learning can have more significance for the individual than community of origin. Summary Cultural learning theory integrates a wide range of classic and contemporary ideas. Existing theories are not incorporated wholesale but are subject to a process of critical sifting. Concepts are included that provide rich insight into the cultural life of individuals in context and directly inform the practice of career development work. In addition, transdisciplinary integration is accomplished by drawing from the fields of career and educational studies in order to shed light on the nature of cultural learning. Integration also occurs in an intradisciplinary direction by bridging contrasting traditions in career studies. This surfaces the profound significance of intercultural dialogue and cultural resources in career development. Cultural Learning Theory of Career Development The cultural learning theory of career development holds that there are five interconnected facets of cultural learning: learning relationships, learning contents, learning proc­esses, learning contexts, and personal myth. In this section, the concepts linked to each facet are described and examples are provided. The central questions and organising principles addressed by each facet are explained (see Table  14.1). Some introductory examples of how to apply the theory in practice are also supplied, and this area is addressed more fully in the subsequent section on the cultural learning theory in practice. For reasons of space, it is acknowledged that not all career and learning theories are represented here, and that concepts from such theories could enrich one or more of the facets. Learning Relationships Learning relationships are a strong theme in career theory, and traditional approaches surface the interplay of life roles, role salience, and the constellation of role-related personal constructs (Super,  1990). The psychology of working perspective and relational theories of working highlight the importance of psychodynamic influences, interpersonal relationships, internalised relational objects, family, mutuality, tending, holding, and relational cultural dimensions (Blustein, 2011, 2013; Blustein, Schultheiss, & Flum, 2004; Schultheiss,  2007). In addition, Derridean (Gee,  2019) and Adlerian career theories (Savickas, 2013) speak to the significance of emotionally resonant presences and absences

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Table 14.1  Summary of Cultural Learning Theory Five Facets of Cultural Learning

1) Learning Relationships

2) Learning Contents

3) Learning Processes

4) Learning Contexts

5) Personal Myth

Central Question

Who do we learn with?

What do we learn?

How do we learn?

Where do we learn?

Why do we learn?

Organising Principle

Role

Topic

Action

Space

Meaning

Examples

Community membership

Career management behaviours

Evaluation

Media

Purposes

Practice

Agreeing about learning roles

Exploring topics for learning

Progressing learning ­actions

Learning to make ­enhanced use of spaces

Learning about ­meaning in our lives

in career development. Depth psychological approaches emphasise that learning relationships extend beyond purely interpersonal relationships to connections with contemporary and historical symbolic artefacts (McCash, 2018; Taylor & Cranton, 2012). Learning relationships are concerned with the who of learning, and the organising principle is role. People act in a range of roles (for example, worker, student, partner, friend, and family member) and learn through interpreting themselves acting in relation to significant others (for example, people, objects, locations, and ideas). They also learn through individuals they have never physically met but encountered through interpreting their symbolic artefacts, such as writers, singers, designers, artists, and musicians. The learning relationships forged thereby may be more meaningful than those with people in the immediate social milieu. Relational learning has a daisy-chain quality. Learning via a significant other, regardless of whether physically met or not, leads to further learning. Power is always present in relationships, and the uses (and abuses) of power have considerable significance in career development. For instance, the relationship between a worker and their manager is characterised by differences in institutional power dynamics. Learning relationships also have a distinct emotional quality, such as the presence or absence of comfort, genuineness, trust, and empathy (C. R. Rogers, 1994); holding (Blustein, 2011); and support (Law, 2009). In practical terms, the relational facet of cultural learning theory highlights the importance of agreeing about learning roles in career development work. Learning Contents Learning contents relate to the what of learning and the organising principle is topic. Contents are concerned with the specific topics on which learning focuses. A key aspect here is the wide scope of this facet. Any concept within the remaining four facets (relationships, processes, contexts, personal myth) can become a learning content when it becomes an object of attention. For example, relationships can become learning contents when

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included within a career education programme. Topics include career stories and projects (Cochran, 1992; McCash, 2018; Savickas, 2013; Young & Valach, 2000); career interests, abilities, aptitudes, and skills (Holland, 1997; Patton & McMahon, 2014; Super, 1990); and career information sources, decision-making frameworks, and career management behaviours (Gati,  2013; Holland,  1997; Ibarra,  2002; King,  2004; Sampson, Lenz, Reardon, & Peterson, 1999; Swanson & Schneider, 2013). For example, career management behaviour is a common topic of discussion in work and educational contexts. Learning topics extend to career problems, types, values, and development tasks (Arulmani, 2014; Bloch & Richmond, 1997; Blustein, 2011; Clarke, 2009; Holland, 1997; Savickas; 2013; Schein, 1996; Super, 1990; Swanson & Schneider, 2013; Vaillant, 2002). They include career-related success, failure, practices, memories, objects, beliefs, ethics, and goals (Arulmani, 2014; Blustein, 2011; Cohen, 2006; Lent, 2013; McCash, 2018; Savickas, 2013; Schultheiss,  2007). For example, career-related values are often discussed and explored at times of change. Learning topics also encompass frames of reference, horizons for action, the dialogical self, possible selves, community links, and the intersection of diversity influences (Hermans, 2001; Hodkinson, 2009; Law, 2009; McCash, 2018; Mezirow, 2012). In addition, they relate to organisational knowledge, role allocation, income distribution, precarity, security, non-market work, social in/justice, and intercultural dialogue (Arulmani, 2014; Blustein, 2013; Hooley et al., 2018; Ribeiro, this volume). Finally, at the macro level, topics also include environmental conditions, contexts, globalisation, historical events, political decisions, legislation, and technology (Hodkinson, 2009; Mitchell & Krumboltz, 1996; Patton & McMahon,  2014; Super,  1990). For example, political decisions can affect the availability of jobs and quality of working life. The wide scope of learning topics emphasises the cultural dimensions of career development work and its potential for individual and societal transformation. In practical terms, the contents facet of cultural learning theory highlights the importance of exploring the topics on which career development work will focus. For example, the pervasive influence of community expectations can be sensitively discussed and explored in work with individuals and groups. Learning Processes Learning processes address the question of how people learn, and the organising principle is action. In temporal terms, learning processes take place over seconds and minutes to months and years. There is no implied rigid hierarchy or strictly linear structure to learning processes, rather, a spiralling quality as individuals revisit learning cumulatively throughout their lives from early childhood to late life. Learning processes entail intellectual, emotional, and physical dimensions. They also include unconscious processes (introjection, projection, seeing through) and tacit knowledge (dispositions). The learning proc­esses facet blends ideas from education and career studies. For example, there are important

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process dimensions in classic and contemporary learning theory. These include the construction of learning (Piaget, 1954); progressive participation (Lave & Wenger, 1991); critical questioning (Freire,  1970/1996; Simon et al.,  1991); experiential learning (Dewey, 1997; Kolb, 2015); educational objectives (Anderson & Krathwohl, 2001); and transformative learning (Taylor & Cranton, 2012). There are also significant learning process dimensions within career theory. These include: ideational, experiential, interactional, and object-linked learning (Super,  1990); social learning, task approach skills, generalisations, and task approach skills (Mitchell & Krumboltz, 1996); and the sensing, sifting, and focusing of experiences (Law, 1996). They extend to: personal career theory (Holland,  1997); cognitive information processing (Sampson et al., 1999); social cognition, enculturation, acculturation, and career beliefs (Arulmani, 2014; Lent, 2013); as well as horizons for action, pragmatic rationality, and dispositions (Hodkinson, 2009). Learning processes can be broken down into increasingly fine-grained learning actions. Participation involves engaging, feeling, sensing, and doing. Comprehension leads to identifying, naming, defining, selecting, distinguishing, categorising, and sifting. Conceptual development entails analysing, critiquing, evaluating, assessing, judging, appraising, and explaining. Creating new concepts and projects involves planning, applying, designing, synthesising, reimagining, and transforming. Breaking down learning in this way emphasises the role of the interpreting individual in constructing learning through making decisions about the world. For example, an individual evaluates (i.e., this is a learning process) a career management behaviour (i.e., this is a learning content) and so arrives at a decision about how to act. In other words, it is through learning processes that individuals make decisions about learning contents. This aspect enables career development workers to avoid didacticism by creating space for their clients to decide what is of value (McCash, 2006). In practical terms, the processes facet of cultural learning theory informs the creation of measurable goals for career development (i.e., learning outcomes). Learning Contexts Learning contexts relate to the where of learning and the organising principle is space. Contexts relate to the located, spatial, and situated nature of learning (for example, home, neighbourhoods, communities, work organisations, educational institutions, leisure establishments, towns, cities, countryside, regions, and countries). The importance of learning contexts is recognised in classic and contemporary career theory. Early interactionist ‘Chicago school’ career sociology (Becker, 1966; Hughes, 1937; Shaw, 1966) identified the existence of a thousand ‘Chicagos’, ranging from the most materially disadvantaged areas to the affluent suburbs, and emphasised that career includes learning in work-related and non-work-related spaces. In the contemporary era, family, workplace, educational, community, geographical, and media spaces feature in a range of career theories

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(Alexander,  2018; Gunz & Mayrhofer,  2018; Hodkinson,  2009; Law,  2009; Patton & McMahon, 2014; Super, 1980). Space also features in learning theories that highlight the importance of peripherality, situatedness, cultural identity, communities of practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991), and lifewide learning (Bélanger, 2016). These spaces are inevitably influenced by the intersections of class, gender, disability, sexuality, and ethnicity. Learning contexts also relate to physical and virtual media spaces, including books, TV, movies, phones, objects, images, music, websites, and social media (see also Hooley & Staunton, this volume). Learning takes place in and across all these media, often in multiple locations or channels simultaneously, such as working from home using the Internet or reading an online book in a café. Finally, space is connected with the experience of alterity (otherness), the sense of being an insider or an outsider, of being in a familiar or a strange space. These are recurrent themes in career studies (Becker,  1966; Hughes,  1949; Park,  1915; Shaw,  1966,  1931) that have recently been revisited by contemporary writers (Gee, 2019; McCash, 2018; Ribeiro & Fonçatti, 2018). In practical terms, the contexts facet of cultural learning theory focuses on helping clients learn to make effective use of space in career development. Personal Myth Learning through personal myth relates to the why of learning and its organising principle is meaning. It is a metacognitive form of learning that draws from the four facets of cultural learning identified previously (relationships, contents, processes, and contexts) to address issues of meaning and purpose. Personal myth is profoundly linked to learning and culture, and this is recognised in depth psychology (Campbell, 1973; Jung, 1995; MacAdams, 1993; McCash, 2018; Stevens, 1995). In terms of career theory, it links the narrative (Cochran, 1997; Collin & Young, 1992; Rossier, Cardoso, & Duarte, this volume; Savickas, 2013) and learning traditions (Krumboltz,  1979; Law,  1996; Mitchell & Krumboltz,  1996; Lent, 2013). Personal myth integrates all aspects of the human experience. It is made up of lifelines, which are flows of ideational and feeling energy in the individual that indicate lines of future development. Lifelines are synthetic and are constructed in dialogue with contemporary (synchronic) and historical (diachronic) cultural artefacts that provide individuals with a counterweight and point of orientation in times of challenge or change. Lifelines are provisional and dynamic and may be pursued or dropped as the flow of energy dictates. Through this process, the individual develops a philosophy for living, known as the personal myth, that is regularly modified by experiences, such as success and failure, throughout the lifespan. For some individuals, this can be experienced as a spir­it­ ual process; in any event, it is an intensely practical process of learning to live with ourselves and others. The term personal myth underlines that it unites the personal and the social and cannot be reduced to either polarity. A myth is, by definition, always the work

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of many hands. Similarly, it represents a middle way between the extremes of agency and fatalism. It is less about authoring or acting (Savickas, 2013) than about being open to one’s distinctive pattern of life. The personal myth means to become a carrier of that life and to bring it to its fullest possible realisation. It is extensive and cannot be reduced to an off-the-shelf success recipe. Its final extent is not known, and in this sense, there must remain a mysterious element to any personal myth. It entails learning about our deep connections with others and the wider world—the golden threads that connect, and reconnect, us culturally. In practical terms, the personal myth facet of cultural learning theory enables practitioners to make room for meaning and purpose in career development work. Summary Cultural learning theory represents a distinctive fusion of career and learning theory. It proposes that career development is a rich mix of learning relationships, learning contents, learning processes, learning contexts, and personal myth. These facets address five key questions—the who, what, how, where, and why of career. They also incorporate the five core principles of career—role, topic, action, space, and meaning. Taken together, these elements form an expansive, contemporary definition of career development and provide researchers and practitioners with a vivid and critical language to inform further work. Cultural Learning Theory in Practice Cultural learning theory is applied to career development practice in the form of the cultural learning alliance. This renovates and enhances the working alliance of goals, tasks, and bonds (Bordin,  1979) that has traditionally informed career development work (Gysbers, Heppner, & Johnston,  2014; Kidd,  2006; Meara & Patton,  1994; MilotLapointe, Savard, & Le Corff,  2018; Whiston, Rossier, & Barón,  2016). The cultural learning alliance is defined as an intercultural dialogue between strangers (Ribeiro & Fonçatti,  2018) through which a practical everyday politics for solving problems can emerge and be sustained (Mignot, 2001). It entails reflexivity on behalf of the practitioner and a commitment to the assessment of learning outcomes. It consists of a learning agreement (Patton & McMahon, 1998; D. T. Rogers, 2012) linked to roles, topics, goals, actions, and meanings, and it is made up of three active phases: an initial, middle, and end phase. The remainder of this section describes how to negotiate the cultural learning alliance in practice. The examples given relate to one-to-one and group contexts and are not presented prescriptively but rather to ‘walk the walk’ as well as ‘talk the talk’. The goal is to help practitioners creatively develop their own practice and craft their philosophy of learning for working with clients. First, practitioner reflexivity is discussed because it provides an essential foundation for practice. Second, the initial phase of the interaction is described, with a focus on agreeing learning roles, the nature of the service, and mutual

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agendas for learning. Third, the middle and end phases are discussed together, and seven related techniques are identified for working with clients depending on the practice context. Finally, the section concludes with a discussion on how to measure the impact of the cultural learning alliance through the assessment of learning. Reflexivity The five facets of cultural learning theory essentially encompass the informal curriculum for career development work in group and individual situations. Practitioners develop detailed knowledge of this curriculum through extensive reading and critical reflexivity. They consult with clients, and potential clients, and obtain a range of views on the topics of most value. A variety of feedback mechanisms are used to obtain this information, including focus groups, interviews, and surveys. Along with these steps, practitioners reflexively recognise and acknowledge their own cultural learning, such as attitudes to career success, work ethics, and career management behaviours (Cohen, 2006). Experiences and beliefs related to gender, socioeconomic background, geography, nationality, religion, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation, and political persuasion are also relevant (Arthur, 2019; Blustein,  2013). In addition, reflexivity helps to acknowledge that career development practitioner training is a cultural process itself and being appropriately clear about this training with clients aids transparency and cultural sharing. A further aspect relates to what might be termed the inner work. By deeply engaging with their ongoing journeying and personal myth work, practitioners can distinguish between their own needs and those of the client, whilst acknowledging that helping others may, nonetheless, inform their own development. Reflexivity also demands consideration of situatedness and positionality in relation to the work, such as organisational and societal influences and pressures. Once these reflexive steps are complete, the practitioner is ready to make a provisional selection of topics and co-design interactions in partnership with clients. Initial Phase Learning relationships in practice centre on an effective negotiation of the nature of the learning roles. It is helpful to avoid misunderstanding and miscommunication on this point, as it is perhaps the issue that causes the greatest confusion in career development work. Well-defined and mutually understood learning roles lead to the formation of good relationships between practitioner and clients (Blustein, 2011; Schultheiss, 2007). Such relationships are characterised by the existence of genuineness, trust, and empathy (C. R. Rogers, 1994) and enable the progress of the session to be explicitly agreed. The practitioner’s careful summarising of feelings and thoughts enables clients to feel heard and present in the learning relationship as it proceeds through formation, development, and closure, especially as the practitioner reflects and comments on any statements that seem particularly meaningful or salient to the client. The practitioner has a particular responsibility to monitor the quality of the relationship as it evolves and to attend to its

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rupture and repair. For example, psychological contact may be temporarily broken as clients attempt to escape into the supposed expertise of the practitioner, or when the practitioner attempts to move the conversation on prematurely. Contact is restored when the break is acknowledged and both sides refocus on agreed roles and topics. The agreed learning roles create a listening space for both being heard and hearing one’s own thoughts. The accent is on unfolding, becoming, or surprising oneself. The practitioner’s role being primarily one of establishing and holding the learning space. The Nature of the Service The practitioner explains to clients that the service they provide is primarily focused on learning and their role is essentially educational, in the sense of facilitating client learning (Krumboltz, 2009; Mitchell & Krumboltz, 1996; Patton & McMahon, 2014). This helps clients understand that career development, inside and outside the relationship, is, or at least may be, a negotiated process. It also underlines the political and potentially transformative nature of career development work. The practitioner asks clients about their prior experience of career development work and their expectations for the session. This is because culture can affect these aspects; for example, prior learning experiences from childhood, societal influences, or earlier experiences of career development work may lead clients to demand the practitioner tell them what to do, or they may lead clients to expect that the practitioner will want to tell them what to do. They may also believe that the practitioner will directly supply expert answers, such as occupational information. The practitioner takes ownership of this issue and helps clients understand that the practitioner’s role is to facilitate their learning. The clients’ needs, such as for better decisionmaking or information, are acknowledged, but the practitioner does not, explicitly or tacitly, collude on this key point. The practitioner stands their ground, despite possible pressure from clients or other stakeholders, and maintains their commitment to learning. Any client concerns about this are acknowledged, and the practitioner makes statements designed to reassure and normalise experience based on their knowledge of cultural learning theory. Agreeing Mutual Agendas The practitioner states that both clients and the practitioner have topics to discuss. This helps make clear the respective agendas. Clients are provided with a brief guide to the scope and kinds of topics that may be discussed, such as the everyday topics of career influences, exploring options, applying for opportunities, career management, interpersonal issues, confidence, career-related problems, role conflicts, changing direction, plateauing, role change, promotion, retirement, and so on. The practitioner explains that cultural influences and resources are relevant to all subjects. This menu-setting process is not designed to undermine the agency and initiative of clients; rather, it is intended to open up possibilities and illuminate the nature of career development work, particularly for those

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whose cultural background may not have prepared them for this type of service. The practitioner explains what is not on the menu within the actual session and what may be better provided elsewhere—for instance, depending on the practice context, the provision of fast-changing occupational knowledge or other specific expertise. The practitioner explains that they would like to learn about the clients’ preferred initial topics for discussion, explore them from the clients’ perspective, and agree on next steps. This is because all these elements are useful in time-limited interactions, particularly single sessions, and the practitioner’s framing of the discussion from the start provides a structured and welcoming space for clients. In addition, the identification of the clients’ preliminary topics, prior to exploring the topics’ background, gives a tight focus to the discussion. The practitioner keeps playing back and asking about these topics until clients have no more topics to raise. This enables clients to identify and to prioritise a range of issues. It also prevents the practitioner from latching on to the first presenting topic and letting it run away with the discussion. Provided agreement over learning roles has taken place, all the everyday topics of career development presented by clients meet with positive responses from the practitioner. Middle and End Phases The learning alliance extends beyond the practitioner–client relationship to deeper engagement with the wider culture. This can entail helping clients learn new ways of viewing existing cultural resources, such as information sources and networks. It can also entail engaging with new resources. The practitioner approaches this by drawing from cultural learning theory and exploring the who, what, how, where, and why of clients’ career development. These steps reveal what clients have been learning and where things appear to have become stuck. They give clients a chance to explain, and the practitioner a chance to understand, how far the learning has progressed and why it has not gone any further—for example, it is common for clients to feel overwhelmed by the sheer volume of information available. Once client experience is better understood, it is possible to work from it to progress client learning. Seven simple techniques are used to progress client learning in the middle and end phases: cultural influences collage, career management styles card sort, golden threads activity, bridging, reviewing, life stories, and networking. In each case, it is in the process of gaining trust and holding the learning space that clients are enabled to transform existing frames of reference and to plan further learning. The techniques incorporate the five facets of cultural learning theory: learning relationships, learning contents, learning processes, learning contexts, and personal myth. The techniques may be used singly, as a blend, and in combination with other methods. Longer-term interactions made up of more extensive sequences of one-to-one or group-based activities provide a suitable environment for practising the techniques more fully. For reasons of space, abbreviated versions are provided here; and some more detailed examples with practitioner notes are available elsewhere (Frigerio, Mendez, & McCash, 2012; McCash, 2011).

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Cultural Influences Collage The cultural influences collage technique enables clients to identify, to share, and to evaluate their respective cultural influences. It is designed to avoid taking a decontextualized, culture-free approach to self-awareness. The practitioner introduces the background to the activity and the key concepts of cultural influence (Arulmani,  2014; Ribeiro & Fonçatti, 2018). Clients are asked singly or in pairs to consider those influences in relation to their own lives and to construct a collage using a blend of self-created and found images. The practitioner invites clients to consider how to change any influences, to expand their influences, and to consider the positive or negative effects for self and others. Finally, clients are asked to share their collages and ideas with one other person and to reflect on this process. Career Management Styles Card Sort This technique focuses on the contrasting career management behaviours frequently encountered in wider life and discussed in the popular and academic literature. The practitioner introduces the topic and invites clients to watch two short video case studies that illustrate contrasting approaches to career management and to make notes on each case using an activity sheet. Clients are given a pack of cards featuring different approaches to career management linked to relevant theory (for example, individualist, collectivist, structured, open-ended, intrinsic, extrinsic, adaptative, transformative, playing the game, changing the game, competitive, or cooperative) and are asked to evaluate each style. The practitioner extends the learning by asking clients to think about the consequences of using each behaviour in interpersonal, organisational, and societal terms. Finally, clients are invited to plan ways of finding out more and to share the results of their research at the next meeting. Golden Threads Activity The golden threads activity focuses on cultural connections. The practitioner introduces it by discussing the role of connections and meaningful relationships in career development. The importance of the thread image in many cultures is highlighted as a symbol of connection and the life principle (Stevens, 1998). Clients are asked sensitising questions in relation to people and objects (Who holds you? What holds you?), and they are invited to consider the positive and negative aspects of holding. The practitioner asks clients to respond to seven prompts but to share only material they feel comfortable with: (1) Significant Interaction with Someone I Know/Have Known; (2) Transformative Experience; (3) Special Object; (4) Meaningful Dream or Reverie; (5) Significant Novel/ Play/Poem/Movie/Website; (6) Something from Outside the Culture I Grew Up In; and (7) Something From Outside My Time. If resources and context allow, the practitioner distributes a length of golden cord and paper strips, and then asks clients to write down examples they wish to share on the strips and attach them to the cord. Finally, clients are

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invited to develop responses to the material, new lines of development, and ways of finding out more. Bridging The bridging technique involves helping clients learn how to bridge from one type of known source to at least one new unknown type, such as bridging from an online jobs board to an occupational profile. The practitioner resists the temptation to flood clients with everything they know about the presenting career goal (which may or may not be out of date). Instead, they hold the learning space by learning what clients have learnt thus far. The practitioner uses their expert knowledge of different types of cultural learning resources for career development rather than detailed occupational knowledge. Clients are enabled to evaluate the merits of one source of information (online jobs board) versus another (an occupational profile) and to plan to find out more. Thus equipped, they can navigate more surefootedly through the bewildering maze of online and offline resources. Since this process is applicable to a range of career problems, by using this method, the practitioner enables clients to learn the transferable skill of researching career development more generally. Reviewing The reviewing technique entails helping clients learn how to review a cultural resource, such as an existing peer source, and to engage with the peer in a new way. The practitioner helps the client identify potential learning opportunities lying within the client’s existing social spaces. For example, a client who is interested in paralegal work, may be acquainted with a lawyer who works out at the same gym. Exploratory questions reveal obstacles to moving forward, such as those linked, perhaps, to differences in the relative socioeconomic status ascribed in contemporary culture to the client and their peer. The practitioner helps the client reframe the relationship on a more egalitarian basis and to see beyond the high-prestige contact to more relevant potential contacts within the lawyer’s network such as paralegal colleagues. This enables the client to envisage moving forward. Networking The networking technique involves helping clients learn how to use interpersonal contacts to deal with career problems. Clients often experience difficult episodes, such as bullying, as individual phenomena, and feelings of self-blame and inaction are ­exacerbated by the wider culture. Clients learn how to identify people in the social space who are experiencing similar difficulties and relevant individuals who may be able to help. The practitioner helps clients learn to see the issue as potentially related to organisational culture. The action planning discussion centres on identifying people who may provide support for learning more about the wider organisational context and, potentially, improving it.

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Life Story The life story technique involves helping clients learn how to locate new role models by researching contemporary and historical cultural resources. Clients frequently suffer from a lack of appropriate models, such as role models of people with a disability working in the arts, and experience isolation as a result of the individualising effects of the wider cultural environment. Clients need to learn how to identify someone they have not met who has experienced similar difficulties. The practitioner helps the client learn to broaden and to explore their range of contemporary and historical cultural learning resources (for example, campaign groups, auto/biographies, and dictionaries of artists). Encountering new life stories and role models helps clients feel less alone and more connected. Assessing Learning The success of the cultural learning alliance is informed by the assessment of learning outcomes. In the examples above, the techniques are intended to achieve at least four learning outcomes: (1) Identify and discuss cultural resources for career-related learning, such as influences, career management styles, cultural connections, vacancy sources, occupational profiles, friends, colleagues, social media, and role models; (2) Critically evaluate selected examples of such resources; (3) Reframe the use of these resources; and (4) Design responses in terms of engaging with further learning. These learning outcomes are based on learning processes and provide measurable indicators of the practitioner’s work that are useful for clients, stakeholders, and practitioners alike. Learning outcome evidence can reassure the practitioner that learning has been achieved and indicate when it has not happened, or at least not sufficiently. The process of reflexivity discussed earlier helps with reflecting on the reasons why and with changing practice as a result. Learning outcomes provide a midrange indicator informed directly by clients’ distinctive and often very personal engagement with the service. At the same time, they supply stakeholders (such as policymakers, contract holders, managers, and potential clients) with a behavioural indicator that may be subject to more formal methods of assessment, including numerical measures, as the context allows. Conclusion This chapter discusses the intellectual underpinnings of cultural learning theory and its distinctive integrative features. The five facets of cultural learning theory are identified: (1) Relationships corresponding to the who of learning; (2) Contents relating to the what of learning; (3) Processes focusing on the how of learning; (4) Contexts relating to the where of learning; and (5) Personal myth focusing on the why of learning.­ The interconnected and complementary nature of the facets is acknowledged, and they are proposed as a rich and inclusive definition of career development suitable for the contemporary era.

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The chapter applies cultural learning theory in practice using the cultural learning alliance. The three phases of the alliance are described and are linked to creative techniques for supporting client learning. The alliance is agile and scalable for use in day-to-day practice with individual clients and groups in single or multiple sessions. It also informs negotiation with wider stakeholders. Perhaps most significantly, the alliance reconceptualises career development work in the direction of learning and culture. Enhanced connections between past, present, and future generations encapsulate the aim of the alliance based on cultural learning theory. Through it, clients and practitioners are invited to forge deeper relationships with the wider culture, and thereby bring life to its fullest possible expression. References Alexander, R. (2018). Social justice and geographical location in career guidance. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 77–91). New York, NY: Routledge. Anderson, L. W., & Krathwohl, D. R. (Eds.). (2001). A taxonomy for learning, teaching, and assessing: A revision of Bloom’s taxonomy of educational objectives. New York, NY: Addison Wesley Longman. Arthur, N. (2019). Career development theory and practice: A culture-infused perspective. In N. Arthur & M. McMahon (Eds.), Contemporary theories of career development: International perspectives (pp. 180–194). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Arulmani, G. (2014). The cultural preparation process model and career development. In G.  Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 81–103). New York, NY: Springer. Barley, S.  R. (1989). Careers, identities, and institutions: The legacy of the Chicago school of sociology. In M. B. Arthur, D. T. Hall, & B. S. Lawrence (Eds.), Handbook of career theory (pp. 41–65). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Becker, H. S. (1966). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York, NY: Free Press. Becker, H. S., & McCall, M. M. (1990). Symbolic interactionism and cultural studies. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Bélanger, P. (2016). Self-construction and social transformation: Lifelong, lifewide and life-deep learning. Hamburg, Germany: UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning. Bloch, D. P., & Richmond, L. J. (Eds.). (1997). Connections between spirit and work in career development. Palo Alto, CA: Davies-Black. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Blustein, D. (2011). A relational theory of working. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 79, 1–17. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2010.10.004 Blustein, D. (2013). The psychology of working: A new perspective for a new era. In D. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working (pp. 3–18). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ oxfordhb/9780199758791.001.0001 Blustein, D., Schultheiss, D. E. P., & Flum, H. (2004). Toward a relational perspective of the psychology of careers and working: A social constructionist analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 423–440. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.008 Bordin, E. S. (1979). The generalizability of the psychoanalytic concept of the working alliance. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 16, 252–260. doi:10.1037/h0085885 Brown, D. (2002). Introduction to theories of career development and choice: Origins, evolution, and current efforts. In D. Brown & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development (4th ed., pp. 3–23). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bruner, J. (1996). The culture of education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Campbell, J. (1973). Myths to live by. London, UK: Souvenir Press.

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Sampson, J. P., Jr, Lenz, J. G., Reardon, R. C., & Peterson G. W. (1999). A cognitive information processing approach to employment problem solving and decision making. The Career Development Quarterly, 48, 3–18. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.1999.tb00271.x Savickas, M. L. (2013). Career construction theory and practice. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Schein, E. H. (1996). Career anchors revisited: Implications for career development in the 21st century. The Academy of Management Executive, 10, 80–88. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4165355 Schultheiss, D.  E.  P. (2007). The emergence of a relational cultural paradigm for vocational psychology. International Journal of Educational and Vocational Guidance, 7, 191–201. doi:10.1007/s10775-007-9123-7 Shaw, C. R. (1931). The natural history of a delinquent career. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Shaw, C.  R. (1966). The jack-roller: A delinquent boy’s own story. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1930) Simon, R. I., Dippo, D., & Schenke, A. (1991). Learning work: A critical pedagogy of work education. New York, NY: Bergin & Garvey. Stead, G. B. (2004). Culture and career psychology: A social constructionist perspective. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 389–406. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.006 Stead, G. B. (2013). Social constructionist thought and working. In D. L. Blustein (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the psychology of working. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Stevens, A. (1995). Private myths: Dreams and dreaming. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Stevens, A. (1998). Ariadne’s clue: A guide to the symbols of humankind. London, UK: Penguin. Super, D. E. (1957). The psychology of careers: An introduction to vocational development. New York, NY: Harper and Brothers. Super, D. E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16, 282–298. doi:10.1016/0001-8791(80)90056-1 Super, D.  E. (1990). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. In D.  Brown, L.  Brooks, & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applying contemporary theories to practice (2nd ed., pp. 197–261). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Swanson, J. L., & Schneider, M. (2013). Minnesota theory of work adjustment. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (pp. 29–53). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Taylor, E.  W., & Cranton, P. (Eds.). (2012). The handbook of transformative learning: Theory, research, and practice. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Vaillant, G. E. (2002). Aging well: Surprising guideposts to a happier life from the landmark Harvard study of adult development. Boston, MA: Little, Brown. von Glasersfeld, E. (1984). An introduction to radical constructivism. In P.  Watzlawick (Ed.), The invented reality: How do we know what we believe we know? (pp. 17–40). New York, NY: Norton. Whiston, S. C., Rossier, J., & Barón, P. M. H. (2016). The working alliance in career counseling: A systematic overview. Journal of Career Assessment, 24, 591–604. doi:10.1177/1069072715615849 Young, R. A., & Collin, A. (2004). Introduction: Constructivism and social constructionism in the career field. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 373–388. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.005 Young, R. A., & Valach, L. (2000). Reconceptualising career theory and research: An action-theoretical perspective. In A. Collin & R. A. Young (Eds.), The future of career (pp. 181–196). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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C H A PT E R

15

The Cultural Preparedness Perspective of Career Development

Gideon Arulmani, Sachin Kumar, Sunita Shrestha, Maribon Viray, and Sajma Aravind

Abstract Career psychology is placing an increasingly greater focus on culture-resonant theories of development and culture-concordant career interventions. This chapter describes the cultural preparation process model (CPPM) as a framework to understand how culture mediates the process by which individuals and communities engage with their careers and livelihood. The key propositions of the CPPM are presented along with its applicational dimension. The model as a template for intervention development is discussed, and five guidelines—recognizing cultural leadership, expanding the definition of “client,” identifying and accommodating ways of living, valorizing cultural symbols, and integrating livelihood and career—are described. Jiva, an intervention based on the CPPM, and its impact and outcomes are presented, with evidence of outcomes from India and adaptations implemented in other countries. Applying the CPPM to assess interests and aptitudes is considered, with the Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire presented as an example. In summary, this chapter provides a reference point from which culture could be drawn into the career development discourse. Keywords: cultural preparedness, career counselling, assessment, enculturation, acculturation, equilibrium, cultural leadership, livelihood, Jiva

Culture and Career Psychology Culture remains an elusive term to define, perhaps because it has numerous meanings and has been viewed from a multiplicity of disciplinary vantage points. Today, career psychology is moving toward an increasingly greater focus on culture-resonant theories of development (e.g., Arulmani,  2014a; Leong & Pearce,  2014; McCash, this volume; Ribeiro, this volume; Stead,  2004) and culture-concordant career interventions (e.g., Spokane, Fouad, & Swanson, 2003). There have been calls for developing a multicultural mindset (Leong & Hartung, 2000) and viewing career psychology as a “cultural enterprise” (Stead, 2007, p. 181). As a consequence, mainstream theories are being examined for their cross-cultural relevance and modified to accommodate cultural variables (Leong & Hartung, 2000). Cultural constructs such as individualism–collectivism, locus of control, purpose of work, and perception of time are being studied (Thomas & Inkson, 2007). Theories are being extended to tribal groups (Albert, Porter, & Green, 2016). A number of culturally mediated career counselling models have also been proposed, including the

integrative–sequential model (Leong & Hartung, 2000), the integrative multidimensional model (Leong & Hardin, 2002), the ecological model (Cook, Heppner, & O’Brien, 2002), culture-infused career counselling (Arthur,  2018), and the cultural preparation process model (CPPM) upon which this chapter focuses (Arulmani, 2010, 2011, 2014a). These developments have also been critically appraised. One concern emanates from a trend in the careers literature for the term culture to be confounded with proxy cat­e­go­ ri­cal variables such as race, ethnicity, language, religion, countries, and continents, resulting not just in confusing usage but also oversimplification, “as if these referential groups are monoliths” (Stead, 2004, p. 392). Within the understanding that culture is integral to the ways of living of all human beings, work itself becomes a construction of culture (Arulmani, 2014a). Therefore, it is important to decipher the constitutive dynamic between psychological processes and sociocultural contexts and acknowledge the bidirectionality that exists between the person and culture. The Cultural Preparation Process Model The CPPM takes an interdisciplinary approach, drawing upon constructs from ­biological anthropology, social and developmental psychology, and economics to provide a vantage point from which the career practitioner could understand these dynamics. Cultural preparedness is described to be “the accumulation over time, of the learnings and experiences of a certain group of people, so assimilated and systematized into the group’s ways of engaging with the world that it can be said to exemplify that group and distinguish it from other groups. These ways of engaging rest upon a social cognitive environment typified by an interconnected system of beliefs, values, rituals, social organization and mores, that have become deeply embedded within the conventions and routines to which a given group is habituated” (Arulmani, 2019a, p. 197). The approach rests upon four important constructs: cultural learning, enculturation, cultural preparedness equilibrium, and acculturation. The interaction between these constructs describes the CPPM, which is outlined in the following sections. In addition to the examples provided, Box 15.1 presents a case study extracted from a series of in-depth interviews conducted by Kumar, one of the authors of this chapter. Cultural Learning This is a construct adapted from biological anthropology that emerges from the observation that human beings are biologically prepared for culture in ways that other primates are not. This is seen in the cognitive development that underlies the sequential emergence of learning through imitation, instruction, and collaboration (Tomasello, 2000). Here, the cultural context is understood not merely as “a facilitator or motivator for cognitive development but rather, a unique ‘ontogenetic niche’ (context for development) that actually structures human cognition in fundamental ways” (p. 37). Cultural learning is not the result of genetic mediation, nor does it result from a conscious engagement with a

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Box 15.1  Cultural Preparedness Approach: Case Study This illustration is set in Chamba, the northernmost district of the Himalayan province of Himachal Pradesh in India. Chamba was an independent princely state until 1948 when it was merged with the Union of India. A number of performing and visual arts and crafts flourished here under the liberal patronage of monarchy. Indications of the key constructs of the cultural preparation process model are provided as superscripts: ACC, acculturation– consonant; ACD, acculturation–dissonant; CL, cultural learning; EN, enculturation; EQ, cultural preparation status equilibrium; NE, new equilibrium. The Traditional Metal Worker Harish (name changed) is a 23-year-old male from a family of Thathiyars, who for generations have been metal workers making traditional household utensils, statues, and other decorative items using silver, bronze, and brass.EQ Harish does not know how long his family members have been in this occupation, but legend states that they have been making goods from metal for many generations.EQ He learned the basics of this complex art from his father and grandfather through observation and supervision.CL However, approximately four decades ago, many families in his clan had to abandon this occupation because the demand for handmade metal items was replaced by the introduction of cheaper, machine-made utensils.ACD People almost stopped buying handmade utensils, which rendered many practitioners jobless, forcing them to abandon their traditional trade.ACD Harish’s family survived with constant community support.EN Most importantly, they also kept reinventing themselves.NE At the time of marriages, gifts are still exchanged in handmade thaals (large plates) embossed with images of Hindu deities.EN Demand for such plates continued. A demand for the family’s thaals from other communities (Muslims and Sikhs) gradually began to emerge.ACC They started making thaals with Islamic and Sikh symbols, which expanded their market base.NE Then, with Chamba’s growing profile as a tourist destination, they began to focus more on decorative items. This became an instant hit among tourists.NE Harish proudly shares that his grandfather and two other artisans from the extended family received the national award for modern master craftsmen from the president of India.ACC And hence the family occupation became viable once more.

formal, pedagogical, instructional framework. It is an unconscious absorption of cultural practices resulting from the child’s immersion in a certain culture. Although it is usually one way and it is not the result of reasoned thinking, cultural learning is undergirded by an intention to learn and a strong identification with the source of learning embedded in the child’s cultural environment (e.g., parents and elders). Note that the culturally anchored symbolic artefacts mentioned in this section vary from one culture to another. Therefore, what a child in one culture learns could be very different from what a child in another culture learns. An important observation that Tomasello makes is that individuals acquire the use of cultural practices in a relatively faithful form, and this relatively exact learning “serves as a kind of ratchet—keeping the practice in place in the social group, perhaps for many generations, until some creative innovation comes along” (p. 137). In the case study presented in Box 15.1, Harish the metal worker is part of an ancient tradition of work-based learning (similar to European apprentice systems). A wide variety

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of culturally embedded ways of learning (e.g., viewing his father as a master) are examples of how culture mediated his learning of the family occupation. Enculturation Cultural learning facilitates enculturation, the second important construct within the cultural preparedness framework, whereby people absorb the tenets of the culture that envelops them, internalize and accept its values as correct, and learn to practice the behaviours sanctioned as the way of life within that culture. Three factors—namely social or­gan­ i­za­tion along the individualism–collectivism continuum, patterns of value attribution, and the processes of role allocation—further characterize the enculturative process (for details, see Arulmani, 2014a). The cultural preparedness paradigm suggests that it is this orientation toward culture-mediated learning that transforms the human being’s engagement with work into a manifestation of culture. In the case study, Harish’s pride in the family occupation and the thaal as a cultural symbol of goodwill as well as a representation of God’s blessing are examples of enculturation. Of particular importance is the spontaneous support given by the extended family when Harish’s family was in financial distress. In most collectivist cultures, this is almost taken for granted. Cultural Preparation Status Equilibrium The bidirectional and reciprocal workings between cultural learning and enculturation bring the individual/group to a unique state of equilibrium to engage with career development. This is referred to as the individual/group’s cultural preparation status equilibrium. This equilibrium “reflects an internal stability and the mental and emotional balance that results from the habituation of doing something in a certain way” (Arulmani,  2014a, p. 94). It is critical to note that this equilibrium does not rest upon what may be judged by another culture as being right or wrong, appropriate or inappropriate. It merely reflects the “equipoise engendered by how one has been brought up to behave” (Arulmani, 2019a, p. 200). This equilibrium would be seen in all aspects of a given culture’s way of life, including notions of time, orientations to gender and sexuality, food habits, marriage, child-rearing, death, and the afterlife. Accordingly, a unique cultural preparation status equilibrium would characterize a given people’s orientation to work. In the case study, the association of metal working to the Thathiyar community over many generations illustrates equilibrium. The prestige of their profession is augmented by legend as well as what it brings to their society. It is most likely that Thathiyar children would be expected by the larger community to follow the family profession. Acculturation While enculturation describes a within-group, endogenous dynamic, between-group, exogenous processes are also present and exert an acculturative influence. Individuals’ and

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communities’ engagement with careers and livelihoods takes place against the background of global conditions, macro-trends, and larger transformations that are beyond their control. These external factors could include changes in social orientations and philosophical discourses, economic transformations, political upheavals, technological advances, or natural disasters. The forces of acculturation can affect the original state of enculturated equilibrium. Consonant acculturative forces would support, enhance, and further stabilize the existing career preparation status equilibrium, while dissonant acculturative forces would disturb the equilibrium. Every milestone in the history of work has altered an existing equilibrium, calling for the emergence of a new equilibrium. Responses to this disturbance could lie along a continuum ranging from establishing a new equilibrium to rejecting ­acculturative influences and retaining the original cultural orientation. The inexorable, acculturative effects of the Industrial Revolution seem to be felt even deep in the Himalayan niche described in the case study. Initially, with the replacement of handmade by machine-made metal items, the Thathiyars’ equilibrium was severely ­affected. They experienced dissonant acculturation. However, they were able to rally and create a new equilibrium for themselves. Historically, the notion of personal career was born in a Western, individualistic, ­industrialized context, heralded by the Industrial Revolution and undergirded by the protestant work ethic. However, not all cultures and economies came directly under the influence of the Industrial Revolution and the Protestant Reformation. In many (mainly non-Western) societies, people continue to work as they have for centuries. Occupations run in families, and an individual acquires skills mainly through work-based learning. The question of choosing between opportunities and constructing a career does not arise. Therefore, as Arulmani, Bakshi, Leong, and Watts (2014) argue, the manifestation of career can be viewed in two broad contexts: “Contexts to which career is indigenous and contexts where it is, in many respects, culturally alien. In the former, the manifestation of career would be spontaneous and culturally congruent; in the latter, its manifestation could be the result of exigency induced by global transformations. It could thus be hypothesized that the delineation of career from work lies along a continuum. At one end is ‘career’ in its fully developed form. At the other end is an almost complete ­absence of this notion of career. And along the continuum are various manifestations of the idea of career” (p. 2). An important point emerging here is that the movement from preindustrial to industrial and postindustrial forms of work is not merely a function of the passage of time or economic development. Preindustrial, industrial, and postindustrial forms of work exist simultaneously in many economies. Some of the largest workforces in the world are ­located in developing economies. Although these are societies to which the notion of career is not indigenous, the need for career development support is rapidly emerging as a strongly felt need in these contexts. Yet, not enough consideration has been focused on understanding orientations to work and the manifestation of career in these settings.

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Career development work continues to be coloured by definitions of career that have been transposed upon these cultures. As a result, those involved in career development work in these contexts are trained in ideas, methods, and theories that do not equip them to effectively address felt needs. It is this gap that the CPPM tries to address, and the following section describes some of the ways in which the model has been applied. Applications of the Cultural Preparation Process Model This section describes two ways in which the CPPM has been used to develop applications for career development work. The Cultural Preparation Process Model as a Template for Intervention Development Intervention research has consistently shown that outcomes are poor when universal principles are applied without adapting them to the particular characteristics of a culture (e.g., Arulmani, 2019b; Reese & Vera, 2007). Conversely, the effectiveness of an intervention could be higher when the ideas and concepts that lie behind an intervention cohere with the history, values, and beliefs of a particular community (e.g., Arulmani,  2011; Griffin & Miller, 2007). A salient application of the CPPM, therefore, is to facilitate intervention development such that it is grounded in the local culture. Five salient conceptual guidelines based on the cultural preparedness framework that can guide such a process are outlined next. Recognize Cultural Leadership A career development specialist or a theory or model of career development can only be secondary to the already present leadership structure within a cultural system. The group’s elders and leaders must be acknowledged as the culturally sanctioned mediators of cultural learning. Their experiences, ideas, and views must be acknowledged and inform intervention development. For example, these individuals could participate first in the development and then in vetting the activities, tools, and methods of the career guidance intervention. Expand the Definition of “Client” Almost all existing career development models emerge from individualistically ­oriented epistemologies. However, as discussed previously, in cultures organized along c­ ollectivist lines, individuals are expected to conform to the norms and wishes of the community. In such contexts, the group (e.g., the family), rather than the individual, may be the client. This is important also because conflicts could arise between the young individual and the community. Therefore, it is important when interventions are designed for a collectivist-oriented culture that the family (particularly parents) is drawn into the guidance and counselling process. A guidance target from the cultural preparedness viewpoint

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would be the facilitation of family-based decision-making whereby client comprises both the individual and the family. The aim would be to strengthen engagement between members of a community and mitigate estrangements. Identify and Accommodate Ways of Living As per the CPPM’s principle of equilibrium, cultural learning and enculturation have led to an equipoise in the manner in which a culture engages with the wider world. Let us take decision-making as an example because it is closely related to the guidance and counselling process. The nature of freedom to exercise personal volition to make a decision varies along the individualism–collectivism spectrum. In some contexts, the individual’s decisions are expected to align with the values of the group. An intervention that countermands the adult or group role could be ineffective or even destructive of the wider cohesion already characterizing that social fabric. At the same time, it may be that the adult view is out of date, out of keeping with the realities of the times, or even counterproductive. The guidance target here would be to create an environment in which the individual and the family have the opportunity to create a new pathway together. The objective, once again, is to facilitate the emergence of a new equilibrium while preserving and accommodating prevailing ways of living. Identify, Valorize, and Integrate Cultural Symbols As discussed previously, culturally anchored symbols are manifested in traditions, rituals, language, and convention. An intervention that identifies these elements and integrates them into its methods and techniques would valorize them and thereby become more strongly aligned to the cultural preparedness of the community for which the intervention is being developed. A cultural artefact that is almost ubiquitous in its presence in almost all societies is the story. Legends, folk tales, fables, parables, fairy tales, and myths are receptacles and transmitters of culture and values. They create connections across ­generations; they are illuminative; they offer guidelines for everyday life. Every story has its culture-specific dimension, whereby meaning emerges from the manner in which a story is interpreted, and this varies from one context to another. As Ramachandran and Arulmani (2014) note, by using the story as a tool for career development, we are drawing upon one of the oldest forms of counselling—one that offers the possibility of interpreting universal themes into local contexts and at the same time of extending culture-specific themes to broader contexts. Integrate Livelihood and Career In common parlance, livelihood is associated with survival needs and believed to be practised by those who are in lower income brackets, such as farmers, artisans, and skilled workers, mainly in rural areas. Career, by contrast, has stronger links to urban life and to middle and higher social classes, and it is portrayed as offering better opportunities and

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higher incomes. Formal education (school and college) is viewed as the entry pass to career, whereas traditional, nonformal practices of skills transmission are linked to livelihood. However, as seen in the case of Harish, in many cultures, livelihood is the reality. Yet, a common tendency among career development professionals is toward replacing livelihood practices with career orientations (Kumar, 2016). The cultural preparedness approach views career and livelihood within the same frame of reference. Accordingly, in one situation, the objective may be to help the person explore specific career areas (e.g., law, journalism, or  nursing) that they could consider in relation to their aptitudes and interests. In ­another, perhaps more traditional environment, career development work may need to help a community identify and gain modern skills to manage their traditional occupations in a viable manner. Arulmani (2014c) introduces the idea of livelihood pla­nning and describes it to be an application of the principles of career development work to facilitate individuals’ traditional engagement with work such that it gains contemporary relevance. Here, the existing cultural preparedness equilibrium is recognized and strengthened by viewing traditional occupations from a contemporary viewpoint (e.g., the value of receiving formal training related to a traditional occupation). At the same time, the intervention could also introduce contemporary occupations and careers that require formal education. Outcomes and Evidence for Culturally Mediated Interventions Examining the outcomes of a culturally sensitive intervention versus a career g­ uidance-only intervention among high school students in the Maldives, Arulmani and Abdulla (2007) demonstrate that the extent of decrease in negative career beliefs following the interventions was greater in the group that received the culturally mediated programme developed specifically for the Maldivian context. Jiva is a culturally grounded method of career guidance based on the CPPM, developed for India (Arulmani, 2010). It was created over a period of 3 years, drawing upon the principles listed previously. The programme has subsequently been used successfully in various areas of the country. This success has been mainly attributed to the cultural resonance of the intervention. For example, Viray (2017) implemented Jiva with high school students in northeast India. Her findings show that participants’ readiness to make career decisions and academic achievement motivation improved and negativity in career beliefs decreased significantly among students who took up the Jiva workshop, whereas improvements were not significant among those who did not receive the culturally grounded intervention. The principles of cultural preparedness have been used to develop interventions in other Asian countries, and similar trends of positive outcomes have been found (Vietnam: Arulmani,  2014d; Sri Lanka: Arulmani,  2016; Nepal: Shrestha, Regmi, Aravind, & Arulmani, 2018). Such converging qualitative and quantitative evidence give support to the argument that an intervention that is grounded in the cultural preparedness of a community could have better outcomes.

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Assessment and Career Guidance An important function of career development intervention is to work with the client to deepen his or her self-knowledge particularly with reference to personal features such as interests, aptitudes, career beliefs, aspirations, and motivations (Arulmani, 2019b). Often, the methods used to elicit and interpret information are shaped by the philosophic and theoretical orientations of the career development professional. The rationale underlying methods of assessment and measurement has been the subject of extensive debate and the field has differentiated into the quantitative (psychometric) and the qualitative (­non-psychometric) positions. However, an often ignored, powerful, arbitrating force is culture. It is quite possible that an assessment method easily accepted in one culture maybe unfamiliar, considered strange, or perhaps even inappropriate in another culture. Qualitative approaches naturally fit into cultures that encourage dialogue, conversation, and narration of personal experiences. In other cultures (e.g., urban India), formal, quantitative testing is an integral and expected part of the educational system. Parents as well as the student expect, value, and count upon psychometric evaluation. They are uncertain about the reliability of the rest of the counselling process if a career report does not carry quantitative information about the level of their child’s aptitude. Conversely, a similar ­response would be seen if psychometry is used in a culture that does not acknowledge its value. Training programmes for career development professionals also tend to operate from a particular epistemological standpoint. Hence, counsellors in one course may be trained in psychometric tests of aptitude, interest, and personality, while another course may train them in interviewing and observing, both sometimes carrying an underlying script of suspicion or even dismissal of the other. The cultural preparedness view is that quantitative and qualitative approaches are both valuable and as with any single system, both have their limitations. Just as a psychometric test is only as good as the cultural relevance of its items and norms, a qualitative interview is almost entirely dependent on the skill and cultural experience of the interviewer. Difficulties arise when the counsellor places his or her commitment to a method or a theory at higher priority than addressing the client’s needs from the viewpoint of his or her cultural preparedness. A lack of sensitivity to the client’s felt needs could shake a client’s faith in career development work itself. Viewed within the cultural preparedness frame, neither the qualitative nor the quantitative methods applied exclusively are sufficient to deepen a client’s self-understanding in a holistic and reliable manner. The Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire Based on the cultural preparedness model, the Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire (SAQ) is an approach to assessment that blends qualitative and quantitative methods (Arulmani, 2014b). The aim of the technique is to ensure that the testing method is contextually grounded and, at the same time, able to offer the assessor a structure within which an interview could be conducted. The method rests on the assumption that a per-

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son’s accomplishments in daily life reflect his/her talents and potentials. Response categories are drawn from opportunities that actually exist in the person’s life situation through which he/she can register various levels of accomplishment. The SAQ presents a list of ­accomplishments possible in the client’s context and clients are required to select activities they have experienced and specify the level at which the selected accomplishment was achieved. This could range for example from: ‘Personal, private level’ all the way through ‘Selected to represent my country’. The aim of assessment is not to identify how high a ­person’s score is in relation to a norm. Instead the objective is to identify the pattern of scores across the domains assessed. Therefore, the SAQ lays greater emphasis on the shape rather than the height of the individual’s potential profile. The accomplishments list as well as the response categories are generated through qualitative and quantitative methods such as systematic observations, focus group discussions, checklists, rating scales and open ended questions. In order to arrive at such a scale, the manner in which items are generated is crucial. As described in Arulmani (2014b), SAQ items are generated through qualitative and quantitative methods such as systematic observations, focus group discussions, checklists, and open ended questions. Frequency analyses are used to compute a commonality index for the prevalence of an activity in the lives of the group for whom the tool is being constructed. Participants for item generation include representative samples of the target group, community elders, teachers, parents, related government officials, non-governmental organizations, and other welfare workers. Desk review of textbooks, reports, and other relevant materials is also conducted. The information collected is then composed into items and iteratively presented to a relevant and informed local group that is qualified to comment on selection of items for the final scale. It is critical that the items and response categories finally selected lie within the potential test-taker’s sphere of lived experience. The first SAQ was developed and trial tested as a part of the Jiva programme in India (Arulmani, 2010). Subsequently, guided by the cultural preparedness approach and the process described above, SAQs have been developed for a wide range of cultural contexts (e.g., Vietnam: Arulmani, 2014d; Sri Lanka: Arulmani, 2016; Nepal: Shrestha, Regmi, Aravind, & Arulmani,  2018, Sweden: Kalin, Axelsson, Petersson, & Arulmani,  2018; Bangladesh: Arulmani, 2018). Aravind has extended the SAQ framework to develop an assessment system for children with dyslexia (Aravind & Arulmani, 2019). They report that students experience greater ease of test-taking and initial trials have shown higher ­accuracy in identifying the potentials of persons with dyslexia. In summary, the SAQ is qualitative in the manner in which it allows the assessor to construct an assessment protocol that is aligned with the opportunities offered to the testtaker by his/her socioeconomic, schooling, and cultural background. It emphasizes the importance of tying in with the person’s lived experience. It provides a structure for the counsellor to conduct a guided interview, unveiling, identifying, and rating relevant ­aspects of the client’s experiences and accomplishments. At the same time, resting as it does upon the psychometric logic of a rating scale, the method draws upon quantitative methodol-

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ogy. While the structure of the SAQ remains the same, a given SAQ is completely context specific. A version developed for one group may not be relevant to the cultural environment of another group. Conclusion The environment that all humans are born into is replete with ‘culturally anchored symbolic artefacts represented by traditions, rituals, tools, language, conventions and ­institutions such as family and religion’ (Arulmani, 2019a, p. 197). Therefore, context is preeminent in the cultural preparation process model. Work and its manifestations are culturally coded constructs which career theorists and practitioners need to decode in order to ensure acceptance, appropriateness, and effectiveness. The model postulates that culture prepares individuals for all life roles including that of a worker. It views careers work as a consonant acculturative force that could facilitate individuals’ and communities’ career development within the framework of their cultural preparedness equilibrium. Rather than replacing ways of living, practicing the cultural preparedness approach entails recognizing, acknowledging, and working with prevailing cultural practices. References Albert, S., Porter, J., & Green, J. (2016). Sap and the traditional healer: A tribal (Khasi) understanding of the human potential. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 4, 51–60. Retrieved from http://www. iaclp.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/6_Sandra_Albert.73115654.pdf Aravind, S., & Arulmani, G. (2019). Understanding the career development of children with dyslexia: The cultural preparation process model of career development. In N. Arthur, R. Neault, & M. McMahon (Eds.), Career theories and models at work: Ideas for practice (pp. 11–20). Toronto: CERIC. Arthur, N. (2018). A culture-infused perspective on career development theory and practice. In N. Arthur & M. McMahon (Eds.), Contemporary theories of career development: International perspectives (pp. 180–194). Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Arulmani, G. (2010). The Jiva approach to career guidance and counselling: An Indian model (project report). Bangalore, India: The Promise Foundation. Arulmani, G. (2011). Striking the right note: The cultural preparedness approach to developing resonant career guidance programmes. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 11, 79–93. doi:10.1007/ s10775-011-9199-y Arulmani, G. (2014a). The cultural preparation process model and career development. In G.  Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 81–104). New York: Springer. Arulmani, G. (2014b). Assessment of interest and aptitude: A methodologically-integrated approach. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 609–630). New York: Springer. Arulmani, G. (2014c). Career guidance and livelihood planning. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 3, 9–11. Retrieved from http://www.iaclp.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/3_Gideon_ Arulmani_IJCLP_Vol_3.43213432.pdf Arulmani, G. (2014d). Preparing a guide on career guidance for rural areas and piloting it in Vietnam: Final report. Hanoi, Vietnam: International Labour Organization. Arulmani, G. (2016). Pilot assessment to identify training needs of career guidance officers: Report to the Deutsche Gesellschaft fur International Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Sri Lanka. Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Promise Foundation. Arulmani, G. (2018). Establishing career guidance and job placement cells under the Skills-21 project in Bangladesh: First report. Dhaka, Bangladesh: International Labour Organization.

