The Old English Canons of Theodore 0199668183, 9780199668182

The Old English Canons of Theodore is one of the earliest handbooks of penance to appear in any West European vernacular

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The Old English Canons of Theodore
 0199668183, 9780199668182

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Published for T H E E AR L Y E N G L I S H T E X T S O C I E T Y

by the O X F O R D U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS




SS. 25 2012



Great Clarendon Street, Oxford 0 x 2 6d p Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With, offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Early English Text Society, 2012 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data applied for ISBN 978-0-19-966818-2 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Typeset by Anne Joshua, Oxford Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall

PREFACE This edition is the product of some years’ labour. Work on it began well over a decade ago but was set aside until 2005, when it was agreed, given the demands of other projects much greater in scope, that the edition was likelier to be completed if prepared in collabora­ tion. Since then, the work has undergone a somewhat radical transformation from its original form. The result, we hope, is a text that brings to light important and unjustly neglected specimens of early English ecclesiastical law (thus far never edited in their entirety) while encouraging interest in the Old English penitential texts generally as sources of knowledge about the social and legal history of Anglo-Saxon England. We have incurred a number of debts in the course of preparing this edition. The libraries of Indiana University and of the State University of New York at Brockport were of immense help in tracking down hard-to-find materials. For their comments on earlier versions of the edition, we are grateful to Bruce O’Brien, Lisi Oliver, . and Catherine Cubitt, as well as to the anonymous reader for EETS, whose observations have helped us to refine our arguments consider­ ably. Thanks are due as well to Allen J. Frantzen, who kindly supplied us with versions of his own recent work on penitentials well in advance of their publication. We gratefully acknowledge the access afforded to the manuscripts and the permissions to reproduce images granted by the Parker Library, the Bodleian Library, and the Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique. Ms Gill Cannell of the Parker Library generously provided needed materials from afar. Dr Helen Spencer offered much assistance while the work was under revision. Bonnie Blackburn copy-edited the typescript with consummate skill and furnished many valuable corrections. Finally, we should express our gratitude for the patience and support of our respective spouses, who tolerated both frequent absences and what must have seemed at times too much talk about early medieval pastoral care.






The Manuscripts Language Date and Authorship Sources and Background Editorial Procedure


xiii xxviii xxxvi xlii lx lxiii

T H E OLD E N G L I S H C A N O N S OF TH EO D O RE Text A Text B Text C

i 15 17




I. The Text of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 190, pp. 414-16 II. The Text of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 320, f. 117" III. The Text of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 320, f. 170 IV. The Text of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 482, ff. 46r-47r GLOSSARY

77 79 81 82 85


L I S T OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 482, f. 22r


1 Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, MS 8558—63, f- J53r 2 Cambridge, Corpus Christi,College, MS 190, p. 417

Bx x xi


Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, MS 8558-63 (Catalogue no. 2498) Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 190 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 482 Capitula Dacheriana, ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 239-52 Canones Gregorii, ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 253-70 The Old English Canons of Theodore Dictionary of Old English, ed. Cameron et al. 2007 Indicium de penitentia Theodori, ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 271-84 Patrologia Graeca, ed. Migne 1844-91 Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne 1857-66 Poenitentiale Theodori, ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 285-334 Das altenglische Bussbuch, ed. Spindler 1934

As regards texts in Old English, the abbreviated short titles of these are the ones employed by the Dictionary of Old English. For a list of these, see Cameron et al. 2007

r - -v I




r , \ 11 o Ciijp av- oojie men onoarn ■crj-tvctuvpiv gn^nn ,, íiýom nýnlvjte$ t i; l»ý]yn- u t a|'a?ipuic ^jy 1iý onyolcc |yn . beuiri' pilju* Lo.r. , ýýn [u'ilc maniit'l' liloö em)- j>.muvn mot; jncgean.

jnp -cjplnoaiilic t ó ’-ax.|l|m cgi.ejmistcýpjie- ie- pula' • mi - pipin' btAjjyll Xijmm ot&-1•jt'np . - *n - pY>jn'payi p y írtlmn'. |-ýlpnt- "bí-j-niýr* •mi-iMcpfpjt^rrlnitTTO f-'bHcf •


ptnðcm Twrtm ptum an

pxv-pir«tfi.- -jn tejljit n t m . ‘jlittligpe mén'-- -j tac ht ya p im

oit - -jjKV^iyutjmn ■ v u - ^Pnp . SelnV im d liip jjrýfrfp litem e - f ir jr c - v n .j’u u f p . onfumon a m c m t lnc cfýS ■ vn-gpaji •' p ip y a m ^ la ^ e m t ö tp BelttiiprtS "J>a|,ie

l»ep'Wpoj!ím jmn&aS-


• fe i • ■ I peo ceyeilatm- b>”k< ;?s ; ; < ;>>< ../oer ralcecxl-iTKVgV'cE|i enft|ian Át p j\-(: j .J “r 6ca}J T ? eíC£0- op ý n c t i e r gp Uiti tUieloan- p\ í>vjt» croc JA .n o o p ’. t . i ití- j>cmlrít>. L. m iioc-opp ; r.-.H ■

prf^rt1 - xx - hapi - 6 :y.

li.rmfd- ím livp^ínöf- ciii)>a p la n i pipan - 1- ctnp-lqifopppv.

o rn u ii h u hir a ^ etiy tlW y ý -

ebV yep töti onto O'-a’o ti< t«

;.tc.V - icplom

IicP öó- ojþpv lim t m ini fpuipt •


;*;) ýy yep -jpiplii^ ^ ] a m m a n • ‘jbeo^omie' pcgpfe bene bcttnan mrolprne-^ybeolnt:- jxmue' gtepðan f ntcEge/ !>inc yob Seo m m e inpe öSapne;. epvDep niac luy surm Tbpmyœlpe rýt> |»eapye- on yeiH',-; otSWcIiekib-vnfim ettior. #

hutiS gýjm ft ropip. lipyrmf; - -jne *

T npIiéham an gem ftignýlpe - y v - p i i n p Jícejce Inrcnti

, , b* C / - .

pl^cO • %

nioöoji- im ö liý p e l ý r l a n pnnu hcúmíi- fa'fit, - j

-m-gfeiji .yíltfti plcepcfp n to n lu ce- -jam xt- ðtíg onptíaim oJ'öé ftn -

i Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, MS 8558-63, f. 153r Reproduced by permission of the Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique

gebýpm jn» p g p p atn ^ l\* jia tpJ.»at>Ge •

I oólijiíope. affi |tp p |ia n c pig opftjj. ||iý|>eq- Se^fi-ltipige|; ^penm an o tih ty m o ö t - ti&öe liim pojn^ýpennvjpe ?n‘-■

pp 1


*Jí7« }u€bbt Injit pjx«onö|cipC *)’Vf%eÍBpr

2 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 190, p. 417 Reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge


The Old English Canons of Theodore represent a translation into Old English of records in Latin (described below, pp. xlii—xliii) represent­ ing the penitential teachings of Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury (d. 690). As explained on p. xxii, the Old English text comprises three groups of canons, here referred to as Texts A, B, and C, as edited herein. They are to be found in three manuscripts, which may be described as follows. A . D e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e M a n u s c r ip t s

Y. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 482 N. R. Ker dates the manuscript to the middle of the eleventh century, and Frantzen notes that St Alpheage, who died in 1012, is mentioned in the litany on f. 51U The book contains an assortment of mostly brief vernacular texts relevant to the sacrament of Penance up to f. 47, and thereafter Latin offices for the sick and the dying. It is a narrow volume, the dimensions of an average leaf (f. 21) being 233 x 90 mm, with a written space of 184 x 80 mm on the recto, though it is ruled for 175 x 75 mm. It is also a thin volume of just sixty-eight leaves of parchment plus paper flyleaves, though some folios have been lost, especially at the end. It is thus a remarkably small manuscript, genuinely a confessor’s handbook. It is written all in one hand, except that Ker detects another, similar hand on ff. 7, 8/1-8, and 8V8-24. The book was rebound in the seventeenth century. Portions of the Old English Canons of Theodore, divided into three sections with a blank line between sections, are copied onto ff. 21/724V13 (Text A 1-76, with the concluding words of A 77, ger fæste, written at the end of the otherwise blank line 14), 24v/ 15-27v/ 11 (Text A 77 to the end of A, with the last syllable of the colophon, med, written at the end of the otherwise blank line 12) and 27V13-28V17 (Text C, found complete only in Y). There is nothing on f. 21 to indicate that the text preceding canon A 1, a translation of canons i-xi 1 Described by Ker 1957: 419-22 (no. 343) and Frantzen 1983a: 68-72. Gneuss (2001: 103) assigns the number 656.



of the Roman Synod of 721, is a separate text, though canon A 1 does begin with a capital on a new line. On f. 28v, however, the end of Text C is followed by two blank lines, and the first line of the following text, translated from cap. 2 of the Poenitentiale Remense, is all in small capitals after a large initial. There is one leaf missing from this part of the book, after f. 23, the last leaf of the third gathering, as indicated by the loss of text from the latter part of canon A 39 (from on folcæs) through the first part of A 62 (ending with æresta canon), and by traces of an earlier, sixteenth-century foliation written before the loss of the folio. In the construction of gatherings, hair faces hair, and flesh flesh. Leaves are ruled in dry point for twenty-four lines on the face of 21, 22v, 23, 24, 25v, 26, i f , and 28. The texts that precede the Canons in the manuscript are these: (1) Poenitentiale Pseudo-Egberti (Conf 3. 1. 1 (Raith Y)),2 now better known as the Old English Penitential, in four books (ff. 1-19).3 (2) Brief additional sections to the Confessionale Pseudo-Egberti, now usually called the Scriftboc (Conf 2. 2 (Spindler Z)), edited by Spindler as §2 (ff. 19— 20).4 (3) A brief additional section belonging to the Scriftboc. The version in this manuscript has not been printed entire, but it is collated by Spindler as §x (part of Conf 2. 1 (Spindler A-Y)) (f. 20).5(4) A translation of canons i-xi of the Roman Synod of 721 (Conf 3. 2 (Raith Y)) (ff.20-i).6 The texts that follow the Canons are these: (1) Brief additional sections of the Scriftboc (part of Conf 2. 1) (ff. 28v-3o).7 (2) Brief additional section of the same (last part of Conf 2. 1) (f. 3ov).8 (3) The main text of the Scriftboc (Conf. 1. 1), reiterating portions of the first item in the manuscript (ff. 30v~4o).9 (5) Portions of the Late Old English Handbook for the Use of a Confessor (Conf 4): (a) beginning Deoplic dædbota bid, ending 7 georne æfre geswican (ff. 40—42v);10 (b) beginning Dus mseg mihtig man 7 freondspedig, ending þæt he gode The abbreviated short titles of texts employed throughout this work are those of the Dictionary o f Old English. For a list of these, see Cameron et al. 2007. 3 Ed. Raith 1933: 1-69. 4 Ed. Spindler 1934: 174-5. 3 Ibid. 174. The copy in the Brussels manuscript has been printed: see below. Printed in Raith 1933, Anhang I, pp. 71-3. Collated in Spindler 1934: 172-4, sections o-x. Collated ibid., section y. Collated ibid. 176-94. Spindler tabulates the correspondences among the canons in the different manuscripts on pp. 6-8. He does not present them in his text in the order in which they appear in this manuscript. 10 Collated in Fowler 1965: 28-32 (lines 341-432).

I. T H E M A N U S C R I P T S


behateS. f in it u m est (ff. 42v~43v,n followed on f. 44, which was originally left blank, by prayers to the Blessed Virgin and to St John, in Latin, added in the twelfth or thirteenth century); (c) beginning þæt sceall se scrift geþencean se Se biS manna sawla læce, ending 7 hwær oSðe hwænne (f. 45rv);12 (d) beginning Se læca þe sceal yfela wunda gehælan, ending 7 his sylfes geornfulnesse (ff. 45v—46);13 {e) beginning 7 swa man biS mihtigra . oððe maran hádes, ending þæs þe he worhte (f. 46).14 (6) Formulas and directions for the use of confessors (Conf 10. 5).15 (7) Latin offices for the sick and dying, introduced and rubricated in Old English (ed. Fehr 1914: 46-66). The text is written in a small, narrow hand distinguished by a long upstroke on ð (and not d ) and left-leaning tags on descenders. Each canon begins with a capital and ends with a mark of terminal punctuation, usually of the form :-, though sometimes a punctus versus, alone or in conjunction with a raised point (i.e. ; or ;•) is used, rarely a simple point (after A 3, 107, 117, 124, C 2). If a canon begins at the start of a ruled line, the capital is written in the left margin. In the first of the two quires containing Text A, capitals and the Tironian note 7 are filled or outlined with metallic red colour; in the other quire (beginning with A 62) there is a regular alternation between the use of red and metallic red. Occasionally the scribe writes a capital in black that was later filled in colour: these are found at the start of canons A 93, 113, 116, 122 (probably: see below) and 135; also the initial of Swylce beginning the last sentence of A 98. Without coloured fill are the black capitals beginning A 114, 130, and the first þæt in A 119. Capitals omitted from the left margin by the rubricator are supplied in black ink by a later hand at the start of canons A 79 and 85. Not infrequent accents almost always fall on long vowels, the only certain exceptions being tm'ga A 4, únnytte A 76, nalæs A 98, geswince A 135 and drínce C 8. Accents are omitted from the edition below. Abbreviations are of the commonest sort, such as p for þæt, 7 for and, l for oSSe, pd for pam, poii for ponne, fra for fram, hi for him, ghate for gehate, æft for æfter, mint for winter, fæst or / ’ for fæste or fæsten (at line^end only), dag ’for daga or dagas, prs or prst for preost or preostes, driht for drihten, cw for cwæð, actibj aplo4 for actibus 11 Collated ibid. 32-3 (lines 434-72). 12 Collated ibid. 19 (lines 82-98). 13 Collated ibid. 27-8 (lines 317-40). 14 Collated ibid. 19-20 (lines 100-11). 15 Printed below as Appendix IV.



apostolorum, and roman numerals for numbers (.mV. for feomer, .x. for tyn, and so forth). Also abbreviated (in Text C) are kalendas, September, and Cristes. Abbreviations are expanded silently in the edited text. This is usually regarded as a Worcester manuscript.16 It was in any case at Worcester in the early thirteenth century, when the so-called Tremulous Hand, found in so many Worcester books, wrote Latin glosses on ff. i3v and 20v, and a note in the margin of f. 19. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, John Joscelyn, secretary to Archbishop Matthew Parker, wrote in the margins various crossreferences to other passages in the manuscript and to Bodleian MS Junius 121. In 1639 the manuscript was acquired by Archbishop Laud and in the same year given by him to the Bodleian Library. The scribal work is in general careful, with interlinear corrections indicating that the copyist checked the work against the exemplar. Text A from Y has never been printed in full, though certain of the canons are presented under the heading ‘Additamenta’ by Thorpe,17 with a Latin translation, along with all of Text C except for the last two sentences. A complete transcript of all the penitential texts in Y, however, has now appeared in the electronic edition of Allen J. Frantzen.18 In addition, C 1 has been edited by Henel, though with some minor inaccuracies.19 In this edition, Texts A and C are based on Y. For a facsimile of the manuscript, see Frantzen 2008.



Bx. Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, MS 8558—63 (Catalogue no. 24g8) The book is a composite of three manuscripts,20 probably bound together at an early date, the third and final part of which (ff. 13253)21 is dated by Ker to the first half of the eleventh century, all except f. i4or, on which a hand of the early twelfth century copied a passage from the Canons of Edgar into a blank space. Folios I40v-i53 are all in one hand (a hand not found in the first two parts of the manuscript) and contain the same assortment of vernacular peniten­ tial texts as in Y, ff. 14—27v. The dimensions of a typical leaf (f. 147)

are 233 x 90 mm, with a written space of 174 x 120 mm on the recto. Before it was bound with the rest, the third part must have been coverless for a time, as ff. 132 and 153^ are dark and worn, especially the latter. As the third part is devoted entirely to penitential texts and the main scribal hand is not found elsewhere in the book, it very likely served as a confessor’s handbook of penance before it was bound with the rest. A number of stains (on ff. i32v, 133^, i34v, 136, 139' ', I44v, 145) also suggest its circulation for a time outside the library of a religious house. The present binding dates to the nineteenth century; the leaves were not trimmed after rebinding. Text A oithe Old English Canons of Theodore appears on ff. 146V20153V2. It ends with a m e n in red, followed by the first canon of Text C on six lines, divided (after healdan sceal) into two paragraphs. This is the end of the manuscript, except that in the remaining space on the page there has been copied (and partly erased) a Latin passage headed ‘Clemens papa in ecclesiastica regula’. As in Y, there is no indication on f. I4ÓVthat the synodial canons preceding the first canon of Text A constitute a separate text. Unlike in Y, there is no indication of a break between canons A 76 and 77. In the construction of gatherings, hair faces hair, and flesh flesh. There are dry-point rulings for twenty-five lines on ff. 140-53, but for twenty-three on ff. 132-9. Leaves are ruled on the face of i47v, 148, 149, i50v, and so forth. The texts that immediately precede the Canons in the third part of the manuscript (ff. 140^153) are the same as those that precede in Y, except that they begin not with the first but with the fourth book of the Old English Penitential (Conf 3. 1. 1 (Raith Y)) (ff. i40v-i45).22 Also as in Y, as remarked above, there is nothing to indicate that the canons i-xi of the Roman Synod of 721 are a separate text. The first part of the book (ff. 1-79) contains an incomplete copy of the enlarged Regula canonicorum of Chrodegang of Metz, with six marginal glosses in Old English,23 along with Augustine’s Soliloquia and Caesarius of Arles’s Sermo 179. Both text and glosses are dated by Ker to the first half of the tenth century. The second part of the manuscript (ff. 80131) is an imperfect copy of the Poenitentiale Pseudo-Theodon, with an

16 But for counterarguments, see Madan and Craster 1922: 45 (no. 1054). 17 Thorpe 1840, ii. 232-9. 18 Frantzen 2008. 19 Henel 1934: 60-4 (Comp 10. 3 in the DOE corpus). 20 Described by van den Gheyn 1904: 10-11 (no. 2498); Ker 1957: 8-10 (no. 10); Gneuss 2001: 121 (no. 808); and Bremmer and Dekker 2005: 43-9. 21 Ff. 132-9 comprise MS 8562 and ff. 140-53 MS 8563.

22 Printed in Mone 1830: 501-12, §§ 1-70; collated in Raith 1933: 46-69. The second item, Conf 2. 2 (ff. 145-6), is printed in Mone 1830: 512-14, §§71-83, and collated in Spindler 1934: 174-5, §2- The third item, part of Conf 2. 1 (f. 146), is printed in Mone, 1830: 514, §84, and collated in Spindler 1934: 174, §a\ The fourth and last item before the Canons, Conf 3. 2 (f. I46rv), is printed in Mone 1830: 514-15, §85, and collated in Raith 1933, Anhang I, pp. 71-3. 23 Ed. Meritt 1945, no. 14.

I. T H E M A N U S C R I P T S

interlinear gloss to the first six lines.24 Ker assigns the text and gloss to the tenth century, Gneuss to the middle thereof. The text is written in a neat, pleasing hand. A capital in the left margin begins each canon, and in the remaining space on the line at the end of each canon is written a lia , abbreviated where this is necessary.2526The capitals are written alternately in red and metallic red colour. A capital omitted by the rubricator is supplied in black ink by a later hand at the start of canon A 35. There is no punctuation but the point, used both as a terminal device and to separate clauses and parallel phrases internally, as well as to set off numerals. Only in canons A 98 and 136 is further subdivision made, by the use of small capitals filled with red colour. Some three dozen accents are written, always on long vowels, except in hére A 19. (There is probably already lengthening before a homorganic consonant cluster in hand A 43.) Accents are not indicated in the edition below. Abbreviations are similar to those in Y, though not as frequent. Two additional abbreviations are .h. for bisceop or hisceopes, and AL for alia (in rubrics at line end only). Before 1773 the manuscript was in the possession of the Bollandists. In that year it was transferred to the Bibliothéque de Bourgogne, where it was given the number 300. Nothing certain is known of the earlier history of the codex, but the three parts seem to have been bound together at an early date, as Ker (p. 10) notes south-eastern linguistic forms on ff. 80 (beginning the second part) and 140 (in the third). In this connection it is worth noting that the scribe writes heo for be, as both a preposition (A 5, 84) and a prefix (A 36), a spelling found also in the other texts he copied. This spelling is found as well throughout a manuscript of the middle of the twelfth century, London, British Library, Cotton Vespasian D. xiv, which probably was made at Rochester or Canterbury.25 The same spelling is encountered in the Old English translation of Augustine’s Soliloquia in a manuscript of about the same date, the ‘Southwick Codex’ (London, British Library, Cotton Vitellius A. xv, ff. 4-93). Although this manuscript belonged to 24 Ed. Schlutter 1909: 513. 25 The scribe and the rubricator seem to have worked in close cooperation (if they were not the same person). When the end of a canon coincides with the end of a line, the scribe has left extra room at the end of the next line for the rubricator to write alia, for example after A 41 and A 43. 26 See Ker 1957: 277. Texts with beo for be thus include LS 11 (James), LS 22 (InFestisSMarie), LS 28 (Neot), HomU 57 (Warn 44), Nic (C), VSal 2 (Ass 17), Ale (Warn 35), Aug, Eluc 1 (Warn 45), and Eluc 2 (Warn 46).


the priory of Southwick, Hants, in the late thirteenth century, its texts show abundant evidence of Kentish influence on their orthography, and the script is of a south-eastern type.27 Despite the neat handwriting, the copying shows many senseless errors, and the text is full of erasures, many made by the scribe. There are numerous corrections in a darker ink and a different, cruder hand. These corrections do not seem to have been made by reference to another text, but by intuition, and occasionally they alter the meaning in such a way as to lead it far from the sense of the Latin source: see especially A 65, 72, 119, 128. Because the text in Bx is so faulty, that in Y has been preferred in compiling the edition. However, the text in Bx is linguistically more conservative, and when there is especial reason to believe that readings in Bx are closer linguistically to the original, these have been preferred. Even when they are of linguistic significance, mere spelling variants have not, for the most part, been recorded in the apparatus of variants; but all the significant linguistic features of the manuscript are recorded below in the treatment of the language of the texts. The Canons in Bx were printed by Mone, though he omitted A 86; also, naturally, A 31 and 89-91, since these do not appear in Bx.28 They were also printed in Report on Fœdera, Appendix B,19 and transcripts are to be found in Frantzen’s electronic corpus of Old English penitential literature. Thorpe prints a few canons from Bx (A 4, 39, 46-8, 50-2, 86, 135), with a Latin translation.30 Thus, although the text of Bx has been printed more than once, it has never been given a modern print edition. A facsimile of the manuscript has now been made available by Bremmer and Dekker (2006). O. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS igo The first part of this manuscript, to p. 294, is one witness to what is sometimes referred to as ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’s Commonplace Book’,31 because it represents a miscellany used and most likely 27 See e.g. Carnicelli 1969: 12-24. 28 Mone 1830: 500-28. 29 This is the legend on the spine of the book, since there is no title page. The leaves of the volume were printed about 1832, but they remained in the storehouse of the Record Commission, after it expired in 1837, until 1869, when a few copies were bound and presented to individuals. 30 Thorpe 1840, ii. 236-9. 31 Described in Bateson 1895: 715; James 1912: 452-63; Bethurum 1942; Ker 1957: 703 (no. 45); Robinson 1988: 52-3 (no. 138). See also Bishop 1955.



compiled by the homilist Wulfstan.32 It was made at the start of the eleventh century (Gneuss suggests possibly at Worcester);33 but it was at Exeter by the middle of the century, when additions were made there. The relevant portion of the manuscript (pp. 319-50, 365-420) is dated by Ker to the middle of the eleventh century. This section contains two pastoral letters of Ælfric for Wulfstan,34 ordines in Old English for Easter vigil and Whitsun vigil,35 and a collection of vernacular texts, identified below, relevant chiefly to penitence. Into this core of the second part of the manuscript were sewn three gatherings (pp. 295-318, 351-64) with texts in the vernacular. Ælfric’s letter for Wulfsige,36 his homily In natale plurimorum apostolorum,37 De ecclesiasticis gradibus from Wulfstan’s Institutes of Polity,38 and two anonymous homilies, for Ash Wednesday and Holy Thursday.39 The additional gatherings are to be dated to the second half of the eleventh century. An average page in the relevant portion (p. 414) measures 288 x 185 mm, and the written space is 235 x 145 mm. Text B of the Canons is copied onto pp. 416/13-418/13, which pages are ruled in dry point for twenty-eight lines. The remainder of the manuscript, extending to p. 420, was originally left blank, but most of it was subsequently filled with legal texts (LawMirce, LawAð, LawHad) in a hand of the second half of the eleventh century, as dated by Ker. The beginning of Text B is clearly demarcated by an especially large capital in the left margin, and about a third of the preceding line is left blank after the end of the foregoing text (edited below in Appendix I). The end of Text B is marked by writing fæste .x. in a larger minuscule, and the last word, gear, in rustic capitals, the three words, with some coloured fill, spaced out to fill the end of the line. In the construction of gatherings, hair faces hair, and flesh flesh. The chiefly penitential texts that precede the Canons on pp. 366— 414 in the second part of the manuscript are these: (1) The Scriftboc (Conf i. i (Spindler 1934), pp. 366-84).40 (2) A translation of cap. 83 32 See Bateson 1895, Bethurum 1942; also Whitelock 1942; Fowler 1963; Sauer 1980; Hill 1991; Budny 1997: 535-44, 599-608; and Cross and Hamer 1999. 33 Gneuss 2001: 33. 34 ÆLet 2 (Wulfstan 1), ÆLet 3 (Wulfstan 2), ed. Fehr 1914: 68-22:, 269. 35 Lit 9. i (Fehr), Lit 9. 2 (Fehr), ed. Fehr 1914: 228-32. 36 ÆLet i (Wulfsige Xa), ed. Fehr 1914: 1-34, 267. 37 ÆCHom II, 41, ed. Godden 1979: 304-9. 38 WPol 3 (Jost), ed. Jost 1959: 223-41. 39 HomS 9, which is unedited, and HomS 23 (CenDom 2), ed. Bethurum 1957: 366-73. 40 Printed in Thorpe 1840, ii. 128-66; collated in Spindler 1934: 170-94.



of the enlarged Regula canonicorum of Chrodegang of Metz (ChrodR 2, p. 384).41 (3) Another copy of chapter ii of the Scriftboc, as above (part of Conf i. i, pp. 384-6).42 (4) The four books of the Old English Penitential (Conf 3. 1. 1 (Raith Y), pp. 387-413).43 (5) An additional section of the Scriftboc (Conf 2. 2 (Spindler Z)).44 (6) Formulas and directions for the use of confessors (Conf 10. i).45 , Where the original, core portion of the second part of the manu­ script was made is unknown. At all events, Ker concludes, on the basis of the script, that the additions to the first part of the manuscript were made at Exeter in the eleventh century, and that is where the extra gatherings were inserted into the second part of the manuscript as well. The two parts of the manuscript, if combined in the eleventh century, may be the canon on leden and scriftboc on englisc that Bishop Leofric left to Exeter upon his death in 1072. It is undoubtedly the Penitentiale uetus et alia plura cum anglico in fine quod sic incipit In principio prep xij d that is thus described in the Exeter catalogue of 1327.46 The manuscript was bequeathed to the College by Arch­ bishop Parker upon his death in 1575. The copying is carefully done. The most notable feature of the script is the addition of large, leftward-pointing tags on ascenders. A capital begins each canon, and when a canon begins at the start of a line, the initial is placed in the left margin. Initials alternate red and green, never blue in Text B. The only punctuation is the point, used both medially and finally, except that an inverted semicolon (punctus elevatus) follows forlegene B 8 and gear B 14. More than four dozen accents are used, usually on long vowels. The sure exceptions are únhalgodon B2, hnésclice 8, wúcan 17, lúfige 19, bísceopes 22, bisceop 23, and ýrre 24. Abbreviations include p for þæt, 7 for and, gf for gear, pa forpam, and Roman numerals for numbers. In the edited text, accents are omitted and abbreviations are silently expanded. The selection of canons comprising Text B was printed by Thorpe.47 A transcript and two images (neither of Text B) are included in Frantzen’s electronic text. It has to this point been excluded from the DOE corpus. 41 Printed in Thorpe 1840, ii. 166-7; and in Spindler 1934: 190 n. 42 Collated in Spindler 1934: 172-4 (§§o-x). 43 Printed in Thorpe 1840, ii. 170-222; collated in Raith 1933: 1-69. 44 Printed in Thorpe 1840, ii. 222-4; collated in Spindler 1934: 174—5 (§z). 43 Printed in Thorpe 1840, ii. 224-8; and printed below as Appendix I. 46 For details, see Ker 1957: 73. 47 Thorpe 1840, ii. 228-30.



B. Boundaries and Relations of the Texts of the Canons of Theodore in the Three Manuscripts Three separate groups of canons, here designated Texts A, B, and C, may be discerned in the manuscripts. Nearly identical versions of Text A are to be found in Y (ff. 21-27v) and Bx (ff. I40v-i53v). The chief substantive difference is that Y lacks most of A 39-62, due to loss of a leaf; but also canons 86 and 131 are wanting in Y; Bx lacks 31 and 89-91; in Y, canon 123 comes after 118; and in Bx, canon 112 follows 101. Canons 1-49 are translated from various sources, chiefly CD and PT (as detailed below), and although several canons in series within this group are ordered as in the source, for the most part they do not follow any particular order correspond­ ing to that in the sources. Then canons 50-138 are ordered as in PT, with only minor intrusions from other sources, but with many of the canons of PT omitted. Text B is found only in O (pp. 416-18). Several of the canons correspond more or less exactly in wording to passages in A,48 but most are unparalleled in A, though they translate PT and share Anglian linguistic features with A (see below). It would appear, then, that both A and B represent extracts from a more complete translation of PT, with additions in A from other sources. This conclusion draws particular support from those instances in which canons in B corresponding to those in A are more complete, including translated phrases omitted from A, as in B 15 (cf. A 62) and B 24-6 (cf. A 74-6). Text C is preserved whole only in Y (ff. 27v- 28v), coming immediately after Text A there. It does not overlap in any way with A or B, but Text A in Bx (ending with an ‘amen’) is followed immediately by a version of the non-Theodoran C 1. (The scribe of Y, by contrast, treats this as an inseparable part of Text C.) Like Texts A and B, aside from the beginning and end, Text C translates sections of PT. Unlike Texts A and B, Text C does not exhibit any notable Anglian linguistic features, but this may be because it is so brief. At all events, it shows no features that could very compellingly be called linguistically incongruous with the language of A and B. 48 B 1-3 = A 80-2; B 4-5 = A 52-3; B 8-9 = A 54-8 (in part); B 12 = A 61 (in part); B 15-T9 = 62-7 (in part); B 22-3 = A 73 (in part); B 24-5 = A 74-6 (in part); see the Commentary. With the exception of B 1-3, which render P T l, vi, 4-5, the canons of Text B are all based on PT I, ii and I, iv and follow the order of the Latin.

I. T H E M A N U S C R I P T S


As is explained above, the beginning of Text A is not plainly marked as the start of a new text in the manuscripts, which give the appearance that canons i-xi of the Roman Synod of 721 are part of the text. Indeed, Frantzen in his electronic edition treats these canons of the Roman Synod as part of Text A. It is most likely true that the scribe, at least, of Bx intended these to be regarded as one text, but if this is correct, it would seem he also intended nearly all the other texts that Bx shares with Y to be regarded as a single work, since each after the first (excluding only the text of C 1) begins after an ‘alia’. The arrangement of texts in Y shows more variety in the way each is introduced, but there, too, discrete texts are run together often enough that there is no compelling reason to regard the Roman canons as belonging to C T f (There are in fact reasons to treat it separately, for it is quite different in form from the rest, being in part a first-person narrative and in part a dialogue between Gregory and his bishops.) To be sure, on the same grounds it might be objected that the text of C 1 ought not to belong to CT, since it has no known Theodoran source. It may well be extraneous, but standing as it does between the texts of A and C in Y, it has a notably better claim to serving a function within the surrounding Theodoran material than do the canons of the Roman Synod. Thus, aside from the lone canon C 1, only Text A is preserved in more than one manuscript (though of course, as noted above, Text B in part overlaps Text A). Although the two versions of A seem closely related, neither can have been copied from the other. It is plain that Bx was not copied from Y: Bx is linguistically more conservative, and some of its readings are doubtless closer to the original, as is especially plain when comparison can be drawn to the Latin sources: Canons

2. Bx his orationes 7 his lectiones: Y his gebedu 7 his lectiones. 26. Bx þeah man p oðær gehate: Y þeah man p oðer þider gehate þider swa; cf. PT: quamvis alium vovisset. 28. Bx .iii.: Y .iiii.; cf. PT: III. 32. Bx fæste an gear on hlafe 7 on wætere: Y fæste .i. butan hlafe 7 wæte. 37. Bx (originally) steorfan: Y steofan. 65. Bx (originally) Se ðe gebismrod sy fran geligera

49 Indeed, the beginning of the canons of the synod is not marked as the start of a new text any more than the beginning of CT is in this manuscript.