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Arulmani, G. (2019a). The cultural preparedness framework: Equilibrium and its alteration. In N. Arthur & M. McMahon (Eds.), Contemporary theories of career development (pp. 195–208). New York: Routledge. Arulmani, G. (2019b). The cultural preparedness model of aspiration and engagement: Understanding the dynamics of integration. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 47, 20–34. doi:10.1080/03069885.201 8.1513284 Arulmani, G., & Abdulla, A. (2007). Capturing the ripples: Addressing the sustainability of the impact of social marketing. Social Marketing Quarterly, 13, 84–107. doi:10.1080/15245000701678438 Arulmani, G., Bakshi, A. J., Leong F. T. L., & Watts, A. G. (2014). The manifestation of career. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 1–10). New York: Springer. Cook, E. P., Heppner, M. I., & O’Brien, K. M. (2002). Career development of women of color and White women: Assumptions, conceptualization, and interventions from an ecological perspective. Career Development Quarterly, 50, 291–305. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2002.tb00574.x Griffin, J.  P., & Miller, E. (2007). A research practitioner’s perspective on culturally relevant prevention: Scientific and practical considerations for community-based programs. The Counseling Psychologist, 35, 850–859. doi:10.1177/0011000007307999 Kalin, B., Axelsson, L., Petersson, C., & Arulmani, G. (2018, September). The learning outcomes of structured career guidance using the Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire. Paper presented at the IAEVG International Conference, Gothenburg, Sweden. Kumar, S. (2016). Advocacy counselling for informal workers: A case for Indian street vendors. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 5, 52–64. Retrieved from http://iaclp.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/ docs/6_Kumar_IJCLP_51.8111346.pdf Leong, F. T. L., & Hardin, E. (2002). Career psychology of Asian Americans: Cultural validity and cultural specificity. In G. Hall & S. Okazaki (Eds.), Asian American mental health: Assessment, theories and methods (pp. 265–281). New York: Kluwer. Leong, F. T. L., & Hartung, J. P. (2000). Cross-cultural career assessment: Review and prospects for the new millennium. Journal of Career Assessment, 8, 391–401. doi:10.1177/106907270000800408 Leong, F. T. L., & Pearce, M. (2014). Indigenous models of career development and vocational psychology. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 67–80). New York: Springer. Ramachandran, K., & Arulmani, G. (2014). Mind the twist in the tale: The story as a channel for cultureresonant career counseling. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 431–452). New York: Springer. Reese, L. E., & Vera, E. M. (2007). Culturally relevant prevention: The scientific and practical considerations of community-based programs. The Counseling Psychologist, 35, 763–778. doi:10.1177/0011000007304588 Shrestha, S., Regmi, S., Aravind, S., & Arulmani, G. (2018). Development of a culturally resonant career guidance programme for community schools in Nepal: The process and outcomes. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 7, 3–14. Retrieved from http://www.iaclp.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/2_ Sunita.12230740.pdf Spokane, A.  R., Fouad, N.  A., & Swanson, J.  L. (2003). Culture-centered career intervention. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 62, 453–458. doi:10.1016/S0001-8791(02)00054-4 Stead, G. B. (2004). Culture and career psychology: A social constructionist perspective. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 389–406. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.006 Stead, G.  B. (2007). Cultural psychology as a transformative agent for vocational psychology. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 73, 181–190. doi:10.1007/s10775-007-9125-5 Thomas, D., & Inkson, K. (2007). Careers across cultures. In M. P. Hugh Gunz (Ed.), Handbook of career studies (pp. 451–470). London: Sage. Tomasello, M. (2000). Culture and cognitive development. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 9, 37–40. doi:10.1111/1467-8721.00056 Viray, M. M. (2017). A school-based intervention study of urban and rural indigenous high school students in the East Khasi Hills District, Meghalaya. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 6, 29–45. Retrieved from http://www.iaclp.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/6_Viray_Intervention_29-45.119220302.pdf

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C H A PT E R

16

Career Development Theories from the Global South

Marcelo Afonso Ribeiro

Abstract The career development field has produced theories from the Global North that have been imported and applied in the Global South countries. These theories were developed in different socioeconomic and cultural contexts than those of the Global South, which can generally be characterized by vulnerability and instability. Theories and practices must be contextualized if they are to be of assistance to the users of career development services. This chapter has two aims. First, by means of an intercultural dialogue proposal, it discusses the need to contextualize theories to assist people with their career issues and foster social justice. Second, it presents career theories and practices produced in the Global South (Latin America, Africa, and developing countries of Asia) and discusses their potential as an alternative to expand the mainstream career development theories from the North. Such theories can be understood as a Southern contribution to the social justice agenda. Keywords: career development theories, Global South, intercultural dialogue, vulnerability, social justice

Introduction This chapter discusses how career theories and practices produced in the Global South can expand the mainstream of career development theories that were largely developed in the Global North. The first part of the chapter presents the goals of the chapter and introduces and contextualizes the key issues. The second part addresses the need to contextualize theories and the importance of producing theories from the Global South, and it presents and discusses the intercultural dialogue framework for constructing contextualized theories. The third part provides some examples of theories from the Global South. The concluding statement summarizes the intent and focus of the chapter’s main arguments. This chapter has two aims. First, by means of an intercultural proposal, it discusses the need to contextualize theories to properly assist people in their career issues and foster social justice. To do this, there is a need to analyse the impacts and outcomes of the theoretical approaches imported from the Global North to the Global South. There is also a need to reflect on the main obstacles to producing theories and concepts in Southern contexts. Second, it presents career theories and practices produced in the Global South using examples from Latin America (Argentina and Brazil) and Asia (China, India, and

Indonesia), and it discusses their potential as an alternative to mainstream career development theories and as a Southern contribution to the social justice agenda. This is not with the intent of replacing the theories of the Global North with another set of theories but, rather, of enlarging them so that these theories have explanatory power in many contexts. It seeks to open space for a North–South dialogue that assumes the importance of both bodies of theory but without imposing one upon another. Key Issues in Global Career Development Theories The field of career development is characterized by theories developed in the Global North (United States, Canada, Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and developed countries of Asia), which have been imported and applied in the Global South countries (Africa, Latin America, and developing Asia). This geographical division of the world into two large blocks is useful because it divides the North and the South according to their socioeconomic and political features (World Bank, 2013). A wide range of career development theories exist that have been developed over time. These range from traditional theoretical approaches (e.g., trait-factor, typological, developmental, and decision-making theories) to late twentieth-century theoretical approaches (e.g., social cognitive, contextual action, and systemic theories) and twenty-first century approaches (e.g., life design and the psychology of working theory). It is important to acknowledge that all of these theories derive from the Global North. They have, however, been used in contexts throughout the world (Arulmani,  2007; Maree,  2010; Ribeiro, Uvaldo, & Silva, 2015; Savickas, 2011; Sultana, 2017a). The dominance of theoretical approaches produced in the Global North should be understood as a result of colonialist positions (Benachir, 2017; Santos, 2014; Sarr, 2016; Sultana,  2018). This dominance is grounded on hegemonic globalization production modes, or top-down globalization (Santos, 2014). Theoretical approaches are social and cultural productions and, as a result, their premises and concepts are highly influenced by these factors. This configures a worldview and a conception of human beings, which frames what is seen as possible and desirable in life (Blustein, 2013; Ribeiro, 2016). According to Mazawi (2007), this process has caused a knowledge deficit because it prevents people in the Global South from speaking on their own terms. In the career development field, it restrains those who may develop theories and concepts, and it forces them to reproduce imported and decontextualized theories from the Global North. This process has been labelled as global social injustice (Santos, 2014), epistemic injustice (Benachir, 2017; Fricker, 2007), or epistemic injustice of colonialism (Bhargava, 2013). It prevents, hampers, or discourages theoretical production in the Global South due to the hegemony and lack of openness to emerging theories by the countries of the Global North, which makes it difficult for theoretical approaches from nontraditional contexts to emerge (Arulmani, 2007). There is a need to challenge and critique the predominance of career development theories from the Global North over those from the Global South. The predominance of

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theories from the Global North universalizes, decontextualizes, and imposes a way of knowing and being (Arulmani,  2014a; Irving,  2010; McMahon, Arthur, & Collins, 2008) in which culture-specific assumptions from some contexts (emic approach), mainly from the Global North, are adapted and legitimized as concepts in the mainstream throughout the world (etic approach). This transforms the career development theories into imposed etic models that are inadequately applied to other cultures (Berry, 1989), which are grounded in a supposed official version of reality and which impose a dominant symbolic system (Irving, 2010; Leong & Pearce, 2011; Rascován, 2005; Ribeiro et al., 2015; Sultana, 2018). In this way, theories are presented that are “culturally biased, thus creating barriers in recognizing the needs of clients who come from a different culture” (Launikari & Puukari,  2005, p. 31)—for example, typological, social cognitive, and contextual action theories. It is also worth noting that most of the Global North theories are usually grounded on freedom of choice (e.g., trait-factor, social cognitive, and life design theories). Although choice is constrained throughout the world in some way, limits on freedom of choice are often more clearly constrained within the Global South by socioeconomic conditions, religious values, and duties to the family (Arulmani, 2014b; Leong & Pearce, 2011). Nevertheless, it is necessary to state that there is much writing from the Global North that contradicts the focus on the person and highlights the importance of context and structure, although these are less explored than the individualistic and psychological mainstream (Bimrose, McMahon, & Watson, 2015; Blustein, 2013; Cohen-Scali et al., 2018; Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2019; Sultana, 2017a, 2017b, 2018). The Global South has therefore been importing theoretical approaches produced in the Global North and has been applying them in its countries. Nevertheless, the entire context in which these approaches were designed is not imported along with the theory. Santos (2014) defined this movement as localized globalism, which is understood as the specific impacts produced by transnational practices and imperatives on local conditions. This produces an incongruity between theories and practices (Lawrence, 2017; Ribeiro & Fonçatti, 2017). In this regard, Ribeiro and Fonçatti (2017) summarized four ways in which career development theories can be comprised and employed in the Global South contexts. They argue that career development in the Global South could (1) import theories that were constructed in the Global North and apply them in Southern contexts with no changes (incorporation or reproduction without adaptation), (2) import theories that were constructed in the Global North and apply them in Southern contexts with some changes to address local peculiarities (adaptation), (3) ignore pre-existing theories from the Global North and produce new theories from Southern contexts that are detached from what is produced in the mainstream of career development theories (refusal, isolation, and production), and (4) produce theories through an intercultural dialogue between dominant knowledge from the Global North and contextualized daily life knowledge of the Southern

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realities (intercultural dialogue through co-construction). The latter two ways of producing career development theories, in which the Global South may have the opportunity to propose theories, concepts, and practices, tend to be invisible to the mainstream of career development theories, and their contributions to the field are often overlooked and rarely seen. Nevertheless, there are exceptions, such as Arulmani, Bakshi, Leong, and Watts (2014); Cohen-Scali et al. (2018); Hooley et al. (2019); Irving and Malik (2004); and Sultana (2018). Here, it is essential to mention that the theoretical approaches produced in the Global North have founded and consolidated the career development field. Despite criticism, these theories are the references from which Global South researchers and practitioners have underpinned their practices. This defines the usefulness of existing theories in the Global South. As previously noted, I do not propose replacing the theories of the Global North with theories from the Global South but, rather, enlarging them to enable them to have explanatory power in many different contexts. I aim to open space for a North–South dialogue that assumes the importance of both bodies of theory but does not impose one upon another. Constructing Contextualized Theories by the Global South The Need to Contextualize Theories Blustein (2013) and Savickas (2011) stress that career development theories must be contextualized to avoid universalist concepts. However, such theories are often applied in Southern contexts with no changes to recognize cultural and social diversity. There are three dominant ways in which theorists in the Global North seek to address context the diversity of client groups: (1) the construction of multicultural proposals in career development to indigenize the field through the adaptation of theories and practices relevant to the cultural characteristics of career development clients (Launikari & Puukari, 2005; Leong & Pearce, 2011; Savickas, 2011); (2) the emergence and consolidation of the narrative movement, which aims to foster storytelling and sense-making and to allow career development clients to understand the context and construct meanings through their own cultural references (Maree, 2010; Nota & Rossier, 2015); and (3) the growth and strengthening of the career guidance and social justice movement, which seeks to combat social injustices by expanding critical awareness through emancipatory strategies (Blustein, 2013; Hooley et al., 2019; Irving, 2010; McMahon et al., 2008). Nevertheless, with certain exceptions, such theories ignore the need for theoretical production by those from nontraditional and nondominant contexts (Berry, 1989; Hooley & Sultana, 2016; Sultana, 2017a, 2017b, 2018). The Importance of Producing Theories from the Global South According to Benachir (2017) and Sarr (2015), building theories from nondominant contexts is a matter of reshaping civilization by two political and social actions: (1) producing

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knowledge and innovation and (2) fostering respect for others by being respectful of local epistemologies (Hooley & Sultana, 2016). Sultana (2017a) contends that this is an unprecedented opportunity to “articulate ways of ‘thinking’ and ‘doing,’ career guidance differently” (p. 8) and a challenge to look at “mainstream ‘western’ approaches to career guidance and to view them ‘otherwise,’ filtered and inflected through the lens of different cultures, life orientations, economic contexts and the everyday conditions in which life is lived” making efforts to “reconceptualise the field and to make it meaningful in a different regional context” (Sultana, 2017b, p. 8). Therefore, localisms “serve the interests of social justice” (Sultana, 2018, p. 48). Arulmani (2007), Leong and Pearce (2011), and Sultana (2017b) stress that the contextualized theories in the career development field are needed to accommodate the particular characteristics from underdeveloped and developing countries, such as the large majority of Global South countries. In this regard, Sultana (2017b) contends that there is a great need for “providing a space and an opportunity for the South to speak, and to do so on its own terms” (p. 7). The Intercultural Dialogue Framework for Constructing Contextualized Theories Leong and Pearce (2011) argue that theoretical approaches should be more inclusive and should incorporate differences in social class, race/ethnicity, and gender/sexuality, among other things. They should also interrelate the cultural validity of Global North models with the cultural specificity of nondominant contexts, such as the Global South. The need to include and give due importance to local contexts, as well as relating them to the global contexts, is an issue on which several authors agree, including Arulmani (2007), Benachir (2017), Khalil (2015), Maree (2010), Rascován (2005), Ribeiro (2018), and Ribeiro et al. (2015) from the Global South and Blustein (2013), Duarte and Cardoso (2018), Hooley and Sultana (2016), and Irving (2010) from the Global North. Thus, research and practice activities in the career development field should be culturally tailored to be locally relevant (Fan & Leong, 2016). Sarr (2015,  2016) highlights that the Global South should leave the status of ­informants or subjects of case studies to assume the position of producers of recognized and legitimized knowledge. In this regard, both criticism of dominant discourses and new ways of approaching reality are urgently requested. This would require an epistemic decentralization or an epistemological break and a decolonization of knowledge, in which the hegemonic rationale was deconstructed and there was reinvention of discourse (Imorou, 2017). Such a new approach would require the reconstruction of the epistemic imagination, the restructuring of metaphors for the future, and the exploration of other ways of understanding local and global context. The interconnection between local and global is a key issue for thinking about theoretical proposals from the Global South. It is “both universal and culture-specific in that it considers the universality in the basic questions and differences in answers”

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(Pitkänen,  2005, p. 127), thus avoiding cultural relativism that prevents the dialogue among different cultures by the lack of commonly accepted principles (Matilal, 1991). This raises the question of how to build contextualized theories capable of associating local and global—in other words, how to interconnect global concepts, generally produced in the Global North, with local singularities. This aims to reconstruct concepts and make them locally relevant and potentially applicable in many contexts. As a general principle, Santos (2014) proposed the intercultural dialogue rationale, which aims to boost co-construction of theories and corresponding practices by means of an association between different knowledge and know-how from distinct contexts (e.g., the Global South and the Global North). Here, it is essential to mention that no kind of knowledge can be privileged over the other, and neither can the resulting knowledge be universalized because production of knowledge is always incomplete and any universalizing claim is false. A theoretical and conceptual reconstruction is always required and should be carried out in a dialogical manner with the context (Freire, 1975; Hooley & Sultana, 2016; Martín-Baró, 1994) or in co-construction with the context (Nota & Rossier, 2015). These processes have to be “forged with others, not for others” (Freire, 1975, p. 32). Santos (2014) titled this process the ecology of knowledge and argued that all knowledge is always incomplete and should be constructed by means of a comprehensive dialogue among all the social actors involved (a so-called intercultural dialogue). Silva, Paiva, and Ribeiro (2016) therefore averred that “valid knowledge is therefore contextualized knowledge; it is valid when it considers cultural differences and political differences. . . . It should be oriented toward reality, which is taken both as a starting and an arrival point” (p. 48), which is a view stated by Freire (1975) and Martín-Baró (1994). Thus, an intercultural dialogue framework is a potential way to construct contextualized theories that embed different contexts and social practices without the supremacy of one over another. Such a framework is driven by a deep sense of incompleteness without the intent of completeness. In general, an intercultural dialogue takes place between two culturally and politically distinct people or groups of people (e.g., researchers from a Global South country and researchers from a Global North country) with different ways of being human and living in the world, which guide their thoughts and activities. This kind of social relationship may allow the deconstruction and reconstruction of socially instituted meanings and generate changes (e.g., theoretical renew or new theoretical approaches). This framework demands and assumes “both mutual recognition of different cultures in a given cultural space and readiness for dialogue through processes of co-construction” (Silva et al., 2016, p. 47) in an exchange between different knowledge and different cultures. It is necessary to stress that intercultural dialogue must be a mutual decision, not unilateral. Thus, the choice for one of the four ways in which career development theories can be comprised and employed in contexts of the Global South, as Ribeiro and Fonçatti (2017) state, must be up to each researcher or practitioner; otherwise, it will be a new kind of imposition.  

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In this regard, Hooley et al. (2019) propose five signposts toward a contextualized and socially just career guidance: conscientization; the naming of oppression; questioning what is normal and problematizing assumptions and power relations; encouraging people to build collective actions; and working at a range of levels from personal to global, and vice versa. Inspired by the previous discussion, by the intercultural dialogue framework proposed by Santos (2014), and by the previously mentioned five signposts, this chapter proposes some specific principles that can be adopted to support the construction of contextualized theories in career development. First, at the epistemological level, it is important to reconstruct the main concepts of the career development field and to prioritize interdisciplinarity (Rascován,  2005; Ribeiro,  2016,  2018). Second, social and cultural context must be included in career development theories and practices (e.g., issues of the intersectionality of gender/sexuality, social class, and race/ethnicity; Blustein,  2013; Ribeiro,  2018; Ribeiro & Almeida,  2019). Third, group-based interventions and communitarian strategies should be added to the traditional one-to-one work with persons in order to properly meet both prevailing individualistic cultural models in the Global North and predominantly collectivistic cultural models in the Global South (Arulmani, 2007; Maree, 2010; Rascován, 2005; Ribeiro, 2016; Sultana, 2017a). Finally, it is extremely important to construct a political and ethical project for career development (González Bello & Ledezma, 2009; Ribeiro, 2018; Sultana, 2017b). Santos (2014) terms this process as counterhegemonic or bottom-up globalization, defining it as cosmopolitanism. In this globalization mode, a spirit of openness with respect to all the important actors is fostered, and an attempt to build a transnational knowledge is accomplished in defending the interests that are perceived as common. The knowledge is produced by interaction, not by imposition. This process generates hybrids (Latour, 1993) or a mestizo knowledge (Santos, 2014)—that is, innovations stemming from local and global relations. According to Ribeiro (2017), these innovations are relational, emerge differently from the norm, and may be considered unusual by the mainstream. On the one hand, they can be culturally and socially legitimized and be incorporated in time into the dominant symbolic system (e.g., the mainstream of career development theory) as ­hybrids (Latour,  1993). On the other hand, they may not be culturally and socially recognized and continue to be regarded as unusual by the mainstream. For example, the majority of career development theories produced in the Global South are disregarded by the mainstream of the field. In conclusion, hybrid understanding and intercultural dialogue should be basic principles for constructing contextualized theoretical approaches in career development. The next section presents examples of theoretical productions from the Global South as a brief overview of contextualized theoretical approaches, which may be considered ­alternatives for expanding the mainstream of career development theories.

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Examples of Theoretical Productions from the Global South This section provides examples of theoretical productions and corresponding ­practices from the Global South produced in Argentina and Brazil (Latin America), China, India, and Indonesia (Asia). Note that these are not the only examples; however, they portray the way theoretical approaches have been proposed in the Global South. In China, Confucian interpersonal relatedness, family orientation, and the sacrifice of self to contribute to the group are key factors for career construction. In that sense, Chinese traditional cultural values play a pivotal role in career construction, and the career development practitioner must be aware of this. Thus, a culturally inclusive approach is under development, focusing on the influences from collectivism, on emergent conflicts between collectivistic and individualistic Chinese values, and on the importance of field experience and oral tradition (Fan & Leong, 2016; Tien & Wang, 2016). According to Fan and Leong (2016) and Hwang (2009), value conflict is the key issue for career development in China, and some strategies have been developed to deal with the challenge of proposing a culturally inclusive approach. The main strategies are identifying value conflicts between Confucian cultural heritage and Western individualism, constructing psychometric instruments for assessing them, and using a “model of situational self-relation coordination for Chinese clients to handle interpersonal conflicts” (Hwang, 2009, p. 930). Although it was designed for the Chinese contexts, the culturally inclusive approach suggests a way to build knowledge that may allow it to be applied to any contexts in which value conflict is the key issue. In Indonesia, the Semar puppet counselling model was developed based on Javanese culture and using a puppet (Semar), which is a part of the cultural heritage of Indonesian ancestors, to discuss human nature and behaviour (Habsy, Hidayah, Lasan, & Muslihati, 2019). A puppet in Indonesia contains the noble values of wisdom of the inner world of Java society. Thus, a person is not a monad but, rather, part of the Javanese personality derived from God. In Indonesian society, people are interconnected with each other, and family is the basis for life. The practitioner is therefore considered as somebody who has an honourable parent’s position in life and uses the performance of Semar as a shared way to help clients face problems and plan the future. Semar and his children give teachings on how to deal with the fragmented conditions of the current life by organizing feelings and cognition in words and actions to solve the arising problem. This model aims to foster a transition process from a person in crisis to the healthy person of Java, which is grounded on the noble values of Semar. In India, Gideon Arulmani (2007) highlighted the importance of “an intuitive and experiential approach to reality . . . over objective observations and measurements” (pp. 71–72), as well as the need to associate the material and spiritual and also the temporal and metaphysical (see Arulmani, Kumar, Shrestha, Viray, & Aravind, this volume). He has developed a cultural preparation process model that is “offered as a framework that would allow the context to define career development” (Arulmani, 2014a, p. 101) because outside

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the context in which the career concept is produced, any attempt for understanding it would be made impossible. The model “proposes that while the socializing forces of enculturation create a cultural preparation status equilibrium in relation to career development, the forces of acculturation alter this equilibrium” (Arulmani, 2014a, p. 101). In this model, the role of the career development practitioner should be to understand the process that affects the cultural preparation status equilibrium in order to assist the career development client to re-engage with work and career. In Argentina, Sergio Rascován (2005) proposed a critical, complex, and interdisciplinary paradigm. First, it is a critical paradigm because every theory and practice in career development should privilege an emancipatory rationality by highlighting the power relations in which career construction unfolds. Second, it is a complex paradigm because it not only focuses on personal issues but also aims to reach the vocational complexity, which is constructed at the intersection of health, education, work, and subjectivity. Finally, it is an interdisciplinary paradigm because career vocation is a field with many phenomena, not a single object. In other words, it is an inextricably interwoven set of social, cultural, political, and personal issues. The main aim for career development is identifying the social system areas (health, education, and work) in which psychosocial bonds are fragile (vulnerability diagnosis) and trying to help in re-establishing social protection without neglecting the attention addressed to the person. It intends to help the people who are vulnerable in their social and employment situation “to achieve educational and labour goals through sharing support and acting as intermediary for the relationships between them and the community actors and institutions” (Ribeiro et al., 2015, p. 202). That is the main reason why the proposed paradigm embraces a preference for communitarian career development practices through “shares of support and intermediation of the relationships between counselees and community actors and institutions” (Ribeiro et al., 2015, p. 198). In Brazil, there are two relevant proposals with different ways of producing theory and practice in career development. The former is designed without reference to the mainstream of career development produced in the Global North (the refusal manner of producing theory) and the latter by an intercultural dialogue between the Global North and contextualized theories from the Global South (the co-construction manner of producing theory). First, Silvio Bock proposed a sociohistorical approach for career development grounded on historical and dialectical materialism and inspired by Paulo Freire’s (1975) ideas. It aims to raise awareness about the sociohistorical context as well as the place people occupy in the power relations in which they find themselves, in order to search for ways of transcending it. For this purpose, group-based interventions are conducted (Ribeiro et al., 2015). Technically, this approach uses activities and debates as intervention strategies to discuss social issues from television programs, newspaper reports, and internet resources (e.g., YouTube videos) and, most important, from the clients’ narratives about their own social

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realities. These activities and debates take place in small groups or in classrooms at school. The career development model is based on three moments of discussion: (1) exploring the meaning of a choice; (2) undertaking a career development activity; and (3) providing information and using this to improve the clients’ self-knowledge. All debates need to be contextualized by the social contexts of each client. The practitioner plays the role of an intermediary to foster the conscientizing process and help the client develop a critical understanding of the social and labour market reality (Bock & Bock, 2005). Second, in Brazil, the intercultural approach for career development proposed by Marcelo Ribeiro blends the epistemology of social constructionism, mainly inspired by the life design paradigm (Nota & Rossier,  2015) and psychology of working theory (Blustein,  2013), from the Global North with contextualized theories from the South, including critical pedagogy (Freire,  1975), the psychology of liberation (Martín-Baró, 1994), and the vulnerability and human rights framework (Paiva, 2005), among others (Ribeiro, 2016, 2018; Silva et al., 2016). It is based on two main principles—intercultural dialogue (Santos, 2014) and hybridism (Latour, 1993)—and some theoretical and practical underpinnings, including relational ontology (Blustein, 2013), narratability (Nota & Rossier,  2015), critical consciousness (Freire,  1975), diatopical hermeneutics (Santos, 2014), discursive validation (Winslade, 2005), and being subject of rights (Paiva, 2005). It aims to help people understand the place they occupy in the power structure in which they find themselves and to become aware of these structures and seek possibilities to transcend them. The career development practice is based on narrative construction, the identification of social discourses in these narratives, the deconstruction of both, and the reconstruction of a narrative that considers the intersectionality issues for career construction. It embeds communitarian agents and contexts into career development work by making them actively participate in the career development client’s career construction (Ribeiro, 2016, 2018; Silva et al., 2016). The career development practice can be done individually or in small groups of 5–12 persons. The main tools are dialogues between practitioners and clients or group of clients, project construction, and communitarian debates with the people close to the client and living in the same kind of context to build a way for expanding dialogue, negotiating meanings, avoiding idealized projects, and integrating differences. It is central for the intercultural approach that practitioner acts like an intermediary: “Instead of only assisting in an individual career construction process, s/he should foster the communitarian networks in order to explore the existing and potential career construction opportunities” (Ribeiro, 2018, p. 140) in the client’s contexts. This involves linking the career development process to the client’s life narrative and working projects and also to the client’s home community experiences, and it consequently defines career development as a communitarian strategy (Rascován, 2005). The intermediary position “supports the hybrid intervention’s rationale according to which knowledge is built on the relationship of all the social actors involved in a given

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context” (Ribeiro & Almeida,  2019, p. 609), and the practitioner–client relationship ­extends to all client relationships with the world. This is necessary because the practitioner is not part of the client’s world, and the client needs to make use of the resources of their home community to co-construct meaningful working life projects. It is important to highlight that the previously discussed approaches are just a few examples. There are more theoretical and technical proposals from the Global South, including transitional guidance for meaning of life from Latin America (Brunal, Vásquez, Mora, Borja, & León,  2018) and the integrative qualitative and quantitative approach from South Africa (Maree, 2018). Conclusion Sultana (2018) states that “context matters” (p. 48), and the Global South should speak by its own terms. In that sense, the Global South has been producing contextualized theories and practices in two ways, as argued by Ribeiro and Fonçatti (2017): refusal and co-construction. The former describes the proposals by Bock and Bock (2005), Habsy et al. (2019), and Rascován (2005); the latter explains propositions presented by Arulmani (2007, 2014a), Fan and Leong (2016), Hwang (2009), and Ribeiro (Ribeiro, 2016, 2018; Silva et al., 2016). The proposals partly address the specific principles that can be adopted to support the construction of contextualized theories in career development. All include the social and cultural context in their career development theories and try to reconstruct concepts and practices. However, group-based interventions and communitarian strategies are more frequent in Latin American proposals, and family and spiritual dimensions are more frequent in Asian proposals. A possible criticism of all the discussed theoretical approaches from the Global South is that they need to analyse whether they are universalizing concepts and practices from their own specific contexts and doing the same thing they consider problematic and oppressive: imposing a way of knowing and being through the theoretical approaches. In summary, the Global South has the power to help renew and democratize the field of career development, but this process should be primarily a joint action with the Global North by means of an intercultural dialogue so that both universality of basic and common issues and difference in the answers, and also resultant practices, can be considered. References Arulmani, G. (2007). Counselling psychology in India: At the confluence of two traditions. Applied Psychology, 56, 69–82. doi:10.1111/j.1464-0597.2007.00276.x Arulmani, G. (2014a). The cultural preparation process model and career development. In G.  Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 81–103). New York: Springer. Arulmani, G. (2014b). Career guidance and livelihood planning. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 3, 9–11.

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Maree, J. G. (2010). Brief overview of the advancement of postmodern approaches to career counseling. Journal of Psychology in Africa, 20, 361–368. doi:10.1080/14330237.2010.10820387 Martín-Baró, I. (1994). Writings for a liberation psychology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Matilal, B. (1991). Pluralism, relativism, and interaction between cultures. In E. Deutsch (Ed.), Culture and modernity: East–West philosophic perspective (pp. 141–153). Honolulu: University of Hawaii. Mazawi, A. E. (2007). “Knowledge society” or work as “spectacle”? Education for work and the prospects of social transformation in Arab societies. In L. Farrell & T. Fenwick (Eds.), Educating the global workforce (pp. 240–260). London: Routledge. McMahon, M., Arthur, N., & Collins, S. (2008). Social justice and career development: Looking back, looking forward. Australian Journal of Career Development, 17, 21–29. doi:10.1177/103841620801700205 Nota, L., & Rossier, J. (Eds.). (2015). Handbook of life design. Boston: Hogrefe. Paiva, V. (2005). Analysing sexual experiences through “scenes.” Sex Education, 5, 345–358. doi:10.1080/ 14681810500278295 Pitkänen, P. (2005). A philosophical basis for multicultural counselling. In M. Launikari & S. Puukari (Eds.), Multicultural guidance and counselling (pp. 137–147). Jyväskylä, Finland: Institute for Educational Research. Rascován, S. E. (2005). Orientación vocacional: Una perspectiva crítica [Career counselling: A critical perspective]. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Paidós. Ribeiro, M. A. (2016). Career counseling for people in psychosocial situations of vulnerability and flexicurity: A social constructionist proposal. In T. V. Martin (Ed.), Career development: Theories, practices and challenges (pp. 79–110). New York: Nova. Ribeiro, M. A. (2017). Reflecting upon reality in a psychosocial manner. In A. M. Columbus (Ed.), Advances in Psychology Research (Vol. 132, pp. 113–143). New York: Nova. Ribeiro, M. A. (2018). Towards diversified ways to promote decent working trajectories: A life and career design proposal for informal workers. In V.  Cohen-Scali, J.  Pouyaud, M.  Podgórny, V.  Drabik-Podgórna, G.  Aisenson, J.-L.  Bernaud, I.  Abdou Moumoula, & J.  Guichard (Eds.), Interventions in career design and education: Transformation for sustainable development and decent work (pp. 131–151). New York: Springer. Ribeiro, M. A., & Almeida, M. C. C. G. (2019). A socio-constructionist career counseling model grounded in the intersectionality of gender, class and race/ethnicity. In J. G. Maree (Ed.), Handbook of innovative career counselling (pp. 597–613). New York: Springer. Ribeiro, M.  A., & Fonçatti, G.  O.  S. (2017). The gap between theory and reality as a generator of social injustice. In T. Hooley, R. G. Sultana, & R. Thomsen (Eds.), Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism (pp. 193–208). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Ribeiro, M.  A., Uvaldo, M.  C.  C., & Silva, F.  F. (2015). Some contributions from Latin American career counselling for dealing with situations of psychosocial vulnerability. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 15, 193–204. doi:10.1007/s10775-015-9285-7 Santos, B. S. (2014). Epistemologies of the south. Boulder, CO: Paradigm. Sarr, F. (2015). Economics and culture in Africa. In C. Monga & J. Y. Lin (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of Africa and economics (Vol. 1, pp. 334–350). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sarr, F. (2016). Afrotopia. Paris: Philippe Rey. Savickas, M. L. (2011). New questions for vocational psychology: Premises, paradigms, and practices. Journal of Career Assessment, 19, 251–258. doi:10.1177/1069072710395532 Silva, F. F., Paiva, V., & Ribeiro, M. A. (2016). Career construction and reduction of psychosocial vulnerability: Intercultural career guidance based on Southern epistemologies. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 36, 46–53. doi:10.20856/jnicec.3606 Sultana, R. G. (2017a). Career guidance in multicultural societies: Identity, alterity, epiphanies and pitfalls. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 45, 451–462. doi:10.1080/03069885.2017.1348486 Sultana, R.  G. (Ed.). (2017b). Career guidance and livelihood planning across the Mediterranean: Challenging transitions in South Europe and the MENA region. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense. Sultana, R. G. (2018). Responding to diversity: Lessons for career guidance from the Global South. Indian Journal of Career and Livelihood Planning, 7, 48–51. Tien, H. L. S., & Wang, Y. C. (2016). Career counseling research and practice in Taiwan. Career Development Quarterly, 64, 231–243. doi:10.1002/cdq.12057 Winslade, J.  M. (2005). Utilising discursive positioning in counselling. British Journal for Guidance and Counselling, 33, 351–364. doi:10.1080/03069880500179541 World Bank. (2013). World development indicators 2013. Washington, DC: Author. doi:10.1596/978-0-8213-9824-1

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C H A PT E R

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Cross-Cultural Career Psychology from a Critical Psychology Perspective

Graham B. Stead and Ashley E. Poklar

Abstract In this chapter, cross-cultural career psychology’s assumptions, methodologies, terminologies, and constructs are examined from a critical psychology perspective. The purpose of this chapter is to utilise critical psychology to challenge cross-cultural career psychology’s implicit and explicit assumptions and its approaches and methodologies to conducting research. Some of cross-cultural career psychology’s terminologies and constructs are examined through a critical psychology lens. Cross-cultural career psychology is also contrasted with cultural psychology. Four critiques of critical psychology toward cross-cultural career psychology are addressed: the serviceable other, epistemology, universality, and individualism/ collectivism. Each critique focuses on problems that are found in cross-cultural career psychology. Topics current to cross-cultural career psychology research are reflected on, such as work/family, immigrants, refugees, and their intersections. The chapter concludes with suggestions for future directions of the field. Keywords: career, cross-cultural, critical psychology, serviceable other, epistemology, universality, individualism/collectivism, work/family, immigrants, refugees

Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to examine cross-cultural psychology from a critical psychology perspective. The focus is on the assumptions, terminologies, constructs, and methodologies that are employed in cross-cultural career psychology (see Arulmani, Kumar, Shrestha, Viray, & Aravind, this volume; McCash, this volume; Ribeiro, this volume). These are problematized with reference to the serviceable other, epistemology, universality, and individualism/collectivism. In addition, common cross-cultural career psychology themes are reflected on briefly, namely assessment and construct validity, reporting on similarities and differences, immigrants and refugees, and work/family. It is argued that cross-cultural career psychology should focus more on cultural behaviours intrinsic to or developed within cultures and less on transporting theories and constructs to cultures in which these did not originate. Cross-Cultural Career Psychology Cross-cultural career psychology is closely aligned to cross-cultural psychology. Hence, constructs utilised and their definitions are largely found in the general cross-cultural

psychology literature with few disagreements from career cross-cultural psychologists ­regarding meanings of terms. Because cross-cultural career psychology is deeply embedded in the broader cross-cultural psychology field, its approaches and methodologies largely reside therein. Defining and describing “culture” in career psychology for research purposes is fraught with difficulties. There are many definitions of culture, one of which is that of Berry, Poortinga, Breugelmans, and Sam (2011), who refer to culture as “the shared way of life of a group of people” and cross-cultural psychology as the study of “similarities and differences in individual psychological functioning in various cultural and ethnocultural groups; of ongoing changes in variables reflecting such functioning; and of the relationships of psychological variables with sociocultural, ecological and biological variables” (p. 4). Stead (2004) views culture from a social constructionist perspective in career psychology as a “social system of shared symbols, meanings, perspectives, and social actions that are mutually negotiated by people in their relationships with others” (p. 392). Note that cross-cultural psychology differs from cultural psychology in that the latter is “the study of the way cultural traditions and social practices regulate, express, and transform the human psyche, resulting less in psychic unity for humankind than in ethnic divergences in mind, self, and emotion” (Shweder, 1995, p. 41). Cultural psychology is thus not interested in seeking universal traits and behaviours but, rather, in better understanding cultural ways of being and perceiving. According to Shiraev and Levy (2013), “Cross-cultural psychology is the critical and comparative study of cultural effects on human psychology” (p. 7). Interestingly, they refer to the cultural effects on human psychology, as if culture is a discrete independent variable rather than people being cultural. They appear to view “critical” as having “meta-thoughts” (literally, “thoughts about thought”; p. 50) within the field of cross-cultural psychology, rather than having a critical psychology perspective, which challenges the structure and fundamentals of psychological fields. Leong and Brown (1995) refer to cross-cultural career development as “characterized by a concern with the generalizability of laws underlying the behaviour of European Americans to persons of other cultures or countries” (p. 143). Operationally defining culture often takes the form of the participant’s primary language, country, or ethnicity (Stead, 2004), such as conflating country (Lee, Peterson, Sampson, & Park, 2015) or race/ethnicity (Byars-Winston & Rogers, 2019) with culture, thus making culture synonymous with these terms. Cultures are not homogeneous and seldom, if ever, bounded by a country’s borders. Apart from people belonging to multiple cultures and subcultures, one’s cultural identity is fractured into other segments based on gender, class, sexual preference, vocation, and many intersecting identities. To ask people what their culture(s) is will result in many varied responses, if they are even able to answer the question definitively. Indeed, cross-cultural career psychology researchers seldom ask participants to state their culture but provide them with alternatives. Interestingly, Fiske (2002) suggests that researchers focus on aspects or practices of culture, rather than culture in general, eliciting feedback from participants on aspects such as marriage, religion, kin-

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ship systems, relational models, and institutions (e.g., schooling). These aspects have commonality in that they are based on social relationships. Critical Psychology Critical psychology is not one but many perspectives, approaches, and critiques with a family resemblance. It cannot be defined succinctly due to its varieties of thought (Stead & Perry,  2012). Critical psychology is espoused by authors such as Dennis Fox, Isaac Prilleltensky, Ian Parker, Tod Sloan, and Thomas Teo, among others. The characteristics of critical psychology have been described in detail (e.g., Fox & Prilleltensky,  1997; Fox, Prilleltensky, & Austin, 2009; Hook, 2004; Parker, 2015a; Teo, 2015). Critical psychology questions the relevance of mainstream psychology (Teo, 2015) and its fields such as cross-cultural career psychology, examines psychology’s support of the status quo and dominant institutions in society, and emphasizes social context (Prilleltensky & Fox, 1997) as opposed to a focus solely on the individual. Critical psychology approaches appear well suited to meet the need for a psychology that moves “away from conceptualizations based on individualism and a denial of context, towards a notion of the field as not merely a technical activity, but rather as a moral and normative enterprise that does not separate personal and societal fulfilment, in the search for a life worth living” (Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2018, p. 16). Parker (2015b) states that while psychology aims to describe human activities, it always includes political, ideological (e.g., serving power and interests), and value-laden assumptions such as neutrality and objectivity. One issue that concerns critical psychologists is oppression and social justice. This is evinced in the sociocultural, political, and historical roles psychology has played in marginalizing people and psychology’s support for the status quo. One way this is displayed is in psychology’s emphasis on individualistic perspectives in which individuals tend to be blamed, rather than a focus on societal problems and inequalities (Sloan, 2009). Psychology’s ontological, epistemological, and axiological standpoints are also questioned (Stead & Perry,  2012). For example, what counts as truth and knowledge in career psychology is inextricably linked to what career psychologists are expected to study and the resultant required research methodologies. These are value-based decisions, not objective decisions. Underlying all such decisions surrounding truth, knowledge, and values is power—namely who decides what is accepted practice and knowledge and who acquiesces to these decisions (for a fuller discussion, see Teo, 2009). Power is important in critical psychology and is salient in Foucault’s (1972, 1980) writings. From a Foucauldian perspective, power is viewed not as something a person possesses nor as something within a person. Power is exercised through discourses (i.e., institutionalized ways of communicating, such as using cross-cultural career psychology terminology and phrases) and language in relation to others. Power manifests itself through resistance to the discourse used. Through power in discourse, the discipline of psychology

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and also cross-cultural career psychology is transmitted. Power is present in many forms, such as in the psy-complex, which is “a complex of discourses, practices, agents and techniques” (Rose, 1985, p. 9) used to “diagnose, conceptualize and regulate pathologies of conduct” (p. 226). Power is deployed in organizations and academic disciplines, such as cross-cultural career psychology, in which the gateways to knowledge are evinced in, for example, approved research topics, sanctioned research methodologies, and endorsed constructs (sometimes referred to as “core constructs”). This forms part of career psychology’s processes of normalization in research and practice, which ­include supporting the status quo and assisting clients to regulate their behaviours in keeping with societal norms. Power thus creates the received regimes of truth inherent in cross-cultural career psychology’s intellectual tools. It is these constraints (disciplinary discourse boundaries) that produce “truth” (i.e., “a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements” [Foucault, 1980, p. 133]). Power constitutes one’s self/selves through one’s relationships with others in cultural contexts. It constitutes these terms as they are constructed to serve certain purposes; they are not selfevident or “discovered,” and consequently vary in usage and meaning across time. Power can be beneficial in that it provides knowledge and insight and hence its allure, but it also constrains intellectual thought. It constrains in that there are acceptable and non-acceptable practices and terminologies in psychology, depending on who and which institutions ­determine it to be so. From a Foucauldian perspective, power and knowledge are interrelated or viewed as two sides of the same coin. Indeed, it can be argued that this chapter on cross-cultural career psychology is about truth claims, knowledge and power, and the politics of truth. Critical psychology criticizes psychology’s excessive focus on the individual (Parker, 2015b; Teo, 2009) and its de-emphasis of relational aspects. Relational aspects of human behaviour are seldom found in cross-cultural career research. Methodological relationalism (i.e., research focusing on relationships rather than internal personal characteristics) has developed in Asia to counter methodological individualism (Paredes-Canilao, Barbaran-Diaz, Florendo, Salinas-Ramos, & Mendoza, 2015), which is prevalent in much cross-cultural research. A well-known approach that emphasizes the relational is social constructionism (Gergen 2009). Critical psychology is different from critical thinking. Critical thinking focuses on using the rules and reasoning within psychology to evaluate psychological evidence (Bensley, Crowe, Bernhardt, Buckner, & Allman, 2010), whereas critical psychology challenges psychology primarily in relation to its subject matter, methodology, values, and relevance (Teo, 2015). Critical psychology is concerned with examining the fundamental principles of psychology and not making minor adjustments to psychology and its practices. It is with this in mind that cross-cultural career psychology is scrutinized in this chapter.

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Critical Psychology in Relation to Cross-Cultural Career Psychology Four critiques of critical psychology toward cross-cultural career psychology that we address include serviceable other, epistemology, universality, and individualism/collectivism. These are provided within the framework of critical psychology. Each critique focuses on problems that are found in cross-cultural career psychology, arising in common crosscultural career themes including the validity of assessments and exploration of similarity and differences in career psychology constructs between cultures, most notably in the areas of career and family interplay, immigrants and their experiences in terms of work and acculturation, and refugee work experiences. Serviceable Other Sampson (1993, p. 152) introduced the phrase “serviceable other,” and it is revealing of cross-cultural career research. The “other,” the perceived subordinate or culturally disparate group, is constructed in the terms of the dominant culture, primarily by means of the dominant culture’s theories, constructs, and assessment instruments but also through misguided notions of neutrality and objectivity. Often, one encounters research reports comparing non-Western with Western cultures based on the comparison of constructs and measures developed in a Western environment (e.g., Işık, Ulubey, & Kozan, 2018; Roche, Carr, Lee, Wen, & Brown, 2017). The alternative of employing non-Western constructs and measures on Western samples for comparative purposes rarely happens. This goes a long way toward explaining the serviceable other, namely the culture willing to act as a mirror to the ostensible dominant culture’s needs and interests. According to Sampson (1993), the “serviceable other involves the requirement that the silenced can be heard but only in so far as they used the approved forms of the dominant groups” (p. 10), namely the received scientific discourse, constructs, and assessment instruments. Sampson (1995) invokes the “absent standard” (p. 1224), as without Western-based research and its psychological research processes, the research including the foreign culture would likely be of little interest or relevance to journal readers. Not only that, but the absent standard is necessary for psychology to define itself. The psy-complex (Rose, 1998) is based on differences so that constructs of interest are constructs some have and others do not, or possess at least to a lesser degree. In cross-cultural career psychology, the absent standard emanates from the home culture and is the standard by which other cultures are described and examined. As is apparent, the serviceable other is the effect of discourses of power and the gaze of the dominant culture. Although the gaze is unique to that culture, it considers itself universal and impartial (Sampson, 1993). Epistemology Cross-cultural and career cross-cultural research is based largely on Western philosophies, scientific approaches, and epistemologies (Tchombe, Nsamenang, & La-Loh, 2013). This includes the post-positivist paradigm, with its focus on empiricism, quantitative techniques,

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reductionism, objective neutrality, and its goal of attaining objective truth. This is not surprising because to maintain its legitimacy, cross-cultural career research needs to retain close ties with mainstream psychology in general. This was highlighted by Moghaddam and Studer (1997), who stated that cross-cultural psychology does not challenge mainstream psychology’s philosophical foundations but, rather, maintains adherence to causal models, particularly in utilising culture as an independent variable impacting on other variables. For culture to act as an independent variable, it needs to be separate from other variables, which is not easily demonstrated in most cases. Culture is embedded within other variables and so its causal impact is difficult to determine. Moghaddam and Studer add that cross-cultural psychology is “a frustrated gadfly” (p. 18) because it is marginalized and offers no substantive changes to mainstream psychology, despite its unique focus on research with foreign cultures. In turn, career psychology offers few substantive additions to the broader cross-cultural psychology field. Cross-cultural career psychology’s adherence to the post-positivist paradigm is at variance with qualitative methodologies, in which finding universals is irrelevant and there is a focus on local and contextual research. Qualitative methodologists’ interest in generalizability is also negligible, and hence they avoid contributing to the grand narrative of universality. Whereas qualitative research is included in cross-cultural career research, its use in cross-cultural career psychology is minimal (Stead et al., 2012). In a content analysis of 3,279 career psychology published articles, Stead et al. reported that 55.9 percent of articles used quantitative methods, 35.5 percent were theoretical/conceptual, and only 6.3 percent used qualitative research methods. When qualitative research is employed in mainstream journals, it is often “cleansed” by using structured qualitative techniques and often as an add-on to the quantitative data, so as to support the research approaches and theories that drove the research project (Gough, 2015). Indeed, the assumed objectivity of the research process is central to cross-cultural career psychology’s methodological and assessment endeavours. Ironically, cross-cultural career research is constructed to be conducted for Western readers’ ­perspectives, thus abandoning assumed objectivity and invoking the “absent standard” mentioned previously. Universality According to Rose (1998), culture and the construction of psychology through language and its psy-complex change continuously. Trying to establish a universal psychology is somewhat like attempting to freeze a moving object. Psychological measures are unlike fixed instruments, such as measurement rulers or weight scales; they are defined by sample, time, place, and the assessment modus operandi of the day. Also, there is nothing objective about psychological measures because they are culturally and theoretically configured subjective constructions. Arguments for studying universality provided by cross-cultural career researchers ­include an assumed common genetic heritage, personality similarities, that we all are more

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similar than different (Krumov & Larson,  2013), and that psychological functioning constructs (e.g., personality traits) can only be theoretically valid if found in all cultures (Berry et al., 2011). As Ratner (2008) notes, universal variables should not be affected by factors specific to a culture. This is necessary not only for cross-cultural comparisons to occur but also to promote generalizability, an aim of science. Because constructs are developed within cultures, it is difficult to imagine how they could be both separate from and transcend other cultures. Apart from cross-cultural psychologists’ desire to emulate the natural laws of science, it is very likely that universality is a continuation of the dominating effects of the colonization of thought (Hook, 2004). Psychology has its origins and current practice largely situated in Western thought, and through colonizing the psy-complex in distant lands comes power and control of a field, as well as the much needed “serviceable other.” Individualism/Collectivism Individualism/collectivism has been researched in career cross-cultural psychology (Hartung, Fouad, Leong, & Hardin, 2010; Marks, ÇiftÇi, & Lee, 2016) and refers to concern toward the self or to the group. It also includes an additional four dimensions, namely horizontal and vertical individualism and collectivism (Berry et al., 2011). To refer to cultures as individualist, collectivist, or categorical variants thereof masks the varying behaviours of people within different contexts. To categorise cultures in this way largely ignores within-group differences and the various cultures to which people often belong— the implication being that a person belongs to one culture. People are social, and to group cultures as individualist/collectivist is a gross oversimplification. This assumes that cultures are easily recognizable and that people can be easily allocated to a culture, when this blurs on closer scrutiny. It is through relationships that people’s identities and selves are forged throughout life, and to persist with the term “individualism” as it pertains to cultures is another example of reductionism. The dichotomy of individualism/collectivism largely ignores immigration and globalization factors. As Okazaki (2018) notes with regard to people from Asian cultures, individualism/collectivism erases their within-group variability (socioeconomic status, religion, and so on) and has the risk of grouping Asian Americans with people from Asian cultures as all being collectivistic. Okazaki argues for more nuanced research on cultural differences. Individualism/collectivism is merely an extension of the universality thesis, in that the simplicity, invariance, and homogeneity of such a model enable countries to be thus categorized (Ratner, 2008). Reviewing the literature, Fiske (2002) believes there is no empirical support for assuming that individualism and collectivism are opposite types or contrasting ends on a continuum. He notes that differences between nations vary depending on the different individualist/collectivist research measures used. The meaning and interpretation of constructs depend on the measures used, as meta-analytic research using measures as moderating variables of constructs demonstrates (Hurtado Rúa, Stead, & Poklar, 2019; McLeod, Wood, & Weisz, 2007). After evaluating the dimension of individualism/collectivism in

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cross-cultural research, Voronov and Singer (2002) conclude that it epitomizes reductionism, it does not sufficiently account for within-group differences, it is too simple a construct, and the complexities of human behaviour need to be understood within broader sociocultural contexts. We believe that research should focus on specific cultures and their shared and mutually negotiated behaviours and meanings in relation to work and career development. Researchers should determine which constructs are important to people in their cultures rather than impose predetermined constructs and their associated meanings on them. In this way, cross-cultural career psychology may become more relevant than it is now. Common Career Themes in Cross-Cultural Career Psychology Several themes are apparent within cross-cultural career psychology. The majority of studies focus on determining the validity of assessments across cultures and exploring similarity and differences of career psychology constructs between cultures. Secondary themes include career and family interplay, immigrants and their experiences in terms of work and acculturation, and refugee work experiences. These themes are discussed through the lens of critical psychology. Assessment and Construct Validity A common use of career cross-cultural studies is to determine the applicability of a measure created in one country for use in another country (recent examples include, but are not limited to, Heikamp et al., 2014; Lee et al., 2017; Nye, Leong, Prasad, Gardner, & Tien, 2018; Puigmitja, Robledo, & Topa, 2019; Roche et al., 2017; Yu, Zhang, Nunes, & Levesque-Bristol,  2018). Although the majority of studies fitting into this category are attempts to generalize measures created in the United States, United Kingdom, or Australia to other countries, predominantly Asian or African countries, there are exceptions to this norm, such as that of Lee et al.’s (2017) examination of a Korean measure on a US population. It is important to note that even in this exception, the theory on which the initial Korean measure was created originated in a Western tradition. A general theme of gaining insight into universal aspects is common in the purpose statements of career cross-cultural studies, as are calls for a more standardized, operationalized way of identifying and measuring constructs across cultures. In addition, adapting scales to specific populations, often with a secondary goal of analysing relationships among constructs or validating the “new” measure tailored to the other culture, is also often identified as the purpose of a study. From a critical psychology perspective, the use of words such as “universal,” “standardized,” and “operationalized” is concerning because they suggest that there can be a single truth, arising from a traditionally Westernized theory and being “proven” through an assessment measure often created for use with a Westernized population. The danger of  such a problem statement is that it immediately sets the “home” culture, theory, or

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meas­ure as that which is “right,” while the serviceable other is expected to fit the model and support the measure, thus demonstrating how universally valid the assessment or theory truly is. The second problem underlying such purpose statements is that they suggest that the measures need only be employed in another culture in order to become valid representations within that culture of the construct or theory being measured. However, the vast majority of career cross-cultural studies utilised a translation and back translation of meas­ ures to ensure linguistic equivalence. In some cases, invariance testing through confirmatory factor analysis was deemed sufficient to show “fit” from one culture to another, with the added belief that samples from the tested countries measured, and controlled for, culture. Some researchers went so far as to utilise a constrained emic approach (see Naidoo & Rabie,  2019; initially discussed by Einarsdóttir, Rounds, & Su,  2010) to ensure the specific career environment of the “other” culture was represented within the study. Although this approach, which includes having an “expert” of the culture being researched review the appropriateness of questions to the construct being studied, is more culturally aware, it is still missing the voice of potential participants in the co-creation of constructs and understanding of their lived experiences. Although, admittedly, this is a common complaint in quantitative research studies across fields of psychology, it is all the more apparent in studies such as those in cross-cultural career psychology, in which the constructs are often clearly rooted in a reality different from that of the population being studied. This leads to problems not only in linguistic equivalence but also in cultural equivalence. Gerstein (2018) argues that for a measure to be adequately utilised across cultures, it must demonstrate construct equivalence; the questions need to be asking not only the same thing linguistically or structurally but also the same thing based on content and application. For example, self-determination is considered a necessary building block in selfdetermination theory and overall well-being (Yu et al., 2018); however, items such as “I chose this major because it reflects what I value most in life” may not mean the same thing across cultures, nor hint at the same constructs. Do the participants label self-determination the same way as the researchers? Do they endorse it as a necessary building block to well-being, or do they consider it a barrier? Does a question based on choosing a major, which is something seldom done in isolation, provide evidence of one’s self-determination? The only way to know whether this item, or measure, has construct equivalence is to speak with, and listen to, the population to be studied. Furthermore, Gerstein (2018) suggests a need for method equivalence. This is defined as whether the data collection, research methods, and measurement format can actually study the construct of interest across cultures. For example, in the study discussed previously, is the Likert-type scale the best way to understand whether the participants are making self-determined decisions, or would they relate better to an interview, observation, or forced choice responses? There is evidence that various research methods can, and do, lead to different outcomes in any given population. This may indicate a need to be

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considerate in both identifying measures and methods for studying specific constructs and attempting to find validity in specific types of measures across different groups (van de Vijver & He, 2016). Gerstein (2018) suggests a more in-depth, multidimensional approach to determining equivalence. Although this is a move in the correct direction, a critical psychology perspective could assert that such an approach is still working from a power mismatch— one in which members of the other culture are providing their understanding of a preexisting construct arising within the culture of power. More beneficial would be to allow for individuals within a group to create their own meanings, which can then become their own constructs. No longer will they be the serviceable other; just the other. Reporting on Differences and Similarities Inevitably, the cross-cultural studies end in a discussion of similarities and differences, the fit of the proposed model, and/or the validity of the assessment across cultures (additional examples include Andre et al.,  2019; Autin, Allan, Palaniappan, & Duffy,  2019; Işık, Ulubey, & Kozan, 2018; Kim, Praskova, & Lee, 2017). Although many studies identify some level of difference among groups, these differences are often considered to be individualistic versus collectivistic differences, which is overly simplistic (Ratner, 2008); in addition, there is seldom any further information provided as to why this assumption made sense. Furthermore, many studies identify differences between cultural groups, but they suggest that differences in mean age or gender spread are the “likely” reasons for the cultural differences, without exploration of intersections between age, gender, and culture, nor a more thorough discussion of cultural differences as a potential feature of the identified differences. Moghaddam and Studer (1997) state that cross-cultural psychology’s disregard for political, ideological, and intergroup relations is evidence of its adherence to reductionism. In a single, qualitative study, Shen et al. (2015) echoed this assertion, suggesting it is overly simple to break individuals into groups based on the arbitrary boundaries created by a country’s borders, particularly when also ignoring additional interacting contextual factors. Such an inclusion of abstract, boundary crossing, contextual factors is nearly impossible to include within the quantitative study methodologies often used within cross-cultural career literature, leading to the cycle of reductionism noted by Moghaddam and Studer. In addition, as we examine the literature, we are left wondering why this exact ­country-to-country comparison is taking place. Cogent reasons are seldom provided. Apart from the desire to find universal traits/behaviours, it is likely tied to convenience sampling arising from pre-existing professional relationships between researchers in two different countries. We are mystified as to why it is necessary to conduct studies between samples from the United States or the United Kingdom and people from, for example, India, South Korea, Nigeria, Iceland, or anywhere else, without a strong rationale. It is unclear

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what knowledge is to be gained, aside from a simple assertion that samples are similar or different or that there is evidence, or not, of universal career psychology traits. Secondary Themes: Work–Family, Immigration, and Refugees In cross-cultural career studies focused on the secondary themes of work–family, immigration, and refugees, there is no longer a disregard of political concerns nor a creation of a serviceable other. For example, the basis of many work–family studies has been political and constructivist in nature (Loison et al., 2017; Ollo-López & Goñi-Legaz, 2017; Tammelin, Malinen, Rönkä, & Verhoef, 2017). These studies focused on the experiences of working individuals as they attempted to navigate work and family, and they sought to understand differing trends across countries in relation to the countries’ policies as opposed to in relation to one another; therefore, no country was the “serviceable other” in these studies. In addition, Ollo-López and Goñi-Legaz broke the tradition of simplifying culture by labelling groups by country; instead, they created grouping of countries based on similar response patterns, leading to larger cultural labels of Scandinavian, Mediterranean, Anglo-Saxon, etc. This type of joining of country labels expands the operationalism of culture to include shared norms across geographical lines. The focus on politics and context, as opposed to differences, is carried into the recent research on immigration and refugee populations (Guan et al., 2018; Polenova, Vedral, Brisson, & Zinn, 2018; Rajani, Ng, & Groutsis, 2018; Ramakrishnan, Barker, Vervoordt, & Zhang, 2018). Many of these studies are qualitative in nature, focused on identity development, career adaptability, acculturation, and supplied a purposeful discussion of how to provide vocational support. Again, immigrants and refugees in this research are not viewed as the other but, rather, as individuals crossing cultural bounds and experiencing unique needs based on a variety of contextual and individual specifics. These studies, focused on work and family, immigration, and refugees, appear to be taking a trajectory different from mainstream cross-cultural career psychology, seeking to understand experiences within the context of social, political, and individual developmental factors. Instead of pitting one group against another, this approach views groups through the lens of context and determines whether different patterns exist, naming and describing the patterns but refraining from determining which pattern is preferable. It remains to be seen whether this trajectory will continue in this direction. Our concern is that cross-cultural psychologists will attempt to generalize and operationalize the findings, therefore creating intrinsic power for a group through defining groups against one another. Future Research and Practice According to Tchombe et al. (2013), cross-cultural psychology is not cross-cultural, in that Western realities have been transported to other countries, after which comparisons occur. In order to overcome this situation, cross-cultural career psychologists need to be inclusive of the psychological perspectives of those in other cultures. Research from

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within the respective cultures utilising constructs and research tools within those cultures needs to be performed for meaningful cross-cultural comparisons in career psychology to occur. Vaunted core constructs in mainstream psychology may have some usefulness in other cultures, but that does not mean that they are central constructs to those cultures, nor even have the same meanings. Using a career psychology measure cross-culturally and providing some validity evidence of that measure in another culture do not necessarily indicate construct equivalence. One must understand how that construct is conceptualized in that culture, and this may be quite different from its intended meaning (Owusu-Bempah & Howitt, 2000; Teo, 2015). As Fiske (2002), states, “It is time to analyze culturally constituted institutions and practices to discover innumerable new, hitherto unsuspected psychological processes that shape culture and are shaped by it” (p. 87). We suggest that researchers within the cross-cultural career psychology field carefully consider the purpose in comparing cultures as well as the research processes utilised. Consideration of what defines culture, the suitability of constructs and measures ­cross-culturally, and purposeful application of findings to vocational training, construct restructuring, and cross-culturally informed frameworks are encouraged. In so doing, the field may be reinvigorated to explore new and meaningful cross-cultural research directions. Practitioners are encouraged to take a contextual approach when exploring career themes with clients, understanding that each individual’s unique intersecting identities and the way in which they construct their realities inform how they view themselves, the world of work, and their place within that world of work. Although knowing a client’s home country or preferred language may aid in identifying appropriate screening meas­ ures or point a practitioner toward a specific career intervention, practitioners are cautioned against taking a one-size-fits-all approach in working with clients. This may be particularly important in career development work with youth or those seeking new career fields, as they may not yet have a clear idea of how they view the world of work and their place in it, and therefore a clinician’s or researcher’s assumptions may cloud the process before it even begins. References Andre, L., Peetsma, T. T. D., van Vianen, A. E. M., Jansen in de Wal, J., Petrović, D. S., & Bunjevac, T. (2019). Motivated by future and challenges: A cross-cultural study on adolescents’ investment in learning and career planning. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 110, 168–185. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2018.11.015 Autin, K. L., Allan, B. A., Palaniappan, M., & Duffy, R. D. (2019). Career calling in India and the United States: A cross-cultural measurement study. Journal of Career Assessment, 25, 688–702. doi:10.1177/1069072716665860 Bensley, D.  A., Crowe, D.  S., Bernhardt, P., Buckner, C., & Allman, A.  L. (2010). Teaching and assessing critical thinking skills for argument analysis in psychology. Teaching of Psychology, 37, 91–96. doi:10.1080/ 00986281003626656 Berry, J. W., Poortinga, Y. H., Breugelmans, S. M., & Sam, D. L. (2011). Cross-cultural psychology: Research and applications (2nd ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. Byars-Winston, A., & Rogers, J. G. (2019). Testing intersectionality of race/ethnicity × gender in a social–cognitive career theory model with science identity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66, 30–44. doi:10.1037/cou0000309 Einarsdóttir, S., Rounds, J., & Su, R. (2010). Holland in Iceland revisited: An emic approach to evaluating U.S. vocational interest models. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 57, 361–367. doi:10.1037/a0019685