72. 78. 86. 94. 97. 101. 103. 106. 108. no. 113. 122. 123. 124. 131.

geðohte: Y Se ðe gebismrad sy frá sylfan geligera geþohte; cf. PT: Qui inludetur fornicaria cogitatione. Bx feounge: Y freogunge; cf PT: odii. Bx .iii. feowertigo: Y .iiii. ger; cf. PT: III XLsimas. Y omits. Bx widles gemete: Y widlodes mæð; cf PT: modum pollutionis. Bx Messepreost gif he: Y Gif hwylc mæssepreost; cf PT: Presbiter si. Bx .iii.: Y .iiii.; cf PT: III. Bx hine man swinge: Y hy 'man' swinge; cf. PT: vapuletur. Bx bið dead: Y bid dead. Bx and lide: Y omits', cf. PT: et medone. Bx six monad: Y .vii. monoð; cf. PT: vi menses. Bx gebyrdum monda tidum: Y gebyrdtidum; cf. PT: menstruo tempore. Bx .iii. gear fæste: Y .x. winf fæste . 1 .iii. be þa fullan Y; cf PT: III annos peniteant. Bx places after 122 (the order in PT): Y places after 118. Bx leasestum: Y leasum; cf. PT: minimis. Y omits.

It is equally plain that Y cannot have been copied from Bx. Leaving aside the many small errors in Bx that the copyist of Y would need to have corrected, there are some clearly superior readings in Y, not infrequently corroborated by the Latin sources: Canons

18. Y þa þreo æfæstenu: Bx þa odre æfestenu; cf PT: in tribus XL. 22. Y forlegen: Bx for; cf. PT: fornicator. 31. Bx omits. 33. Y bisceopum: Bx preostu 1 bisceopum; cf. CD: episco­ pis. Y onsetnesse: Bx onten'd'nysse; cf. CD: manus inpositione. 64. Y hæmed onhyrige: Bx hæmed on hire; cf. PT: fornicationem imitatur. 68. Y underhnige: Bx him under; cf. PT: subeat. 79. Y naht: Bx riht; cf. PT: nihil. 84. Y þone þriddan dæl to Godes cyrcean . 7 þearfan


98. no. 111. 112. 119. 123. 126. 133.


gedæle: Bx dæs driddan dæl þearfum . 7 godes ciricum gedæle; cf PT: tertia pars ad ecclesiam tribuatur vel pauperibus. Y fram ælmihtigum Gode gelæded: Bx swa 'to' ælmihtigum gode gelæded. Y the order of the final two clauses agrees with PT, reversed in Bx. Y gif he oder ham lædde: Bx gif heo odre ham læded; cf PT: ipse . . . si aliam duxerit. Y places after i i i (the order in PT): Bx places after 101. Y .vii. ger fæste; J> is gecweden on canone p heo fæste: Bx .vii. gear is gecweden þæt heo fæste; see Commen­ tary. Y .x. ger fæste swa hire scrift hire tæce: Bx .x. gear fæste; cf. PT: in canone X sed per consilium VII annos peniteat. Y .v.: Bx .vii.; cf PT: V. Y .vii. wintre . ac syddan he ne mot: Bx .vii. sidon . he ne mot followed by syddan in another hand; cf PT: VII annos, deinde . . . licentiam tradendi non habet.

Excluding the translator’s misunderstandings, few definite errors are common to Y and Bx: Canons

7. Y to sumre freme, Bx to sumere freme (i.e. odde is missing): CD vel at profectum. 16. Y ær þa þriddan cneo, Bx ær dam þryddan cneow (i.e. æt has been copied as ær); PT in tertia. 73. Y odde gear fæste, Bx odde fæste (with erasure of gear between; there is not room for a number to have stood in the erasure, as well): B 22 oþþe fæste tyn gear, PT vel VII annos.

Thus, in their lines of descent, Y and Bx seem to diverge at a point not far removed from the prototype. C . D i v i s i o n o f t h e T e x t s in t o C a n o n s

Y and Bx are for the most part in agreement as regards where divisions between canons are made in the text, and not infrequently they are both in disagreement with the Latin sources as edited by Finsterwalder. The exceptional instances of disagreement between Y


I. T H E M A N U S C R I P T S

and Bx may be noted here, along with other peculiarities of canon division:

with non-metallic colour. There is no division in Bx, which is worded differently. The corresponding Latin canon is undivided. In Y, the initial 7 of A 122 is not written fully in the left margin, but it is larger than usual, and final punctuation precedes. Moreover, the preceding and following capitals are both written in metallic colour. In Bx, A 121 and 122 are unambiguously divided, though And at the start of 122 is omitted. The two are separated in PT, and an intervening canon there is omitted in the translation. No division between A 126 and 127 is marked in any way in Y. Bx agrees with the Latin in treating the two as separate. A 130 begins with a small black capital in Y, but it is not filled with colour, and the preceding punctuation is simply a point. Bx marks A 129 and 130 as separate, and the Latin source agrees. A 135 is not divided from 134 in Bx. In Y, the initial is black and smaller than a usual capital, but it has a coloured fill, and there is preceding final punctuation. The canons are divided in the source. A 136 is written all as one paragraph in Bx, as it is in Y and in the Latin, but small capitals filled with red are inserted at the start of and feowertig nihta and and ofer pentecosten.


In regard to the few canons that Texts A and B have in common, the manuscripts agree about their division. There is thus greater agreement among the Old English texts in regard to canon divisions than between these and the Latin texts as edited by Finsterwalder. Disagreements are as follows:


A 5 =- CD 12 + 13 A 11 = CD 19 + 20 A 12 + 13 = PT II, xi, 2 A 16 = PT II, xii, 26 + 27 A 20 = P Tl,1xiv, 5 + 6 A 29 + 30 = PT I, xiv, 24 A 37 + 38 = CD 120 A 52 + 53 (=: B 4 + 5) = PT I, ii, i A 55 + 56 = portions of PT I, ii, 7 A 58 + 59 = PT I, ii, 10 A 66 + 67 = PT I, ii, 22 A 74 = PTl., iv, 6 + part of 7 A 75 + 76 = part of PT I, iv, 7 A 80 + 81 (=: B i + 2) = PT I, vi, 4 A 87 + PT I, vii, 7 OO GO

A 29 and 30 are plainly divided in Bx, where the scribe writes out And. In Y the abbreviation 7 is used, and it is no larger than usual, nor is there any preceding final punctuation. The equivalent in PT is undivided. A 36 is unambiguously divided in two in Y, beginning at gif he þonne (omitting and). The Latin equivalent is undivided. In A 69, Bx begins a new canon with gif he nele (omitting and, to which there is no equivalent in the Latin, in which the canon is a whole). Before A 77 the scribe of Y has left a line blank, indicating a major subdivision of the text. There is no similar indication in Bx. A 82 is not divided from 81 in Y. They are separate in Bx and PT. A 98 forms three canons in Y, divided before Sen soðe gehwyrfednes and before Swylce se sceaða. In Bx the canon is written all as one paragraph, but small capitals are supplied at the start of forþam Drihten sylf cwæð and Seo soðe gehwyrfednes and Swylce se sceaða. There is no division of the Latin canon in Finsterwalder’s text. A h i is divided in Bx at and gif he oSer ham, but Bx has Elcora for and. The passage corresponds to one canon in PT. A 112 is added to the end of 113 in Bx, without interruption, omitting þæt. But since it begins at the left margin, it may be that the copyist intended the rubricator to place a capital abbreviation for þæt in the left margin. The order of the two in Y is as in the Latin, where they are separated by two and a half canons. A 114 begins with an unrubricated small capital A (in Ac) in Y, with no such capital in the left margin as one would expect. Very likely, though, a capital E has been left out of the margin, considering that eac swylce is idiomatic. This is also suggested by the use of colour: in this gathering of the manuscript, the rubricator reg­ ularly alternates writing capitals in metallic and non-metallic colours, but the initials of A 112 and 115 are both non-metallic. (The initial of A 113 is not written in colour but is black and filled with colour.) At the end of the preceding line, it should be noted, fæsten is abbreviated. Final punctuation precedes the abbreviation for the first þæt in 119, which is black and large. Though the abbreviation is not filled with colour, both the preceding and following capitals are made




A 89 + 90 = PT I, vii, 8 A 93 + 94 = PT I, vii, 12 A 103 + 104 = P T l, viii, 11 A 105 = portions of PT I, viii, 12 + 13 A 120 + 121 = P T l, xiv, 27 A 127 + 128 = part of PT I, xv, 4 B 7 = PT I, ii, 3 + 6, in part B 8 = PTl, ii, 5 (= A 52) + part of 6 + 7 (= A 53 in part) + 8 (= A 54) B 10 = PT I, ii, 12 + 13 + part of 20 B 21 = PT I, iv, 2 + 3 B 22 (= A 73) + 23 = PT I, iv, 5 B 24 = PT I, iv, 6 (first part) + 7 (first part). (Cf. A 70.) B 25 + 26 = PT I, iv, 6 (last part). (Cf. A 70.) C 20 = PT II, vi, 6 + 7 For the most part, where Y and Bx disagree in regard to the way the canons are divided, the evidence of the source has been allowed to determine the division in the edited text. II. LANGUAGE

The language of the Canons is in the main Late West Saxon. Certain features typical of that dialect in the eleventh century are in evidence, including dative plural heom A 60, 130, for earlier Beside common -anne as the ending of the inflected infinitive (A 14, 15, 16, etc.), the ending may be -enne, which is found in Y in A 10,11, 12, 20, in Bx in A 20 (-ene), 48, and in O in B 9. This is probably not the effect of an earlier Mercian recension but of Late West Saxon conditions.5051*There is much confusion of unstressed vowels. Thus, in Bx unstressed e is sometimes written æ, in peak hweðære A 18, oðær A 26, 46, hiræ A 36,folcæs A 39, oferswýðæd A 65, dgyfæð A 69, sceðæð A 88, ýtemæstan A 98; and in Y, medmæstan C 7.52 Of greater grammatical consequence is the frequent failure to distinguish -a and -e, in cyrra A 6 (Y), Romane A 16 (Y), sylfe A 48, forléta A 83 (Bx), þæra sawla A 98 (Bx), clænsunga A 114 (Y),53 géarbðta C 10, 50 See Brunner 1965, §334. 51 See ibid. §363 n. 2. 52 But -mæst may be analogical to mæst ‘most’: see Hogg and Fulk 2011, §4.75. The confusion of final u and a in geligera A 83 (YBx) is probably morphological rather than phonological: see Hogg and Fulk 2011, §3.9. 53 But see Hogg and Fulk 2011, §3.76.



dægböta C io, and perhaps some other places. Unstressed a and e are also confused non-finally in Y in dcwellað for -e8 A 118, 119 (cf. A 123). The ending -um is replaced by -an or -on in lærvedan A 7 (Y), untruman A 98 (Y), gehadodan A 104 (Y), gehálgedon B 1, unhalgodon B 2, medmæstan C 7; likewise, the subjunctive plural very often ends in -on in all three manuscripts, as in A 3, 20, 30, 36, and so forth, or, in Bx, -an (A 3 libban, A 16, 20, 30, etc.), and -an, -on, and -en are also confused in gesetton A 1 (Y) and, in Bx, sceolan A 16, 34, 136, storfan A 37, and so forth. Syllabic sonorants show late spellings in forstolone A 68 (Y) and öðorne A 132 (Bx), and the forms untrumðe A 112 (Y, cf. untrymSe Bx) and défolgylde A 13 (Bx) anticipate Middle English spellings. Analogy produces some typical Late West Saxon restora­ tions of syncopated vowels, for example in áwyrgedum A 13, but also some unusual instances of syncope extended beyond its normal limits, as in déoflican A 28 (Y) and gecyrd A 98 (Y). Syncope after light syllables is to be found in both Y and Bx, for example in onsægdnes A 2, geligrum A 13 (Y; cf. gelýra B 18),frigdæg A 18, 30 (both Y), and forsegnesse C 5; and, conversely, epenthesis after a light syllable in forgifenesse A 23, 66 (Y). There is also epenthesis before the feminine ending -re in sumere A 4 (Y), 7 (Bx), 33, ælcere A 47 (Bx), hwylcere A 125, écere A Colophon. Geminate consonants after unstressed vowels are frequently degeminated, especially in Y, as in digolice A 5 (Y), awegdtporpenessa A 29 (Y), rihtgeleafullum A 33 (Y), and so forth; less unusually in fæstene A 4, æfæstenu A 3, 17, 18, and so forth, dative singular feminine öSre A 7, 9, 91, and so forth; and even after a stressed diphthong in Jeole A 46 (Bx), though this may be an error, since one would expect fealle. Initial hr- is unstable, being preserved in forms of the root hréow- in A 65, 106, 114, 116 (Y) 121 (Bx), B 10, C 10, but reduced to r- in A 51, 116 (Bx), 121 (Y). It is also reduced in raper A 17 (Bx) and röf A 125 (Bx), also swefenraca A 127 (Y). Two late morphological features may be mentioned: the strong verb smerian is inflected according the second weak class in Y; and Y shows at least one departure from the norms of weak adjective inflexion in dative hire lyttle suna A 64. Some other linguistic features that are not particularly unusual in Late West Saxon, but which are worth remarking, are these. The front mutation of Germanic stressed a before n is spelt æ in cænne A 109 (Bx) and mænnen A n o (Y).54 Earlier sel- is usually syl- (sylf, 54 The spelling awænde A 118 (Bx) is a later alteration of awande. Spellings like cænne and mænnen are no longer generally held to be of dialectal significance.



syllan), but compare sellan A 26 (Bx). Vowels between tv and r are as likely to be spelt 0 as u, as in worce A 7 (Y), atvorpenne A 11 (Y), 48, warded A 16 (cf. weorded A 42). There is alternation between wican and tvucan.55 The hypercorrective spellings sig, hig for sy, hi (with long vowels) are found in Bx. Some unusual spellings in Bx are he for hi (3) A 3, beo{~) for he(-) A 5, 36, 84 (see above; also found in the scribe’s other texts), breccanne A 16, and mage A 19. Unstressed u is not lowered to 0 in abbud A 1 (Y), though -u, as usual elsewhere, is retained finally, as in ealu A 32, tvæpnu A 73 (Y, with analogical ending) and frequent æfæstenu. The change of -hd- to -ht- is attested in utsihte A 15 (Y).56 There is loss of nonsyllabic -m- in berhthwile A 98. The genitive plural of sé is usually þæra in both Y and Bx, and this spelling is used by the scribe of Y in other texts, as well. The very common scribal confusion of nyd- and néod- is apparent in néodþearf A 91 (Y). The feminine derivative suffix -ness in Y corresponds to -nyss in Bx. And in regard to syntax, while the subjunctive mood predominates in the protases of conditions, the indicative is also common, and the two may co-occur, either in parallel conditions in the same canon (e.g. in A 128) or in different manuscripts of the same canon, as with bið A5 (Bx = sý Y), synt A 6 (Bx = sýn (1) Y), sý A 9 (Bx = bid Y), and so forth. Despite the general West Saxon character of the language, there is a considerable admixture of non-West Saxon features, all of which are paralleled in Anglian prose. They are the following: i. The reflex of West Germanic *æ is e, in Bx only, in wepn A 72, 73 and forleta A 83; compare also forletan altered to forlgtan A 20. In addition, in both Y and Bx the reflex is S in frequent ger A 4, 17, 18, and so forth; compare gear A 32, 40, 41, and so forth, with West Saxon diphthongization of æ by initial palatal consonant.57 There is also an instance of e for West Saxon æ as the front mutation of d before an alveolar consonant in unclene A 88 (Bx), a feature found in texts from Northumbria and the northern part of the Midlands, as well as those from Kent.58 Also notable are instances, in Bx only, of éa reflecting West Germanic æ (exemplifying spelling hypercorrection as a result of the monophthongization of the original diphthong ea), in sleapende A 101, dear A 126; perhaps also in leaweda A 32, 68, 72, 113, though the etymology is uncertain, and the root vowel may instead ss See Campbell 1977, §218. 57 Ibid. §§128, 185.

56 Ibid. §481(4). 58 See R. Jordan 1974: 77, 79.



represent the front mutation of d from West Germanic *ai. These spellings perhaps should be compared with similar ones in the socalled AB dialect of early Middle English, seemingly of Hereford (or, more likely, southern Shropshire) in which the reflex of West Germanic æ is sometimes spelt this way, and that of the front mutation of d is regularly so spelt.59 The stem learned- is found in an authentic early eleventh-century Worcestershire marriage agreement (Ch 1459), but it is also found in some texts from the East: two spurious charters of Ramsey Abbey (Ch 1109, m o ) and the Peterborough Chronicle (s.a. 1012). There is no exact parallel to the use of sleap- for slæp-,60but the spelling dear is found in some texts with notable connections with the Midlands, the Worcester (D, s.a. 897) and Peterborough (E, s.a. 877, 1128, 1129) Chronicles, the Life of St Margaret in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 303 (LS 14, 23. 1), marginalia in the Rushworth Gospels (LkMarg 1. 70), and the poem Instructions for Christians (Instr 253). Also reminiscent of spellings found in the AB dialect is ea for æ in creaftas A 127 (Bx). But the few parallels are dialectally diverse: the spelling creaft- is found in a set of prognostics with Anglian verb forms (Prog 6. 3, 6), but also in the Kentishinfluenced Psalm 50 (KtPs 11) and in Gerefa (LawGer 7), a text that shows no distinctive non-West Saxon features.61 2. 0 for Germanic a before a nasal consonant is properly a West Mercian feature, though it is found in the early Kentish and West Saxon dialects under Mercian influence,62 as well as in early and late Northumbrian. It is in any event noteworthy in a Late West Saxon prose text. It occurs in lichoman A 63 (Bx), -tvonges A 98 (YBx), gesomnien A 132 (Y). Perhaps also mon A 4 (Bx), 90 (Y) is relevant, since this spelling is uncharacteristic of Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies and Lives of Saints. 3. West Saxon diphthongization by initial palatal consonant is absent in frequent ger, as under (1.) above. It is also absent in the Anglian and Kentish verb stem for-, a-geld- used consistently in Bx, in A 35, 36 (2x ), 46, 47, 86, 136, corresponding to the Late West Saxon stemfor-, a-gyld- used consistently in Y (A 35, 36 (2 x ), 136).“ 59 See Ardenne 1961: 91. 60 The form unsleaplice in the Winteney version of the Benedictine Rule (BenRW 5. 29. 5) is an error for unsleaclice, as shown by comparison with the other version of the Rule. 61 On the rather indeterminate dialect distribution of this orthographic feature in early Middle English, see now Laing and Lass 2012. 62 See Campbell 1977, §130; and Fulk 1992, §§337-8. 63 See Campbell 1977, §§185, 733.



Breaking, which has precedence of diphthongization by initial palatals, is missing in galla A 15 (Y; gealla Bx) and galdor- A 28, which instead show Anglian retraction of æ to a before checked l.M Neither galdor- nor gealdor is paralleled in any unmixed example of Late West Saxon prose, such as the works of Ælfric, but gealla is found there, while galla is confined to Anglian and dialectally mixed texts. 4. The front mutation of ea is e in gelefaS A n (Bx), and in ner A 16 (Y; near Bx), paralleled in an authentic Worcester charter dated 977 (Ch 1334); nehstan A 107, C 1, however, is a Late West Saxon form. 5. Instances of back mutation that would be unusual in Late West Saxon are leoðum A 57 (Bx), iveolan A 70 (Y), eosul- C 7.6465 Likewise feola A 83 (Bx) is Anglian; the corresponding feala in Y shows typical West Mercian unrounding of the second element of the diphthong,6667 though this spelling is also found in Early West Saxon, and similar unrounding is to be found at least sporadically in all dialects.57 Similar unrounding, though not in a diphthong produced by back mutation, is evident in folcgefeahte A 74 (Bx). Specifically West Mercian is the back mutation of æ by second fronting seen in heafoc A 12 (Bx, and corrected by the scribe from hafoc in Y; Ælfric uses hafoc, hafuc)\ but ealu, ealoð A 6, 32, 72, 108 is also West Saxon.68 6. The diphthong in þeorfum A 70 (Bx) is paralleled in all the Anglian dialects.69 7. In Bx, the reflex of Germanic a is e in þes A 36, hweder A 50, messe- A 97, and this could be due to West Mercian second fronting of æ,70 though other explanations are possible. Likewise in Bx, hyper­ correction due to second fronting may explain the forms wser(-) A 18, 22, h i , æft A 3 (2X), 33, 49, 56, acmælled A 118, onsæcgeað A 124; compare also ungemætelice A 70 in Y. 8. The spelling berht- A 98 (Y) is almost exclusively Anglian, and it probably evidences Anglian smoothing. That it is original is shown by the hypercorrect spelling beorht- in Bx. 9. Although Y shows West Saxon loss of g before d, there is retention of g in Bx, in geondstregde A 9, 34, but not in mæden A 36. 64 65 66 67 69

Ibid. § 143. Ibid. §210. The latter two forms are found in Early West Saxon. Ibid. §281. See Brunner 1965, § n o n . 5. 68 See Campbell 1977, §§206-8. Ibid. §§276, 278. 70 Ibid. §§ 164—9.



10. Syncope is frequently wanting in the third person singular of long-stemmed weak verbs of the first class, and in the passive participles of such verbs with stems ending in an oral dental stop consonant. Syncope and front mutation are both frequently wanting in the third person singular of strong verbs.71 The instances, excluding contracted verbs and weak presents of strong verbs, are murded A 16, gestryneð A 24, steleð A 35 (Bx), weorded A 42 (Bx), girneS A 58 (Bx), sendeS A 61, B 12, demeð A 62, B 15 (2 x), hæmeð A 64 (Bx), B 10, 15, gecyrreð A 69, agyfæð A 69 (Bx),forsteled A 71 (Bx), gemyrceS A 83 (Bx), drinceS A 85, oðhrineð A 87, befealleð A 92 (Y), smelted A 98 (swylted Bx), gelæded A 98, ageoteðA 100,101, gewiteð A 105, gervemmed A 107, lædeð A m (Bx), acwælled, actvelleð A 118 (Bx; cf. West Saxon acmeled),72 119 (Bx), 120 (Bx), 121, 123, bærne’ð A 126, begiteð A 135, fæsteð A 137. Syncope is found, however, in gelimpd A 11, stelð A 35 (Y), drifð A 38, abylhd A 69, gegylt A 83 (Y), gecyrð A m (Bx), hæmd A 116,117, acrvelSA 120 (Y). Syncope is also consistently found in cwyd, avid A 91, 116, 127, B 7, 14, but syncope is regular in this word in West Mercian.73That syncope is consistently found in this word, even though unsyncopated forms of other verbs predominate in the texts, seems a sign of West Mercian origins. Among the contracted verbs, West Saxon forms are usual (ofslyhS A 72, 74 (Y); onfehð A 120), but distinctively West Mercian is 3 sg. ofslead A 74 (Bx).74 11. The suffix -ad- in weak verbs of the second class is not generally found in Late West Saxon prose, except when the root contains 0. It occurs in gefullade A 49 (Bx), gebysmrad A 65.75 12. The Anglian form hafad is used in A 25 (Y) and 138, but West Saxon hæjd in A 25 (Bx) and B n . 76 13. The ending -u (-0) of the feminine nominative singular and the neuter nominative and accusative plural is not found on the adjective suffix -lie in Late West Saxon texts such as those of Ælfric, Æthelwold, and Wulfstan, but only in Anglian texts and West Saxon texts that are early or display some appreciable Anglian dialect features. It is to be found in dyslicu and unaberendlieu (A 20). 14. The verb stem lifig- in A 1, 18, 126 is Anglian; libb- in A 3, 4 is the West Saxon form.77 71 Ibid. §§733, 751(3). 72 See Brunner 1965, §358n.5 ‘Penitentials’, in Michael Lapidge el al. (eds.), The Blackwell Encyclopaedia o f Anglo-Saxon England, 362-3 (Oxford). ----- (2007), ‘Sin and Sense: Editing and Translating Anglo-Saxon Hand­ books of Penance’, in Antonette diPaolo Healey and Kevin Kiernan (eds.), M aking Sense: Constructing Meaning in Early English, 40-71 (Toronto). ----- (2008) (ed.), Anglo-Saxon Penitentials: A Cultural Database, . Fronteau, Jean (1647) (ed.), D. Ivonis Carnotensis episcopi Opera omnia, 2 vols. (Paris). Fulk, R. D. (1992), A Elistory o f Old English M eter (Philadelphia). ----- (2004a), ‘Male Homoeroticism in the Old English Canons o f Theodore’, in Carol Pasternack and Lisa M. C. Weston (eds.), Sex and Sexuality in Anglo-Saxon England: Essays in Memory o f Daniel Gillmore Calder, 1-34 (Tempe, Ariz.). ----- (2004b), ‘Old English weorc: Where Does it Hurt? South of the Thames’, A N Q 17/2: 6—12. ----- (2010), ‘Localizing and Dating Old English Anonymous Prose, and How the Inherent Problems Relate to Anglo-Saxon Legislation’, in Stefan Jurasinski, Lisi Oliver, and Andrew Rabin (eds.), English Law before Magna Carta: Felix Liebermann and ‘Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen ’, 59-80 (Leiden). ----- (2012), ‘Anglian Features in Late West Saxon Prose’, in David Denison, Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Chris McCully, and Emma Moore (eds.), Analysing Older English, 63-74 (Cambridge). Garmonsway, George Norman (1947) (ed.), Æ lfric’s Colloquy, 2nd edn. (London; repr. New York, 1966). Gheyn, Joseph van den (1904), Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothéque Royale de Belgique, iv: Jurisprudence et philosophic (Brussels). Gneuss, Helmut (1996a), ‘Anglo-Saxon Libraries from the Conversion to the Benedictine Reform’, in his Books and Libraries in Early England, no. II (Aldershot). ----- (1996b), ‘King Alfred and the History of Anglo-Saxon Libraries’, ibid., no. III. ----- (2001), Handlist o f Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts: A List o f Manuscripts and Manuscript Fragments Written or Owned in England up to 1100 (Tempe, Ariz.). Godden, Malcolm (1979) (ed.), Æ lfric’s Catholic Homilies: The Second Series: Text, EETS ss 2.



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12: 244-6. Archiv fu r



1. Ne sceal se bisceop him sylf nænne abbud geceosan æfter oðres deaðe; ne be him lifigendum, þeah he aweg gewite and gesyngie, ne mot he þær nænne oðerne to gesetton butan þæra broSra willan. 2. Nis na to onfonne seo halige onsægdnes of þæs mæssepreostes handa þe ne cann his [orationes] and his lectiones mid rihte gefyllan. 3. Ða ðe nyton hwæSer hy gefullode beoð, and lætað hi eft fullian— þæt biS swylce hi eft Crist ahon—fæston þonne þa hwile þe hi libbon ælcne frigedæg to anes mæles and þa þreo æfæstenu. 4. Gif [þonne hwilc mon] wene þæt hit sy alyfed for sumere clænnesse þæt hine man twiga fullige, þonne fæste se þreo ger on an, and sySðan eac hit bete a mid fæstene and mid ælmæssan þa hwile þe he libbe. 5. Be sunriandæges weorce. Grecas and Romane rowað and ridað, ac man ne mot naðer ne hlaf | bacan ne on cræte faran, butan hwa to f.2iv cyrcean onfare; ne men ne moton baðian sunnandagum. Ne eac Grecas nellað openlice writan on þam dagum; ac gif hwylc nydþearf sy, þonne wyllað hy digolice writan innon heora husum. 6. Ða ðe wyrceað sunnandæge, æt þam forman cyrre Grecas hy ofercidað; æt þam oðrum cyrre, nimað hwæthwæge þæs þe hy wyrcean; æt þam þriddan cyrra þæne þriddan dæl þæs þe hi mid gescyldigað; and gif hit syn þeowe men, and hi hit heora willan don, syn hy beswungene; and gif hit syn freo men, fæsten hy seofonniht flæsce and ealaS. 7. Ne sceal cyrcean timber to ænigum oðrum worce, butan to oðre cyrcean, oððe hit man þonne forbærne, [oððe] to sumre freme þe þam Godes þeowum þearf sy, þe in þam mynstre syn, and hit næfre ne sy gedon þam læwedan to nænigum bryce.

i nænne] nænie alteredfrom næmie Bx oðres] ðæs oþres Bx gewite] gewite 'oððe fare' Y gesyngie] gesynsigie Bx 2 orationes] gebedu Y 3 hi3] he Bx ælcne] ælce Bx 4 þonne hwile mon] hwylc man þonne Y 5 Be] Beo Bx Romane] romana Bx on] in Bx onfare; ne] altered to onfarane in a different ink Bx sy] bið Bx innon] in Bx 6 sunnandæge] sunnandæg Bx -hwæge] hwuguon. Bx willan don] willes doð Bx beswungene] altered to beswungenn Y 7 þonne] om. Bx oððe2] om. YBx in] in in Bx ne2] om. Bx nænigum] om. Bx



8. Witodlice nis þæt nan riht, þæt ænig man for geflite and for andan wiðcweðe godcundra hada eyre and Godes forestihtunge.

gesamniað, þonne is þæt to brecanne, and nis þæt nanum men alyfed, þe bid oðrum æt þam þriddan cneo oðöe ner, þæt he nime þæt wif þæt se oðer ær hæfde.