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Okazaki, S. (2018). Culture, psychology, and social justice: Toward a more critical psychology of Asians and Asian-Americans. In P. L. Hammack (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of social psychology and social justice (pp. 141–156). New York: Oxford University Press. Ollo-López, A., & Goñi-Legaz, S. (2017). Differences in work–family conflict: Which individual and national factors explain them? International Journal of Human Resource Management, 28, 499–525. doi:10.1080/0958 5192.2015.1118141 Owusu-Bempah, K., & Howitt, D. (2000). Psychology beyond Western perspectives. Leicester, UK: British Psychological Society. Paredes-Canilao, N., Barbaran-Diaz, M. A., Florendo, M. N. B., Salinas-Ramos, T., & Mendoza, S. L. (2015). Indigenous psychologies and critical emancipatory psychology. In I.  Parker (Ed.), Handbook of critical psychology (pp. 356–365). Hove, UK: Routledge. Parker, I. (Ed.). (2015a). Handbook of critical psychology. Hove, UK: Routledge. Parker, I. (2015b). Introduction: Principles and positions. In I. Parker (Ed.), Handbook of critical psychology (pp. 1–9). Hove, UK: Routledge. Polenova, E., Vedral, A., Brisson, L., & Zinn, L. (2018). Emerging between two worlds: A longitudinal study of career identity of students from Asian American immigrant families. Emerging Adulthood, 6, 53–65. doi:10.1177/2167696817696430 Prilleltensky, I., & Fox, D. (1997). Introducing critical psychology: Values, assumptions, and the status quo. In D. Fox & I. Prilleltensky (Eds.), Critical psychology: An introduction (pp. 3–20). London: Sage. Puigmitja, I., Robledo, E., & Topa, G. (2019). Cross-cultural validity and psychometric properties of the ISC Intrapreneurial Self-Capital Scale in Spain. Personality and Individual Differences, 151. Rajani, N., Ng, E.  S., & Groutsis, D. (2018). From India to Canada: An autoethnographic account of an international student’s decision to settle as a self-initiated expatriate. Canadian Ethnic Studies Journal, 50, 129–148. doi:10.1353/ces.2018.0007 Ramakrishnan, S., Barker, C. D., Vervoordt, S., & Zhang, A. (2018). Rethinking cross-cultural adaptability using behavioral developmental theory: An analysis of different migrant behaviours. Behavioral Development, 23, 138–152. doi:10.1037/bdb0000061 Ratner, C. (2008). Cultural psychology, cross-cultural psychology, indigenous psychology. New York: Nova Science. Roche, M. K., Carr, A. L., Lee, I. H., Wen, J., & Brown, S. D. (2017). Career indecision in China: Measurement equivalence with the United States and South Korea. Journal of Career Assessment, 25, 526–536. doi:10.1177/1069072716651623 Rose, N. (1985). The psychological complex: Psychology, politics and society in England 1869–1939. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Rose, N. (1998). Inventing ourselves: Psychology, power, and personhood. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sampson, E. E. (1993). Celebrating the other. Hemel Hempstead, UK: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Sampson, E. E. (1995). Identity politics: Challenges to psychology’s understanding. American Psychologist, 48, 1219–1230. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.48.12.1219 Shweder, R. (1995). Cultural psychology: What is it? In N. R. Goldberger & J. B. Veroff (Eds.), The culture and psychology reader (pp. 41–86). New York: New York University Press. Shen, Y., Demel, B., Unite, J., Briscoe, J. P., Hall, D. T., Chudzikowski, K., . . . Zikic, J. (2015). Career success across 11 countries: Implications for international human resource management. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 26, 1753–1778. doi:10.1080/09585192.2014.962562 Shiraev, E. B., & Levy, D. A. (2013). Cross-cultural psychology: Critical thinking and contemporary applications. Boston: Pearson. Sloan, T. (2009). Theories of personality. In D. Fox, I. Prilleltensky, & S. Austin (Eds.), Critical psychology: An introduction (2nd ed., pp. 57–74). London: Sage. Stead, G. B. (2004). Culture and career psychology: A social constructionist perspective. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 64, 389–406. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.12.006 Stead, G. B., & Perry, J. C. (2012). Toward critical psychology perspectives of work-based transitions. Journal of Career Development, 39, 315–320. doi:10.1177/0894845311405661 Stead, G. B., Perry, J. C., Munka, L. M., Bonnett, H. R., Shiban, A. P., & Care, E. (2012). Qualitative research in career development: Content analysis from 1990 to 2009. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 12, 105–122. doi:10.1007/s10775-011-9196-1

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Tammelin, M., Malinen, K., Rönkä, A., & Verhoef, M. (2017). Work schedules and work–family conflict among dual earners in Finland, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Journal of Family Issues, 38, 3–24. doi:10.1177/0192513X15585810 Tchombe, T. M. S., Nsamenang, A. B., & La-Loh, J. (2013). Epistemologies in cross-cultural psychology: An Africentric appraisal. In T. M. S. Tchombe, A. B. Nsamenang, H. Keller, & F. Fülöp (Eds.), Cross-cultural psychology. An Africentric perspective (pp. 3–14). Limbe, Cameroon: Design House. Teo, T. (2009). Philosophical concerns in critical psychology. In D. Fox, I. Prilleltensky, & S. Austin (Eds.), Critical psychology: An introduction (2nd ed., pp. 36–53). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Teo, T. (2015). Critical psychology: A geography of intellectual engagement and resistance. American Psychologist, 70, 243–254. doi:10.1037/a0038727 van de Vijver, F. J. R., & He, J. (2016). Bias assessment and prevention in noncognitive outcome measures in context assessments. In S.  Kuger, E.  Klieme, N.  Jude, & D.  Kaplan (Eds.), Assessing contexts of learning: Methodology of educational measurement and assessment (pp. 229–253). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Voronov, M., & Singer, J. A. (2002). The myth of individualism–collectivism: A critical review. Journal of Social Psychology, 142, 461–480. doi:10.1080/00224540209603912 Yu, S., Zhang, F., Nunes, L. D., & Levesque-Bristol, C. (2018). Self-determined motivation to choose college majors, its antecedents, and outcomes: A cross-cultural investigation. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 108, 132–150. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2018.07.002

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Practice

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C H A PT E R

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The Career Development Profession: Professionalisation, Professionalism, and Professional Identity

John Gough and Siobhan Neary

Abstract This chapter examines the professionalisation of career development provision in countries across the world. ‘Professionalisation’ and ‘professionalism’ are explored through several concepts, including social closure, the professional project, and the regulatory bargain. The chapter argues that professionalism is a useful and important concept for the career development field but recognises the challenges that the field has had in achieving professional status. It recognises some of the critiques that exist of professionalism and explores how these relate to careers professionals. It then argues that increasing professionalism within the field needs to be understood as an ongoing process that has to be conducted on the personal, organizational, and professional level. The chapter concludes by outlining some key strategies that the field can use to advance the cause of professionalism in the future. Keywords: career development profession, professionalisation, professionalism, professional identity, regulatory bargain

Introduction This chapter seeks to define, and explore, the professionalisation and professionalism of career development practice. It uses two main theoretical lenses to achieve this aim. The first lens is a trait view of professions (Millerson, 1964), which argues that professions have essential features that distinguish them from jobs. The second lens is concerned with issues of societal power and esteem associated with the professional project (Larson, 1977) and the regulatory bargain (MacDonald, 1995). The concept of the ‘regulatory bargain’ is a key idea for professions. It is the view that professionalism is a bargain between the ­government and a profession, which gives the profession the legal authority to define the training required to be a professional, control entry to the profession, and specify standards of practice. In return for these rights, professions are responsible for the self-­management and regulation of the profession. Such a regulatory bargain has the consequence of tacitly maintaining and promoting social hierarchy through the privileging of those within the profession. This relationship between professions and social hierarchy was originally ­described by Durkheim (1893/1984) and later was explored by Perkin (1989). In most countries, the career development sector has been unable to strike a regulatory bargain with government despite the advocacy and lobbying of professional bodies. The career

development profession’s professionalisation project is still ongoing and continues to develop in response to shifting government policies concerned with employment, ­education, and training. As Peck (2004) noted, in the United Kingdom, the career development profession has been consistently linked with key government policies, yet despite this apparent importance, it has yet to be rewarded with legally enshrined standardised entry requirements, the ability to regulate practice, and many of the other traits of a recognised profession. Despite its failure to strike a regulatory bargain, in some cases the career development profession has achieved a partial social closure (Weber, 1949) by establishing some limited legal and political authority for the profession. This chapter explores the implications of this partial professionalisation for career development practitioners. It then goes on to show how, even without a formal regulatory bargain, career development professionals have shown resilience and creativity in enacting their professionalism (Stones, 2005). Defining a Profession Professionalisation is the process by which occupations become recognised by society as having a special status. The trait view is a starting point in considering what separates professions from other occupations. The trait view focuses on what professions do and why they are different from other occupations. Perkin (1989) argued that the growth of Western industrialism led to the expansion of roles that served and supported developing economies and societies. As a result, certain occupations developed or acquired traits that differentiated them from other jobs. Becker (1962) identified six criteria, including the extent and depth of training and knowledge needed for work. Millerson (1964) went further in identifying twenty-­three features, covering areas such as the ways in which practitioners’ skills and competence are framed by professional codes of conduct and ideas of public service. Larson’s definition of a profession included functionalist and structural aspects. Professions are occupations with special power and prestige. Society grants these rewards because professions have special competence in esoteric bodies of knowledge linked to central needs and values of the social system, and because professions are devoted to the service of the public, above and beyond material incentives.  (Larson, 1977, p. x)

Crucial to this definition is the role of ‘society’, which in practice is usually represented by the state. The state has the power to formally recognise a profession, award it power, control, and resources, and influence its prestige in a variety of ways, including the use of the media. Whilst the trait view of professions is useful in considering their characteristics and ingredients, jobs cannot simply claim a new, more powerful status without structural support. The regulatory bargain (MacDonald, 1995) clarifies how this status is acquired in negotiation with the state. Society grants professions the legal power to set exclusive entry

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requirements and professional practice standards, in return for maintaining the social system. This functionalist bargain (Durkheim,  1893/1984) is tacit but impactful. As Perkin (1989 noted, professions, such as law and medicine, are usually populated by the middle classes. Gaining entry to these professions can secure, and indicate, an individual’s socioeconomic position. The members of a profession have a clear interest in achieving the formal status of a profession through the striking of a regulatory bargain. Once this has been achieved, professions can set standards that promote their own esteem and power. An example is the law profession, where only those with accredited qualifications have the legal right to perform transactions like representing clients in court or determining the nature and scope of contracts. Being part of an exclusive profession offers social esteem and access to socioeconomic advantage (Perkin, 1989). A recognised profession, particularly one with an effective professional body, is well placed to lobby government and maintain these advantages. For clients or users of a profession, the designation of professional status can also be taken as an indication of the quality of the service offered by its practitioners. Professionals are expected to maintain their knowledge and skills as a key part of their professionalism, and so they must commit to continuing professional development. Professional bodies exist to codify these standards, to support their members in meeting them, and ultimately to censure those who fall short. The existence of this system of self-­regulation offers clients a mechanism for making complaints, addressing concerns, and raising issues of malpractice. For example, the Law Society in England sets practice standards and the training curriculum (Law Society,  2020), and an associated body, the Solicitors’ Regulation Authority, operates complaints and disciplinary procedures to protect clients from poor practice. The definitions of professions and professionalisation discussed so far inform thinking about what constitutes professionalism. Professionalism in its everyday usage does not relate solely to the practice of formally constituted professions. To be ‘professional’ can indicate conforming to social standards of self-­presentation and punctuality or denote someone’s ability to do a job to a high standard. More specifically, and particularly for professions that have a clear regulatory bargain in place, professionalism is evidenced by the ways in which members of the profession act in accordance with standards established and regulated by professional bodies. For example, medical practitioners exhibit their professionalism by adhering strictly to standards of ethical behaviour set by their professional body. Although the career development profession is not formally regulated in the same way as the medical profession, many countries have established career development professional associations with attendant codes of practice and ethics. Career development professionals can then demonstrate their professionalism by joining the associations and adhering to such codes. For example, standards developed by the Career Development Institute (CDI) in the United Kingdom (CDI,  2019b), and the Career Industry Council of Australia

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(CICA, 2019) cover client-­centredness, confidentiality, equality, diversity, and the promotion of individual ownership of decisions. Critiques of Professions When viewed positively, the existence of professions offers benefits for the state, ­citizens, and members of the profession. For the state, professions take on responsibility for managing and regulating a key social function. For citizens, professions promise quality of service and reliability. For the professional, belonging to a recognised profession offers a boost to social status, identity, and earning power. However, not all commentators have viewed professionals so positively. Critiques of professions have highlighted the ­ambiguity of what constitutes professionalism, tensions with organisational agendas, and how professions gather power in ways that allow them to function as a vested interest. Birden et al. (2014) argued that a robust and shared definition of professionalism can be elusive. It is common to find other occupations, without professional status, that share traits with professional roles. In such situations, it can be difficult to defend why one collection of occupational traits justifies professional status, whilst another does not. Tensions also exist within organisations where professions can be seen as pursuing their own agenda in ways that might not be in tune with organisational agendas. Professions and their practitioners can be viewed by employers as too orientated towards professional standards, to the detriment of organisational success. As Banks (2004) and Evetts (2005) discussed, professionally qualified practitioners who operate within managerially driven public services are increasingly expected to be organisationally accountable and not orientated towards more abstract professional bodies. Professionalism, in this sense, means demonstrating accountability to employers and responsiveness to customers, or expert service users, who expect flexible and high-­quality services after exercising their market(ised) choices (Alcock, Daly, & Briggs, 2013). This creates a tension between professionalism as meeting managerial requirements and customer demands, and professionalism as aligned to codes of ethics (Banks, 2004). In relation to career guidance in the United Kingdom, Lewin and Colley (2010) and Colley, Lewin, and Chadderton (2010) noted the effects of the alleged Connexions’ managerialism both on practitioners’ sense of professionalism and on their capacity to provide wider, more holistic support to young people, as required by the Connexions’ service model. Another tension for professions is that they can be seen as overly self-­serving. The exclusive, often legally protected nature of professions and practitioners has been seen as increasingly problematic by governments and clients alike over the last three decades. As Alcock et al. (2013) noted, professions and their members may be seen as self-­serving, overly protective of their status to the detriment of service, and resistant to change. In addition, those with exclusory entrance requirements are criticised for being too elitist and inclined to reward those with existing and high levels of social and cultural capital (Sutton Trust, 2017).

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Career Development Work as a Profession If these definitions and considerations are applied to the ‘career development profession’, it is clear that it fails to fully meet the criteria of a profession. Career development professionals are spread across multiple professional contexts, including schools, vocational education, colleges, universities, and public employment services, and it can be difficult for a model of professionalism to apply equally to all of these contexts (Gough, 2017a). Each of these contexts includes different drivers that shape professionalism in different ways and create challenges for the idea of a single career development profession. In many cases, the state continues to hold the regulatory power, rather than devolving it to the profession. An example that can be seen in England is the long tradition of careers work rooted in youth services, but also extensive practice in higher education and the adult sector (Peck, 2004). Historically, these different sectors have been funded, managed, and regulated by different parts of government. The recent Careers Strategy in England (Department for Education, 2017) was ostensibly addressed to the entire lifelong career development field but was, in practice, predominantly focused on schools and colleges. The implementation of the strategy has been strengthened by statutory guidance (DfE, 2018a, 2018b) that regulates activities within schools and colleges. Rather than requiring the existing career development profession to drive and to oversee these activities, the strategy has established a new hybrid professional, which it describes as a ‘Careers Leader’ (Andrews & Hooley, 2019). The professional association has then sought to assimilate this new role into its purview through the creation of a community of practice and other resources (CDI, 2019a). In this case, the profession has been left playing catch up, with the state being responsible for defining and regulating (albeit in a very limited way) career development professionalism in schools. The organisational and policy settings for careers provision combine with local traditions in practice to frame the way that the profession develops in different countries. Maze, Yoon, and Hutchinson (2018) presented a range of country examples that explore the primary drivers for the establishment of career development work provision and how they have resulted in credentialization for practitioners. They suggested that the need for careers support may often be initiated within one part of the education system, such as higher education. Countries like Uganda and the United Arab Emirates, for example, identified a need for graduates to be able to maximise their learning within an increasingly dynamic work context, and therefore careers support would help achieve this and contribute to social stability (Maze et al., 2018). Once it is established in one sector, it is possible for the nascent profession to then be cascaded into other parts of the education sector. Examples can be seen in China (Jin, 2018) and Pakistan (Zahid, Hooley, & Neary, 2019), where the early development of the field in higher education has broadened out to include career development work in schools. These examples show how the professionalisation of the career development sector is rooted in local and even sectoral contexts. In different countries across the world, the

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career development profession takes a variety of forms, with some countries awaiting ­professionalisation, whilst others have well-­developed professional associations, standards, ethics, and links with policy. Maze et al. (2018) stressed that this is not a developing/­ developed country binary, but one where countries progress through similar stages of development on their journey. It is also clear that professionalisation is not a one-­way street and that the power and status of the career development profession ebbs and flows, meaning that in some cases there is a need to re-­professionalise the field. The rest of this section discusses three of the key themes that have been important to the evolution of the career development profession across the world. The examples presented show that it is relatively rare for the career development profession to have established a full regulatory bargain. Some of the more established systems have clear requirements for qualifications and training or professional practice but lack a fully formed legal relationship (Maze et al., 2018). Even within those countries where professionalisation is stronger, it is often limited to certain sectors, typically secondary education, rather than consistent across all contexts, including young people, higher education, adults (both in employment and unemployed), and the private sector. Recognition of the Need for Career Development and Career Development Professionalism A key issue that underpins professional discussion and negotiation is the need for the public and the state to recognise the value of career development support and the contribution that a dedicated profession can make to this. In Japan, increased work uncertainty has led to recognition that there is a need for career development and a dedicated career development workforce (Watanabe-­Muraoke & Okada,  2009). Although this has been supported by the government of Japan, it was initially classed as a paraprofessional occupation. More recently, Mizuno, Ozawa, and Matsumoto (2018) reported that career development qualifications have been defined under the job title of career consultant in the 2016 Promotion of Human Resources Act, in which the government established a baseline for career competencies. Gaining Policy Support and Partnership As the example from Japan shows, the development of the profession is part of a ­negotiation with policy for recognition. Where the careers profession is well aligned with policy goals, it is often afforded a greater degree of professional recognition. In Scotland, career development professionals are at the heart of the national skills agency, Skills Development Scotland (SDS), and there is a clear statement about the role that career development work needs to play in skills policies (SDS,  2018). SDS has developed a career development framework for staff, with defined roles linked to academic levels, and staff are funded to undertake university training programmes that incorporate the Qualification in Career Development (QCD), which is a recognised professional qualification validated by CDI (SDS, 2012). Although there are strong controls in place in SDS for the delivery of

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career development, they do not apply universally for all career development provision in Scotland. In Ireland, the Department for Education and Skills has produced the Programme Recognition Framework: Guidance Counselling (Department for Education and Skills, 2016), which details the criteria and guidelines required for higher education institutions that deliver initial training. Only students who have successfully completed one of these recognised programmes can work as guidance counsellors in schools, further education, and adult educational contexts. As in Scotland, the regulation of professionalism is confined to the areas that the government has direct control over and consequently excludes that provided within higher education and the private sector. Vuorinen and Kettinen (2018) provided further examples of countries that have ­established legal requirements linked to the provision of career development. In Finland, for example, there is a legal requirement that schools guidance counsellors and vocational psychologists be professionally qualified. Additionally, young people in comprehensive and upper secondary schools have a legal entitlement to adequate careers education and guidance and dedicated time within the curriculum. This is similar to Iceland, where practitioners have to be licenced through the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, and to obtain a licence they need a recognised master’s degree qualification. The majority of practitioners are also members of the professional association, the Icelandic Educational and Vocational Guidance Association (Euroguidance, 2019). Although other countries, including Poland and Slovakia, have legal requirements linked to their professional qualifications (Vuorinen & Kettinen, 2018), Iceland and Finland appear to be the closest to achieving the regulatory bargain. Managing Hybrid Professionalisms In many countries, career development work has not evolved as a distinct profession but rather as an adjunct to other roles, such as teaching, counselling, and psychology. In Colombia, for example, the job title of career counsellor does not exist, and the role is subsumed under the role of the school counsellor, who is required to be an educational/ counselling or psychology professional (Brunal,  2018). So far, no formal training programmes exist to support professional practice focused on careers support. In Malta, career guidance was separated from personal counselling as a result of policy changes, and it became the primary role of a guidance teacher with a reduced teaching responsibility (Debono,  2017). This differentiation has evolved further to encompass a number of defined career development roles, including guidance teacher, careers adviser, and career guidance teacher. Careers advisers and guidance teachers are required to undertake continuous professional development, but formal professional training is not compulsory (Euroguidance, 2018). These examples show how a need has been identified and how existing staff are initially used, but with a recognition that a more specialist role may be required.

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Challenges to Career Development Professionalism In most countries, the career development field is involved in an ongoing process of professionalisation. This has resulted in highly variable levels of status and power for the career development profession and only rarely in anything like the regulatory bargain that defines traditional professions. As a result, professionals in the field often find that they are under pressure and lack the power and authority afforded to other professions. Douglas (2011) described how career development professionals in New Zealand have become increasingly subject to quantifiable performance targets. This kind of managerialist approach essentially replaces professional autonomy and responsibility with a top-­down, target-­driven culture. This kind of approach undermines the rationale for professionalism and views individual careers workers as units of production, rather than as independent actors. Douglas’s example from New Zealand reflects wider debates about the role of professionals and professionalism in public services. Increasingly, public services demand accountability to organisational objectives and require workers to demonstrate their value through regimes of performativity (Banks, 2004; Evetts, 2005). Such rationality reduces the space for both the development of a professionalisation agenda and the enactment of professionalism. The challenge to professionalism can also be seen concretely in the proliferation of organisationally defined job titles. Examples include careers adviser, career counsellor, career development consultant, careers and employability adviser, employability con­sult­ ant, employability and enterprise adviser, and career coach (Bergamo-­Prvulovic,  2014; Douglas, 2010; Neary, Marriott, & Hooley, 2014). Research in the United Kingdom by Neary et al. (2014) analysed job and person specifications aimed at recruiting career practitioners and identified 103 different job titles. Such proliferation of nomenclature does not seem to affect professions that have secured a regulatory bargain (for example, law or medicine). While variations of name and role might seem superficial, they may obscure the theories, practices, and ethics that unite members of the career development profession and undermine its scope for collective action and responsibility. Holding on to a Professional Identity Despite the challenging context for the professionalisation of career development, many professionals have steadfastly hung on to their identity as a professional. Many commentators have argued that professionals must actively assert their professionalism. For example, Mulvey (2013) argued for a determinedly existentialist approach, with individual practitioners encouraged to view themselves as individual heroes despite the challenging context. One way in which they can become match fit for the performativity challenge is to become resilient (Bimrose & Hearne, 2012) in the face of the attacks to their professionalism. There is evidence that practitioners are actively resisting deprofessionalisation and are asserting themselves as knowledgeable social agents (Giddens,  1984). Douglas (2010)

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argued that practitioners are continually struggling to ‘re-­story’ themselves and navigate the continued challenges between policy and practice. Neary (2014) pointed to the crucial role of continuous professional development in enabling practitioners to reclaim and develop their sense of professionalism and identity. Gough (2017b) argued that, far from being victimised and deprofessionalised cultural dupes (Gidden, 1984), career development practitioners from a range of delivery contexts exhibit a strong and shared sense of professional identity, and an equally firm efficacy in knowing how to put their commitment to client-­centred services into effect. This sense of empowerment is born out of a deep and practical understanding of their place within everyday structures and their power to mobilise them (Stones,  2005). Encouragingly, both Neary and Gough noted how strongly the practitioners in their research felt they belonged to an important profession. Their approach may offer further potential for research into career development workers’ professionalism and identity in wider geopolitical contexts. The strategies of determination, resilience, re-­storying, and professional development clearly offer career development professionals ways to maintain their professionalism in the face of the political, cultural, and economic challenges to the field. As Douglas, Neary, and Gough have all argued, such strategies allow careers professionals to exert their agency and build identities as professionals even when the state might not recognise their professionalism. Where the literature is less instructive is in offering ideas that allow such professionals to shift the context within which they are working, to enhance their professional standing and capacity for self-­determination, and to negate the need for persistence and resistance. As this chapter argues, while individuals have the capacity to behave professionally in difficult circumstances, a real solution will require a more structural approach that ultimately empowers professionals through an effective regulatory bargain. Conclusion It is difficult to be definitive about the extent that careers services are professionalised. Across the world, contexts differ and the development and organisation of the profession itself are varied and sometimes bound up with other overlapping professions (such as counselling, psychology, teaching, youth work, and employment services). Furthermore, the struggles for professionalism have reached different stages and have been played out in negotiation with governments with more or less sympathy towards career development and the idea of professionalisation itself. There are few countries, if any, that have ­established a regulatory framework. In those that are closest, the regulatory framework is located within publicly funded provision and has not been extended to all career development practitioners. As this chapter shows, being professional is not an end state, but a process. Career development professionals are always involved in a process of developing their professionalism and working on their professional identity. Similarly, the profession in any one country is also in a process of negotiation and struggle, of becoming more established, and

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resisting deprofessionalisation. If the profession is to be successful in increasing and maintaining its professionalism, there is a need to increase public and government understanding of the benefits and impacts of career development practice. Key aspects of this are likely to be developing the evidence base (see Robertson, this volume, and Whiston, this volume), making use of it in practice, and promoting its existence. There is also value in building international links and opportunities for practice sharing, such as the International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy (ICCDPP; see McCarthy & Borbély-­Pecze, this volume) and the International Association of Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG). These provide opportunities to share practice and ideas and to build awareness that the professionalisation of the field is a global endeavour. In the future, increasing challenges from technology, globalisation, and neoliberal agendas are likely to influence the future of work for all. These changes will influence career development practice at both the macro and the micro level. The issue of professionalisation is not straightforward and meanders according to policy imperatives. Therefore, professionalisation will continue to evolve, and we should expect to continue to discuss the value and nature of career development professionalism, as well as the best strategies for professionalisation, long into the future. References Alcock, C., Daly, G., & Griggs, E. (2013). Introducing social policy. London, UK: Routledge. Andrews, D., & Hooley, T. (2019). Careers leadership in practice: A study of 27 career leaders in English secondary schools. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 47, 556–568. doi:10.1080/03069885.2019. 1600190 Banks, S. (2004). Ethics, accountability and the social professions. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. Becker, H. (1962). The nature of a profession. In N. B. Henry (Ed.), Education for the professions, 61st Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education (pp. 27–46). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Bergamo-Prvulovic, I. (2014). Is career guidance for the individual or the market? Implications of EU policy for career guidance. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 33, 376–392. doi:10.1080/02601370.2014.891886 Bimrose, J., & Hearne, L. (2012). Resilience and career adaptability: Qualitative studies of adult career counselling. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 81, 338–344. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2012.08.002 Birden, H., Glass, N., Wilson, I., Harrison, M., Usherwood, T., & Nass, D. (2014). Defining professionalism in medical education: A systematic review. Medical Teacher, 36, 47–61. doi:10.3109/0142159X.2014.850154 Brunal, A. (2018). The status of careers services and credentialing in Colombia from 2010–2016. In H. J. Yoon, B. Hutchinson, M. Maze, C. Pritchard, & A. Reiss (Eds.), International practices of career services, credentials, and training (pp. 81–94). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Career Development Institute (CDI). (2019a). Career leaders community of practice. Stourbridge, UK: Career Development Institute. Retrieved from https://www.careersleaders.thecdi.net/ Career Development Institute (CDI). (2019b). Career Development Institute code of ethics. Stourbridge, UK: Career Development Institute. Retrieved from https://www.thecdi.net/write/Documents/Code_of_ Ethics_update_2018-web.pdf Career Industry Council of Australia (CICA). (2019). Code of ethics for Australian career development practitioners. Greensborough: Career Industry Council of Australia. Retrieved from https://www.cdaa.org.au/documents/ item/616 Colley, H., Lewin, C., & Chadderton, C. (2010). The impact of 14–19 reforms on career guidance in England: Full research report. ESRC End of Award Report, RES-000-22-2588. Swindon, UK: Economic and Social Research Council. Debono, M. (2017). Career education and guidance in Malta: Development and outlook. In. Sultana, R.G. (Ed.), Career guidance and livelihood planning across the Mediterranean. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers.

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Department for Education (DfE). (2017). Careers strategy: Making the most of everyone’s skills and talents. London, UK: DfE. Department for Education (DfE). (2018a). Career guidance and access for education and training providers. London, UK: DfE. Department for Education (DfE). (2018b). Career guidance, guidance for further education colleges and sixth form colleges. London, UK: DfE. Department for Education and Skills. (2016). Programme recognition framework: Guidance counselling, criteria and guidelines for programme providers. Dublin, UK: DES. Douglas, F. (2010). Sustaining the self: Implications for the development of career practitioners’ professional identity. Australian Journal of Career Development, 19, 12–32. Douglas, F. (2011). Between a rock and a hard place: Career guidance practitioner resistance and the construction of professional identity. International Journal of Educational and Vocational Guidance, 11, 163–173. doi:10.1007/s10775-011-9205-4 Durkheim, E. (1984). The division of labour in society. New York, NY: Free Press. (Original work published 1893) Euroguidance. (2018). National guidance systems: Malta. Retrieved from https://www.euroguidance.eu/ guidance-system-in-malta Euroguidance. (2019). National guidance systems: Iceland. Retrieved from https://www.euroguidance.eu/ guidance-system-in-iceland/ Evetts, J. (2005). The management of professionalism: A contemporary paradox. Changing teacher roles, identities and professionalism symposium. London, UK: Kings College. Giddens, A. (1984). The constitution of society. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Gough, J. P. (2017a). A professional identity for career guidance practitioners. Journal for the National Institute of Career Education and Counselling, 38, 15–20. doi:10.20856/jnicec.3803 Gough, J. P. (2017b). Professional identity: The case of careers guidance practitioners in England (Doctoral dissertation, University of Warwick). Retrieved from https://pugwash.lib.warwick.ac.uk/search/Y?searchtype=X&SORT= D&searcharg=John+Gough+Professional+Identity&searchscope=1 Jin, L. (2018). Careers services and professionals in mainland China’s educational settings. In H.  J.  Yoon, B. Hutchinson, M. Maze, C. Pritchard, & A. Reiss (Eds.), International practices of career services, credentials, and training (pp. 49–80). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Larson, M. S. (1977). The rise of professionalism: A sociological analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. Law Society. (2020). About us. Retrieved from https://www.lawsociety.org.uk/about-us/ Lewin, C., & Colley, H. (2010). Professional capacity for 14–19 career guidance in England: Some baseline data. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 39, 1–24. MacDonald, K. M. (1995). The sociology of the professions. London, UK: SAGE. Maze, M., Yoon, H.  J., & Hutchinson, B. (2018). Introduction. In H.  J.  Yoon, B.  Hutchinson, M.  Maze, C. Pritchard, & A. Reiss (Eds.), International practices of career services, credentials, and training (pp. 5–11). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Millerson, G. (1964). The qualifying associations: A study in professionalization. London, UK: Routledge. Mizuno, S., Ozawa, Y., & Matsumoto, K. (2018). Careers service and professionals in Japan. In H. J. Yoon, B. Hutchinson, M. Maze, C. Pritchard, & A. Reiss (Eds.), International practices of career services, credentials, and training (pp. 128–136). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Mulvey, R. (2013). How to be a good professional: Existentialist continuing professional development (CPD). British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 41, 267–276. doi:10.1080/03069885.2013.773961 Neary, S. (2014). Reclaiming professional identity through postgraduate professional development: Careers practitioners reclaiming their professional self. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 42, 199–210. doi: 10.1080/03069885.2013.869790 Neary, S., Marriott, J., & Hooley, T. (2014). Understanding a ‘career in careers’: Learning from an analysis of current job and person specifications. Derby, UK: International Centre for Guidance Studies, University of Derby. Peck, D. (2004). Careers services, history, policy and practice in the United Kingdom. London, UK: RoutledgeFalmer. Perkin, H. (1989). The rise of professional society: England since 1880. London, UK: Routledge. Skills Development Scotland (SDS). (2012). A qualifications and continuous professional development framework for the career development workforce in Scotland. Glasgow, Scotland: Skills Development Scotland. Retrieved from http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/15019/1/00396723.pdf

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Skills Development Scotland (SDS). (2018). Delivering Scotland’s career service. Glasgow, Scotland: Skills Development Scotland. Stones, R. (2005). Structuration theory. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. Sutton Trust. (2017). The class ceiling: Increasing access to the leading professions. London, UK: Sutton Trust. Vuorinen, R., & Kettunen, J. (2018). The European status for career service provider credentialing: Professionalism in European Union (EU) guidance policies. In H.  J.  Yoon, B.  Hutchinson, M.  Maze, C. Pritchard, & A. Reiss (Eds.), International practices of career services, credentials, and training (pp. 95–111). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association. Watanabe-Muraoke, A., & Musaki Okada, R. (2009). A perspective on career counselling in Japan. Asian Journal of Counselling, 16, 171–191. Weber, M. (1949). Objectivity in social sciences. In E. A. Shils & H. A. Finch (Eds.), The methodology of social sciences. London, UK: Free Press. Zahid, G., Hooley, T., & Neary, S. (2019). Careers work in higher education in Pakistan: Current practice and options for the future. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling. doi:10.1080/03069885.2019.1576030

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C H A PT E R

19

Transformative Career Education in Schools and Colleges

Anthony Barnes

Abstract This chapter makes the case for transformative career education in schools and colleges by drawing on the links that can be made between career development theory and transformative learning theory. Transformative career education has the power to make profound and lasting differences to young people’s lives. It is not well researched, although there is considerable evidence that career education can have small to moderate impacts often for modest inputs. The scope and value of career education in the curriculum are often contested. This chapter explores the potential to achieve radical and progressive outcomes from more ambitious programmes of career education. It explores the potential benefits for individuals, the economy, and society in relation to how people live, learn, and work in rapidly changing and unpredictable times. It discusses how career education can be embedded in the curriculum and explores the supporting structures, systems, and technologies that schools and colleges can harness to facilitate transformative career education. Last, the chapter describes effective pedagogical approaches to teaching, learning, and assessment that can assist learners in transforming their self-­understanding, their relation to others, their potential to act, and their worldview. Keywords: transformative, career education, career development theory, transformative learning theory, curriculum, self-­understanding

Defining Transformative Career Education Transformative career education is about ambition. For children and young people, it is about empowering them to make the most of their opportunities and to overcome barriers to self-­fulfilment. For schools and colleges, it is about expecting their careers programmes to achieve more. For society and the economy, it is about preparing children and young people to contribute to the well-­being of themselves, other people, places, and the planet. This chapter begins by defining transformative career education, the contexts in which it can flourish, and the theories that underpin it. A key focus is how to embed transformative career education in curriculum design. This is discussed in relation to the pedagogical approaches that are best suited to achieving the intended learning outcomes of transformative career education grouped under three headings: self-­development, career exploration, and career management. The chapter concludes with a realistic appraisal of

the challenges that the transformative career education agenda presents but restates its importance as an ambition for all. Career education may be defined as the planned application of teaching and learning processes to facilitate personal career learning and development (Barnes, Bassot, & Chant, 2011). For young people, who are the focus of this chapter, it can take place in a range of settings, such as schools, colleges, and youth organizations. What makes career education “transformative” is the aim of creating the conditions for learners to rethink their existing views of themselves and the world of work, especially unquestioned views based on a tacit acceptance of prevailing cultural and social norms and values (Mezirow, 2009). Transformative change empowers young people to manage their careers in more ­autonomous, critically aware, proactive, and optimistic ways. The triggers or catalysts for transformation are often critical incidents that can be positive, such as inspirational ­encounters with other people, or negative, such as direct experiences of discrimination. Career development practitioners can stimulate transformative learning by identifying problems, such as low aspiration, disengagement with learning, and stereotypical thinking, and then designing career learning experiences to bring about change. They can also focus learners’ attention on contemporary economic policies and practices that impact on individuals’ identity, values, and beliefs and enable learners to position themselves in relation to them. Career development practitioners cannot guarantee transformational change when so many factors are involved that remain outside their control, but unambitious career education that does not aspire to be transformative may find its place in the curriculum marginalized. Sultana (2014) has identified three main orientations of career guidance that can also be applied to career education. The “technocratic” view is that career guidance is important for promoting work readiness, labour market realism, work adjustment, and compliance (e.g., in relation to contracts and conditions). Personal growth and well-­being are the focus of the “developmental” view, which also emphasizes individual autonomy, self-­understanding, adaptability, and resilience. The “emancipatory” view argues that the purpose of career guidance is not just to foster individual change but also to bring about social change such as improved social mobility, social diversity, and community cohesion. There is a developing literature that has viewed career education through this emancipatory lens as a matter of social justice (Arthur & Collins, 2014; Hooley & Sultana, 2016; Hooley, Sultana, & Thomsen, 2017; Irving & Malik, 2005; see also Irving, this volume). In practice, career development practitioners may blend and weave these different perspectives together, and all three can have transformation as a desired outcome. Support for the notion of transformative career education can be found in both transformative learning theory and career development theory. Transformative learning theory tends to focus on adult education (Mezirow, 2009) but also has clear application to the education of young people because it focuses on the critical assessment of assumptions; a

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recognition that one’s experiences are shared; and the exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions. In much of secondary education, learners tacitly accept knowledge transmitted by their teachers, and many aspects of career education are similarly transmissive (e.g., information about application procedures); however, there is a need to go beyond this. In transactional career education, for example, learners engage in encounters and interactions with individuals in their network and with opportunity providers such as selectors and recruiters. Transactional career education supports critical thinking and reflection and thereby provides a foundation for transformative learning. A fully transformative career education goes further in enabling learners to critique previously unchallenged explanations of self, role, career, and work in order to reach new states of understanding and frames of reference. The extent to which career education can be transformative depends to a great extent on the policy context and settings in which career development practitioners are working. Committed leadership in the school or college is important to establish the vision, strategy, resources, opportunities for staff development, quality assurance, and evaluation frameworks (The Careers & Enterprise Company, 2018). So, too, is engaging with parents and carers to develop their capacity to support their child’s career development (Oomen, 2018). Working closely with education and social service agencies is vital to support young carers, looked-­after children, children with special educational needs, and other disadvantaged and vulnerable children, who can benefit most from transformative career education to boost their self-­belief and personal agency. Strong partnerships with career guidance services, employers, and education–business link services (Education and Employers Taskforce, 2010) can also make an important contribution. Implicit support for the idea of transformative career education can be found in the many theories of career development that have played an important role in building models of practice and informing programme design. In a single chapter, it is impossible to do justice to all of these theories (see Arthur, Neault, & McMahon,  2019; see also McCash, this volume), so five examples have been selected by way of illustration. First, cognitive information processing theory (Sampson, Reardon, Peterson, & Lenz,  2004) focuses on four information processing domains: self-­knowledge, occupational knowledge, decision-­making skills, and metacognitions. It shows how learners can progress from the simple storage and retrieval of information to undertake higher level career learning. Metacognitions (i.e., the ability to think about their own thinking) enable young people to critically interrogate ideas; take a longer term perspective; and question their own assumptions and values, which is a precondition for transformation. Second, career learning theory (Law, 1996a) seeks to explain how young people can develop deeper understanding, new points of view, and stronger bases for action by progressing from simpler to more complex mental and emotional repertoires or capacities on a spectrum from “sensing” through “sifting” and “focusing” to “understanding.” The higher level capacities can incorporate the reintegration of self and behavioural change that are key elements of

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transformation. Third, career construction theory (Savickas, 2013) can help practitioners design interventions that will help young people embrace transformative change and overcome any conflicts, dilemmas, and difficulties they are experiencing. It focuses on the structuring of learning opportunities to enable individuals to (re)design their own lives by building their own narratives and strengthening their own autonomy, agency, and adaptability. Fourth, the systems theory framework of career development (Patton & McMahon, 2014) is useful for helping practitioners think about how they can mobilize learners’ systems of career influences (McMahon, Patton, & Watson, 2005; Patton & McMahon, 2014) to aid the transformative process. Finally, a systems perspective is also advanced in the chaos theory of careers (Bright & Pryor, 2014; Pryor & Bright, 2019) to encourage individuals to understand and develop the skills and resources they need, such as adaptability and resilience, in order to cope with uncertainty. Transformative Career Education in Curriculum Design Incorporating career education in the curriculum is no easy task. In a survey of the Nordic countries, for example, Plant (2007) comments that programmes are a mix of informational careers lessons, work experience programmes, workplace study visits, and mini-­enterprises complemented by individual action plans, and personal guidance, but concludes “there is no easy way out in terms of creating ideal frameworks for true careers learning” (p. 21). The curriculum may be defined as the sum total of the intended teaching and learning experiences planned for individuals or group of learners (Barnes et al., 2011). The relation of career education to the overall school or college curriculum is frequently contested. In England, for example, Law (2006) characterized it “as forever clinging to the edge of the timetable” (p. 9). At that time, it was a statutory requirement, but competing pressures made it difficult for schools to offer it successfully as a curriculum in its own right, and the complementary idea of offering it as an integrated part of other subject curricula was only weakly supported in government curriculum guidelines. Broadly, three approaches to career education in curriculum design can be identified. First, in a subject-­based curriculum, career education must make the case for being treated as a subject. Career education passes the “key tests” of what constitutes a school subject, namely a central organizing concept (i.e., “career”), its own body of knowledge and skills, a relevant and necessary focus of enquiry, a distinctive pedagogy, and rigorous forms of explanation rooted in humanities and the social sciences; however, space for separate subjects on the curriculum is limited and can lead to atomized learning. A variation is to develop interdisciplinary forms of enquiry such as the career studies approach in higher education in the United Kingdom, which facilitates critical understanding from multiple perspectives (McCash, 2008). Curriculum designers may also conceive career education as part of a composite subject, on either an integrated or a modular basis, such as personal, social, and health education for a more holistic approach to learners’ well-­being and development.

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Second, career education may be conceived and delivered as a cross-­curricular element. Career education across the curriculum is based on a reciprocal relationship in which learners learn about careers through the subjects, courses, and themes they are studying and are motivated to learn in the host subject by the career contexts, resources, and relevance that career education can provide. Embedding career education as a cross-­curricular element is attractive in principle but difficult to implement and may encounter resistance from both teachers and learners (Watts, 2011). The rationale for linking curriculum learning to career includes “humanizing” subject learning (e.g., in science, teaching about the lives of scientists and the human impact of scientific processes and products); motivating and inspiring learners; and making them aware of the relevance of learning to the opportunities, responsibilities, and experiences of later adult and working life. A third way is to facilitate aspects of career education through curriculum enrichment or co-­curricular activities that are designed to complement the mainstream courses that learners are following. These can take the form of suspended timetable events; after-­school activities; or out-­of-­school experiences such as shows, performances, competitions, clubs, or work placements. Enrichment and co-­curricular activities can harness the potential benefits of informal learning (Colley, Hodkinson, & Malcolm, 2003) and happenstance learning (Krumboltz, 2009). Each of these approaches has its own strengths and shortcomings, especially if the goal is transformative career education. To manage this, schools and colleges need to use any local flexibility they have to combine these approaches for different cohorts of learners in ways that promote coherence and progression in career learning. In Finland, for ­example, career education is part of a national core curriculum complemented by local elements, and curriculum reforms have the potential to deliver transformative career education by promoting deep learning for a rapidly changing world. Phenomenon-­based learning (i.e., addressing topics or themes) complements subject-­based learning to ensure real-­world relevance. The values that underpin the curriculum emphasize individual growth, cultural diversity, active citizenship, and understanding the necessity of living sustainably. Furthermore, the transversal competencies based on these values emphasize working life competence, entrepreneurship, participation, and involvement in building a sustainable future (Halinen, 2018). The effectiveness of each of these approaches can be amplified by enabling the “learner voice” in curriculum design so that learners contribute to the planning, delivery, and evaluation of provision (Walker & Logan, 2008). Implementing Transformative Career Education Effectively The evidence base on how to implement transformative career education effectively is limited and, in part, has to be deduced from the general research on the impact of career education and from the wider research on transformative learning. This research is ­supported by some high-­quality studies and meta-­analyses (e.g., Hughes & Karp, 2004; Hughes, Mann, Barnes, Baldauf, & McKeown, 2016). It shows that career education can

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have small to moderate impacts often for modest inputs, but there are too few studies based on powerful or transformative career education environments offering learners compelling and high-­impact learning experiences (Collins & Barnes, 2017). In part, this may be due to the inherent complexity of demonstrating impact where messy human lives, complicated social relations, and long timescales are involved. The impact of activities intended to increase participation in higher education of socioeconomically disadvantaged students, for example, is difficult to evaluate using quantitative data such as destinations. A discussion paper by Harrison and Waller (2017) on university outreach programmes in the United Kingdom argues the case for evaluating the small steps leading to transformative change in participants in such programmes instead. A model or framework for implementing transformative career learning can be d ­ erived from general learning models such as the contextual model for school learning developed by Biggs and Moore (1993). The learning context and setting in this model focus on developing a culture of learning in the school or college, reinforced by community partners, which fills young people with hope, optimism, and self-­belief. The learning culture also affects the motivation of both teachers and learners. Another strength of the model is a recognition of the need to choose teaching and learning processes, including ways of assessment, that suit the characteristics of the teachers and learners involved and the desired outcomes of the learning intervention. The model shows that learning is an iterative process and that learning inputs, processes, and outcomes interact with each other. It is possible, therefore, to identify the intended outcomes of career education and manage the teaching and learning inputs and processes to optimize the chances of achieving the desired learning goals. One of the best known frameworks of career learning outcomes is the North American Blueprint (National Life/Work Centre, 2000), which has been adapted by a number of countries, including Australia (Ministerial Council for Education, Early Childhood Development and Youth Affairs, 2010). The Australian framework identifies 11 career development competencies grouped into three areas with expanded descriptions for different life stages. The three groupings are similar to the headings in the framework developed by the Career Development Institute (2020) in the United Kingdom. The areas identified are self-­development, career exploration, and career management; they are particularly resonant in relation to transformative career education. Self-­development incorporates the notion that individuals can change their view of themselves, career exploration is an essential element in helping individuals change their worldview, and career management is the process of taking action to complete personal transformations. For each area, insights from research illuminate the priorities for bringing about transformative career learning and the methods or approaches that best facilitate it. Self-­Development Self-­development learning helps learners develop an autonomous, lifelong capacity to understand themselves and their relationship to others. It aids transformation by enabling

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individuals to reflect on their own changing biography; their sense of personal identity; their attributes; the choices they make; and the meanings they attach to their participation in learning, work, and society. Well-­chosen activities can boost personal agency, self-­advocacy, self-­regulation (McCowan, McKenzie, & Shah, 2017), aspirational capability (Hart, 2014), self-­confidence, and self-­esteem. In the United States, a curriculum designed for high-­risk adolescent girls with disabilities achieved meaningful improvements in their self-­determination, self-­advocacy, and vocational outcome expectations (Doren, Lombardi, Clark, & Lindstrom, 2013). Heckman, Sixrud, and Urzua (2006) argue that schooling can affect young people’s noncognitive behaviours, which are just as important as cognitive ability for their impact on young people’s schooling attainment and wages. White (1990) argues that the overall aims of education are to promote personal autonomy, personal well-­being, and altruism (i.e., individuals contributing to the well-­being of others). Applied to career education, this means promoting aspects of self-­determination, happiness, and contribution to the well-­being of others through work in all its forms—in the home, as gift work, and as paid work. Several research-­based learning approaches support transformation. Narrative approaches, learning from one’s own story as well as from other people’s stories, are a powerful way of understanding oneself (Savickas, 2013). Story as a metaphor for career is helpful to many individuals (Inkson, 2007). Personal reflective writing enables young people to discover themes in their lives, focus on the positive elements of their back story if necessary (with the aid of trusted adults), and explore future scenarios by telling their story forward (e.g., asking the question, “Where will I be in 3 years’ time?”). Card sorts, and their digital equivalents, facilitate qualitative career assessment (Osborn, Kronholz, & Finklea, 2015) and enable young people to clarify their interests, attitudes, and values. They can be completed individually, with a partner, or in small groups. Collaborative activities for an identified cohort or target group, such as those who have been identified as at risk of early leaving (Cedefop, 2016) or not entering further education, employment, or training, can be particularly effective in transformative learning. Collaborative learning can take many forms (e.g., project work and business games) and bring a range of benefits, such as the opportunity to cooperate, to achieve, and to practise new skills. Teamwork skills are associated with employability, dealing with difficult people, conflict resolution, and learning how to be an effective member of a group. Research in the Netherlands has demonstrated that supported reflective dialogue enhances personal career development (Kuijpers, 2009). Young people sometimes find reflection difficult, but carefully structured activities that include dialogue, thinking about practical experience, looking forward, and discussing guidance assessments strengthen young people’s career learning. Career development practitioners have access to many tools and resources to aid reflection, such as circle time (Mosley & Tew, 1999), in which learners form a circle to share ideas, discuss problems, and address personal issues in a spirit of equality and inclusion. Portfolio-­based learning can create a powerful learning environment in which learners can plan, review, and reflect (Belgrad, Burke, & Fogarty, 2008; Law, 1996b).

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Career Exploration Career exploration activities enable learners to look outwards, investigate current issues in career and work, and critique their own worldview. Teaching learners how to deal with bias, misrepresentation, stereotyping, marketing hype, and inaccuracies, especially when using social media and websites, for example, is vital in helping them overcome barriers they may face. Radical change lies at the heart of transformative career education programmes, and promoting career exploration gives learners the tools for challenging discrimination and exploitation in the workplace and wider social justice issues. It also gives them opportunities to consider issues such as ethical applications of technology and the career choices they will make in response to the climate emergency. One of the key activities for promoting transformative career exploration is dialogic teaching. Basic literacy skills across the curriculum—reading, listening, speaking, and writing—lie at the heart of successful dialogic teaching (Alexander, 2017). Through skilful prompting, questioning, and discussion, career development practitioners can engage learners in exploring demanding contemporary, real-­world issues in career and work. For example, they can ask, “What is the case for a universal basic income?” “Are shadow careers [i.e., when an individual settles for less rather than pushes themselves forward] dysfunctional?” “How do you explain the persistence of gender inequality?” and “What are the implications of climate change and environmental breakdown for people’s careers?” Another useful approach for transformative career exploration is the jigsaw classroom. This is a cooperative learning method originally developed in the United States to facilitate transformational multiracial harmony. It is a structured way of organizing peer-­to-­peer teaching and encouraging learners collectively to take responsibility for their own learning (Aronson & Patnoe, 2011). Each student learns a different piece of the subject matter (e.g., the different branches of engineering) and teaches it to their group (thus enabling them all to grasp an overview of the engineering sector). Project- or inquiry-­based learning is another powerful technique. Research into the acquisition of career competencies by learners in pre-­vocational and vocational education in the Netherlands ranked inquiry-­based learning alongside practice-­based learning and dialogical learning as essential features of rich career learning environments (Kuijpers, Meijers, & Winters, 2009). Project-­based learning lends itself to the investigation of important contemporary issues in careers, such as workplace inequality, the precariat, enterprise, employability, automation, artificial intelligence, and globalization. Project-­based learning in education (Patton, 2012) involves handling complex material and gives learners a skill they can apply in both everyday and working life. The use of digital technologies and media is increasingly important in career education (Sampson & Osborn, 2015) and has the potential to increase the time available for career education without putting additional pressure on the timetable. Digital technology has applications in communications (e.g., virtual assistants and chatbots), production (e.g., using office software to create documents), online learning (e.g., massive open online

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courses), information and guidance (e.g., apps and websites), and simulations (e.g., virtual reality worlds). Digital career tools can respond to how young people like to use technology and especially social media in their everyday lives. Online interest questionnaires, for example, have become more flexible. Games-­based learning (involving rules, strategies, and payoffs) and augmented virtual reality have the potential to make a powerful impact. Practice-­based and experiential learning (Kolb, 1984) has considerable potential to enable transformation. Concrete experiences and practice-­based activities (e.g., visits, visitors, games and simulations, work experience, work shadowing, career-­related volunteering, and social action) emphasize the benefits of “learning by doing,” such as increased motivation, learning transfer, and the ability to reinterpret learning experiences (Collins & Barnes, 2017). Gains from experiential learning can be linked to scaffolding (i.e., building on previous learning), structured preparation, organized implementation, and structured debriefing and feedback. Career Management Equipping young people with the skills to manage their own careers enables them to complete repeated cycles of transformative learning, resulting in new behaviours. Career management is a complex lifelong process. It involves continuous appraisal of one’s own needs, interests, values, and strengths. It requires the ability to choose between options, make transitions, and maintain employability. Work-­life events such as starting a new job, dealing with the career behaviour of others, career changing, role balancing, adjusting to different organizational cultures, and handling promotion, redundancy, and retirement require individuals to show initiative and enterprise, be adaptable and resilient, and develop personal financial capability (Abad et al., 2017; Career Development Institute, 2020; Sultana, 2011). Major career change events can be disorienting, traumatic, and problematic, requiring transformative learning to effect a resolution. Research suggests key activities and experiences that can equip young people to manage their careers. Modelling and practice with their emphasis on preparation and rehearsal are important for the acquisition of career management skills. They enable learners to develop schemas (organized “packets” of knowledge) that provide them with structured ways of doing things in specific situations, such as producing an effective curriculum vitae or résumé, as well as facilitating learning transfer so that they can readily apply a skill learned in one context to another. Teaching planning and record-­keeping enable learners to develop organizational skills for managing their careers. Portfolio- and e-­portfolio-­based tools (e.g., Career Development Manitoba, n.d.) can be used to create powerful career development learning environments, enabling learners to reflect on their experiences and achievements, set goals, make plans, and make decisions. These tools can be particularly effective when their use is supported by an adult in a coaching or mentoring capacity. Coaching strengthens the skills of self-­directed learning,

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motivation, and problem-­solving, whereas mentoring aims to boost learners’ career management skills through modelling and passing on the experience of an older person. It can take many forms, including peer, staff, business, and alumni mentoring. The evidence base relating to employer mentoring is quite strong and shows that, typically, mentoring has small but positive impacts (Hooley, 2016). A benefit of alumni mentoring is that it enables learners to see what “people like themselves” have gone on to achieve. Learning in all three areas can be enhanced by the appropriate choice of assessment methods. Assessment “for” and “as” learning has been shown to be very effective in raising achievement (Black, Harrison, Lee, Marshall, & Wiliam, 2002) and has particular relevance to transformative career learning. Learners progress further if teachers use questioning to elicit information, give appropriate feedback, ensure learners understand quality, and engage in peer and self-­assessment (James, 2008). Assessment of learning, including the awarding of grades, has less impact on learning (Bassot, Barnes, & Chant, 2014). The benefits of accreditation/credentialism are essentially extrinsic to the learning p ­ rocess, but recognition of learning through the awarding of credits or, in more innovative ways, through open digital badges by organizations such as Digitalme are promising developments. Conclusion This chapter has argued the case for transformative career education programmes ­capable of engendering radical and profound changes in young people’s self-­understanding, worldview, and capacity to act. The risk to young people of accepting the status quo in the ways that career and labour markets operate in many areas of the world is the continuation of inequality, exploitation, and discrimination. School systems that marginalize career education in the curriculum cannot adequately prepare young people for the challenges they will face in their working lives. Career education is not a magic bullet that can overcome wider social and economic problems faced by young people; however, it can help them become more self-­aware, proactive in seeking out opportunities, and successful in unlocking the potential of self and others. To achieve this, schools and colleges need to manage career education as a subject, as a cross-­curricular element, and as an enrichment/ co-­curricular activity, in more sophisticated ways. They also need to focus on the three main areas of career competence—self-­development, career exploration, and career management—and to facilitate transformative learning through well-­chosen teaching, learning, and assessment processes. References Abad, J., Amblàs, S., Andricopoulou, A., Bujok, E., Iannis, G., İlin, Ç., Koutoudis, P., Marconi, A., Neary, S., Panagiotidou, A., Patsouratis, V., & Spanu, P. (2017). Improving career management skills: Models, practices and guidance resources. Retrieved from http://www.leaderproject.eu/images/documents/Handbook_ LEADER_EN2017.pdf Alexander, R. (2017). Towards dialogic teaching: Rethinking classroom talk (5th ed.). Thirsk, UK: Dialogos. Aronson, E., & Patnoe, S. (2011). Cooperation in the classroom: The jigsaw method. London: Pinter & Martin.