9. Cyrcean man mot settan on oðre stowe, gif hit nydþearf bið, ac hy man ne mot na eft halgian, butan þæt an, þæt mæssepreost hy geondstrede mid haligwætere. f.22r 10. Da neat þe beoS gemengde to wulfum and to hundum, ne beoð

þa [na] mannum to etenne, ac swinum and hundum, ne se heort, ne se ra, gif hy beoð deade fundene. ' 11. Grecas ne syllað na heora swynum astorfen flæsc, ac hy lyfað þa fell to sceon and þa hyda and þa hornas and þa wvlla doð to nytte, and swa þeah [in naht haliglices]. And gif hit gelimpð þæt swin etað astorfen flæsc, oððe henna manna blod, ne gelyfað we na þæt hi syn forþam to aworpenne. 12. Fugelas and oðre nytenu næron na alyfede to etenne gif hy beoð on nette awyrged, ne þeah [se] heafoc hine abite, gif he bið dead funden. 13. Da feower heafodewidas in Actibus apostolorum þus bebeodað, þæt man hine forhæbbe fram dyrnum geligrum, and fram awyrgedum nytene, and fram blode, and fram deofolgylde. 14. Hors we na forbeodað, ac hit is ungewunelic to etanne. 15. Hara is alyfed to etanne, and he is eac swiðe god wið utsihte, and his galla is [swiðe] god, wið pipor gemenged, wiö [inwerce] and wið muSsar[e], 16. Mid Grecum man mot wifian æt þam þriddan cneo, æfter þære ealdan æ bebode, and na nu ær æt þam fiftan, æfter Roman[a] dome, ac swa þeah gif se gesinscipe wurðeð geworht æ[t] þam þriddan cneo, f.22v ær man þa sibbe wite, þonne ne mot hine man na | brecan, ac hy sceolon butu on þe maran forhæfednesse beon, and on maran dædbote þonne oðre men. Ac gif heo ær þam þriddan cneowe hy 8 Godes] om. Bx 9 bið] sy Bx þæt2] om. Bx 10 þe] þa Bx na] om. Y ra] hra Y fundene] findene later corrected Bx 11 wvlla] alteredfrom wylla Y, wulla Bx in naht haliglices] on nan þing halices Y manna] mannes Bx 12 alyfede] lyfede with an erasure before tin hy] 'hi' in different hand Bx se] om. Y 13 geligrum] geligere Bx 14 na] ne Bx 15 is2,3]hisBx swiðc2] om. Y inwerce] altered laterfrom inwræce Bx, innwræceY muðsare] final letter added later Bx, muðsar Y 16 mot] altered to moste Bx æfter] æt Bx Romana] romane Y æt3] ær YBx man na] manna with na erased Bx brecan] abrecan Bx on þe maran forhæfednesse beon] beon on ðe maran forhæfednesse Bx maran2] mare Bx cneowe] cneow Bx


17. Se þe tuwa wifige, oððe wif geceorlige, fæste an ger, and syððan aa wodnesdæge and frigedægfe] and þa oSre æfæstenu forga flæsc and na ðe hraðor forlæte his wif. 18. þonne gif wer þriwa wifað, oððe wif þriwa ceorlað, [oðSe] gyt ma, fæste feower ger, and aa þa hwile þe he lifige, fæste wodnesdagum and frigdagum and þa þreo æfæstenu forga flæsc, and ne syn hi na þeah[hwæðere] gedælde, gif hi on rihtgesinscipe gegaderode syn. 19. Gif here genime hwylces mannes wif, and he hy ne mæge eft begitan, sy þam were alyfed þæt he nime him oðre. 20. Gif hwylc wif oððe ceorl gehate þæt hy wyllon on mægðhade þurhwunian, and þonne se ceorl hine geþeode to hwylcum wife, ne mot he na þæt forlætan ne heo hine for þam gehatum, forþy dyslicu gehat and unaberendlieu beoð to abrecanne ma þonne to healdenne. 21. Gif hwylces mannes wif bið dearnunga forlegen, þonne is | him f.23r alyfed þæt he forlæte hy and nime him oðer. 22. Nis þam wife na alyfed þæt heo forlæte hire wer butan leafe, þeah heo forlegen beo, butan Basilius demde þæt heo moste gan in mynster, gif heo wolde. 23. Se ðe hæme on sunnandæge, bidde him æt Gode forgifenesse and fæste þry dagas. 24. Nis nanum men alyfed, þæt he genime on his þeowe ænig feoh butan his willan and buton forwyrhtum, gif he hit mid rihte gestryneð. 25. Nis þam mæssepreoste na alyfed þæt he yppe þæs bisceopes synne, forþam se bisceop hafað anweald ofer hine. gesamniaS] gesamnian Bx nime] ni'i'ne intended as mine Bx 17 geceorlige] ceorlige Bx Wodnesdæge] wodnes dagum Bx Frigedæge] frigedæg Y, frige dagum Bx na ðe hraðor] naðera þer altered by a later hand to naðyra þer, later naðy/raþer Bx 18 þriwa2] om. Bx oððe2] þonne Y aa] om. Bx -dagum1’2] dæge Bx þreo] oðre Bx þeahhwæðere] þeah Y, þeah hweðære Bx 19 hy ne] hyne corr. to hý ne Y, Bx were] wære Bx 20 geþeode] geðyðe Bx unaberendlieu] unaberendlice Bx þonne2] ðone Bx healdenne] healdene Bx 21 hwylces] hylces Bx oðer] oðre Bx 22 wer] wær Bx forlegen] for Bx in] on Bx 23 sunnandæge] sunnandæg Bx 24 genime] nime Bx 25 na] om. Bx bisceopes] bis / sceopes Y




26. Cild man mot syllan into mynstre, þeah man þæt oðer gehate. Swa þeah is betere þæt man þæt gehat gefylle. 27. Eac gelice oöre nytenu man mot alysan, gif hit nydþearf bið. 28. Gif hwylc wif wiccunga bega, and þa deoflican galdorsangas, blinne and fæste an ger and þa [þreo] æfæstenu, oðSe þonne gyt ma, æfter þære geearnunge. 29. þa wif þe doð awegaworpenessa heora bearna, þi ylcan gemete syn hy gedemde ær þan pa beam cwice syn. 30. And þonne æfter þam, þis is ymb feowertig nihta þæs sædes onfengnysse, syn hi geteald to manmyrðrum, and fæst[on] þonne v þreo ger, [ælce] wodnesdæg[e] and frig[e]dæg[e] | and þa þreo æfæstenu. 31. Nis nan syn þeah man his unwillum blodes byrige of his toðum. 32. Gif se læweda man his agen cild ofþrycce and acwelle, fæste an [gear on] hlafe and [on] wætere, and pa twa forga flæsc and ealu, and forhæbbe hine fram ælcum wife, þa hwile þe he pa dædbote do.



þærto[eacan] gedo [swa mycel swa] þæs feos þryddan dæl sy, and pa magas forgyldon heora wedd; [and] gif he þonne nylle hy niman, hæbbe forseald þæt feoh þæt he sealde. 37. Se þe sto[r]fen ete, fæste feowertig daga. 38. Gif hine hunger to drifS, þonne ne dereð hit him na. 39. Gyf hwylc mæssepreost oSSe diacon bringe him wif ham | [on folcæs gewitnesse, sy he amansumod.] 40. [Gyf hwa hæme mid his modor, fæste fiftyne gear, and hit | næfre ne wrixlie buton sunnandæge anum.] Bx, f. 149' 41. [Gyf wif ana forlegennysse do mid hyre sylfre, fæste þreo gear.] 42. [Gyf mæssepreost for his geþohtum weorðeS besmiten, fæste twentig daga.] 43. [Gyf he gehrine pa breost mid his hand, fæste þreo wucan.] 44. [Gyf hwile man þurh nydinga his geþohtes his sæd ageote, fæste feowertig daga.]

33. Ða ðe beoð gehadode fram Scyttiscum bisceopum, oððe fram Bryttiscum, pa ðe sceare nabbað swa oðre cyricl[ic]e preostas, ne þa eastro[n] swa' ne healdað [swa we healdað], pa sceolan eft fram þam rihtgeleafullum bisceope onsetnesse and sume[re oratione] beon getrymede.

45. [Gyf he hit sylf awæcce, æt þam forman cyrre fæste twentig daga, and æt ðam oSrum feowertig daga.]

34. Eac gelice þa cyrcean þe beoð fram þam bisceopum gehalgode, sceolon mid haligwætere beon geondstredde.

47. [Gyf man hine ofslea on ðam ungewitte, ær man wite hwæþer his magas him fore ðingian willon, forgeldon ðone man his magum pa men ðe hine ofslean.]

35. Se þe stelð hwæt in Godes cyrcan, forgylde hit feowerfealdlice. 36. Gif beweddod mæden nele to þam þe heo beweddod bið, and wæs hire willa, forgylde þonne pæt feoh þæt heo ær underfeng, and 26 oðer gehate] oðerþider gehate þider swa Y gefylle] gelæste Bx 28 >reo] .iiii. Y þære geearnunge] þæra ge earnunga Bx 29 awegaworpenessa] aworpennysse Bx pi] pa Bx 30 þam] Sonne Bx þis is] altered to þes Bx geteald] 'ge'teald addition in diff. hand Bx manmyrðrum] man myðrum Bx fæston] fæste Y ælce wodnesdæge and frigedæge] wodnesdæg 7 ælce frigdæg Y þreo]ðryBx 31] om. Bx 32 gear] om. Y on hlafe and on] butan hlafe 7 Y 33 bisceopum] preostu 1bisceopum with u in later hand, on a point Bx cyriclice] cyricle Y, cyrclite Bx eastron swa ne healdað swa we healdaS] so, with swa we in a later hand on erasure Bx, eastro 'swa' ne healdað Y sceolan] scylon Bx bisceope] bisceopum Bx onsetnesse] onten'd'nysse Bx sumere oratione] sume gebede Y 34 þe] þa Bx 36 beweddod1] beo weddod Bx nele] nelle Bx þe] þeo Bx þonne1] þo'n'ne corr. in another hand Bx

46. [Gyf hwylc man of his geðohtum oððe of his gewitte feole, and him gelimpe þæt he man ofslea, forgeldon þone man his magas, and hine wið oðær swylc gescyldan.]

48. [Gyf man þurh ðrystlæcnysse man fullað, and ne bid him sylfe, se bid to aworpenne fram ælcere cyriclicre gesamnunge, and he ne sy næfre eft [gehadod].] 49. [Se mæssepreost þe fullað men, and man geacsige þæt he bid sylf unfullod, sy he ðonne eft gehadod and gefullod and getrymede mid þærtoeacan gedo swa mycel swa] þær to gedo swylene eacan swylce Y sy] in later hand Bx heora] þætBx and gif] Gif Y nylle hy niman] hy niman nelle Bx 37 storfen] storfan alteredfrom steorfan Bx, steofan Y 39 him] om. Bx ham] last word onfol. 23°; one folio is wanting after this Y; text suppliedfrom jf. 14gr- i 50' of Bx 46 of1] on Bx þone] þon Bx 48 he ne] altered from hine by a later hand Bx gehadod] om. Bx 49 ðonne] ðonne Bx





bisceopes bletsunge, and ealle ða ðe [he] ær gefullade, syn hy æft gefullod.]

65. Se Se gebysmrad sy fram geligera geþohte, do hreow[e] oS þæt se geþoht sy oferswiSed.

50. [Swa hwilc swa hine sylfne t[w]eo[g]e be his fulluhte, and eac oðre men nyton hweðer he gefullod wæs, he sceal beon eft gefullod.]

66. Se Se lufige fæmnan on his mode, bidde him æt Gode forgifenesse.

f. i5or 51. [Se ðe for oferfylle spiwe, reowe þry dagas.]

52. [Gyf hwylc man hine wið fæmnan forlicge, fæste feower gear, oSSe twa be ðam fullestan.] 53. [Se þe mid oðres ceorles wife hæme, fæste feower gear, twa on wean weallige, twa elles on ðam feowertigum and þry dagas on wucan.]

67. Gif he secge þæt he hy hæbbe, and he hy næbbe, seofon dagas fæste. 68. Gif læwede man munuc ut of mynst[re] alæde forstolone, gange [he] on mynster and Gode þeowige, oSSe underhnige menniscne þeowdom.

55. [Se ðe þis werlice man deð, feower gear fæste.]

69. Se Se oft stale deS, seofon ger bete swa him his scrift tæce; and se Se stale deS, and he to bote gecyrreS, symble he sceal þingian wiS þone þe he abylhS; and [he] hit eft agife, þonne lyttlaS þæt fæsten; and gif he nele oSSe ne mæg, þonne fæste he þa gesettan tida.

56. [Gyf hit cniht sy, æt ærestan twa gear; gif he hit æft do, feower gear fæste.]

70. Se Se samnaS ungemætelice weolan for his unwisdome, sylle he þone þriddan dæl þearfum.

57. [Gyf he be leoSum deS, an gear, o3 S[e] þry and feowertigo.]

71. Gif he gehalgod þing forstele, þreo gear | fæste butan flæsce.

58. [Se Se girneS hine sylfne to forlicgeanne and ne mæg, feowertig daga fæste, oSSe twentig daga.]

72. Gif læwede man oSerne ofslyhS for feounge, gif he nyle his wæpen forlætan, fæste seofon ger, and þreo butan flæsce and ealoS.

59. [Gyf he hit gedo, twentig daga fæste, oSSe hine man swynge.]

73. Gif hwylc man munuc oSSe cleric acwelle, forlæte his wæpnu and Gode þeowige, oSSe [tyn] gear fæste, and þæt beo be bisceopes dome.

54. [Gyf bædling mid bædlinge hæme, tyn winter fæste.]

60. [Cnihtas þa ðe hæmað heom betweonan, hit is demed þæt hy man swinge.] 61. [Se Se sæd on muS sendeð, þæt is wyrreste.] Y, f.24r 62. [Se Se oft hæme, se æresta canon] | demeS þæt he tyn winter

74. Se Se man ofslyhS on folces gefeohte, fæste feowertig daga. Gif he hit þurh yrre do, þreo ger bete.

bete, and se æftera seofon ger.

75. Gif he þurh druncen oSSe þurh oþerne cræft man ofslea, þreo ger fæste, oSSe ma.

63. Gif broSor mid breSer hæme þurh his lichaman gemengnesse, fiftyne winter fæste butan flæsce.

76. Gif he þurh unnytte ceaste man ofslea, fæste tyn ger.

64. Gif moder mid hire lyttle suna hæmed onhyrige, þreo ger flæsces ne onbite, and ænne dæg on wucan fæste to æfennes.

he3] om. Bx

50 sylfne tweoge] sylf ne treowe the last word alteredfrom treoge Bx 62 demeS] first word onfol. 24' (text resumes) Y 63 gemengnesse] ge / megnysse Bx 64 lyttle] littlan Bx hæmed onhyrige] hæmeð on hire Bx onbite] onbyrige Bx æfennes] sfenne Bx 57 oððe]o3ðBx

65 gebysmrad] gebysmroð (d altered to S by later hand) Bx sy fram] sy'Tfran (insertion in later hand) Bx geligera] sylfan geligera Y, geligera 'on' with insertion in later hand Bx hreowe] hreowsunga Y sy] se Bx 67 fæste] fæste he Bx 68 mynstre] mynster Y he] om. Y mynster] mynstre Bx underhnige] him under Bx 69 he4] om. Bx agife] agyfæð Bx and gif] Gif Bx lyttlaS] lyttlað he Bx þonne fæste he þa gesettan tida] þa settan tida he fæste Bx 70 weolan] om. Bx þearfum] þearfum Y, þeorfum Bx 71 forstele] forsteleð Bx 72 feounge] with r þinge written above unge in another hand Bx, freogunge Y nyle]nylleBx fæste seofon ger, and] .vii. gear fæste Bx 73 wæpnu] wepn Bx tyn] om. YBx gear] erased Bx 74 folces gefeohte] folcgefeahte Bx fæste feowertig daga] .xl. daga fæste Bx Gif] 7 gif Bx 76 fæste tyn ger] .x. gear bete Bx





77. Se man se Se mænne að swer[e]ð on cyrcean, endleofan ger fæste. 78. Gif he hit for neode do, [þreo feowertigo] fæste.


90. Gif seo mus dead sy, eall se wæta sy ut aworpen, and ne sylle hit mon nænigum men, and þæt fæt sy geclænsod.

79. Se ðe on mannes handa að swer[ige], ne habbað þæt Grecas for naht.

91. On oðre stowe hit cwyð, gif se wæta mycel sy þæt heo on adrince, sy þæt fæt geclænsod, and do | haligwæter in; sy hit þiged gif f.25v neodþearf sy.

80. Gif he swer[e]ð on bisceopes handa, oððe on mæssepreostes, oððe on diacones, oððe on weofode, oSðe on gehalgedum Cristes made, and se að bið mæne, þreo ger bete. ,

92. Gif fugel[e]s meox on wætan befealleð, sy hit of anumen, and do haligwæter in; þonne bið se mete clæne.

81. Gif he on ungehalgedum Cristes made manswer[e]ð, an ger fæste.

93. Forþam se ðe mid blode odde mid ænige unclæne þinge sy besmiten, gif he hit þigeð and ne wat, ne dered him þæt.

82. þa de on mæne adas begad, þreo ger bete.

94. Gif he hit þonne wat, bete be þæs [widles gemete].

r 83. Se ðe oft and gelome | feala heafodlicra gylta ge[wyrceS]—þæt is, morð, and mæne aSas, and yfele geligera mid wifum and mid nytenum— forlæte þa yfelan dæda an, and ga on mynster, and bete oð his endedæg.

95. Gif bisceop odde mæssepreost hæmon, þolian heora hades, odde hrædlice blinnon.

84. Be þam feo þe biS on fremdre mægðe, and on feondum o[f] genumen—þæt bið on odrum cyninge ofercumenum— gesylle þone þriddan dæl to Godes cyrcean, and þearfan gedade, and feowertig daga fæste, forþam hit bid cyninges hæs.

97. Messepreost [gif he] fæmnan cysse þurh his lust, twentig dag'a' fæste.

85. Se de mannes blod odde sæd drinceð, þreo ger fæste. 86. [Gyf man oSrum men æht gestryde, forgelde hit feowerfealdlice swa Crist sylfa cwæð.] 87. Gif holinga hwylc man mid unclænnesse handa his mete odhrined, odde hunde, odde catte, odde mus, oððe nytene, and unclæne blod on ungewiss þiged, ne seeded him þæt. 88. And se ðe for nydþearfe þiged þæt nyten þe unclæne bid gesewen, fugel oððe wilde deor, ne sceþeð him þæt.

96. Gif bisceop oððe mæssepreost wife oðhrine þurh facn oðSe þurh coss, þæt he besmiten sy, feowertig daga fæste.

98. Gif hwylc mæssepreost untruman men spræce forwyrne, and he þonne on þære tyddernesse swelte, sy he on domesdæg þære sawle scyldig, forþam Drihten sylf cwæð, on swa hwilcum dæge swa se synfulla man gecyrd bid, life he leofað, and [na] ne swelteð. Seo soðe gehwyrfednes mæg beon on þære ytemestan tide, forþam þe Drihten ne sceawað nalæs þæt an, þæra tida lengo, ac þa clænan heortan. Swylce se sceada on þære ytemestan tide andetnesse on anre | berhthwile geearnode þæt he moste beon on neorxenawonges f.26r gefean, fram ælmihtigum Gode gelæded. 99. Munuc odde nunne, gif hy beam gestreonan, seofon ger fæston.

89. Gif mus befealle on wætan, sy heo anumen aweg, and do halig[wæter] inn, and sy hit þiged gif seo mus cwic sy.

100. Se ðe oft þurh reðnesse his geþances sæd ageoteð, feowertig daga fæste.

77 maenne] alteredfrom manne Y swereð] swerað Y 78 for] be Bx þreo feowertigo] .iiii. ger Y 79 swerige] swerað Y naht]rihtBx 80 swereð] swerað Y, om. Bx mæssepreostes] mæssepreostes handa Bx bete] fæste Bx 81 manswereð] man swerað Y 82 mæne] mane alteredfrom on mænne Bx 83 gewyrceð] gegylt Y morð] morðor Bx yfele] yfelra Bx forlæte] forleta Bx yfelan] yfela Bx an] om. Bx mynster] mynstre Bx endedæg] deað Bx 84 Be] Beo Bx of] on Y þone þriddan . . . gedæle] ðæs ðriddan dæl þearfum . 7 godes ciricum gedæle Bx 86] om. Y 87 nytene] nytenu Bx 88 gesewen] gesawen Bx 89] om. Bx haligwæter] halig Y

90] om. Bx 91] om. Bx 92 fugeles] fugelas Y befealleð] befeallað Bx in] on Bx se mete clæne] clæne se mete Bx 93 Forþam] Forþon Bx him þæt] hit him na Bx 94 þonne] om. Bx widles gemete] widlodes mæðe Y 97 Messepreost gif he] Gif hwylc mæssepreost Y daga] dag'a' insertion in later hand Y 98 untruman] untrumum Bx þære sawle] þæra sawla Bx forþam1] Forðon ðe Bx sylf] sylfa Bx na ne] deaðe he ne Y nalaes] he nates Y, na hy alteration Bx lengo] lenge Bx þære4] þara Bx fram] swa with to written above Bx 99 fæston] beten Bx




101. Se ðe slæpende on cyrcan his sæd ageoteð, [þry] dag'as' fæste. 102. Gif he betuh þeoh do, an ger fæste oððe þreo feowertigo. 103. Gif hit cniht sy, twentig dagV fæste, oððe h[ine] man swinge. 104. Gif he hit mid gehadodan men do, þreo feowertigo oðSe eall ger fæste. 105. Gif munuc gewiteð fram Godes cyrcan, seofon ger fæste.



116. On oðre stowe hit cwyð þæt he scule reowe don swa se ðe mid nytenum hæmð. 117. Gif he [on ðam] monðe ær þam beorðre hire mid hæmð, feowertig daga fæste. 118. Gif wif hire beam þurh morð acwell[e]ð, fiftyne ger fæste, and næfre ne awende butan sunnandæge.

106. þæs forlorenan hades hreow bið dead, ac seo sawul leofað.

119. þearfende wif, gif heo acwell[e]ð hire beam, seofon gear þæt is gecweden on canone þæt heo fæste.

107. Se ðe gewemmeð his þæs nehstan wif, þreo ger fæste butan his agenum wife, and on oðre wican twegen dagas, oððe þreo feowertigo.

120. [W]if [seo ðe] beam onfehð, and þæt acwelð on hire innoðe, an ger fæste.

108. Gif hit bið fæmne, an ger fæste butan ílæsce and ealoð [and liðe].

121. Gif heo æfter feowertigum dagum hit acwelleS, swa swa myrþra heo sceal [h]reow[e] don.

109. Gif he nunnan gewemme, þreo ger fæste, swa heo cenne swa heo na ne cenne.

122. And gif þæt cild swelte þreo wintra eald butan fulluhte, [þreo gear fæste] fæder and moder.

n o . Gif hit mænnen sy, alyse hy, and fæste [six] monoð.

123. Seo þe acwelleð hire beam butan fulluhte, tyn ger fæste swa hire scrift hire tæce.

i n . Gif þæt wif gewite fram hire were, an ger fæste; gif heo unbesmiten to him cyrre, he nime hy, and gif he oðer ham lædde, þreo ger fæste. f.26v 112. þæt forlegene wif seofon ger fæste.

113. Wif on gebyrd[um monða] tidum ne gange heo on cyrcan, ne to husle ne gangan naðer ne nunnan ne læwede; gif hy þonne geþristlæcan, þreo wican fæst[en].

124. þa ðe onsecgað deoflum and þam leas[est]um þingum, an ger fæsten. 125. Gif hwylc wif seteð hire beam ofer hrof, oððe on ofen, for f.27r hwylcere untrumðe hælo, seofon ger fæste. 126. Se ðe corn bærneð for lifigendra hælo þær deade men beoð bebyrigde, fæston fif ger.

114. A[nd] swylce, wifman hreowe do on þa ylcan wisan gif hy on cyrcan gange ær þæs blodes clænsunga, þæt is, feowertig daga.

127. On canone hit cwyð, se ðe halsunga and galdorcræftas and swefenraca behealdað, þa beoð on hæðenra manna gerime.

115. Gif se wer mid his wife hindan hæme, feowertig dagV fæste.

128. Eac swylce oðre men þe on þam drycræfte gebringað, gif hy on

þry] .iiii. Y dagas] dag'as' insertion in later hand Y 102 feste] om. Bx 103 daga] dag'a' insertion in later hand Y hine] hy Y 106 hreow] hreowsung Y dead] deað Bx 107 þæs] þone Bx 108 fæmne] fæmnan Bx and liðe] om. Y n o alyse . . . six monoð] alyse hy . 7 fæste .vii. monoð Y, six monað fæste . 7eac alyse hy Bx 111 þæt] erased Bx cyrre . .. oðer ham lædde] gecyrS. Elcora gif heo oðre ham lædeð Bx 112] follows ioi Bx þæt] om. Bx forlegene] forbegene with 1 altered to b Y 113 gebyrdum monða tidum] gebyrdtidum Y fæsten] fæst'a' insertion in later hand Y, fæste Bx 114 And] Ac Y hreowe] hreowsunge Y clænsunga] clænnysse Bx daga] daga fæste Bx 115 daga] dag'a' insertion in later hand Y

116 þæt] þe Bx reowe] hreowsunge Y 117 on ðam] om. Y 118 morð] morðor Bx acwælleð] acwellað Y ger] winter Bx awende] awande altered to awænde in a darker ink Bx sunnandæge] sunnan dæg Bx 119 acwelleð] acwellað Y beam] cild Bx gear þæt is] ger fæste. p is Y, gear is Bx on canone] om. Bx 120 Wifseoðe]Gif gif heo þa (G is rubricator fs errorfor W) Y acwelð] acwelleð Bx fæstc.\foll. by þæt in a later hand Bx 121 hreowe] reowsunga] Y 122 And] om. Bx þreo gear fæste] .x. wintfæste . 1 .iii. be þa fullan Y 123] placed after 118 Y swa . . . tæce] om. Bx 124 leasestum] leasum Y fæsten] P Y, fæste Bx 126 þær] Sear Bx fæston fif ger] .vii. gear fæsten Bx 127 swefn-] swen with f inserted by later hand Bx 128 Eac] And eaV Bx. oþre] 'þa þe' oðre {insertion in different hand) Bx þe] erased Bx





mynstre synd, syn hy ut aworpene; gif hy on folce syn, beton fulre bote. 129. Swin þa ðe mannes blod þicgeað, þa man mot þicgean. 130. Ac gif hy deade men terað, ne beoð hy alyfed to [etjanne ær ymbe geares gang, þæt heom sy þæt flæsc of agan. 131. [Se ðe hæme mid his swister, twelf winter fæsten.] 132. Gif wer and wif hy gesomnien, ánd heo þonne secge þæt he ne mæge hæman mid hire, gif heo hit þonne gecyðan mæge þæt hit soð sy, nime hire oðerne. 133. Se fæder mot his sunu for mycelre nydþearfe on þeowet gesyllan oð þæt he biö seofonwintre, ac syÖðan he ne mot buton his willan.


1. Gif hwa swereð on bisceopes handa, oþþe on mæssepreostes, oþþe on diacones, oþþe on weofode, oþþe on gehalgedon Cristes made, and se að beo mæne, fæste þreo gear. 2. Gif he on unhalgodon Cristes made manswerige, fæste an gear. 3. Se þe mæne aðas bega, fæste þreo gear. 4. Gif hwylc man hine wið fæmnan forlicge, fæste þreo gear, oþþe twa be þam fullan. 5. Se þe mid oþres ceorles wife hæme, fæste feower [gear], twa on wealh, twa elles on þam þrim feowertigum and þry dagas on wucan.

134. Feowertynewintre man hine sylfne mæg þeowne gedon.

6. Se þe mid bædlinge hæme, oþþe mid oþrum wæpnedmen, oþþe mid nytene, fæste tyn winter.

135. Ne bið alyfed æt þam þeowan his feoh to nimanne, þæt he mid his geswince begiteS.

7. On oþre stowe hit cwyð, se þe mid nytene hæme, fæste fiftyne winter, and sodomisce seofon gear fæston.

f. 27v 136. þreo æfæstenu beoð on geare on Godes folce: feowertig nihta ær eastron, þær þæne teoðan dæl þæs geares we sculon [ageldan]; and feowertig nihta ær ures Drihtnes gebyrtide; and ofer pentecosten, þær bið fiftig nihta ofer eastron, þonnc feowertig nihta.

8. Gif se bædling mid bædlinge hæme, tyn winter bete; hi beoð hnesclice swa forlegene; se þe þis unwærlice deð æne, fæste feower gear; gif hit gewuna byð, swa Basilius cwæð; gif hig beoð butan hade fiftyne winter, an gear, eallswa | wif; gif hit cniht bið, æt þam ærestan cyrre, twa gear; gif he hit eft do, fæste feower gear; gif he betwyh liþum deð, an gear, oþþe þreo feowertigo; gif he hine sylfne besmyte, feower dagas fæste butan flæsce.

137. Se ðe for deadne man fæsteð, wel him fultmað. 138. Cyning, gif he hafað oðres cyninges land, he hit mot syllan for his sawle. [Colophon.] Swa hwylc man swa þas scriftboc tilige to abrecanne, on ecere fordemednesse he sy fordemed.

9. Se þe hine gyrne to forlicgenne and ne mæg, fæste feowertig daga, oþþe twentig gif hit cniht byð and gelomlice do, oþþe hine man swinge, oþþe fæste twentig daga. 10. Gif [wif mid] wife hæme[ð], þreo gear bete; gif heo sylf sig mid hire sylfre hæmed, onhyrgende on þa ylcan wisan, an gear hreowsige. 11. An hreow ys wydewan and fæmnan; mare geearnaS seo þe wer hæfö gif heo hig forliS.

synd, syn hy] syn . hy syn (with final t erased) Bx 129 þicgeað] eteð Bx 130 alyfed] alyfede Bx etanne] þicganne Y 131] om.Y 132 mæge1] mæg Bx sy] seo Bx 133 -wintre, ac syððan he ne mot] siðon . he ne mot followed by syððan in another handBx his willan] hit his agen willa sy Bx 136 nihta1] daga Bx þæne]þon Bx ageldan] forgyldon Y nihta4] om. Bx 137 him] he him Bx Colophon: on] om. Bx

12. Se þe sæd on muþ sendeð, fæste seofon gear; þam is þæt wyrreste; fram sumum hyt wæs denied, þæt hi butu oþ hyra lifes ende hit betton. 5 gear] om.

10 wif mid] om.

hæmeð1] hæmed

'• 4 1 7




13. Se þe mid his meder hæme, fæste fiftyne winter, and næfre ne onwendon butan sunnandæge and haligre tide, and eac hi faron on elþeodig land, and þær fæston seofon gear. 14. Se þe mid his swyster hæme, fæste seofon winter; on sumon canone hit cwyð twelf gear, forþam þære meder belimpað þa þe herbeforan standað. 15. Se þe oft hæmeð, se æresta canon demeð þæt he tyn winter bete, and se æftera canon demeð seofon gear; gif hit for mannes tyddernysse bid, sume cweþad þreo gear. 16. Gif broþor mid breþer hæme þurh his lichaman gemengnysse, fiftyne winter fæste butan flæsce. 17. Gif modor mid hyre lytlan sunu hæme, fæste feower gear, þæt heo flæsces ne onbite, and anne dæg on wucan oþ æfen. 18. Se þe gebysmred sig fram gelyra geþance, do hreowe, oþ þæt se geþanc sig oferswyþed. 19. Se þe lufige fæmnan on his mode, bidde him forgyfennysse æt Gode; gif he secge þæt he hæbbe hire freondscipe—þæt ys be p. 418 lufe— I and he hi næbbe, fæste seofon dagas. 20. Gif hwylc man for his mæges wræce man ofslea, do he swa myrþra seofon gear, oþþe tyn; gif he gylde, fæste be healfan. 21. Se þe man ofslea on his modor wrace þreo gear, oþþe tyn; se myrþra tyn oþþe seofon. 22. Gif hwylc man munuc oþþe cleric ofslea, forlæte his wæpn, and þeowige Gode, oþþe fæste tyn gear, and þæt byð bisceopes dom. 23. Se þe bisceop oþþe mæssepreost ofslea, þæt byð cyninges dom. 24. Se þe be his hlafordes hæse man ofslea, feowertig daga fæste; gif he hit þurh yrre do, þreo gear bete; gif he hit holinga do, fæste an gear. 25. Gif he þurh gedrinc, oþþe þurh oþerne uncræft man acwelle, þreo gear fæste. 26. Gif he þurh unnytte ceaste man ofslea, fæste tyn gear. 25 he] he hit


1. De quattuor temporibus, þis synd þa rihtymbrendagas þe man mid rihte healdan sceal, þæt is on kalendas Martii on þære forman wucan, and on kalendas Iunii on þære æfteran wican, and on kalendas Septembris on þa þriddan wican, and on kalendas Decembris on þa nehstan wican ær Cristes mæssan. 2. Gif hwylc man on his gymeleaste fæste on sunnandæg, fæste þonne eft ealle wican. 3. Gif he oðre side do, fæste twentig daga. 4. Gif he þriddan side swa do, fæste feowertig daga. 5. Gif he fæste for þæs dæges nyderunge and forsegnesse, sy he þonne afyrred fram | Godes cyrcean, and amansumod fram eallum f.28r cristenum folce swa swa þa Iudeos. 6. Gif hwylc man forhycge geboden fæsten on Godes folce, and ongean þæra witena gesetnesse odde scrifte, fæste se feowertig daga butan þam æfæstenum and lengtenfæstene. 7. Gif he hit gelome do, and he him to gewunan hæbbe, sy he adrifen of Godes cyrcan swa swa Drihten sylfa cwæd: gif hwylc man geswicad æt anum þissa of þissum medmæstan, betere him wære þæt eosulcweorn wære gewriden to his sweoran and he wære aworpen ut on sæ. 8. Gif hwa for bisceopes hæse drince, ne dered hit him naht þeah he spiwe. 9. Gif beweddod mæden widsace þam þe heo beweddod bid, ga þanne on mynster odde hira maga wedd gelæste. 10. Nis na alyfed þæt þæs mynstres hlaford sylle þære cyrcean land to odre cyrcean þeah him ba underþeodde beon. Gif he þonne hwylc land wylle gewrixlian, do he þonne þæt mid geþeahte begra þæra hireda þe æt þam cyrcean syndon. Gif hwylc man wyle settan his mynster on odre stowe, do he þæt be þæs bisceopes leafe, and þæra brodra in þam | mynstre, and læte þeah cyrcean standan a in þære f.28v ærran stowe, and do þær mæssepreost to. On wisum scrifte bid swide i De quattuor temporibus (rubric)] om. Y 10 a] on erasure>in another hand

on3] om. Bx

Iunii] alteredfrom iulii Y




forðgelang forsyngodes mannes nydþearf, eallswa on godum læce bið seoces mannes hælo. Mislice men agyltað, and unseldan þurh deofles scyfe, and þæt bið egeslic þæt gehadode men swa swiðe wið God agyltað, þæt hy heora had forwyrcan, and þær to mot stiðlic dædbot, a þeah be hades and be gyltes mæðe æfter canones dome, and eac man mot secan be þæs mannes mihtum and be his mæðe, and be his sylfes heortan hreowsunge. Sumum gearbota, sumum ma geara, and eft be gyltes mæðe, sumum monSbote, sumum ma wicena, sumum dægbota, sumum ma dagena, and sumum ealle his lifdagas. and5] om.

dædbot] dæd bota

COMMENTARY A i. PT II, vi, 3-4: ‘Congregatio debet sibi eligere abbatem post mortem eius aut eo vivente si ipse discesserit vel peccaverit. Ipse non potest aliquem ordinare de suis propinquis neque alienis neque alio abbati dare sine voluntate fratrum.’ But CG 15-16, with similar wording, is closer to the Old English, ending with ‘Ipse abba non potest aliquem de suis propinquis ordinare sine voluntate fratrum.’ Another possible source is CD 71: ‘Abbati si licet monasterium suum alii dare in potestatem non nec post obitum eius nec eo vivente sine voluntate monachorum nec propinquo nec alieno sed ipsi eligunt sibi abbatem, si prior obierit aut discesserit simili modo.’ But the reference to departing and sinning is due to reliance on PT, and this also explains why the Old English refers to the bishop, since ‘ipse (non potest)’ was taken to refer to the bishop mentioned in the immediately preceding canon in PT (vi, 2): ‘Nec episcopus debet violenter retinere abbatem in loco suo esse.’ A 2. CD 9: ‘Sacrificium non accipiendum de manu sacerdotis qui orationes vel lectiones secundum ritum implere non potest.’ The language of PT 11, ii, 10 is nearly identical (as is that of CG 17), but the translator probably consulted CD, since the order of the following canons suggests that they are based on that text. As the Latin shows, þe refers not to the communicant but to the celebrant. A 3-4. PT I, x, 1-2: ‘Qui bis ignorantes baptizati sunt non indigent pro eo penitere nisi quod secundum canones non possunt ordinari nisi magna aliqua necessitas cogat. Qui autem non ignari iterum baptizati sunt quasi iterum Christum crucifixerint peniteant VII annos IV feria et VI feria et in tribus XLmis si pro vitio aliquo fuerit si autem pro munditia licitum putaverint III annos sic peniteant.’ Cf. also CD 11; CG 33. Although the order of A 2-11 for the most part follows that found in CD, the Old English here more closely resembles the Latin of PT, since reference to ‘vitio aliquo’ and ‘munditia’ is missing from CD 11. At all events, the pairing of A 2 and A 3 is unlikely to be arbitrary. Should a priest’s ignorance of Latin have caused him to recite the baptismal formula improperly, the baptism was invalid and rebaptism might become necessary, as in the double baptism of Herebald narrated by Bede (Historia ecclesiastica V, 6, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 468; cf. Foot 1992: 189). The recommendation of Pope Zacharias to Boniface against rebaptism in a similar case (Foot 1992: 189) suggests reluctance to apply this remedy. þæt bið swylce hi eft Crist ahon: In all three Latin penitentials it is only in the case of those who knowingly allow themselves to be baptized twice that harsh penances (lasting seven or three years, and not, as in A 2,



for the duration of one’s life) are to be imposed. A 2 thus imposes a harsher expiation than was intended in any of these texts on the very party for whom its sources urge leniency. (It is possible, it must be conceded, that the translator’s eye skipped from ‘baptizari sunt’ in PT I, x, 1 to the same phrase in the following canon, and he thus was simply unaware of the exculpatory phrasing of the former canon; but this explanation does not account for the lifelong contrition imposed in the Old English, corresponding to a penance of seven years in the Latin.) However, what the translator most likely has in mind is the case of one who doubts the validity of his baptism because of the failings of the priest who performed it (cf. A 49-50 = P Tl, ix, 11; PT II, ii, 13) and presumes to undergo another without first consulting the proper authorities. The canon should be read in conjunction with A 50, which establishes conditions under which rebaptism might be acceptable. for sumere clænnesse: A heavier penalty is to be imposed if the sinner had himself rebaptized in order to have some particular sin forgiven, a lighter penalty if it was simply for the sake of the general purity of his spiritual condition. PT may allude here to confusion over the status of ritual baths sometimes prescribed as a means of purification from sexual sins, such as those mentioned in the Libellus responsionum (Historia ecclesiastica I, 27, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 94-5). and syððan eac bete a mid fæstene: This requirement is found in none of the likely sources. The addition of material such as this offers further evidence that the severe provisions in A 3-4 may issue from some cause other than a misreading of the Latin. On this possibility, see the Introduction, p. lii. A 5. That this canon appears to preserve a rubric found in its source suggests its dependence upon CD 12 (‘De operibus die dominici. Greci et Romani in die dominica navigant et equitant panem non faciunt nec in curru ambulant nisi ad Qcclesiam tantum, nec balneant se’) as opposed to the equivalent passage in PT (II, viii, 1) lacking the rubric. The rubric is also preserved in CG, but there it is oddly placed in the middle of canon 55, after ‘Greci non scribunt publice tamen pro necessitate scribent.’ (In Y, it should be noted, the rubric is not set off from the rest by any punctuation.) Indeed, Finsterwalder (1929: 240 n.) observes the appearance of the chapter heading ‘in gewöhnlicher Schrift. . . nicht als Rubrik’ in MS Paris BnF Lat. 12021 of the Iudicia Theodori. Although the variants in it show that the Old English translator did not use this particular manuscript, very possibly an antecedent manuscript in its line of descent was his source. The second sentence derives from CD 13: ‘Greci non scribunt publice tamen pro necessitate seorsum in domu scribunt.’ The wording of PT II, viii, 2, is nearly identical. A 6. From CD 14: ‘Qui operantur in die dominica Greci prima vice arguunt secunda tollunt aliquid ante eum, tertia vice tertiam partem de rebus tollant et vapulant vel VII dies peniteant.’ (Cf. the nearly identical wording of PT I,



xi, i, and of the last part of CG 55.) This is a canon of some historical importance. Being virtually unknown among the earliest Christian commu­ nities, prohibitions of Sunday labour are not encountered with any frequency until the sixth century, at which time, according to McReavy (from whose work much of the following is drawn), it became customary to interpret the Third Commandment in accordance with the rules for fasts enumerated in Exodus and Leviticus (1935: 308). The injunctions found therein to abstain from servile work during fasts (‘opus servile’: see Lev. 23: 7), being earlier seen as ‘capable indeed of allegorical interpretation, but not even allegorically connected with the Sunday’, were incorporated gradually into the pastoral regulations of the early medieval Church, and not without significant resistance (p. 312). The Regula coenobialis of Columbanus and the penitential of Cummean show little concern for the maintenance of the Sunday repose from labour, and enforcement of the Sunday repose was likewise resisted in Rome, where Sabbatarianism was condemned by Gregory the Great (p. 317; cf. Meyvaert 1971: 16 n. 3). Francia, however, appears to have been fertile ground for Sabbatarianism, and its written legislation, after which much Anglo-Saxon royal legislation would be modelled, imposed harsh penalties on those who violated the requirement to abstain from rural labour. A representative example is that of the eighth-century Lex Baiwariorum (ed. Schwind 1926: 349-51 [VII, 4]): Si quis die dominico operam servilem fecerit liber homo, id est, bovem iunxerit et cum carro ambulaverit, dextrum bovem perdat; si autem secaverit foenum aut collegerit aut messem secaverit aut collegerit vel aliquod opus servile fecerit die dominico, corripiatur semel vel bis, et si non emendaverit, rumpatur dorsus eius L percussionibus. Et si iterum praesumpserit operari die dominico, auferatur de rebus eius tertia pars, et si nec cessaverit, tunc perdat libertatem suam et sit servus qui noluit in die sancto esse liber. Servus autem pro tali crimine vapuletur. Et si non emendaverit, manum dextram perdat, quia talis causa vetanda est quae Deum ad iracundiam provocat. McReavy (1935: 322) views the contribution of PT to this tradition as a ‘reaction] against’ the ‘biblicism’ of such statements, all of which are indebted to a pronouncement of 630 by King Dagobert (subsequently incorporated into c. 38 of the eighth-century Lex Alamannorum)'. ‘Ut die dominico nemo opera servilia praesumat facere, quia hoc lex prohibuit, et sacra Scriptura in omnibus testavit. Si quis servus in hoc vitio inventus fuerit, vapuletur fustibus. Liber autem corripiatur usque ad tertium’ (ed. Lehmann 1888: 98). No similar suggestion that the observance of the sabbath enjoys the support of Scripture is to be found in PT, nor does the text indicate explicitly that the English Church is bound to the same customs as were practised by Greeks and Romans. Such efforts at moderation appear not to have had much effect, however, as is attested by the legislation of Ine of Wessex (cc. 3 and 3. 1) and Wihtræd (c.695, c. 15, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 13), both of which, like the Lex Alamannorum (which Wormald 1999: 97—



ioo held to be of considerable influence on early legislation) prescribe lashings for slaves only. Pelteret suggests that observance of the Sunday repose may have waned before Wulfstan’s episcopate and credits Wulfstan with its restoration (1995: 93). Certainly the legislation associated with Wulfstan champions Frankish Sabbatarianism in a manner not seen in English legislation since Ine’s code: cf. the laws of Edward and Guthrum (ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 132, c. 8) and of Cnut (ed. Liebermann, i. 344, cc. 46-7); also Edgar’s laws at Andover (ed. Liebermann, i. 198-200, c. 5), Cnut’s proclamation of 1020 (ed. Liebermann, i. 275, c. 19), and the laws of the Northumbrian priests (ed. Liebermann, i. 384, c. 57). The anonymous homily Be mistlican gelimpan (Napier’s no. XXXV, 1883: 171-2; HomU 29.2, 11. 42-8) likewise recommends beatings for slaves who fail to observe fasts appropriately (and similarly Napier’s no. XXXVI, 1883: 173; HomU 29.1,11. 27-35). A 6 appears to have adapted the language of Theodore’s penitential to suit such attitudes and may constitute one of the few overt endorsements of this tradition between the seventh-century legislation of Ine and Wihtræd and that composed by Wulfstan, since Alfred’s code, as Pelteret notes, maintains a surprising silence on this issue. In the Latin penitentials, provisions like those of A 6 would appear to be confined to canon XXIII of the Penitential of Pseudo-Theodore (though tales may refer in this instance to both freemen and slaves): ‘Qui operantur die dominico, vapulent, si tales personae sunt, sin autem, VII dies cum pane et aqua vivant’ (ed. Wasserschleben 1851: 607). The sense of the Latin of CD and PT, at all events, is plain: upon one’s third failure to observe the cessation of labour on Sunday, one is to suffer either a beating or a seven-day penance (the alternative presumably to be decided on the basis of whether the transgressor was a slave or free, as in the Penitential of Pseudo-Theodore quoted supra). Although fsestan usually takes an objective genitive of the thing abstained from, there is another instance of a dative object in The Seasons for Fasting (Seasons) 140.

the meaning ‘renounce’, which would explain the reference to strife and anger, forestihtung usually has the meaning ‘predestination’, and there is reason to believe that such a meaning obtains in this instance as well, as it would appear reflective of attitudes attested in other texts in connection with vocations. The ‘consiliarius’ of Ælfric’s Colloquy (ÆColl 240-3, ed. Garmonsway 1947: 41-2) advises his students:


A 7. CD 17: ‘Ligna ecclesiae non debent ad aliquod opus nisi ad ecclesiam aliam si necesse est vel igni comburenda vel ad profectum in monasterio fratribus. In laicalia vero opera non debent procedere.’ CG 134 is similar; the equivalent canon in PT (II, i, 3) adds after ‘fratribus’, ‘vel coquere cum eis panes licet et talia in laicata opera non debent procedere’. The absence of this addition in CT makes more likely its dependence on CD. Frantzen 2008 takes bryce to refer to bridges. A 8. This canon has no analogue in CD, PT, or CG. Frantzen 2008 takes the meaning to be: ‘Certainly it is not right that anyone on account of strife and on account of enmity contradict the free will of religious persons and predestination.’ This may be what is intended, but the most fundamental meaning of eyre is ‘choice’, and thus godcundra hada eyre may refer to religious vocations. Although wiðcweðe can mean ‘gainsay’, it may also have


Siue sis sacerdos, siue monachus, seu laicus, seu miles, exerce temet ipsum in hoc, et esto quod es; quia magnum dampnum et uerecundia est homini nolle esse quod est et quod esse debet. (Swa hwæðer þu sy, swa mæsseprest, swa munuc, swa ceorl, swa kempa, bega oþþe behwyrf pe sylfne on þisum, and beo þæt þu eart; forþam micel hynð and sceamu hyt is menn nellan wesan þæt þæt he ys and þæt þe he wesan sceal.) In an as yet unpublished essay, Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe has argued that the cryptic command ‘esto quod es’ is illuminated by an episode in Ælfric’s homily on St Benedict (ÆCHom II, 11, itself derived from the life of Benedict occurring in Gregory’s Dialogues) regarding an oblate who, loving his father and mother more than the brothers of his monastery, dies in his attempt to escape; repeatedly his parents attempt to bury him, but the earth refuses to hold him, and it is only after receiving a blessing from Benedict himself that the boy is successfully buried (ed. Godden 1979: 102-3). According to O’Brien O’Keeffe, Ælfric’s discussion of Paul’s conversion similarly ‘illustrates the embracing of religious identity not as personal desire but proper alignment of will’, something which ‘helps explain the unspoken of the Consiliarius’s command’ (2006: 118). A 9. CD 18: ‘Ecclesiam licet ponere in alium locum si necesse sit et non debet iterum sanctificari nisi tamen aqua aspergere.’ Cf. PT II, i, 1: ‘et non debet sanctificare tantum praesbiter aqua aspargere debet et in loco altaris crux debet conponi.’ The latter has the ‘praesbiter’ missing from CD and necessary to the Old English translation, but it lacks ‘iterum’ (= eft) and of course adds an extra clause. Yet MS Paris BnF Lat. 12021 of CD has ‘preter’ (for ‘presbiter’) after ‘tantum’ (see Finsterwalder 1929: 240). The syntax of CG 135 is different from that of CT and the others: ‘Si necesse sit ecclesiam ponere in alium locum non debet iterum sanctificari nisi tantum presbiter aqua sancta aspargere.’ . A 10. CD 21: ‘Animalia quae a lupis vel a canibus consummantur non sunt commedenda nisi porcis et canibus . nec cervus aut caprus si mortui inventi sunt.’ PT II, xi, 1, which omits ‘nisi porcis et canibus’ and has ‘capra’ for ‘caprus’, adds ‘nisi forte ab homine adhuc viva occidentur sed porcis et canibus dentur’. beoð gemengde literally renders ‘consummantur’, which is an error for ‘consummuntur’, a frequent medieval spelling for ‘consumuntur’, the reading of CG 138, which agrees in meaning with the reading of PT,



‘lacerantur’. JPT 118 offers a transitional reading, ‘consumantur’, and indeed, the subjunctive is not unusual in such relative clauses in Latin.

reference to Acts 4, but the Old English translator’s interpretation is correct. (‘Capitulum’ in the sense ‘chief point’ is a medievalism.) næron disagrees in tense with PT ‘non sunt’ and with bið later in the sentence, while the tense of abite is ambiguous. Presumably næron is a corruption (by Saxonization) of Anglian naron or nearon ‘are not’. Cf. the similar instance: The Seafarer (Sea) 82. lyfede .. . awyrged: It is not unusual for inflected and uninflected plural participles to co-occur in a single text (Mitchell 1985, §34), and uninflected predicative awyrged is normal. The change from plural to singular in the course of the canon is unparalleled in the Latin, but it is not uncharacteristic of Old English syntax. The prohibition on eating the flesh of strangled beasts (perhaps a relatively late addition to Acts, as some have argued) is most likely merely a reinforcement of the stricture in Jewish law against consuming blood (cf. Gen. 9: 4, Lev. 3: 17, Deut. 12: 16, 23-5, etc.), since the flesh of strangled animals, a delicacy in some pagan cultures, retained the blood. The consumption of blood is forbidden in several Old English texts, including Wulfstan’s Canons of Edgar, c. 53 (WCan 1. 1, ed. Fowler 1972: 12-13) and the Old English Penitential IV, 22 (Conf 3. 1. 1, ed. Raith 1933: 57). In Scriftboc XXV, 30.a-b (Conf 1. 1, ed. Spindler 1934: 191-2), the barbarity of drinking blood is so entirely taken for granted that only the special cases of undercooked meat and blood in one’s own saliva are considered. About hunting with nets, the king’s huntsman and his magister in Ælfric’s Colloquy (ÆColl, ed. Garmonsway 1947: 23-4) have this to say: ‘Plecto mihi retia et pono ea in loco apto, et instigo canes meos ut feras persequantur, usque quo perueniunt ad retia inprouise et sic inretientur, et ego iugulo eas in retibus.’ ‘Nescis uenare nisi cum retibus?’ ‘Etiam sine retibus uenare possum.’ ‘Quomodo?’ ‘Cum uelocibus canibus insequor feras.’ (‘Ic brede me max and sette hig on stowe gehæppre, and getihte hundas mine þæt wildeor hig ehton, oþþæt hig becuman to þam nettan unforsceawodlice and þæt hig swa beon begrynodo, and ic ofslea hig on þam maxum.’ ‘Ne canst þu huntian buton mid nettum?’ ‘Gea, butan nettum huntian ic mæg.’ ‘Hu?’ ‘Mid swiftum hundum ic betæce wildeor.’) Thus, the captured animals are not strangled but have their throats cut (‘iugulo’). A 14. Cf. PT II, xi, 4: ‘Equum non prohibent tamen consuetudo non est comedere.’ CD 22, CG 144, and JPT 121 are nearly identical. The Scriftboc translator is freer: Nis horses flxsc forboden þeah 8e hi fela mægSa þicgean nelle (XXVII, 34.b). The use of horses for food was a common practice among the Romans, and the archaeological record pertaining to the bones of butchered horses indicates that, at least in the earlier portion of the period, the AngloSaxons frequently ate horseflesh—though there remains a degree of uncer­ tainty in some instances as to whether the meat was eaten by humans or fed to


A ii. To the first sentence, compare CD 19: ‘Greci carnem morticinam non dant porcis suis, pelles autem eorum ad calciamentum et lana et cornua licent accipi sed non in sanctum aliquid.’ Cf. PT II, viii, 7: ‘Greci carnem morticinorum non dant porcis pelles tamen vel coria ad calciamenta licent et lana et cornua accipere licet non in aliquod sanctum’, which Scriftboc XXV, 31 (ed. Spindler 1934: 192) renders: Grecas myrten jlæsc nænegum men ne lyfað; acþa hydaþara myrtenra neata hi heom do8 to scon; and 8a wulle and 8a hornas hy do8 heom to nytnysse, þeah hi hit in halig weorc don ne vpillan. CT astorfen (as opposed to Scriftboc myrtenra) better renders CD ‘morticinam’ than PT ‘morticinorum’ (vide infra), and CT here follows the order of canons in CD. Still, Spindler (1934: 76n .2) may be right that CT])a hyda renders PT ‘vel coria’: very likely the latter is a gloss on ‘pelles’, the position of which was mistaken. The second sentence of A 11 corresponds to CD 20: ‘Tamen si casu porci commederint carnem morticinorum aut sanguinem hominis non abitiendos credimus nec gallinas simili modo.’ ‘Abitiendos’ is for ‘abitiendos’. In PT the analogue of this canon (II, xi, 7) is similar, but after ‘gallinas’ it reads: ‘ergo porci qui sanguinem hominis gustant, manducentur’; it is also followed immediately by a related canon, ‘Sed qui cadavera mortuorum lacerantes manducaverunt carnem eorum mandu­ care non licet, usque dum macerentur et post anni circulum’ (translated as A 129-30). But the equivalent of this is separated from the other canon in CD (23). Scriftboc (XXVI, 32, ed. Spindler 1934: 192) follows PT in bringing the two together: Gyf swyn ete8 myrten flæsc and mannes blod byriged, we gelyfaSþæt hi swa þeah ne syn to worpenne, þeah hi mon þonne gyt etan ne mote, o88æt hi eft clæne syn. Gyf henfugel mannes blod drince, eft his man mot brucan ymbe þreo monaS; be þysum swa þeah we nabba8 ealde gewitnesse. On the peculiarities of the last two clauses, see Spindler (1934: 77-8). Note that in PT, the analogues to the two sentences of this canon (II, viii, 7 and II, xi, 7) are widely separated. Scriftboc, interestingly enough, has nearly the same order of canons as CT 11-15 (31, 32, 34.c, 34.b, 34.d in XXV-XXVII); of the Latin sources, only CG has the same order as CT and in close proximity (136, 137 , 143 , 144 , 145 )henna cannot be wk. masc. ‘fowl’, given the corresponding Latin. A 12-13. PT II, xi, 2: ‘Aves vero et animalia cetera si in retibus strangu­ lantur non sunt comedenda hominibus nec si accipiter oppresserit si mortua inveniuntur quia IIII capitula actus apostolorum ita praecipiunt abstinere a fornicatione a sanguine et suffocato et idolatria.’ CG 143 is nearly identical. CD 168 does not refer to Acts or to fornication but says merely: ‘Apostolus ait: abstinete vos a suffocato sanguine et ab idolatria.’ Cf. Acts 15: 20, 29; 21: 25. McNeill and Gamer (1938: 207) take ‘IIII capitula’ to be an erroneous

2 5



dogs, and whether the horses were not butchered in a time of famine (see Hagen 2006: 184-6). Over time, however, the ecclesiastical attitude hardened against consuming equine flesh. Horses were considerably more valuable than cattle because of their use in warfare and transportation, and this may have been Gregory Ill’s concern when, in a letter of 732, he urged Boniface to dissuade the Germans from the practice of eating horses, which he calls ‘immundum . . . atque exsecrabile’ (ed. Migne, PL lxxxix. 786; see Harris 1985: 96). The motivation of Hadrian seems to have been different when he wrote to the English in 786, rebuking them because ‘Equos etiam plerique in vobis comedunt, quod nullus Christianorum in orientalibus facit’ (Alcuini epistolae, iii, ed. Diimmler 1895: 27). That the ritual consumption of horse liver was an element of pagan observances in Scandinavia may have played some role in papal denunciations (see c. 5 of Agrip, ed. Driscoll 1995: 11). Anglo-Saxon attitudes may have changed by the time of Alfred’s reign, when the Parker Chronicle (ed. Bately 1986: 58) s.a. 894 (recte 893) describes the starving Danes at Buttington Tump as havingfreten their mounts. (The verbs fretan and etan both mean ‘eat’, but the fomer generally describes what animals do, the latter humans. Later in the same annal it is said that with their horses the Anglo-Saxon force fretton everything in the vicinity of the besieged Danes in Wirral.) It is remarkable, then, that CT expresses an attitude towards the practice that is more consonant with those of Theodore’s day than, it seems, of the time at which the extant manuscripts of the text were made.

■ wið muðsare has no analogue in any of the Latin texts. The same expression is to be found in the corresponding passage in Scriftboc (XXVII, 34.d, ed. Spindler 1934: 193), where there is no mention of inwerc, and so it would seem to render ‘pro dolore’. Spindler (pp. 79-80) argues that muSsar may be a misreading of *innuSsar (presumably written *inu3sar, with confusion of the first three minims) in the exemplar. If so, perhaps mid muðsare was then added in CT by someone familiar with Scriftboc. A 16. Cf. PTII, xii: ‘26. In tertia propinquitate carnis licet nubere secundum Grecos, sicut in lege scriptum est, in quinta secundum Romanos. Tamen in tertia non solvunt, postquam factum fuerit. Ergo in quinta generatione coniungantur, quarta si inventi fuerint, non separentur, tertia separentur. 27. In tertia tamen propinquitate non licet uxorem alterius accipere post obitum eius.’ (‘In lege’: Lev. 18: 6-18; 20: 11, 12, 17,19-21; Deut. 22: 30; 27: 20-3; 1 Chron. 5: 1; Ezek. 22: 11.) ac swa þeah gif se gesinscipe wurðeð geworht æt ðam þryddan cneo thus agrees with PT as against CD 29 and CG 78, both of which have ‘in quarta non solvunt’, clearly a superior reading to that in PT (pace Finsterwalder 1929: 329), which is self-contradictory, dictating both ‘in tertia non solvunt’ and ‘tertia separentur’. (In actuality, although Finsterwalder chooses the reading ‘in tertia’ for his edition of PT, the majority of manuscripts read ‘in quarta’.) Ac gif hy ær ðam þriddan cneow hig gesamnien, þonne is ðæt to brecanne thus seems a rationalization of the self-contradiction in PT and bears no relation to ‘Ergo in quinta .. . tertia separentur’, a sentence not found in this place in CD, CG, or jfPT, but corresponding to CD 121. Scriftboc XVI, 19.a (ed. Spindler 1934: 183-4) follows PT II, xii, 26, but the last sentence is widely separated: In þam þriddan cneowe mid Grecum mot man wif niman, in fiftan mid Romanum; ne he swa ðeana in þam ðriddan hit brecað (XII, i4.a, ed. Spindler 1934: 180); On ðære fiftan cneorisse geleofe men hi motan gesamnigean; and in þære feorðan gyf heo gemette syn, ne sceade hi man; æt Sam þriddan cneowe syn hie gesceadene.

A 15. Cf. P TII, xi, 5: ‘Leporem licet comedere et bonum est pro desinteria et fel eius miscendum est cum pipero pro dolore.’ CG 145 is identical. CD 169 adds ‘iecuri’. The point of the canon is to revoke the provision of Mosaic law that expressly forbade the consumption of hares (Lev. 11: 6). Hares were hunted in Anglo-Saxon England and were a dish suitable for the gentry: see Hagen 2006: 131-2, 139, 455. Cf. Ælfric’s Colloquy (ÆColl, ed. Garmonsway 1947: 24), in which the king’s huntsman says: ‘Capio ceruos et apros et dammas et capreos et aliquando lepores.’ (‘Ic gefeo heortas and baras and rann and rægan and hwilon haran.’) The efficacy of hares’ flesh against certain stomach disorders is reiterated by Bald’s Leechbook 4. 1 (Lch II [2], ed. Cockayne 1864-6: ii. 182): Wiþ heardum smile þæs magan sele þu him sealte mettas and haranjlæsc and eofores. The consumption of hares is forbidden by Lev. 11:6 because the animal does not have a divided hoof. Already by the first century the prohibition was justified on a sexual basis, as hares were associated with sodomy and indeterminacy of gender: see Hagen 2006: 31; Boswell 1980: 137-8. There is no evidence, however, for such associations in Anglo-Saxon culture. Hares are an essential ingredient of many Anglo-Saxon medical recipes; a particularly extended account of their uses is to be found in the Old English Medicina de quadrupedibus 5, 1-20 (Med 1. 1 [de Vriend]). In some recipes, however, hara refers not to a hare but to the herb known as hare’s foot (leporis pes).


Compare the injunction of the anonymous composite homily numbered L by Napier (1883: 271; HomU 40, 11. 163-7): And we lærað and biddað and on godes naman beodað, þæt ænig cristen man bynnan syx manna sibfæce æfre ne gewifige on his agenum cynne ne on his mæges lafe, þe swa neahsib wære, ne on þæs wifes nydmagan, þe he sylf ær hæfde, ne on his gefæderan. (The wording of Napier’s no. LIX, 1883: 308 [HomU 48,11. 34-9], is nearly identical.) cneo: The first degree of consanguinity comprises siblings, the second one’s first cousins (or their parents or descendants). In actual practice, first cousins were permitted to marry under the Code of Justinian, though the marriage of first and perhaps second cousins was condemned in 692 by the Greek Church at the second Trullan Synod (c. liv). As for degrees of




affinity, under Roman law, relations formed by marriage posed an impedi­ ment to other marriages only between kin in the direct line. The prohibition was extended gradually over the course of the early Middle Ages until, in the eleventh century, it was held to pose an impediment of both con­ sanguinity and affinity as far as the seventh degree. See Herbermann et al. 1907-12: i. 178-9; iv. 264-8. Note that nu contrasts with æfter þære ealdan æ bebode. Anglo-Saxon custom as regards the marriage of kin was a source of some difficulty for the early missionaries: see the Vita S. Gregorii II, 38 {PL lxxv. 102-3), citing Pseudo-Gregory, Epistola XVII, ad Felicem Messanensem episcopum {PL lxxvii. 1326AB). ac swa þeah . . . : Although both manuscripts read ær Samþryddan cneorv in this clause, this would agree with neither ‘in tertia’ nor ‘in quarta’. The emendation to æt also removes the incongruence between this provision and the one below that those married ær Sam þriddan cneorv must be separated. and nis þæt nanum men alyfed . . .: As Frantzen 2008 explains, ‘one could not marry the wife of someone who was related to him . . . [in] the third degree of kinship or nearer than that’. The rationale underlying this injunction is that man and wife are one flesh (Gen. 2: 24, Matt. 19: 5). The wife of a brother is therefore one’s sister {Synodus II S. Patricii XXV, ed. Bieler 1963: 194), and Mosaic law forbids uncovering the nakedness of a near relation (Lev. 18: 6). A 17. Cf. P T l, xiv, 2: ‘Digamus peniteat I annum IIII et VI feria et tribus XL mis abstineat se a carnibus, non dimittat tamen uxorem.’ CD 31 has ‘abstineat a vino et a carnibus’, at variance with the Old English, yet the order of Old English canons here follows CD rather than PT, as with the following canons. CG 85 is very similar to PTl, xiv, 2, but it begins with ‘Bigamus’; cf. CG 177: ‘Digamus unum annum peniteat. trigamus VII annos peniteat.’ As the Old English rendering makes plain, ‘digamus’ refers not to a man married to two wives at once (who would be called a ‘bigamus’; but cf. the reference to CD 32 in the note on A 18) but to one who marries another after the death of the first. A second marriage was held to evidence an incontinent nature, and thus, although celibacy could not be required of the clergy in the earliest days of Christendom, digamy was already at the time of the Apostles regarded as an impediment to clerical status. (See 1 Tim. 3: 2.) See Herbermann et al. 1907-12: ii. 561-4. Wulfstan in his Institutes of Polity (WPol 2. 1, ed. Jost 1959: 130-4) perceives iteration of marriage to be a great sin:

frumwifunge gebyrað. Be þam man mæg witan, þæt hit eallunga riht nis, þæt wer wifige oðþon wif ceorlige oftor þonne æne. And huru hit byð to mænigfeald, gewyrðe hit þriddan siðe, and mid ealle misdon, gewyrðe hit oftor.