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Arthur, N., & Collins, C. (2014). Diversity and social justice: Guiding concepts for career development practice. In B. C. Shepard & P. S. Mani (Eds.), Career development practice in Canada: Perspectives, principles and professionalism (pp. 77–103). Toronto: Canadian Education and Research Institute for Counselling. Arthur, N., Neault, R., & McMahon, M. (Eds.). (2019). Career theories and models at work: Ideas for practice. Toronto: CERIC. Barnes, A., Bassot, B., & Chant, C. (2011). An introduction to career learning and development 11–19: Perspectives, practice and possibilities. London: Routledge. Bassot, B., Barnes, A., & Chant, C. (2014). A practical guide to career learning and development: Innovation in careers education 11–19. London: Routledge. Belgrad, S., Burke, K., & Fogarty, R. J. (Eds.). (2008). The portfolio connection: Student work linked to standards (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin. Biggs, J. B., & Moore, P. J. (1993). The process of learning (3rd ed.). New York: Prentice Hall. Black, P., Harrison, C., Lee, C., Marshall, B., & Wiliam, D. (2002). Working inside the black box: Assessment for learning in the classroom. London: GL Assessment. Bright, J., & Pryor, G. (2014). The chaos theory of careers (CTC): Ten years on and only just begun. Australian Journal of Career Development, 23, 4–12. doi:10.1177/1038416213518506 Career Development Institute. (2020). Framework for careers, employability and enterprise education. Retrieved from https://www.thecdi.net/write/CDI-Framework-Jan2020-web.pdf Career Development Manitoba. (n.d.). A guide to building a career portfolio. Retrieved from http://www. manitobacareerdevelopment.ca/cdi/docs/bldg_portfolio.pdf Cedefop. (2016). Leaving education early: Putting vocational education and training centre stage. Volume 1: Investigating causes and extent; Volume 2: Evaluating Policy Impact. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Colley, H., Hodkinson, P., & Malcolm, J. (2003). Informality and formality in learning: A report for the Learning and Skills Research Centre. Retrieved from https://kar.kent.ac.uk/4647/3/Informality%20and%20Formality%20 in%20Learning.pdf Collins, J., & Barnes, A. (2017). Careers in the curriculum: What works? London: The Careers & Enterprise Company. Doren, B., Lombardi, A.  R., Clark, J., & Lindstrom, L. (2013). Addressing career barriers for high risk adolescent girls: The PATHS curriculum intervention. Journal of Adolescence, 36, 1083–1092. doi:10.1016/j. adolescence.2013.08.014 Education and Employers Taskforce. (2010). Helping young people succeed: How employers can support careers education. Retrieved from https://www.educationandemployers.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/deloitteeet-young-people-succeed-report-final.pdf Halinen, I. (2018). The new educational curriculum in Finland. In M. Matthes, L. Pulkkinen, C. Clouder, & B.  Heys (Eds.), Improving the quality of childhood in Europe. Brussels: Alliance for Childhood European Network Foundation. Harrison, N., & Waller, R. (2017). Evaluating outreach activities: Overcoming challenges through a realist “small steps” approach. Perspectives: Policy and Practice in Higher Education, 21, 81–87. doi:10.1080/1360310 8.2016.1256353 Hart, C. S. (2014). Agency, participation and transitions beyond school. In C. S. Hart, M. Biggeri, & B. Babic (Eds.), Agency and participation in childhood and youth: International applications of the capability approach in schools and beyond (pp. 181–203). London: Bloomsbury. Heckman, J. J., Sixrud, J., & Urzua, S. (2006). The effects of cognitive and noncognitive abilities on labor market outcomes and social behaviour. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/papers/w12006.pdf Hooley, T. (2016). Effective employer mentoring: Lessons from the evidence. London: The Careers & Enterprise Company. Hooley, T., & Sultana, R. (2016). Career guidance for social justice. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 36, 2–11. doi:10.20856/jnicec.3601 Hooley, T., Sultana, R., & Thomsen, R. (Eds.). (2017). Career guidance for social justice: Contesting neoliberalism. London: Routledge. Hughes, D., Mann, A., Barnes, S.-A., Baldauf, B., & McKeown, R. (2016). Careers education: International literature review. London: Education Endowment Foundation. Hughes, K. L., & Karp, M. M. (2004). School-based career development: A synthesis of the literature. New York: Institute on Education and the Economy, Teachers College, Columbia University.

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Inkson, K. (2007). Understanding careers. London: Sage. Irving, B. A., & Malik, B. (2005). Critical reflections on career education and guidance: Promoting social justice within a global economy. Abingdon, UK: RoutledgeFalmer. James, M. (2008). Assessment and learning. In S. Swaffield (Ed.), Unlocking assessment (pp. 20–36). London: Routledge. Kolb, D. A. (1984). Experiential learning. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Krumboltz, J.  D. (2009). The happenstance learning theory. Journal of Career Assessment, 17, 135–154. doi:10.1177/1069072708328861 Kuijpers, M. (2009). Career dialogue: About learning to talk (and) about learning to choose. In M. Kuijpers & F. Meijers (Eds.), Career learning: Research and practice in education (pp. 175–189). ‘s-Hertogenbosch, the Netherlands: Euroguidance. Kuijpers, M., Meijers, F., & Winters, A. (2009). Guidance on career development in vocational education in the Netherlands. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279666550_Guidance_on_career_ development_in_vocational_education_in_the_Netherlands Law, B. (1996a). A career-learning theory. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 46–71). London: Routledge. Law, B. (1996b). Recording achievement and action planning. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 247–268). London: Routledge. Law, B. (2006). Careers education in schools and colleges: Forever clinging to the edge of the timetable? Career Research & Development, 15, 9–15. McCash, P. (2008). Career studies handbook: Career development learning in practice. York, UK: The Higher Education Academy. McCowan, C., McKenzie, M., & Shah, M. (2017). Introducing career education and development: A guide for personnel in educational institutions in both developed and developing countries. Underwood, Australia: InHouse. McMahon, M., Patton, W., & Watson, M. (2005). My system of career influences. Camberwell, Australia: ACER. Mezirow, J. (2009). Transformative learning theory. In J.  Mezirow & E.  W.  Taylor (Eds.), Transformative learning in practice: Insights from community, workplace and higher education (pp. 18–32). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ministerial Council for Education, Early Childhood Development and Youth Affairs. (2010). The Australian blueprint for career development. Canberra, Australia: Author. Mosley, J., & Tew, M. (1999). Quality circle time in the secondary school: A handbook of good practice. London: Fulton. National Life/Work Centre. (2000). The blueprint for life/work designs. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Author. Oomen, A. (2018). Parental involvement in career education and guidance in senior general secondary schools in the Netherlands. Doctoral dissertation, University of Derby, Derby, UK. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle. net/10545/623103 Osborn, D. S., Kronholz, J. F., & Finklea, J. T. (2015). Card sorts. In M. McMahon & M. Watson (Eds.), Career assessment: Qualitative approaches (pp. 81–88). Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. Patton, A. (2012). Work that matters: The teachers’ guide to project-based learning. Retrieved from http://www. innovationunit.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/Work-That-Matters-Teachers-Guide-to-Project-basedLearning.pdf Patton, W., & McMahon, M. (2014). Career development and systems theory: Connecting theory and practice. Rotterdam, the Netherlands: Sense. Plant, P. (Ed.). (2007). Ways—On career guidance. Copenhagen: Danish University of Education Press. Pryor, R., & Bright, J. (2019). Chaos theory for career counselors. In N. Arthur, R. Neault, & M. McMahon (Eds.), Career theories and models at work: Ideas for practice (pp. 347–356). Toronto: CERIC. Sampson, J. P., & Osborn, D. S. (2015). Using information and communication technology in delivering career interventions. In P. J. Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), APA handbook of career intervention (Vol. 2, pp. 57–70). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Sampson, J. P., Reardon, R. C., Peterson, G. W., & Lenz, J. G. (2004). Career counseling and services: A cognitive information processing approach. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Savickas, M. L. (2013). Career construction theory and practice. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (pp. 147–183). New York: Wiley.

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Sultana, R. G. (2011). Learning career management skills in Europe: A critical review. Journal of Education and Work, 25, 225–248. doi:10.1080/13639080.2010.547846 Sultana, R.  G. (2014). Rousseau’s chains: Striving for greater social justice through emancipatory career guidance. Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling, 33, 15–23. The Careers & Enterprise Company. (2018). Understanding the role of the careers leader: A guide for secondary schools. London: Author. Retrieved from https://www.careersandenterprise.co.uk/sites/default/files/uploaded/ understanding-careers-leader-role-careers-enterprise.pdf Walker, L., & Logan, A. (2008). Learner engagement: A review of learner voice initiatives across the UK’s education sectors. Slough, UK: NFER. Available from https://www.nfer.ac.uk/learner-engagement-a-review-of-learnervoice-initiatives-across-the-uks-education-sectors Watts, A. G. (2011). Global perspectives in effective career development practices. Curriculum and Leadership Journal, 9, 9. http://www.curriculum.edu.au/leader/global_perspectives_in_effective_career_developmen,33172. html?issueID=12379 White, J. (1990). Education and the good life: Beyond the National Curriculum. London: Kogan Page.

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C H A PT E R

20

Labour Market Information for Career Development: Pivotal or Peripheral?

Jenny Bimrose

Abstract Labour market information (LMI) represents a core component of the knowledge required for career development interventions. It distinguishes the work of career development practitioners from other kinds of helping. Yet practitioners often find it challenging to keep this knowledge current and mediate it effectively to different audiences. Career theory helps identify a variety of possible assumptions that might underpin the use of LMI in practice. Although information and communications technology plays an increasingly important role in accessing and disseminating reliable and robust LMI, research indicates that face-­to-­face interventions with career professionals continue to have the greatest impact with clients. Consequently, referring clients to LMI online seems unlikely to maximize positive outcomes because expert mediation by professionals of the meaning of the information for their own particular situation is frequently necessary. Indeed, professionalism, a concept with which most career development practitioners identify, demands that minimum standards are maintained, including practice based on expert, current LMI. In this chapter, ways of enhancing the effectiveness of LMI as an integral part of overall career interventions are discussed. Keywords: labour market information, career development, career interventions, technology, career theory, professionalism

Introduction The importance of high-­quality career interventions throughout an individual’s life span has long been recognized. Economic arguments, crucial for securing funding support for these services, are often foregrounded when the value of these interventions is considered. For example, the Organisation for Economic Co-­operation and Development (2010) argued that it is invaluable on two levels: (1) the level of society, because it supports the healthy functioning of economies, and (2) the level of the individual, because it supports individual citizens to engage effectively in their own lifelong learning and development. As labour markets throughout the world have become less stable and more volatile, governments have demanded greater efficiencies (Hughes,  2017), resulting in the quality and effectiveness of career interventions coming under close scrutiny (Whiston, Li, Goodrich

Mitts, & Wright, 2017). Within this landscape, it is incumbent on the broad community of career development practice to engage with the challenge of enhancing the quality of career interventions on a continuing basis. In this chapter, it is argued that the effective integration into practice of high-­quality, reliable, and up-­to-­date labour market information (LMI) is one prime method of enhancing the quality and effectiveness of practice. This chapter explores the role and nature of LMI for the broad range of career interventions, including one-­to-­one, groups, face-­to-­face, and virtual. It also considers the role of theory by identifying the need for, and some consequences of, integrating LMI into practice through a theoretical lens. Related to both of these issues, the relationship of LMI with professionalism and ethical practice is then discussed. Finally, some of the challenges evident for the effective use of robust LMI, together with potential solutions, are discussed. The Role and Nature of Labour Market Information Labour market information distinguishes career interventions from other types of helping, such as mentoring and other generic forms of counselling or guidance (Offer, 2001), with practitioners exhorted to use this information constructively with clients, guarding against bias (Hayes & Hopson, 1975). Despite its pivotal importance, it remains an underresearched aspect of practice, with a global review of literature in this area concluding that there is not only a “paucity of material” but also an evident bias because what does exist predominantly originates from developed countries (Alexander, McCabe, & De Backer, 2019, p. 10). Nomenclature used to describe information about the labour market that is needed to support career transitions varies. Although currently it is often referred to as career information, previously it was referred to as information about occupations. The following quotation illustrates the earlier tendency, with the gendered language evident reflective of the era in which it was written (Hayes & Hopson, 1975): In the past many vocational guidance practitioners tended to furnish the individual with information about a number of occupations and present him [original text] with a series of externally generated criteria to be used in evaluating these alternatives. . . . Today emphasis is increasingly placed on encouraging the student to generate his own criteria based on his own assessment of himself. In this way he is able to personalize the information he receives about the occupational world and explore its relevance for himself, using criteria which he owns, that is, with which he identifies and sees as being meaningful in terms of the ways in which he sees himself. (p. 35)

Up to a few decades ago, LMI was regarded primarily as important for developing and implementing clients’ self-­concept. That is, it was used to help clients understand which jobs in the labour market best matched their individual profile of abilities, qualifications, and aspirations. More recently, its role has been broadened and deepened; for example, its

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value for reducing career indecision and/or combatting occupational stereotypes is now acknowledged (Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996). An important distinction has also be made between LMI and labour market intelligence, where LMI refers to quantitative or qualitative data found in original information sources (typically available from surveys and reported in tables, spreadsheets, charts, etc.), whereas labour market intelligence relates to the interpretation of LMI, referring to subsets of information that have been subjected to further analysis (Cambridge Training & Development, 2004). A further distinction has been made between non-­interactive and interactive LMI (Sampson, Reardon, Peterson, & Lenz, 2004), with non-­interactive LMI typically linear in nature, paper-­based, often broader in range, and more detailed in topic coverage and interactive LMI (using information and communications technology [ICT]) typically nonlinear, with the user maintaining some control over the selection and sequencing of information. Despite the increasing range and number of sources of LMI through the use of ICT, there continue to be many shortcomings in the data available for career support (Bimrose & Barnes, 2010). Consequently, there are emerging exemplars of investments from government agencies in technology to ensure that the best available LMI data are accessible for career interventions. For example, the LMI for All data portal in the United Kingdom (Bimrose et al.,  2018) makes data available from robust, reliable government-­funded sources that are clearly specified, and it has been cited as both an exemplar of good practice and internationally innovative (Alexander et al.,  2019; ­ Cedefop,  2016). These data include historical and projected employment; replacement demand; pay and earnings; hours; unemployment rates; number of vacancies; occupational descriptions; skills, abilities, and interests; current vacancies; and higher education destinations. Wherever possible, data are streamed directly from original sources. However, this is a data portal, with career practitioners needing to engage with applications that have integrated the data available from this portal. As previously noted, LMI data have shortcomings. In the United Kingdom, for example, pay data are restricted by constraints placed by legislation that relates to confidentiality. Potential users of these data from government agencies such as the Office for National Statistics are obliged to sign a data access agreement for nondisclosive data. Data are considered to be disclosive when they allow data subjects to be identified (either directly or indirectly) and/or when they allow information about data subjects to be revealed. Thus, for occupations in which relatively few people are employed (and for which, therefore, there is no statistically significant sample) and/or located in an area of the country that may be easily identifiable, pay data available will have been subject to the nondisclosive agreement so need to be treated with caution. A narrow definition of a labour market refers to the exchange of labour between ­employers (the demand side) and potential sellers, or employees (the supply side), with information about the labour market being crucial for the smooth operation of this ­process. LMI is not, however, restricted to the supply and demand of labour. The term is now used more generically to include information that relates to the operation of markets

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for learning, skills, employment, labour, and their relationship to the wider economy. LMI derives from a wide range of sources and includes, for example, information on general employment trends (historical trends and future demand); data on the structure of the labour market (what jobs exist, how many, which industry sectors, and which occupations); information about the way the labour market functions (how people get jobs and move between employers); the interaction between labour demand and supply (mismatches, reflected in unemployment rates, skills gaps, skills shortages, etc.); data on national, ­regional, and local labour market variations (size of workforce, prominent sectors, etc.); data focusing on equality and diversity (which individuals are employed in different ­sectors and at what levels); and information on progression routes (career structure, earnings, and transferability of skills) (Bimrose & Barnes, 2010). Indeed, there is little consensus in the literature regarding the definition of LMI in a career context (Alexander et al., 2019). Here, LMI is used for the remainder of this chapter to refer generically to information used to support career transitions. The LMI needs of career practitioners are complex and fluid because it is required for a range of purposes with different target audiences. For example, LMI for use as part of career interventions with varied client groups who have distinct needs at different times of their career development (e.g., students in school and college, compared with long-­term unemployed) contrasts with the LMI needed for their own professional and personal development. To ensure that career practitioners regard LMI sources as fit for purpose, it is essential to take account of their views of what is required. These perceptions have been researched, revealing that the LMI regarded by practitioners as most essential includes local information and trends, equal opportunities issues, regional data and trends, and self-­employment trends. The least useful LMI was raw statistics and/or information that was out of date. The preferred formats for LMI required by practitioners were identified in the same study (Bimrose & Barnes,  2010). However, providing LMI effectively as part of any career ­intervention, including one-­to-­one, or delivered to a group of individuals remotely or face-­to-­face, is multifaceted, highlighting the interconnected issues of professionalism, ethical practice, and theory. The Role of Career Theory Inconsistent language use with regard to LMI, referred to in the previous section, also applies more generally to career interventions (Bimrose & Barnes, 2010), both within and across countries. This has various impacts on practice. For example, in 2003, the UK government published a discussion paper on adult career provision, which differentiated three types of provision: information, advice, and guidance (Department for Education and Skills, 2003). This discussion paper was the precursor to the implementation of a differentiated funding model, with information designated the cheapest component of the service. However, the framework proved challenging to implement, partly because of problems drawing clear boundaries around the three activities because one often merges

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seamlessly into another during the course of an intervention as the client’s needs emerge (Bimrose & Barnes, 2010). This example of policy inappropriately driving practice does, however, highlight the importance of career practitioners integrating LMI into their practice knowingly, through the theoretical framework that informs their practice. As discussed previously, controversies regarding LMI exist. Some challenge not only the origins and ways that LMI is sourced but also the way it is presented. As with any material accessed from the internet, end-­users need to be familiar with criteria for judging best practice in LMI so that informed decisions can be made about its reliability and trustworthiness, in relation both to source and to presentational style (see the section titled “Quality of Labour Market Information”). Others may question issues relating to the interpretation and/or dissemination of LMI in practice by career development practitioners. These types of issues are explored in the following section. Often, questions asked by practitioners simply relate to the best way to give LMI. Responses to all of these questions and/or criticisms can be mediated, at least in part, by the theoretical frameworks used to guide their use of LMI. An overview of selected theoretical approaches is provided by Yates (this volume). Such frameworks provide clear indications of the responses to these and other queries. Revisiting the roles for LMI that are exemplified by different theoretical frameworks not only helps us make sense of how best to use LMI in practice (Alexander et al., 2019) but also defines the professional identity of the career practitioner (Walsh, 1990). Adopting a theoretical framework that originates from the trait-­factor approach, for example, derived from differential psychology, the career practitioner assumes the professional role of an expert, whose purpose in an intervention is to collect data about the client so that they can match (from their LMI knowledge) the client with the best fit career. Rational decision-­making is at the centre of this approach, based on the assumption that individuals will automatically strive to maximize economic benefits by their behaviour. LMI plays an important role in this process. Typically, LMI will be given directly to the client by the practitioner, as the expert, during an interview, with the meaning for the client interpreted by the practitioner, often with consequences for the client (e.g., information about deadlines for the submission of application forms for courses or jobs given to motivate the client to adhere to these deadlines). Here, the provision of LMI assumes that behaviour change on the part of the client will result so that when information about deadlines for submission of an application form is given, it is assumed that the client will adhere to this deadline. In contrast, adopting a developmental framework in practice means that the primary purpose is to appraise the client’s vocational developmental stage. Using this framework to guide practice, practitioners assume the professional identity of facilitator. Rather than providing LMI directly during a career intervention (whether this is an interview or a group session), they would help clients develop the skills and methods needed to access sources of LMI themselves. This would not only enable clients to assess their level of interest in an occupational goal but also enable them to develop the necessary research skills to

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undertake their own future LMI investigations. Compared with trait-­factor approaches, little emphasis is placed on information giving as a central part of the career interview. Rather, the practitioner would concentrate on ensuring that the client is able to undertake their own LMI research in the future, thus learning to become more autonomous. A third example relates to the application of the theory of social learning to the career context. Here, career practitioners would assume the professional identity of educator. The overall purpose of any career intervention would be to establish whether the client had an accurate understanding of, or learning about, the world of work. Once the practitioner had arrived at a satisfactory understanding of the accuracy of the client’s understanding, then the practitioner would work with the client to identify motives for occupational aspirations and then define core goals. If operating within this theoretical framework to guide practice, practitioners would use LMI in a way that allows their clients to interact with LMI (e.g., they might use a true/false quiz to challenge misunderstandings and misconceptions about an occupational role or sector). Here, LMI would be used as an educational technique to correct misconceptions or perhaps to stimulate exploration. A final example relates to a more recent theory, the systems theory framework. This approach has been adapted for use in careers by Patton and McMahon (1997, 1999) and McMahon and Patton (2017), who are clear that this is not a theory of career development but, rather, an integrative, meta-­theoretical framework that is heavily influenced by constructivism and, within constructivism, by contextual action theory (McMahon & Patton,  2017). It provides a “map that may guide the work of career counsellors” (McMahon & Patton, 2017, p. 113) that examines the interconnections between internal and external variables influencing career development (Arthur & McMahon, 2005), integrating both psychological and sociological approaches. To adopt this approach in practice therefore requires awareness and understanding of the primary theoretical influence on the practitioner, which in turn provides an indication of the role of LMI in the intervention. Theoretical frameworks therefore not only provide a clear map or framework for practitioners to use LMI in their practice but also help define the professional identity of the practitioner (Brown & Bimrose, 2017). So, as indicated previously, where a practitioner is working from a trait-­factor framework, the practitioner would assume the identity of an expert (i.e., by using LMI together with instruments such as psychometrics, tests, or inventories). Where practitioners are working within developmental approaches, they would assume the professional role of facilitators; and where they are working from a social learning approach, they would assume the professional role of educators or teachers. Professionalism and Ethical Practice A profession is defined as “a disciplined group of individuals who adhere to ethical standards and who hold themselves out as, and are accepted by the public as possessing special knowledge and skills in a widely recognized body of learning derived from research, education and training at a high level, and who are prepared to apply this knowledge and

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exercise these skills in the interest of others” (Professions Australia, n.d.). This is closely associated with the concept of professionalism, described as an occupational value that, ­although changed and changing, “might improve both the conduct and the practice of professional work and benefit both practitioners and consumers” (Evetts, 2011, p. 416). Because career practitioners generally regard themselves as professionals, offering a professional service, important responsibilities follow as part of maintaining this public status, with implications for updating knowledge as part of their continuing professional development. Professionals also operate within a professional culture (Evans,  2008), which involves ­adherence to ethical standards. High-­quality, robust, and reliable LMI represents this type of specialist knowledge. However, it is not just the specialist LMI knowledge that makes career interventions different from other forms of help. It is the impartiality of the LMI provided to clients that is unique in career interventions. An example of partial, or biased, LMI is when employers and/or employer organizations produce LMI for the purpose of marketing their occupational sector or an employer organization. Here, the LMI provided is likely to address a particular need—to recruit the best employees to a sector or organization—so data provided have probably been selected and presented to achieve this outcome. Professional career associations such as the International Association of Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG) place impartiality at the centre of ethical career practice: “Members of IAEVG enhance client’s independent actions and therefore refrain from consciously dictating or coercing client choices, values, lifestyles, plans, or beliefs (e.g., general views on economic life) that represent the counsellor’s or other people’s, but not the client’s personal orientation or perspective” (IAEVG, 1995). To be members of associations such as IAEVG, practitioners must commit to their ethical codes of practice. However, a study of impartiality in career support for adults found that, in reality, these are often compromised by factors such as the culture of the organization, inadequately trained staff, or lack of high-­quality LMI (Connelly, Milburn, Thomson, & Edwards, 1996). Other pressures can represent additional threats to the ethical integrity of LMI in career practice, highlighting the importance of strict adherence by practitioners to a code of ethics. When career practitioners work with women and girls wishing to consider careers in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), for example, it is important to remember that the meaning of LMI data may require mediation. Practitioners may face dilemmas in pursuance of ethical practice because of the low numbers of women ­employed in these sectors, the discrimination that the women in these occupational sectors risk, and the pressures under which practitioners can be placed by governments and employers to recruit to these sectors. The first of five key recommendations from a report published by Engineering UK (2017) states that it is imperative that the “supply pipeline of engineers” from education be increased. To achieve this, it suggests that we must “encourage many more pupils to choose STEM subjects and make well-­informed choices that maintain the option of a career in engineering and technology” (p. 13). Career practitioners

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risk compromising the ethical principle of impartiality if they adopt these recommendations uncritically because they may be instrumental in placing female clients in occupational ­contexts that expose them to high levels of sexual harassment and/or bullying (Bimrose, 2004). In addition to professionalism, ethical practice, and impartiality, other challenges need to be confronted in ensuring the effective use of high-­quality LMI in career interventions. Further issues of professionalism are explored in more detail by Gough and Neary (this volume). Challenges for Integrating Labour Market Information into Practice The effective use of LMI as part of career interventions requires practitioners to engage in five interconnected processes. First, they have to identify what, precisely, is required by the client(s) with whom they are working. For example, the LMI relating to further education and training courses for students leaving compulsory education is likely to be different from the same type of LMI required by someone who is returning to the labour market after a period of absence (for child or elder care). Second, they have to determine precisely what type of LMI is required. Taking the same example of education and training courses for different client groups, the amount of data available through ICT is likely to be overwhelming for many clients. As part of the career intervention process, the practitioner is likely to select the information that is relevant to the interests of their clients—for example, would they be interested in a particular course, at a particular institution? The practitioner must also consider their clients’ abilities: Are they sufficiently qualified to apply for particular courses? Additionally, client circumstances must be considered. For example, are they able to fund their attendance on the selected course? Will they get the required support from family/friends, etc.? Third, the practitioner has to retrieve the data from reliable sources; both time and expertise are required to conduct this research. Fourth, clients will often need career practitioners to help with the interpretation of the LMI for their particular career situation. For example, having decided on a particular vocational training course, clients may then ask how likely it would be, if they applied for a course at a particular institution, for them to get a job in a particular region of the country upon successful completion of the course. After interpretation, mediating the key message(s) provided by LMI is typically the fifth part of the process. Sometimes, key messages from LMI are difficult for clients to absorb because it may not provide the hoped-­for answers for the clients. For example, the course that is their first choice may not be viable for some reason (e.g., lack of appropriate transport options, cost of transport, and lack of affordable child care facilities). Practitioners need to mediate these messages in a manner that clients are likely to find both understandable and acceptable. Hence, a high level of skill in giving information is crucial. Skills for Giving Information Giving information to clients can be regarded as a high-­ level challenging skill (Egan, 2001) because it helps develop new perspectives on a problem. It can also provide

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new insights and/or correct false perceptions, so has the potential to change, or moderate, an individual’s self-­concept. However, LMI does not change outcomes for, or the behaviour of, clients. Providing a client with information about deadlines for the submission of a job or a course application, for example, does not necessarily guarantee that the client will submit by that deadline. Reasons for this may include clients not understanding the information because it is too complex or because there is simply too much of it. Clients may not be able to absorb the meaning of the LMI for their particular contexts because they are anxious or because they do not recognize the link between different pieces of information or the most important aspect of the LMI given. Or perhaps clients may understand the LMI but do not believe it, perhaps because it challenges fundamental beliefs or values. Of course, clients may understand and believe the LMI but may choose not to act on it because to do so would be too disruptive or unpleasant, for example, due to pressure from others or perceived benefits not outweighing perceived risks (Caress, 2003). Because of these types of difficulties, skills for giving information effectively need to be explicitly developed and integrated into practice. These include using short words and sentences; avoiding jargon; repeating information; being specific and detailed; giving examples; categorizing wherever possible; establishing connections between situations and the information, using imagery and analogies; suggesting what to do rather than what not to do; summarizing and pausing frequently; varying presentation and/or tone of voice; and then providing written backup to emphasize key points (Nicolson & Bayne, 1990). In addition to these skills, there are also general principles that enhance effective information giving, such as ensuring it is appropriate for the ability level and age of clients; ensuring clients want and are ready to receive it; helping clients relate their information to their own situation; checking that they have understood, accurately; and, finally, demonstrating respect and a genuine desire to help during the process of information giving. Of course, using LMI effectively in career interventions more than ever before r­ equires the use of ICT. The importance of supporting practitioners, and their managers, in the introduction and integration of ICT into their practice can be regarded as controversial and is often overlooked (Bimrose, 2017), but it is nevertheless a crucial component in the effective use of LMI. Competence and Confidence in the Use of Information and Communications Technology Challenges with the quality of information available through the use of ICT have been discussed (Hooley, Hutchison, & Watts, 2010; Sampson & Makela, 2014), with ways of dealing with these challenges being increasingly identified (Sampson & Makela,  2014; Sampson et al., 2018). Indeed, part of the process of increased professionalization of the career sector internationally relates to the need to strengthen the competence of the workforce in the use of both LMI and ICT (Bimrose, Barnes, & Attwell,  2010; Bimrose, Hughes, & Barnes, 2011; Schiersmann et al., 2012). It follows that at least part of the challenge for practitioners integrating LMI into their practice rests on their competence

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and confidence in their use of ICT. This has implications for changes in policy priorities, organizational culture, and practitioners being willing to commit to their ongoing professional development (Alexander et al., 2019; Bimrose, Kettunen, & Goddard, 2015). Quality of Labour Market Information Technology ensures that there is no shortage of sources from which career practitioners are able to access LMI. The challenge then becomes choosing between sources, requiring judgements to be made about the relative quality of data from different sources. LMI from the internet may be outdated or have insufficient detail to make a sound judgement. Data sources may be inconsistent and/or incomplete, with some sources incomprehensible. Importantly, data are unlikely to be personalized for use by clients with particular career development requirements. Making judgements between sources can be time-­consuming and difficult, but simple checklists can help practitioners feel more confident that their chosen source is high quality and helps develop a deeper, more critical understanding of the quality of LMI. For example, practitioners should ask, Who produced the LMI and how was it collected and disaggregated? Is the LMI up to date and fit for purpose? Crucially, can the LMI be checked against another source so that any inconsistencies can be identified? Of course, employers have a responsibility to collect and make available high-­quality data to assist with individual transitions into and through the labour market. Protocols providing guidance for employer-­based organizations that collect and provide LMI for career interventions (in this case, Sector Councils in the United Kingdom) include ethical practice, provenance of data, and data disaggregation (Bimrose, Green, Barnes, & Marris, 2008). Each is considered briefly here. Ethical Practice in Data Collection LMI for use in career interventions should have been collated ethically (i.e., information collected with the full knowledge of respondents; where relevant, principles of informed consent have been observed). Methods used to disseminate the LMI should ensure (so far as is possible) that certain groups of clients were not excluded (e.g., those without access to the internet). Presentational styles of LMI should adhere to guidelines on accessibility (e.g., appropriate for those who are visually impaired). The language used for all LMI should be free from any bias (e.g., avoidance of sexist language and images) so that it does not reinforce stereotypical assumptions. And language should be devoid of sector-­specific interest and jargon. Provenance of Data Data sources are important. The provenance of data covers issues of how data were collected, why they were collected, when they were collected, who was responsible for collecting the data, and from where the data were collected. Such information enables users to make an initial assessment of the likely reliability and robustness of the data and should be made available.

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Data Disaggregation In general, data sources are more robust at national than at regional or local levels. Although there may be pressure to provide information at the local level, often also disaggregated by other dimensions of interest (e.g., industry and gender), such disaggregation cannot always be supported because of sample size considerations and confidentiality constraints. Just as industrial and occupational classification schemes may change over time, so might boundaries of geographical areas (e.g., through local government reorganization or the establishment of new regions). It is important that precise details of the geography to which data/information refer are provided. The types of challenges to the use of high-­quality LMI in career interventions discussed in this and the previous two sections emphasize the complexity and expertise required to integrate LMI effectively in practice. Conclusion The role and purpose of LMI in career interventions have varied throughout the ­decades, depending on the dominance of various theoretical frameworks and the policy dispositions of different eras. Undoubtedly, it has been squeezed into a peripheral position by external pressures and concerns on occasions. Yet it would be difficult to gainsay its pivotal importance to effective career practice, despite continuing problems with its effective use. Continuing challenges that must be overcome for the successful integration of LMI in effective practice have been identified and explored. Its place in some of those various theoretical perspectives and frameworks, which must guide the practice of career practitioners if they wish to be considered professionals by the clients they service and by society, has been examined. Despite the continuing challenges, advances relating to the provision of high-­quality, reliable up-­to-­date LMI make its potential use more exciting than ever before. Developments in ICT mean there is more LMI than ever before, with the possibility of more consistent LMI messages within our grasp, along with personalized and targeted LMI that can add value to different stages of career learning and exploration for clients. This also means, of course, that with access to ICT, clients are more informed than ever before about the labour markets they navigate and thus more likely to come for career support with a greater number of more complex questions. Developments in LMI and ICT therefore have the potential to redefine the nature of career interventions. References Alexander, R., McCabe, G., & De Backer, M. (2019). Careers and labour market information: An international review of the evidence. Education Development Trust. Retrieved from https://www.educationdevelopmenttrust. com/our-research-and-insights/research/careers-and-labour-market-information-an-internati Arthur, N., & McMahon, M. (2005). Multicultural career counselling: Theoretical applications of the systems theory framework. Career Development Quarterly, 53, 208–222. doi:10.1002/j.2161–0045.2005.tb00991.x Bimrose, J. (2004). Sexual harassment in the workplace: An ethical dilemma for career guidance practice? British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 32, 109–121. doi:10.1080/03069880310001648049

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Bimrose, J. (2017). Constructivism in online career counselling. In M. McMahon (Ed.), Career counselling: Constructivist approaches (2nd ed., pp. 210–222). New York: Routledge. Bimrose, J., & Barnes, S.-A. (2010). Labour market information (LMI), information communications and technologies (ICT) and information, advice and guidance (IAG): The way forward? London: UK Commission for Employment and Skills. Retrieved from https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/ier/publications/2010/bimrose_ lmi_and_ict_2010.pdf Bimrose, J., Barnes, S.-A., & Attwell, G. (2010). An investigation into the skills needed by Connexions personal advisers to develop internet-based guidance. Education Development Trust. Retrieved from https://www. educationdevelopmenttrust.com/our-research-and-insights/research/an-investigation-into-the-skillsneeded-by-connexi Bimrose, J., Barnes, S.-A., Owen, D., Hughes, D., Wilson, R., Attwell, G., & Rustemeier, P. (2018). LMI for all: Stakeholder engagement and usage, data and technical developments. London: Department for Education. Retrieved from http://www.lmiforall.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Labour_market_information_ for_all.pdf Bimrose, J., Green, A., Barnes, S.-A., & Marris, L. (2008). Protocols for the development of labour market information produced for the guidance process by the Sector Skills Councils. Coventry, UK: SSDA/Warwick Institute for Employment Research. Retrieved from https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/ier/research/qualitystandards Bimrose, J., Hughes, D., & Barnes, S.-A. (2011). Integrating new technologies into careers practice: Extending the knowledge base. London: UK Commission for Employment and Skills. Retrieved from https://warwick.ac. uk/fac/soc/ier/publications/2011/bimrose_2011_ict.pdf Bimrose, J., Kettunen, J., & Goddard, T. (2015). ICT—The new frontier? Pushing the boundaries of careers practice. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 4, 8–23. doi:10.1080/03069885.2014.975677 Brown, A., & Bimrose, J. (2017). Learning as a driver of identity development at work. In M. Milana, S. Webb, J. Holford, R. Waller, & P. Jarvis (Eds.), The Palgrave international handbook on adult and lifelong education and learning (pp. 245–265). London: Palgrave Macmillan. Cambridge Training & Development. (2004). LMI matters! Understanding labour market information. Nottingham, UK: Department for Education and Skills/Learning Skills Council. Retrieved from https:// warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/ier/ngrf/effectiveguidance/improvingpractice/lmi/lmi_matters_lsc.pdf Caress, A.-L. (2003). Giving information to patients. Nursing Standard, 17(43), 47–54. doi:10.7748/ns2003. 07.17.43.47.c3417 Cedefop. (2016). Labour market information and guidance. Cedefop research paper No. 55. Luxembourg: Publications Office. Retrieved from https://epale.ec.europa.eu/sites/default/files/labour_market_information_ and_guidance.pdf Connelly, G., Milburn, T., Thomson, S., & Edwards, R. (1996). Impartiality in guidance provision for adults: A Scottish study. Glasgow/Milton Keynes, UK: University of Strathclyde/The Open University. Department for Education and Skills. (2003). Information, advice and guidance for adults: Towards a national policy framework: Discussion document. Sheffield, UK: Author. Retrieved from http://dera.ioe.ac.uk/id/ eprint/10347 Egan, G. (2001). The skilled helper: A problem-management approach to helping. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole. Engineering UK. (2017). The state of engineering: Synopsis and recommendations. Retrieved from https://www. engineeringuk.com/media/1356/enguk_report_2017_synopsis.pdf Evans, K. (2008). Gaining cultural competence in career counseling. Boston: Lahask Press. Evetts, J. (2011). A new professionalism? Challenges and opportunities. Current Sociology, 59, 406–422. doi:10.1177/0011392111402585 Hayes, J., & Hopson  B. (1975). Careers guidance: The role of the school in vocational development. London: Heinemann. Hooley, T., Hutchinson, J., & Watts, A. G. (2010). Careering through the web: The potential of Web 2.0 and 3.0 technologies for career development and career support services. London: UK Commission for Employment and Skills. Hughes, D. (2017). Careers work in England’s schools: Politics, practices and prospects. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 45, 133–137. doi:10.1080/03069885.2017.1346234 IAEVG. (1995). Ethical Standards (original version). International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance.

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McMahon, M., & Patton, W. (2017). The systems theory framework: A conceptual and practical map for story telling in career counselling. In M. McMahon (Ed.), Career counselling: Constructivist approaches (2nd ed., pp. 113–126). New York: Routledge. Nicolson, P., & Bayne, R. (Eds.). (1990). Applied psychology for social workers (2nd ed.). London: Macmillan. Offer, M. (2001). The discourse of the labour market. In B. Gothard, P. Mignot, M. Offer, & M. Ruff (Eds.), Careers guidance in context (pp. 76–92). London: Sage. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2010). Learning for jobs. Retrieved from http:// www.oecd.org/education/skills-beyond-school/Learning%20for%20Jobs%20book.pdf Osipow, S. H., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1996). Theories of career development (4th ed.). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Patton, W., & McMahon, M. (1997). The systems theory framework. In W. Patton & M. McMahon (Eds.), Career development in practice: A systems theory perspective (pp. 15–34). Sydney: New Hobsons Press. Patton, W., & McMahon, M. (1999). Career development and systems theory: A new relationship. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Professions Australia. (n.d.). Definition of profession. Retrieved from http://www.professions.com.au/about-us/ what-is-a-professional. Sampson, J.  P., & Makela, J.  P. (2014). Ethical issues associated with information and communication technology in counseling and guidance. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 14, 135–148. doi:10.1007/s10775-013-9258-7 Sampson, J. P., Osborn, D. S., Kettunen, J., Hou, P.-C., Miller, A. K., & Makela, J. (2018). The validity of social media-based career information. Career Development Quarterly, 66, 121–134. doi:10.1002/cdq.12127 Sampson, J. P., Reardon, R. C., Peterson, G. W., & Lenz, J. G. (2004). Career counseling and services: A cognitive information processing approach. Belmont, CA: Thompson Brooks/Cole. Schiersmann, C., Ertelt, B.-J., Katsarov, J., Mulvey, R., Reid, H., & Weber, P. (2012). NICE handbook for the academic training of career guidance and counselling professionals. Heidelberg, Germany: Heidelberg University. Retrieved from http://www.nice-network.eu/Our-Goals/Publications/ Walsh, B. W. (1990). A summary and integration of career counseling approaches. In W. B. Walsh & H. Osipow (Eds.), Career counseling: Contemporary topics in vocational psychology (pp. 263–282). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Whiston, S. C., Li, Y., Goodrich Mitts, N., & Wright, L. (2017). Effectiveness of career choice interventions: A meta-analytic replication and extension. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 100, 175–184. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2017.03.010

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C H A PT E R

21

The Role of Digital Technology in Career Development

Tristram Hooley and Tom Staunton

Abstract This chapter analyses the role of digital technologies in career development. It argues that digital technologies change the context for individuals’ careers and the opportunities that exist for the provision of career support. The implications of digital technologies for career are dependent, in part, on how technologies are believed to interact with society. They may be thought of as tools, as shapers of society, or as social practices. For individuals, digital technologies can be understood through six metaphors: (1) library, (2) media channel, (3) surveillance camera, (4) marketplace, (5) meeting place, and (6) arena. For career development professionals, the choice is using them to provide information, automated interactions, or communication. The chapter concludes by arguing that there are three main pedagogic stances (instrumental, connectivist, or critical) that can guide career development professionals in the combination of different technologies and in the resolution of the opportunities and challenges that are presented to individuals in their career building. Keywords: career development, career guidance, digital technologies, Internet, online, pedagogy

Introduction Career development has always made use of, responded to, and been influenced by technologies. For individuals, the development of new technologies has opened up new forms of work, learning, and living. For the careers profession, it has had an influence on what forms of practice are possible. In this sense, technology is understood in Bain’s terms as ‘all tools, machines, utensils, weapons, instruments, housing, clothing, communicating and transporting devices and the skills by which we produce and use them’ (Bain, 1937, p. 380). Technologies, from the taming of fire through the conveyor belt and the motor car and on to the smartphone, have the potential to open some possibilities in our careers and close others down. So, the creation of the technology of flight and its application to the mass transportation of people had both direct implications for the new professions of the pilot, cabin crew, and ground crew, but also unintended consequences for the globalisation of the labour market and the expansion of the psychosocial horizons of career possibility. Just as technology has always interacted with individual career development, it has also had a dynamic relationship with career development interventions. At the inception

of the field, Parsons (1909, p. 165) argued that the new activity of vocational guidance should make use of ‘every facility that science can devise for the testing of the senses and capacities, and the whole physical, intellectual, and emotional make-­up of the child’. In stating this, he rooted the new field in rational positivism and placed technology at the heart of the process of career development. As the nascent career development field grew, it made use of a wide range of ­technologies and became increasingly dependent on information and computer technologies. Watts (2002) traced the development of information and communication technologies within career development interventions from the 1960s through four phases: mainframe, microcomputer, web, and digital. As the final two phases unfolded, Watts described a paradigm shift, with individuals increasingly able to self-­serve in their careers in new ways without direct reference to a career development professional. Although self-­ service ­approaches existed before digital technologies, the Internet has enabled and accelerated this form of career delivery. As the digital phase has unfolded, there has been an explosion of tools, techniques, and initiatives that have explored the utility of digital technologies for career development interventions (CEDEFOP, 2018; Hooley, Shepherd, & Dodd, 2015; Vigurs, Everitt, & Staunton, 2017). This chapter draws together some of the key findings of the literature and explores what defines digital career guidance practice, as well as looking at the nature of the digital environment and how it shapes society and individual careers. The chapter begins by looking at the nature of the digital environment and asking how it shapes society. It then examines why the Internet is important for individual’s career development and concludes by exploring how digital technologies can be integrated into careers work. What Is the Digital Environment? The concept of the ‘digital’ literally refers to the ability to represent information in the form of numerical (often binary) digits. Digital technologies have developed to be able to describe increasingly complex forms of information: numbers, language, images, audio, video, and even physical objects. The pairing of this ability to describe information with communication technologies allows information to be almost instantaneously replicated and disseminated across the world. The ability to replicate and communicate information at marginal costs is one of the biggest paradigm shifts associated with digital technologies and underpins a vast array of the social, cultural, and economic forms that have developed from digital technology, including the World Wide Web, social media, video streaming technologies, and digital cryptocurrencies. The range of different ways that digital technologies are used in society means that they are difficult to ignore in thinking about almost any aspect of society, including career. Some commentators have argued that we now live in the digital age and that the development of digital technologies increasingly defines our society. Schwab (2016) has referred

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to this new social and economic paradigm as a ‘fourth industrial revolution’, which has been brought about by a ‘digital revolution’. How Digital Technologies Shape Societies In this chapter, digital technologies are viewed as being underpinned by historical and sociological realities. Digital technology is historical in the sense that technologies developed out of historical processes and did not suddenly come into existence. It is sociological in the sense that the digital both changes the social world and is acted on and developed out of wider social realities. There are a variety of ways that the relationship between new technologies and society can be conceptualised. It is important to explore these different perspectives because they have implications for how we think about the interaction between digital technologies and career and career development interventions. The different perspectives are summarized as (1) technology as a tool, (2) technology as a shaper of society, and (3) technology as a social practice. The first perspective views digital technologies as a series of tools that can be used by individuals. Digital technologies can enable individuals and groups to act and interact in ways that they were not able to before the technologies existed. Such tools allow people to improve their lives—for example, by improving access to information, facilitating communication, enabling new forms of teaching and learning, or allowing people to transcend distances. There are many enthusiastic accounts of the way that digital tools can improve people’s lives in almost every field, but good examples from the careers field include the promise that the Internet can help people to find and get a job (Hooley, Bright, & Winter, 2016), to establish their own business (Paulson, 2017), and to get recognition and respect in the workplace (Adlam, 2018). Of course, not all tools are used for good. Digital tools can also have a dark side, enabling individuals to do things that transgress or attack social and moral norms and make their lives or the lives of other worse, such as in cases of cyberbullying (Whittaker & Kowalski, 2015) or digital crime (Bryant & Bryant, 2016). By viewing digital technologies primarily as tools, the focus is on the impact on individuals, rather than on society. The accumulated impact of individuals’ using such tools might ultimately have an impact on society, but when technology is viewed as a tool this is not easy to see. In contrast, the second perspective emphasises the way in which the use of digital technologies shapes and forms the social world. This view builds on McLuhan’s (1994) analysis that human history is the history of the development of technologies, which shape society. In this view, the Internet as a medium has had more impact on society than the content (messages) that are actually carried by the Internet. Carr (2008) and Keen (2012) concluded that the affordances offered by digital technologies have reframed social life negatively. They argued that news-­feeds, memes, notifications, friend requests, and selfies lead to a society that is characterised by superficiality, fake news, and social

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fragmentation. Others see digital technologies more positively, viewing them as empowering and levelling. So Shirky (2009) argued that digital technologies can democratise society and extend access to the public sphere, while writers like Sadler (2010) and Aguilar-­Millan, Feeney, Oberg, and Rudd (2010) argued that new technologies, including digital technologies, will change the political economy, eradicate scarcity, and open the possibility for meeting human needs more fully. This perspective suggests that new technologies will have a deterministic effect on society. This reifies technology and turns it into a social actor in its own right. The third perspective views technology as a social practice. This recognises that technologies can be used in a variety of ways (e.g., as tools, as in the first perspective) and that they can change societies and shift the context in which tools are being used (as in the second perspective), but it also reminds us that technology is in turn produced by and shaped by society. This perspective challenges the bifurcation of society and technology, with technology being viewed as part of society rather than separate from it. So, the technologies developed by Google are not external to society and acting on it, but are developments that emerged from the social, political, and economic formations associated with late 20th and early 21st century capitalism, Silicon Valley culture, and American company, copyright, intellectual property, and labour laws (Whelan, 2019). Technologies are not neutral or external actors. As Braverman (1974/1998, p. 133) argued they are not ‘an alien force which subjugates humanity’, but are instruments that emerge from existing power relations and give power to those who own and control them. If digital technologies are viewed as a social practice, it is helpful to recognise that they are also a form of political practice. Politics is understood as the way in which the different, and often competing, interests of diverse groups within society are managed, addressed, and resolved. The digital environment provides the space for such contestation, albeit one that authors like Mejias (2013) and Van Dijck (2013a), echoing Braverman, argued is made up of specific architecture that is owned by private organisations and is both regulated, and made use of, by governments. So, while the Internet might look open and democratic, because it is possible for anyone to speak or to listen, digital technologies are designed by individuals and groups with assumptions about how things should be organised and with vested interests that they wish to advance. In many cases, this means that digital technologies are owned by the powerful and are used to preserve and extend that power. However, because technologies are social practices, they can also, in some cases, be repurposed to create tools for protest, resistance, and the redistribution of power (Bennett & Segerberg, 2013; Castells, 2015). Technology does not just determine our careers, it is also determined by how our ­careers are framed and enacted. The individual and collective decisions that people make about how to live their lives shape the technologies that get conceived, developed, and utilised. In the rest of this chapter, this third perspective is broadly adopted to show how technologies interact with career and career development interventions in dynamic ways,

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and to view their use in career enactment and as part of career development interventions as a social practice. Why Are Digital Technologies Important for Individuals’ Career Development? Keeping in mind the nature of the digital environment and how it interacts with s­ ociety more broadly, we can turn to exploring how this shifts the way that individuals enact their careers. Because digital technologies are now so embedded in the social world, almost all processes associated with a career have a digital component. Digital technologies are central to education, recruitment, work, civic participation, and leisure. Digital tools are so embedded in social life that it is often difficult to distinguish ­between digital and nondigital experience. For example, the use of a YouTube film as part of a lecture places digital content at the heart of a face-­to-­face learning experience, while the routine use of tablets and smartphones in workplace meetings to check on information, and even to involve participants who are not physically present, creates an often unacknowledged, but deep, integration between physical and digital ways of gathering information and interacting. Despite their deep integration in the everyday practices of career enactment, it is still possible to identify some particular roles that digital technologies play that intersect with the impact of the ‘digital’ on society. We have built on and extended Hooley’s (2012) ­typology to propose six metaphors that describe the roles that digital technologies play in individuals’ career enactment: (1) library, (2) media channel, (3) surveillance camera, (4) marketplace, (5) meeting place, and (6) arena. Library Digital technologies provide individuals with access to a wide range of information that they can use to inform their career thinking. The information that can be found on the Internet is not necessarily accurate, is always partial, and reflects the aims of those who produced it (Sampson et al., 2018). Given this, the potential value of digital information as a career resource is strongly mediated by an individuals’ capacity to interrogate, critique, and assess the value of such information. Media Channel Digital technologies allow people to broadcast whatever they want with no r­ equirement for permission or editing. People can control their self-­presentation online and may choose to withhold their identity or adopt pseudonyms. In the context of career, it is possible for individuals to make use of this media channel to create, either intentionally or unintentionally, a narrative about themselves that can variously aid (Batenburg & Bartels,  2017) or hinder their career (Soares, Shenvi, Waller, Johnson, & Hodgson, 2017).

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Surveillance Camera The flip side of the media channel is how digital technologies open individuals up to surveillance by everyone, but particularly by those with power. From a career perspective, such surveillance has the potential of turning every action that is captured online into material that can be used in a selection (Gandini & Pais, 2018) or management process (Ajunwa, Crawford, & Schultz, 2017). Similarly, data about students is increasingly captured and used by educational institutions, including career services. Perhaps even more perniciously, the perception of constant surveillance, even where it is not real, can shape individuals’ behaviour in ways that encourage them to conform to what they imagine employers and others would want (Duffy & Chan, 2019; Hooley & Cutts, 2018). Marketplace Digital technologies also serve as a marketplace for career opportunities. They create new kinds of opportunities for individuals to interact with opportunity providers (employers and learning providers) through various forms of e-­recruitment and selection (Holm & Haahr, 2018). They have also increasingly shaped the way that the labour market operates by allowing individuals to place themselves permanently ‘on sale’ through tools like Linkedin or to access work directly through platform-­based working, such as on Uber or Task Rabbit. Meeting Place Digital technologies create a place for people to ‘meet’ and network. Such conversations can be used as part of career enactment as individuals converse with each other, share information and contacts, and build and maintain a career-­relevant network (Utz, 2016). This can happen on more explicitly career-­related sites, such as LinkedIn or Twitter, but might also involve individuals’ developing relationships that impact their careers through more interest-­driven sites, such as Reddit or YouTube. Arena Finally, digital technologies create an arena within which struggle can take place b­ etween those with different interests and hegemony and norms can be established or challenged. Such a struggle can be both individual and collective and can interact with existing power structures in a range of ways. Law (2012) discussed how the web can move from being a place of play and exploration into a place of protests and critique. For ­example, the #MeToo movement raised awareness of how women’s careers are often characterized by the experience of abuse and sexual exploitation and began a process of challenging these power relations. This form of hashtag activism (Yang, 2016) uses the Internet to challenge career norms (Wood & Pasquier, 2018) by allowing people to share experiences in ways that would not have been possible before, to connect with others, and to use the crowd as a form of protection. The ability of information to spread, and for individuals to connect

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quickly and freely, enables collective forms of action to be taken that challenge career norms and structures and seek to remake them in radical ways. However, alongside this, the Internet has also been a site for #MeToo to be contested and debated. The movement has been criticised from a variety of angles, including assuming victims should always be believed through to concern that the movement has mainly focused on the experiences of White women in middle-­class occupations. Others have argued that it has been focused too tightly on individuals’ stories rather than on examining structural conditions (Donegan, 2018; North, 2018; Quart, 2018). The arena metaphor shows how the Internet both allows space for a movement and at the same time enables the critics of the movement to organize against it. Individuals need to navigate their way through these metaphors as they make use of digital technologies whilst they enact their careers. One response is to encourage individuals to position themselves strategically to make effective use of the affordances of these technologies whilst avoiding or minimising the downsides. For career development professionals, this can often be seen as a call to spend time developing individuals’ digital career management skills or digital career literacy (Hooley, 2012). A focus on increasing individual digital career management skills can fall into adopting the kind of tool-­based conception of technology described above. Staunton (2018) argued that we need to view digital technologies more critically, recognise the limits of what getting good at using the Internet (developing career management skills) can achieve, and encourage individuals to consider how the affordances and practices on the Internet might be transformed as well as accommodated. In the example of #MeToo discussed above, a digital career management skills approach would focus on how the Internet could be used to research the extent of gender harassment in a particular sector and successfully find a job that allowed an individual to escape oppression. A more critical approach highlights the ability of individuals to use the Internet to engage with alternative political narratives around career, and to work collectively, as is evidenced by #MeToo, towards transforming the context within which they are pursuing their careers. Using Technology to Deliver Career Development Support Digital technologies also offer a range of possibilities and challenges for the delivery of career development interventions (Harris-­Bowlsbey & Sampson, 2005). There are many advantages to providing career support through digital technologies. Hooley, Shepherd, and Dodd (2015) argued that such technologies can potentially be used by careers providers to:

• • • •

transcend geography provide equality of access to a range of clients provide immediacy of access to a range of different levels of service offer confidential and discreet services

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• allow flexible provision with a greater capacity to manage and respond to peaks in demand • provide ‘specialist’ services (for example, around the needs of specific sectors, redundancy, retirement, job change, apprenticeships, or different languages) • provide campaign support by linking online service provision to national media campaigns about work and learning • provide cost savings by making use of self-­access, automation, or economies of scale.

Such services can take a variety of forms. As new technologies are developed, the range of approaches available continues to expand. Hooley, Hutchinson, and Watts (2010) have grouped the approaches into three main categories: the provision of information, the use of automated interactions, and the use of the Internet for communication. The first way in which digital technologies can be used to support people’s career ­development is through the provision of information and resources, as described in the library metaphor above. Such resources may include information about the labour market or education system and advice on how to address particular issues. Information may be quantitative or qualitative and can include text, images, and multimedia content. While information has always been used as part of career development work, the Internet ­removes the kinds of physical restraints that are associated with maintaining a traditional careers library. Furthermore, it removes the requirement for the mediation of this information by a career development professional. Individuals can now self-­serve in new ways developed by digital technology. This brings with it both massive opportunities for i­ncreased access and potential dangers, as professional facilitation is removed and individuals are potentially left to sift through the morass of online career information alone. Evidence suggests that the provision of online career information resources has limited efficacy, as many users are unaware of such resources, choose not to use them, or do not receive much benefit from using them (Galliott, 2017; Vigurs et al., 2017). As Osborn (2019) pointed out, the provision of information, or indeed any online career resource, becomes meaningful only when an individual engages with it and is able to derive some career learning from it. Osborn utilised Sampson, Lenz, Reardon, and Peterson’s (1999) cognitive information processing approach to explain how such learning takes place. But, regardless of the learning model deployed, Osborn’s point is well made: the transmission of information or resources, whether online or otherwise, should not be assumed to lead to career learning. Information and resources are static in nature and provide the same content to all users. The second category of digital career development practice makes use of automated interactions and forms of artificial intelligence to tailor the provision of information and resources to the individual. This might include the provision of online assessments and diagnostics that are designed to replicate elements of traditional advice and guidance

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s­ervices (Harris-­Bowlsbey, 2013). Such automated interactions can also provide experiences like work simulations and online (serious) gaming, which support career learning in new ways. So, McGuire, Broin, White, and Deevy (2018) described how the use of a gamified workplace simulation can help develop new opportunities for students to explore different occupations, to learn what skills they require, and to demonstrate their learning through simulated recruitment processes. McGuire and colleagues argued that this kind of gamified learning can increase student motivation to engage with career learning. Finally, it is possible to use digital tools to facilitate communication and interaction around career development. Such online communications can increase individuals’ access to career support in ways that do not necessarily require people to be in the same place or interacting at the same time. Such approaches may facilitate communication in one-­to-­one, one-­to-­many, or many-­to-­many formats. This could include placing traditional career counselling interactions online, perhaps by facilitating them through video conferencing or chat technologies (Bimrose, 2016). Digital technology can also be used to allow individuals to interact with people who are not career development professionals but who offer them resources for their career building (Hooley, Hutchinson, & Neary, 2016). This could include digitally facilitated mentoring relationships, opportunities to ask questions of more experienced people, and more happenstance forms of career development, such as the building of online networks through tools like LinkedIn. Dividing technologies up in this way can lead towards viewing digital technologies as a toolbox from which careers practitioners can select a tool. However, the development of digital technologies has been far more transformative. Both practitioners and clients ­increasingly deploy, combine, and use the technologies in a wide variety of ways. Vigurs et al. (2017) argued that it is important not to view digital forms of practice as alternatives to analogue and face-­to-­face forms of practice, but to see them as complementary and mutually reinforcing. In practice, a variety of career development interventions are often integrated (Bakke, Haug, & Hooley,  2018) and bring together digital and nondigital ­approaches. Nota, Santilli, and Soresi’s (2016) online life design intervention provides a good example of this: it combines online digital content with face-­to-­face facilitation and writing exercises. Nota et al. reported that this kind of integrated intervention increased students’ career adaptability, life satisfaction, and aspirations more than conventional face-­to-­face interventions. Pedagogy for Digital Career Learning Individuals’ careers interact with digital technologies in a variety of ways, and the technologies have also supported the emergence of new forms of career development practice. This section draws on contemporary thinking in digital pedagogy to propose new ways that the practice of digital or integrated career development can be conceptualised. This is done by referring to three possible approaches to linking technological pedagogy to career: instrumental, connectivist, and critical pedagogies.