þæt bið rihtlic lif, þæt cniht þurhwunige on his cnihthade, oðþæt he on rihtre mædenæwe gewifige, and hæbbe þa syðSan and nænige oðre, þa hwile þe seo libbe. Gif hire þonne forðsið gebyrige, þonne is rihtost, þæt he þananforð wydewa þurhwunige. Ðeah be ðæs apostoles leafe læwede man mot for neode oðre siðe wifian. Ac þa canones forbeodaþ þa bletsunge þærto, þe to frumwifunge gesette syn. And eac is geset dædbot swylcum mannum to donne, and preoste is forboden, þæt he beon ne mot, on ðam wisan, þe he ær wæs, æt þam brydlacum, þær man eft wifaS, ne þa bletsunge don, þe to


In a derivative, composite homily (ed. Napier, no. LVIII, 1883: 305; HomU 47, 11. 162-76) there is added after this: Hit is fullic and fracodlic þingc and gode ælmihtigum and eallum his halgum lað, þæt hi ne gymað heora sylfra æt þam unþeawe, þe dysige men on ungewunan healdað, þæt hi ne gymað heora sylfra, swa hi beþorfton, ac befylað fracodlice hi selfe and eac geunwurðjað ge wið god ge wið men, þæt hi farað fram wife to wife, eallswa stunte nytenu doð, þe nan andgyt nabbað. Seah þa dysegan and þa ungeradan his gelyfan nyllan, eall hit byð þæs deofles lar and tihting, þæt hi swa farað. ac swa hwile man, swa ðæne unðeaw ær beeode, he geswice. þeah læwedum mannum wif si alyfed, swaðeah hi agan micele þearfe, þæt hi understandan, hu hit is alyfed; and gehadede men hit sceolon him asecgan, undernimð se, þe wile; and, se þe gesælig bið, he hit healt, syþþan hit gesæd byð. Cf. Napier’s no. LIX (1883: 308; HomU 48, 11. 39-43): ne on ælætan ænig cristen man ne gewifige æfre ne na ma rvifa, þonne an, hæbbe, ac beo be Sære anre þa hwile, þe heo lybbe, se Se wylle godes lage gyman mid rihte and wiS hellebryne beorgan his sawle. The three æfestenu are identified below in c. 136, q.v. Fasting in England could involve abstinence from all sustenance for certain periods, or from certain foods, or a combination of the two. The amount or quality of the sustenance might also be restricted for ecclesiastics. Bede describes the Lenten fast of St Chad as an abstinence from flesh at all hours and from all sustenance before evening: ‘Quibus diebus cunctis, excepta dominica, ieiunium ad uesperam usque iuxta morem protelans, ne tunc quidem nisi panis permodicum, et unum ouum gallinacium cum paruo lacte aqua mixto percipiebat’ {Historia ecclesiastica III, 23, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 286). St Cuthbert also took just one daily meal when fasting, though he ate flesh (Bede, Vita S. Cuthberti V, ed. Colgrave 1940: 170). In the later period, restrictions for monks were more severe: except to brothers who were infirm, the flesh of quadrupeds was forbidden at all seasons by the Benedictine Rule (XXXVIIII, ed. Dysinger 1996: 98); see also Ælfric’s Colloquy, 284-97 (ÆColl, ed. Garmonsway 1947: 45-7); and cf. the more liberal eighth-century Rule of Chrodegang, c. 33 (ChrodR 1, ed. Napier 1916: 43-4). The Lenten fast imposed by the Regularis concordia (ed. Kornexl 1993: 66, 11. 766-7) on monks of the houses under Æthelwold’s instruction forbade not only whole fats (as prescribed by Lev. 3: 17) but also milk and eggs, according to Ælfric {Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, ed. Jones 1998: 175 n. 109). From an early date, fasting came to be imposed on the laity by civil law, beginning with the legislation of Wihtræd (r.695), which demands, in satisfaction for a violation, a fine or a flogging, the latter reserved for



slaves (see note on A 6). For the laity in the eleventh century, fasting during Lent meant not eating till near sunset, for those who were able to abstain (see Rock 1905: iv. 76), and tasting no flesh, as is made plain by one homily of Ælfric (Dominica I in quadragesima [ÆCHom II, 7], ed. Godden 1979: 61, 11. 25—8): Stuntlice fiest se lenctenlic fiesten. se Se on disum clænum timan hine sylfne mid galnysse befyld; Unrihtlic biS þæt se cristena mann flæsclice lustas gefremme. on 3am timan þe he flæscmettas /organ sceal. Because Wihtræd’s legislation from roughly the same period as the compilation of PT prescribes punishment for those who consume flesh during periods of fasting (see the note on A 64), the stipulation ‘abstineat se a carnibus’ in connection with the quadragesimal fasts in the Latin source of A 17 cannot refer to any practice over and above what was normally required during a period of fasting. Rather, the punitive element to which it alludes is abstinence from meat during three forty-day periods, rather than the one (Lent) normally required of the laity.

some other places (see e.g. the note on A 17 supra) the term for men’s chastity is the morphologically parallel cnihthad.


A 18. Cf. PT I, xiv, 3: ‘Trigamus et supra, id est in quarto aut quinto vel plus VII annos IIII feria et in VI et in tribus XL abstineat se a carnibus non separantur tamen. Basilius hoc iudicavit in canone autem IIII annos.’ CD 32, which begins ‘Bigamus ut supra’, lacks the reference to Basil that appears to be the basis for the tariff faeste feower gear. The reference is to Basil’s first canonical letter to Amphilochius, c. A' {recte A', ed. Migne, PG xxxii. 673), though four years is not the penance prescribed there. A 19. Cf. PT II, xii, 24: ‘Si cuius uxorem hostis abstulerit et ipse eam iterum adipisci non potest licet aliam tollere, melius est sic facere quam fornicationes.’ The first part of CG 72 is similar, while the wording of CD 36 begins with slightly different syntax: ‘Cui uxorem hostis abstulerit’. In both versions this is followed by a canon of provisions for the return of the woman, and the two canons are translated in sequence in Scriftboc XIV, 16.Im (ed. Spindler 1934: 182). A 20. Cf. PTl, xiv: ‘5. Si quis maritus aut mulier votum habens virginitatis iungitur matrimonio non dimittat illud sed peniteat III annos. 6. Vota stulta et inportabilia frangenda sunt.’ The text of CD 37-8 is similar: ‘Si quis maritus aut si qua mulier votum habet virginitatis adiungitur uxori, postea. Non dimittat uxorem, sed peniteat -II- annis. Vota stulta frangenda sunt et inportabilia.’ Cf. CG 63-4. The use of ‘maritus’ and ‘mulier’ in PT might seem to suggest that the supposed vow was sworn after the consecration of the marriage. It would not, after all, be entirely logical to call a vow of chastity entered into before marriage ‘stultum’. (Indeed, a canon attributed to a Synod of Rome prescribes that young men who have reached the age of adolescence should either marry or vow chastity: see Cross and Hamer 1999: 107-8.) Yet CD (as well as CT) plainly takes Theodore to mean that the vow is premarital (though the use of wif is thus illogical). mægðhad is here used to refer to chastity in both men and women; in


A 21. The wording here is closer to PT II, xii, 5: ‘Si cuius uxor fornicata fuerit licet dimittere eam et aliam accipere.’ CD 163 begins thus: ‘Cuius uxor fornicata licet. . .’. The analogues of cc. 20 and 21 in PT and CD are widely separated, but they are nearly adjacent in CG (63-4, 66), and the corres­ ponding canons are adjacent in Scriftboc (i5.a-c, ed. Spindler 1934: 181; see the discussion at Spindler 1934: 41-2). A 22. P T 11, xii, 6: ‘Mulieri non licet virum dimittere licet sit fornicator nisi forte pro monasterio. Basilius hoc iudicavit.’ CG 67 is similar; cf. CD 164: ‘Mulieri non licet fornicare et alium accipere.’ The reference in PT is to Basil’s first and second canonical letters to Amphilochius, cc. 0 ', KA' respectively (ed. Migne, PG xxxii. 677, 721), in which he says that custom forbids a woman to leave an adulterous husband. He is following Roman law in arguing that a woman abandoned even without just cause, in accepting another man, is an adulterer, while neither a man abandoned without just cause nor a woman who subsequently accepts him (as permitted after five years, according to P Tll, xii, 20) is an adulterer. Scriftboc omits the reference to Basil: Ne mot tvifhyre ceorl forlætan, peak he dearnunga liege (XVII, 19.U, ed. Spindler 1934: 185). The reading of Bx,for, is plainly in error for forlegen, as in Y. Thus, the translator has taken ‘licet sit fornicator’ to describe the wife (unless heo is an early copyist’s error for he), though surely it was intended to describe the husband. He rightly understood, however, that it is the wife who under the circumstances may enter a religious house (not the adulterous husband, as supposed by McNeill and Gamer 1938: 209; cf. C 9). A 23. The closest analogue is to be found in the Excarpsus Cummeani III, 17 (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: ii. 623): ‘Theodorus. Qui nupsit die dominica, III dies penit.’ P Tl, xiv, 20 is more fully developed: ‘Qui nubet die dominico petat a deo indulgentiam et I vel II diebus vel Ilibus diebus peniteat’. CG 12J is similar; there is no parallel in CD. This chapter in PT contains several canons not found in other Theodoran material but which correspond to passages in lib. II of the Libellus Scotorum represented in Vatican MS Pal. 485, apparently one of the sources of PT (cf. Zettinger 1902: 501-40; Ehrensberger 1897: 396). The corresponding canon in Scriftboc certainly reflects the reading of the Excarpsus Cummeani rather than of PT or CD: Swa hwylc man swa hæme on Sunnandæge, fæste III dagas (XVII, 19.P, ed. Spindler 1934: 185). Several canons immediately preceding this in Scriftboc also are better compared to the Excarpsus Cummeani than to any other source. The times at which sexual intercourse is forbidden are identified in an anonymous homily (Napier no. LVIII, 1883: 305; HomU 47, 11. 176-81): nagan læwede men þurh hæmedþingc, gif hi godes miltse habban willað, wifes gemanan sunnannihtum ne mæssenihtum ne wodnesnihtum ne frigenihtum ne



næfre on lenctentide ne næfre, þonne fæsten aboden sy, þe ma, þe man mot on lenctene o35e frigedagum flæsces brucan.

The oblation of boys to monasteries at the age of 7 was widely practised. Bede, for example, was given to the monks of Wearmouth at that age (Historia ecclesiastica V, 24, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 566). On oblates, see Quinn 1989; also the note on A 8.


A 24. The closest Theodoran parallel is CG 164: ‘Non licet homini a servo suo abstollere pecuniam sine voluntate eius quam ille de labore suo adquaesivit.’ Neither PT II, xiii, 3 (otherwise nearly identical) nor CD 165 has ‘sine voluntate eius’ in any manuscript, although ‘sine voluntate’ occurs in JPT 179. See also the very similar A 135. and butan forwyrhtum, which has no analogue in any of the Latin texts, appears to have resulted from misinterpretation of an earlier version’s for wyrhtum = ‘de labore’. It is also possible that the author (as in A 6) has attempted to correct what he saw as an omission in his source by adding allowances for punitive measures by the owners of slaves. Rewriting Exodus 21: 2-6, c. 11 of the Mosaic Prologue to Alfred’s code acknowledges the entitlement of slaves to own property where none is present in the source, and this addition is conventionally viewed as reflecting the realities of ninthcentury slavery (ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 29; cf. also Pelteret 1995: 83). Further evidence of the entitlement of slaves to own some property is afforded by fines extracted by lords from slaves and unfree labourers for theft and possibly for fornication, though no evidence for the latter is available from before the Conquest. The former are most abundantly attested in the severe measures prescribed in c. 6 of IV Æthelstan, a code surviving only in a twelfthcentury translation known as the Quadripartitus: ‘Tunc quando furatus seruus mortuus fuerit, reddat unusquisque seruorum illorum tres denarios domino suo’ (ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 172). On childmte and legerwite, the fines for fornication paid to lords (of which only post-Conquest evidence is available), see Bennett 2003: 131-62. The later Old English Penitential (II, 3, ed. Raith 1933: 17) seems similarly concerned to ensure that penances for those who killed their slaves in a fit of rage not be construed as impeding punishment by those whose slaves were guilty of some offence: Halitgar’s provision (‘Si quis servum proprium sine conscientia judicis occiderit, excommunicationem vel poenitentiam bienii reatum sanguinis emundabit’) is here rewritten so as to suggest that slaying a guilty {forworht) slave is not an act that should be expiated: Gif hwylc man his æht ofslehð, 7 he nane gewitnesse næbbe þæt he forworht sy, butan he hinefor his hatheortnesse7for his gymeleaste ofslyhS, fæste II ger. The currency of such attitudes may have encouraged the translator of CT to rewrite for wyrhtum as and butonforwyhrtum. No such additions occur in A 135, wherein the translator revisits this same canon, this time seeming to depend upon a source closer to PT. A 25. PT II, ii, 9: ‘Presbitero non licet peccatum episcopi prodere quia super eum est’ = CG 87, CD 170. A 26. PT II, xiv, 5: ‘Infans pro infante potest dari ad monasterium deo quamvis alium vovisset, tamen melius est, votum implere.’ CD 43 combines this and PT II, xiv, 6 (see the next canon) but is otherwise nearly identical.


A 27. Cf. PT II, xiv, 6: ‘Similiter pecora equali pretio possunt mutari si necesse sit.’ CD 43 omits ‘mutari’, translated in the Old English. A 28. PT I, xv, 4: ‘Si mulier incantationes vel divinationes diabolicas fecerit I annum vel III • XLmas vel XL iuxta qualitatem culpae peniteat.’ JPT 146, worded not very differently, ends with ‘peniteat’, whereas in CD 147 the concluding penance is ‘vel annum vel -III- XLmis peniteat’; there is no parallel in CG. PT continues: ‘De hoc in canone dicitur: qui auguria auspicia sive somnia vel divinationes quaslibet secundum mores gentilium observant aut in domos suas huiusmodi homines introducunt in exquaerendis aliquam artem maleficiorum penitentes isti si de clero sunt abiciantur. Si vero saeculares quinquennio peniteant.’ The corresponding passage in Scriftboc (XVI, i9.e, ed. Spindler 1934: 184) is this: Gyf wif drycræft and galdorcræft and unlibban wyrce and swylc bega, fæste X II monaS o83eþreo æfesteno oððe XL nihta; gewite hu micelu seofyren seo. Although this last version could translate the first sentence of PT, it seems actually to be based on the Poenitentiale Egberti VII, 6, given the order of canons (Spindler 1934: 50-1). The canon referred to in the Latin is from the Council of Ankara (Latin c. 23, ed. Mansi 1759-98: ii. 534), in connection with which Meaney (2005: 132) argues that the purpose of introducing sorcerers into one’s house is for its ritual purification. Indeed, this is made explicit in a canon of the second Council of Braga (572): ‘Si quis paganorum consuetudinem sequens divinos et sortilegos in domo sua introduxerit, quasi ut malum foras mittant aut maleficia inveniant vel lustrationes paganorum faciant, quinque annis poenitentiam agant’ (c. 71, ed. Vives 1963: 103). oððe þonne gyt m a seems to misconstrue ‘vel XL’, which refers to forty days (compare the next canon): the penances are in descending order of severity, a fact obscured for the translator, as shown by the corres­ pondence of PT ‘I annum vel’ and ‘an gear and’. In his homily De auguriis (ÆLS [Auguries], ed. Skeat 1881-5: i. 368), Ælfric associates witchcraft with enchantments devoted to healing, thus explaining the link between women (conceived as healers through their association with herbal lore) and witchcraft (gendered feminine): Nu alyse ic me sylfne wiS god . and mid lufe eow for-beode . þæt eower nan ne axie þurh ænigne wicce-cræft . be ænigum ðinge . [email protected] be ænigre untrumnysse . ne galdras ne sece . to gremigenne his scyppend. On the association of witchcraft and enchantments, see also Ælfric’s homily on St Bartholomew (ed. Clemoes 1997: 449-50). The later law codes prescribe driving witches out of the land (a provision derived from the early tenth-century laws of Edward and Guthrum (ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 134)). Alfred’s code—the earliest to



mention witchcraft—is more severe, but the provision occurs in the prefatory translation of Mosaic law, and thus it was probably not meant to be applied as written: Da fæmnan þe gewilniaS onfon galdercræftigan and scinlacan and wiccan, ne læt þu hi libban (ed. Liebermann 1903—16: i. 39; cf. Lev. 20: 27). In the Old English glossaries, a variety of terms are glossed with some form of wicce or its congeners, but as a rule, witches are associated with prophecy and the invocation of demons.

populum (ed. Bethurum 1957: 231, 1. 94), in which they together form a group bound for hell. Cf. also Finnian 20 (ed. Bieler 1963: 78-80): ‘Si mulier maleficio suo partum alicuius perdiderit, dimedium annum cum pane et aqua peniteat per mensura et duobus annis abstineat a uino et a carnibus et sex quadragissimas ieiunet cum pane et aqua.’ The reading ælce frigdæg in Y is not actually ungrammatical in late Old English—it is parallelled by ælce dæg, which appears several times in the works of Ælfric and is to be regarded as modelled on the endingless locative (see Hogg and Fulk 2011, §2.18)—but the reading of Bx is probably more original.


A 29-30. PT I, xiv, 24: ‘Mulieres quae abortivum faciunt antequam animam habeat I annum vel III XLmiis vel XL diebus iuxta qualitatem culpae peniteant. et post[ea] id est post XL dies accepti seminis ut homicidae peniteant id est III annos in IIII et VI feria et in Ilibus XLmis. Hoc secundum canones decennium iudicatur.’ Cf. CG 105: ‘Mulier qui concepit et occidit filium suum in utero ante XL dies unum annum peniteat. si post XL dies occidit quasi homicida debet penitere.’ CD 114 (quoted infra) is more concise. Scriftboc (XVI, 19.i, ed. Spindler 19334: 184, and see 51) combines elements of PT I, xiv, 24 and 27: Wif seo Se to æwyrpe gedo hire geeacnunga in hire hrife and cwelle ymbe XL nihta þæs Se heo þam sæde onfo, ær-ðon hit gesawlad ivære, swa se myrðra fieste III winter, and æghwylcere wucan þa twegen dagas to æfenes, and Sreo æfestenu. The wording of this is careful, referring to the woman’s geeacnung rather than her beam or cild or wencel (cf. Ælfric, infra), and stating plainly the assumption underlying CD 30 that a foetus acquires a soul only forty days after conception. Cf. A 120-1 infra. awegaworpennyss has been thought to refer to the exposure of children (e.g. by Clark Hall i960, s.v.), but here it must refer to abortion. ‘Abortivum’ is literally an abortifacient. Conceivably, aworpennyss could include miscarriage, as CD 114 prescribes a penance for this: ‘Mulier perdens partum si ante XL dies conceptionis annum si vero post XL peniteat -III- annos’ = gif heo beorðer forleose, I gear oSSe III æfestenu {Scriftboc XVI, 19A, ed. Spindler 1934: 184). But since the satisfaction in that case is different, it is perhaps best to assume that aworpennyss connotes only abortion, þi ylcan gemete refers to the expiation assigned in A 29. geteald is uninflected because predicative. Although the matter of canon 28 is not in close proximity to that of 29-30 in any of the possible sources, the association between the two ideas is found also in Ælfric’s homily De auguriis (ÆLS [Auguries] 151-6, ed. Skeat 1881-5: i. 374), where, in the course of a condemnation of various sorts of women’s witchery, he rebukes those engaging in abortion and infanticide: Sume hi acwellað heora cild ærðam þe hi acennede beon . oððe æfter acennednysse . þæt hi cuðe ne beon . ne heora manfulla forligr ameldod ne wurðe . ac heora yfel is egeslic . and endeleaslic morð . þær losað þæt cild laSlice hæðen . and seo arleasa modor . butan heo hit æfre gebete. Witches are also closely connected with infanticides in Wulfstan’s Sermo ad


A 31. Given the reference to teeth in CT, the likeliest source is not PT I, vii, 11: ‘Sanguinem inscius sorbere cum saliva non est peccatum.’ Teeth are mentioned in CD 148 (‘Sanguinem sine voluntate sugere dentibus non esse peccatum’) and CG 128 (‘Sanguinem sine voluntate de dentibus si fuderit non est peccatum’). See Spindler 1934: 76 n. 1. It is notable, however, that this canon is missing from Bx, and that there is no equivalent to P T 1, vii, 11 in the sequence of canons below where it should be expected, between A 92 and 93. Regarding prohibitions on the consumption of blood, see the notes on A 12-13, 85. A 32. No canon that corresponds to this one is to be found in PT, CD, or CG. Prescriptions of this type are, however, typical of the Frankish penitentials to which the compiler, or a later redactor, would have had access, and it is conceivable that A 32 is meant to remedy their omission from the Theodoran materials. The sources from which this provision could have been drawn are numerous, but the likeliest would seem c. VI, 20 of the Excarpsus Cummeani (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 631): ‘Si laici infantem suum obpresserint, annum I in pane et aqua peniteant, II a vino et carne et abstineant se a luxuria tempus penitentiae.’ The specification in CT that the penance is intended for an offender who ‘oppresses and kills’ a child would have seemed tautological to compilers of penitentials such as the Paenitentiale Hubertense (c. 50), wherein the lethality of the act indicated by opprimere— here construed as possibly intentional—is implied: ‘Si quis infantem gentilem obpresserit, tres annos poeniteat, si uero nolens II’ (ed. Kottje 1994: 113). Yet not all canonists can have understood ‘obprimere’ in this fashion: compare the gloss ‘puer a maiore obpressus coitu’ on Scriftboc VI, 7.a (ed. Spindler 1934: 177), where the term designates sexual assault in its source, and the light satisfaction indicates the relatively trivial nature of the transgression: Lytel cniht gif he bySfram maran ojSrycced in hæmede, fæste VII niht; gif he him geSafige, fieste X X niht. The equivalent of in hæmede is not present in the likeliest source text, Paenitentiale Cummeani X, 9, though the sexual nature of the offence is plain: ‘Puer paruulus oppressus a maiore annum aetatis habens decimum, ebdomadam dierum ieiunet; si consentit, .xx. diebus’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 128 [= Schmitz 1883-98: i. 661]).



forhæbbe hine fram ælcum wife: The requirement to abstain from intercourse with one’s wife during a period of expiation is customary, as in Paenitentiale Sancti Columbani A, 18: ‘Sciendum est enim laicis quod tempore paenitentiae illis traditae a sacerdotibus non illis liceat suas cognoscere uxores nisi post paenitentiam transactam; demedia namque paenitentia non debet esse’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 102 [= Schmitz 1883-98: i. 599]). See also the note on A 23. The somewhat eccentric requirement of A 33 that the penitent withhold himself from ‘each’ or ‘every’ woman may constitute an attempt to disambiguate tbe warning against possibly nonmarital luxuria in the Excarpsus Cummeani. The offence with which these canons are concerned was occasionally associated with drunkenness, as in the Paenitentiale Floriacense 18 (ed. Kottje 1994: 99): ‘Si quiscumque homo uel mulier infantem suum oppraesserit, III annus peneteat, I ex his in pane et aqua. Si quis per ebrietatem aut probria neglegentia oppraessus fuerit, V annus peneteat, II ex his in pane et aqua.’ Such associations, combined with the tendency of opprimere to designate both sexual assault and non-sexual forms of abuse, are probably responsible for a curious provision of the Poenit. Pseudo-Theodori (c. V, 10; ed. Wasserschleben 1851: 584) concerning the imagined case of a husband who, either out of extreme drunkenness or mistaken identity, has sexual relations with his stepdaughter while assuming her to be his wife.

60 ‘popularia dupliciter’. On Theodore’s source, see Cross and Hamer 1999: 84. The legislation of Æthelberht declares that the theft of Church property shall be repaid twelvefold (LawAbt 1, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 3); compare the laws of Alfred, prescribing repayment of the value of the stolen item plus a fine, and the thieving hand is to be struck off, unless permission is given to redeem it with the owner’s wergild (LawAf 1, 6, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 53). Cf. A 71, and see A 69.


A 33. Cf. CD 116: ‘Qui ordinati sunt aut Scotorum aut Britonorum episcopis qui in pascha et in tonsura adunati aecclesi? catholic? non sunt iterum ab episcopo catholico manus inpositione confirmentur et aliqua conlectione.’ PT II, ix, 1 lacks ‘et aliqua conlectione’, and CG 187 lacks the reference to Irish bishops. None of these Latin texts, however, refers to priests, as the Old English does. Although reordination was required in such circumstances, rebaptism was not. The computation of the date of Easter, debated at the Synod of Whitby (664 CE, narrated in Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica III, 25, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 294-308) between Celtic and English churchmen not long before Theodore’s arrival in England, was still a matter of some topicality when Theodore’s teachings were compiled, though it was hardly an issue in the eleventh century, when these Old English manuscripts were made. See the Introduction, pp. xl-xli. A 34. Cf. CD 117: ‘Similiter et ecclcsi? que ab ipsis episcopis supradictis consecrentur aqua exorcizata aspargentur et aliqua conlectione confirmen­ tur.’ PT 11, ix, 2 lacks ‘supradictis’, which corresponds to þam. At all events, it is notable that the order of A 33-4 soon after A 29-30 follows from the order in CD, not that in PT. CG lacks ‘episcopis supradictis’ and has sg. ‘ecclesia’. A 35. CG 166: ‘Pecunia ecclesiastica sive furata sive rapta reddatur in quadruplum.’ PT I, iii, 2 adds ‘saecularibus dupliciter’; CD 81 and JPT


A 36. P Tll, xii, 35: ‘Illa autem disponsata si non vult habitare cum eo viro cui est disponsata reddatur ei pecunia quam pro ipsa dedit et tertia pars addatur si autem ille noluerit perdat pecuniam quam pro illa dedit.’ CD 118 has ‘cum ea’ for ‘cum eo’ and lacks ‘si autem ille etc.’. There is no equivalent in CG. þæt feoh, þæt heo ær underfeng . . . and þa magas forgelden þæt wedd: In England it was the prospective husband who paid the dowry, which could be substantial. In this instance it is not plain who received the dower, the bride, who then would have possessed it outright (as under later law) or her male kinsmen (the custom practised for most of the period). The seeming contradiction between these two clauses probably points to the earlier practice, under which the bride’s kinsmen turned over the pledge to her in usufruct (see Spindler 1934: 47). Scriftboc (XIV, 17.d, ed. Spindler 1934: 183) is similarly vague: Gif heo nele midþam were eardian þam ðe heo ær geweddod wæs, agyfe him eft þæt feoh þæt hefor heo sealde, and eac ðone ðnddan dæl þæs yrfes. And gif he þæt nelle, Solige hisfeos; and seofæmne ga on mynster oS3e elcor in hire clænnesse hie halde. Here, unless the translator has purposely altered the meaning, he has conflated the wedd (‘pledge’) and the yrfe (the estate she is to inherit upon his death): see the prescriptions for formal betrothal in the text Be wifmannes beweddunge (LawWif, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 442-5). A 37-8. CD 120: ‘Qui manducat morticinam XL diebus ieiunat. si eius necessitas egerit nihil est.’ PT I, vii, 6 is similar in sense but quite different in diction and makes some additions: ‘Qui manducat carnem immundam aut morticinam dilaceratam a bestiis XL dies peniteat. si enim necessitas cogit famis, non nocet, quoniam aliud est legitimum, aliud quod necessitas cogit.’ CG 147 is different again, referring to meat ‘a vulpe consumtam’, and it lacks the clause about necessity. The corresponding passage in Scriftboc (XXV, 28.b-c, ed. Spindler 1934: 191) translates the more elaborate provisions of the Poenitentiale Egberti XIII, 2—3 (ed. Schmitz 1883—98: i. 585). Under Mosaic law, touching or eating the carcass of even a clean beast that had died was an offence, but the impurity lasted only until evening (Lev. 11: 39-40). A 39. PT I, ix, 4: ‘Si quis presbiter aut diaconus uxorem extraneam duxerit in conscientia populi, deponatur.’ CG 120 is nearly identical, while the canon is lacking in CD.



gewitness, as the Latin shows, has not the legal sense ‘witness’ but the etymological one ‘knowledge’.

which seminal emission is plainly not the offence (‘Qui concupiscit mente tantum fornicari sed non potuit’), and it is followed not long after by a canon imposing penitential sentences of one or two days for a man who ‘is lured by a thought to commit fornication, and resists the thought too half-heartedly’ (trans. Bieler 1963: 115). None of the canons that adjoin Cummean II, 12 seems concerned with somatic pollution. That the penitent who ‘concupiscit mente tantum fornicari’ should receive the most severe penance (one year) is to be expected, given the consent of his will to the deed, an event held by texts such as the Libellus responsionum to constitute the completion of sin: ‘In suggestione igitur peccati si mens [or semen] est, in delectatione fit nutrimentum, in consensu perfectio’ (Bede, Historia ecclesiastica I, 27, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 100). The passage in Scriftboc (VII, 8.a, ed. Spindler 1934: 178) corresponding to A 42 appears to be translated from a text closely related to Cummean: Sacerd se Se þurh ynsyfre spræce oSSe þurh gesyhðe oSSe sceawunga mifes hine besmiteð and nele gefyrenian, fæste X X daga. Se Se mid his willan byS besmiten swySlice, fæste he C daga.

A 40. PT I, ii, 16: ‘Si cum matre quis fornicaverit, XV annos peniteat et nunquam mutat nisi dominicis diebus.’ CG 90 has ‘fornicat’ and ends with ‘diebus’ but lacks ‘et nunquam mutat’; there is no analogue in CD. Cf. B 13 and note. A 41. The nearest analogue is CG 97: ‘Si mulier cum se ipsa sola coitum habet III annos peniteat.’ Cf. PT I, ii, 13: ‘Si sola cum se ipsa coitum habet sic peniteat.’ (‘Sic’ refers to the tariff of the preceding canon: ‘Si mulier cum muliere fornicaverit III annos peniteat.’) There is no equivalent in CD. According to CT, then, autoerotic acts of women are to be regarded as more heinous than those of men (cf. A 45,102), whereas the opposite is the case in regard to homoerotic acts (cf. A 54-5). A 42. The likeliest source from the Theodoran material would be PT I, viii, 3: ‘Presbiter quoque si per cogitationem semen fuderit ebdomadam ieiunet’ (cf. A 44-5; similar is one provision of CG 118: ‘si per cogitationem presbiter semen fundit ebdomada ieiunet’; there is no equivalent in CD), and a discussion of autoeroticism is what might be expected, given the canon that precedes this one. But the rendering of ‘semen fuderit’ by the more ambiguous besmiten ‘defiled’ along with the substitution of a twenty-day satisfaction for the single week prescribed by PT, casts doubt on the indebtedness of A 42 to this portion of PT, suggesting instead its relation to canons such as the Paenitentiale Cummeani II, 12: ‘Qui per turpiloquium uel aspectu coinquinatus est, non tamen uoluit fornicari corporaliter, ,xx. uel •xl. diebus iuxta qualitatem peccantis peniteat’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 114; also Schmitz 1883-98: i. 620). Whether besmiten (and its possible source, ‘coinquinatus’) should be understood as referring to somatic pollution or to a sin of thought is uncertain, though there are reasons to favour the latter view. Payer (1984: 48-9) takes ‘coinquinatus’ and passive forms of similar verbs (polluere, inquinare, maculare) to connote seminal emission, though he acknowledges that some canons are difficult to interpret under such an assumption. Such problems issue from the tendency of early medieval pastoral manuals to gauge the gravity of a sin on the basis not simply of the act itself but of the attending intention. Payer assumes that the penance imposed by Cummean II, 12 remedies somatic pollution: ‘It is not clear whether this means that the language or looks defile of themselves or that through them one has a seminal emission; I suspect the latter is the case’ (1984: 50). That canonists were themselves troubled by the vagueness of coinquinatus in such places is suggested by c. 39 of the Parisiense simplex, which attempts somewhat ineffectually to disambiguate the term: ‘Qui per turpiloquium uel aspectu, tactu uel osculo quoinquinatus, id est pollutus fuerit’ (ed. Kottje 1994: 77). Uncertainty about the meaning of Cummean II, 12, is justified. The canon in question is immediately preceded by one in


A 43. The reference in A 42 to a priest polluted by desire upon entertaining sexual thoughts is presumably intended to furnish the background to the graver transgression of this canon, in which the priest acts on his desires. There is no reference in PT to the touching or seizing of breasts by clerics or any other class of persons, nor does any other extant penitential furnish a parallel. The phrase mid his hand indicates this chapter’s reliance in some way upon PT I, viii, 4 (‘Si tangit manu III ebdomadas ieiunet’) or the final provision of CG 118 (‘si tangit manu cum manu III ebdomadas peniteat’); nothing like this is to be found in CD. McNeill and Gamer understand this chapter of Theodore’s penitential to refer to autoeroticism, and Payer likewise argues that the collocation ‘tangere manu’ refers in this chapter of PT to solitary sexual activity (1984: 46). But the translator of CT (or a later redactor) plainly did not share this view, adding a direct object for the verb phrase. His doing so may reflect an attempt to collapse its provisions with those of PT I, viii, 1 (‘Sacerdos si tangendo mulierem aut osculando coinquinabitur, XL dies poeniteat’). A possible analogue to his departure from his Theodoran source is furnished by the version of the Paenitentiale Mersebergense A (c. 19) copied into the Vatican manuscript, Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 5751 (ed. Kottje 1994: 130): ‘Si uero diligens eam sine malo facto praeter sermonem et affectum, XL dies peniteat. Osculans et amplectens eam inquinatus fuerit, III quadragesimas faciat. Diligens eam tantum mentem, VII dies peniteat.’ A closer parallel is to be found in the Poenitentiale Bedae II, 33: ‘Qui conplexu feminam illecebrose pollutus est, dies XX; qui contactu ejus inverecundo ad carnem, III menses’ (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 558; cf. Pseudo-Bede IV, 1 [ed. Wasserschleben 1851: 261]). Of course, none of these provisions furnishes a precise parallel to the language of CT. It is possible that the translator has added breost to correct



what he might have seen as contradictory penances established in PT for masturbation, as the offence receives a three-week fast in PT I, viii, 4 and a twenty-day fast in PT I, viii, 9. Alternatively, it is conceivable that PT I, viii, 4 indeed refers to touching a woman or to other varieties of non-solitary sexual activity, or was susceptible to being understood as such by the compilers of penitential manuals for reasons other than an uncertain knowledge of Latin. The canon is, after all, preceded by a series of statements concerning clerics who touch or kiss women, making it some­ what likely that readers would assume a woman to be the implicit referent of ‘tangit manu’. It is probably for this reason that the parallel passage in the Canones Gregorii (c. 118) seems inescapably to refer to non-solitary sexual activity, though the precise sort of activity suggested by the phrase ‘manu cum manu’ is not plain: ‘si per cogitationem presbiter semen fundit ebdomada ieiunet. Si tangit manu cum manu III ebdomadas peniteat.’ Alfred’s code (LawAf 1, cc. 11 and 18, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 56) prescribes restitutions for illicit breast-seizing, though the context is that of sexual assault: 11. Gif mon on cirliscre fsemnan breost gefo, mid V scill. hire gebete. 11.1. Gif he hie oferweorpe and mid ne gehæme, mid X scill. gebete. Among Alfred’s sources was probably c. XXVI, 4 of the Lex Salica, which establishes that to touch uninvited the hand, arm, or breast of a free woman in early Germanic Europe was a serious transgression: ‘Si quis muliere mamella extrinxerit, mallobergo item bracti . . . solidus XLV culpabilis iudicetur’ (ed. Eckhardt 1953: 143). Cf. Scriftboc VII, 8.h (ed. Spindler 1934: 178), which preserves the ambiguity of PTs usage.

England in manuscripts containing PT (see Meyvaert 1971: 25—6). Halitgar’s ninth-century penitential, the basis of the Old English Penitential (ed. Raith 1933: 42-4), also reproduces the portion of the Libellus concerned with nocturnal illusions. This text establishes that one was blameless for sexual illusions in dreams unless one had encouraged them either through excessive eating or lascivious thoughts: ‘Sed est in eadem inlusione ualde necessaria discretio, quae subtiliter pensari debeat, ex qua re accedat menti dormientis; aliquando enim ex crapula, aliquando ex naturae superfluitate uel infirmitate, aliquando ex cogitatione contingit’ (Bede, Historia ecclesiastica I, 27, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 98). The referent of hit in this canon thus may be the lascivious thought that led to the penitent’s defilement. It is possible that these chapters owe something to statements such as Egbert IX, 9-10: ‘Si in somno peccans sine cogitatione, XV psalmos cantat. Item in somno peccans si ex cogitatione pollutus, XXV psalmos’ (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 582). The compiler’s awkward fusion of canons concerned with polluting thoughts, nocturnal illusions, and (possibly) masturbation may have been deliberate. That this canon precedes another concerned with losing control of one’s thoughts may indicate some attempt on the part of the compiler to organize his material thematically.


A 44-5. The indebtedness of these canons is complex, þurh nydinga his geþohtes has a likely source in PT I, viii, 7: ‘Qui sepe per violentiam cogitationis semen fuderit peniteat XX dies.’ It is significant, however, that CT leaves ‘sepe’ untranslated while increasing the duration of the penitential sentence. The resulting provision subjects the penitent (no longer necessarily a cleric) to a more severe sentence for a single offence than PT had prescribed for a repeat offender in orders. (A more complete translation of the same Theodoran canon occurs at A too.) A 45 renders PT I, viii, 9 (‘Si excitat ipse, primo XX dies, iterans XL dies peniteat, si plus, addantur ieiunia’), which amplifies a prior statement (not translated until A 101) regarding those who ejaculate while sleeping in church: ‘Qui semen dormiens in ecclesia fuderit, III dies peniteat’ (I, viii, 8). (A less probable source of A 44-5 is to be found in CG 119: ‘Si quis saepe per violentiam cogitationis semen fundit XX dies peniteat. si semen excitavit prima vice XX dies peniteat si secunda XL dies, si plus addantur ieiunia.’ CD has no equivalent.) McNeill and Gamer (1938: 192) interpret PTl, viii, 9 as a reference to masturbation, but it is more likely that this statement is concerned with the penitent’s responsibility for the dream that brought about his defilement. Culpability for pollutions resulting from dreams is made plain by the Libellus responsionum, which circulated in


A 46-7. These canons have a curious afterlife as a supposed proof of the leniency of customary Anglo-Saxon law as regards the insane: see Walker 1967-73: i- 15-16; Clarke 1975: 59; Walker 1985: 27. This thesis is reconsidered in Jurasinski 2009 (some of whose claims are paraphrased below). A putative analogue occurs in the Leges Henrici Primi 78, 7 (ed. Downer 1972: 244-5): ‘Insanos et eiusmodi maleficos debent parentes sui misericorditer custodire.’ The Leges owe nothing to laws promulgated under Henry I, but they are instead a wide-ranging compilation of pre-Conquest legislative statements (some significantly reworked) judged by its author to be representative of English custom. There is no known source, however, for the passage mentioned above, and no analogue in any of the likely sources of CT for the provisions of A 46-7. A canon of the Council of Orange (529), however, prescribes compassionate treatment of the insane: ‘Amentibus quecumque pietatis sunt, conferenda sunt’ (ed. Cross and Hamer 1999: 89). The issue of insanity, where it is acknowledged at all in penitentials, is mentioned primarily in relation to suicide. PT II, x, 1-4 appears reluctantly to permit prayers and even masses for the souls of demonstrably insane suicides and makes allowances for the use of herbs and charms for demoniacs, though Alexander Murray has suggested the incoherence of these injunctions when read in sequence, given their fairly lenient treatment of suicides who manifested no mental disorder (1998-2000: ii. 252-6). A harder line is adopted by the Old English Penitential (along with the later Old English Handbookfor the Use of a Confessor, ed. Fowler 1965): Se man se Se hine sylfne ofslyhð mid wxpne oSSefor hmylcum mislicum deofles onbringe, nis hit na alyfed



þæt man for smylcum men mæssan singe o88e mid ænigum sealmsange þæt lie eorðan befxste (II, 5, a, ed. Raith 1933: 17-18). The Latin source of this passage (and the nearly identical passage based upon this one in the Handbook) occurring in the ninth-century penitential of Halitgar restates the canon of the first Council of Braga (561) on suicide: ‘De his qui sibi quaecumque violentia mortem inferunt . . . placuit, ut hii qui sibi ipsis aut per ferrum aut per venenum aut per praecipitium aut suspendium vel quolibet modo violentiam inferunt mortem, nulla illis in oblatione commemoratio fiat neque cum psalmis ad sepulturam eorum cadavera deducantur’ (c. 16, ed. Vives 1963: 74). The phrase fo r . . . onbringe ‘because of the devil’s instigation’ is without parallel in this or any known source text, and it seems likely that these late vernacular canons continue the tradition inaugurated by Halitgar’s penitential (and its source in the Braga council) of holding all suicides to be culpable, perhaps in reaction to the seeming leniency of P T s provisions. of his geðohtum oððe of his gewitte feole: As was the case throughout the early medieval West, the prevailing view of insanity in Anglo-Saxon England held mental affliction to be the consequence of sin, if not a divinely ordained punishment. Bede’s remarks on Æthelberht’s son Eadbald note that as a punishment for his incest and refusal of Christianity ‘crebra mentis uaesania et spiritus inmundi inuasione premebatur’ (Historia ecclesiastica II, s, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 150). Accordingly, insanity seems not always to have been exculpatory. The Council of Worms (868 ce) prescribes a period of penitence for those who commit homicide while temporarily insane, as their affliction is the consequence of sin: Si quis insaniens aliquem occiderit, si ad sanam mentem pervenerit, levior ei poenitentia imponenda est, quam ei, qui sana mente tale quid commiserit. Cui quamvis poenitentia sit imponenda, quia ipsa infirmitas causa peccati, licet fortassis occulta, contigisse creditur, tantum tamen levior, quam ei qui sanus aliquem occiderit, quantum inter insanum & sanum, irrationabile & rationabile, constat esse discriminis (ed. Mansi 1759-98: xv. 874, c. 28). The few remarks we possess from the legislation of the Continental Germanic-speaking peoples indicate an even more pronounced rejection of the innocence of the insane. A code routinely described as the most authentically ‘Germanic’ of the Leges barbarorum, the seventh-century edict of Rothair, views sin as the pre-eminent cause of mental affliction and, accordingly, allows the wrongs of the insane to be avenged upon them with impunity: ‘Si peccatis eminentibus homo rabiosus aut demoniacus factus fuerit, et damnum fecerit in hominem aut in peculium, non requiratur; tantum est, ut sine culpa non occidatur’ (ed. Bluhme 1869: 61, c. 323). Though this statement constitutes its only remark on the violent offences of the insane, Rothair’s edict reiterates this view of the etiology of madness in its statement voiding betrothals to women who are discovered to be insane or leprous.



>•" The responsibility of the insane for their affliction was to be assumed even in cases in which the person’s sins were not manifest. The vita of Wulfstan of Worcester, in narrating the descent into madness of an ostensibly innocent person, observes that he is nonetheless punished ‘dei iuditio’, which is ‘nonnumquam occulto’ but ‘numquam iniusto’ (ed. Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 72). The peculiar idiom with which the translator of the Canons chooses to introduce the problem of insanity suggests his adherence to this view. The only other instance of the collocation feallan of geþohtum occurs in the gloss on Psalm 5: 11 in the Arundel Psalter, in which the psalmist enjoins God to abandon the unrighteous to confusion: ‘iudica illos deus; decidant a cogitationibus suis; secundum multitudinem impietatum eorum expelle eos quoniam irritauerunt te domine’. It may thus be significant that A 46 is subsequent to a series of canons that are arguably concerned with sins of thought. Nigel Walker (1967-73: i. 15), who unfortunately mistakes Thorpe’s 1840 Latin translation for a Latin source and suggests that it was composed by Ecgberht, archbishop of York, remarks that this canon’s concern with pecuniary settlement lends it an air of secular law rather than penitential literature. But prescriptions of monetary settlement as a specifically spiritual remedy are frequent in penitentials (see McNeill 1932: 21). That this canon recommends the payment of compensation without specifying an amount indicates its conformity to the conventions of penitential literature rather than to those of secular legislation: cf. PT I, iv, 1 (cited in the note to B 20). þone: The emendation of Bx’s þonne is supported by the parallel construction in the next sentence. Unfortunately, Y is defective at this point. hine wið oðær swylc gescyldan: The insane man is to be kept by his kin from inflicting further injuries on others. (Frantzen 2008 takes gescyldan rather to mean ‘hold liable’.) William of Malmesbury’s Vita Wulfstani chides one careless guardian (though not a kinsman of the lunatic) whose inattention leaves the afflicted person free to terrorize the residents of a nearby village after having freed himself from his fetters (ed. Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 72). on ðam ungewitte: On the face of it, the phrase would seem to mean ‘in that state of madness’, and thus the injunction of the second sentence of the canon would be that if the slain man’s kin avenge him on the killer while he is in his madness and before it is known whether the lunatic’s family will intercede on his behalf, they must pay compensation. Yet Thorpe (1840: ii. 237) translates this phrase ‘inscienter’—i.e. the avenging party kills the insane man ‘in a state of ignorance’, before it is known whether his kin will offer a settlement for the first slaying. The text offers little ground for certainty about the meaning: while OE ungemtt appears with some consist­ ency to have had the meaning ‘insanity’, it might also mean ‘idiocy, simplemindedness’. Alfred’s translation of Gregory’s Regula pastoralis offers the



usage that seems most nearly parallel to that of the Canons of Theodore, given the concern of penitentials with the emotional and spiritual condition of the penitent(s), who would in this instance be not the lunatic but the angry crowd which slays him: Da Sonne hie beræsaS on suelce weamodnesse hie sindon sua micle wærlicor to oferbuganne sua mon ongiet ðæt hie on maran ungemtte beoð (‘who, when they fall into such anger, are the more cautiously to be avoided the more out of their senses they are seen to be’; ed. and trans. Sweet 1871: 295; cf. a similar parallel at p. 296). The translator of CT may be suggesting some likeness between the spiritual condition of the insane offender and that of the men who hastily take vengeance before the remedy of settlement has been ventured; this, at any rate, is one way to account for a pairing of clauses whose logical relation to each other is not immediately obvious. In his Vita Wulfstani, William of Malmesbury similarly likens to madness the refusal of a group of brothers to accede to Wulfstan’s entreaties that they accept compensation: ‘Tantus eos dolor interims fraterni succen­ derat ut totam sibi humanitatem adimerent. Quantus enim erat furor beatam illam canitiem in puluere uolutatam despicere, quam etiam ipsos angelos puto reueritos fuisse!’ (ed. Winterbottom and Thomson 2002: 90). Frantzen 2008 offers a rather different interpretation of A 47: ‘If someone slays another in (a fit of) insanity, before one knows whether his kinsmen wish to intercede for him, the man (sic: the men [Frantzen’s note]) who killed him should make compensation to his kinsmen for that man.’

babtizentur.’ However, and getrymede mid biscopes bletsunge seems to derive from CD 125: ‘Cum compertus fuerit non esse babtizatus et ordinetur iterum et confirmetur et babtizetur.’ Here the sense of PTll, ii, 13, has been substituted for that of PT I, ix, 12, which one might have expected the translator to have used instead, as it follows immediately from the preceding canon: ‘Si quis ordinatus est per ignorantiam antequam baptizetur debent baptizare qui ab illo gentili baptizati fuerint et ipse non ordinetur’. (The wording of CG 23 is nearly identical.) The remainder of PT I, ix, 12 offers an alternative judgement favouring reordination. The issue, it should be said, is probably not whether the priest should be permitted to resume clerical duties (as McNeill and Gamer take it to be, 1938: 193) but whether reordination, in addition to baptism, is necessary before he may do so. Cf. the language of PT I, v, i: ‘Si quis ab hereticis ordinatus fuerit iterum debet ordinari si inrepr^hensibilis fuerit, sin minus, deponi oportet.’ Cf. A 3-4 and note. Sonne: The manuscript (Bx) has ‘ðonne’, i.e. Sonne ne, but the intent of the Old English, as of PT II, ii, 13, is plainly that the offender should be reordained. The manuscript form seems attributable rather to scribal error than to the influence of ‘et ipse non ordinetur’ in PT I, ix, 12 (cf. Spindler 1934: 38n. 1). It should be noted that in Scriftboc (XI, u.b, ed. Spindler 1934: 180), PT I, ix, 12 is rendered as if it did not contain the clause forbidding reordination, though the translation does include some of the rationale for reordination offered in the alternative judgement. Thus, in substituting P T ll, ii, 13, for I, ix, 12, CT agrees with Scriftboc in asserting that the initial ordination was invalid.


A 48. PT I, ix, 11: ‘Si quis baptizat per temeritatem non ordinatus abiciendus est ab ecclesia et nunquam ordinetur.’ CG 32 is similar but lacks ‘ab ecclesia et nunquam ordinetur’. No parallel is to be found in CD. The stipulation ‘per temeritatem’ is perhaps intended to exclude cases of extraordinary necessity, since lay persons were permitted to baptize under pressing circumstances if no ordained minister was available (Tertullian, De baptismo, c. 17; Jerome, Dialogus contra Luciferianos, c. 9). ne bið him sylfe: scil. gehadod (as shown by the Latin), which word has most likely been omitted accidentally by the scribe. It has been suggested to the editors that gefullod (as assumed by Frantzen 2008) is the likelier inference, under the assumption that canons 48 and 49 distinguish between a priest who knows he has not been baptized and one who does not know, and this distinction explains why the former is said to act þurh ðrystlæcnysse. Although it is possible that a reader of Bx, because of the corrupt state of the text, could have understood these two canons in this fashion, plainly gehadod is what the translator intended, since ne bið him sylfe can be explained only as a partial translation of non ordinatus; and since ‘per temeritatem’ is in the Latin, the original motivation for the phrase cannot have pertained to wilful disregard on the part of an unbaptized priest. A 49. PT II, ii, 13: ‘Si quis presbiter ordinatus deprehendit se non esse babtizatum babtizetur et ordinetur iterum et omnes quos prius babtizavit


A 50. PT II, ix, 3, seems an unlikely source, as this chapter of PT refers specifically to those who have been baptized by Irish and British clergy and, accordingly, doubt the legitimacy of their baptisms: ‘Et qui ex horum similiter gente vel quicumque de baptismo suo dubitaverit, baptizetur.’ (The signific­ ance of ‘vel quicumque’ is somewhat ambiguous: it would seem to refer to all others who doubt their baptism, though perhaps the intended reference is more specifically to those who are not Irish or British but were baptized by Irish or British clergy.) No trace of such a context is apparent in A 50, indicating that the canon has as its source either CG 173 (‘Quicumque dubitaverit de baptismo suo baptizetur’) or the nearly identical passage in CD 97. Both collections abstract the suggestion of rebaptism from its context in PT and thus refer only to the case of those who doubt the legitimacy of their baptism or doubt whether they have been baptized at all. That the compiler supplements the language of the Latin sources with his own stipulation that the doubts of others about the validity of one’s baptism are to be considered before rebaptism suggests that A 50 and A 3 are related in meaning, A 50 indicating an appropriate means of dealing with doubts about one’s baptism. A 51. PT I, i, 8: ‘Qui pro satietate vomitum facit III dies peniteat.’ No similar provision is to be found among the other Theodoran material.



A 52-3. See the note on B 4-5. A 54-9. See the notes on B 8-9. A 60. PT I, ii, xi: ‘Pueri qui fornicantur inter se ipsos iudicavit ut vapulentur.’ CG 99 is nearly identical. A 61. The canon represents a partial translation of PT I, ii, 15: ‘Qui semen in os miserit VII annos paeniteat. Hoc pessimum malum. Alias ab eo aliter iudicatum est ut ambo usque in finem vitae peniteant vel XV annos vel ut superius VII.’ The order of A 60-1 follows that of CG, in which canon 100 corresponds to the first sentence in PT I, ii, 15; but there is no reference to ‘pessimum malum’. See also B 12 and A 85. A 62. PT I, ii, 18 is here translated in part: ‘Qui sepe fornicaverit, primus canon iudicavit X annos penitere, secundus canon VII, sed pro infirmitate hominis per consilium dixerunt III annos penitere.’ CG 92 is nearly identical. In the Latin, ‘fornicaverit’ refers to a sin, while in the Old English, hæme could refer to legitimate sexual relations between a married couple. The Old English thus seems to prescribe a rather severe penance for engaging in sexual relations too frequently, while the Latin penalizes only frequent illicit sex. It is especially remarkable, then, that the most lenient tariff of three years’ satisfaction, arrived at ‘upon deliberation’, is not mentioned in the Old English. Too frequent copulation is listed as a sin to be avoided among the Formulas and Directionsfor the Use of Confessors in O (Conf. 10. 1, edited infra in Appendix I). A 63. PT I, ii, 19: ‘Si frater cum fratre naturali fornicaverit per commixtio­ nem carnis XV annos ab omni carne abstineat.’ B 9 is the same. The stipulation ‘per commixtionem carnis’ would appear to be intended to limit the offence to coitus, though perhaps it is merely an explanation for the severity of the tariff. Certainly, at all events, ‘poetic justice’ is intended by the correspondence o f‘commixtionem carnis’ and ‘ab omni carne abstineat’. A 64. PT I, ii, 20: ‘Si mater cum filio suo parvulo fornicationem imitatur III annos abstineat se a carne et diem unum ieiunet in ebdomada usque ad vesperum.’ Cf. B 17. In Theodore’s day, lay persons normally engaged in the fast called ‘statio’, observed on station days, and thus they were not expected to fast beyond the close of the hour of none (i.e. about mid-afternoon, between twelve and three o’clock, according to the season). The more rigorous fast referred to as ‘jejunium’ was observed until the close of the hour of vespers (i.e. about sunset, between four and six o’clock). Christians were to abstain from the consumption of meat for the duration of a longer period of fasting, such as Lent. It is notable that in the Laws of Wihtræd (c.695, cc. 14-15, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 13), punishment is prescribed not for eating during a period of fasting but for consuming meat. The corrupt reading in Bx results from confusion of hæmeð and hæmed, parallelled in B 10. (Indeed, d and ð are often confused in Old English



manuscripts, for example at least seven times in Beowulf) For the unusual genitive in fæste to sefennes, cf. HomU 45 (ed. Napier, no. LVI, 1883: 289), 10: Fæst nu ælc dæge to nones. The construction seems to have been regarded as peculiar enough to warrant alteration in the B text. A 65. P T l, ii, 21: ‘Qui inludetur fornicaria cogitatione peniteat usque dum cogitatio superetur.’ The Old English corresponds to B 18. The reading sylfan for sy fram in Y goes unsupported by O and is surely a corruption. The same error is iterated by a later hand in Bx (see the variants), though Y cannot have been copied from Bx. The translation of this chapter of the Penitential by McNeill and Gamer (‘He who amuses himself with libidinous imagination shall do penance until the imagination is overcome’, 1938: 186), is accurate, though the connotations of the Latin should be borne in mind: ‘inludere’ can also mean ‘to make game of, speak mockingly of’, ‘to practise upon, fool, dupe’, ‘to use for sexual pleasure’. Use of the passive would also seem to indicate that the penitent is not necessarily to be understood as a willing participant, something which is perhaps to be expected, as demonic agency was conventionally held respons­ ible for illicit thoughts: cf. the confessional formula in London, British Library, Royal 2. B. v and Cotton Tiberius A. iii (Conf 10. 3, 17-19, ed. Logeman 1889: 513): and ealle þa yfelan geþanc þe þe on heortan becumaðþurh deofles onbrincg andette þu þa þinum scrifte þætþu mote þurh soðe andetnysse and dædbote habban heofena rice. The rendering of ‘inlusio’ with bysmrung is typical, as in the Old English Bede: Hwæ'ðer æfter bysmrunge, seo þurh sleep wæpnedmonnum gelimpeð = ‘Si post inlusionem, quae per somnium solet accedere’ (Historia ecclesiastica, I, 27, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1969: 98; Old English ed. Miller 1890-1: 84). It is difficult to know on what sense of ‘inludere’ the translator relied when he rendered this verb gebismrad sy. Both the Latin and the Old English permit the translation ‘He who is mocked with (or humiliated by) a lascivious thought, let him do penance until that thought is overcome.’ OE bismor can indeed mean ‘defilement’, but more often it means ‘shame, embarrassment’, as in c. 35 of the Laws of Alfred, which prescribes compensation for forcibly cutting off a man’s hair on bismor, and which treats similarly the offence of binding a man against his will, another act intended to humiliate (LawAf 1, ed. Liebermann 1903-16: i. 68-9). That demons might afflict their victims with illicit desires and thoughts in order to ‘humiliate’ them is a notion attested especially in Felix’s Vita Sancti Guthlaci and its Old English prose translation, wherein the saint is subjected to forcible binding by demons; the latter text, interestingly, employs language similar to that of CTin its description of the demons’ motives: We nu heononforð nellaðþe leng swencan ne pe bysmrian (‘insultare tibi ultro desistere conamur’); And se eadiga wer swa gesigefæstod wearð, þæt heþa bysmornesseforhogode heora lara and heora costunga (cf. ‘Exin vir Dei immundorum spirituum phantasmata percepto ubique certandi brachio contemsit’; no precise Latin source for the Old English has



been found). Also significant is the Old English translator’s expansion on the language of his source in describing the ‘spiritual arms’ with which Guthlac protects himself, as Felix’s statement that Guthlac put on the ‘galeam castitatis’ becomes and he him dyde heolm on heafod clænera geþanca (ed. Gonser 1909: 123,127, and 117 respectively). At all events, regardless of what Theodore or the compiler of PT may have intended by ‘inludetur’, ‘amuses himself’ is plainly not the meaning intended in Theodore’s source, the Paenitentiale Cummeani II, 14, wherein the crucial reading is not one word, ‘fornicaria’, but two, ‘fornicari a’: ‘Qui diu inluditur fornicari a cogitatione’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 114; also Schmitz 1883-98: i. 620). The reading hreowe of Bx is preferable to the form hreowsunga in Y, not only because it is singular but also because it is probably more original, as hreow- rather than hreomung- is the stem used also in B 11, 18. Similarly, the form of the word used in Bx is to be preferred in A 106, 114, 116, 121.

A 69. P T l, iii, 3: Qui sepe furtum fecerit VII annorum penitentia eius est vel quomodo sacerdos iudicaverit id est iuxta quod componi possit quibus nocuit; et qui furtum faciebat penitentia ductus semper debet reconciliare ei quem offendebat et restituere iuxta quod ei nocuit et multum breviavit penitentiam eius. Si vero noluerit aut non potest constitutum tempus peniteat per omnia. The penalty seems more accordant with the earliest royal legislation regarding theft than with later provisions. The laws of Æthelberht (c. 9), for example, demand threefold compensation when a freeman steals from a freeman, whereas capital punishment figures prominently in later legislation (e.g. Ine, c. 12, and VI Æthelstan, c. 1). See also A 35. As agife is subjunctive (while nele is indicative), there is no need to supply gif. A 70. A partial translation of PT I, iii, 4: ‘Et qui furata monet det tertiam partem pauperibus et qui thesaurizat superflua pro ignorantia tribuat tertiam partem pauperibus.’ A 71. PT I, iii, 5: ‘Furatus consecrata III annos peniteat sine pinguidine et tunc communicet.’ The Latin refers to fasting without fats. The rendering of . ‘sine pinguidine’ as butan flæsce and the omission of P T s allowance for communion may well be deliberate. Remedies in secular legislation for the theft of sacred objects (cf. Æthelbert c. 1, Alfred c. 6) seem always to have been more severe than those prescribed by canonists, and they may indicate more about the environment within which the translator worked than the suggestions of leniency in texts such as the Libellus responsionum. Cf. A 35. A 72. PT I, iv, 4: ‘Si laicus alterum occiderit odii meditatione si non vult arma relinquere peniteat VII annos sine carne et vino III annos.’ The reading for feounge ‘because of hatred’ is correct: cf. ‘odii meditatione’. The redactor of Y and the later, altering hand in Bx apparently did not recognize the dialect word feoung. It is difficult to determine what significance should be attached to the rendering of ‘vino’ as ealoð. Although there is abundant evidence for viticulture in Anglo-Saxon England, probably most wine was imported; at all events, wine was more expensive than ale, as attested by Ælfric’s Colloquy, in which an oblate explains why he drinks ale or water rather than wine: Ic ne eom swa spedig þæt ic mæge bicgean me win (ÆColl 301, ed. Garmonsway 1947: 47). Likewise, the higher value placed on wine is indicated in provisions in the Rule of Chrodegang for the monastic diet that prescribe the substitution of ale when wine is in short supply (ChrodR i, 6, 16-20, ed. Napier 1916: 15). Grapes would naturally have been better obtainable in the south of the country, and as much of the Anglian dialect area in which the translation appears to have been made lies outside the region of optimal conditions for cultivation of the vine, it may be that the substitution of ealoð is intended to increase the severity of the expiation,


A 66-7. A somewhat laconic translation of PTl, ii, 22: ‘Qui diligit feminam mente veniam petat a deo. Si haec dixerit, id est de amore et amicitia, sed non est susceptus ab ea VII dies peniteat.’ For ‘a deo’, some manuscripts have ‘ab eo’. Theodore’s source is the Paenitentiale Cummeani II, 20-1 (ed. Bieler 1963: 116), in which the corresponding tariffs are seven and forty days respectively. The context in Cummean sheds some light on Theodore’s intent: ‘18. Qui diligit aliquam feminam inscius alicuius mali praeter sermocinationes quasdam, .xl. diebus peniteat. 19. Osculatus autem et amplectans, annum .i., maxime in tribus xlmis. 20. Diligens mente tantum, .vii. diebus. 21. Si autem dixit sed non est susceptus ab ea, .xl.’ The sense of the last sentence appears to be that a man must not speak of love to a woman against her desire. The Old English translator, to the contrary, has most likely taken Theodore to mean that a man must not claim in public to be betrothed if he is not. Because it concerns an oddly specific sort of lie, the latter interpretation should be regarded as less likely, as the penance would then be rather lenient for an offence that would adversely affect the reputation (and thus the marriageability) of a fiemne. A 68. PTl, iii, 1: ‘Si quis laicus de monasterio monachum duxerit furtim ut intret in monasterium deo servire aut humanam subeat servitium.’ But ‘ut’ is doubtless in error for ‘aut’. The first alternative seems a kind of lex talionis, designed to try to prevent the numbers of God’s servants from being diminished (cf. A 73), the second a concession to the particular circum­ stances, since it would be to the detriment of a brotherhood to be obliged to accept a member unsuited to monastic life. Emendation of forstolone is probably unnecessary, as the agreement of predicative participles and the nouns they modify is often inexact, although, to be sure, passive participles are commonly left uninflected in such circumstances rather than given an anomalous desinence. See Mitchell 1985, §§42> 1438-9-




given that ale was a more indispensable element of the Anglo-Saxon diet. Monastic penitential literature may seem surprisingly permissive as regards the consumption of alcoholic drinks, and indeed, the penitentials, while upholding the monks’ right to such, continually warn against the dangers of intoxication (e.g. PT I, i, 1-7). The allowance of fermented drinks stems ultimately from the cultural context in which Benedict’s rule was issued, for in many parts of the Continent, water was regarded as unhealthy and wine as the only viable alternative: see Fichtenau 1991: 282-3. C>n the production and consumption of wine and ale, see Hagen 2006: 199-245.

not taken for granted, and it is probably to counter any such expectation that c. 72 of the Leges Henrici Primi reiterates the following quotation from St Augustine’s De sermone Domini in monte: ‘Si homicidium est hominem occidere, potest aliquando accidere sine peccato, nam miles hostem et iudex nocentem et cui forte inuito uel inprudenti telum manu fugit, non michi uidentur peccare cum hominem occidunt’ (ed. Downer 1972: 228). Cf. Scriftboc XIX, 20.h (ed. Spindler 1934: 187): Gif man ofslea mannan on folcgefeohte o33efor nyde, þxr he his hlafordes ceap werige, fæste XL nihta. The Old English of A 75-6 corresponds to B 25-6. unnytte ceaste ‘vain (or useless) quarrel’ expands upon PT’s ‘per rixam’, perhaps with the purpose of distinguishing between homicides resulting from petty disputes and those taking place within the apparently somewhat sanctioned context of ‘publicum bellum’, a purpose served also by setting off the translation of this portion of PT I, iv, 7 as a separate canon. Although ‘poculum’ may refer to drink in general, the sense of the canon shows that the narrower meaning ‘poisoned drink’ (= poculum mortis) that the word not infrequently has is the one intended here. Thus, the Old English translator has understood the Latin incorrectly, since neither druncen nor gedrinc typically denotes ‘poison’ in Old English; he may have had in mind PT I, i, 7 (‘Qui per nequitiam inebriat alium XL dies peniteat’) and perhaps envisaged this chapter as referring to drunken brawls as a subset of the ‘vain quarrels’ designated by unnytte ceaste. This would explain the absence of the standard clause concerning accidental homicides (which is retained in B 24), if the compiler shared the translator’s view. A 77. PT I, vi, 1: ‘Qui periurium facit in ecclesia XI annos peniteat.’ To deliver an oath in church is to invoke divine testimony as to one’s veracity; to do so in support of a known falsehood is thus not simply to lie but to profane the deity’s infallible witness. This is the reason for the rather severe penance. The practical importance of maintaining the unimpeachability of divine witness stems in part from its central role in the rite of ordeal. The text of B 1 shows that the older usage, found in Bx, of swerian as a strong verb is more likely authorial than the usage with the weak verb found in Y, and so strong forms have been preferred throughout. A 78. PT I, vi, 2: ‘Qui vero necessitate coactus sit III XLsimas.’ The term of satisfaction substituted from Bx is as in the Latin. The same penance is prescribed, for one who swears an oath and only later learns it was a falsehood, in Scriftboc XX, 21.c (ed. Spindler 1934: 187). A 79. PT I, vi, 3: ‘Qui autem in manu hominis iurat, apud Grecos nihil est.’ The reference to swearing an oath on someone’s hands is meant to contrast with the means of swearing delineated in the next canon. The Latin shows that the reading naht (= ‘nihil’) of Y is to be preferred to riht found in Bx. A 80-1. PT I, vi, 4: ‘Si vero iuraverit in manu episcopi vel presbiteri aut diaconi seu in altare sive in cruce consecrata et mentitus est, III annos