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Instrumental approaches focus on individual’s career learning needs and ask how they could be met through technology. Such an approach is informed by the idea of outcomes-­based teaching and learning (Biggs & Tang, 2011), which focuses on aligning learning strategies to specified learning outcomes, and by Trouche’s (2005) theory of ­instrumental genesis, which argues that any technology remains inanimate and passive by itself and needs to be transformed into something useful through an appropriate pedagogy. Technologies are viewed as tools that can be deployed by educators to achieve defined ends. Koehler and Mishra (2009) argued that digital technologies have some important differences from previous kinds of technologies because they are multipurpose, constantly changing, and often highly opaque in how they work. But, despite this, they remain tools that skilled educators can deploy to deliver learning if they have sufficient technological knowledge, pedagogic knowledge, and content knowledge. Instrumental pedagogy is strongly linked to tool-­based conceptions of technologies. For career development professionals, using such tools is about figuring out where and when they can best be deployed to advance career learning. In such a conception, the fundamental aims, objectives, and approaches of career development learning stay constant, but they are delivered through new tools that require some professional adaptation and discussion of how the tools can be integrated into existing ethical frameworks (Sampson & Makela, 2014). The instrumental approach is challenged by connectivist approaches to digital career learning, which redirect the focus from the professional to the learner. Learners can ­self-­service, visit career websites, and drive their own learning in digital environments, which do not necessarily accord the career development professional a special status. So, a learner can access LinkedIn, gather information, seek mentoring and advice, and engage in career transitions without needing to ever come into contact with a career development ­professional. Connectivist approaches link to the conception of technology as shaper of society. A focus on the learner highlights the fact that there has been a significant departure from the previous order. Learners are pursue their careers in different ways, and this requires career development professionals to embrace the paradigm shift and rethink their role. Wheeler and Gerver (2015), along with others like Siemens (2005) and Cormier (2008), have described how the Internet challenges existing repositories of formal knowledge held by institutions like schools, universities, and libraries and instead allows individuals to freely connect to information and networks in new ways that will support them in their own learning journeys. They celebrate this ‘connectivism’ and argue that it empowers the learner and places educators in a supportive and facilitative role. The connectivists’ focus on the Internet as a transformative space that increases learners’ autonomy links with career-­specific research published by Kettunen and colleagues (Kettunen, Vuorinen, & Sampson, 2013, 2015), who focused on social media and career practice and looked at the different ways in which career professionals can respond to

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changing technologies. After surveying various ways of using digital technologies for careers work, Kettunen, Sampson, and Vuorinen (2015) argued that practitioners should recognise that there has been a paradigm change and this necessitates a new approach, which they describe as ‘co-­careering’. This is a form of pedagogy that (i) moves away from a focus on the delivery of information, (ii) is nonhierarchical and learner-­centred, and (iii) is based on learners’ using digital tools in an autonomous manner, drawing on a range of online resources for their career. The role imagined for the career development professional in co-­careering is facilitative and developmental, but it is also a role that is shaped by technological change, rather than one that seeks to shape or critique such technologies. Critical approaches to online pedagogy link to the third conception of technology, technology as a social practice. Critical approaches recognise the way in which technologies shape human behaviours, but they also view these as contestable and subject to change and renegotiation. They question how far the openness of the Internet is empowering for individuals in the way that the connectivist co-­careering perspectives suggest. Selwyn (2016) raised the concern that calls for education to be more flexible and personalised assume that individuals have the capacity to make use of this new form of learning. This overlooks critiques that the digital environment requires access to technological hardware disproportionately owned by more affluent individuals in society (Warschauer, 2010); that the competencies required to make effective use of digital tools are not equally distributed; that participation in these networks requires individuals to give up privacy and, in doing so, disproportionately benefits individuals who are more socially acceptable (Keen, 2012; Van Dijck, 2013b); and, finally, that these networks have winning and losing hardwired into them at a design level and so benefit a minority anyway (Keen, 2012; Mejias, 2013). These critiques raise important points about the need to consider how individuals actually go about building their careers in digital environments and what enables and constrains the process. There can be a danger in adopting an overly optimistic and positive approach to digital environments that ignores individuals’ social positions. Furthermore, this can overlook how digital technologies carry with them ideological imperatives to encourage individuals to behave in a certain way (Mejias, 2013) that encourages individualism, competitiveness, and gamelike behavior (Keen, 2012). The apparent new frontier of the Internet can mask the way it replicates existing neoliberal tendencies in society (Van Dijck, 2013a). Buchanan (2018) raised the concern that, if career development interventions solely seek to help individuals to adapt to the digital world, they run the risk of socialising individuals into dominant but oppressive logics. This suggests that there is a need for career development interventions to critique existing forms of digital career development and encourage individuals to think about how they might renegotiate their positions within surveillance capitalism (Zuboff, 2019). Law (2012) and Staunton (2016, 2018) argued that effective digital career development education should help students to arrive at a critical understanding of technology and a consideration of how it shapes their careers in

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both positive and negative ways. In practice, this might involve helping clients debate the pay-­off between advancing their career through social media sites and dealing with the resulting loss of privacy, or exploring digital platforms that are not dependent on surveillance to create profit, such as MeWe and Ello. Conclusion This chapter explores the complex interrelationships between digital technologies and career development. The career development profession has increasingly embraced new technologies, recognising that they both shape the way that individuals pursue their careers and offer new opportunities for the development of practice. Thinking about the use of digital technologies in careers practice needs to begin with an understanding of how technologies relate to the societies within which they operate. We have challenged the idea that technologies are just tools for individuals to pick up and use, but also the idea that they determine the shape of societies wholesale. Digital technologies are a dynamic part of a society, both acting on and shaping people’s careers, but also being shaped by the way that we use such technologies and by the wider political and economic environment. For individuals, digital technologies bring new opportunities for career development, but they also bring challenges. Career development services can use these technologies to help individuals through the provision of information, by automated interactions, and by facilitating communication with career development professionals and other forms of support. But important pedagogic questions remain about how to best use these technologies and to what end they should be employed. Career professionals can take an instrumental, a connectivist, or a critical stance when delivering digitally mediated career development education. We believe that critical approaches ultimately open up the most opportunities for individuals. Such approaches recognise that digital technologies are not just neutral tools through which career development can be enacted and career support given. Rather, technologies shape our worlds and our subjectivities and so the choice of different technologies and the ways that we use them have both personal and political implications. Given this, it is important that career development professionals both help individuals recognise the ways in which digital technologies shape the opportunity structure and foster careful consideration about where it is best to adapt and where it is best to resist. Ultimately, we are optimistic about the possibilities for digital technologies in careers work. Learners now have the opportunity to draw on information about jobs and careers across the world, to build connections and common cause with others unhampered by geography and time, and to gain greater control over the learning that they want to do. Nonetheless, we need to also recognise the dark side of this new digital world and to notice the ways in which it shapes our careers and fosters the illusion of democracy and empowerment. In such a world, career development professionals, as providers of insights into the

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C H A PT E R

22

Career Assessment

Peter McIlveen, Harsha N. Perera, Jason Brown, Michael Healy, and Sara Hammer

Abstract Career assessment is inherent in the professional practices of career development. Career assessment has its scientific, technical, and aesthetic foundations in applied psychology and education. It takes the forms of objective or subjective observation of another—a student or client—or reflectively of self. Assessment enables the practitioner, researcher, client, and student to conceptualize behaviour essential to performing acts of career development, such as identifying vocational interests, decision-making, and making meaning in diverse contexts of education and work. Its utility in higher education is demonstrated by examples of qualitative and quantitative methods of career assessment focused on employability. Considerations are given to the future potential and limitations of career assessment. Keywords: career assessment, higher education, narrative, psychometrics, v­ ocational interests, employability

A student in her final year of high school feels confused about what she should do in the future: ‘My family say I should do engineering because I’m good at mathematics, but I am more interested in psychology’. A teacher wants to use an assessment activity that will support his students’ explorations of the world of work. ‘There are so many different jobs and careers. How can I provide my students a structured activity to better organize their explorations and self-reflections?’ A worker wants a change of career direction. ‘I’ve been in this job for ten years and I’m bored, but I don’t know what to do next’. These are just a few typical scenarios in which career assessment can be useful not only for individuals exploring their options but also for the professional whose role it is to support people through ordinary developmental phases and transitions that occur throughout life in educational and occupational contexts. This chapter reviews key features of career assessment. There is insufficient space to  address the breadth of potential applications; therefore, the discussion is limited to ­examples of qualitative and quantitative methods of career assessment pertinent to higher education. Finally, we address some of the technical developments and limitations of career assessment.

What Is Career Assessment? There are myriad factors within the scope of career assessment, such as career interests and vocational identity; educational and occupational aspirations and achievements; vocational exploration, choices, and decision-making; job search behaviours; and job and life satisfaction and well-being (Larson, Bonitz, & Pesch, 2013). Career assessment involves the collection and analysis of data, as well as subsequent reporting and interpretation of the data for the purpose of career self-management processes, such as exploring, choosing, deciding, and taking actions related to education and work. Thus, the practice of career assessment is consistent with a definition of ‘assessment’ as ‘any systematic method of obtaining information, used to draw inferences about characteristics of people’ (American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association, & National Council on Measurement in Education, 2014, p. 216). Career assessment includes qualitative narrative and creative methods (McMahon & Watson, 2015), such as semi-structured interviews focused on life themes (Savickas, 2011), graphical depictions of career influences (McMahon, Patton, & Watson, 2017), or autobiographical writing (McIlveen,  2015). Qualitative approaches are associated with the clinical tradition of counselling, whereby a client and counsellor engage in dialogue about the client’s personal history, their family and community, defining experiences in life, education and work, and imaginings about the future. Qualitative methods may also be selfdirected or embedded in an educational activity without the support of a counsellor. Career assessment also includes quantitative psychometric methods, such as questionnaires and inventories designed to measure specific constructs. For example, when completing an inventory of different work activities with the aim of discerning work interests, a person may be asked to respond to statements such as ‘I enjoy [a work activity]’, ‘I am really confident at [a work activity]’. Psychometric methods typically present a list of items to which a person responds in terms of a choice (Yes/No), ranking highest to lowest in preference, or a Likert-type rating (1 = not at all like me, through to 7 = completely like me). These scores are interpreted with respect to their constructs and with due regard to the measure’s validity and reliability (American Educational Research Association et al., 2014). Career assessment can be understood as nomothetic and idiographic. The nomothetic tradition aims to measure psychological factors that are shared amongst populations and therefore enable the formulation of typologies and generalizations about people. For example, the nomothetic tradition has discerned personality traits that can be consistently evident in different populations, such as the Big Five: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism (McCrae & Costa, 2003). Certain occupations may require higher or lower levels of any of these traits, and knowing a person’s levels of each may usefully inform their explorations and decisions about entering an occupation. The idiographic tradition is concerned with the unique qualities of an individual rather than the generalizable features common amongst peoples. Idiographic approaches include quantitative and qualitative methods to conduct an individualized

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assessment. For example, the idiographic tradition has included integrated interpretations of quantitative data drawn from psychometric measures, such as interest inventories, with qualitative data drawn from interviews and card sorts. The focus of idiographic interpretation is on the meaningfulness of the results to the individual per se rather than the individual in comparison to a reference group representing the broader population. Career assessment occurs in different modes of delivery. It may be undertaken as a self-directed activity by way of websites and self-help books, with minimal input from a professional. Alternatively, it can be integrated into individual career counselling and educational activities with the guidance of a professional. For example, a client engaged in career counselling may undertake an assessment as part of the exploration work done in counselling whereby the client and professional assess key factors contributing to the client’s concerns and then collaboratively develop potential solutions. Research demonstrates the individualized integrated approach to be the most effective compared to services without a guiding practitioner (Whiston, Li, Goodrich Mitts, & Wright, 2017). Career assessment occurs in various settings, including schools, colleges, universities, workplaces, and counselling centres, and it may be delivered by different professionals. There are professional standards for ethical career development practices in different ­nations; however, these standards vary among nations and professions (Yoon, Hutchinson, Maze, Pritchard, & Reiss,  2018). Professional career assessment is informed by ethical standards. The Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing (American Educational Research Association et al., 2014), for example, specify aspects of good practice, including requisite training for practitioners and the administration, interpretation, and reporting of assessment results. Ideally, career assessment would be performed by a professional with training and qualifications recognized by a professional association of career development practitioners or a like profession that subsumes career assessment within its scope of expertise (for example, psychologist, school guidance counsellor, or rehabilitation counsellor). Key Vocational Concepts in Career Assessment Whilst the scope of career assessment is broad (Larson et al., 2013), there is only enough space here to discuss a few approaches. For this reason, we have chosen to focus on two constructs used in quantitative psychological assessment—vocational interests and selfefficacy—and to contrast them with qualitative assessment approaches based on the ­discussion of life stories. This sample represents the quantitative psychometric tradition of measuring factors that are relatively stable over time and therefore are useful for informing future choices (i.e., interests) and action-oriented cognitions that are amenable to learning experiences and more likely to change (i.e., self-efficacy), as well as the qualitative assessment of the stories that people use to create meaning in their lives. Vocational interests are a common point of focus in career assessment. Vocational interests affect a person’s career explorations, choices, decisions, and actions. The predominant theory of vocational interests is the RIASEC model of vocational interests and

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work environments (Holland,  1997), which specifies interests as six domains: Realistic (R), Investigative (I), Artistic (A), Social (S), Enterprising (E), and Conventional (C). A person has different levels of these interests. For example, a person with high levels of R interests may have relatively little A interests, or vice versa. These interests may cluster into combinations that represent certain occupations. For example, the combination RI indicates predominantly stronger R followed by I interests, and relatively lower levels on the other four (A, S, E, and C). The RI combination is represented by such occupations as carpenter, automotive mechanic, or civil engineer. Resources like the American labour market database and the O*NET classification (National Center for O*NET Development, 2020) have categorised occupations in relation to these six vocational interests to aid individuals in exploring potential careers relevant to their vocational interests. For the purposes of career assessment, the six domains of vocational interests may be measured using questionnaires like the Personal Globe Inventory (Tracey, 2010), which has international, crosscultural applications (Glosenberg, Tracey, Behrend, Blustein, & Foster, 2019). Measured vocational interests are not only predictors of important career outcomes (Nye, Su, Rounds, & Drasgow, 2017) but also the grist of career exploration and decision-making. Self-efficacy is the agentic belief, ‘I can’. Self-efficacy influences a person’s thoughts about their present and future career expectations, as well as their career-related behaviours. Self-efficacy is not a general sense of self-confidence; rather, it is a domain-specific belief, expressed as an ‘I can do’ belief related to a specific domain of behaviour. A person with high self-efficacy for making decisions, for example, will likely commit to a path of action, whereas a person with low self-efficacy for making decisions may prevaricate and procrastinate, and ultimately not progress toward career goals. Self-efficacy is germane to the social cognitive paradigm that holds personal agency as its conceptual core (Bandura, 2001), and it is social cognitive career theory (Lent, 2013) that operationalizes self-efficacy as the predominant predictor of career behaviours, such as career exploration (Lent, Ezeofor, Morrison, Penn, & Ireland,  2016) and job search (Lim, Lent, & Penn, 2016). Typically, self-efficacy is assessed using specific questionnaire measures for a domain of career behaviour, such as job-search self-efficacy (Saks, Zikic, & Koen, 2015) or occupational self-efficacy (Rigotti, Schyns, & Mohr,  2008). In this way, a person’s career may be understood in terms of their beliefs that enhance adaptation to challenges. Qualitative assessment approaches that are focused on the gathering of life stories (McAdams, 1995) allow individuals to express and create their life as it is lived and ongoing, now, in the past, and in the future. Knowledge of a client’s life story provides career practitioners with an opportunity to better understand or assess the situation and support needs of the individual. From an idiographic perspective, career assessment facilitates the construction, collection, interpretation, and application of personal stories. Personal stories are enacted as individuals’ exploring, deciding, compromising, and making sense of their careers. ‘Career stories explain why individuals make the career choices that they do and the private meaning that guides these choices. They tell how the self of yesterday

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became the self of today and will become the self of tomorrow’ (Savickas, 2005, p. 58). There are a wide range of qualitative methods (McMahon & Watson, 2015) that use life stories as a part of career assessment. Self-reflective creative writing, for example, can be an effective assessment method to foster career exploration and identity (Lengelle, Meijers, Poell, & Post, 2014). Career Assessment in Higher Education We now turn to career assessment in higher education to explore its context and its ­applications, applying a specific focus on a topic that is a core concern for not only career development practitioners but also students, graduates, academics, universities, industries, and governments: employability (Römgens, Scoupe, & Beausaert, 2020). There is substantial theoretical, research, and practice literature about career development and employability (e.g., Maree, 2017); however, the term itself is contested and its conceptualization is certainly not settled in higher education discourse (Römgens et al., 2020). The employability debate attracts contributors from higher education and career psychology disciplines, each with its own epistemology and methodological preferences. Those in the higher education camp tend to conceptualise employability as a set of transferable skills and attributes that employers say they expect graduates to be able to apply (Oliver & Jorre de St Jorre,  2018). In their systematic literature review, Williams, Dodd, Steele and Randall (2016) referred to this conception as a ‘human capital dimension’ that provides ‘added functionality to the employer through an enhancement of the skills available to them’ (p. 887). The other broad camp, within the employability literature associated with career psychology, tends to emphasise either aspects of social capital, such as networking (Bridgstock,  2016; Hoye, Hooft, & Lievens,  2009), or psychosocial traits (Fugate, Kinicki, & Ashforth, 2004). Even where there is agreement that dispositional traits and behaviours, such as self-efficacy and adaptability, are worth developing within the curriculum as part of a career learning focus, identification of assessment as part of learning and  teaching programs that develop and assess is not straightforward. How to reframe assessment—career assessment—amidst these conceptions of employability is a significant challenge. The next sections offer examples of qualitative and quantitative approaches to career a­ ssessment that are focused on employability. A Qualitative Method to Assess Employability Students’ stories about their careers are essential to their finding meaning and purpose in their studies and work. Integrative approaches to career development extend the diagnostic moment of assessment into a process of career learning (Meijers & Lengelle, 2015) by helping clients draw out, revise, and enrich their life narratives. Life narratives are the means by which people understand and represent themselves, weaving together ‘the ­reconstructed past, the perceived present, and the imagined future’ (Adler et al., 2017, p. 519). In their life narratives, people express the idiographic meaning of their traits and

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c­haracteristic adaptations in the context of their own lives and cultures (McAdams & McLean, 2013). Life narratives are not only expressive of identity, but also constitutive, reflecting a person’s efforts at meaning-making and potentially exposing challenging boundary experiences (Hermans, Konopka, Oosterwegel, & Zomer,  2017; Meijers & Lengelle, 2012) that are causing them anxiety. If the stories we tell about ourselves to others reveal our narrative identity (McAdams,  1995), the stories we tell ourselves construct it (Hermans & HermansKonopka, 2010). Identity and meaning are constructed within the dialogue that forms the process of qualitative assessment. Dialogical approaches to careers and employability learning (Meijers & Lengelle,  2015) seek to support clients through the internal and ­interpersonal learning processes of creating, testing, and revising their career narratives, particularly through expressive, reflective, and creative career writing (Healy, McIlveen, & Hammer,  2018; Lengelle, Meijers, & Hughes,  2016). These narrative approaches are e­ndowed with many of the empirically derived critical ingredients of career interventions: written exercises, individualised feedback and support from counsellors or educators, social learning and support, values clarification, and psychoeducation (Milot-Lapointe, Savard, & Corff, 2018; Whiston et al., 2017). Practitioners must consider how they use assessments to initiate narrative responses, as empirical research into the dimensions of narrative identity has highlighted how writing prompts may influence the resulting narratives (McLean et al., 2019). The assessment-asprompt can serve as the first step of a process that extends the individual assessment moment into a learning experience shared with others: co-constructing or uncovering the key elements of the story; deconstructing or opening up the story with exceptions or ­alternative points of view; reconstructing or developing schemas with which to make meaning from the story; and constructing or extending the story into the future by ­setting goals or making predictions (Brott, 2015). These steps guide the client through an exploration of the internal dialogues that constitute the emerging narrative (Meijers & Hermans, 2018), supporting the learning processes of reflection, decision-making, identity exploration, and positioning that underpin contemporary theories of career ­development and employability. A Quantitative Method to Assess Employability Universities infer employability from graduates’ experiences and employment outcomes. However, measuring experiences and employment rates does not enable institutions to understand the antecedents of employment or responsively design curricular interventions that affect outcomes. Thus, the psychometric assessment of employability antecedents (for example, dispositions, traits, and characteristic adaptions) is emerging in the research literature (Di Fabio, 2017). Dispositional employability is a psychosocial construct that is conceptualised to support proactive development of skill, knowledge, and other attributes important to employers (Fugate et al., 2004).

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The Australian Graduate Employability Scale (AGRADES) is a battery of questionnaires that measure dispositions and characteristic adaptations that are hypothesized to relate to employability. The core measures of AGRADES include: Dispositional Measure of Employability (DME; Fugate & Kinicki,  2008), subscales from the Career Futures Inventory–Revised (CFI-R; Rottinghaus, Buelow, Matyja, & Schneider,  2012), and the Job Search Self Efficacy scale (JSSE; Saks et al., 2015). The DME consists of five dimensions: work and career resilience, openness to change at work, work and career proactivity, career motivation, and work identity. In a study of unemployed jobseekers, those with a high score on DME engaged in more intensive job search behaviours than did those with a lower score (Tomas & Maslić Seršić,  2017). The CFI-R measures career adaptability. Subscales included in AGRADES are occupational awareness, negative career outlook, and career agency. McIlveen, Burton, and Beccaria (2012) found that a short-form version of the CFI partially operationalizes dispositional employability (Fugate & Kinicki,  2008). The JSSE scale is a two-dimensional scale measuring individual confidence in enacting job search behaviours and achieving outcomes related to job-seeking. AGRADES is administered as an online battery that a student can complete prior to attending a career counselling session or a career education workshop. A report is generated, with plain English descriptions of the core measures. The student’s scores for each subscale, as well as the average, low, and high scores for the population, are listed on the report. Interpretation of the results focuses on exploring the subscales where the scores are below or above average and considering how those scales might interact with others. For example, consider an archaeology student with a low score on openness to change combined with a high score on work identity. Such a profile may indicate that the student is fixated on a single career goal and potentially could be at risk of unemployment if, in a situation of labour market scarcity, she will not consider other options. The career development practitioner could test this hypothesis with the student by asking questions about her consideration of alternative career options and her understanding of current labour market demand for graduate archaeologists. To increase openness to change, the student could be encouraged to complete an activity, such as using LinkedIn to view the profiles of relevant professionals (Brown, Healy, Lexis, & Julien, 2019), attending to the nonlinear career paths experienced by many people, and noting the organizations employing staff with an archaeology degree. At a group level, AGRADES can be used as a learning activity in which students complete the survey and an educator debriefs the class on how to interpret their personalized report. Class discussions can explore students’ ideas about career self-management and the proactive career behaviours needed to identify and obtain work experience or graduate employment. For educators and career practitioners, AGRADES examined at a group level can provide data to identify appropriate interventions that support students’ development of their employability. If the results for a class indicate low levels of optimism,

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an intervention can be designed that assists students to boost their optimism and ­engagement with their studies. Advances in Career Assessment The psychological reality of an individual is a complex mixture of dispositional traits and characteristic adaptations, subjectively cohered by a life story. Consider the case of a person who completes a career assessment of vocational interests that produces six separate scores for each of the six RIASEC interests. From an idiographic perspective, that person’s interest scores for each interest could be compared with one another, or, from a nomothetic perspective, the scores could be compared to those of the general population. This hypothetical person may have a high Realistic score compared to lower a Social score, and these scores may be respectively higher or lower than the averages for that person’s demographic segment. However, merely comparing the person’s scores for one interest with another in the RIASEC model or comparing the person’s scores to population averages for the RIASEC model may not capture the whole picture of that person. Recent advances in person-centred psychometric theory and statistical analyses better capture the complexity of individuals. One approach to person-centred analysis in career assessment is latent profile analysis (LPA; McLarnon, Carswell, & Schneider, 2015). LPA is focused on grouping individuals into profiles based on the similarities in their responses to measured variables, for example vocational interests. As hypothesized by Holland (1997), individuals’ scores on each of the six RIASEC interests may be examined as combinations of scores that fall into profiles (for example, Realistic Investigative). LPA statistically models the hypothetical profiles. In LPA, individuals who share the same latent profile are similar to one another insofar as they share comparable response patterns on a set of observed variables. For example, one latent subgroup may capture individuals with predominantly higher levels of Realistic and Investigative interests (i.e., practical, hands-on, problem-solving) and relatively lower levels of the remaining interests, whereas another profile may be characterized by relatively higher Social and Enterprising interests (i.e., people-oriented, entrepreneurial). LPA goes further than combinations of one factor, however. Research demonstrates the utility of combining vocational interests with other salient career-related factors, such as personality dispositions (Armstrong & Anthoney, 2009; Wille & De Fruyt, 2013). For example, there may be distinct groups who have strong Realistic and Investigative vocational interests but who differ from one another in their personalities (for example, some with higher and lower levels of conscientiousness), and these commonalities and differences may combine into at least two distinct profiles. A group of students whose profile is strong in Realistic and Investigative interests, along with high levels of conscientiousness, may be disposed to careers that are practical and that require problem-solving and dogged persistence (such as engineering). Furthermore, their patterns of scores, as a distinct

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profile, may be very different from the patterns for other individuals whose scores cluster into another profile that is consistent with other Realistic and Investigative occupations but are more often associated with higher levels of a different trait, such as agreeableness in individuals disposed to occupations that are focused on people (such as nursing). Thus, in this hypothetical example, knowing the distinct profiles of interests and personality traits to which a student or client most likely aligns may inform explorations and decisions as part of career assessment. LPA provides the statistical capacity to generate potential subgroups and thereby to better enable practitioners to understand the complexities and nuances of students’ and clients’ careers. The potential utility of person-centred approaches and LPA to career assessment spans multiple theories and constructs, such as vocational interests (Perera & McIlveen,  2018), personality traits (Perera, Granziera, & McIlveen,  2018), and career adaptivity (Perera & McIlveen,  2017), as well as career adaptability (Hirschi & Valero, 2015), in educational and work contexts. A Caution on the Discourse of Career Assessment Career assessment that encompasses dispositional traits, characteristic adaptations, and life stories (McAdams, 1995; Rottinghaus & Miller, 2013; Savickas, 2005) is holistic and honours the complexity of a person in context. There are, however, limits on the conceptual, empirical, practical, and ethical remit of career assessment. Typology is inherent in career assessment. Unfortunately, a misreading of the scientific and technical discourse of typological career assessment is the notion that an assessment is akin to a diagnosis. Diagnosis is a categorical and definitive decision—a diagnosable condition is present, or it is not. Career assessment practice is awry when a practitioner presents a quasidiagnostic formulation that a client ‘is an XYZ type’, or, worse, the client uses categorical language to make sense of their career assessment as ‘I am an XYZ type’. Reification of a career assessment in diagnostic discourse is inappropriate and ethically questionable (McIlveen & Patton, 2006). Instead, the language of career assessment should speak to the latent and continuous quality of whatever career trait is purported and measured. Thus, rather than thinking and speaking in categorical terms, such as ‘I am an RIA’, it is more appropriate to speak in terms that represent multidimensionality of constructs, such as ‘I have high levels of scores for R, I, and A, compared to S, E, and C’. Thinking and speaking in categorical terms is convenient; however, subtle categorical slips reveal an epistemology that does not represent the science, technology, and ethical practice of psychological and educational measurement. To prevent potential misuses and abuses of career assessment, practitioners and users of career assessment should be mindful of the language used to promote the value of career assessment, to interpret and report on ­assessment outcomes, and to establish recommendations for interventions (McIlveen & Perera, 2019).

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Conclusion Theoretically, empirically, and practically justified approaches to quantitative and qualitative career assessment can contribute to personally meaningful assessment of career learning processes and outcomes. Career assessment goes some way to answering both the how and the what questions about knowing a person in generalizable terms common to, and shared by, many (such as dispositional traits and characteristic adaptions) and in particular terms unique to an individual (such as a life story). The ongoing challenge for career development practitioners is to demonstrate the scientific and ethical integrity of career assessment and its utility in many educational and workplace contexts. References Adler, J.  M., Dunlop, W.  L., Fivush, R., Lilgendahl, J.  P., Lodi-Smith, J.  P., McAdams, D.  P., . . . Syed, M. (2017). Research methods for studying narrative identity: A primer. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 8, 519–527. doi:10.1177/1948550617698202 American Educational Research Association, American Psychological Association, & National Council on Measurement in Education. (2014). Standards for educational and psychological testing. Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association. Armstrong, P. I., & Anthoney, S. F. (2009). Personality facets and RIASEC interests: An integrated model. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 75, 346–359. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.05.004 Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual Review of Psychology, 52(1), 1–26. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.52.1.1 Bridgstock, R. (2016). Graduate employability 2.0: Social networks for learning, career development and innovation in the digital age. Retrieved from http://www.graduateemployability2-0.com/wp-content/uploads/dlm_ uploads/2016/09/Graduate-employability-2-0-discussion-paper.pdf Brott, P. (2015). Qualitative career assessment processes. In M.  McMahon & M.  Watson (Eds.), Career assessment: Qualitative approaches (pp. 123–128). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense. Brown, J. L., Healy, M., Lexis, L., & Julien, B. L. (2019). Connectedness learning in the life sciences: LinkedIn as an assessment task for employability and career exploration. In R. Bridgstock & N. Tippett (Eds.), Higher education and the future of graduate employability: A connectedness learning approach (pp. 100–119). Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar. Di Fabio, A. (2017). A review of empirical studies on employability and measures of employability. In K. Maree (Ed.), Psychology of career adaptability, employability and resilience (pp. 107–123). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Fugate, M., & Kinicki, A. J. (2008). A dispositional approach to employability: Development of a measure and test of implications for employee reactions to organizational change. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 81, 503–527. doi:10.1348/096317907x241579 Fugate, M., Kinicki, A. J., & Ashforth, B. E. (2004). Employability: A psycho-social construct, its dimensions, and applications. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 65, 14–38. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2003.10.005 Glosenberg, A., Tracey, T. J. G., Behrend, T. S., Blustein, D. L., & Foster, L. L. (2019). Person-vocation fit across the world of work: Evaluating the generalizability of the circular model of vocational interests and social cognitive career theory across 74 countries. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 112, 92–108. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2019.01.002 Healy, M., McIlveen, P., & Hammer, S. (2018). Use of My Career Chapter to engage students in reflexive dialogue. In F. Meijers & H. Hermans (Eds.), The dialogical self theory in education: A multicultural perspective (pp. 173–187). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Hermans, H. J. M., & Hermans-Konopka, A. (2010). Dialogical self theory: Positioning and counter-positioning in a globalizing society. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Hermans, H.  J.  M., Konopka, A., Oosterwegel, A., & Zomer, P. (2017). Fields of tension in a boundarycrossing world: Towards a democratic organization of the self. Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science, 51, 505–535. doi:10.1007/s12124-016-9370-6

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Hirschi, A., & Valero, D. (2015). Career adaptability profiles and their relationship to adaptivity and adapting. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 88, 220–229. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2015.03.010 Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Odessa, FL: Psychological Assessment Resources. Hoye, G., Hooft, E.  A.  J., & Lievens, F. (2009). Networking as a job search behaviour: A social network  perspective. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 82, 661–682. doi:10.1348/ 096317908X360675 Larson, L. M., Bonitz, V. S., & Pesch, K. M. (2013). Assessing key vocational constructs. In B. W. Walsh, M.  L.  Savickas, & P.  J.  Hartung (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology: Theory research and practice (pp. 219–248). New York, NY: Routledge. Lengelle, R., Meijers, F., & Hughes, D. (2016). Creative writing for life design: Reflexivity, metaphor and change processes through narrative. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 97, 60–67. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2016.07.012 Lengelle, R., Meijers, F., Poell, R., & Post, M. (2014). Career writing: Creative, expressive and reflective approaches to narrative identity formation in students in higher education. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 85, 75–84. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2014.05.001 Lent, R. W. (2013). Social cognitive career theory. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling putting theory and research to work (2nd ed., pp. 115–146). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Lent, R. W., Ezeofor, I., Morrison, M. A., Penn, L. T., & Ireland, G. W. (2016). Applying the social cognitive model of career self-management to career exploration and decision-making. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 93, 47–57. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2015.12.007 Lim, R. H., Lent, R. W., & Penn, L. T. (2016). Prediction of job search intentions and behaviors: Testing the social cognitive model of career self-management. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 63, 594–603. doi:10.1037/ cou0000154 Maree, J. G. (Ed.). (2017). Psychology of career adaptability, employability, and resilience. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. McAdams, D.  P. (1995). What do we know when we know a person? Journal of Personality, 63, 366–396. doi:10.1111/j.1467–6494.1995.tb00500.x McAdams, D. P., & McLean, K. C. (2013). Narrative identity. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 22, 233–238. doi:10.1177/0963721413475622 McCrae, R.  R., & Costa, P.  T. (2003). Personality in adulthood: A five-factor theory perspective (2nd ed.). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. McIlveen, P. (2015). My Career Chapter and the Career Systems Interview. In M. McMahon & M. Watson (Eds.), Career assessment: Qualitative approaches (pp. 123–128). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. McIlveen, P., Burton, L. J., & Beccaria, G. (2012). A short form of the Career Futures Inventory. Journal of Career Assessment, 21, 127–138. doi:10.1177/1069072712450493 McIlveen, P., & Patton, W. (2006). A critical reflection on career development. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 6, 15–27. doi:10.1007/s10775-006-0005-1 McIlveen, P., & Perera, H. N. (2019). Abuse and misuse of psychometrics as a threat to vocational psychology. In J. A. Athanasou & H. N. Perera (Eds.), International handbook of career guidance (pp. 721–724). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. McLarnon, M.  J., Carswell, J.  J., & Schneider, T.  J. (2015). A case of mistaken identity? Latent profiles in vocational interests. Journal of Career Assessment, 23, 166–185. doi:10.1177/1069072714523251 McLean, K. C., Syed, M., Pasupathi, M., Adler, J. M., Dunlop, W. L., Drustrup, D., . . . McCoy, T. P. (2019). The empirical structure of narrative identity: The initial big three. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 119, 920–944. doi:10.1037/pspp0000247 McMahon, M., Patton, W., & Watson, M. (2017). My System of Career Influences (2nd ed.). Brisbane, Australia: Australian Academic Press. McMahon, M., & Watson, M. (Eds.). (2015). Career assessment: Qualitative approaches. Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. Meijers, F., & Hermans, H. J. M. (2018). Dialogical self theory in education: An introduction. In F. Meijers & H. J. M. Hermans (Eds.), The dialogical self theory in education: A multicultural perspective (pp. 1–18). Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Meijers, F., & Lengelle, R. (2012). Narratives at work: The development of career identity. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 40, 157–176. doi:10.1080/03069885.2012.665159

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Meijers, F., & Lengelle, R. (2015). Career learning: Qualitative career assessment as a learning process in the construction of a narrative identity. In M. McMahon & M. Watson (Eds.), Career assessment: Qualitative approaches (pp. 41–48). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. Milot-Lapointe, F., Savard, R., & Corff, Y.  L. (2018). Intervention components and working alliance as predictors of individual career counseling effect on career decision-making difficulties. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 107, 15–24. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2018.03.001 National Center for O*NET Development. (2020). O*NET OnLine. Retrieved from https://www.onetonline.org Nye, C. D., Su, R., Rounds, J., & Drasgow, F. (2017). Interest congruence and performance: Revisiting recent meta-analytic findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 98, 138–151. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2016.11.002 Oliver, B., & Jorre de St Jorre, T. (2018). Graduate attributes for 2020 and beyond: recommendations for Australian higher education providers. Higher Education Research & Development, 37, 821–836. doi:10.1080 /07294360.2018.1446415 Perera, H. N., & McIlveen, P. (2017). Profiles of career adaptivity and their relations with adaptability, adapting, and adaptation. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 98, 70–84. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2016.10.001 Perera, H. N., Granziera, H., & McIlveen, P. (2018). Profiles of teacher personality and relations with teacher self-efficacy, work engagement, and job satisfaction. Personality and Individual Differences, 120, 171–178. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2017.08.034 Perera, H. N., & McIlveen, P. (2018). Vocational interest profiles: Profile replicability and relations with the STEM major choice and the Big-Five. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 106, 84–100. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2017.11.012 Rigotti, T., Schyns, B., & Mohr, G. (2008). A short version of the Occupational Self-Efficacy Scale: Structural and construct validity across five countries. Journal of Career Assessment, 16, 238–255. doi:10.1177/1069072707305763 Römgens, I., Scoupe, R., & Beausaert, S. (2020). Unraveling the concept of employability, bringing together research on employability in higher education and the workplace. Studies in Higher Education, 45, 2588–2603. doi:10.1080/03075079.2019.1623770 Rottinghaus, P.  J., Buelow, K.  L., Matyja, A., & Schneider, M.  R. (2012). The Career Futures Inventory– Revised: Measuring dimensions of career adaptability. Journal of Career Assessment, 20, 123–139. doi:10.1177/1069072711420849 Rottinghaus, P. J., & Miller, A. D. (2013). Convergence of personality frameworks within vocational psychology. In B. W. Walsh, M. L. Savickas, & P. J. Hartung (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology: Theory, research, and practice (4th ed., pp. 105–131). New York, NY: Routledge. Saks, A.  M., Zikic, J., & Koen, J. (2015). Job search self-efficacy: Reconceptualizing the construct and its measurement. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 86, 104–114. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2014.11.007 Savickas, M. L. (2005). The theory and practice of career construction. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (pp. 42–70). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Savickas, M. L. (2011). Career counseling. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Tomas, J., & Maslić Seršić, D. (2017). Searching for a job on the contemporary labour market: The role of dispositional employability. Scandinavian Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 2, 1–13. doi:10.16993/sjwop.9 Tracey, T. J. G. (2010). Development of an abbreviated Personal Globe Inventory using item response theory: The PGI-Short. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 76, 1–15. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2009.06.007 Whiston, S. C., Li, Y., Goodrich Mitts, N., & Wright, L. (2017). Effectiveness of career choice interventions: A meta-analytic replication and extension. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 100, 175–184. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2017.03.010 Wille, B., & De Fruyt, F. (2013). Vocations as a source of identity: Reciprocal relations between Big Five personality traits and RIASEC characteristics over 15 years. Journal of Applied Psychology, 99, 262–281. doi:10.1037/a0034917 Williams, S., Dodd, L. J., Steele, C., & Randall, R. (2016). A systematic review of current understandings of employability. Journal of Education and Work, 29, 877–901. doi:10.1080/13639080.2015.1102210 Yoon, H. J., Hutchison, B., Maze, M., Pritchard, C., & Reiss, A. (Eds.). (2018). International practices of career services, credentials, and training. Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association.

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C H A PT E R

23

Client-Centred Career Development Practice: A Critical Review

Barbara Bassot

Abstract The purpose of this chapter is to question and critique the concept of client-­centredness, which is often taken for granted in careers work. Client-­centredness has been at the heart of ethical career development practice for many years, to the point that it has become accepted as a given by many professional practitioners. On the surface, questioning it seems unwise and even unthinkable, but at a deeper level it is important to consider its flaws, the limitations it can sometimes place on professional practice, and the ethical dilemmas that can then ensue. Some potential challenges in relation to client-­centredness and professional codes of ethics are highlighted. The chapter concludes with a theoretical model that seeks to reposition the concept of client-­centredness in a way that recognises the culture of the client, the factors at play in clients’ lives, and the labour market context in which clients are making career decisions. Keywords: client-­centred, career counselling, career development, culture, context

Introduction Career development practice began to adopt a client-­centred approach around the middle of the 20th century, and the concept has now become enshrined in many relevant codes of practice around the world (Career Development Institute [CDI], 2019; Career Industry Council of Australia,  2019; International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance [IAEVG], 2017). The term career development practice is used throughout this chapter because it usefully describes the interpersonal interventions that practitioners have with their clients; these often happen at an individual level but can also take place in groups. The concept of client-­centredness began to come to the fore following the publication of the work of Rogers (1951) and developmental approaches that focus on the career of the individual (Super,  1957). Prior to that, career development practice was heavily influenced by trait- and factor-­matching approaches (Holland, 1985; Parsons, 1909), and indeed such approaches are still in use today, with Holland’s Self-­Directed Search ­questionnaire being readily available to complete online (Open-­Source Psychometrics Project, 2019).

Client-­ centredness has its roots in Rogers’ humanistic personal counselling (Rogers, 1951), which at the time of its publication was revolutionary. It represented a distinct move in thinking from theory where the practitioner is seen as the expert, to an emphasis on the importance of what clients see in themselves. Client-­centredness grew as a reaction against psychoanalysis and behaviourism. In the psychoanalytic approach, practitioners are viewed as the experts in interpreting what clients are saying, and they share their perceptions with the clients (Freud, 1910). In the behaviourist approach, the focus is on the prediction and control of behaviour, all of which is learned (Skinner, 1938). The behavioural therapist uses their expertise to design a program to help the client to eliminate their maladaptive behaviours. By contrast, in a client-­centred approach, the client is the expert on the subject of their own life. In current times, the terms client-­centredness and person-­centredness are often used interchangeably in the field of personal counselling, and this is potentially confusing. Whilst both terms are closely linked, it is important to question whether they are exactly the same. The term client-­centredness is often used to include ‘a view of the therapeutic relationship as experienced by the client’ (Tudor & Worrall,  2006, p. 2). Later, the term person-­centredness began to be used to indicate a wider view of the client as a person, and this also includes a recognition that the therapist is a person, too. The term person-­ centredness also began to be used more broadly outside of the context of therapy (for ­example, in education and health). For the purposes of this chapter, the term clientcentredness is used because it is more commonly used in career development practice. Rogers (1951) argued that all individuals have a strong desire to self-­actualise—that is, to achieve to their full potential. In this regard, his work appears to have much in common with that of Maslow (1943) and his early work on the hierarchy of needs (Thorne,  2012). Rogers saw personal growth as being at the core of the counselling process and argued that individuals need the right conditions for this to happen; he ­highlighted the core conditions of empathy, congruence, and unconditional positive regard (Westergaard,  2017). These core conditions form ‘the interpersonal climate that foster what Rogers called the actualising tendency’ (Joseph, 2003, p. 304). The actualising tendency is what motivates people to grow and develop and is seen as innate in everyone. When the core conditions are present, a practitioner with effective counselling skills (for example, active listening, challenging, summarizing, and paraphrasing) can enable the client to engage with their actualising tendency to bring about change through critical reflection on their own lives. This is best put in Rogers’ own words: ‘Individuals have in themselves vast resources for self-­understanding and for altering their self-­concepts, basic attitudes, and self-­directed behavior; these resources can be tapped if a definable climate of facilitative psychological attitudes can be provided’ (Rogers, 1980, p. 115). Another key idea associated with client-­centredness is being nondirective. If the client is the expert on their own life, it is not for the counsellor to suggest or direct in any way, but the onus is on the client to discover the way forward. In order to do this, however, the

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client needs to be committed to the process and active within it. Without this commitment, the process will not be successful. The overall goal is for the client to achieve greater independence and to cope better with situations they face now and in the future; they must not in any way be dependent on the counsellor. All of this is achieved through a process of deep reflection supported by a conducive interpersonal climate. Critiques of the Concept of Client-­Centredness In order to critique the concept of client-­centredness, it is important to have an understanding of Rogers’ background. Barret-­Lennard (1998) described Rogers’ family as ‘middle-­class, religiously strict and socially conservative’ (p. 2) and the development of his work can be seen as a response to this, and indeed a reaction against it. Rogers embraced more liberal approaches in his twenties during the time of the Great ­ Depression, particularly following his attendance at the World Student Christian Conference in Beijing (then Peking), China. The conference itself focused on intercultural understanding and seems to have had a strong influence on Rogers’ thinking, particularly in relation to the value placed on a range of human experiences, something that is likely to have clashed with his narrow upbringing. Following the conference, Rogers diverged from his parents’ intellectual and religious perspectives. Thorne (1990) proposed that Rogers rejected Christianity, at least in part, because of the difficulty he had with the doctrine of original sin; his core condition of unconditional positive regard can be seen to be in direct opposition to this. The client-­centred approach was developed during the 1950s in the United States in a spirit of optimism and contains many positive elements (Burnard, 1999). However, this perspective may neglect the experience of those who encounter high levels of poverty, dep­ ri­va­tion, and discrimination (for example, on the grounds of ethnicity). In light of this, it has been argued that Rogers’ work can appear ‘overly optimistic, with its emphasis on freedom and potential’ (du Plock, 1996, p. 44). It rarely takes into account the difficult realities of the client experience. In addition, there is a lack of focus on the client’s environment and the impact this can have on the way the client perceives themself and the world they inhabit (Ryan, 1995). The concept of client-­centredness has been widely accepted in and outside the United States, particularly in parts of the Western world like the United Kingdom. Its progress in Europe has been carefully tracked by Thorne (1998), who argued that it is strong in some areas (for example, Austria, Scandinavia, and Switzerland), and gaining strength in others (for example, Portugal and Spain). Thorne also pointed to its growth in countries that were part of the Soviet bloc. However, some writers have argued that the concept did not transmit well to Europe at that time (and even now), as a spirit of pessimism prevailed following World War II. Rogers (1982) himself addressed this in a published response to a letter from Rollo May. Speaking of the rise of Hitler and the evidence of ‘evil behaviour so obviously present in our world’ (p. 87), Rogers argued that everyone has a capacity for

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evil and that the two elements of social conditioning and personal choice convert it into action or inaction. He refuted the notion that client-­centredness fails to address negative issues, such as anger and hostility. In his critique of client-­centredness, Masson (1988) questioned whether the core conditions are possible with all clients; for example, can unconditional positive regard be maintained with a client with a conviction for serious crime, such as rape? Rogers (1959) acknowledged that a relationship with a client can deteriorate, or fail to develop for some reason, and he argued that therapists do not, and indeed cannot, always experience unconditional positive regard when working with clients. In this instance, he described the positive regard as ‘selective’, as distinct from unconditional (Rogers, 1959, p. 237). He also stated that empathy will not always be achievable in some circumstances. In such i­ nstances, the therapist suspends judgement of the client to remain neutral. However, writers like Corey, Schneider Corey, and Callanan (2007) argued that therapeutic neutrality is impossible to achieve, and they raised some significant questions. For example, can counsellors keep their values outside their sessions in all circumstances, and if this is possible, is it desirable? They pointed to the concept of reflexivity, described as counsellors being sufficiently self-­aware to be able to set their own values to one side and not to allowing them to impinge on the client. In situations where this is not possible, they argued that practitioners need to express their position openly to the client. As Corey et al. (2007, p. 9) ­asserted: ‘No therapy is value free. You have an ethical responsibility to be aware of how your beliefs, or lack thereof, affect your work and to make sure you do not unduly influence your clients’. As discussed previously, Rogers’ (1951) view was that everyone has a strong desire to self-­actualise. However, the drive for self-­actualisation seems to vary from person to person, and it is questionable whether everyone has such a drive. Maslow’s (1954) overall argument was that fulfilling needs, including self-­actualisation, which sits at the top of his hierarchy of needs, is a genetic drive. Maslow’s work has been heavily criticised and, as Neher (1991) pointed out, there are counterarguments to, and contradictions of, this position in Maslow’s own work. Some people are content to inhabit the lower levels of Maslow’s pyramid, where their physiological, safety, and relationship needs are met, and they do not recognise ‘self-­actualisation’ as a ‘need’. Geller described theories of self-­actualisation as having a deep and lasting impact on ‘the development of the human potential movement and its vast subculture of seekers and healers committed to self-­exploration and self-­development’ (Geller, 1982, p. 57). He also argued that it was appealing because of the general landscape at the time. He argued that, after World War II, evidence of hope for the future was lacking, ethical and religious scepticism was becoming rife, and many had become disillusioned with social and political institutions. He saw self-­ actualisation theory as returning to the optimism of the Enlightenment, which focused on positive elements of human nature. In short, it offered some good news in extremely difficult times.

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Difficulties With the Application of Client-­Centredness In many countries, career development practice has adopted a client-­centred approach since the middle of the 20th century, and with limited critique of the concept (Bassot, 2011). Many career development courses include significant elements of counselling training, including an understanding of the Rogerian approach. Particularly in the United Kingdom, trainees and students are often taught counselling skills, with some using a client-­centred model, such as Egan’s three stages (Egan & Resse, 2018), as a way of putting the skills into practice. This focuses on helping the client to tell their story, exploring a range of relevant issues, setting goals, and planning action to meet the goals. Throughout, the client is at the centre of the process, and practitioners are required to be nondirective in relation to career preferences and choice. It is important to emphasise at this point that career development practice is not the same as personal counselling. Professionals in careers work, whilst having good generic counselling skills, also have specialised knowledge of areas like labour market trends, entry requirements, and qualifications. Helping clients to take a strategic approach to put themselves in the best possible position to succeed in their chosen field is at the heart of professional practice. This is rarely simple or straightforward, as often multiple routes are available into a single area of work. Sometimes it is evident that clients are more likely to be successful via some routes than others, and, in these situations, the idea of being totally nondirective raises crucial ethical questions for practitioners. Here, congruence (or being genuine with the client) seems to demand that these views be shared, but all too easily the focus then shifts from the client as the expert on their life to the practitioner as the expert on the labour market and the education system. Here, sensitive questioning can be ­replaced by telling. When practitioners are totally nondirective, they may feel that they are not truly helping their clients if they do not share their knowledge and instead require that clients find all the ‘answers’ themselves. Client-­centredness casts clients as the experts, but this in turn requires individuals to be knowledgeable, and, as Solberg (2011) noted, professional ­dilemmas can occur when such knowledge is not evident. In a complex labour market, clients need support in researching their career and many do not enter career counselling with sufficient knowledge to conduct such research. Equally, with so many education and employment options available, it is also impossible for professional practitioners to be knowledgeable about all of them. It is also clear that, when the client takes ownership of the process and is an active participant in it, it is likely that more will be achieved in career development (Amundson, Parker, & Arthur, 2002). Other challenges to client-­centredness are evident in outcome-­driven contexts, such as public employment services and welfare-­to-­work settings where payment is based on the numbers of clients entering work or training (Lindsay & Mailand, 2004). Sultana and Watts (2006, p. 43) highlighted the tensions when ‘tight labour markets pit the ­client-­centred ethic against the job-­placement imperative’. In a parallel debate about

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client-­centredness in social work, Murphy, Duggan, and Joseph (2013) argued that client-­centred approaches and social work practice are incompatible because of the statutory responsibilities of professional practitioners. However, such incompatibility has yet to be shown in the field of career development practice. Schools and colleges can also present challenges to client-­centredness if they want their students to continue their studies in situ because it maximises institutional funding. Such institutions can also either directly or indirectly promote particular opportunities (such as higher education) to make their own destination data appear more positive. In England, the Gatsby Benchmarks (Gatsby Charitable Foundation, 2014, p. 7) stated that: ‘All pupils should understand the full range of learning opportunities that are available to them. This includes both academic and vocational routes and learning in schools, colleges, universities and . . . the workplace’. This benchmark was introduced to safeguard impartiality after schools were given responsibility for giving students access to independent career development interventions. Other challenges to client-­centredness are evident in cultures with a strong focus on collectives. In such cultures, the wishes of family and community are often considered to be more important than those of the individual. Much has been written regarding the need for career development practitioners to have strong cultural awareness. Leong and Hartung (2000) presented a useful review of literature published on this topic up to the end of the 20th century. Recently, Arthur’s work has become prominent in this area (Arthur, 2016; Arthur & Collins, 2011), particularly her culture-­infused career counselling model (Arthur,  2018). However, Sultana (2014) argued that in many cases such ­approaches will serve to maintain the status quo as cultural practices are reinforced. This presents significant challenges for practitioners seeking to promote equality. Many professional codes of practice that highlight the importance of client-­centredness also include requirements in relation to issues of equality. The Ethical Standards of the IAEVG state that practitioners must strive for social justice and ‘recognize the obligation to advocate for the provision of equitable opportunities in educational and vocational guidance’ whilst working ‘to address oppressive social and structural inequalities’ (IAEVG, 2017). Some codes take things further, discussing the practitioners’ responsibility to ‘identify and work to overcome systemic biases that limit people’s career development’ (Career Industry Council of Australia,  2019, p.17) and asking practitioners to actively promote equality (CDI, 2019). Ethical dilemmas can emerge when, for example, female clients express interest in stereotypical occupations that often trap women in low-­paid work. When such clients present with strong interests in predominantly low-­paid areas, such as cosmetology and childcare, should practitioners simply apply a client-­centred approach and focus on the interests and desires of the client? Watts (1997) described this as a liberal approach. In the United Kingdom, the CDI code demands that practitioners be active in  promoting ‘equality and diversity and work(ing) towards the ­removal of barriers to personal achievement resulting from prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination.’ (CDI, 2019).

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This raises an ethical dilemma, because one part of the code calls for client-­centredness, whilst another encourages practitioners to challenge the clients’ assumptions and to engage them with new ways of thinking about themselves in the world. In instances like this, challenging the status quo by widening the horizons of the client seems appropriate and is described by Watts (1997) as a progressive approach. It is worth considering whether career development practice is client-­centred or opportunity-­centred. Particularly during times of economic recession, the labour market can appear to dictate what people can achieve (Roberts, 2009). Indeed, the opportunity structure will always be a factor, as employers have the power to hire and fire and clients do not, whilst some argue that, from a client-­centred perspective, individuals have the power to shape their career by taking advantage of opportunities as they present themselves (Hall, 2002). Hodkinson, Sparkes, and Hodkinson (1996), in their work on ‘pragmatic rationality’, argued that people make their decisions within their ‘horizons for action’. These are formed by cultural context, notions people have about themselves combined with knowledge of the opportunities around them, and their perceptions from their life histories regarding what they feel they can achieve. Whilst Hodkinson and colleagues’ own research showed these ‘horizons for action’ tended overall to restrict choice, much has been published since that shows that peoples’ horizons can be broadened in different ways; for example, through mentoring programmes (Dworking, Maurer, & Schipani, 2012) and careers programmes (Hutchinson, Rolfe, Moore, Bysshe, & Bentley,  2011). Whether career development practice is client-­centred or opportunity-­centred, difficulties emerge in professional practice. Clients who present with career interests that appear very difficult to achieve can be encouraged through sensitive questioning to challenge their own position. The Role of Critical Reflection Rogers (1959) argued that enabling a client to engage in critical reflection is central to the counselling process. Critical reflection is a deeper kind of thinking than we are used to engaging with in everyday life, and four particular aspects of it are worth noting. First, it is a process in itself; it takes time and will not happen automatically or in a rush. Second, it involves evaluating strengths, weaknesses, likes, and dislikes, leading to an assessment of the current position. Third, critical reflection fosters a greater level of self-­awareness. And fourth, critical reflection is a skill that can be developed with practice. Effective career development practice engages clients in a process of deep reflection as they consider their current position and where they might like to be. Practitioners work effectively when they help a client to think at a deep level. This can include encouraging the client to reflect on how they feel about their future (Boud, Keogh, & Walker, 1985; Gibbs,  1998) and any assumptions they might be making (Argyris,  1982; Argyris & Schön, 1974), in particular, any limiting assumptions that might hinder their development (Bassot, 2017). Well-­known techniques, such as asking open questions, active listening, and summarizing, can help clients engage with the process of critical reflection

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(Culley & Bond, 2011). Hypothetical questions can be particularly effective in challenging clients to think at a deeper level. All these skills can be described as critical reflection enablers. Summary The concept of client-­centredness, therefore, presents many challenges to career development practice in several key areas. Clashes in ethical codes between client-­centredness and promoting equality are significant, and being nondirective with clients who do not necessarily have the career knowledge they need seems problematic. There are also questions regarding whether the core conditions can be applied in every situation, and there is a need to recognise the influence of the client’s cultural context. All of this must be considered within the opportunity structure of the time and situation, and the role of critical reflection needs to be highlighted. In light of this, a model is needed that has critical reflection at its heart and focuses on not only clients but also their cultural context and the opportunities available to them. The Critical Model of Client-­Centred Career Development It is important to rethink the concept of client-­centredness in career development practice and to propose a more critical model. A focus on the individual concerned continues to be an important aspect of career development, but this cannot be the whole picture. To broaden the concept of client-­centeredness, a new model is proposed (see Figure 23.1)

Critical Reflection

Individual

Critical Reflection

Opportunities

Context

Critical Reflection

Figure 23.1  The critical model of client-­centred career development.

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that supplements the focus on the individual with recognition of the client’s cultural ­context and the wider opportunity structure. Effective support for the client requires the career development practitioner to recognise all three of these aspects and to attend to the relationships among them. Individual A focus on the individual continues to have significant importance, as clients will usually be more motivated to succeed when the focus is on their interests and desires. Here, the needs, wants, and wishes of the clients are important. As they reflect on themselves and their current and future position, clients gain greater self-­awareness. This focus helps the practitioner to build empathy and a high level of trust, which enables clients to take action to move forward from their current position. Cultural Context No individual client lives in isolation from their cultural setting, and this second aspect will often come into sharp focus in career development practice. The views of parents and families, teachers, and employers will all be influential, as will societal norms, which have a more general and often nuanced influence on what people do and why. Reflection on some or all of these is a vital part of the process, as clients often wrestle with strong pressures to compromise, or even conform, in order to fit in with what is generally e­ xpected of them. Opportunities If clients are going to succeed, they need to be aware of where particular opportunities exist and how the labour market operates; they will then be able to position themselves to their greatest advantage. Without such knowledge, they might make decisions that do not work in their favour and miss openings into their chosen career areas. Being aware of ­opportunities is a key part of strategic career decision-­making. Using the Model All three elements of the model are evident in all career development interactions, but depending on the client, the balance among them will vary. Clients whose collectivist culture argues that family members have a strong say in someone’s future may want to pay more attention to family influences. Those from a more individualised culture may wish to pursue their own preferences, with less reference to others. Those who have experienced difficulties, such as a period of unemployment or redundancy, may wish to focus more on the opportunities available. Figure 23.1 shows that all three elements of the model overlap at the centre of the circle; this is where, through critical reflection, the client can navigate all three as they seek to develop their career. Critical reflection is embedded within and around the whole

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proc­ess. The key role of the practitioner is to help clients to think about themselves, their cultural influences, and the opportunities available to them, with the practitioner using well-­developed interpersonal skills to serve as a critical reflection enabler. Conclusion The critical model of client-­centred career development shows that focusing on the individual alone is insufficient. A solely individualistic focus, which requires clients to be the experts in their own career development, may neglect the wider context within which clients live. The critical model demonstrates the need to work with clients by paying due attention to their cultural context and their relationship to the opportunity structure, in order to help them make progress in their thinking about career. Career development practice is skilful and requires professionals working with the critical client-­centred model to assess which of the three areas requires most focus. Some clients will need support in reflecting deeply on one particular area, whilst others may need help in examining two areas or even all three. Critical reflection is at the heart of career development practice, and the effective use of counselling skills to enable this proc­ ess of reflection is vital. It is only when all three aspects are considered that clients will be able to make maximum progress in their career development. References Amundson, N. E., Parker, P., & Arthur, M. B. (2002). Merging two worlds: Linking occupational and career counselling. Australian Journal of Career Development, 11, 26–35. doi:10.1177/103841620201100314 Argyris, C. (1982). Reasoning, learning and action: Individual and organizational. San Francisco, CA: JosseyBass. Argyris, C., & Schön, D. (1974). Theory in practice: Increasing professional effectiveness. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Arthur, N. (2016). Constructivist approaches to career counselling: A culture-infused perspective. In M. McMahon (Ed.), Career counselling: Constructivist approaches (pp. 54–64). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Arthur, N. (2018). Career development theory and practice: A culture-infused perspective. In N. Arthur & M. McMahon (Eds.), Contemporary theories of career development: International perspectives (pp. 180–194). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Arthur, N., & Collins, S. (2011). Infusing culture in career counselling. Journal of Employment Counselling, 48, 147–149. doi:10.1002/j.2161–1920.2011.tb01098.x Barrett-Lennard, G. T. (1998). Carl Rogers’ helping system: Journey and substance. London, UK: SAGE. Bassot, B. (2011). Equality: Work in progress or simply a ‘pipe dream’? Insights from a social constructivist perspective. In L. Barham & B. A. Irving (Eds.), Constructing the future: Diversity, inclusion and social justice (pp. 5–17). Stourbridge, UK: Institute of Career Guidance. Bassot, B. (2017). Action without action planning: The potential of the Career Thinking Session in enabling transformational career learning and development. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 45, 391–401. doi:10.1080/03069885.2017.1335855 Boud, D., Keogh, R., & Walker, D. (1985). Reflection: Turning experience into learning, London, UK: RoutledgeFalmer. Burnard, P. (1999). Carl Rogers and postmodernism: Challenges in nursing and health sciences. Nursing and Health Sciences, 1, 241–247. doi:10.1046/j.1442–2018.1999.00031.x Career Development Institute. (2019). Career Development Institute—Code of ethics. Stourbridge, UK: Author. Retrieved from https://www.thecdi.net/write/Documents/Code_of_Ethics_update_2018-web.pdf Career Industry Council of Australia. (2019). Professional standards for Australian career development practitioners. Retrieved from https://cica.org.au/wp-content/uploads/cica_prof_standards_booklet.pdf

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Corey, G., Schneider Corey, M., & Callanan, P. (2007). Issues and ethics in the helping professions (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Thomson Brooks/Cole. Culley, S., & Bond, T. (2011). Integrative counselling skills in action (3rd ed.) London, UK: SAGE. du Plock, S. (1996). The existential-phenomenological movement, 1834–1995. In W.  Dryden (Ed.), Developments in psychotherapy: Historical perspectives (pp. 29–61). London, UK: SAGE. Dworking, T. M., Maurer, V., & Schipani, C. A. (2012). Career mentoring for women: New horizons/expanded methods. Business Horizons, 55, 363–372. doi:10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.001 Egan, G., & Resse, R. J. (2018). The skilled helper: A problem-management and opportunity-development approach to helping. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning. Freud, S. (1910). Five lectures on psycho-analysis. Celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the foundation of Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts. London: The Hogarth Press and The Institute of Psychoanalysis. Gatsby Charitable Foundation. (2014). Good career guidance. London, UK: Author. Geller, L. (1982). The failure of self-actualisation theory: A critique of Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 22, 56–73. doi:10.1177%2F0022167882222004 Gibbs, G. (1998). Learning by doing: A guide to teaching and learning methods. Oxford, UK: Further Education Unit, Oxford Polytechnic. Hall, D. T. (2002). Careers in and out of organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. Hodkinson, P., Sparkes, A. C., & Hodkinson, H. (1996). Triumphs and tears: Young people, markets and the transition from school to work. London, UK: David Fulton. Holland, J. (1985). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Hutchinson, J., Rolfe, H., Moore, N., Bysshe, S., & Bentley, K. (2011). All things being equal? Equality and diversity in careers education information, advice and guidance. London, UK: Equality and Human Rights Commission. International Association of Educational and Vocational Guidance. (2017). IAEVG ethical standards. Retrieved from https://iaevg.com/Resources#Ethical_S Joseph, S. (2003). Why the client knows best. The Psychologist, 16, 304–307. Leong, F. T. L., & Hartung, P. J. (2000). Cross cultural career assessment: Review and prospects for the new millennium. Journal of Career Assessment, 8, 391–401. doi:10.1177%2F106907270000800408 Lindsay, C., & Mailand, M. (2004). Different routes, common directions? Activation policies for young people in Denmark and the UK. International Journal of Social Welfare, 13, 195–207. doi:10.1111/1468-2397.00069-i1 Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50, 370–396. https://psycnet.apa. org/doi/10.1037/h0054346 Maslow, A. H. (1954). Motivation and personality. New York. NY: Harper and Brothers. Masson, J. (1988). Against therapy: Emotional tyranny and the myth of psychological healing. London, UK: Collins. Murphy, D., Duggan, M., & Joseph, S. (2013). Relationship-based social work and its compatibility with the person-centred approach: Principled versus instrumental perspectives. British Journal of Social Work, 43, 703–719. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcs003 Neher, A. (1991). Maslow’s theory of motivation: A critique. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 31, 89–112. doi:10.1177/0022167891313010 Open-Source Psychometrics Project. (2019). Holland code RIASEC test. Retrieved from https://openpsychometrics. org/tests/RIASEC/ Parsons, F. (1909). Choosing a vocation. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Roberts, K. (2009). Opportunity structures then and now. Journal of Education and Work, 22(5), 355–368. doi:10.1080/13639080903453987 Rogers, C. (1951). Client-centred therapy: Its current practice, implications and theory. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Rogers, C.  R. (1959). A theory of therapy, personality, and interpersonal relationships, as developed in the client-centered framework. In S. Koch (Ed.), Psychology: A study of a science (Vol. 3, pp. 184–256). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Rogers, C. R. (1980). A way of being. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Rogers, C. R. (1982). Reply to Rollo May’s letter to Carl Rogers. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 22(4), 85–89. doi:10.1177/002216788202200407 Ryan, R. M. (1995). Psychological needs and the facilitation of integrative processes. Journal of Personality, 63, 397–427. doi:10.1111/j.1467–6494.1995.tb00501.x

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Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms. Cambridge, MA: B. F. Skinner Foundation. Solberg, J. (2011). Activation encounters: Dilemmas of accountability in constructing clients as ‘knowledgeable’. Qualitative Social Work, 10, 381–398. doi:10.1177/1473325011409478 Sultana, R. (2014). Guidance for social justice in neo-liberal time. In G. Arulmani, A. J. Bakshi, F. T. L. Leong, & A. G. Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 317–334). New York, NY: Springer. Sultana, R., & Watts, A. G. (2006). Career guidance in public employment services across Europe. International Journal for Educational and Vocational Guidance, 6, 29–46. Super, D. E. (1957). The psychology of careers. New York, NY: Harper Row. Thorne, B. (1990). Spiritual dimensions in counselling: Editor’s introduction. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 18(3), 225–232. doi:10.1080/03069889008253575 Thorne, B. (1998). The person-centred approach in Europe: Its history and current significance. In B. Thorne & E. Lambers (Eds.), Person-centred therapy: A European perspective. London, UK: SAGE. Thorne, B. (2012). Carl Rogers (3rd ed.). London, UK: SAGE. Tudor, K., & Worrall, M. (2006). Person-centred therapy: A clinical philosophy. London, UK: Routledge. Watts, A. G. (1997). Socio-political ideologies in guidance. In A. G. Watts, B. Law, J. Killeen, J. M. Kidd, & R. Hawthorn (Eds.), Rethinking careers education and guidance: Theory, policy and practice (pp. 225–233). London, UK: Routledge. Westergaard, J. (2017). An introduction to counselling skills: Counselling, coaching and mentoring. London, UK: SAGE.

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C H A PT E R

24

Career Counselling Effectiveness and Contributing Factors

Susan C. Whiston

Abstract This chapter explores the research related to whether career counselling is effective for individuals with vocational issues. In particular, there is considerable empirical support for career counselling related to career choice issues and searching for employment. Hence, practitioners can use this evidence to convince administrators, policymakers, parents, students, and other constituencies of the worth of career counselling. In addition, the chapter provides empirical evidence that practitioners can use to improve their effectiveness in working with people with career issues. This discussion mainly focuses on the results from older and newer meta-­analyses regarding the ingredients that have a significant influence on effect sizes or the critical ingredients in career counselling. For example, there is considerable evidence that support from individuals, including the counsellor, may play an important role in the effectiveness of career counselling. Other factors that contribute to effective practice are also identified and discussed. The chapter further explores the need for additional research that addresses the most effective methods for providing career counselling. As the world of work becomes increasingly complex, it is important that researchers continue to explore the most effective strategies for assisting people in finding satisfying, meaningful, and productive work. Keywords: career counselling, meta-­analysis, evaluation, effectiveness, career choice, employment search

Introduction Readers of this chapter may know someone who has a career issue and may wonder if career counselling can help this individual. It is not unusual for people from many cultures to experience difficulties related to work and to want assistance in addressing those issues—for example, adolescents concerned about their occupational direction or adults dissatisfied with their current employment (Whiston, Fouad, & Juntunen, 2016). This chapter summarizes the research related to whether career counselling is effective and identifies specific components of career counselling that research indicates make it more effective. Although there may be many factors that can influence the effective practice of career counselling (e.g., career practitioners’ knowledge of employment trends), in this chapter I argue that practitioners should strongly consider outcome research and what has developed in the United States as the evidence-­based practice movement (Mudford,

McNeill, Walton, & Phillips, 2012). In evidence-­based practice, the practitioner examines outcome research in which interventions are evaluated and clients are assessed to determine if the intervention was useful. The practitioner then decides if there is sufficient evidence to warrant using this intervention with clients. This approach, I argue, is in the best interest of the client because the interventions have been tested and found to help clients; therefore, the chances of harming a client are greatly diminished. Evidence-­based practice for career development is further explored by Robertson (this volume). Does Career Counselling Work? Before examining whether career counselling is effective, it is important to define career counselling. A frequently used definition is that of Spokane and Oliver (1983), who use the more inclusive term vocational interventions and define them as any treatment or effort intended to enhance an individual’s career development or to enable the person to make better career-­related decisions. This is a broad definition that includes more than individual career counselling; it also includes groups, workshops, and computer-­assisted ­interventions. In examining whether career interventions or counselling are effective, we are fortunate to have a long history of research that documents the efficacy of career counselling (Brown, 2015; Whiston & James, 2013; Whiston & Rose, 2015). Most of these reviews cite the meta-­analytic analyses of interventions designed primarily to assist individuals in making career choices. Meta-­analysis is a quantitative approach in which the researcher retrieves information on the effectiveness of career counselling from each study and then combines results from different studies statistically to examine the overall effectiveness of career counselling. What is retrieved from each study is an effect size in which typically the mean of the control group is subtracted from the treatment group, which is then divided by the pooled standard deviation of the groups. Hence, this effect size provides an indication of whether the treatment group scored higher than the control group on the outcome measures. These individual effect sizes are then combined statistically with effect sizes from other studies, and researchers can then produce an overall effect size. This overall effect size is quite important because it provides an indicator of whether the combined treatment group consistently scored better than the control group on the outcome measures. As indicated previously, most of the meta-­analytic studies of career counselling have focused on helping individuals make career decisions, and these meta-­analyses have concluded that career interventions vary in effectiveness and that average effect sizes tend to range from approximately 0.30 to 0.40 (Brown & Ryan Krane, 2000; Whiston, Li, Mitts, & Wright, 2017; Whiston, Sexton, & Lasoff, 1998). The most recent of the meta-­analyses found an overall effect size of 0.35 (Whiston et al., 2017). Overall effect sizes in this range indicate that, on average, the treatment group scored approximately one-­third of a stand­ ard deviation higher on the outcome measures compared to the control group. In interpreting an average effect size, it is important to consider the outcome measures used.

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Researchers in the past (i.e., during the 1980s and 1990s) tended to use measures of career maturity and career decidedness (Brown & Ryan Krane, 2000; Whiston, 2002), whereas outcome studies published since 2000 have more frequently involved measures of career decision-­making self-­efficacy (Whiston et al., 2017). According to Savickas (1984), career maturity broadly refers to an individual’s readiness to make informed, age-­appropriate career decisions and to cope with career developmental tasks. Career decision-­making self-­efficacy concerns one’s level of confidence in making a career decision (Betz, Klein, & Taylor,  1996). Some have criticized career counselling researchers for not using more ­germane or “real-­world” outcome measures, such as reduced unemployment or increased job satisfaction (Whiston & Rahardja, 2008). Although many researchers have focused on intervention to assist individuals with career decision-­making, another line of research regarding the effectiveness of career counselling concerns helping people who are searching for employment. In terms of job search interventions, Liu, Huang, and Wang (2014) found that the odds of obtaining employment were 2.67 times higher for job seekers participating in job search interventions compared to job seekers in the control group. This is a different method of calculating an average effect size because it involves odds ratios, but it provides compelling evidence that job search interventions tend to be quite effective. Indeed, it may be argued that the outcome research indicates job search interventions can be highly effective and career choice interventions tend, on average, to be less effective; however, both groups of interventions vary in effectiveness depending on the components that are included in the career counselling. Ingredients of Effective Career Counselling Because the research indicates that the effectiveness of career counselling varies d ­ epending on the components or the critical ingredients of the career counselling, it seems incumbent on the practitioner to consider these ingredients in the counselling they ­provide. In my view, there is sufficient research on the effective ingredients for career counselling related to job search issues, career choice, or selection counselling. Job Search Counselling For many individuals, securing employment, either for the first time or after being terminated from a job, is a critical process that affects both their economic and their social welfare. Moreover, other individuals may be looking for alternative employment that may provide a more sustainable and satisfying life. In order to assist unemployed individuals, Liu et al. (2014) conducted a meta-­analysis of 47 studies to evaluate the effectiveness of job search counselling, and their results provide important insights into how to effectively assist people in gaining employment. They found that those individuals who received ­effective job search counselling were 2.67 times more likely to have secured employment compared to those who did not receive services. Effective job search counselling was found to contain six specific ingredients: teaching job search skills, improving self-­presentation,

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boosting self-­efficacy, encouraging proactivity, promoting goal setting, and enlisting social support. Of particular importance to practice, Liu et al.’s findings also indicated that the positive effects from job search interventions only occurred when the programs included both job search skills and motivational enhancement. The finding that job search counselling is only effective if it contains both skill development and motivational enhancement is a critical result that should influence the delivery of job search counselling. In terms of delivery of skill development interventions, there are some insights into the specifics on increasing effectiveness. Of the six critical ingredients (i.e., teaching job search skills, improving self-­presentation, boosting self-­efficacy, encouraging proactivity, promoting goal setting, and enlisting social support), teaching job search skills and improving self-­presentation are directly applicable to the general category of skill development. Hence, it seems job search counselling interventions should include the teaching of job search skills, such as résumé writing and networking. Moreover, research indicates that improving self-­presentation, such as including mock interviewing, tends to be relevant to the area of skill development. In implementing job search counselling, practitioners should also include the general area of motivational enhancements. Again, the findings regarding specific ingredients provide the practitioner with some assistance in intervention development. Practitioners should consider interventions designed to boost self-­efficacy, such as having clients identify their areas of strength. It should be remembered that self-­efficacy concerns the individual’s belief in their ability to complete a specific task or behaviour (Bandura, 1986); thus, the intervention needs to be implemented so that clients focus on boosting efficacy beliefs that are germane to their individual career development. Another critical ingredient, encouraging proactivity, involves inspiring participants to actively widen the types of positions considered and encouraging methods for attaining pertinent information (e.g., cold calling). Also concerning the general area of motivational enhancement, the specific ingredient of promoting goal setting may have relevance for many clients. Finally, Liu et  al. (2014) found that enlisting social support was a critical ingredient in job search counselling. As discussed later, the topic of support is a continual theme in the career counselling outcome research. On another note, although some practitioners may believe that stress may play a role in impeding job search activities, stress management interventions were not found to be one of the critical ingredients. Another finding from Liu et al.’s (2014) evaluation of the effectiveness of job search intervention is that not all job seekers benefit equally from job search interventions. For example, they found that job search intervention tended to help younger and older applicants more than middle-­aged job seekers. Liu et al. speculated that younger and older workers may have less knowledge and exposure to job hunting and, therefore, may benefit more from learning job search skills. These authors also found that job seekers with special needs appeared to benefit more from job search assistance compared to those without special needs. This finding emphasizes the importance of providing job search counselling

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to those with special needs who may not have easy access to those services and providing services in locations that are accessible. Furthermore, Liu et al. found that there was a relationship between effectiveness of the intervention and the amount of time being unemployed, such that those who had been unemployed for longer tended to have less positive outcomes than those who had been unemployed for less time. Other research has supported the need for different interventions for those who have experienced long-­term unemployment (Toporek & Cohen, 2017). Career Choice Counselling Before discussing the critical ingredients in counselling related to career choice, I ­acknowledge that the opportunity structures available to individuals vary within countries and throughout the world (Whiston, Fouad, et al.,  2016), and not all individuals can easily select a job that they find meaningful (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, & Guichard, 2019; Duffy, Blustein, Diemer, & Autin, 2016). This discussion of how to help individuals with career decision-­making is not intended to diminish the importance of social advocacy work and the critical need to expand the opportunities available to those who have been marginalized in society. Another issue concerns our ability to generalize from the career counselling research to marginalized communities, as much of the research on how to assist people with career decision-­making has been conducted with college students (Whiston et al.,  2017). Researchers’ continual use of college student samples may be ­related to many of the studies being conducted by academics in settings in which college students are readily available. It may also be related to a more subtle bias of many researchers and practitioners, who have a penchant for working with highly motivated, capable, and agential individuals, which are attributes of many college students. Therefore, readers should be strongly encouraged to conduct more research evaluating career interventions for populations that have typically been underserved and that may not have the same ­opportunity structures typically afforded to college students. The research related to the critical components of career choice counselling is slightly more difficult to disentangle because the findings from two meta-­analyses are somewhat different. Brown and Ryan Krane (2000) reported on the results of Ryan’s (1999) dissertation in which she conducted a series of meta-­analyses that examined whether career interventions influenced the outcomes of vocational interest congruence, vocational identity, career maturity, career decision-­making self-­efficacy, perceived environmental supports, perceived career barriers, and career choice goals. For readers unfamiliar with the outcome measure of vocational interest congruence, these studies typically measure the degree of relation between results of an interest inventory and an indicator of occupational direction. Whiston et al. (2017) replicated Brown and Ryan Krane’s study and conducted a separate meta-­analysis for each of the outcomes listed previously (they also found a small number of studies that used outcome expectations as an outcome measure). Whiston et al. conducted their meta-­analyses on more recent research (i.e., studies

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published between 1996 and 2015), whereas Brown and Ryan Krane included studies published earlier than 1996. Both Brown and Ryan Krane (2000) and Whiston et al. (2017) were interested in which ingredients in career choice counselling had an influence on these measures of ­effectiveness, and they analysed which of 18 specific factors contributed to larger effect sizes. In the case of Brown and Ryan Krane, there were only a sufficient number of studies to conduct the moderator analyses of the 18 specific factors with the outcome measure of career maturity whereas in the case of Whiston et al., there were only enough studies to conduct moderator analyses with the outcome measure of career decision-­making self-­efficacy. It may be that this difference in outcome measures may explain the differences found in critical ingredients by Brown and Ryan Krane and those factors found by Whiston et al., which are explored later. Brown and Ryan Krane (2000) identified five critical ingredients in career counselling: workbooks and written exercises, individual interpretation and feedback, in-­session occupational information exploration, modelling, and provision of support (these are ­described in detail later). Interestingly, they found that counselling that included none of the critical ingredients resulted in an effect size of only 0.22, whereas adding one, two, and three of the critical ingredients resulted in effect sizes of 0.45, 0.61, and 0.99, respectively. In the type of meta-­analysis conducted by Brown and Ryan Krane, an effect size indicates the average difference between the experimental and control groups. Therefore, an effect size of 0.22 is small and means that the experimental group is less than one-­fourth of a standard deviation larger than the control group, whereas an effect size of 0.99 means the experimental group is almost a full standard deviation larger than the control group. Brown et al. (2003) explored whether this precipitous increase in effect sizes was due to longer treatment (i.e., more ingredients) or related to the specific ingredients found by Brown and Ryan Krane. To test this hypothesis, they examined randomly generated combinations of the other ingredients and tested whether adding more of any ingredients was better. Interestingly, no patterns emerged when these other ingredients were analysed, and there were no dramatic increases in effect sizes comparable to those when critical ingredients were combined. The following discussion provides an overview of Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) five critical ingredients in career choice counselling; however, interested readers are directed to Brown et al. (2003) for a thorough examination of these ingredients. Regarding the critical ingredient of workbooks and written exercises, some researchers have speculated that having individuals write down their responses, compared to simply stating them verbally, motivates people to give more structured responses and to think more carefully about the implications. Brown et al. suggested that workbooks or written exercises can be improved if practitioners have clients focus on comparing occupations or occupational fields if the clients are younger, and then near the end of the process have clients write down specific goals and strategies for achieving those goals. In my view, vocational psychologists should

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begin to research differing approaches to written exercises in order to develop empirically based written exercises for different developmental levels. It also may be that as we better understand neurological functioning, we can structure written exercises so that they correspond to the underlying cognitive processes that promote effective career decision-­making. In career counselling, career assessments have traditionally played a significant role (Osborn & Zunker, 2015). Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) second critical ingredient is individual interpretation and feedback, which indicates that standardized assessment results should be discussed individually with each client. By providing individualized interpretations and feedback to clients, counsellors can then facilitate the writing down of goals and plans. A practitioner’s decision to provide assessment results individually seems wise because it is difficult to decipher clients’ understanding of the career assessments results when the results are interpreted in a group. Furthermore, it is easier to respond to client nonverbal reactions when the interpretation is provided individually. However, there is some contradictory evidence. Whiston and Rose (2013) concluded that although there is research indicating that clients clearly prefer career assessments to be interpreted individually, other research indicates that outcome does not differ between individual and group interpretations. It may be that certain career assessments (e.g., personality inventories) should be interpreted individually, and other assessments could be interpreted in a group format. Certainly, more research is needed regarding the efficacy of interpreting certain types of career assessments individually or in a group. Brown et al. (2003) also found support for the critical ingredient of in-­session occupational information exploration. Although many career counsellors routinely ask clients to access occupational information, not all counsellors consistently have clients access that information while in session. In addition, studies with larger effect sizes had the clients do more than simply read the occupational information; those studies involved interventions in which the clients actively engaged and analysed the occupational information (Brown et al., 2003). Using occupational information during a session is consistent with my own experiences in career counselling, in which clients often struggle to thoroughly digest occupational information and sometime miss relevant pieces of information. Also, exploring occupational information in session is consistent with Gore, Bobek, Robbins, and Shayne’s (2006) finding that when left to their own, clients often used computerised career exploration systems for significantly less time than the system designers had intended. Hence, by attending to occupational information within a session, the counsellor can control the degree to which the occupational information is explored and attend to a client’s reaction to that occupational information. Modelling may be the least understood of Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) critical ingredients because this ingredient concerns the modelling of the career decision-­making process. Counsellors should provide opportunities for clients to hear about the successful experiences of others, including past participants and guest speakers. Counsellors are also encouraged to disclose about their own career decision-­making experiences as a part of the

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modelling process. Note that modelling tends to be more effective when the person modelling effective career decision-­making is similar to the counselling participants in terms of personal characteristics (e.g., race/ethnicity and gender). The last critical ingredient identified by Brown and Ryan Krane (2000) is the provision of support. Provision of support concerns having the counsellor assist clients in focusing on the positive, recognizing their social network, and identifying people in that network who will support clients in their career objectives. Anyone who has felt substantial support for a career decision from someone of personal significance understands the weight of this critical ingredient. Rather than simply assessing the degree of a support network, this ingredient involves the identification of specific individuals who will be supportive of the career decision. As indicated previously, Whiston et al.’s (2017) replication of Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) meta-­analysis found somewhat different critical ingredients in career choice counselling. Note that Whiston et al. used the outcome of career decision-­making self-­efficacy in the moderator analyses because there was not a sufficient number of more recent studies that used career maturity as the outcome assessment. Whiston et al. found that three ingredients had the largest associated effect sizes: counsellor support, values clarification, and psychoeducational interventions. Counsellor support had an associated effect size of 0.83, whereas the effect sizes for values clarification and psychoeducational interventions were 0.52 and 0.51, respectively. The effect size for counsellor support is particularly noteworthy because it indicates that clients participating in interventions in which counsellor support was emphasized scored almost an entire standard deviation greater than those who did not receive counselling. The effect sizes for values clarification and psychoeducation interventions were not as substantial but still indicated that those in the intervention groups scored slightly more than half of a standard deviation greater than those in the control group. In order to understand the findings related to counsellor support, it is important to understand Whiston et al.’s coding system for that variable. The coding team would only code for counsellor support if the researchers in the study made specific and direct references in their description of the career intervention that the intervention provider specifically focused on emotionally supporting the participants. Therefore, the coding team only coded for counsellor support if the researchers stressed that emotional support was provided during the intervention process. I suggest that this finding regarding counsellor support may be interpreted in ­conjunction with the results from Whiston, Rossier, and Barón (2016), who examined the relationship between the working alliance and counselling outcome in individual career counselling. The career counselling literature has consistently used one of the more popular conceptualizations of the working alliance—Bordin’s (1979) tripartite model (Masdonati, Perdrix, Massoudi, & Rossier,  2014; Perdrix, de Roten, Kolly, & Rossier, 2010). Bordin proposed that the working alliance is constructed of three factors: agreement on goals, agreement on tasks, and the bond between the client and the counsellor.

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In summarizing the research in this area, Whiston, Rossier, et al. found that generally, the working alliance increases during the course of career counselling. They also found that most of the correlations between the working alliance and various outcome measures were significant and hovered around 0.30, which is consistent with findings related to the correlation between the working alliance and outcome in psychotherapy. Importantly, a substantial number of psychotherapy researchers have concluded that the working alliance, compared to other therapeutic techniques, explains the most variance in positive outcome (Gelso & Carter, 1994; Horvath, Del Re, Fluckiger, & Symonds, 2011). Career researchers should explore whether the working alliance plays such a dominant role in career counselling. In an interesting recent study, Milot-­Lapointe, Savard, and Le Corff (2018) found that written exercises and individual interpretation and feedback only had a significant effect on career decision-­making difficulty when the working alliance was either average or high. The second critical ingredient in career choice counselling found by Whiston et al. (2017) concerns values clarification activities. The exploration of values has historically been a part of the career counselling process (Pope, Flores, & Rottinghaus,  2014). As Harris-­Bowlsbey (2014) suggested, the career counselling process should include a thorough exploration of the client’s values, with an understanding that values are heavily influenced by culture. Therefore, the practitioner should be cautious not to inadvertently influence the exploration of clients’ values, particularly when counselling clients from a culture different than that of the counsellor. I have found the exploration and clarification of values to be one of the most rewarding aspects of career counselling because it is often gratifying to see clients grapple with their value systems and understand that their life will be demonstratively better if their vocational direction is consistent with their values. The third critical ingredient found by Whiston et al. (2017) was called by Ryan (1999) psychoeducation concerning the process of choice goal attainment. This ingredient was coded when the intervention involved the psychoeducational process concerning the steps in career choice decidedness, certainty, commitment, or satisfaction. Ryan specifically coded for this ingredient if the intervention was based on cognitive information processing theory (Sampson, Reardon, Peterson, & Lenz, 2004). In particular, a number of the studies in Whiston et al.’s meta-­analysis taught participants the steps in the CASVE model (communication, analysis, synthesis, valuing, and execution). There may be some link between Brown and Ryan Krane’s (2000) critical ingredient of modelling and Whiston et al.’s (2017) critical ingredient of psychoeducation regarding the “process of choice goals attainment” (Ryan, 1999, p. 117). It should be remembered that Brown and Ryan Krane’s ingredient involved the modelling of the career decision-­making process, whereas Whiston et al.’s ingredient of psychoeducation involved the teaching of choice goal attainment, which typically involved the teaching of the career decision-­making process. Thus, both ingredients reflect a need to focus on clients acquiring a process for which to make career decisions. These skills may be particularly important because

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individuals can expect to make multiple career decisions over their life span (Whiston, Fouad, et al., 2016), and having an effective process for making those decisions may prove to be particularly beneficial. For practitioners especially interested in career decision-­making interventions, Hechtlinger and Gati (2019) described and evaluated a workshop designed to reduce dysfunctional career decision-­making beliefs. Interestingly, this workshop was more effective for women than it was for men. In summarizing the critical factors that contribute to effective career counselling, it is important to note the number of times support, in various forms, was identified as a critical ingredient. It seems that support is critical in the career decision-­making process, and it also appears to be crucial in the job search process. Based on the findings from both Brown and Ryan Krane (2000) and Liu et al. (2014), the counsellor should structure the intervention so that each client identifies specific individuals who will support them in the career development process (i.e., support them in their job search process or support their career decision). It also appears that practitioners play a critical role in the career counselling process, as Whiston et al. (2017) found that counsellor support was the most significant critical ingredient in career choice counselling. In concluding this discussion of critical ingredients in career choice counselling, it is important to acknowledge that the ingredients of the career counselling may vary depending on the goal of the counselling (i.e., career maturity or career decision-­making self-­efficacy). As Super, Savickas, and Super (1996) contended, career maturity is difficult to assess in adulthood, and a better term may be career adaptability for adults. Therefore, the results related to career maturity may be more appropriate for adolescents and young adults, for whom the assessment of career maturity tends to be more sound (Savickas, 1984). Hence, for example, written exercises may be more appropriate for adolescents and young adults compared to adults. Likewise, exploration of values and dissemination of a career decision-­making model may be more appropriate when the goal is career decision-­making self-­efficacy. Although I suggest selecting interventions based on outcomes (career maturity vs. career decision-­making self-­efficacy), I conclude with a plea for more research using more direct measures of career counselling outcome (e.g., employment stability and school retention) compared to the more nebulous concept of self-­efficacy. Modality Differences In examining the effectiveness of career interventions, some practitioners and administrators are interested in whether there are differences in terms of modality of the counselling. For example, providing career counselling individually can be time-­consuming when a practitioner has a large caseload, and the practitioner may wonder about the efficacy of providing the interventions in groups. Consistently, individual career counselling has been found to be most effective (Whiston, 2002: Whiston et al., 1998, 2017); however, these results are based on a small number of studies. Whiston et al. (2017) found that at least in terms of number of research studies, there is a trend toward providing career intervention

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in a group format. Although Whiston et al. found individual career counselling to have a slightly larger effect size than group counselling, they also found an average effect size for group intervention of 0.59, which was larger than the overall average effect size of 0.35. Therefore, for practitioners for whom providing individual career counselling is prohibitive, providing career counselling in groups may be an efficacious choice. Probably the most significant study in this area of comparing modalities in career counselling is a meta-­analysis conducted by Whiston, Brecheisen, and Stephens (2003). Although they did not find many differences in modality, they did find an important difference that is worth noting. Whiston et al. found that counsellor-­free interventions were significantly less effective than any other modality. They also found that computerized career guidance systems were significantly more effective when counselling accompanied the use of these career guidance systems. This finding can have practical relevance because some organizations (e.g., schools) may direct funds toward computerized systems rather than investing in career practitioners even though this research indicates that practitioners play an important role in enhancing the experience for the client. Suggestions for Research When designing a study to evaluate the effectiveness of career counselling, a researcher should consider how effectiveness is going to be measured and whether the measure can assess something meaningful. Watts and Dent (2006) articulately argued that we need to devote more time and resources to examining the productivity of career guidance services. In industry, productivity is measured in terms of the rate of output per unit of input, which is the basis for determining whether the outcome merits the costs or efforts of the intervention. Productivity may depend on whether the individual is someone overseeing the provision of career services, a career counselling professional, or a client who is receiving services. For many administrators or policymakers, the question may not be whether an individual has increased career decision-­making self-­efficacy. They may be more interested in whether the career counselling produces more macro-­outcomes such as employment, university retention, postsecondary placement, or other outcomes that examine the cost-­effective nature of the intervention. Hence, researchers are encouraged to conduct more research on the effectiveness of career counselling and to select outcome measures that demonstrate that career counselling produces truly meaningful outcomes. In addition to using outcomes that are meaningful to multiple stakeholders, Verbruggen, Dries, and Van Laer (2017) argued that the outcomes used to evaluate the career intervention should match the goal of the career counselling. These authors challenged the “uniformity myth” in which researchers assume that the same outcome applies to all clients (e.g., all clients need to become more decided). They claimed that calls to assess the effectiveness of career interventions based on clients’ goals have been around for 40 years (Oliver, 1979; Watts & Kidd, 1978). Moreover, they found that there was a relationship between counselling goals and scores on related outcome measures, such that

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when the outcome measure was consistent with clients’ goals, clients tended to rate the intervention as being more helpful. Verbruggen et al. suggested that researchers use fully individualized outcome criteria based on clients’ initial goals in order to better measure levels of effectiveness. Whiston and Rahardja (2008) called for the development of treatment manuals by career counselling researchers, but the development of such manuals has been slow. In ­intervention research, researchers must demonstrate that the participants did in fact receive the intended intervention consistent with how the intervention was designed to be implemented, which is often called treatment fidelity. Frequently, treatment manuals are developed that guide the practitioner in providing the intended intervention. There are a limited number of treatment manuals in the career area, although Savickas (2015) has developed one for life design counselling, which is an encouraging trend. Other theorists, researchers, and practitioners are encouraged to develop additional treatment manuals, which can facilitate the evaluation of defined interventions. My final suggestion for research concerns the need for expanded inquiry internationally and with groups that have not typically received career counselling. Whiston et al. (2017) found that more career intervention research is being conducted internationally, but the bulk of research is still being done in North America. The career development needs may vary for a female adolescent living in rural Iceland compared to a middle-­aged male living in Hong Kong. There are issues of diversity within a country, and many researchers have argued for multicultural career counselling for diverse groups (Flores & Bike,  2014; Flores & Heppner,  2002). In terms of multicultural competencies, Vespia, Fitzpatrick, Fouad, Kantamneni, and Chen (2010) found that career counsellors tended to rate themselves as being above average. Note, however, that believing that one is culturally competent does not guarantee that one is indeed culturally competent. I reiterate the numerous calls for more research related to cultural competencies and understanding more about what works for whom, under what circumstance (Fretz,1981; Whiston & James, 2013). Conclusion There is substantial evidence that career counselling interventions are effective, p ­ articularly if the goal of the counselling is to assist with searching for a job or in choosing a career direction. In terms of job search interventions, these should include both job search skills and motivational enhancement in order to be effective. The critical ingredients in career choice counselling are slightly less definitive because there are different findings from two meta-­analyses (Brown & Ryan Krane,  2000; Whiston et al.,  2017). Of critical importance, both meta-­analyses found that support was critical; however, the source of the support differed. Brown and Ryan Krane determined that the counsellor should assist the client in identifying individuals who will be supportive of the client’s career direction, whereas Whiston et al. found that the counsellor’s direct support of the client during the career counselling process was most salient. Counsellors can also consider incorporating

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other critical ingredients found to influence effect sizes in their career counselling. Finally, researchers are encouraged to conduct more research related to helping individuals with issues related to work. References Bandura, A. (1986). The explanatory and predictive scope of self-efficacy theory. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 4, 359–373. doi:10.1521/jscp.1986.4.3.359 Betz, N. E., Klein, K. L., & Taylor, K. M. (1996). Evaluation of a short form of the Career Decision-Making Self-Efficacy Scale. Journal of Career Assessment, 4, 47–57. doi:10.1177/106907279600400103 Blustein, D. L., Kenny, M. E., Di Fabio, A., & Guichard, J. (2019). Expanding the impact of the psychology of working: Engaging psychology in the struggle for decent work and human rights. Journal of Career Assessment, 27, 3–28. doi:10.1177/1069072718774002 Bordin, E. S. (1979). The generalizability of the psychoanalytic concept of the working alliance. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, 16, 252–260. doi:10.1037/h0085885 Brown, S.  D. (2015). Career intervention efficacy: Making a difference in people’s lives. In P.  J.  Hartung, M. L. Savickas, & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), APA handbook of career intervention: Volume 1. Foundations (pp. 61–77). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Brown, S. D., & Ryan Krane, N. E. (2000). Four (or five) sessions and a cloud of dust: Old assumptions and new observations about career counselling. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology (3rd ed., pp. 740–766). New York: Wiley. Brown, S. D., Ryan Krane, N. E., Brecheisen, J., Castelino, P., Budisin, I., Miller, M., & Edens, L. (2003). Critical ingredients of career choice interventions: More analyses and new hypotheses. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 62, 411–428. doi:10.1016/S0001-8791(02)00052-0 Duffy, R. D., Blustein, D. L., Diemer, M. A., & Autin, K. L. (2016). The psychology of working theory. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 63, 127–148. doi:10.1037/cou0000140 Flores, L. Y., & Bike, D. H. (2014). Multicultural career counseling. In F. T. L. Leong, L. Comas-Díaz, G. C. Nagayama Hall, V. C. McLoyd, & J. E. Trimble (Eds.), APA handbook of multicultural psychology: Volume 2. Applications and training (pp. 403–417). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Flores, L. Y., & Heppner, M. J. (2002). Multicultural career counseling: Ten essentials for training. Journal of Career Development, 28, 181–202. doi:10.1023/A:1014018321808 Fretz, B. R. (1981). Evaluating the effectiveness of career interventions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 28, 77–90. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.28.1.77 Gelso, C. J., & Carter, J. A. (1994). Components of the psychotherapy relationship: Their interaction and unfolding during treatment. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 41, 296–306. doi:10.1037/0022-0167. 41.3.296 Gore, P. A., Bobek, B. L., Robbins, S. B., & Shayne, L. (2006). Computer-based career exploration: Usage patterns and a typology of users. Journal of Career Assessment, 14, 421–436. doi:10.1177/1069072706288939 Harris-Bowlsbey, J. (2014). The role of values in career choice and development. In M. Pope, L. Y. Flores, & P. J. Rottinghaus (Eds.), The role of values in careers (pp. 37–47). Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Hechtlinger, S., & Gati, I. (2019). Reducing dysfunctional career decision-making beliefs: Gender differences in the effectiveness of a group intervention. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 66(4), 449–460. doi:10.1037/ cou0000330 Horvath, A. O., Del Re, A. C., Fluckiger, C., & Symonds, D. (2011). Alliance in individual psychotherapy. Psychotherapy, 48, 9–16. doi:10.1037/a0022186 Liu, S., Huang, J. L., & Wang, M. (2014). Effectiveness of job search interventions: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 140, 1009–1041. doi:10.1037/a0035923 Masdonati, J., Perdrix, S., Massoudi, K., & Rossier, J. (2014). Working alliance as a moderator and a mediator of career counseling effectiveness. Journal of Career Assessment, 22, 3–17. doi:10.1177/1069072713487489 Milot-Lapointe, F., Savard, R., & Le Corff, Y. (2018). Intervention components and working alliance as predictors of individual career counseling effect on career decision-making difficulties. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 107, 15–24. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2018.03.001

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Mudford, O. C., McNeill, R., Walton, L., & Phillips, K. J. (2012). Rationale and standards of evidence in evidence-based practice. In P. Sturmey & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook of evidence-based practice in clinical psychology: Volume 1. Child and adolescent disorders (pp. 3–26). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Oliver, L. W. (1979). Outcome measurement in career counselling research. Journal of Counselling Psychology, 6, 217–226. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.26.3.217 Osborn, D. S., & Zunker, V. G. (2015). Using assessments results for career development (9th ed.). Belmont, CA: Cengage. Perdrix, S., de Roten, Y., Kolly, S., & Rossier, J. (2010). The psychometric properties of the WAI in a career counseling setting: Comparison with a personal counseling sample. Journal of Career Assessment, 18, 409–419. doi:10.1177/1069072710374583 Pope, M., Flores, L. Y., & Rottinghaus, P. J. (2014). The role of values in careers. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Ryan, N. E. (1999). Career counseling and career choice goal attainment: A meta-analytically derived model for career counseling practice. Doctoral dissertation, Loyola University, Chicago. Sampson, J. P., Jr., Reardon, R. C., Peterson, G. W., & Lenz, J. G. (2004). Career counseling and services: A cognitive information processing approach. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. Savickas, M. L. (1984). Career maturity: The construct and its measurement. Vocational Guidance Quarterly, 32, 222–231. doi:10.1002/j.2164-585X.1984.tb01585.x Savickas, M.  L. (2015). Life-design counseling manual. Retrieved from http://vocopher.com/LifeDesign/ LifeDesign.pdf Spokane, A. R., & Oliver, L. W. (1983). Outcomes of vocational intervention. In S. H. Osipow & W. B. Walsh (Eds.), Handbook of vocational psychology (pp. 99–136). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Super, D. E., Savickas, M. L., & Super, C. M. (1996). The life-span, life-space approach to careers. In D. Brown & L. Brooks (Eds.), Career choice and development (3rd ed., pp. 121–178). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Toporek, R. L., & Cohen, R. F. (2017). Strength-based narrative résumé counseling: Constructing positive career identities from difficult employment histories. Career Development Quarterly, 65, 222–236. doi:10.1002/cdq.12094 Verbruggen, M., Dries, N., & Van Laer, K. (2017). Challenging the uniformity myth in career counseling outcome studies: Examining the role of clients’ initial career counseling goals. Journal of Career Assessment, 25, 159–172. doi:10.1177/1069072716657797 Vespia, K. M., Fitzpatrick, M. E., Fouad, N. A., Kantamneni, N., & Chen, Y. (2010). Multicultural career counseling: A national survey of competencies and practices. Career Development Quarterly, 59, 54–71. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2010.tb00130.x Watts, A. G., & Dent, G. (2006). The “P” word: Productivity in the delivery of career guidance services. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling, 34, 177–189. doi:10.1080/03069880600583204 Watts, A. G., & Kidd, J. M. (1978). Evaluating the effectiveness of careers guidance: A review of the British research. Journal of Occupational Psychology, 51, 235–248. Whiston, S.  C. (2002). Application of the principles: Career counseling and interventions. The Counseling Psychologist, 30, 218–237. doi:10.1177/0011000002302002 Whiston, S. C., Brecheisen, B. K., & Stephens, J. (2003). Does treatment modality affect career counseling effectiveness? Journal of Vocational Behavior, 62, 390–410. doi:10.1016/S0001-8791(02)00050-7 Whiston, S. C., Fouad, N., & Juntunen, C. (2016). Guidelines for integrating the role of work and career into professional psychology practice. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved from https://www.apa.org/practice/guidelines/role-work-career.pdf Whiston, S. C., & James, B. N. (2013). Career choice promotion. In S. D. Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Career development and counseling: Putting theory and research to work (2nd ed., pp. 565–594). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Whiston, S.  C., Li, Y., Mitts, N.  G., & Wright, L. (2017). Effectiveness of career choice interventions: A meta-analytic replication and extension. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 100, 175–184. doi:10.1016/j. jvb.2017.03.010 Whiston, S.  C., & Rahardja, D. (2008). Vocational counseling process and outcome. In S.  D.  Brown & R. W. Lent (Eds.), Handbook of counseling psychology (4th ed., pp. 444–461). New York: Wiley. Whiston, S. C., & Rose, C. S. (2013). Test administration, interpretation, and communication. In C. Wood & D. G. Hays (Eds.), A counselor’s guide to career assessment instruments (6th ed., pp. 101–111). Broken Arrow, OK: National Career Development Association.

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Whiston, S. C., & Rose, C. S. (2015). Career counseling process and outcome. In M. L. Savickas, W. B. Walsh, & P.  J.  Hartung (Eds.), APA handbook of career interventions (pp. 43–60). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Whiston, S. C., Rossier, J., & Barón, P. M. H. (2016). The working alliance in career counseling: A systematic overview. Journal of Career Assessment, 24, 591–604. doi:10.1177/1069072715615849 Whiston, S. C., Sexton, T. L., & Lasoff, D. L. (1998). Career-intervention outcome: A replication and extension of Oliver and Spokane (1988). Journal of Counseling Psychology, 45, 150–165. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.45.2.150

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C H A PT E R

25

Evidence-Based Practice for Career Development

Peter J. Robertson

Abstract Evidence is essential to enable practitioners and services to best meet the needs of their service users. The concept of evidence-­based practice has been imported to career development, but its implicit medical model is problematic to apply to the social nature of the field. Evaluating the effectiveness of career development interventions presents formidable methodological challenges, not least the conceptual and definitional issues raised by the selection of outcome measures. The use of research evidence in policy and practice requires the synthesis and communication of findings to practitioners and stakeholders. Both policymaking and practice are political processes and research evidence is necessary but not sufficient to influence decision-­making. Knowledge generated from research can rarely be applied to career development practice without attention to multilevel contextual factors. To best inform practice, research evidence should be combined with local knowledge, practitioner experience, and input from service users. A simple integrated model of evidence-­based practice for career development interventions is presented. This model is suitable for adoption by reflective practitioners. Keywords: career development interventions, career services, evaluation, evidence-­based practice, outcomes, research

Introduction This chapter introduces the concept of evidence-­based practice and then explores some of its implications. Key issues in career development research are highlighted. This begins with the challenge of defining career outcomes, which must be addressed if there is to be any hope of assessing the effectiveness of services. The research methods to generate evidence are then explored in terms of the challenge of how to identify good research. The next challenge is how research evidence is collated and integrated to inform practice. Having addressed these key issues in research, the focus moves on to how research evidence is used. A brief discussion is provided of how research can feed into the policymaking process, and the limitations of its influence. In relation to practice, a case is made that research evidence alone is not adequate to form the ‘base’ for practice; rather, practitioners must integrate it with other kinds of knowledge, including an understanding of  the context for practice, and service users’ perspectives. The quasimedical notion of ­evidence is rejected in favour of a broader conception of evidence-­based practice for the

career development profession. A model for reflective practice is proposed that integrates research evidence with contextual knowledge and service users’ perspectives. Only a portion of career-­related research directly addresses the effectiveness of career development services. Many studies focus on observing, describing, and making sense of careers from a variety of perspectives. Descriptive research has a valuable role to play, but the focus in this chapter remains broadly on evaluative research. This means research into the effectiveness (Killeen,  2004) of a variety of activities, including career counselling, career assessment, career education, and related employment support. In the interests of brevity, these activities are collectively referred to as ‘interventions’. Evidence-­Based Practice: A Contested Field The term evidence-­based practice became influential in the late 20th century in training for the medical profession (for example, Evidence-­Based Medicine Working Group, 1992), in response to a perceived disconnect between treatment and the scientific knowledge base resulting in widespread use of ineffective or outdated procedures. The term spread to other health and helping professions, and to education and management. Evidence-­based practice has been defined as ‘the conscientious, explicit, and judicious use of current best evidence in making decisions regarding the welfare of service users. . .' (Webb, 2001, p. 61). It has been characterised as a five-­stage process (Nevo & Slonim-­Nevo, 2011): (i) formulating a practice question, (ii) searching for the best available evidence, (iii) appraising the evidence, (iv) applying the results, (v) evaluating the outcome. There is an attractive logic and simplicity to this process, but its obviousness has a drawback. Haug and Plant (2016) pointed out that the rationalist rhetoric of evidence-­based practice can be used to discredit other potentially useful perspectives as irrational. As will become ­apparent, the reliance on a research evidence base is not without problems. The Role and Identity of the Practitioner The model for the physician is unambiguously that of the ‘scientist-­practitioner’. This notion is also a feature of the identity of the mainstream psychology professions. It is rarely made explicit in the career development profession (an exception is Bernes, Bardick, & Orr,  2007), but it is implicit in some career counselling literature, where quasiclinical language can be found in the reporting of studies. It is by no means universally accepted that the scientist-­practitioner model is relevant to career development work, particularly among those approaching the field from a sociological or educational perspective. When Kidd, Killeen, Jarvis, and Offer (1994) asked if [career] guidance was an applied science, they were challenged by Bimrose and Bayne (1995), who argued it was an inappropriate question and that the notion of a ‘reflective practitioner’ was more suitable. Evidence and Theory The discourse of evidence-­based practice tends to neglect theory, or to imply that ­evidence can exist independently of a theoretical underpinning. All research draws on conceptual

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starting points, and the question is really whether the starting points are made explicit or remain unarticulated assumptions. Career development has become a theory-­rich field (see Yates, this volume, and McKenzie Davey, this volume) but some perspectives are more compatible with the rhetoric of evidence-­based practice than others. Scientific rationalism is most strongly embraced in the early differentialist approaches to vocational guidance: psychometric assessment informed recommendations of the choice of occupation. The evidence base tends to be skewed towards approaches that derive from branches of psychology that favour empiricism. For example, approaches to career development rooted in social cognitive approaches are advocated by theorists who enthusiastically embrace empirical psychology. It has perhaps the most impressive evidence base of any approach in the field (Betz, 2007; Gainor, 2006). Some other approaches tend to be less vigorous in generating evidence, but this is not in itself evidence that they are less effective. Research evidence cannot exist outside of a philosophical paradigm: it requires ontological and epistemological assumptions, and it is best if these assumptions are made explicit. Much of the empirical research in career development has adopted traditional or, broadly speaking, positivist perspectives. In recent years, there has been a growth in the use of antipositivist approaches, including constructivist and postmodern epistemologies (Rudolph, Zacher, & Hirschi, 2019), although often the ontological assumptions are not made explicit. Some approaches try to transcend the divide between positivist and antipositivist; for example, Haug and Plant (2016) and Robertson (2017) advocated for the value and relevance of a critical realist perspective, which combines a realist ontology with the possibility of multilayered, multiperspective understandings. A central challenge confronting any attempt to evaluate career development interventions is the question of what a ‘good’ career outcome is, and how it can be distinguished from a ‘bad’ outcome. This is a conceptual question, but it is also a moral question. Any answer offered will represent a values-­based choice and could be contested from a different moral position. Also, there is the question of assumptions made about causal mechanisms. A career intervention is an attempt to bring about change (for the better), and requires a ‘theory of change’ (Andrews & Hooley, 2018) or a chain of actions through which an intervention leads to impact. Theory addresses both ends and means. The Purposes and Ownership of Evidence Evidence does not exist independently in a social or intentional vacuum. It is generated by actors with a purpose in mind. One common distinction is between evaluations intended to judge the effectiveness of a service as opposed to those intended to generate information to improve the service. Borrowing educational terminology, this has been described as summative versus formative evaluation (Nassar-­McMillan & Conley,  2011). Although some projects are not to be repeated, so a final evaluation is possible, many serv­ices are ongoing, so this distinction can blur in practice. Perhaps the most important use of evidence is to inform the design of career development interventions. This could be at the

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level of the individual practitioner, at a service level, or at the highest level to inform public policy. Similar evidence can be used in the training of practitioners. One possible usage of evidence relates to the quality assurance and performance management processes of organisations providing career development support (Almeida, Marques, & Arulmani, 2014; Plant, 2004; Watts & Dent, 2006). These may be internally or externally assessed, and assessment may be either voluntary or as the mandatory requirement of government or funding agencies. A distinction can be made among seeking information about inputs (resources available), about processes (activities or interventions), or about outcomes (Baudouin et al., 2007; Hiebert, Schober, & Oakes, 2014). There is a tendency to rely on input and process information that is easy to access (Plant, 2012); outcomes are of most interest, but they are also the most problematic to define and capture. The Outcomes of Career Development Interventions Evaluation raises difficult issues about how we define career development (Maguire, 2004), and how we would recognise a good outcome, or distinguish it from a bad outcome. Many approaches to conceptualising outcomes have been proposed, and they embed conceptual and paradigmatic assumptions. The range of possibilities can be outlined in terms of distinctions that are commonly used in the literature. Levels of Analysis Levels of analysis represent a key distinction in the conceptualisation of outcomes, and they have been highlighted by a variety of sources, notably Hughes and Gration (2009a, 2009b). Most often the distinction is made among individual, institutional, and societal levels of analysis. Hooley (2014) distinguished five levels of outcome: individual, organisation, community, country, and international levels. Higher levels are particularly relevant to policy. Proximal and Distal Outcomes Career development interventions may be brief, but the ensuing processes unfold over time. Some authors (for example, Hughes & Gration, 2009a, 2009b) have found it useful to distinguish immediate, intermediate, and long-­term outcomes. Implicit in this perspective is a causal chain linking a service delivery event to an ultimate outcome. This sense is captured by Kirkpatrick’s (1994) approach to training evaluation, which has been adapted for application to career development services by several authors (Athansou,  2007; Hooley, 2014; Watts & Dent, 2006). Kirkpatrick identified four levels of outcome: reaction to the service (user satisfaction), learning outcomes, behavioural change, and results (economic and social outcomes). Outcomes at a level higher level of analysis are likely to be distal. Indeed, at any level, the full impacts of a career development intervention are likely to unfold over medium to long time scales, suggesting that evaluative research ­designs need to take this into account. Unfortunately, longitudinal research is rare, due to the practical challenges it presents.

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Outcomes Defined as Quantitative or Qualitative The debate about the relative merits of quantitative and qualitative methods can be found in the career development field (Perry, Dauwalder & Bonnett, 2009). Where quantitative methods are used, any attempt to capture the effectiveness of interventions must find a way to operationalise outcomes for measurement purposes. In work and organisational psychology, this challenge is known as the ‘criterion problem’. Some outcomes cannot be captured directly, and a proxy measure must be used. Fretz (1981) suggested a wide range of possible criteria for use in career research, and now the number of constructs available has grown considerably, so the selection of a criterion is difficult. Dunnette (1963) persuasively argued that industrial psychology should reject the notion of a single criterion in favour of multiple criteria, and sources relevant to career service evaluation concur (Clarke, 1980; Fretz, 1981; Oliver, 1979). This advice seems sound given the complexity of careers, and it may mitigate the limitations of quantitative approaches. Ideally, the multiple criteria chosen should have relevance to the nature and aims of the intervention (Watts & Kidd, 1978). Maguire (2004) suggested that practitioners are more interested in qualitative outcomes for their service users. Qualitative methods have great potential in career research (see Blustein, Kenna, Murphy, DeVoy, & DeWine,  2005), particularly in exploring relationships between process and outcomes, but they remain underrepresented in the published literature (Stead et al.,  2012). Consistent standards in reporting qualitative methods, in order to allow replication, would help with their acceptance (Lee, Mitchell, & Sablynski,  1999). Research questions are typically exploratory, so the kind of meaning service users place on their career outcomes does not need to be predetermined. Subjective and Objective Outcomes In the literature exploring career success, a distinction is made between subjective and objective success (Ng, Eby, Sorensen, & Feldman,  2005; Poole, Langan-­ Fox, & Omodie, 1993). Objective success is captured by indicators like pay and hierarchical status. Subjective success refers to an individual’s evaluation of their own career. A similar distinction is sometimes made between ‘soft’ outcomes and ‘hard’ outcomes, where the former relates to subjective and/or qualitative measures (such as career ­self-­efficacy), and the latter relates to objective quantitative measures (such as the achievement of a job outcome). This distinction is used in the context of active labour market programmes for the unemployed, where government funding agencies tend to demand ‘hard outcomes’ of the employment support services helping people from ­welfare into work. This approach may fail to capture the benefits of engagement in these programmes for those who face multiple barriers to employment but can still make gains (in confidence, for example) even if they do not obtain a job outcome. For this reason, credible ways of measuring soft outcomes and ‘­distance travelled’ have been sought (Barnes & Wright, 2019).

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Categories of Outcomes The different ways of conceptualising career outcomes can be grouped into economic, educational, psychological, and social outcomes. Economic Outcomes This important category of outcomes lends itself to quantification at individual, institutional, and national levels. A variety of authors have explored econometric evaluation (Hooley & Dodd, 2015; Hughes, Bosley, Bowes, & Bysshe, 2002; Killeen, 1992; Mayston, 2002). This area is addressed in detail by Dodd and Percy (this volume), so it is not ­discussed further here. Educational Outcomes With career development intimately linked to education, it is unsurprising that e­ ducational outcomes feature strongly in the literature. Typical outcome measures might include motivation to study, qualification achievement, progression, or reduced rates of drop-­out from study. A strong distinction can be made between broad approaches that capture impacts of career interventions on performance outcomes in academic and vocational education programmes, and a much more specific approach rooted in an understanding of career development as an educational process in its own right. In the British literature, a focus on the learning outcomes of career guidance has been an influential approach (Kidd & Killeen, 1992; Killen & Kidd, 1991). Measures of learning outcomes have proved to be a very attractive target for evaluation efforts because they often relate closely to the immediate goals of an intervention and the intentions of service providers (Killeen, 2004). That this approach has currency can be seen from the influence of ‘career management skills’ frameworks, such as the ‘Blueprint’ models found in the United States, Canada, and Australia, amongst other countries. These offer a way of conceptualising learning outcomes (Baudouin et al., 2007; Hooley, 2014). Psychological Outcomes A plethora of attitudinal, emotional, and behavioural variables have been used as outcome measures, particularly in career counselling research, including some constructs derived from psychotherapy. Measures of job search activity, job satisfaction, confidence, selfefficacy, and career adaptability are among the wide range of options available. Robertson (2013) has made a case for mental well-­being as an important subcategory of outcomes to measure. Social Outcomes A variety of socially desirable outcomes not captured by the other categories can be proposed. This category presents particularly difficult definitional challenges (Maguire, 2004), and consequently it is less well developed. At a policy level, social equity represents an

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important category of desired outcomes (Watts, 2008). Quality-­of-­life measures have been proposed; for example, Easton and van Laar (2014) suggested measuring the quality of working life post-­intervention. Another example of social outcomes is the reduction of recidivism in criminal offenders, as discussed by Robertson in this volume. Appraising the Quality of Evidence Research inevitably varies in its persuasiveness. The most persuasive evaluative research is that where the effects detected can be confidently attributed to the intervention. In medicine, it has become commonplace to adopt hierarchies of evidence, with research designs allocated to a level depending on how well they enable the attribution of causality to the treatment. Large, randomised controlled trials (RCT) are used in drug trials, and they are ‘double-­blind’, with neither researchers nor participants knowing who is receiving a treatment or a placebo. Double-­blind RCTs are viewed as the best study design, and to the extent that studies fall short of RCT best practice, they are seen as less trustworthy. Hughes and Gration (2009a, 2009b) adopted this conception for career guidance interventions, proposing a five-­level evidence hierarchy, locating research designs with strong counterfactuals at the higher levels. Adopting the methods of clinical drug trials to evaluate counselling interventions is an approach that has been criticised (Timulak, 2008). The problems of using experimental approaches in a career development setting have long been recognised (Killeen, 1996). Use of evidence hierarchies that privilege RCTs in career development research has also been criticised (Hiebert et al., 2014). Real-­life career service delivery settings do not lend themselves readily to experimental research, although quasi-­experimental designs are possible. There may be no entirely satisfactory control groups and placebos. Experimental samples often differ from real service-­user populations in ways that introduce systematic bias. RCT designs require that a standard ‘treatment’ intervention be provided to members of an experimental group. Individual career development work is hard to standardise because it adapts to individual requirements. Different clients may require different career information, or they may present different issues to explore in career counselling. Services are routinely tailored to individuals, and even group interventions commonly include an individual element. More importantly, career development programmes are typically a bundle of activities (Hooley, 2014), not a single isolated ‘treatment’. In the terminology of medical research, this makes them ‘complex interventions’, because they tend to involve multiple components combined in ways tailored to the individual (Medical Research Council, 2008). This makes the process of research design challenging, and it causes difficulty in isolating the impact of interventions or in identifying the ‘active ingredients’. Lack of clarity and standardisation in the reporting of intervention methods in career research is also an obstacle to interpretation. Hierarchies of evidence, such as that adopted by Hughes and Gration (2009a, 2009b), seem to imply that qualitative research to capture service users’ perspectives offers the

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weakest level of evidence. This fails to recognise an important perspective in evaluation, and the potential of qualitative research, such as Bimrose and Barnes’s (2006) longitudinal study of the outcomes of adult guidance. If the experiment is categorized as the ‘gold standard’, a diversity of social research designs are potentially marginalised. For example, post hoc analysis of large data sets can be informative, as demonstrated by Kashefpakdel and Percy (2017). Multimethod approaches are particularly promising, and ‘triangulation’ can be used to approach a question from more than one direction (Haug & Plant,  2016). More generally, educational conceptions of evaluation may often be most appropriate to the nature and institutional context of career services. Collating and Synthesising Research Evidence to Inform Policy and Practice Seeking out and appraising the best available evidence are key elements of evidence-­based practice. Doing this rigorously is too time consuming for most practitioners to engage in. For this reason, evidence summaries form a critical bridge between the research literature and practice. Bias in Collating Evidence Academic research operates within a network of institutional structures that offer ­researchers career rewards (and punishments) for their behaviour (Briner & Walsh, 2013). This does not necessarily produce a good evidence base. Researchers tend to be rewarded for publishing in high-­status academic journals, which leads to two key problems. The first is publication bias: evidence is more likely to get published if it shows a successful intervention. The second is that researchers are less often rewarded for communicating effectively with practitioners. They may not be motivated to explain clearly how to deliver the interventions used in their studies, rendering them difficult to adopt in practice or to replicate in another research study. Evaluation in service delivery settings is also fraught with micropolitical problems. Indeed, evaluation can be seen as an expression of power relationships, and it may serve different purposes for different actors (Killeen, 1996). For example, services may use evaluations to justify their existence or their funding (Plant, 2012), so they may have a strong bias towards ‘proving’ the effectiveness of their work. Evaluation studies may not see the light of day if they do not reflect favourably on the work of the service. When findings are made available, they may not routinely be published in a searchable and retrievable way. Formal Synthesis of Academic Evidence: Meta-­analyses and Literature Reviews Meta-­analysis is a statistical approach to integrating findings from several quantitative studies. This is rather like creating one study with a much larger sample so that the effect size of an intervention can be detected more confidently. Effect size is a statistical way of

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capturing the average difference between experimental and control groups on an outcome variable. Meta-­analysis methods offer the potential to identify ‘what works’ when individual studies are too small or offer contradictory results. Meta-­analysis methodology has drawbacks (Walker, Hernandes, & Kattan, 2008). It is vulnerable to publication bias. Also, bias can arise in the selection of studies for inclusion. Some approaches may include only full RCTs or they may set strict reporting requirements for the studies to be included. Heterogeneity in the results of the included studies can also be a problem. Researchers using meta-­analysis are aware of these drawbacks and typically apply methods to mitigate them. Meta-­analyses have made important contributions to the career development literature, notably the studies by Oliver and Spokane (1988), Whiston, Sexton, and Lasooff (1998), and Brown et al. (2003). Broadly speaking, the meta-­analysis evidence suggests that career development interventions are effective (Whiston, Rossier, & Hernandez Barón, 2017). This topic is explored in detail by Whiston (this volume). Meta-­analysis is by its nature confined to quantitative studies adopting conventional statistical reporting conventions. Qualitative research is therefore excluded. There have been some attempts to develop meta-­synthesis techniques for qualitative literature (Walsh, 2005), but this is not established practice. Literature reviews provide a discursive summary of the published evidence, and they may vary in purpose, scope, approach, rigour, and accessibility. In recent years, the trend has been towards viewing ‘systematic’ literature reviews as a superior approach. These approaches define search terms and specify academic literature databases to search in. They also define clear inclusion/exclusion criteria for studies prior to analysis. In the medical professions, hierarchies of evidence have a strong influence, motivating adoption of systematic review methods like those espoused by the Cochrane organisation (Higgins & Green, 2008). This results in strict inclusion criteria, with RCTs given primacy. Systematic reviews of career development interventions have been attempted in relation to workforce development (Hughes, Bimrose, Barnes, Bowes, & Orton, 2005), customer satisfaction (Hooley, Neary, Morris, & Mackay,  2015), progression in learning and work (Neary, Hooley, Morris, & Mackay, 2015), impact on career management skills (Mackay, Morris, Hooley, & Neary, 2015), education–business links (Hallam, Morris, Hooley, Neary, & Mackay (2015), and career education in schools (Hughes, Mann, Barnes, Baldauf, & McKeown, 2016). Given the nature of the career development evidence base, a case can be made that systematic reviews exclude not just some useful research but most of the relevant research; full RCT designs are rare in the literature. When considering social, rather than medical, interventions, there are good reasons to include some other kinds of research design, as  acknowledged by the Campbell Collaboration, a sister organisation to Cochrane (Shadish & Myers, 2004). Hooley (2014) adopted a more inclusive approach to generate a wide-­ranging review of the evidence for lifelong guidance.

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Making Evidence Summaries Accessible to Practitioners and Policymakers Formal syntheses of the academic literature do not necessarily offer an easy read. Making the material more accessible to the end user can be a valuable exercise. In the United Kingdom, the National Guidance Research Forum (NGRF) represented a serious attempt to make research accessible via an online portal and to create a community of interest linking career development practitioners to researchers (Bimrose et al., 2005), ­although unfortunately the material is no longer being updated. Also in the United Kingdom, accessible briefings summarising research findings have been available from the International Centre for Guidance Studies (iCEGS; for example, Bowes, Smith, & Morgan, 2005) and from The Careers & Enterprise Company (for example, Collins & Barnes, 2017). Confident assertions of ‘facts’ and ‘proof ’ are more appealing than the cautious equivocation of researchers. Mark Savickas (as outlined by Hughes & Gration,  2009b) suggested ‘ten key facts that career specialists know for sure’. These points seem plausible, but their evidence base is not strong, and most of them do not relate directly to interventions; it is easy to conflate knowledge that is descriptive of career development experiences with knowledge of the effectiveness of career development interventions. The relative merits of relying on the authority of single author claims as opposed to expert consensus should also be considered. Guest and Zijlstra (2012) demonstrated there was a surprisingly low degree of agreement between experts in work and organisational psychology about areas where their evidence base was strong. A more persuasive single author synthesis is Hooley’s (2014) identification of ten principles for the design of lifelong guidance services. In this instance, the evidential basis for the conclusions is made explicit, and the principles have broad applicability at a service level, so they are relevant to both practitioners and policymakers. Evidence for Public Policy Around the turn of the millennium, when career development professions began to strongly engage with policymakers at an international level, the message they received was along the lines of ‘show me the evidence’ (Baudouin & Hiebert,  2007; Hiebert et al., 2014). Requests for funding are obviously stronger with an evidence base demonstrating the actual or potential positive impact of services. Whilst the absence of evidence may be a justification for policymakers to dismiss the arguments of career services and professional bodies, its presence does not guarantee successful influence. Evidence helps in influencing policymakers, but other factors are important, such as pressure from the public or the press/media and political ideology (Watts, 1996, 2008). Even when evidence is persuasive, there are several steps from the communication of research findings, including translating it into practice, adoption of the practice, and the practice’s institutionalisation into services (Ali, Flanagan, Pham, & Howard, 2017). Issues of public policy development are explored by McCarthy and Borbély-­Pecze (this volume). Relatively little attention has been paid to questions of what kind of ­evidence would best inform policy. The evidence base has its limitations and may not

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provide the unambiguous answers that policymakers prefer. The nature of the available evidence and its relevance to policy goals needs to be clearly articulated. The notion that research is necessarily prior to policy can be questioned; rather, both may explore and develop in parallel (Hooley, 2017). Career counselling effectiveness is typically explored in small-­scale research or case studies of specific approaches. It is relatively easy to demonstrate a positive effect by lavishing attention on a very small number of people. Resource-­intensive approaches may have their place, but they also have limitations when one is looking for approaches that scale up to be delivered at a national level. If they cost too much or make excessive demands on stakeholders (such as employers), then the scalability and sustainability of interventions will be questionable. Issues of the cost effectiveness of interventions receive relatively little attention in the literature, with some notable exceptions, such as the publications by Killeen (2004), Athanasou (2007), Perry, Dauwalder and Bonnett (2009), Watts and Dent (2006), and Plant (2012). International comparisons represent an important category of knowledge that can inform policy, and the International Centre for Career Development in Public Policy (ICDPP) has been at the forefront of sharing this knowledge. International benchmarking is undoubtedly of great value, but it is occasionally conflated with internationally sourced impact evidence (for example, Richard, 2005). Knowledge of what is believed to be best practice in other nations is not the same thing as evaluative evidence of the effectiveness of those practices in affecting career outcomes. Generic lessons do emerge from international comparisons (Watts, 2014), but uprooting specific career practices from one setting and depositing them in a radically different cultural and institutional context is problematic (Sultana, 2009, 2017). Intranational comparisons may be just as useful in informing policy. Federal nations tend to have different career service arrangements in different states or provinces. This has the potential to allow for evaluative comparisons of approaches within a broadly con­sist­ ent cultural environment. A comparison of services in the devolved administrations of the four home nations of the United Kingdom has been attempted (Watts,  2006), but in general this approach to policy evaluation is underused. Developing a Model of Evidence-­Based Practice for Career Development A key concern is how narrow a conception of evidence should be adopted. Briner, in the context of work and organisational psychology, usefully extended the definition of evidence-­based practice: ‘making decisions through the conscientious, explicit, and judicious use of four sources of information: practitioner expertise and judgment, ­evidence from the local context, a critical evaluation of the best available research ­evidence, and the perspectives of those people who might be affected by the decision’ (Briner, Denyer, & Rousseau, 2009, p. 19). Research evidence -may attract the most

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attention in the literature, but other pragmatic sources of knowledge are also important in Briner’s approach. There are formidable methodological challenges, and the subjective, contextual, and political nature of career development means that research evidence is always partial, often local, and sometimes contested. The claim that practice can be based on evidence may be going too far. In fact, true evidence-­based practice for career development is almost unknown; Bond et al.’s (2001) approach to supported employment in the vocational rehabilitation of psychiatric patients is a rare exception that manifests strong roots in medical perspectives. Some have argued that the notion of evidence-­informed practice is a more modest and realistic aspiration for social interventions (Nevo & Slonim-­Nevo,  2011). Irrespective of the terminology, effective practice needs to integrate information from a variety of sources (Athanasou,  2007), and formal research evidence may be only one ­element. Briner’s approach provides a simple way forward by highlighting the need to develop practice informed by research evidence whilst also drawing on contextual knowledge and service users’ perspectives. Taking on board the need to broaden out the types of knowledge, it is possible to move towards a simple but pragmatic model for evidence-­based practice. This is outlined in Figure 25.1. In this approach, a wide range of relevant information is integrated by practitioners and is used to inform judgements. Service designs based on these judgements can then be implemented and evaluated, with the outcomes of the evaluation used to refine the interventions. The addition of the elements of contextual knowledge and the voice of the serv­ ice user requires some elaboration. Contextual Knowledge Knowledge about careers is always bound to a socioeconomic and political environment. Cultural context matters in career development (Sultana, 2017). Local institutional settings can also be an important determinant of effectiveness. Service-­user groups vary, too, and their characteristics may interact with the nature of an intervention, so the question is often ‘What works for whom?’ (Flynn, 1994; Whiston et al., 2017) or ‘Where and when Contextual knowledge Research evidence

Practitioner judgement

Service design

Service-user perspectives

Figure 25.1  An integrated model for evidence-­based practice.

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Outcome evidence

would this work?’. This presents a problem for experimental research: RCT designs may have strong internal validity, but they often have weak ecological validity. What works in one context may not necessarily work in another. Practitioners, particularly if they are well trained and experienced, will have a wealth of contextual knowledge to draw upon. This may include understandings of:

• • • • •



• • •

the public policy environment the local labour market and educational opportunity structures the local institutional context for practice the available resources, costs, and associated constraints the service-­user group, its needs, concerns, common problems, and likely responses the local stakeholder expectations the ethical and professional principles guiding practice the cultural context, which may include tacit knowledge.

The Voice of the Service User The service users’ voice provides an extra perspective from which to gather evidence to inform practice. It has a value for pragmatic reasons, in that how user groups perceive and experience services has an important bearing on effectiveness . It also has a value for political reasons, in that it can potentially represent a democratisation of services and a recognition of the rights of service users who may otherwise be marginalised or become an ‘object’ of policy. A spectrum of service-­user involvement is possible, from basic customer feedback up to giving service users a meaningful say in service design and governance. Engaging in deeper consultation can present challenges, as service users may not share the practitioners’ conception of their needs and of the nature of the service. Ironically, in a profession that seeks to be client-­centred, career development services rarely venture far into understanding the views of service users and involving them in decisions (Haug & Plant, 2016; Plant, 2012; Plant & Haug, 2018). This deficit merits serious consideration. Applying the Model The proposal is for an approach to reflective practice that draws in the evidence base and combines it with a wider range of pragmatic knowledge. The proposed model, particularly if used iteratively with the service improvement cycle completed, is also con­sist­ent with an action research approach. Action research (McAter,  2013) represents an important but underused approach to the enhancement of services. Action research can be ­undertaken by an individual practitioner, as a collective endeavour by a community of practitioners, or collaboratively with service users. Practitioner-­researchers can ­address questions with strong relevance to their context and client group and contribute to a community that bridges the gap between academia and practice. The extent to which this

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is possible is tied up with issues of the identity and status of the profession (Neary & Hutchinson, 2009). Conclusion Evidence is critically important to the career development profession. It should guide the design of interventions and the training of practitioners. It is necessary, though not sufficient, for influencing policymakers. Evidence is also problematic, as it raises difficult questions about how to conceptualise careers and how to define career outcomes. There are formidable methodological challenges. The notion of evidence-­based practice is informative, but the medical model it derives from has limitations when translated to a career development setting. Adopting a contextually sensitive and integrated model of evidence-­based practice represents a more realistic aspiration. To make decisions, research and evaluation evidence will always be combined with other kinds of knowledge in practice settings, and these should include understanding the context and the perspectives of service users. This approach closely aligns evidence-­based practice with the notion of the reflective practitioner. Promoting a research culture within the career development profession is a highly desirable direction of travel, provided it is tempered with a pragmatic recognition of the limitations of research in practice, and the value of other kinds of knowledge. References Ali, S. R., Flanagan, S., Pham, A., & Howard, K. (2017). Translating the career development knowledge base for practitioners and policy makers. In V.  S.  H Solberg & S.  R.  Ali (Eds.), The handbook of career and workforce development: Research, practice, and policy (pp. 227–242). New York, NY: Routledge. Almeida, N., Marques, A., & Arulmani, G. (2014). Evaluation of the quality of career guidance centers. In G.  Arulmani, A.  Bakshi, F.  Leong, & A.  Watts (Eds.), Handbook of career development: International perspectives (pp. 659–670). New York, NY: Springer. Andrews, D., & Hooley, T. (2018). The career leader’s handbook. Bath, UK: Trotman. Athanasou, J. (2007). Evaluating career education and guidance. Victoria, Australia: ACER Press. Barnes, S-A., & Wright, S.A. (2019). The feasibility of developing a methodology for measuring the distance travelled and soft outcomes for long-term unemployed people participating in active labour market programmes. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union. Baudouin, R., Bezanson, L., Borgen, B., Goyer, L., Hiebert, B., Lalande, V., . . . Turcotte, M. (2007). Demonstrating value: A draft framework for evaluating the effectiveness of career development interventions. Canadian Journal of Counselling, 41, 146–157. Baudouin, R., & Hiebert, B. (2007). Introduction to special issue on evidence-based practice in career development. Canadian Journal of Counselling, 41, 127–129. Bernes, K.  B., Bardick, A.  D., & Orr, D.  T. (2007). Career guidance and counselling efficacy studies: An international research agenda. International Journal of Educational and Vocational Guidance, 7, 81–96. doi:10.1007/s10775-007-9114-8 Betz, N. E. (2007). Career self-efficacy: Exemplary recent research and emerging directions. Journal of Career Assessment, 15, 403–422. doi:10.1177/1069072707305759 Bimrose, J., & Barnes, S-A. (2006). Is career guidance effective? Evidence from a longitudinal study in England. Australian Journal of Career Development, 15, 19–25. doi:10.1177/103841620601500205 Bimrose, J., Barnes, S., Brown, A., Attwell, M., Malloch, M., Hughes, D., . . . Marris, L. (2005). Bridging the gap between research & practice: Development of the UK National Guidance Research Forum website. Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242184801_Bridging_the_Gap_between_Research_Practice_ Development_of_the_UK_National_Guidance_Research_Forum_website

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NAME INDEX

For the benefit of digital users, indexed terms that span two pages (e.g., 52–53) may, on occasion, appear on only one of those pages.

A Abad, J.  277 Abbott, Edith  4–5 Abdulla, A.  220 Abele, A.E.  156 Ackers, P.  157 Addams, Jane  4–5 Adlam, D.  299 Adler, A.  3, 170 Adler, J.M.  317–18 Aggleton, P.  72 Aguilar-Millan, S.  299–300 Ajunwa, I.  302 Akkermans, J.  157 Albert, S.  213–14 Alcock, C.  260 Alexander, R.  276, 284–7, 291–2 Ali, S.R.  117, 362 Allais, S.  79–80 Allan, B.A.  248 Allen, T.D.  162 Allen, V.L.  159 Allman, A.L.  242 Almeida, M.C.C.G.  231, 234–5 Almeida, N.  356 Alves, D.  177–8 Alvesson, M.  150 Amit, K.  41–2 Amundson, N.E.  329 Anderson, H.D.  5–6 Anderson, L.W.  195–6, 199–200 Anderson, M.Z.  118 Andre, L.  248 Andrews, D.  81–2, 355 Andrews, R.  36 Angus, L.  171 Ansbacher, H.L.  3 Ansbacher, R.R.  3 Anthoney, S.F.  320–1 Anyon, J.  188 Appadurai, A.  81 Apple, M.W.  86, 186

Aravind, S.  28, 169–70, 220, 222, 239 Argyris, C.  331–2 Armstrong, P.I.  320–1 Arnold, J.  145–6 Aronson, E.  276 Arthur, M.B.  6, 133–4, 137–8, 143–6, 148, 156, 184–5, 329 Arthur, N.  10, 122–3, 132–3, 182, 184, 187–8, 196–7, 203, 213–14, 270–2, 288, 330 Arulmani, G.  10, 12, 14, 28, 116, 169–70, 195–7, 199–200, 206, 213–14, 216–23, 226–9, 232–3, 239, 356 Ashford, S.J.  147–8 Ashforth, B.E.  137, 159, 317–18 Ashkenas, R.  144–5 Ashton, D.  82–3 Athanasou, J.  356, 363–4 Athanasou, J.A.  10 Atkin, D.  41–2 Atkinson, G.  136 Attwell, G.  291–2 Austin, S.  241 Autin, K.L.  24, 26–7, 31, 119, 248, 340–1 Avelino, F.  88 Axelrad, S.  6 Axelrod, B.  41, 146 Axelsson, L.  222

B Bacchi, C.  82 Baek-Kyoo, J.  157 Baghioni, L.  108 Bailey, C.  10–11 Bain, R.  297 Baiocchi, G.  90 Baird, M.  148, 150 Bakke, I.B.  305

Bakshi, A.J.  10, 217, 227–8 Baldauf, B.  35–6, 38–9, 75–6, 273–4, 361 Baltodano, M.  60 Bambra, C.  119 Bandura, A.  137, 316, 340 Banks, S.  260, 264 Baptiste, I.  55–6 Barbaran-Diaz, M.A.  242 Barbulescu, R.  134, 156, 159, 170–1 Barclay, S.R.  177–8 Bardach, E.  97, 102 Bardick, A.D.  57, 354 Barker, C.D.  249 Barker, V.  187–8 Barley, S.R.  4–5, 149, 194–5 Barnes, A.  15, 36–7, 66–7, 72, 81–2, 270, 272–4, 277–8, 362 Barnes, S.-A.  35–6, 38–9, 75–6, 273–4, 285–7, 291–2, 357, 359–61 Barón, P.M.H.  202, 344–5 Barret-Lennard, G.T.  327 Barry, J.  45 Bartels, J.  301 Baruch, Y.  145–6 Bassot, B.  15, 81–2, 270, 272, 278, 329, 331–2 Bassott, B.  131–2 Batenburg, A.  301 Bateson, G.  158 Baudouin, R.  356, 358, 362 Baum, J.A.C.  163 Bauman, Z.  86–7 Bayne, R.  291, 354 Beattie, O.V.  176 Beausaert, S.  317 Beccaria, G.  319 Becker, G.S.  50, 156 Becker, H.  258

Becker, H.S.  5, 194–5, 200–1 Behrend, T.S.  315–16 Bélanger, P.  201 Belgrad, S.  275 Bell, D.  69–71 Benachir, B.  226, 228–9 Bengtsson, A.  56, 87, 184, 186, 188–9 Bennett, W.L.  300 Bensley, D.A.  242 Bentley, K.  331 Benus, J.  43 Berado, D.  30 Berg, P.  148, 150 Bergamo-Prvulovic, I.  264 Bernes, K.B.  57, 81, 354 Bernhardt, P.  242 Berry, J.W.  226–8, 239–40, 245 Betz, N.E.  26–8, 137, 338–9, 354–5 Bezanson, L.  107 Bhargava, R.  226 Bhatnagar, J.  41 Bhawuk, D.P.  25 Bidwell, M.  156 Bidwell, M.J.  147 Bielick, J.  149 Biemann, T.  157 Biesta, G.  195–7 Biggs, J.B.  274, 306 Bike, D.H.  348 Bimrose, J.  15, 27–8, 117, 137, 187–8, 227, 264, 285–92, 305, 354, 359–61 Bird, A.  157–8 Birden, H.  260 Black, P.  278 Blair, T.  55–6 Bloch, D.P.  199 Blonk, R.  123 Blumer, H.  4–5, 194–5 Blundell, R.  38–9 Blustein, D.  196–9, 203–4, 357 Blustein, D.L.  10–12, 23–4, 26–31, 45, 116–17, 119, 135, 226–8, 231, 234, 315–16, 340–1 Bobek, B.L.  343 Bock, A.M.B.  233–5 Bock, S.D.  233–5 Bolino, M.C.  157 Bollmann, G.  174 Boltanski, L.  86 Bond, G.  364 Bond, T.  331–2 Bonitz, V.S.  314–15 Bonnett, H.R.  357, 363

372    name index

Borbély-Pecze, T.B.  13, 27–8, 53, 69–71, 73, 96, 265–6, 362–3 Bordin, E.S.  202, 344–5 Borja, C.  235 Boselie, P.  149 Bosley, S.  80–1, 358 Boud, D.  331–2 Bourdieu, P.  50, 158–9 Bourne, K.A.  157 Bowes, L.  80–1, 358, 361–2 Bowles, S.  59–60 Bozer, G.  157 Bozick, R.  122 Braverman, H.  300 Brecheisen, B.K.  347 Breugelmans, S.M.  239–40, 245 Brewer, J.M.  113 Brewer, M.B.  175 Bridgstock, R.  317 Bright, J.  135, 138–9, 271–2, 299 Briner, R.B.  360, 363–4 Briscoe, J.  145 Briscoe, J.P.  145 Brisson, L.  249 Broin, D.O.  304–5 Bronfenbrenner, U.  69 Brott, P.  318 Brown, A.  288 Brown, D.  134, 194–5 Brown, J.  15 Brown, J.L.  319 Brown, M.T.  240–1 Brown, P.  57, 82–3 Brown, S.D.  10, 137, 243, 246, 338–9, 341–6, 348–9, 361 Brunal, A.  235, 263 Bruner, J.  171, 195–6 Brunila, K.  83 Bryant, R.  299 Bryant, S.  299 Buchanan, J.  10–11 Buck, S.J.  96–8 Buckner, C.  242 Buelow, K.L.  319 Bühler, C.  5–6 Bullock-Yowell, E.  40 Burgess, E.  4–5 Burke, K.  275 Burke, S.  148 Burnard, P.  327 Burt, C.  3–4 Burton, A.K.  119 Burton, L.J.  319 Burwell, R.  53 Busacca, L.A.  174 Byars-Winston, A.  240–1 Bysshe, S.  80–1, 331, 358

C Cable, D.  40 Callanan, G.A.  156 Callanan, P.  328 Cambridge Training & Development 285 Cameron, L.  150–1 Campbell, D.T.  162–3 Campbell, J.  201 Campbell, M.  100–1 Cappellen, T.  149 Carbery, R.  157 Cardoso, P.  177–8 Cardoso, P.M.  14, 132, 194, 201 Care, E.  80 Caress, A.-L.  290–1 Carr, A.L.  243, 246 Carr, N.  299–300 Carr, S.C.  25 Carroll, T.N.  162 Carswell, J.J.  320 Carter, J.A.  344–5 Cartwright, S.  10–11 Carver, C.S.  137 Castells, M.  300 Cedefop  42, 105–6, 275, 285, 298 Cederström, C.  84–5 Cerdin, J.-L.  156–7 Cervantes, M. de  2 Chadderton, C.  260 Chan, N. K.  302 Chan, S.  43 Chandler, D.E.  155, 162 Chandler, J.  45 Chant, A.  81–2 Chant, C.  270, 272, 278 Chen, C.P.  53 Chen, S.  148 Chen, Y.  348 Chen, Y.-P.  157 Chronister, K.M.  30 Chudzikowski, K.  135 Church, A.H.  157 Ciapello, E.  86 CiftÇi, A.  245 Claman, P.H.  137–8 Claparède, E.  170 Clark, J.  274–5 Clarke, A.E.  160 Clarke, L.  357 Clarke, M.  25, 199 Cochran, L.  174–5, 196–9, 201 Cohen, L.  145–6, 149–50, 199, 203 Cohen, R.F.  340–1 Cohen-Scali, V.  10, 114, 120, 227–8

Coleman, J.S.  160 Colley, H.  260, 273 Collin, A.  10, 132, 151, 157–8, 194–7, 201 Collins, C.  270 Collins, J.  72, 81, 273–4, 277, 362 Collins, R.  82–3 Collins, S.  122–3, 182, 187–8, 330 Colmar, S.  100–1 Conley, A.H.  355–6 Conlon, G.  43 Connelly, G.  289 Connors-Kellgren, A.  26, 29 Constantine, K.  132 Cook, D.A.  27–8 Cook, E.P.  213–14 Coombs, C.  145 Cooper, C.L.  10–11 Cooper, R.  148, 150 Corey, G.  328 Corff, Y.L.  318 Corlozzi, E.A.  134, 138–9 Cormier, D.  306 Costa, P.T.  314–15 Couttenier, M.  121 Cranton, P.  195–200 Crawford, K.  302 Croteau, J.M.  118 Crowe, D.S.  242 Csikszetmihalyi, M.  176 Culie, J.D.  149 Culley, S.  331–2 Curtiss, G.  40 Cutts, B.  302

D Dabos, G.E.  148 D’Agostino, A.  108 Dahlen, E.R.  40 Daly, G.  260 Dany, F.  149–51 Darder, A.  60 Darrow, C.  155, 162 Dauwalder, J.P.  357, 363 Davey, K.M.  14, 354–5 Davidson, P. E.  5–6 Davis, J.B.  89 Davis, L.M.  122 Dawis, R.V.  133, 135 De Backer, M.  284–7, 291–2 Debono, M.  263 Deci, E.L.  145 Deevy, C.  304–5 DeFillipi, R.J.  137–8 De Fruyt, F.  320–1 Del Re, A.C.  344–5

Dent, G.  347, 356, 363 Dent, M.  45 Denyer, D.  363–4 Denzin, N.  194–5 de Roten, Y.  344–5 Deshler, D.D.  138–9 de Sousa Santos, B.  88–9 De Vos, A.  123, 146–7, 150, 156 DeVoy, J.  357 Dewey, J.  52–3, 86, 89–90, 132, 199–200 DeWine, D.  357 de Wolff, A.  25 Diamonti, A.  30 Diamonti, A.J.  26, 29–30 Dias, M.C.  38 Diemer, M.A.  24, 26–7, 29–30, 119, 340–1 Di Fabio, A.  24, 26–7, 30, 177–8, 318, 340–1 Dik, B.J.  134 Dinerstein, A.C.  88–90 Dippo, D.  189–90, 196–7, 199–200 Dippo, D.A.  82 Dodd, L.J.  317 Dodd, V.  13, 35–6, 49, 57, 66, 80–1, 115, 298, 303, 358 Doeringer, P.B.  156 Doiron, K.  145 Dokko, G.  156 Dolfsma, W.  89 Donegan, M.  302–3 Doren, B.  274–5 Douglas, F.  264–5 Drasgow, F.  315–16 Dries, N.  146–7, 150, 347–8 Duarte, M.  177–8 Duarte, M.E.  14, 132, 177–8, 194, 201 Duberley, J.  149–50 Duffy, B.E.  302 Duffy, R.  29–30, 119 Duffy, R.D.  24, 26–7, 29–31, 134, 248, 340–1 Duggan, M.  329–30 Dujardin, J-M.  123 Dunnette, M.D.  357 du Plock, S.  327 Durkheim, E.  257–9 Dutton, J.E.  135 Dworking, T.M.  331 Dynan, K.  45 Dysvik, A.  156

E Eagleton, T.  87 Easton, S.  358–9

Eby, L.T.  357 Edwards, R.  289 Egan, G.  290–1, 329 Eggenhofer-Rehart, P.M.  156–7 Einarsdottir, S.  247 Eliot, G.  2 Elliott, A.  170 Emerson, R.M.  158–9 Epston, D.  171–3 Erby, W.  45, 116 Etchie, Q.  30 Evans, K.  288–9 Everitt, J.  298, 304–5 Evetts, J.  260, 264, 288–9 Ezeofor, I.  316

F Fabian, E.  118 Fan, W.  229, 232, 235 Fassinger, R.E.  134 Feeney, A.  299–300 Feldman, D.C.  357 Finegold, D.  10–11 Finklea, J.T.  275 Fiori, M.  173 Fiske, A.P.  240–1, 245–6, 249–50 Fitzgerald, L.F.  26–8, 284–5 Fitzpatrick, M.E.  348 Fitzsimons, P.  55 Flanagan, S.  362 Fleming, P.  84–5, 145–6 Florendo, M.N.B.  242 Flores, L.Y.  345, 348 Fluckiger, C.  344–5 Flum, H.  135, 197–8 Flynn, R.J.  364–5 Fogarty, R.J.  275 Fonçatti, G.D.O.S.  11, 196–7, 201–2, 206, 227–8, 230, 235 Form, W.  5–6 Foskett, R.  81 Foster, L.L.  315–16 Fouad, N.  337–8, 340–1 Fouad, N.A.  213–14, 245, 348 Foucault, M.  241–2 Fox, D.  241 Franklin, A.J.  118–19 Frasquilho, D.  24–5 Frautschydemuth, R.  145 Frayne, D.  84–5 Freire, P.  188–9, 195–7, 199–200, 230, 233–4 Fretwell, D.  114 Fretwell, D.H.  105 Fretz, B.R.  348, 357 Freud, S.  326 Friedman, M.  184

name index    373

Frigerio, G.  81, 205 Frisby, D.  89 Froidevaux, A.  155, 170–1 Fruytier, B.  149 Fugate, M.  137, 159, 317–19

G Gabriel, Y.  150 Gaines, A.D.  194–5 Gainor, K.A.  354–5 Gale, T.  183, 185 Gallagher, C.A.  122 Galliott, N.Y.  304 Gandini, A.  302 Ganesh, S.  145–6, 148, 159, 184–5 Gardner, D.  246 Garrett, L.  150–1 Gati, I.  173, 198–9, 345–6 Gayraud, L.  108 Gee, R.  197–8, 201 Geller, L.  328 Gelso, C.J.  344–5 Gergen, K.J.  242 Gerstein, L.H.  247–8 Gerver, R.  306 Gibbs, G.  331–2 Giddens, A.  185, 264–5 Gielens, T.  123 Ginevra, M.C.  174 Ginsburg, S.S.  6 Ginther, N.M.  157 Gintis, H.  59–60 Ginzberg, E.  6 Giroux, H.  189 Glaser, B.  156 Glaser, B.G.  159 Gläser, J.  149 Glosenberg, A.  315–16 Gloss, A.E.  25 Goddard, T.  291–2 Goffman, E.  5 Gollan, P.J.  10–11 Gonçalves, M.M.  177–8 Goni-Legaz, S.  249 González Bello, J.R.  231 Goodin, R.E.  97 Goodrich Mitts, N.  283–4, 315, 318 Gore, P.A.  343 Gottfredson, L.S.  134–5 Gough, B.  244 Gough, J.  14–15 Gough, J.P.  261, 264–5 Grandjean, B.D.  156–7 Granovetter, M.S.  156 Grant, N.  59 Granziera, H.  321

374    name index

Gration, G.  356, 359–60, 362 Graverson, B.K.  38–9 Green, A.  79–80, 292 Green, J.  213–14 Green, S.  361 Greenhaus, J.H.  147, 156–8 Grey, C.  157–8 Griffin, J.P.  218 Griffin, M.A.  134 Griffin, P.  80 Griggs, E.  260 Groutsis, D.  249 Grubb, N.W.  101, 108 Grubb, W.N.  50, 79–80 Gua, Y.  249 Gubler, M.  145, 157 Guest, D.  145–6 Guest, D.E.  362 Guichard, J.  14, 24, 82, 120, 170–1, 175–6, 182, 340–1 Gummere, R.M.  120 Gunn, T.M.  81 Gunz, H.  3–6, 10, 12, 14, 131, 145–6, 148–50, 155–9, 162, 200–1 Gunz, H.P.  157–8 Gutowski, E.  29–30, 45, 116 Gysbers, N.C.  176, 202

H Haahr, L.  302 Habsy, B.A.  232 Hackett, G.  137 Halinen, I.  273 Hall, D.T.  3–6, 134, 143, 145–6, 156–8, 331 Hallam, R.  361 Hammer, S.  15, 318 Hancock, A.  118 Handfield-Jones, H.  41, 146 Handy, C.  146–7 Hansen, E.  42–4 Hardin, E.E.  245 Harding, D.J.  157 Harris, S.  183 Harris-Bowlsbey, J.  303–5, 345 Harrison, B.  122 Harrison, C.  278 Harrison, N.  273–4 Hart, C.S.  274–5 Härtel, P.  69 Hartung, J.P.  213–14 Hartung, P.J.  170, 245, 330 Harvey, D.  24, 184 Haug, E.H.  305, 354–5, 359–60, 365 Hawthorn, R.  9–10, 102 Hayes, D.  284

He, J.  247–8 Healy, M.  15, 318–19 Hearne, L.  137, 264 Hechtlinger, S.  345–6 Heckman, J.J.  274–5 Heginbotham, H.  3 Heijden, B.I.J.  123 Heikamp, T.  246 Helms, J.  27–8 Helms, J.E.  134 Henry, J.S.  121 Heppner, M.I.  213–14 Heppner, M.J.  134, 176, 202, 348 Herma, J.L.  6 Hermans, H.J.M.  171–2, 199, 317–18 Hermans-Jansen, E.  171 Hermans-Konopka, A.  318 Hernandes, A.V.  360–1 Hernandez Barón, P.M.  361, 364–5 Herr, E.L.  3 Herriot, P.  144, 148 Herzog, S.  157 Heylighen, F.  162–3 Hicks, F.  40 Hidayah, N.  232 Hiebert, B.  356, 359, 362 Higgins, J.P.T.  361 Higgins, M.C.  162 Hillage, J.  102 Hirschi, A.  50, 137–8, 155, 321, 355 Hirsh, W.  150 Hock, M.F.  138–9 Hodgson, C.S.  301 Hodkinson, H.  27–8, 81, 331 Hodkinson, P.  5, 27–8, 50–2, 58–9, 81, 135, 195–7, 199–201, 273, 331 Holborow, M.  56 Holland, J.  26–7, 133, 325 Holland, J.L.  186, 198–200, 315–16, 320 Holm, A.B.  302 Hooft, E.A.J.  317 Hook, D.  241, 244–5 Hooley, T.  8, 10–13, 15, 24, 28, 31, 35–6, 46, 53, 57, 60–2, 65–7, 79–83, 108–9, 116, 122–3, 181–2, 196–7, 199, 227–31, 241, 261, 264, 270, 277–8, 291–2, 298–9, 301–5, 355–6, 358–9, 361–3 Hopson, B.  284 Horvath, A.O.  344–5 Howard, K.  362

Howitt, D.  249–50 Hoye, G.  317 Huang, G.-H.  147–8 Huang, J.  39 Huang, J.L.  339–41, 346 Huddleston, P.  38–9, 66 Hughes, D.  35–6, 38–9, 44, 66–7, 75–6, 80–1, 273–4, 283–4, 291–2, 318 Hughes, D.M.  356, 358–62 Hughes, E.C.  4–5, 156–8, 194–5, 200–1 Hughes, K.L.  273–4 Hunt, W.  102 Hurtado Rua, S.M.  245–6 Huston, M.  119 Hutchinson, B.  261–2, 315 Hutchinson, J.  291–2, 304–5, 331, 365–6 Hutchison, C.B.  194–5 Hwang, K.K.  232, 235 Hyslop-Margison, E.J.  186, 188–9

I Ibarra, H.  134, 148, 159–60, 170–1, 198–9 Iles, P.  147 Imorou, A.  229 Inkson, K.  145–6, 148, 150–1, 159, 184–5, 213–14, 275 Ireland, G.W.  316 Irving, B.  28, 82–3, 122–3 Irving, B.A.  116, 182–3, 185–90, 226–9, 270 Işık, E.  243, 248

J Jacobs, J.B.  121 Jacobsen, M.H.  194–5 James, B.N.  338, 348 James, C.  72 James, D.  195–7 James, H.  2 James, M.  278 James, W.  171 Janeiro, I.  177–8 Janssens, M.  149 Jarvis, J.  354 Jeffrey, A.  182 Jiang, W.  156 Jick, T.  144–5 Jin, L.  261 Johns, G.  150 Johnson, R.  301 Johnson, R.D.  90 Johnston, B.  81 Johnston, J.A.  176, 202

Jones, C.  75–6, 150–1 Jones, G.B.  136 Jorre de St Jorre, T.  317 Joseph, S.  326, 329–30 Judge, T.  40 Julien, B.L.  319 Jung, C.G.  201 Juntunen, C.  337–8, 340–1 Juntunen, C.L.  12

K Kalin, B.  222 Kalleberg, A.  26 Kalleberg, A.L.  23–4, 80–1, 146–7 Kantamneni, N.  117, 348 Karp, M.M.  273–4 Kaše, R.  156 Kashefpakdel, E.  65–7, 72, 75–6 Kashefpakdel, E.T.  12–13, 36–40, 359–60 Kattan, M.W.  360–1 Kauffman, S.A.  163 Kaur Bagri, K.  82–3 Keaveny, T.  157 Keen, A.  299–300, 307 Kehinde, J.  41 Kelly, F.  4–5 Kempen, H.J.  171–2 Kemple, J.J.  75–6 Kenna, A.  357 Kenny, M.E.  24, 26–7, 29–31, 45, 116, 340–1 Keogh, R.  331–2 Kerr, S.  144–5 Kettunen, J.  263, 291–2, 306–7 Khalil, S.  229 Kidd, J.M.  9–10, 80–1, 113, 132, 202, 347–8, 354, 357–8 Kieffer, K.M.  40 Killeen, J.  9–10, 35–6, 80–1, 354, 358–60, 363 Killen, J.  113 Kim, H.J.  248 King, 2004  198–9 King, A.  25 King, S.  72 King, Z.  148 Kinicki, A.J.  137, 317–19 Kirkpatrick, D.L.  356 Kjargard, R.  3 Kleiber, D.  85 Klein, E.  155, 162 Klein, K.L.  338–9 Koehler, M.  306 Koen, J.  316, 319 Kolb, D.A.  195–6, 199–200, 277 Kolly, S.  344–5

Konopka, A.  317–18 Kossek, E.E.  147 Kowalski, R.M.  299 Kozan, S.  29, 243, 248 Kraimer, M.L.  157 Kram, K.E.  155, 162 Krathwohl, D.R.  195–6, 199–200 Kreiner, G.E.  159 Kronholz, J.F.  275 Krumboltz, J.D.  11, 135–6, 138–9, 195–6, 199–201, 204 Krumboltz, M.  273 Krumov, K.  244–5 Kubasch, S.  157 Kuhn, M.  79–80 Kuijpers, M.  275–6 Kumar, R.  14 Kumar, S.  28, 116, 169–70, 219–20, 239 Kuratko, D.F.  80

L La-Loh, J.  243–4, 249–50 LaMontagne, A.D.  26 Lane, M.  43 Langan-Fox, J.  357 Lao Tzu  1–2 Larson, K.S.  244–5 Larson, L.M.  314–15 Larson, M.S.  257–8 Lasan, B.B.  232 Lasoff, D.L.  338–9, 346–7, 361 Latour, B.  231, 234 Laudel, G.  149 Lauder, H.  57, 82–3 Launikari, M.  118, 226–8 Laurenzi, C.  29–30 Lave, J.  195–6, 199–201 Law, B.  5, 9–11, 27–8, 52–3, 58, 61, 81–2, 136, 139, 194–6, 198–201, 271–2, 275, 302–3, 307–8 Lawrence, B.S.  6 Lawrence, W.P.W.  227 Lazarova, M.  156 Lazerson, M.  50, 79–80 Le Corff, Y.  202, 344–5 Ledezma, F.M.A.  231 Lee, B.  245 Lee, C.  147–8, 278 Lee, D.  240–1 Lee, I.H.  243, 246 Lee, J.H.  246 Lee, K.-H.  248 Lee, T.  65 Lee, T.W.  357 Legay, A.  108

name index    375

Lengelle, R.  316–18 Lent, R.W.  10, 137, 173, 195–6, 199–201, 316 Lenz, J.G.  198–200, 271–2, 285, 304, 345 León, S.O.  235 Leong, F.  246 Leong, F.T.  10, 226–9, 232, 235 Leong, F.T.L.  213–14, 217, 240–1, 245, 330 Lepak D. 146–7 Lester, S.W.  157 Lettmayr, C.  118 Leung, S.A.  12 Levesque-Bristol, C.  246–7 Levin, N.  173 Levin, S.  135, 138–9 Levine, R.  157 Levinson, D.J.  155, 162 Levinson, M.  155, 162 Levy, D.A.  240–1 Lewchuk, W.  25 Lewin, A.Y.  162 Lewin, C.  260 Lewin, D.  10–11 Lexis, L.  319 Li, Y.  12, 283–4, 315, 318, 338–9, 341–2, 344–9 Liang, B.  30 Liang, E.  30 Lievens, F.  317 Lindsay, C.  329–30 Lindstrom, L.  274–5 Lingard, R.  79–80 Liu, S.  39, 339–41, 346 Lofquist, L.H.  133, 135 Logan, A.  273 Loison, A.  249 Lombardi, A.R.  274–5 London, M.  10–11 Long, C.P.  162 Louis, M.R.  159 Louvel, S.  149 Lu, C.Q.  148 Luthans, F.  137–9 Lyons, A.  157

M MacAdams, 1993  201 MacDonald, K.M.  257–9 Mackay, S.  361 MacKenzie, D.L.  122 Madden, A.  10–11 Maggiori, C.  170–1, 175 Magnuson, C.S.  81 Maguire, M.  356–9 Mailand, M.  329–30 Mainiero, L.A.  133–4

376    name index

Makela, J.P.  291–2, 306 Malcolm, J.  273 Malik, B.  227–8, 270 Malik-Lievano, B.  188–9 Malinen, K.  249 Mallon, M.  149–50 Maniero, L.A.  156 Mann, A.  2–3, 35–6, 38–9, 66, 72–3, 75–6, 273–4, 361 Mantovani, I.  43 Maranto, C.  157 Marchington, M.  10–11 Maree, J.G.  10, 177–8, 226, 228–9, 235, 317 Marks, L.R.  245 Markus, H.  134 Marmot, M.  119 Marques, A.  356 Marriott, J.  8, 264 Marris, L.  292 Marshall, B.  278 Marshall, C.  182 Marshall, S.K.  131 Martín-Baró, I.  230 Marx, K.  2 Masdonati, J.  344–5 Maslić Seršić, D.  319 Maslow, A.H.  326, 328 Masson, J.  328 Massoudi, K.  344–5 Matilal, B.  229–30 Matsumoto, K.  262 Matyja, A.  319 Maurer, T.M.  331 Mayhew, K.  10–11 Maynard, D.C.  25 Mayrhofer, W.  5–6, 12, 14, 135, 145, 147–51, 155–7, 200–1 Mayston, D.  35–6, 57, 358 Mazawi, A.E.  226 Maze, M.  261–2, 315 McAdams, D.P.  171–2, 175–6, 316–18, 321 McAter, M.  365–6 McCabe, G.  284–7, 291–2 McCall, M.M.  194–5 McCarthy, J.  13, 27–8, 53, 100–1, 103–4, 107, 265–6, 362–3 McCash, P.  5, 14, 52–3, 81–2, 132, 169–70, 189–90, 195–9, 201, 205, 213–14, 239, 271–2 McCowan, C.  81–2, 274–5 McCracken, M.  54 McCrae, R.R.  314–15 McGraw, B.  80 McGuire, A.  304–5 McIlveen, P.  15, 174, 183, 314, 318–19, 321

McIvor, R.  54 McKee, B.  155, 162 McKenzie, M.  81–2, 274–5 McKeown, R.  35–6, 38–9, 75–6, 273–4, 361 McKerracher, A.  188–9 McKevitt, D.  157 McLarnon, M.J.  320 McLean, K.C.  317–18 McLeod, B.D.  245–6 McLeod, J.  171 McLuhan, M.  299–300 McMahon, M.  6, 10, 69, 122–3, 131–3, 149, 159, 182, 194, 198–202, 204, 227–8, 271–2, 288, 314, 316–17 McNeill, R.  337–8 McNulty, Y.  156–7 McWha-Hermann, I.  25 McWhirter, E.H.  30 McWhiter, B.T.  30 Mead, G.H.  4–5 Meager, N.  40–1 Meara, N.M.  202 Medvide, M.B.  30, 118–19 Meerkins, T.  29–30 Meghir, C.  38 Meijers, F.  276, 316–18 Mejias, U.A.  300, 307 Mejri, A.  100–1 Mencl, J.  157 Mendez, R.  81, 205 Mendoza, S.L.  242 Metz, A.J.  182 Meyer, M.  147–51, 156–7 Meyers, C.  123 Mezirow, J.  199, 270–1 Michaelides, M.  43 Michaels, E.  41, 146 Midttun, K.  82, 189–90 Mignot, 2001  196–7, 202 Milburn, T.  289 Miles, J.N.V.  122 Miller, A.D.  321 Miller, D.  5–6 Miller, E.  89, 218 Millerson, G.  257–8 Miller-Tiedeman, A.  186 Milot-Lapointe, F.  202, 318, 344–5 Minnick, W.  157 Mishra, P.  306 Mitchell, A.M.  136, 139 Mitchell, K.E.  135, 138–9 Mitchell, L.K.  199–201, 204 Mitchell, T.R.  357 Mitra, R.  150–1 Mitts, G.  12

Mitts, N.G.  338–9, 341–2, 344–9 Mizuno, S.  262 Moghaddam, F.  243–4, 248 Mohr, G.  316 Mollick, E.  156 Moore, C.  3–5, 157–8 Moore, N.  331 Moore, P.J.  274 Mora, A.  235 Moran, M.  97 Morgan, S.  80–1, 362 Morris, K.  72, 75–6 Morris, M.  361 Morrison, M.A.  316 Moser, K.  25, 119 Mosley, J.  275 Motala, E.  79–80 Motl, T.C.  12 Mudford, O.C.  337–8 Mulvey, R.  264 Mundy, K.  79–80 Münsterberg, H.  3–4 Murphy, D.  329–30 Murphy, K.  357 Murrell, P.H.  136 Musaki Okada, R.  262 Muslihati, M.  232 Myers, C.S.  3–4 Myers, D.  361

N Nagy, N.  155 Naidoo, A.V.  247 Nassar-McMillan, A.  355–6 Nassar-McMillan, S.C.  187–8 Neary, S.  8, 14–15, 81–2, 261, 264–5, 305, 361, 365–6 Neault, R.  271–2 Neher, A.  328 Nevo, I.  354, 364 Newman, A.  117 Newman, K.L.  123 Newton, B.  102 Ng, E.S.  249 Ng, T.W.  357 Nicholson, N.  148, 157–8 Nicolson, P.  291 Nielsen, I.  117 North, A.  302–3 Nota, L.  10, 174–6, 228, 230, 234, 305 Nozick, R.  184 Nsamenang, A.B.  243–4, 249–50 Nunes, L.D.  246–7 Nurius, P.  134 Nye, C.D.  246, 315–16

O Oakes, L.  356, 359, 362 Oberg, A.  299–300 Obi, O.P.  177–8 Obodaru, O.  148 O’Brien, K.M.  2–3, 120, 123, 213–14 Offer, M.  284, 354 Ogilvie Gordon, M.  3 Okazaki, S.  245 Oliver, B.  317 Oliver, D.  50 Oliver, L.W.  338, 347–8, 357, 361 Olle, C.  26 Ollo-Lopez, A.  249 Olssen, M.  82, 87 Omodie, M.  357 O’Neill Berry, M.  25 Oosterwegel, A.  317–18 Orr, D.T.  57, 354 Orton, M.  361 Osborn, D.S.  275–7, 304, 343 Osipow, S.H.  132, 284–5 Osman, A.  41–2 Owusu-Bempah, K.  249–50 Ozawa, Y.  262

P Paddison, B.  45 Page, R.  102 Painter, J.  182 Pais, I.  302 Paiva, V.  230, 234–5 Palaniappan, M.  248 Pals, J.L.  171–2 Paredes-Canilao, N.  242 Park, M.  240–1 Park, R.  4–5 Park, R.E.  201 Parker, I.  241–2 Parker, P.  329 Parker, S.K.  134 Parsons, F.  2–3, 27, 297–8, 325 Pasquier, V.  302–3 Patnoe, S.  276 Patton, A.  276 Patton, M.J.  202 Patton, W.  6, 11, 52–3, 69, 131, 133, 149, 159, 183, 194, 198–202, 204, 271–2, 288, 314, 321 Paul, K.I.  25, 119 Paulson, M.  299 Payne, J.  75 Pearce, M.  213–14, 226–8 Peck, D.  3–4, 113, 116, 257–8, 261

Pedersen, J.S.  150–1 Peiperl, M.  10, 156 Pemberton, C.  144 Pemberton, J.  148 Penn, L.T.  316 Percy, C.  12–13, 36–40, 49, 65–6, 72, 75–6, 80–1, 115, 358–60 Perdrix, S.  344–5 Perera, H.N.  10, 15, 321 Perkin, H.  257–9 Perry, J.C.  29–30, 241, 244, 357, 363 Pesch, K.M.  314–15 Peters, M.A.  82–3, 87 Peterson, G.W.  136, 139, 198–200, 240–1, 271–2, 285, 304, 345 Petersson, C.  222 Peycheva, V.  43 Pham, A.  362 Phillips, K.J.  337–8 Piaget, J.  199–200 Piketty, T.  89, 117 Piore, M.J.  156 Piper, R.E.  134 Pitkänen, P.  229–30 Plant, P.  120, 188–9, 272, 354–6, 359–60, 363, 365 Plato, 1974  1–2 Poell, R.  316–17 Poe-Yamagata, E.  43 Poklar, A.E.  245–6 Polenova, E.  249 Poole, M.E.  357 Poortinga, Y.H.  239–40, 245 Pope, M.  345 Porfeli, E.J.  3–4, 29–30, 137, 139 Porter, J.  213–14 Post, M.  316–17 Pouyaud, J.  82, 120 Prasad, J.  246 Praskova, A.  248 Preece, D.  147 Preston, D.  157 Price, R.H.  123 Prilleltensky, I.  29, 86, 241 Pritchard, C.  315 Procoli, A.  84–5 Pryor, G.  271–2 Pryor, R.G.  135, 138–9 Pseekos, A.C.  40 Puigmitja, I.  246 Puukari, S.  226–8

Q Quart, A.  302–3

name index    377

R Rabie, S.  247 Rahardja, D.  338–9, 348 Rajani, N.  249 Ramakrishnan, S.  249 Rand, B.  29 Randall, R.  317 Rascován, S.  226–7, 229, 231, 233–4 Ratner, C.  244–5 Rawls, J.  185 Reardon, R.C.  136, 139, 198–200, 271–2, 285, 304, 345 Redecker, C.  56 Redekopp, D.E.  119 Reenen, J.  38 Reese, L.E.  218 Regmi, S.  220, 222 Rehfuss, M.C.  174 Rehill, J.  38–9, 66–7, 72, 75–6 Rein, M.  97 Reisch, M.  182 Reiss, A.  315 Repovš, E.  156 Resse, R.J.  329 Ribeiro, M.A.  11, 14, 28, 196–7, 199, 201–2, 206, 213–14, 226–31, 233–5, 239 Rice, S.  188 Richard, G.V.  363 Richardson, M.S.  26–8, 118–19, 132, 186, 188 Richmond, L.J.  199 Ricoeur, P.  196–7 Rigotti, T.  316 Robbins, S.B.  343 Roberts, K.  26–30, 58–9, 117, 135, 196–7, 331 Roberts, R.J.  5, 194–5 Robertson, P.J.  13, 15–16, 31, 61, 98–9, 118–19, 337–8, 355, 358–9 Robledo, E.  246 Roche, M.K.  243, 246 Rodrigues, R.A.  145–6, 150–1 Roe, A.  26–7 Rogers, C.R.  195–6, 198, 325–8 Rogers, D.T.  195–6, 202–4 Rogers, J.G.  240–1 Rolfe, H.  331 Römgens, I.  317 Ronka, A.  249 Roper, J.  145–6, 148, 159, 184–5 Rorty, R.  132 Rose, C.S.  338, 343 Rose, N.  58–9, 241–4 Rosenbaum, J.E.  160 Ross, S.A.  81

378    name index

Rossier, J.  10, 14, 132, 170–1, 173–6, 194, 201–2, 228, 344–5, 361, 364–5 Rotolo, C.T.  157 Rott, G.  81 Rottinghaus, P.J.  319, 321, 345 Rounds, J.  247, 315–16 Rousseau, D.B.  156 Rousseau, D.M.  133–4, 143, 148, 184–5, 363–4 Rowe, G.  72 Rozzi, M.  12 Rudd, E.  299–300 Rudolph, C.W.  355 Ryan, R.M.  145, 327 Ryan Krane, N.E.  338–9, 341–6, 348–9

S Sablynski, C.J.  357 Sadler, P.  299–300 Saks, A.M.  316, 319 Salinas-Ramos, T.  242 Sam, D.L.  239–40, 245 Sampson, E.E.  243 Sampson, J.P.  136, 139, 240–1, 271–2, 276–7, 285, 291–2, 301, 304, 306–7, 345 Sampson, J.P., Jr.  198–200, 303 Santilli, S.  305 Santora, J.C.  157 Santos, B.S.  226–7, 230–1 Sarbin, T.  171 Sarr, F.  226, 228–9 Saunders, J.  122 Savard, R.  202, 318, 344–5 Savelsberg, H.J.  82–3 Savickas, M.L.  2–3, 5, 14, 29–30, 82–3, 113, 133–4, 137–9, 148, 173–7, 186, 194, 196–9, 201–2, 226, 228, 271–2, 275, 321, 338–9, 346, 348, 362 Schehr, R.C.  122 Scheier, M.F.  137 Schein, E.H.  144, 146, 151, 156–8, 199 Schenke, A.  82, 189–90, 196–7, 199–200 Schiersmann, C.  291–2 Schinka, J.A.  40 Schipani, C.A.  331 Schneider, M.  198–9 Schneider, M.R.  319 Schneider, T.J.  320 Schneider Corey, M.  328 Schober, K.  356, 359, 362 Schofield, R.  41 Schön, D.  331–2

Schultheiss, D.E.P.  135, 197–9, 203–4 Schultz, J.  302 Schultz, T.W.  54–5 Schumaker, J.B.  138–9 Schwab, K.  298–9 Schyns, B.  316 Scott, A.B.  134 Scottish Government  100 Scoupe, R.  317 Sears, A.M.  186 Segerberg, A.  300 Segerstrom, S.C.  137 Selmer, J.  156–7 Sen, A.  121 Sennett, R.  84–5 Sexton, T.L.  338–9, 346–7, 361 Shadish, W.  361 Shaffer, M.A.  157 Shah, M.  81–2, 274–5 Shalem, Y.  79–80 Sharf, R.S.  132 Sharma, A.  80 Sharma, R.  1–2 Sharma, R.N.  1–2 Sharone, O.  26 Shaw, C.  4–5 Shaw, C.R.  194–5, 200–1 Shayne, L.  343 Shefer, T.  53 Sheiner, L.  45 Shen, Y.  248 Shenvi, C.  301 Shepherd, C.  298, 303 Shiraev, E.B.  240–1 Shirky, C.  299–300 Shrestha, S.  28, 169–70, 220, 222, 239 Shweder, R.  240 Siemens, G.  306 Silva, F.F.  226–7, 229–30, 233–5 Silva, J.R.  177–8 Simmel, G.  4–5 Simon, R.I.  82, 189–90, 196–7, 199–200 Simons, M.  82, 87 Singer, J.A.  245–6 Siu, O.L.  148 Sixrud, J.  274–5 Skinner, B.F.  326 Sloan, T.  241 Slonim-Nevo, S.  354, 364 Smale, A.  156–7 Smith, A.  55, 121 Smith, D.  80–1, 362 Smith, E.  26–8 Smith, J.  88 Snell, S.  146–7

Snowden, A.  72 Snyder, C.R.  137 Soares, W.  301 Solberg, J.  329 Solberg, S.  69–71, 73 Sorensen, K.L.  357 Soresi, S.  305 Soubeyran, R.  121 Sparkes, A.  27–8 Sparkes, A.C.  81, 135, 331 Speckesser, S.  40–1 Spence, M.  41–2 Spokane, A.R.  213–14, 338, 361 Spreitzer, G.M.  150–1 Spring, J.  183 Spurk, D.  156 Stahl, G.K.  156–7 Standing, G.  24, 84–5, 147 Stanley, J.  73 Stauffer, S.D.  170–1 Staunton, T.  15, 298, 303–5, 307–8 Stead, G.B.  86, 194–7, 213–14, 241, 244–6, 357 Steele, C.  317 Steele, J.L.  122 Steinbereithner, M.  156–7 Stephens, J.  347 Stephens, W.R.  55 Stern, N.  119–20 Sterns, A.A.  118 Sterns, H.L.  118 Stevens, A.  201, 206–7 Steyrer, J.  147–51, 156–7 Stiglitz, J.  26 Stiglitz, J.E.  117 Stoltz, K.B.  177–8 Stones, R.  258, 264–5 Strauss, A.L.  159 Strauss, K.  134 Studer, C.  243–4 Su, R.  247, 315–16 Sullivan, S.E.  133–4, 156 Sultana, R.G.  2, 10–11, 13, 23–4, 26–7, 52–3, 55, 60–2, 65–7, 79–82, 86, 103–9, 114, 116, 122–3, 181–3, 187–8, 190, 196–7, 199, 226–31, 235, 241, 270, 277, 329–30, 363–5 Super, C.M.  346 Super, D.E.  5–6, 10, 26–7, 49, 60–1, 133–4, 148, 173, 186, 194–201, 325, 346 Svejenova, S.  150–1 Swailes, S.  157 Swanson, J.L.  198–9, 213–14 Symonds, D.  344–5

T Tammelin, M.  249 Tang, C.  306 Taylor, A.  66–7 Taylor, E.W.  195–200 Taylor, K.M.  338–9 Tchombe, T.M.S.  243–4, 249–50 Teo, T.  241–2, 249–50 Tew, M.  275 Thomas, D.  213–14 Thomas, D.C.  150–1 Thompson, L.F.  25 Thompson, M.  10–11 Thomsen, R.  10–11, 23–4, 60–2, 65–6, 81–2, 108–9, 122–3, 182, 187, 196–7, 199, 227–8, 231, 241, 270 Thomson, S.  289 Thorne, B.  326–8 Thrupp, M.  182 Thunnissen, M.  149 Tien, H.L.S.  232, 246 Timulak, L.  359 Tirumalasetti, D.  43 Tolbert, P.  145, 149–50 Tolstoy, L.  2 Tomas, J.  319 Tomasello, M.  214–15 Tomlinson, J.  148, 150 Tomlinson, M.  82–3 Tomlinson, S.  182 Topa, G.  246 Toporek, R.L.  340–1 Torgerson, C.  72 Torres, R.D.  60 Torrey, C.L.  29–30 Tosti-Kharas, J.  156 Townley, B.  150–1 Tracey, T.J.G.  315–16 Treacy, R.  54 Trouche, L.  306 Tudor, K.  326

U Ulrich, D.  144–5 Ulubey, E.  243, 248 Urzua, S.  274–5 Utz, S.  302 Uvaldo, M.C.C.  226–7, 229, 233

V Vaillant, G.E.  199 Valach, L.  131, 198–9 Valero, D.  321 Valette, A.  149 Valette-Wursthen, A.  108 Vallas, S.P.  23–4 Vally, S.  79–80

van de Oudeweetering, K.  80 Van der Heijden, B.I.J.M.  156 van de Vijver, F.J.R.  247–8 Van de Vliert, E.  159 Van de Walle, S.  36 Van Dijck, J.  300, 307 van Laar, D.  358–9 Van Laer, K.  347–8 van Loo, J.  118 Van Maanen, J.  146, 151, 156–8 van Ours, J.C.  38–9 Vardi, I.  156 Vardi, Y.  145–6, 156 Vásquez, S.G.  235 Vassilieva, J.  170 Vaux, T.  121 Vedral, A.  249 Vedung, E.  95–6 Veltman, A.  83–4 Vera, E.M.  218 Verbruggen, M.  347–8 Verger, A.  79–80 Verhoef, M.  249 Vervoordt, S.  249 Vespia, K.M.  348 Vigoda, E.  45 Vigurs, K.  298, 304–5 Viray, M.  28, 169–70, 239 Viray, M.M.  220 Vives, A.  25 Voight, A.M.  30 von Glasersfeld, 1984  194–5 Voogt, J.  80 Voronov, M.  245–6 Vuori, J.  123 Vuorinen, R.  263, 306–7

W Waddell, G.  119 Walker, D.  331–2 Walker, E.  360–1 Walker, J.  185 Walker, L.  273 Wall, T.  54 Waller, N.  301 Waller, R.  273–4 Walmsley, A.  45 Walsh, B.W.  287 Walsh, D.  361 Walsh, N.D.  360 Walsh, W.B.  132 Walton, L.  337–8 Walzer, M.  185 Wang, H.J.  148 Wang, L.  145 Wang, M.  39, 339–41, 346 Wang, Y.C.  232

name index    379

Warhurst, C.  10–11 Warr, P.  119 Warschauer, M.  307 Washburn, M.  132 Watanabe, A.  3 Watanabe-Muraoke, A.  262 Waters, L.  145 Watkins, C.E.  174–5 Watson, M.  227, 271–2, 314, 316–17 Watts, A.G.  9–11, 35–6, 49, 52–3, 55, 58, 60, 62, 65–6, 72, 80–3, 86, 103–5, 107, 113–14, 116, 181–2, 189–90, 217, 227–8, 273, 291–2, 304, 329–31, 347–8, 356–9, 362–3 Watts, R.J.  30 Webb, S.A.  354 Weber, M.  258 Weisz, J.R.  245–6 Welde, A.M.J.  81 Wellman, N.  148 Wen, J.  243, 246 Wenger, E.  195–6, 199–201 West, M.  148, 157–8 Westergaard, J.  326 Wheeler, S.  306 Whelan, G.  300 Whiston, S.C.  12, 15–16, 202, 283–4, 315, 318, 337–49, 361, 364–5

380    name index

White, A.E.  30 White, J.  274–5 White, M.  35–6, 172–3 White, P.J.  304–5 Whitley, R.D.  156 Whittaker, E.  299 Whitty, G.  72 Wiliam, D.  278 Wilkinson, A.  10–11 Wille, B.  320–1 Williams, R.  65–6 Williams, S.  317 Williams van Rooij, S.  156–7 Willis, P.  27–8 Willner, C.J.  75–6 Wilson, D.B.  122 Wilson, W.  40 Winick, E.  85 Winslade, J.M.  234 Winter, D.  299 Winters, A.  276 Wolf, A.  57–8 Wolford, W.  90 Wood, A.  302–3 Wood, J.J.  245–6 Worrall, M.  326 Wright, A.  90 Wright, L.  283–4, 315, 318, 338–9, 341–2, 344–9 Wright, O.  89 Wright, S.A.  357 Wrzesniewski, A.  135

X Xin, C.A.  147

Y Yang, G.  302–3 Yates, J.  14, 27–8, 53, 82–3, 144, 169–70, 194, 201 Yeoman, R.  10–11 Yip, J.  155, 162 Yoon, H.J.  261–2, 315 Young, I.M.  186–9 Young, R.A.  10, 131, 157–8, 194–9, 201 Youssef, C.M.  137–9 Yu, S.  246–7

Z Zacher, H.  355 Zacherd, H.  117 Zahid, G.  261 Zamagni, S.  89 Zelloth, H.  105 Zhang, A.  249 Zhang, F.  246–7 Zijlstra, F.R.H.  362 Zikic, J.  316, 319 Zimmermann, G.  175 Zinn, L.  249 Zomer, P.  317–18 Zuboff, S.  307–8 Zunker, V.G.  118–19, 343 Župić, I.  156

SUBJECT INDEX

Note: Tables and figures are indicated by an italic “t” and “f ”, respectively, following the page number. For the benefit of digital users, indexed terms that span two pages (e.g., 52–53) may, on occasion, appear on only one of those pages.

A acculturation  200, 214–18, 223, 232–3, 243, 246, 249 action planning  207 action research  365–6 active listening technique  53, 326, 331–2 Activity Plan assessment  102–3 actualising tendency  326 adaptability in boundaryless career  144–5, 184–5 career adaptability  29–30, 137, 188–9, 249, 305, 319, 321, 346, 358 in career assessment  317 in career construction counselling intervention 176–8 in career guidance  270–2 “adjust/challenge” dilemma  86–7 adult guidance  359–60 adult learning  100, 102 advocacy/advocacy groups  96, 187, 257–8, 274–5, 341 Africa 226 agency autonomy  28, 45, 145, 264, 270–2, 274–5, 306–7 in boundaryless careers  150 in career development  49, 133 career scripts and  149 in choice-making  58–9 critical consciousness and  30 protean careers and  145–6 sense of agency  174–5 transformative career education and 274–5 alcohol use/abuse  24–5 alienated labour  84–5

American Educational Research Association 314–15 American Psychological Association 314–15 American School Counselor Association 100–1 anthropological/comparative imagination 88–90 anti-globalization movements 88–9 anxiety  24–5, 177–8, 317–18 Argentina  90, 225–6, 232–3 Argentinian Movement of Unemployed Workers (Movimento de Trabajadores Desocupados) 90 artificial intelligence (AI)  79–80, 84–5, 276, 304–5 Asia/Asian countries  220, 225–6, 232, 235, 242, 245–6 aspirational capability  81, 274–5 assessment. See also career assessment; evaluation in career learning  275, 317–18, 322 in cross-cultural career psychology 246–8 in cultural preparation process model 221–3 non-psychometric assessment 221 psychological assessment  170 psychometric assessment  221, 314, 318 vocational abilities assessment 170 Australia career assessment in  319

career development in  226, 259–60, 325, 330–1 career guidance in  43–4, 100–1 Career Industry Council of Australia 259–60, 325, 330–1 career learning in  274 career management skills  358 cross-cultural career psychology 246 Ministerial Council for Education 274 North American Blueprint  274 Professions Australia  288–9 vocational education programs 43–4 Australian Graduate Employability Scale (AGRADES)  319–20 Austria child guidance clinics  3 client-centredness approach 327–8 education policy in  69 institutional management  71, 73–4 partnership working  73–4 automation 23–4. See also artificial intelligence autonomy  28, 45, 145, 264, 270–2, 274–5, 306–7. See also agency awareness client awareness  188–9 commercial awareness  72–3 critical consciousness and  30 cultural awareness  330 in intervention-specific learning outcomes 36

awareness (Continued ) occupational awareness  319 of possible careers  149 in professionalisation  265–6 school-age careers guidance and  42 self-awareness  52, 137–8, 206, 331, 333 of social injustice  228, 302–3 of societal change  123 sociohistorical context of  233 in systems theory framework 288 in workforce recruiting  68

B ‘ban the box campaign,’  121 Basic Education Act (Government of Finland, 1998)  99 behaviourism 326 best practice  150, 287, 359, 363 between-group 216–17 bias in collating evidence  360 Big Five personality traits  171–2, 314–15 biological anthropology  214–15 Blair, Tony  55–6 boundary crossing  248 boundaryless career  133–4, 144–5, 150 Brazil career development in  234 career development theories from Global South  232, 234 career theory in  225–6 Movimento Sin Terra  90 participatory governance in  90 theoretical productions in 232–3 bridging technique  205, 207 British Cohort Study  39 Business in the Community  72

C Campbell Collaboration  361 Canada career development in  226 Career Development Manitoba 277 Careering magazine  120 career management skills  358 employer advisers in  69–71 National Life/Work Centre  274 school-age interventions  38–9 capital. See also human capital career capital  137–8 cultural capital  75–6, 135, 149, 260

382    subject index

defined 50 financial capital  54–5 social capital  30, 135, 158, 317 capitalism critics of  84–5 defensive struggles and  88 economic formations associated with 300 elite occupations and  59–60 new spirit of  86 solidarity economics and  89 surveillance capitalism  307–8 career coevolutionary view of  155, 159–64 concept of  156 defined  4, 150 time notion of  157 career actors  158–61, 163 career adaptability  29–30, 137, 188–9, 249, 305, 319, 321, 346, 358. See also adaptability career advisers  263–4 career assessment adaptability in  317 advances in  320–1 decision-making processes in  314 defined 314–15 of employability  317–18 ethics/ethical practices in  315 in higher education  313, 317–20 identity and  316–17 idiographic career assessment 314–15 key features  313 key vocational interests  315–17 life career assessment  176 nomothetic career assessment  314–15, 320 person-centred analysis in  320 qualitative approaches  314–18 quantitative approaches  314–15, 318–20 self-efficacy and  317 vocational interests in  3–4, 315–17, 320–1, 341–2 career beliefs  195–6, 200, 220–1 career capital  137–8 career clusters  69–71 career coaching  8, 39, 53, 264 career construction theory  175–6, 271–2 career construction counselling  169–70, 174, 176–8 career counselling

activities 53 career choice counseling  341–6 career construction counselling 169–70, 174, 176–8 counsellor-client relationship 176–7 counsellor support  344–6 culturally mediated models 213–14 culture-infused model  330 effectiveness of  337–46, 363 job search counseling  339–41 meta-analytic studies of  338–9 modality differences  346–7 narrative career counseling  174–5 overview of  8 research suggestions  347–8 vocational interventions in  121–2, 338 career decision-making in career assessment  314 career counselling and  341 in career education  271–2 career efficacy and  338–9, 341–2, 344, 347 cognitive approaches to  173, 177–8, 342–3 cultural learning theory  200–1 in labour market information 287 modelling in  343–6 in narrative career counseling 174–5 opportunities and  333 public policy impact on  98, 105 self-efficacy in  177–8, 341–2, 344, 346–7 social justice and  187 social learning theory  136 working alliance impact on 344–5 career development consultants of  264 defined  6–8, 35 importance of  8–12 origins of field  1–6 overview of  14–16 summary of  6, 16 Career Development Institute (CDI) (United Kingdom)  35, 259–63, 274, 277, 325, 330–1 Career Development Manitoba 277 career education. See also career learning; transformative

career education in schools and colleges AGRADES battery  319 cultural sensitivity and  187–8 curricular framework  81–2, 185 framework in practice  138–40 individual motivation and  40 interventions in  52–3, 354, 361 learning contents in  198–9 narrative activities in  175 overview of  8, 13, 15 as preparation for employment 116 social justice and  189 sociopolitical ideologies in  181–2, 186–7 subject-based curriculum  272 whole school approach to  102 Career Education Act (Republic of Korea, 2015)  99–100 career efficacy  338–9, 341–2, 344, 347 career enactment  8, 300–2, 308–9 career exploration  81–2, 269–70, 274, 276–8, 315–17, 343 Career Futures Inventory–Revised (CFI-R) 319 career guidance. See also public policy for career guidance assessment and  221–3 benefits of  41–5 in cultural preparation process model 221–3 definitions of  99 digital career guidance practice 298 education–business link services 271 education–employer links  66–7, 69, 71 five signposts toward  231 as interventions  8, 218, 220, 347, 359 investment in human capital 57 learning outcomes of  358 managerialism effects in UK  260 meaning-making in  187–8 non-curriculum skills development  72–3, 76 relation to ecojustice discourses 188–9 strengthening of  228–9 three main orientations of  270 Career Industry Council of Australia (CICA)  259–60, 325, 330–1

Careering magazine  120 career learning. See also career education assessments in  275, 317–18, 322 career education and  270–2 curricula in  81–2, 317 different stages of  293 digital career learning  305–8 educational enterprise within 11 essential features of  276 four-stage model of  136 framework in practice  138–9 gamified workplace simulation 304–5 government intervention and 98–9 international developments in 81–2 online sources of  293 overview of  136–7 as policy answer  82–3 progression in  273 resources for  14 theories of  10, 14, 133, 136–7 transformative model of  274, 278 career management skills analysis of problems  82–3 anthropological/comparative imagination 88–90 authentic work education  85–90 benefits of learning about  80–2 career guidance and  55 educational outcomes  358 exploitation in work  84–5 international developments in work learning programmes 81–2 situating career development 79–80 styles card sort  205–6 transformative career education and 277–8 “world of work” preparation  79–80, 83–4 career psychology  213–14, 317. See also cross-cultural career psychology Careers and Enterprise Company (England)  72, 271, 362 career satisfaction measures  45 career scripts  147–9 career services emergence of  3 goals of  120–1, 124

intranational comparisons  363 outcomes of  357 productivity and  347 public demand for  102 quality of evidence in  359–60, 362 STEM careers and  120 student data on  302 Careers Scotland  102 Careers Strategy: Making the Most of Everyone’s Skills and Talents (Department for Education, 2017) 99 Careers Strategy in England  261 career-style interview  138–9 career theory. See also Global South career theory after recession  143 career learning  136–7 cultural learning theory  194–7 development of  4, 131–3 environment in  134–6 framework in practice  138–40 identity and  133–4 labour market information and 286–8 new career theories  10, 42–3, 143–6, 150–1, 175, 250 overview of  7–8, 14, 137–8 psychological career resources 137–8 summary of  140 career transitions  42, 159–62, 284, 286, 306 Centre for Study and Research on Qualifications 102–3 chance events, impact on career development 135 chaos theory  135, 138–9, 271–2 charitable funders  36 Chartered Institute for Personnel and Development  68 Chicago School Sociology  5, 157–8, 200–1 child guidance clinics  3 China  65, 232–5, 261 Choosing a Vocation (Parsons)  2–3 citizen access to career development  13, 105–6 civic participation and engagement  49, 301 civil society  95–6, 105, 108–9, 186–7 client, expanded definition  218 client awareness  188–9 client-centredness adoption in career development practice 325–7

subject index    383

client-centredness (Continued ) application difficulties  329–31 critical model of  332–4, 332f critical reflection role  331–2 critiques of  327–9 cultural context  333 defined 326 individual focus on  333 nondirective client-centredness  326–7, 329–32 opportunities for  333 use of  333–4 co-curricular activities  273, 278 coevolutionary view of careers  155, 159–64 cognitive approaches to career development  173, 354–5 cognitive information processing  136, 200, 271–2 collaborative economies  88–9 collaborative learning  275 collective action  61–2, 90, 231, 264 collectivities  160, 231, 248 commercial awareness  72–3 Commission of the European Economic Community 103–4 commodification of labour  24 communal economies  88–9 communicative processes in social justice 187 community-based organisations 187 community cohesion with career education 270 community consequences of decent work declines  25–7 community economies  88–9 community expectations  202–8 community learning centres  100 complex interventions  359 compulsory programmes in career development 40 compulsory schooling  83 concern (planning) in career adaptability 137 Confederation of British Industry (United Kingdom)  72 confidence (self-efficacy) in career adaptability 137 Confucian interpersonal relatedness 232 connectivist approaches to digital technologies 306–7 conscientization 231. See also critical consciousness conscious experience  171

384    subject index

consistent income  23–4 Construction Industry Training Board (United Kingdom)  42 constructionist understanding of career 134 constructivist perspectives in evidence-based practice  355 construct validity in cross-cultural career psychology  246–8 consumer role of employers  68 contextual action theory  226–7, 288 continuous improvement exercises 67 control (decision-making) in career adaptability  137 cooperative forms of work/social activities 90 cooperative learning method  276 Cooperative Vocational Training (Mongolia) 43–4 core economies  88–9 corporate citizenship  74–5 cost–benefit analysis (CBA)  36–45, 37f Council of Europe  103, 109 Council of the European Union 104 counsellor–client relationship  176–7 counsellor support  344–6 counterhegemonic globalization 231 critical approaches to digital technologies 307–8 critical consciousness  30–1, 234 critical model of client-centred career development  332f, 333–4 critical pedagogy  189, 234 critical psychology cross-cultural career psychology and 243–9 overview of  108–9, 239–43 critical reflection  326, 331–4, 332f critical social justice. See social justice critical thinking  80, 196–7, 242, 270–1 cross-cultural career psychology assessment in  246–8 common career themes  248–9 construct validity in  246–8 critical psychology and  241–6 epistemology of  243–4 future research and practice 249–50

individualism-collectivism continuum of  245–6 overview of  239–41 purpose of  239 reporting differences and similarities 248–9 serviceable other  243 universality in  244–5 work–family, immigration, and refugees 249 cross-curricular element  273, 278 cross-sectional career decisions 7–8 cultural capital  75–6, 135, 149, 260 cultural constructivism  194–5, 213–14 cultural imperialism  186–7 cultural influences collage  205–6 cultural leadership  218 cultural learning theory assessing learning  208 bridging technique  205, 207 of career development  197–202, 198t career development theories 194–7 career management styles card sort 205–6 cultural influences collage  205–6 cultural preparation process model 214–16 defined 193 golden threads activity  205–6 integrative approach to  194–7 learning contents  198–9 learning contexts  200–1 learning processes  199–200 learning relationships  197–8 life stories  205, 208 networking  205, 207 overview and focus of  193–4 in practice  202–8 reflexivity in  202–3 reviewing technique  205, 207 richness of cultural insight 194–5 theoretical integration  194 culturally mediated interventions 213–14, 220–1 cultural preparation process model (CPPM) acculturation  214, 216–18 applications of  218–23 career guidance  221–3 career psychology and  213–14

client definition expanded  218 cultural leadership  218 cultural learning  214–16 culturally mediated interventions 220–1 cultural symbols  219 enculturation  214, 216 in India  232–3 integrating livelihood and career 219 overview of  214–18 status equilibrium  216 Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire 221 as template for intervention development 218–20 traditional metal worker case study 215 cultural symbols  216, 219 culture, defined  213–14 culture-infused career counselling model 330 curiosity (exploration) in career adaptability 137 curricula/curriculum career education framework  81–2, 185 in career learning  81–2, 317 co-curricular activities  273, 278 cross-curricular element  273, 278 delivery of  66, 72 design in career education 272–3 development of  66, 69–71 enrichment in  273 “STEM-ification” of  80 subject-based 272

D data collection ethics  292 data disaggregation  292–3 data provenance  292 decentralization in policy implementation 101 decent work access to  114–16, 121–3 causes of decline  13, 24 community and societal consequences of  25–7 critiques of traditional theories  27–8 defined 24 global data on  84 individual consequences  24–5 psychology of working theory and 28–31

research summary on  23–4, 31–2 decision agenda  97 decision-making processes. See career decision-making Denmark 38 Department for Education and Skills (Ireland)  100, 263 Department for Education and Skills (United Kingdom) 286–7 Department for Education (DfE) (England)  42–3, 66, 99, 261 Department of Education and Science (Ireland)  99 depression concerns  24–5 deprofessionalisation 264–6 depth-orientated values extraction 138–9 deskilling in work  84–5 development, defined  7 developmental psychology  214 developmental view of career education 270 devolution of responsibility for public career guidance  108 dialogic teaching  276 diatopical hermeneutics  234 differential psychology  2–4, 6, 287 digital cryptocurrencies  298 digital revolution  298–9 digital technologies as arenas  302–3 digital environment, defined  298–9 importance of  302–3 as library  301 marketplace career opportunities 302 as media channels  301–2 as meeting places  302 pedagogy for  305–8 role of  297–8 shaping of society through  299–301 as support/interventions  303–5 surveillance cameras  302 in transformative career education 276–7 direct democracy  90 direct financial evidence base  40 disabled persons  98–9, 118, 203 disciplinary regime  86 discrimination. See also marginalisation career exploration and  276

in client-centredness approach  327, 330–1 critical consciousness and  30 exploitation  26–7, 44, 84–5, 145–7, 186–7, 276, 278, 302–3 of low-skilled workers  147 middle-class bias  26–7 positive discrimination  185 racism  26, 117 racism and  26 against sexual and gender identity 118 social justice concerns and 184–6 transformative change and  270, 278 of women in STEM careers 289–90 discursive validation  234 dispositional employability  318–19 Dispositional Measure of Employability (DME)  319 dispositional traits  317, 320–1 distributive social justice  185–6 domestic violence  30 domination culture  186–8 DOTS model  81–2 drug use/abuse  24–5

E Early Childhood Development and Youth Affairs  274 economic freedom  184 economic inactivity reduction  38–40 economic incentives in public policy  96, 100–3, 106–10 economic inequality  13, 117, 121 economic marginalization  31–2 economic opportunity  31 economic outcomes career development, defined 35 conceptual model of  35–45 cost-benefit analysis  36–45, 37f economic inactivity reduction 38–40 economistic rationale limits  36, 45–6, 54, 59–60 employer-level 40–2 evidence-based limitations  39, 44 increased gross domestic product 44 increased wages and  39 individual-level 38–40

subject index    385

economic outcomes (Continued ) labour-market participation  42 productivity increases and outcomes  40–1, 44, 66, 347 quantification of  358 reduced skills shortages  43 reduced staff turnover  41 school-age interventions  38–9, 42 state-level 42–5 summary of  46 unemployment decreases  42 economic recession  25, 82–3, 331 economic thought  88 economistic rationale limits  36, 45–6, 54, 59–60 education. See also career education; career learning; curricula/curriculum; higher education; learning/learning process; school-based education process authentic work education  88–90 career development interventions 52–3 education system and  53–4 formal education  50, 53–4, 56, 79–80, 83, 86, 219–20 full-time education  66–7 goals of  114, 116–17, 124 graduation in education phases 66 human capital theory and  49–52, 51f, 54–62 human resources and  65 importance of  49–52, 51f marginalisation impact on  85 objectives of  124, 199–200 outcomes in  74, 358 political dimension of  13 pre-vocational education  276 primary education  66–7 psychoeducation  318, 345–6 public policy for career development 114, 116–17, 124 secondary education  50, 66–7, 69, 100–1, 262, 270–1 special educational needs  271 state education systems  2 technocratic function of  116, 123–4 tertiary education  66–7 vocational education and training  43–4, 100, 116 Education Act (1998) (Ireland)  99 Education Act (2011) (United Kingdom) 99

386    subject index

Educational Information and Employment Bureaux (United Kingdom)  3 Education and Culture Ministry (Finland) 103 Education and Employers charity (England) 72 education–business links  271, 361 Education (Choice of Employment) Act (1910) (United Kingdom)  3 education-employer links career guidance  8, 66, 72–3 curriculum delivery examples 72 curriculum development examples 69–71 different roles of  67–73 employer roles  67–8 institutional management examples 71–2 non-curriculum skills development examples  66, 72–3 policy examples  69 potential education roles  68 in school-based education process 66–73 taxonomy of  68–73, 70t Education Scotland  81–2 education system. See also higher education; school-based education process career development context  7, 53–7, 59, 329 career guidance benefits  42–3, 261 career participation and  50 digital technologies and  304 effectiveness of  98–9 state systems  2, 59 supporting operation of  13 transition from  116 Elementary and Secondary Education Act (Republic of Korea, 2009)  99–100 emancipatory practices  29, 61, 270 empirical evidence  41, 44, 46, 84–5, 145–6 empirical support  145–6, 174, 245–6 empiricism in cross-cultural career psychology 243–4 employability boundaryless career discourse 184–5 career assessment and  318–20

career development education  55, 60, 69–71, 116 career management and  277 challenges to professionalism 264 competencies in  186 defined 137 in human capital theory  57, 186 overview of  49 proactive adaptability  137 project-based learning  276 teamwork skills  275 universal measures of  188–9 employee governors  72 Employer Advisory Committees for School to Career Partnerships (United States)  71 employer associations  67, 69–71, 73–4, 187 employer governors  72 employers consumer role of  68 economic outcomes and  40–2 education–employer links  66–7, 69, 71 engagement for career development  69, 74t, 75–6 institutional benefits in employer engagement  73–6 partnership working  73–6, 74t policy rationales in employer engagement 73–6 rationales and benefits  73–6 school-based education process  69, 75–6 student benefits  75–6 employment agencies  72 Employment and Economy (Finalnd) 103 employment counsellor-to-client ratios 101 employment flexibility  145 employment protection legislation 118 enculturation  200, 214–17, 219, 232–3 Engineering Construction Industry Training Board (United Kingdom)  69–71 Engineering UK  289–90 England Careers and Enterprise Company  72, 271, 362 Careers Strategy: Making the Most of Everyone’s Skills and Talents 99 Careers Strategy in England  261

Department for Education  42–3, 66, 99, 261 Education and Employers charity 72 Gatsby Charitable Foundation  42–3, 81–2, 330 Law Society in England  259 National Careers Service  43 Office for Standards in Education 102–3 English-language literature  3 enquiry-based learning  276 enrichment in curriculum  273 enterprising self  58–9 environmental concerns/goals  14, 119–20, 124, 134–6, 138–40, 186 e-portfolio-based tools  277–8 e-recruitment 302 Estonia 100 ethics/ethical practices in career assessment  315 in client-centredness  330–1 in data collection  292 Ethical Standards of IAEVG 330–1 job-placement imperative and 329–30 in labour market information 290 ethnicity  11, 81, 98–9, 117, 150–1, 201, 203, 214, 229, 231, 240–1 Eurobarometer 101 Euroguidance 263 European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training 105 European Commission  56, 101, 106–7 European Council  105–7, 109 European Employment Strategy 107 European Lifelong Guidance Policy Network (ELGPN)  98, 100, 105–7 European Parliament  107 European Social Charter  103 European Training Foundation (ETF)  105, 107 European Union  79–80, 114 European Union (EU)  42, 56, 79–80, 102–6, 109–10, 114, 188–9 evaluation. See also assessment formative policy evaluation  97–8 frameworks in career education 270

of public policy  96, 102–3 summative policy evaluation 97–8 Evidence-Based Medicine Working Group 354 evidence-based practice accessibility of  362 application of model  365–6 bias in collating evidence  360 in career counseling  337–8 contextual knowledge in  364–5, 364f defined 354 development of model for 363–6 evidence and theory  354–5 implications of  353–4 informing policy and practice 360–2 levels of analysis  356 limitations of economic outcomes  39, 44 meta-analysis and literature reviews 360–2 networking in  39 outcomes of career development interventions 356–9 practitioner role and identity 354 proximal and distal outcomes 356–7 for public policy  362–3 purpose and ownership in 355–6 quality of evidence appraisals 359–60 service users’ voice in  365 subjective and objective outcomes 357–8 experiential learning  136, 195–6, 199–200, 277 exploitation  26–7, 44, 84–5, 145–7, 186–7, 276, 278, 302–3 extrinsic rewards  86 extroversion 145

F face-to-face learning  301 factor-matching approaches to career development  325 fair access to career opportunities 117–18 fairness in workplace  148, 150, 182, 185 familiar/strange career boundary  5 family ties  7 family values  24

feedback in career choice counselling 343 field theory  149 financial capital  54–5 Finland Basic Education Act  99 career guidance in  100–1, 103 Education and Culture Ministry 103 Employment and Economy  103 Government of Finland  99 international policy networks 106–7 National Audit Office of Finland 103 school-age interventions  38–9 flexible careers  147 flexible labour  188–9 flexicurity 89 focusing of experiences  200 Foresight Mental Capital and Wellbeing Project  119 formal education  50, 53–4, 56, 79–80, 83, 86, 219–20 formative policy evaluation  97–8 Fortune 500 companies  144–5 4-day workweek  89 France  100–3, 108 free-at-point-of-use service  71–2 freedom of choice  227 free time needs  24 free-trade economies  59 Freire, Paulo  233 fulfilment measures  45 full-time education  66–7 fundamental attribution error  150

G games-based learning  276–7 gamesmanship 157–8 gamified workplace simulation  304–5 gatekeeper roles  148 Gatsby Charitable Foundation (England)  42–3, 81–2, 330 gender identities  118, 150–1 gender (in)equality  117–18, 148, 203, 231 generic information processing skills 136 geographic considerations  7, 203 German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ)  43–4 Germany  3, 43–4, 72–4 global dimensions of learning  195–6 global economic development studies 25

subject index    387

globalisation anti-globalization movements  88–9 bottom-up globalization  231 in career development  117, 157 enquiry-based learning  276 increasing challenges to  266 individualism-collectivism continuum and  245 individualism/collectivism dichotomy and  245 of labour market  297 in learning topics  199 school-based education process and  59, 66 top-down globalization  226 Global North awareness of social injustice 228 career development and  226–8 career theory in  196–7, 225–6 contextualizing career theory and  229–32, 235 experience of work in  84 international reviews of services 81 Global South aims of  225–6 career development in  226 experience of work in  84 international reviews of services 81 Global South career theory contextualizing of  229–32, 235 importance of  228–9 intercultural dialogue framework 229–32 key issues  226–8 overview of  196–7, 225–6 theoretical production examples 232–5 global tax on wealth  89 golden threads activity  201–2, 205–6 good life  58–60, 62, 85 Gordon, Maria Ogilvie  3 government agency-led information campaigns  102 government funding  39, 66, 285, 357 government implementation of policies  96, 98–9 government intervention  98–9 Government of Finland  99 Government of Ireland  99 Government of the United Kingdom 99 graduates (university)

388    subject index

career assessment and  317–18 in education phases  66 employer recruitment  67–8 need for  261 underemployment and  66 green economies  88–9 gross domestic product increases 44 group interactions  29, 202–3, 205 guidance teachers  263

H hard outcomes  357 hashtag activism  302–3 health and well-being goals in career development  118–19, 124 health care needs  24 Hermans’ dialogical selftheory 172 higher education ancient universities in India  1–2 career assessment and  313, 317–20 career development and  35, 53, 261–3 data on  285 economic incentives in  100 increasing participation in 273–4 institutions/universities of  100 interdisciplinary forms of enquiry 272 networking access to  67 work learning programmes and 81–2 high-flyer programs  157 high-income economies  114 highly skilled employment/ workers  57, 146–7 Holland, John  26–7, 133, 325 homelessness 186 hope movements  88–9 horizons for action  81 human capital career assessment and  317 career success and  156 critiques of  57–61 development agenda  13, 57, 116 education and career development  49–52, 51f, 54–62 in education discourses  186 influence on career development 135 moving beyond  61–2 human cognition  214–15

human flourishing  60, 83–5, 90 humanistic personal counselling 326 human resource development  103 human resources career development interventions in  14–15, 144 for career guidance  100–1, 103 career guidance and  100–1 economic incentives as  96 education and  65 management function of  53, 147 human rights  24, 117–18, 234 human rights violations  26 hybridism  234, 263–4

I Iceland  248–9, 263, 348 Icelandic Educational and Vocational Guidance Association 263 ideational learning  200 identity career assessment and  316–17 career development and  133–4, 138–40, 264–5 career theory and  133–4 development of  170–1, 174 discrimination against  118 evidence-based practice and  354 gender and nonbinary identities 150–1 gender identities  118, 150–1 ideology and  150 narrative approaches to  317–18 nonbinary identities  150–1 organizational identification 145 self-identity  182, 187 identity resources  14 ideological relations  248 ideology and identity  150 idiographic career assessment  314–15 immigrants/immigration career development services for  27 cross-cultural psychology and  239, 243, 246, 249 exploitation of  26 individualism-collectivism continuum and  245 migrant exploitation/ inequality  26, 117 implementation of public policy 96–7

impression management  148 income distribution  196–7, 202 India career development theories from Global South  232–3 cross-cultural career psychology 248–9 cultural preparation process model in  232–3 theoretical productions in  232 vocational guidance in  3 individual agency. See agency individual consequences of decent work declines  24–5 individualism-collectivism continuum  213–14, 216, 239, 245–6 individual-level economic outcomes 38–40 individual liberty  184 individual–organization relationship 144 individual/society career boundary 5 Indonesia  225–6, 232–3 industrial democracy  186 industrialisation 2 industrial psychology  357 Industrial Revolution  217, 298–9 (in)equality of disabled persons in career development 118 economic inequality  13, 117, 121 gender concerns  117–18, 148, 203, 231 of migrants  117 of older workers  118 organisational inequity  157 racial inequality  117 in sexual identity  118 informal economies  88–9 information and communications technology (ICT)  285, 290–2 information in intervention  96, 102 information processing  136, 139, 174, 200, 271–2, 304, 345 informed career development  202 inspiration for career development 9–11 Institute of Grocery Distribution 42 institutional agenda  97 institutional benefits in employer engagement 73–6 institutionalised oppression  186–7

institutional leadership in policy implementation 102 institutional management  66, 69, 71–2, 76 institutional rationality  97 institutional theory  147–9 instrumental learning  136 instrumental pedagogy  306 intensification in work  84–5 intentionality  170, 174–6, 178 interactional learning  200 interactionist sociology  2, 4–5 interaction processes in organizational career development theory  147–50 intercultural dialogue framework  196–7, 202, 229–32, 234 intercultural dimensions of learning 195–6 interest/pressure groups  187 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 119–20 intergroup relations  26, 248 internal labour market theory  156 internal research programmes  67 international aid donors  36 International Association for Educational and Vocational Guidance (IAEVG)  122–3, 182–3, 289, 325, 330–1 International Centre for Career Development and Public Policy (ICCDPP)  114, 265–6 International Centre for Career Development in Public Policy (ICDPP)  106–7, 363 international developments in work learning programmes 81–2 International Labour Organization (ILO)  23–6, 31, 42, 66, 84, 103, 107–9, 117, 121 international perspectives on career development  11–12 international policy networks  95, 105–7, 109–10, 114 international preoccupations  13 international public policy  95, 103–6 international symposia on career development and public policy 107 interpersonal relationships matrix 171 interpretivist approach  4–5

intersectionality in career development theories  231 interventions activities and debates as  233–4 in career construction counselling 176–8 in career education  52–3, 354, 361 career guidance as  8, 218, 220, 347, 359 complex interventions  359 culturally mediated interventions 213–14, 220–1 in cultural preparation process model 218–21 digital technologies as  303–5 government intervention  98 information in  96, 102 Latin American group-based interventions 235 long-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  37 medium-term interventionspecific learning outcomes 36–7 mentorship as coevolving intervention 161–3 non-intervention policy  95–6 outcomes of career development interventions 356–9 in public policy  95–6, 99–102 school-age interventions  38–9, 42 specific learning outcomes 36–7 vocational interventions  121–2, 338 intrinsic rewards  86 intrusive surveillance  84–5 ‘invisible hand of the market,’  55 Ireland Department for Education and Skills  100, 263 Department of Education and Science 99 Education Act (1998)  99 Government of Ireland  99 National Centre for Guidance in Education  81–2 National Guidance Forum  103 scarcity of public funding  101

J Japan  3, 262–3 job search counseling  339–41 job-search processes  156 job-search self-efficacy  316

subject index    389

Job Search Self Efficacy scale (JSSE) 319 job security  147–8 journey through life, learning, and work 60–1

K key talent  147 knowing how, knowing whom, knowing why  137–8 knowledge accumulation  137–8 knowledge-intensive industries  57 Korea  73, 99–100, 248–9

L labour market career development goals  113, 115–16, 124 career education and  270 flexible labour  188–9 goals of  98–9, 115–16 human capital theory and  56, 58 marginalisation in  83 neoliberalism in  86 participation in  42, 184–5 precarious work  23–6, 146–7 social justice and  184–5, 188–9 labour market information (LMI) career theory and  286–8 data disaggregation  293 data provenance  292 defined 285–6 ethical practice in  290 ethics of data collection  292 giving information skills  290–1 importance of  283–4 information and communications technology in  285, 290–2 information quality  292–3 integration challenges  290–3 professionalism in  288–90 role and nature of  284–6 labour standards  31 latent profile analysis (LPA) 320–1 Latin America  225–6, 232, 235 Law Society in England  259 learning/learning process. See also career learning; cultural learning theory; education; school-based education process acculturation and  200 adult learning  100, 102 career management skills  80–2 centrality of learning  9, 11 collaborative learning  275

390    subject index

community learning centres 100 cooperative learning method 276 cultural learning theory  200–1 enquiry-based learning  276 experiential learning  136, 195–6, 199–200, 277 face-to-face learning  301 games-based learning  276–7 global dimensions of  195–6 goals in  98–9 ideational learning  200 instrumental learning  136 interactional learning  200 intercultural dimensions of 195–6 intervention-specific learning outcomes 36 learn how to learn  79–80 lifelong learning  10–11, 55–6, 66–7, 87, 103–4, 107, 114, 116, 283–4 object-linked learning  200 portfolio-based learning  275 practice-based learning  276–7 project-based learning  276 relational learning  194, 198 self-directed learning  277–8 social cognitive dimensions of 195–6 social learning theory  136, 288, 318 space in learning theories  201 work learning programmes 81–2 legitimation of public policy  96 liberal-democratic philosophy  185 liberal labour regulation  66 liberation psychology  234 life balance measures  45, 148 life career assessment  176 life course development  2, 5–6 life design processes  175–6 lifelong learning  10–11, 55–6, 66–7, 87, 103–4, 107, 114, 116, 283–4 life narratives  175–6, 178, 234, 317–18 life-span development  156 life stories  170–1, 175–7, 205, 208, 315–17, 321 LinkedIn 305–6 literature reviews in evidencebased practice  360–2 lived experience  27–8, 194–5, 222–3, 247 livelihood planning  116, 219–20

lobby groups  96 local employment agencies  72 localized globalism  227 locus of control  213–14 longitudinal career decisions  7–8 long-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  37 lower life satisfaction  24–5 low-income economies  114 low-skilled workers  146–7 low socioeconomic groups  185

M macroeconomic outcomes  41–4, 46, 58, 69, 116 macrosystem-level links  69 macro work role transitions  159 Malta 263 management. See also career management skills; organisational and managerial careers development of  157 of human resources  53, 147 impression management  148 institutional management  66, 69, 71–2, 76 new public management approach 45 paternalist career management 146 self-management 257, 314, 319–20 strategic human resource management 147 talent management  41, 146–7, 149 managerial careers. See organisational and managerial careers marginalisation. See also discrimination career counselling and  341 cultural learning theory and 194 economic marginalization  31–2 impact on educational visions 85 in labour market  83 in neoliberal workplace  26 as oppression  186–7 otherness and  4–5, 194–5, 201 psychology of working theory and  28 social equity goals and  98–9 social interaction and  4–5, 182, 186–7, 194–5

social marginalization  26–7, 29, 31–2 market-led restructuring  88–9 market mechanisms  95–6 McAdams’ narrative self theory 171–2 meaningful career/work  79–80, 84, 183, 187–8 Medical Research Council  359 medium-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  36–7 mental health issues  24–5, 29, 119, 124 mentors/mentorship  30, 38–40, 72–3, 81, 148, 155, 157, 161–4, 277–8 mesosystem-level links  69 meta-analysis of career counselling  15–16, 338–42, 344 in CASVE model  345, 347 defined 338 in evidence-based practice  360–2 meta-cognitions  81, 136, 170–1, 271–2 meta-theoretical framework  144, 288 #MeToo movement  302–3 micro-role transitions  159 middle-class bias  26–7 middle-income economies  114 migrant exploitation/ inequality  26, 117 Ministerial Council for Education (Australia) 274 Ministry of Education and Ministry of Labour and Employment (France)  102–3 Ministry of Education (New Zealand) 100 mixed-market economy  183 modelling in career choice counselling 343–4 Mondragon cooperatives in Spain 90 Mongolia 43–4 Movimento Sin Terra (MST) (Brazil) 90 multidisciplinary communities of practice 187 multinational companies  156–7 mutual agenda agreement  204 mutualism philosophy  120

N narratability  175–6, 234 narrative approaches

in career assessment  176, 317–18 career construction counselling 175–8 in career counseling  174–5 to conception of the self  171–3 emergence of  173–6 history of psychology and  171–3 introduction to processes  169–71 life design processes  175–6 life narratives  175–6, 178, 234, 317–18 life stories  170–1, 175–7, 205, 208, 315–17, 321 narrative career counseling 174–5 summary of  178 to transformative career education 275 National Association for College Admission Counseling (United States)  100–1 National Audit Office of Finland 103 National Careers Service (England) 43 National Center for O*NET Development (United States) 315–16 National Centre for Guidance in Education (Ireland)  81–2 National Council on Measurement in Education (United States) 314–15 National Guidance Forum (Ireland) 103 National Guidance Research Forum (NGRF) (United Kingdom) 362 National Institute for Industrial Psychology (United Kingdom) 3–4 National Institute of Career Education and Counselling (NICEC) (United Kingdom) 9 nationality considerations  203 National Life/Work Centre (Canada) 274 neoliberalism career development policy and 116 exploitation in work  84–5 in labour market  86 in organizational career development theory  145–6 policies in workplaces  23–4, 26

in public spending  59 social justice and  184–5 Netherlands  38–9, 275–6 networks/networking academic research and  360 access to higher institutions  67 boundaryless career and  144–5 career psychology and  317 communitarian networks  234 connectivist approaches  306 development of  137 employer activities and  68 in evidence-based practice  39 guidance services  103 importance of  27–8 international policy networks  106–7, 109–10 job search counselling and  340 of labour exchanges  3 meeting places  302 online  305, 307 overview of  207 practitioner–client relationship 205 social networks  30, 344 social network theory  156 in transactional career education 270–1 transnational networks  82 Nevada-based Reemployment and Eligibility Assessment (REA) initiative (United States)  43 new career theories  10, 42–3, 143–6, 150–1, 175, 250 New Deal for the Young Unemployed programme (United Kingdom)  38 new public management approach 45 New Zealand  100, 188–9, 226, 264 Nigeria 248–9 nomothetic career assessment  314–15, 320 nonbinary identities  150–1 noncognitive behaviours  274–5 non-curriculum skills development  66–7, 69, 72–3, 76 nondirective client-centredness  326–7, 329–32 nondominant contexts of career development theories  228–32 nongovernmental organizations 105–6 non-intervention policy  95–6 nonlinearity situations  150

subject index    391

nonprofit organisations  96, 156–7 nonstandard employment  150–1 North Africa  121 North American Blueprint  274 Norway  3, 100 not in education, employment, or training (NEET)  38–9

O objective neutrality  243–4 objective sequence of roles  157–8 object-linked learning  200 occupational awareness  319 occupational choice  2–4, 66, 82–3, 157, 186 occupational knowledge  136, 204–5, 207, 271–2 occupational self-efficacy  316 Office for Standards in Education (England) 102–3 older worker inequality in career development 118 older workers  118, 340–1 one-to-one interactions  53, 138–9, 202–3, 205 ontic perspective of career actor 158–9 ontogenetic niche  214–15 open-ended employment contracts 146–7 open questions technique  331–2 Open-Source Psychometrics Project 325 oppression cultural imperialism as  186–7 institutionalised oppression  186–7 marginalisation as  186–7 powerlessness as  186–7 social justice  182, 187–9 violence as  186–7 optimism in client-centred approach  327 low levels in classes  319–20 resource building and  137–8 self-actualisation theory and  328 in transformative career learning 274 organisational and managerial careers (OMC) coevolutionary view of careers 159–61 introduction to approaches  155–6 mentorship as coevolving intervention 161–3

392    subject index

social chronology framework  157–9, 161–4 summary of  163–4 topics and developments in 156–7 organisational career theory/ organizational career development theory evolution of  14 forward progress of  150–1 as interaction processes  147–50 introduction to perspectives on 143–4 for new career  144–6 organizational perspective in 146–7 summary of  151 organisational inequity  157 organisational knowledge  202 organisational onboarding  157 organisational values  24 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)  25, 41–2, 50, 54, 56, 66, 76, 79–80, 95, 98–9, 105–7, 114, 118, 182–3, 188–9 organizational commitment and loyalty 148 organizational identification  145 otherness  4–5, 194–5, 201. See also serviceable other outcomes. See also economic outcomes of career development interventions 356–9 career outcomes  353 categories of  358–9 in client-centredness  329–30 economic outcomes  358 in education  74, 358 educational outcomes  74, 358 hard outcomes  357 health outcomes and  119 long-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  37 macroeconomic outcomes  41–4, 46, 58, 69, 116 medium-term interventionspecific learning outcomes 36–7 proximal and distal outcomes 356–7 psychological outcomes  358 short-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  36–7 social outcomes  75–6, 356, 358

subjective and objective outcomes 357–8 in teaching and learning  306

P paid employment opportunities  13, 84–5, 187–8 Pakistan 261 Parsons, Frank  2–4 participatory governance  90 partnership working  73–6, 74t part-time contracts/work  38, 66–8, 84, 146–7 paternalist career management  146–7 peace and justice goals in career development  120–2, 124 pedagogy for digital technologies 305–8 performativity  80–1, 264 permanent employees  24 Personal Globe Inventory  315–16 personality theory  156 personal myths  201–2 personal reflective writing in transformative career education 275 person-centredness  320, 326. See also client-centredness person–environment fit approaches  133, 170 persons with disabilities  98–9, 118, 203 philanthropic perspectives  67 ‘the philosophy of mutualism,’ 120 physical flexibility in career paths 133–4 Piquetero movement (Argentina) 90 planet speak  87 planned happenstance theory  135, 138–9 pluralism and career development  9, 12 policy entrepreneurs  79–80 policy instruments  96, 99–102, 104 policy rationales  57, 73–6 policy research perspective  31 political aspects of human capital theory 61 political dimension of career development  13, 248 political ideology  95–6, 181–2, 189–90, 362 political persuasion  203

political practice of digital technologies 300 portfolio-based tools  275, 277–8 Portugal 327–8 positional benefits  41–2 positive discrimination  185 positivist perspectives in evidencebased practice  355 possible selves exercise  138–9 post-capitalist society  88 post-conflict reconciliation  121 postindustrial forms of work 217–18 post-positivist paradigm  243–4 poverty  25, 105, 116–17, 186, 327 powerlessness as oppression  186–7 power relations  158–9, 241–2 practical wisdom development  174–5 practice-based learning  276–7 practitioner–client relationship  205, 234–5 practitioners of career development  8, 14–16 pragmatic utopias  89–90 precarious work  23–6, 146–7 precarity in career development theory  7 in cultural learning theory  202 diversity influences and  199 in work  26, 84–5 preindustrial forms of work  217–18 preservation of societies  1–2 pre-vocational education  276 PricewaterhouseCoopers 42–3 primary education  66–7 private/public career boundary  5 proactive adaptability in career adaptability 137 process orientated theme  138 pro-competition economies  59 productivity increases and outcomes  40–1, 44, 66, 347 professionalisation/professionalism career development consultant 264 challenges to  264 communicative processes and  187 critiques of  260–1 defined 288–90 defining a profession  258–60 development workshops  74–5, 104, 189–90, 259, 263–5, 288–9, 291–2

exploration of  257–8 hybrid professionalisms  263–4 identity within  264–5 overview of  261–4 policy support and partnership 262–3 recognizing need for  262 of service firms  156–7, 288–9 Professions Australia  288–9 progressive participation  199–200 progressive rationale for career development education  62 progressive taxation  89 project-based learning  276 protean careers  134, 144–6 protection of material/property rights 184 protégés 162–3 provisional selves  160 psychoanalysis and clientcentredness 326 psychoeducation  318, 345–6 psychological approaches to career development 288 psychological assessment of vocational abilities  170 psychological career resources  14, 137–9 psychological flexibility in career paths 133–4 psychological outcomes  358 psychology of working theory (PWT) implications for career development 28–31 implications for intervention 29–31 individual and group intervention 29 systemic intervention  31 theoretical development and overview 28–9 psychometric methods  3–4, 314–15 psychopathology concerns  24–5 psychosocial factors/traits  119, 133, 137, 174, 176, 233, 297, 317–18 psy-complex 241–5 public employment service (PES)  100–3, 107 public policy for career development cross-cutting themes  122–3 education goals  114, 116–17, 124

environmental goals  119–20, 124 evidence-based practice for 362–3 health and well-being goals  118–19, 124 labour market goals  113, 115–16, 124 origins of  113–14 peace and justice goals  120–2, 124 social equity goals  98–9, 114, 117–18, 124 social justice in  122–3 societal change in  123 summary of  123–4 sustainability in  123 UN Sustainable Development Goals  114–15, 115t, 119–20, 124 public policy for career guidance arguments for government intervention  96, 98–9 defined  13, 95–6 development process  96–8 economic incentives in  96, 100–3, 106–10 evaluation of  102–3 information in intervention  96, 102 international policy networks  95, 105–7, 109–10, 114 international public policy  95, 103–6 international symposia on  107 intervention in  95–6, 99–102 policy instruments  99–102 policy studies on  107–9 regulations in policy implementation 99–100 summary of  109–10 public–private partnerships  100

Q Qualification in Career Development (QCD) (United Kingdom)  262–3 qualitative approaches to career assessment  314–18 in cross-cultural career psychology 244 to non-psychometric assessment 221 outcomes of career development interventions 357 quality assurance in career education 270

subject index    393

quantifiable performance targets 264 quantitative approaches to career assessment  314–15, 318–20 in cross-cultural career psychology 243–4 outcomes of career development interventions 357 to psychometric assessment  221, 314, 318

R race/ethnicity in career development theories  231 racism  26, 117 randomised controlled trials (RCTs)  359, 361 R&D programmes  67 recognitive justice  186–8 reduced skills shortages  43 reduced staff turnover  40–1 reductionism  243–6, 248 reflective dialogue in transformative career education 275 reflexivity  202–3, 208, 328 refugees in cross-cultural career psychology 249 regulations in policy implementation 99–100 regulatory bargain  257–9, 262–5 relatedness  28, 145, 232 relational aspects of human behavior 242 relational learning  194, 198 relational ontology  234 religious considerations  203 Republic of Korea  99–100 research-based learning approaches to transformative career education 275 responsibilisation  58–9, 82–3 résumé writing  277, 340 Rethinking Careers Education and Guidance: Theory, Policy and Practice (Watts, Law, Killeen, Kidd, Hawthorn)  9–10 retributive social justice  184–5 retrospective sense-making  157–8 reverse causality situations  150 reviewing technique  205, 207 RIASEC model of vocational interests  315–16, 320 risk-taking behaviour  24–5 ROI-driven public investment  45–6

394    subject index

role allocation  147, 196–7, 202, 216 role models  148, 176–7, 208 role transitions  147–8, 159

S safe and secure working conditions 24 Savickas, Mark  134, 137, 175–6, 228, 338–9, 346, 348, 362 Scandinavian client-centredness approach 327–8 scholar bureaucrats for civil service 65 school-age interventions  38–9, 42 school-based education process education-employer links  65–73, 70t employer engagement for career development  69, 74t, 75–6 intervention development  82 summary of  76 taxonomy of  65–7 school-to-work transitions literature 40 science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) careers 120 Scotland  81–2, 102, 262–3 seasonal contracts  146–7 secondary education  50, 66–7, 69, 100–1, 262, 270–1 security in cultural learning theory 202 Segal Quince Wicksteed Consulting 102 self-actualisation  52, 132–3, 328 self-advocacy 274–5 self and justice  182 self-awareness  52, 137–8, 206, 278, 328, 331, 333 self-belief  182, 271, 274, 278 self-blame  30, 207 self-construction 157–8, 169–70, 175–8 self-determination  28, 145, 247, 265, 274–5 self-development  81–2, 187, 269–70, 274–6, 278, 328 self-directedness  134, 174–5, 277–8 self-efficacy career assessment and  315–17 career construction counselling and 177–8 in career decision-making  177–8, 338–9, 341–2, 344, 346–7

critical consciousness intervention 30 occupational self-efficacy  316 positive wage outcomes and  40 psychological career resources and  137 self-esteem  24–5, 30, 184, 187 self-exploration  52, 328 self-fulfilling prophecy of career success 147 self-identity  182, 187 self-improvement pursuits  184–5 self-in-society 182 self-knowledge  136, 186, 221, 233–4, 271–2 self-management  257, 314, 319–20 self-reflection programmes  67, 316–17 self-regulation  184, 186, 259, 274–5 self-representations 170–1, 174, 177–8 self-selection bias  40 Semar puppet counselling model 232 semi-structured interviews  314 sense of self  85, 172, 182, 316 serviceable other  239, 243–9 sexism  26, 28 sexual harassment  26, 117, 289–90 sexual identity inequality  118 sexual orientation  203 short-term employment  26 short-term intervention-specific learning outcomes  36–7 signalling benefits  41–2, 52 Skills Committees in the United Kingdom 69 Skills Development Scotland (SDS) 262–3 skills mismatch  42, 66 social activism  2–3 social analysis in human capital theory 61 social capital  30, 135, 158, 317 social chronology framework (SCF)  14, 155, 157–9, 161–4 social class  4, 27–8, 149, 219–20, 229, 231 social cognition  195–6, 200, 316 social complexity  157–8, 161–2 social-democratic sphere  185 social determinism  135 social diversity  228, 270

social economies  88–9 social entrepreneurship economies 88–9 social equity  13, 43–4, 98–9, 114, 117–18, 122–4, 358–9 social exchange theories  148–9 social/health/youth/community workers 187 social hierarchy  157–8, 257 social impact economies  88–9 social interaction  4–5, 182, 186–7, 194–5 socialization of profit  89–90 social justice awareness of injustice  228, 302–3 career decision-making and  187 in career development  122–3 career development theories from Global South  229–32 career guidance workers in 108–9 critical social justice  188–9 cultural learning theory and  202 definitions and concerns over 226 discrimination and  184–6 distributive social justice  185–6 emancipatory view of career education and  270 overview of  122–3, 181–2 professional development workshops 189–90 as project-in-process  190 promotion of  2–3 recognitive justice  186–8 retributive social justice  184–5 shifting boundaries of  183–9 social learning theory  136, 288, 318 socially disadvantaged persons  98–9 social marginalization  26–7, 29, 31–2 social market economy  183, 185 social media  193, 201, 208, 276–7, 298, 306–8 social mobility  73, 123–4, 270 social network theory  156 social organization  90, 149, 214, 216 social outcomes  75–6, 356, 358 social protection  23–4, 31, 84, 233 social values  24, 45, 89, 123, 188 social welfare  4–5, 184, 339–40

social well-being  184 societal change in career development 122–4 societal consequences of decent work declines  25–7 socioeconomic status  26–8 cultural learning theory and  203 economic outcomes of career development 40 Global North vs. Global South 227 health outcomes and  119 poverty  25, 105, 116–17, 186, 327 social class  4, 27–8, 149, 219–20, 229, 231 social justice and  185 transformative career education and 273–4 sociological approaches to career development 288 sociopolitical ideologies/ values  181–2, 189–90 Socratic dialogue  1–2 solidarity economics  88–90 Song dynasty (China)  65 South Africa  235 South Korea. See Korea space in learning theories  201 Spain  90, 100, 327–8 special educational needs  271 stable specification phase of life span 5–6 staff development in career education 270 state education systems  2 state-level economic outcomes  42–5 status equilibrium  215–17, 232–3 “STEM-ification” of curricula  80 strategic human resource management 147 street level bureaucrats  97–8 Strengths and Accomplishments Questionnaire (SAQ)  221 student benefits of employer engagement 75–6 subject-based curriculum  272 subjective/objective career boundary 5 success/failure career boundary  5 succession of public policy  96 suicidal behaviour  24–5 summative policy evaluation  97–8 Super, Donald  5–6, 26–7, 60–1, 133–4, 346 super-competition 162–3

sustainability in career development 123 Sutton Trust  260 Swiss client-centredness approach 327–8 Switzerland  43–4, 106–7, 327–8 symbolic cultural resources  196–7 systemic agenda  97 systems theory framework  271–2, 288

T tacit knowledge  199–200, 365 tactical aspects of human capital theory 61 talent management  41, 146–7, 149 technical and vocational education and training (TVET)  69–73 technocratic function of education  116, 123–4 technocratic rationality  52, 83 technocratic view of career education 270 technological elite  85 temporary employees  24, 146–7 temporary-to-zero contracts  84–5 termination of public policy  96 tertiary education  66–7 theory of change  31, 75–6, 355 third-way social democracy  185 threefold division of labour  1–2 time notion of careers  157 tool-based conception of technology 303 trade unionism  53, 90, 186–7, 189–90 traditional stage theories  155 trait-matching approaches to career development  325 transdisciplinary approach to career development  12 transformative career education in schools and colleges career exploration in  276–7 career management and  277–8 in curriculum design  272–3 defined 269–72 effective implementation  273–8 self-development and  274–6 transnational knowledge  231 transversal competencies  273 tribal groups  213–14 true reasoning  2–3 Tunisia 100–1 twenty-first century skills  80

subject index    395

U Uganda 261 UK Commission for Employment and Skills (UKCES) (United Kingdom)  67, 73–4 umbrella concept  146 unconscious processes  199–200 undeserving poor  184 unemployment concerns mitigating economic and health effects of  123 rates of  23–4, 66 social justice and  186 unemployment decreases  42 well-being and  24–5 youth unemployment  66, 121 unemployment-to-work programmes 39 United Arab Emirates  261 United Kingdom adult learning in  100, 102 British Cohort Study  39 Career Development Institute  35, 259–63, 274, 277, 325, 330–1 career development programme in  38, 258–61 career guidance in  102, 260 client-centredness approach 327–31 Confederation of British Industry 72 Construction Industry Training Board 42 cross-cultural career psychology  246, 248–9 curriculum design in career education 272–3 Department for Education and Skills 286–7 differential psychology  3–4 economic outcomes of career development 43–4 Education Act  99 Educational Information and Employment Bureaux  3 Education (Choice of Employment) Act  3 education policy in  69 Engineering Construction Industry Training Board 69–71 environmental goals  119–20 evidence-based practice  362–3 free-at-point-of-use service  71–2 Government of the United Kingdom 99 job specifications report  8

396    subject index

labour market information  285 National Guidance Research Forum 362 National Institute for Industrial Psychology 3–4 National Institute of Career Education and Counselling 9 neoliberalism in public spending 59 New Deal for the Young Unemployed programme  38 North American Blueprint  274 public employment service  3 Qualification in Career Development 262–3 school-age interventions  38–9 Skills Committees in  69 UK Commission for Employment and Skills  67, 73–4 vocational guidance  3 United Nations  114–15, 119–20 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)  103, 107, 109 United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 119–20 United States American Educational Research Association 314–15 American Psychological Association 314–15 American School Counselor Association 100–1 ‘ban the box campaign,’  121 career development in  226 career guidance in  100–1 career management skills  358 cooperative learning method in  276 cross-cultural career psychology  246, 248–9 economic outcomes of career development 43–4 Employer Advisory Committees for School to Career Partnerships 71 Fortune 500 companies in 144–5 National Association for College Admission Counseling 100–1 National Center for O*NET Development 315–16

National Council on Measurement in Education 314–15 Nevada-based Reemployment and Eligibility Assessment (REA) initiative  43 school-age interventions  38–9 universal basic income  89, 276 universality in cross-cultural career psychology 244–5 UN Millennium Development Goals  114, 115t UN Sustainable Development Goals  114–15, 115t, 119–20, 124 urbanisation 2 utilitarianism 85 utopic, defined  89

V value attribution  216 value-based decisions  241, 355 values clarification activities  318, 345 depth-orientated values extraction 138–9 family values  24 life vs. profit values  89 organisational values  24 social values  24, 45, 89, 123, 188 sociopolitical ideologies/values  181–2, 189–90 values-driven protean career  134 video streaming technologies  298 violence as oppression  186–7 vocational abilities assessment  170 vocational education and training (VET)  43–4, 100, 116 vocational guidance  2–3, 284 Vocational Guidance Service (Berufsberatung) 72 vocational interests in career assessment  3–4, 315–17, 320–1, 341–2 vocational interventions  122, 338 vocational psychology  156, 169–70 voluntary career development  40, 43 vulnerable employment  23–4

W wage increases  38–9 Watts, A.G.  62, 123, 189–90, 227–8, 298, 329–31 wealth generation contributors 184

well-being goals in career development  118–19, 124 social well-being  184 unemployment and  24–5 Western Europe  1, 226 Western individualism  217, 232 Western industrialism  258 Western worldview  186 White and Epston’s narrative interventions 172–3 White middle class  27–8 whole-of-life approach to psychology 5–6 within-group  216–17, 245–6

workbooks for career choice counselling 342–3 work–family in cross-cultural career psychology  249 workforce segmentation  146–7 working theory  26–31, 226, 234 work learning programmes  81–2 work–life balance  45, 148, 277 work/nonwork career boundary  5, 148 work-ready labour  183 work-related learning. See career education; career learning World Bank  79–80, 105, 114, 188–9, 226

World Health Organization  118–19 “world of work” preparation  79–80, 83–4 World Social Forum  88 World Wide Web  298 written exercises for career choice counselling 342–3

X xenophobia 26

Y youth unemployment  66, 121

subject index    397