A 73. PT I, iv, 5: ‘Si quis occiderit monachum vel clericum arma relinquat et deo serviat vel VII annos peniteat in judicio episcopi est. qui autem episcopum vel presbiterum occiderit, regis iudicium est de eo.’ Although the Old English canon translates only the first sentence here, B 22-3 translates the entire canon. In the Old English text, the number tyn is supplied on the basis of comparison to B 22. Although the number in the latter does not agree with the Latin source, it is fully plausible that it should have been felt that the satisfaction for killing a monk or cleric should be more severe than that prescribed in A 72 for killing a layperson; at all events, it is hardly plausible that a penance of just one year should have been intended. and þæt beo be bisceopes dome: That is, the bishop shall decide whether he is to enter a monastery or to fast seven years. The motive behind the prescription and Gode þeowige and the alternative offered is likely the same as in A 68 (to which see the note). A 74-6. These canons render parts of PT I, iv: ‘6. Qui per iussionem domini sui occiderit hominem XL diebus abstineat se ab ecclesia et qui occiderit hominem in publico bello XL dies peniteat. 7. Si per iram III annos si casu I annum si per poculum vel per artem aliquam VII annos aut plus si per rixam X annos peniteat.’ The compiler’s elimination of the clause typical of this and subsequent penitentials prescribing penances for those who kill at the urging of their lords is curious. (The missing clause appears in B 24, where, conversely, the provision for a killing in war is missing. Note the stark contrast in penance for a killing in the course of a feud, as prescribed in B 20, and see Whitelock 1952: 37.) Perhaps, here as elsewhere, the compiler has attempted to eliminate what he thought were redundancies in his source by representing both instances by the one phrase folces gefeohte, which here may be simply a caique on ‘publico bello’ or may be a native idiom referring to formal, pitched battle, as opposed to a skirmish involving a marauding band (cf.folcgefeoht, infra and in the DOE). His doing so was probably suggested by the identical satisfaction prescribed for killing in warfare in CG 113, which contains in its discussion of homicide a clause that does not occur in PT: ‘Si in proelium cum rege occiderit hominem XL dies peniteat’ (cf. Bullough 2003: 366). That those who kill in warfare should undertake spiritual expiation was




peniteat, si vero in cruce non consecrata I annum peniteat.’ For ‘altare’, one manuscript reads ‘alteri’. These canons are paralleled by B 1-2. In Scriftboc XX, 2i.b (ed. Spindler 1934: 187), the duration of the penance for swearing falsely on an ecclesiastic’s hands, or on a consecrated crucifix, is one year. A 82. PT I, vi, 5: ‘Periurii III annorum penitentia.’ The provision is perhaps not an alternative adjudication but a general directive concerning all forms of perjury other than those already outlined—though it seems incongruous that the penance should be more severe in this canon than in A 81. A 83. PT I, vii, 1: ‘Qui multa mala fecerint, id est homicidium, adulterium cum muliere et cum pecude et furtum eat in monasterium et peniteant usque ad mortem.’ One group of manuscripts has singular verbs only, as must the Old English translator’s source have had. Note that (ge)gyltan (see Y) is not elsewhere transitive, though agyltan is sometimes so used. Although gegylt is thus the lectio difficilior, use with a direct object seems likelier to be a reviser’s innovation than an original feature of the text. Meaney (2005: 148) suggests that the Old English canon may be connected to Wulfstan on the basis of‘the tell-tale oft and gelome', while conceding that evidence for his authorship beyond this expression is lacking from CT. The expression does not, of course, originate with Wulfstan, dispersed as it is through verse and prose compositions that were prepared many years prior to his archiepiscopate. A 84. PT I, vii, 2: ‘De pecunia quae in aliena provincia ab hoste superato rapta fuerit, id est rege alio superato, tertia pars ad ecclesiam tribuatur vel pauperibus et XL diebus agatur penitentia, quia iussio regis erat.’ The last clause is intended to explain why the term of expiation is just forty days, linking this canon to A 74. That a certain portion of the spoils of war against the Midianites should be delivered to the priests is said to be God’s directive to Moses in Num. 31: 25—30, though the clerical share in that instance is significantly smaller. of genumen (corrupted in Y: see variants) seems to correspond to ‘ab hoste superato’; the predicative participle need not agree explicitly with feo (see the note on A 12-13). Note that in regard to þone þriddan . . . gedæle, Y follows the order of PT, though neither manuscript actually represents the intent of the Latin. A 85. PTl, vii, 3: ‘Qui sanguinem aut semen biberit III annos peniteat.’ Cf. A 61 (= PTl, ii, 15). Expressions of the prohibition on consuming blood are numerous in the Pentateuch (Gen. 9: 4; Lev. 3: 17; 7: 26; 17: 10; 19: 26; Deut. 12: 16, 23; 15: 23), and other passages in the Old Testament demonstrate that the law was enforced (1 Sam. 14: 32-4; Ezek. 33: 25; Judith it: 12). The law was transmitted to Christians through the Acts of the Apostles (15: 20, 29; 21: 25). The reason for the prohibition is that blood was perceived as the life itself of a creature (as Gen. 9: 4 and Deut. 12: 23 make plain), as the loss of one ensued from the other. To consume a beast’s flesh in

order to maintain one’s own was thus permissible, but not its life; only superstitious gentiles would partake of it. The (symbolic) functions of blood and semen were accordingly perceived to be similar, and that the two are prohibited in the same canon is therefore not to be wondered at. As to why someone would consume semen, the canon probably does not pertain to fellatio, already treated in A 61. Rather, a hint is provided by the last part of PTl, xiv, 15: ‘sic [i.e. Ill annos] et ilia quae semen viri sui in cibo miscens ut inde plus amoris accipiat peniteat.’ In Scriftboc XVI, 19.h, this is rendered thus: Wif seo ðe mencgð weres sæd in hire mete and Sone þigeð, þæt heo þam wæpnedmen sy ðe leofre, fæste III winter (ed. Spindler 1934: 184); cf. XVII, 19.x: Wif gif heo þigeð hire weres blod for hwylcum læcedome, fæste XL nihta (p. 185, rendering PTl, xiv, 16).



A 86. There is no close analogue in PT, but cf. A 35 and note. Somewhat similar is the Paenitentiale Cummeani III, 5: ‘Qui aliena diripit quolibet modo, quadruplum reddat ei cui nocuit’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 118). The Old English may be a marginal note incorporated into the text, since it interrupts the series of canons translated from PT. The assertion of CT that Christ prescribed fourfold restitution appears to be founded on Luke 19: 8-9. Fourfold restitution was not a general requirement under Jewish law, but it was prescribed for the theft of a sheep that could not be restored: see Exod. 22: i, 2 Sam. 12: 6. A 87-8. PTl, vii, 7: ‘Si casu quis immunda manu cibum tangit vel canis vel pilax, mus aut animal inmundum quod sanguinem edit, nihil nocet, et qui pro necessitate manducat animal quod inmundum videtur vel avem vel bestiam non nocet.’ The canon contradicts the prohibitions of Lev. 11: 31-5, which dictate that food and drink tainted by contact with unclean beasts are to be discarded. However, the offender, even if consuming a carcass, was to be regarded as unclean only until evening (Lev. 11: 40). The text of CT is either seriously corrupted in transmission or mis­ translated: in the Old English, the dog, cat, and so forth does not touch the food, but the man’s unclean hand touches the animal. Compare the independent translation in Scriftboc XXVIII, 34.g (ed. Spindler 1934: 193), which is more accurate: Gyf man mid unclæne hand hwæs mete onhrine offle him hund ofiSe cat oS3e mus æthrine oððe oðer unclæne neat hwylc, Theodorus cwæð þæt him þæt nawuht ne eglade. This canon probably evidences the translator’s misunderstanding, particularly given some of his errors else­ where (e.g. A 93), and given that oðhrinan takes an unusual dative object in A 96 as well as here. (In other texts the object is usually in the genitive case, though some other compounds of hrinan, as in Scriftboc, supra, take the dative or genitive indifferently.) The translator’s interpretation may have been influenced by recollection of Lev. 7: 21: ‘Et quae tetigerit immundi­ tiam hominis, vel iumenti, sive omnis rei quae polluere potest, et comederit de huiuscemodi carnibus, interibit de populis suis.’ (See also Lev. 11: 24-9.)



Moreover, the Latin refers to an unclean animal that consumes blood, while the Old English has the offender consume blood by accident as a result of contact with the unclean animal. There is nothing in the Latin corres­ ponding to the provision in the Old English that the penitent must have been unaware of the impurity, but the biblical stipulation that impurity results only when one is aware of the pollution would have been familiar: see Lev. 5: 3-4, Num. 15: 22-31.

þolian heora hades, oððe hrædlice blinnon: The formula is derived from PT I, i, 1: ‘Si quis episcopus aut diaconus aut aliquis ordinatus in consuetudine vitium habuerit ebrietatis aut desinat aut deponatur.’ Cf. the Old English Penitential IV, 28 (ed. Raith 1933: 59); Canons of Edgar, c. 66 (ed. Fowler 1972: 15). According to Oakley, ‘deposition and degradation were synonymous terms in Christian antiquity and up to the twelfth century. Deposition deprived clerics of all the prerogatives of the order or jurisdiction which they had enjoyed; and took away their benefices, honors and dignities. Besides these penalties, the deposed were formally thrust out of the clergy and ceased legally to be members of it. In consequence, they lost the right to communicate as clerics and must receive as did laymen’


A 89-90. PT I, vii, 8: ‘Surrex si ceciderit in liquorem tollatur inde et aspargatur aqua sancta et sumatur si vivens sit. si vero mortua omnis liquor proiciatur foras nec homini detur et mundetur vas.’ The canon represents an elaboration of Lev. 11: 29-35. McNeill and Gamer (1938: 191) understand ‘sumatur’ to refer to taking the mouse as food, but it more likely refers to regarding the drink as acceptable. A 91. PT I, vii, 9: ‘Item alias, si multis sit cibus ille liquidus, in quo mus mustellave in mersa moritur, purgetur et aspargatur aqua sancta et sumatur si necessitas sit.’ The initial phrase of the Old English correctly interprets ‘Item alias’ to indicate an alternate judgement from a different source. (Cf. the note on A 115-16.) The oðru stow alluded to is Lev. 11: 36: ‘Fontes vero et cisternae, et omnis aquarum congregatio munda erit. Qui morticinum eorum tetigerit, polluetur.’ The reference to the use of holy water may stem from Lev. 11: 32, where it is said, after an itemization of unclean creatures: ‘et super quod ceciderit quidquam de morticinis eorum, polluetur, tam vas ligneum et vestimentum, quam pelles et cilicia: et in quocumque fit opus, tingentur aqua, et polluta erunt usque ad vesperum, et sic postea munda­ buntur.’ A 92. PT I, vii, 10: ‘Si aves stercorant in quemcumque liquorem tollatur ab eo stercus et sanctificetur aqua et mundus erit cibus.’ A 93-4. P T I, vii, 12: ‘Quod sanguine vel quocumque inmundo polluitur, si nescit, qui manducat, nihil est, si autem scit, peniteat iuxta modum pollutionis.’ The translator has misconstrued initial ‘Quod’, which is not a conjunction but a pronoun ‘what(ever)’. As a consequence, the verb phrase sy smiten has been given an illogical, human subject, widles gemete is a better translation of ‘modum pollutionis’ than the reading widlodes mæðe ‘amount of the polluted (matter)’ in Y. A 95. P T 1, ix, 1: ‘Episcopus presbiter vel diaconus fornicationem facientes degradari debent et peniteant iudicio episcopi tamen communicent. De gradu perdito penitentia mortua est, anima vivit.’ The last part of the Latin is rendered as A 106. Having earlier applied to laypersons the strictures of sources that refer specifically to the misconduct of the clergy (cf. A 44-5), the compiler reorganizes the Theodoran material so that it introduces a series of canons concerned with misconduct by bishops and priests. The plural verbs are probably in imitation of the Latin; cf. A 99.


(1923: 57)-

A 96. This canon is omitted from the edition of Mone. In it, the compiler appears to revisit PT I, viii, 1 (see the note on A 43), as indicated by its proximity to the following canons in the source. The bishop is added presumably to bring this canon into accord with A 95. oöhrine þurh facn, ‘touch deceitfully’ or ‘sinfully’, ostensibly translates ‘tangendo’, but it may indicate the indebtedness of this canon to a source such as Poenitentiale Bedae II, 33: ‘Qui conplexu feminam illecebrose pollutus est, dies XX; qui contactu ejus inverecundo ad carnem, III menses’ (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 558). A 97. PT I, viii, 2: ‘Presbiter si osculatus est feminam per desiderium XX dies peniteat.’ The reading of Bx is more faithful to the Latin; that of Y seems to be influenced by the following canon. A 98. PT I, viii, 5: ‘Si quis presbiter penitentiam morientibus abnegaverit, reus erit animarum, quia dominus dicit: quacumque die conversus fuerit peccator vita vivet et non morietur, vera enim conversio in ultimo tempore potest esse, quia dominus non solum temporis sed etiam cordis inspector est sicut latro in hora ultima confessione unius momenti meruit esse in paradiso.’ The reading þæra sawla of Bx is more faithful to the Latin, but since forwyrnan takes a personal dative object, the Old English plainly speaks of just one dying man. andetnesse is instrumental in sense: ‘by means of confession’, se sceaða of course is the thief crucified with Christ (Luke 23: 39-43)-

A 99. PT I, viii, 6: ‘Monachus vel sacra virgo fornicationem faciens VII annos peniteat.’ CD 33 and 87 refer separately to fornication by monks and vowesses, respectively; CG 88 refers only to fornication by monks. The Latin in each case speaks only of intercourse, not of producing a child. Thus, beam gestreonan may indicate the influence (probably indirect) of provisions such as those of the penitentials of Bede (II, 6, ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 556) and Ecgberht (V, 9; ibid. 578), both of which stipulate an additional penance for clerics whose sexual sins result in children. The



rationale for the additional expiation is made plain by Halitgar’s penitential (II, 2, ed. Wasserschleben 1851: 364):

sit, XX dies aut vapuletur, si cum ordine III XLmas vel annum, si frequentaverit.’ The first part of the Latin is not translated, perhaps because of the abrupt transition of subsequent statements to sexual activities that plainly are not solitary. It is interesting, however, that the exclusion of this portion of the canon seems to follow a pattern of omissions in the A text. Along with the rendering of PT I, viii, 9 in A 45 (which seems to deny the presence of autoeroticism in the Latin), the untranslated material in this canon suggests that the compiler of A (but not of B) for some reason wished to exclude any canon prescribed expressly for masturbation. The effect of omitting a translation of PTl, viii, 9 and the first part of 11 here is to give the impression that A 102 does not refer to masturbation (cf. 104). The canon has been discussed by Frantzen (1997: 54), who sees he in A 104 as referring specifically to a cniht who has relations with an adult man in orders. The canon, in his view, prescribes a longer period of repentance for the boy for his having seduced an adult: ‘Significantly, no penance is specified for the man involved in this act’ (p. 55). A 104 is thus held by Frantzen to lend support to his broader argument that most penitentials show concern for ‘the vulnerability of adult males to temptation by boys and young men’ (p. 58). Cf. the treatment of this question in the note on B 8. A 105-6. A severe reduction of PT I, viii, 12-13, with a different penance:


Si quis clericus adulterium commiserit, id est cum uxore vel sponsa alterius, si filium genuerit, VII annos poeniteat: si vero filium non genuerit et in notitia hominum non venerit, si clericus est, III annos poeniteat, unum ex his in pane et aqua, si diaconus aut monachus, VII annos poeniteat, III ex his in pane et aqua, episcopus duodecim, quinque in pane et aqua. The Historia Francorum of Gregory of Tours (II, 1; ed. Krusch and Levison 1951: 37-8) relates how Bricius, St Martin’s ill-fated successor to the episcopate of Tours, was driven into exile by the residents of the city upon being accused of fathering a child. It is not plain why the compiler has chosen not to treat unwanted pregnancy as a separate complication demanding its own penitential treatment, as is commonly the case in Irish penitentials, as well as in the post-Theodoran collections. An influence may have been the usage of FT I, xiv, 11, which prescribes the same penance for those who fornicate with vowed virgins whether or not the offence results in pregnancy: ‘Si puellam dei maculaverit III annos peniteat sicut supra diximus licet pariat an non filium ex ea.’ (The compiler revisits this provision in A 109.) Here FT urges that fornication with vowesses be treated in like manner with or without consequent pregnancy in order to indicate that this transgression is incomparable to other varieties of fornication. In fusing this provision with that of PT I, viii, 6, the compiler may be attempting to eliminate what he felt was a redundancy, as all clergy, and not only vowesses, were conventionally understood to be wedded either to Christ or to the Church (though this may have been more of an ideal than a reality in connection with secular clergy: cf. Canons of Edgar, c. 61 and note, ed. Fowler 1972: 14—15). Cf. c. 2 of the Paenitentiale Bobbiense (ed. Kottje 1994: 69): ‘Si quis ruina maxima ceciderit et filium genuerit, VII annus peneteat.’ A 100. PT I, viii, 7: ‘Qui sepe per violentiam cogitationis semen fuderit peniteat XX dies.’ The Old English thus prescribes a period of satisfaction different from that prescribed by the Latin, perhaps to produce agreement with A 44 (q.v.), though that canon, too, seems to be indebted to PTl, viii, 7, and the longer period of penitence assigned there remains unexplained. A 101. PT I, viii, 8: ‘Qui semen dormiens in ecclesia fuderit, III dies peniteat.’ Bx thus agrees with the Latin as regards the duration of penitence. A 102. PTl, viii, 10: ‘Si in femoribus I annum vel III XLmas.’ A year’s fast is more difficult than three quadragesimal observances, so the alternative penance must pertain to the severity of the offence. The Latin (but not the Old English) of the next canon specifies that the more severe penalty is due if the transgression is iterated. A 103-4. PTl, viii, 11: ‘Qui se ipsum coinquinat XL dies peniteat, si puer


Si quis renuntiaverit saeculo, postea reversus in saecularem habitum si mon­ achus esset et post haec penitentiam egerit, X annos peniteat post primum triennium si probatus fuerit in omni penitentia, in lacrimis et orationibus, humanius circa eum episcopus potest facere. Si monachus non esset, quando recessit ab ecclesia, VII annos peniteat. The aphorism with which the compiler concludes this provision is drawn from the end of PT I, ix, 1 (supplied in the note on A 95), which, however, concerns ecclesiastics removed from office for fornication. The alternate reading dead in Bx is a rationalization: the meaning of the Latin, rather, is that penance is a fleeting state, the afterlife an eternal one. A 107. PT I, xiv, 9: ‘Qui maculat uxorem proximi sui III annos absque uxore propria ieiunet in ebdomada II dies et in tribus XLmis.’ The reference to ‘uxorem proximi sui’ recalls the Tenth Commandment (Exod. 20: 17, Deut. 5: 21). A 108. PTl, xiv, 10: ‘Si virgo sit unum annum peniteat sine carne vinoque et medone.’ Bx’s and liðe corresponds to ‘et medone’. A 109. PTl, xiv, 11: ‘Si puellam dei maculaverit III annos peniteat sicut supra diximus licet pariat an non filium ex ea.’ McNeill and Gamer rightly translate ‘puellam dei’ as ‘vowed virgin’: on the meaning of nunnan, see the note on A 113. Cf. also A 99 and note. A no. PTl, xiv, 12: ‘Si ancilla eius sit, liberet eam et VI menses ieiunet.’ Y follows the order of the Latin, but Bx has the correct period of satisfaction.



PT is more generous to the violated maidservant than Scriftboc (V, 6.i, ed. Spindler 1934:. 177), which prescribes her freedom only if she bears a child.

provisions barring women in such conditions from handling sacred objects or entering the temple: ‘Mulier si suscepto semine pepererit masculum, inmunda erit septem diebus, iuxta dies separationis menstruae’; ‘Sin autem feminam pepererit inmunda erit duabus ebdomadibus iuxta ritum fluxus menstrui’ (Lev. 12: 2, 5). Yet biblical influence does not alone explain why the translator mentions only pregnancy, and unless the cause is simply ignorance of the meaning of ‘menstruo tempore’, the explanation for this omission might be found in the attitudes of his own era. The denial of communion to pregnant women may have been intended to protect the priest from defilement, the logic behind the provision perhaps being the same as that of c. 6. 2 of the Bigotian Penitential, wherein pregnant women are held to contaminate clerics with whom they enter into even non-sexual contact: ‘Penitentia bibentis quod intinxerat glangella in utero habens filium uel cohabitationis cum ea .xl. cum pane et aqua’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 216). Brundage suggests that, in the case of the Bigotian Penitential, the ‘impurity resulted from the fact that pregnancy originated in a sex act and a belief that the resultant impurity remained contagious, so to speak, throughout pregnancy’ (1987: 156). It seems equally likely that canons such as these are meant to protect priests from libidinous thoughts (and thereby protect the host itself from defilement). That pollution of some sort might ensue merely from looking at a woman is adequately attested by CT and the sources of its provisions: cf. A 42 and note. The mere possibility of sinful thoughts was not to be countenanced in those who administered the Eucharist; hence, perhaps, the stipulation of PT (II, vii, 3) that women may receive the Eucharist under a veil: ‘Mulieres possunt sub nigro velamine accipere sacrificium ut Basilius iudicavit.’ It is possible that A 113 shows the tenacity, if not resurgence, of attitudes towards the ritual impurity of women that were rebuked by the Libellus responsionum. The earliest evidence of resistance to Gregory’s leniency is afforded by PT itself: Meens (2000: 286-7) notes that the treatment in PT of menstruating women may represent a hardening of attitudes, as the Libellus responsionum had allowed communion while praising women who elect to refrain, a stance not adopted by PT (I, xiv, 17-18). naðer ne nunnan ne læwede: Limitation of the stricture in Y to women at the end of pregnancy renders this stipulation somewhat peculiar. It is safe to assume that much graver punishments than the temporary denial of communion would have been visited upon religious women who became pregnant, though aspersions even on nuns’ virtue were not uncommon: see Brundage 1987: 151. Ælfric similarly takes a dim view of the behaviour of religious women outside the monastic order and rules (i.e. nunnan, as opposed to mynecena, in the language of Ælfric: see Clayton 1994: 225-7) in his homily on the Book of Judith (ÆHomM 15 (Ass 9) 429-31; cf. Magennis 1995: 16): Sume nunnan syndon, þe sceandlice libbaS, / tellaS to lytlum gylte, þæt hi hi forlicgon / and þæt hi leohtlice magon swa lytel gebetan


A h i . PTl, xiv, 13: ‘Si ab aliquo sua discesserit uxor I annum peniteat ipsa si inpolluta revertitur ad eum ceterum III ipse unum si aliam duxerit.’ Neither OE version renders the Latin correctly, which means that she should do one year’s penance if she returns to him undefiled, otherwise three years’, and he should do one year’s penance if he has taken another woman while she was away. The discrepancy between the provisions of CT and its source may reflect an enduring suspicion of remarriage, exemplified in statements such as those of the Second Council of Braga (572): ‘Si quis multis nubtiis fuerit copulatus poenitentiam agat’ (c. 80, ed. Vives 1963: 105). oðer is neuter, in agreement with wif; the reading oSre in Bx is feminine, in agreement with heo. A 112. PTl, xiv, 14 (first part): ‘Mulier adultera VII annos peniteat. et de hoc in canone eodem modo dicitur.’ It is notable that the prescribed period of penitence for an adulterous wife is significantly greater than for a woman who has engaged in sexual relations while separated from her husband (A in). A 113. PT I, xiv, 17: ‘Mulieres autem menstruo tempore non intrent in ecclesiam neque communicent nec sanctimoniales nec laicae si presumant tribus ebdomadibus ieiunent.’ Although the DOE takes the reading gebyrdti­ dum in Y (for gebyrdum monða tidum in Bx) to mean ‘the time when nature ordains menstruation’, the word, which occurs some seventy times in Old English, elsewhere always refers literally or metaphorically to the time of birth. (Note, however, that the poet of Christ I uses gebyrd three times in contexts in which the meaning ‘conception’ would be most appropriate, at 11. 38, 76, 298.) It seems likelier that gebyrdtidum is a misunderstanding that contradicts the plain statement in PT that pregnant women are entitled to receive communion (PT II, xii, 4): ‘Mulieri quoque licet per omnia ante communicare quando debet peperere.’ It is notable that in A 117 (q.v.) the translator plainly misconstrued or altered the meaning of ‘menstruo tempore’, taking it to refer to the month before childbirth. It is therefore possible that gebyrdtidum, though mistaken, is the more original reading in this instance. The following canon deals with postpartum cleansing, though the translator seems not to have comprehended this, taking it instead to refer to the end of menstruation (see the note). This would perhaps explain why he thought ‘menstruo tempore’ referred to late pregnancy (if indeed gebyrdtidum is the more original reading): otherwise canon A 114 would seem to offer a different tariff for the same offence. Supposing gebyrdtidum is what the translator intended, it cannot be ruled out that he has revised Theodore in reliance on the provisions of Leviticus in regard to maternity and purity (Lev. 12: 1-8; 15: 19-32). Twice the latter asserts the equivalence of menstruation and pregnancy as polluting states in




(ed. Assmann 1889: 115). That nunnan in the present canon should refer merely to lay women, typically widows, who have taken a vow of chastity, however, seems improbable, in view of the contrast drawn here between nunnan and læwede, and in view of the lack of reference to mynecena anywhere in CT.

or other bodily fluids (see Lee 1995—6: 47). The translator may have had in mind statements prohibiting all intercourse during pregnancy: see Finnian, c. 46 (ed. Bieler 1963: 92); Canones Gregorii, c. 80 (ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 261). The commitment of the translator to this eccentric rendering means that traditional restrictions against intercourse during menstruation, con­ ventional in the collections to which he may have had access, are ultimately absent from his own. At least in this instance, there is reason to believe that the degraded Latinity of the translator is not alone responsible for the rendering of ‘menstruo tempore’ as ‘month before the birth’, for it is probably not coincidental that a prohibition on intercourse during pregnancy falls in CT immediately after an unusually stringent prohibition on unorthodox sexual positions. A similar statement occurs immediately after a prohibition on intercourse ‘retro aut in tergo’ in the fP T (ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 281), but the text still refers only to intercourse ‘menstruo tempore’, making no reference to pregnancy. A 118. PT l, xiv, 25: ‘Mater si occiderit filium suum si homicidium facit XV annos peniteat et nunquam mutat nisi in die dominico.’ A 119. PT I, xiv, 26, with an omission: ‘Mulier paupercula si occidit filium suum VII annos peniteat in canone dicitur si homicida sit X annos peniteat.’ The reading of Y is closer to the original; Bx has deleted some material to make better sense of the OE, which grew difficult to understand when the penance was omitted from the final clause, presumably in the course of manuscript transmission.


A 114. PT I, xiv, 18: ‘Similiter peniteant quae intrat in ecclesiam ante mundum sanguinem post partum id est XL diebus.’ In Bx, fæste does not correspond to anything in the Latin. ‘Post partum’ is left untranslated in the Old English, creating the impression that blodes clænsunga refers not to the period after childbirth but to the end of menstruation, the topic of the preceding canon. If that is what was intended, feowertig daga must have been thought to refer to the term of the penance rather than the postpartum period of seclusion, though this contradicts the stipulation that the expiation should be as in the preceding canon. A 115-16. PT I, xiv, 21-2: ‘Si vir cum uxore sua retro nupserit XL dies peniteat primo. Si in tergo nupserit penitere debet quasi ille qui cum animalibus.’ on oðre stowe: The phrase indicates that the translator took PT I, xiv, 22 to be an alternative judgement regarding the same sin referred to in the preceding canon 21. He thus did not comprehend the distinction between sexual intercourse ‘retro’ and ‘in tergo’. It is just possible, though, that the conflation is purposeful, and the translator’s intent was to aggravate what he perceived to be too lenient a penalty in PT (as he seems to have done, for instance, in A 3-4 and A 62). As for the association of unorthodox sexual positions and bestiality, the connection was routinely drawn: see Egbert VII. 10: ‘Si vir cum muliere sua retro nupserit, peniteat, quomodo cum animalibus, id est, si consuetudine erat III annos. Si vero terga nupserit vel consuetudo erit, VII annos peniteat’ (ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 580); fPTXll, 155: ‘Si vir cum muliere retro aut in tergo nuberit peniteat sicut qui cum pecode’ (ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 281); Poenit. Pseudo-Theodori 1. §19: ‘Si quis cum uxore sua retro nupserit, poeniteat quomodo de animali, id est annum. Si in consuetudine habuerit, III annos. Si vero in terga nupserit, III annos poeniteat, quia sodomiticum scelus est. Si in consuetudine habuerit, VII annos poenit’ (ed. Wasserschleben 1851: 575). Cf. Scriftboc XVII, 19.0: Man gif he hindan hæme mid his wife, fæste XL nihta. Gif he in hire bæcþearm hæme, fæste X winter (ed. Spindler 1934: 185). A 117. PT I, xiv, 23: ‘Si menstruo tempore coierit cum ea, XL dies iei[u]net.’ The translator renders this statement as a prohibition against intercourse during the final month of pregnancy rather than during menstruation. PT (I, xiv, 18) and many other penitentials forbade conjugal relations before the ritual purification of women after childbirth (later known as ‘churching’) for the same reason that abstinence was required during menstruation—the belief that one suffered pollution from contact with blood


A 120-1. PT I, xiv, 27: ‘Mulier quae concepit et occidit infantem suum in utero ante XL dies I annum peniteat. Si vero post XL dies ut homicida peniteat.’ Cf. A 29-30. The notion that a male fetus acquired a rational soul forty days after conception (after three months for a female) was promul­ gated by the followers of Aristotle (in accordance with the Historia animalium 583bio-2o) and widely credited until relatively recent times. A 122. PT I, xiv, 29, omitting the first clause and the concluding sentence: ‘Si neglegentia sit parentum I annum peniteant et si moritur infans III trium annorum sine baptismo III annos peniteant pater et mater. Hoc quodam tempore quo contigit ad eum delatum sic iudicavit.’ and in Y corresponds to et. The penance in Bx is that given in the Latin; there is nothing in the Latin to justify the alteration made by Y. Presumably the change in Y is due, in the course of transmission, to a copyist’s eye skipping from butan fulluhte in A 122 to butan fulluhte in A 123, though it is notable that A 123 in Y has been moved to the spot after A 118. A 123. PT I, xiv, 30: ‘Qui necat filium suum sine babtismo in canone X sed per consilium VII annos peniteat.’ Very likely l (= oSSe) was inadvertently omitted before swa in the common exemplar of both Y and Bx. A 124. PT I, xv, i, but the Latin is misconstrued: ‘Qui immolant



demonibus in minimis I annum peniteant. Qui vero in magnis X annos peniteant.’ and þam leasestum þingum: though the phrase would not seem to have been used elsewhere in this sense, it is possible that the translator supposed that the penitent is guilty of invoking creatures acknow­ ledged in Anglo-Saxon folk belief that were not explicitly ‘demons’ but had many of their attributes. Meaney (2005: 146 n. 82) notes the omission of the latter ten-year penance as evidence of the translator’s inability to understand ‘in minimis’ and (reading leasum, with Y, instead of leasestum) translates the Old English as follows: ‘Those who sacrifice to devils and the false things, one year (fasting).’ The reading leasestum of Bx is preferable because it appears to represent the translator’s misinterpretation of ‘in minimis’, the actual significance of which is probably to contrast sacrifices ‘in trivial matters’ and ‘in serious matters’, as McNeill and Gamer have it (1938: 198). Just possibly, though, the intended contrast is between minor and major sacrifices, as Meaney perhaps supposes, contrasting ‘to a slight extent’ and ‘to a truly great extent’ in her rendering of the Latin (2005: 129). (Cf. the variable nature of the penance for engaging in incantations and auguries ‘iuxta qualitatem culpae’ in the note on A 127.) This was the understanding of the translator of the Scriftboc: Gif man medlices hwæthwegu deoflum onsægð, fæste an gear; gif he myceles hwæt onsecge deoflum, feste X winter (XX, ig.y, ed. Spindler 1934: 185). Ælfric, in his Sermo in laetania maiore (de auguriis) (ÆLS [Auguries] 129-36, ed. Sweet 1871: i. 372-4), offers what may be an example of what is meant by ‘in minimis’ if this latter meaning is assumed:

perhaps a similar aim: Eac sume gewitlease wtffarað to wega gelcetum and teoð heora cild þurh ða eorðan, and swa deofle betæcað hi sylfe and heora beam (ed. Skeat 1881-5: i. 374). Since Old English manuscripts are full of charms and superstitious directives, it might be supposed that such were not generally regarded as pagan in nature. Yet Ælfric in this homily calls such practices devil-worship, and the heading of the chapter in PT containing this canon is ‘De cultoribus idolorum’. Likewise, the eleventh canon of the Council of Clofesho (747, ed. Haddan and Stubbs 1869-78: iii. 366) condemned those who engaged in divinations and incantations, and the Dialogus ecclesiasticae institutionis of Ecgberht, c. 15 (ibid. 410) stipulates that those who engage in divination, incantations, or the worship of idols may not be consecrated to the priesthood. On the problem of defining what was regarded as heathen in Anglo-Saxon times, see Meaney 2005. A 126. PT I, xv, 3: ‘Qui ardere facit grana ubi mortuus est homo pro sanitate viventium et domus V annos peniteat.’ Wilson (1992: 97) suggests that carbonized grains of bread wheat found in a Saxon grave at Portway, Hampshire, may evidence a practice similar to the one forbidden here by Theodore. A 127-8. PT I, xv, 4:


Sume men synd swa ablende, þæt hi bringað heora lác to eorðfæstum stane, and eac to treowum, and to wylspringum, swa swa wiccan tæcað, and nellað understandan hu stuntlice hi doð, oððe hu se deada stán oððe þæt dumbe treow him mæge gehelpan, oððe hade forgifan, þone hi sylfe ne astyriað of ðære stowe næfre. As for major offerings, certainly oxen were sacrificed among the pagan Anglo-Saxons, as revealed in various written records, for example a letter of Gregory the Great to Bishop Mellitus in 601, as quoted by Bede (Historia ecclesiastica I, 30, ed. Colgrave and Mynors 1929: 106-8; see further Wilson 1992: 33-7). According to Tacitus, the Germanic peoples engaged in human sacrifice (Germania, c. 9), though there is no reliable evidence for this in Anglo-Saxon England. It must be remembered that the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity was not completed even by the end of Theodore’s archiepiscopate, for although Wilfrid converted the South Saxons about 681, the conversion of the Isle of Wight took longer. In difficult times there was also apostasy to be dealt with. See also Cubitt 1995: 119-20. A 125. PT I, xv, 2: ‘Mulier si qua ponit filiam suam supra tectum vel in fornacem pro sanitate febris VII annos peniteat.’ In his homily on auguries (ÆLS [Auguries] 147-50), Ælfric describes a superstitious ritual with


Si mulier incantationes vel divinationes diabolicas fecerit I annum vel IIIXLmas vel XL iuxta qualitatem culpae peniteat. De hoc in canone dicitur: qui auguria auspicia sive somnia vel divinationes quaslibet secundum mores gentilium observant aut in domos suas huiusmodi homines introducunt in exquaerendis aliquam artem maleficiorum penitentes isti si de clero sunt abiciantur. Si vero saeculares quinquennio peniteant. The Old English of A 128 is perhaps distorted in transmission: even if the translator misunderstood his source, the Old English does not make good syntactic sense. The reviser of Bx has lent some rationality to the nonsensical translation, but his changes take the meaning even further from the sense of the Latin than Y’s rendering, as his version refers to those who lead other people into witchery. The Old English canon thus does not convey accurately the sense of PT, which pertains to those who observe diabolical practices or introduce into their homes people who observe them, with the aim of learning dark arts. Given the vehemence with which normative and homiletic sources of this era condemn divination, C T s omission of the weighty penances of PT in favour of a statement that those who engage in divinations are ‘counted among the heathen’ is understandable: heathens are lost souls, excluded from the rites of the Church, incapable of salvation, and thus persons to whom penitence is irrelevant. Victoria Thompson (2004: 98), however, has recently, suggested that some tolerance of divination may be evident in the proliferation of manuals and notes known as ‘prognostics’ (Prog 1. 1-6. 9 and ProgGl 1-7 in the DOE corpus are the vernacular examples), some of which provide fairly



detailed advice on methods of dream interpretation. See also the note on A 125. It should be noted that although the subject (se) of behealdað is singular, the plural verb is intended, as shown by the following clause. Frantzen 2008 instead treats the verb as if it were singular and renders þa beoð on hæðenra manna gerime ‘that is done according to the calculation of the heathens’. But the sense should be ‘they are to be reckoned among heathen people’. A 129. PT II, xi, 7 (last part): ‘Si casu porci comedent carnem mortici­ norum aut sanguinem hominis non abiciendos credimus nec gallinas; ergo porci qui sanguinem hominis gustant, manducentur.’ A 130. PT II, xi, 8: ‘Sed qui cadavera mortuorum lacerantes manducaver­ unt carnem eorum manducare non licet, usque dum macerentur et post anni circulum.’ The sense of ‘usque dum macerentur’ is probably ‘until they become feeble’ (McNeill and Gamer 1938: 208), i.e. by practised starvation designed to reduce the flesh on them. That may be what the Old English means, as well, but it is ambiguous whether þæt flæsc should refer to the flesh of the swine or of the cadaver, and the reversal of the two final provisions suggests that the Old English may be intended to mean that any part of the corpse’s flesh would be expected to pass from the bodies of the swine over the course of a year (which appears to be the understanding of Frantzen 2008). A 131. Cf. JPT 153-4: ‘Qui cum matre fornicaverit -XIF annos peniteat. Qui cum sorore fornicaverit similiter -XIF et nunquam mutat nisi dominico die.’ The treatment of the topic by PTl, ii, 16-17 (see the notes on B 13-14) is more elaborate. CD 64 prescribes fourteen years for the same offence; CG 89-90 sets the penance at fifteen years for fornication with one’s sister but twelve with one’s mother. But since the Old English canon appears to be an interpolation (it is not found in Y), the source could be any number of postTheodoran texts. The Poenitentiale Egberti (IV, 4, ed. Schmitz 1883-98: i. 576), for example, prescribes twelve years. A 132. PTll, xii, 33: ‘Si vir et mulier coniunxerint se in matrimonio et postea dixerit mulier de viro non posse nubere cum ea si quis poterit probare quod verum sit accipiat alium.’ The Latin seems to envisage the possibility ofa third party in demonstrating the truth of the wife’s claim, while gif heo hit þonne gecyðan mæge þæt hit soð sy means only ‘if she can show that it is true’. The Old English canon thus seems to be avoiding the awkwardness involved in an investigation of the husband’s problem by a third party, by opting instead for some sort of formal declaration by the wife (probably under oath). This appears to be the view of Frantzen (2008). Brundage (1987: 202) notes a diversity of opinion in this era on whether impotence should be grounds for divorce at all, and on the conditions under which it should be held an impediment; a sworn statement by the husband or, in some instances, the



wife, was sometimes sufficient to nullify the marriage (though remarriage might be impossible for both). The second hire in the canon is reflexive. A 133. PT II, xiii, 1: ‘Pater filium suum necessitate coactus potestatem habet tradere in servitium VII annos, deinde sine voluntate filii licentiam tradendi non habet.’ As regards the significance of the age of 7, see the note on A 26. A 134. P T II, xiii, 2: ‘Homo XIIII annorum se ipsum potest servum facere.’ See the note on B 8 in regard to the significance of the age of 14. A 135. PTll, xiii, 3: ‘Non licet homini a servo suo tollere pecuniam quam ipse labore suo adquesierit.’ See the note on A 24. A 136. PT II, xiv, 1: ‘Ieiunia legitima tria sunt in anno per populum XL ante pascha, ubi decimas anni solvimus et XL ante natale domini et post pentecosten XL dies et noctes.’ The period of forty days allotted for such fasts in the early days of the Church is in imitation of Christ’s fast in the desert (Matt. 4: 2). The third quadragesimal was sometimes reckoned as the period preceding the feast of the Nativity of St John the Baptist (24 June). Tithing is an immemorial practice, mentioned as early as Gen. 14: 20. A 137. PT II, xiv, 2 (in part): ‘Qui pro homine mortuo ieiunat, se ipsum adiuvat. De mortuo autem dei solius est notitia.’ The Old English says nearly the opposite of the Latin. The alteration in meaning may be intentional, but if the translator simply misunderstood, he may have omitted to translate the second sentence because it seemed to contradict what he thought was the meaning of the first. Purposeful alteration might be explained as a conse­ quence of the fact that masses for the dead were a major part of monks’ duties, though the habit of viewing them as such may have led as well to misunder­ standing as to falsification. An entire chapter (II, v) of PT is devoted to directions for the celebration of masses for the dead, in which a certain reticence about the practice is expressed (c. 8) in the remark that masses for sinners are blasphemous. The mass, after all, as opposed to individual prayers, is the height of what the living can offer for the repose of the souls of the dead, and to offer the sacred body of Christ on behalf of someone who is damned would be an affront to God and a desecration of the host. Christians must not petition God, especially in such a powerful manner, to perform what is contrary to his will. Cf. the provisions of PT II, x: i . Si homo vexatus est a diabolo et nescit aliquid nisi ubique discurrere et occidit semet ipsum quacumque causa potest ut oretur pro eo si ante religiosus erat. 2. Si pro desperatione aut pro timore aliquo aut pro causis incognitis Deo relinquimus hoc iudicium et non ausi sumus orare pro eo. 3. Qui se ipsum occiderit propria voluntate missas pro eo facere non licet, sed tantum orare et elemosinas largire. 4. Si quis Christianus subita temptatione mente sua exciderit, vel per insaniam se ipsum occiderit, quidam pro eo missas faciunt. See also the note on A 46-7.



A 138. PT II, xiv, 7: ‘Rex si alterius regis terrain habet potest dare pro anima sua.’ Colophon. The curse has no model in the Latin, but it is of a sort found very widely in manuscripts of the period. See the large assortment of colophons collected by the Benedictines of the abbey of St-Benoit de PortValais, Bouveret, Switzerland (Bénédictins du Bouveret). B 1-3. See the notes on A 80-2. B 4—5. These correspond to A 52-3. The Latin source is PT I, ii, 1, with some alterations: ‘Si quis fornicaverit ctlm virgine I anno peniteat si cum maritata IV annos duos integros duos alios in tribus XLmis et III dies in hebdomada peniteat.’ Presumably, be þam fullan (cf. A 52: be Samfullestan) means fasting every day but Sunday, on wealh corresponds to on wean weallige in A 53, and it must be an error, given the poor sense that it furnishes (wealh is elsewhere always used in the sense ‘foreigner’, never ‘foreign place’), and given the unanticipated accusative case. Possibly the original reading in B was wealh lande (as a compound), which may have been written weallande in the line of descent of the A text (since wealh- as the first constituent of a compound very often loses h) and confused with the present participle of weallian, thus giving rise to the reading in Bx (with wean added to give on an object). Certainly on wean is not likely to be authentic, as it does not resemble a prescription in any other canon, though a penance involving exile is paralleled in B 13. There is no reference to wandering or exile in the Latin; rather, this provision seems to correspond to integros; possibly the translator read this as in tegros and took tegros to be the name of a foreign place. Yet it is notable that an important source for PT I, ii is the Paenitentiale Cummeani II, and although the parallel is not close, the canon in that text that corresponds in place to this one in PT (i.e. immediately preceding the prescriptions for bestiality and male homoerotic acts), concerning a ‘presbiter aut diaconus’ without monastic orders, prescribes exile: ‘Si autem post peccatum uouerit monachus fieri, in districto proposito exalii [pro exilii] anno et dimedio peniteat sic’ (II, 5, ed. Bieler 1963: 114). B 6. PT I, ii, 2: ‘Qui sepe cum masculo aut cum pecode fornicat X annos ut peniteret iudicavit.’ Thus, in the longer translation from which the compiler of CT extracted these canons, B 6-7 should have stood between A 53 and A 54: see the Introduction, p. xxii. Aside from the omission of ‘sepe’, the correspondence of the Latin and the Old English is more regular than might at first appear to be the case. The translator seems to have thought it natural that a ‘masculus’ with whom a male might fornicate would be a bsedling, but that this was not the only possibility, since he has added the distinction between the bædling and any other sort of male. The precise meaning of bædling is nonetheless uncertain. In the Cleopatra Glossary (ed. Stryker 1952: C1G1 i, 2005), ‘effeminati’ is glossed ‘molles vel bxdlingas’. The translator of CT, however, seems not to have regarded ‘mollis’ and bædling


6 7

as the same, since he introduces bxdlingas where PT does not refer to ‘molles’, and in the one instance in which he does render ‘molles’, it is not as bxdlingas but as the literal hnesclice (B 8). If indeed a distinction between the ‘mollis’ and the bxdling is intended, the latter term must have some more specific connotations than the general one of sexual passivity (in either homoerotic or, in some contexts, heteroerotic acts) that attend the former term. In that event, it does seem likely that the bxdling should have been ‘a man who was known to have sex with other men’ (Frantzen 1998: 24), but probably some more distinctive trait or traits would be required for him to be distinguished from the ‘mollis’ to the degree suggested by the text. What those traits might have been is possibly suggested by the very first wonder described (apparently with ironic intent) in the seventh- or eighth-century Liber monstrorum, now generally thought to have been composed by a member of the circle of Aldhelm (ed. Orchard 1995: 258-9): Me enim quendam hominem in primordio operis utriusque sexus cognouisse testor, qui tamen ipsa facie plus et pectore uirilis quam muliebris apparuit; et uir a nescentibus putabatur, sed muliebra opera dilexit, et ignaros uirorum more meretricis decipiebat; sed hoc frequenter apud humanum genus contigisse fertur. This possibility is reinforced by the likeliest etymology of the term, which seems to be a derivative of bxddel ‘hermaphrodite’. See Fulk 2004a. B 7. In both the Old English and its Latin source, it is plainly indicated that a different source prescribes a longer term of atonement for an act of bestiality. The first part is based on PT I, ii, 3: ‘Item aliud. Qui cum pecoribus coierit XV annos peniteat’ (= CG 93). For the last few words, cf. PT I, ii, 6: ‘Sodomitae VII annos peniteant et molles sicut adultera.’ In leaving out the reference to ‘molles’ in the latter, the translator again seems to indicate that they are not the same as bxdlingas. In PT I, xiv, 14, the term of satisfaction prescribed for an adulteress is seven years, and so here the Sodomite (‘[one who behaves like a] resident of Sodom’, hence one who plays the insertive role in anal intercourse) and the ‘mollis’ are penanced equally. If this is correct, the point of the odd wording of PT I, xiv, 14, when it could simply have been said that the two sins merit the same penalty, must be to emphasize the difference in nature of the two offences, despite the identical tariffs. It may be that a lighter penance was actually intended for the ‘mollis’, since jfPG 161 prescribes a single year: ‘Sodomitae autem •VIF annos peniteant, mollis vero -I- annum sicut et mulier’ (ed. Finsterwalder 1929: 281). The reading of CG 101 appears to be an ineffectual attempt to reconcile the two traditions: ‘Sodomitae VII annos et molles I annum peniteant sicut mulier adultera VII annos peniteat.’ That a penance of seven years is intended by the comparison to the adultress seems likelier, as three years of fasting are imposed on women for seemingly less heinous autoerotic and homoerotic transgressions (PTl, ii, 12-13). The confusion about the tariff to



be assigned the ‘mollis’ no doubt derives from PT I, ii, 7 (see the next note), where, however, the woman assigned a fast of one year need not be an adulteress. B 8. Cf. PT I, ii: 5. Si masculus cum masculo fornicat X ann. peniteat. 6. Sodomitae VII annos peniteant et molles sicut adultera. 7. Item hoc virile scelus semel faciens IV annis peniteat; si in consuetudine fuerit, ut Basilius dicit; si sine XV sustinens annum unum ut mulier; si puer sit primo II annos; si iterat IV. 8. Si in femoribus annum I vel III quadragesimas. 9. Si se ipsum coinquinat XL dies peniteat.

intentional, as the contrasting prescribed satisfaction for the repeat offender is also omitted there. (Frantzen 1998: 180 takes xne to be the penance, i.e. ‘for one year’; cf. Fulk 2004a: 23 n. 66.) That ‘virile scelus’ refers to the Sodomite’s sin is made plain by Theodore’s source, the early British Sinodus luci uictorie 8: ‘Qui facit scelus uirile ut Sodomite, .iiii. annis’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 68). The use of such an oddly vague expression as ‘virile scelus’ very likely results from the lack of a specific name for the offence: the term ‘sodomia’ appears not to have been in use before the tenth or eleventh century (see M. Jordan 1997: 29-44; Fulk 2004a: 33 n. 89). The word ‘item’ that begins PTl, ii, 7 indicates that the following reflects an alternate view, from another authority, in contrast to that expressed in the preceding provisions. In both the Latin and the Old English, this canon has presented interpreters both medieval and modern with great difficulties. It has been proposed that the numeral XV in the Latin has been moved from its proper position before ‘si’, where it would specify the number of years of penance assigned to both ‘molles’ and ‘adulterae’ in the preceding clause. (See Wasserschleben 1851: 185 n. 4.) This is because fifteen is the number of years that Basil the Great stipulates for an adulterer’s penance in his third canonical letter to Amphilochius (cc. NH', SB', ed. Migne, PG xxxii. 797, 800). (The confessor, it should be said, was not required to be familiar with Basil’s letter: he could be expected to understand ‘ut Basilius dicit’ to refer to the prescription ‘molles sicut adultera’ of the preceding canon.) Wasserschleben’s alteration of the text then allows him to interpret the resulting ‘si sine sustinens’ to mean ‘si sine consuetudine fuerit et sustinet’. (It is not plain what Wasserschleben means by ‘sustinet’; perhaps ‘he does not revert’.) A difficulty that this interpretation raises is that an adult is thereby assigned half as long a term of satisfaction (one year) as a child who has committed the same transgression (two years, as stipulated in the next clause). This interpretation has been supported on the basis of the supposition that the intent of the injunction is to protect older boys and men from seduction by younger boys. (See Frantzen 1996: 275; 1997: 55-9; 1998: 159; see also the note on A 103-4.) Yet Greek law prescribes the reverse of these protections: see Cohen 1991: 181-2. The word ‘sustinens’ has also been interpreted variously. It has been suggested that ‘sustinens annum unum’ may mean ‘taking away one year’, giving the denotation ‘If he has been in the habit of it, as Basil says, fifteen years; but if not, one year less [?] as a woman’. (See McNeill and Gamer 1938: 185; similar is the view of Frantzen 1996: 294 n. 107, but subtracting one year not from the habitual offender’s fast of fifteen years but the nonce offender’s of four.) Yet such a meaning for ‘sustinere’ has no parallel, and a penance of fourteen years for a woman’s sexual offence is difficult to credit, in view of the much more lenient tariffs assigned women later in this chapter (see PTl, ii, 12-14). The Old English translator seems to have taken ‘si sine XV sustinens’ to mean ‘if they are not men in orders fifteen years’; this, at all events, is what Thorpe


B 8 corresponds to A 53-7, the canons of which represent shorter selections that the compiler gleaned from the full translation (see Introduction, p. xxii). On the rendering of ‘masculus’ by bædling, see the two preceding notes. In antiquity, to a remarkable extent the sin of the Sodomite was not conceived primarily as a homoerotic offence, but in the penitential literature the Sodomite’s sin is almost consistently a same-sex affair. (See Payer 1984: 41; Fulk 2004a: 13.) The translator has omitted the reference to ‘Sodomitae’ in P T l, ii, 6 from its place here, moving it up into B 7. (Frantzen explains this as a scribal error, supposing PT I, ii, 6 was at first omitted from the translation by oversight; then a translation was written into the margin, and a subsequent scribe mistook the first line of the marginal addition for a continuation of the translation of PTl, ii, 4 and the second for a continuation of the translation of PT I, ii, 5: see Frantzen 1998: 180. But the rearrangement may well be purposeful, since moving the Sodomite’s penance up improves the sense and the organization of this series of canons, which as a result deal first with the sins of males who play an insertive role and then with the offences of those who play a receptive role. Moving the Sodomite’s tariff into B 7 also makes it plain that the penance of seven years prescribed is an alternate adjudication; it might otherwise seem merely a contradiction to the term of ten years specified in B 6. See Fulk 2004a: 24.) The translator has also taken ‘molles sicut adultera’ to be a description of ‘masculi’ who fornicate with each other rather than the prescribed tariff for the ‘mollis’ (whose receptive role is contrasted with the insertive role of the ‘Sodomita’ in the Latin). (Technically, forlegene could also be the plural of either gender rather than a feminine singular form, but this is unlikely to have been the translator’s intention, as the meaning of ‘adultera’ in the source is plain.) ‘Virile scelus’ is correctly rendered rverlice man in A 55 (cf. Frantzen 1998: 155), and unwærlice ‘incautiously’ in the B text is plainly a corruption of this, very possibly as a result of the omission of man, which may have been intentional: the scribe may have confused man ‘sin’ (with a long vowel) with the indefinite pronoun man (with a short vowel, the way Frantzen 2008 also seems to interpret it), which would then have appeared to disrupt the syntax. (The sense ‘unintentionally’, it should be said, is unattested for unwærlice.) The omission of æne, rendering ‘semel’, from the A text would appear to be




(1840: ii. 228) takes the significance of the Old English to be. (The Old English translator plainly understood the clause to refer to adults, since the next clause begins, gif hit cniht bið.) But again the lengthier fast prescribed in the next clause conflicts with this interpretation of the Latin. Subsequent medieval interpreters of Theodore’s sparely expressed prescriptions on male homoerotic acts seem also to have encountered difficulties of comprehension, sometimes constructing elaborate hierarchies of penance that bear little resemblance to the guidance offered in PT I, ii. (See e.g. Ivo of Chartres [ob. 1117], Decretum IX, c. 92, ed. Fronteau 1647: i. 308.) Perhaps the best way to understand the Latin of PT I, ii, 7 is to take ‘sustinens’ to refer to assuming the receptive role in anal intercourse. Alcuin employs ‘sustinere’ in this sense when he defines the term ‘molles’: ‘Molles sunt effeminati, vel qui barbas non habent, sive qui alterius fornicationem sustinent’ (De divinis officiis, ed. Migne, PL ci. 1195). In that event, ‘sine XV’ may describe a child who is not yet 15 years of age (cf. the expression ‘xv annos habere’) and thus, sexually, is not an adult. (Pubescence was held by the Romans normally to begin in a male’s fourteenth year; cf. PT II, xii, 37: ‘Puer usque ad XV annum sit in potestate patris sui.’) A boy ‘sine XV’ (a ‘parvulus’ or ‘minimus’) is thus naturally penalized more leniently than the ‘puer’ of the next clause, who could be much older, as the Roman age of majority was 25. (Cf. P T 1, ix, 9: ‘Puerum monasterii non licet ordinare ante XXV annum.’) See Fulk 2004a: 8-12, 22-4. This analysis is supported by the observation that PT I, ii seems to be indebted, to some extent, to the prescriptions of the Paenitentiale Cummeani II on fornication, in which the sixth canon, bearing some affinities to B 8, assigns penance for a sexual transgression on the basis of the offender’s having reached the age of 15: ‘Peccans cum pecode ann(um) peniteat; si ipse solus, .iii. xlmas; si cum gradu, ann(o); puer .xv. annorum xl’ (ed. Bieler 1963: 114). The remainder of B 8 is much more straightforwardly understood. Comparison with PT shows that B’s þreo feowertigo is correct. That is, the and injected in A 57 is spurious; perhaps the scribe who altered the translation understood the penalty to amount to three days of fasting per week plus the three quadragesimal fasts.

actually accomplishes his will. This makes nonsense of the tariff, which is then lighter than that for one who does not actually commit fornication, but it would not remedy that problem to supply gelomlice; the omission of any reference to a boy rather suggests that gelomlice was purposely omitted. In A 58-9, on the other hand, the division between the two sentences of the source is maintained, and they are in fact treated as separate canons in the layout of Bx, while in O the two are made a single canon (B 9), with the result that the alternative penance of twenty days taken from the first sentence of the source might now be taken to apply to boys. In phraseology and syntax, too, B 9 and A 58-9 are different enough to suggest that they were translated from the Latin independently of each other. Old English forlicgan takes a reflexive pronoun as its object, without any implication of autoeroticism. B 10. PT I, ii, 12-13: ‘Si mulier cum muliere fornicaverit III annos peniteat. Si sola cum se ipsa coitum habet sic peniteat.’ There is, however, an odd intrusion in the Old English from PT I, ii, 20: ‘Si mater cum filio suo parvulo fornicationem imitatur III annos abstineat se a carne et diem unum ieiunet in ebdomada usque ad vesperum.’ (The latter is translated in full in A 64.) The awkward construction gif heo sylf sig mid hire sylfre hæmed is probably intended to mean ‘if she herself has had sex with herself’, taking sig as forming a periphrastic perfect with the intransitive verb. If the original reading was gif heo sylf mid hire sylfre hæmed hafað, rendering closely the Latin ‘si sola cum ipse coitum habet’, a copyist might have mistaken heemed for a past participle and altered both the word order and hafað, to accord with the intransitive verb (since the periphrastic perfect of such verbs is generally formed with beon or weorSan rather than habban). B ii. PT I, ii, 14: ‘Una poenitentia est viduae et puellae; maiorem meruit quae virum habet si fornicaverit.’ hig is reflexive and need not be translated. B 12. PT I, ii, 15: ‘Qui semen in os miserit VII annos paeniteat. Hoc pessimum malum. Alias ab eo aliter iudicatum est ut ambo usque in finem vitae peniteant vel XV annos vel ut superius VII.’ The Old English word sumum is singular, corresponding to Latin ‘eo’, and it indicates that the translator seems not to have known to whom the latter refers. (It refers, of course, to Theodore.) This is hardly surprising: compare how Theodore’s teaching in one form acquired the title Canones Gregorii, on which see Finsterwalder 1929: 32-44. What is meant by dative þam is difficult to discern (‘for him (is the worst [in store])’?); perhaps it was altered from þæt, to avoid an awkward repetition. The translation here is more elaborate than that found in A 61, but the identical first clause suggests that the two canons derive from a single translation. On the reason that consumption of semen was regarded as such a heinous offence, see the note on A 85. B 13. PT I, ii, 16: ‘Si cum matre quis fornicaverit, XV annos peniteat et


B 9. PT I, ii, 10: ‘Qui concupiscit fornicari sed non potest XL dies vel XX peniteat. Si frequentaverit si puer sit XX dies vel vapuletur.’ The meaning of the Latin is that for an adult, the penance should be either forty or twenty days, depending on the circumstances, while for a boy the offence merits satisfaction only if it is iterated, and then the punishment should amount to twenty days or a beating. The Old English does not reflect Theodore’s intent, but the two Old English versions differ in the ways they deviate from that intent. In A 59, unless the omission of gelomlice is accidental, the circumstance would seem to refer to one who not only yearns to fornicate but




nunquam mutat nisi dominicis diebus. Et hoc tam profanum incestum ab eo similiter alio modo dicitur, ut cum peregrinatione perenni VI annos peniteat.’ Cf. A 40, and the prescription of Basil in his third canonical letter to Amphilochius, c. OE (sic, for OE'; ed. Migne, PG xxxii. 804). Payer (1984, 31) suggests that ‘mutat’ refers to changing one’s clothing, and this is indeed a possible meaning of the verb, though it seems unlikely without the addition of ‘vestem’ or some such word; a fortiori, OE onwendon would seem to require an accompanying word such as wædum (as at Dream of the Rood [Dream] 22). More likely the import is that the penitent should not be released from the imposed fast except on Sundays, when fasting was forbidden. (Cf. PT I, xi, 2: ‘Si quis autem in dominica die pro negligentia ieiunaverit ebdomadam totam debet abstinere si secundo XX dies peniteat si postea XL dies.’) Most likely the penitential fast amounts to abstinence from meat, as this is the explicit injunction in connection with other incestuous acts: cf. A 63-4.

peniteat in alio loco X annos penitere dicitur. Homicida autem X vel VII annos.’ Note that broSor has been replaced by modor. In Anglo-Saxon royal legislation, provisions of compensation for the killing of a brother are not treated differently from those in compensation for other kin-killing. How­ ever, in the text Wer (LawWer 5) it is stated that healsfang (wergild paid in place of capital punishment) is not to be shared outside the group of sons, brothers, and father.


B 14. PTl, ii, 17: ‘Qui cum sorore fornicaverit XV annos peniteat eo modo, quo superius de matre dicitur. Sed et istud alias in canone XII annos confirmavit, unde non absurde XV anni ad matrem transeunt, qui scribun­ tur.’ The last part of the Latin seems to mean, ‘for which reason it is not irrational that the fifteen years should stand which are prescribed in connection with the mother.’ The Old English, though somewhat cryptic, appears to be intended to convey this meaning. B 15. The source is P Tl, ii, 18, which is translated as A 62, but that canon omits to translate the somewhat peculiar final clause of the Latin. B 16-19. See A 63-6. B 20. PTl, iv, 1: ‘Si quis pro ultione propinqui hominem occiderit peniteat sicut homicida VII vel X annos, si tamen reddere vult propinquis pecuniam aestimationis levior erit penitentia id est dimidio spatio.’ The earliest AngloSaxon laws devote detailed attention to the value of compensations to be paid for various killings, and thus they aim to limit the extent of feuds. The laws of the later kings more pointedly incorporate provisions to compel partici­ pants in a feud to compound and to cease hostilities in all but the most extraordinary circumstances. See Whitelock 1952: 37-47. Theodore’s judge­ ment, naturally, accords better with the spirit of the earlier legislation, for while the heavy penance is meant to discourage acts of vengeance, the provision for halving the penance if monetary satisfaction is offered is designed to support the royal legislation by promoting the payment of compensation. To the contrary, Morin (Morinus 1651: lib. X, c. 17), though convinced of the general authenticity of PT, was unpersuaded that Theodore could have authorized composition, and he thus rejected this prescription as spurious. B 21. PT I, iv, 2-3: ‘Qui occiderit hominem pro vindicta fratris III annos


B 22-3. These translate PTl, iv, 5. See A 73 (and note), where only the first sentence is translated. B 24-6. These canons render the first part of PTl, iv, 6 and all of 7; for the Latin, see the note on A 74-6. C i. On the rationale for including this non-Theodoran material in the text of CT, see the Introduction, p. xxiii. The canon is regarded as a separate text in the DOE corpus (Conf 10. 3 [Henel], though Henel’s text displays some minor infelicities). No source has been discovered. C 2—4. PT I, xi, 2: ‘Si quis autem in dominica die pro neglegentia ieiunaverit ebdomadam totam debet abstinere si secundo XX dies peniteat si postea XL dies.’ The wording of CG 57 is similar, and the grouping of C 2-7 accords with the similar arrangement in both PT (I, xi, 2-5) and CG, except that CG 59, concerning differences between Greeks and Romans as regards the receiving of Holy Communion, has no equivalent in CT. But C5 (see the note) can be translated only from a source resembling that in CG. On the significance of this, see the Introduction, pp. xlvi-xlvii. C 5. CG 58: ‘Si per damnationem diei ieiunaverit sicut Iudeus abominatur ab omnibus ecclesiis catholicis sicut Iudeus.’ In all the manuscripts of the corresponding canon PT I, xi, 3, the first ‘sicut Iudeus’ is replaced by ‘sicut fudens’ (an obvious scribal blunder due to similarity of letter forms), and the second is omitted. There is no evidence of Jews’ having fasted on Sunday in the Middle Ages out of contempt for the Christian sabbath. To the contrary, there is perhaps some evidence of avoidance of Jewish fasts on the Christian day of rest (see de Blois 2002: 3). Certainly, Sunday has never been a regular day of fasting in the Jewish faith, though a fast might be required on a Sunday if it would otherwise occur on Shabbat. For example, when Rosh Hashanah falls on a Thursday and Friday, Tzom Gedaliah (also called ‘the Fast of the Seventh’), normally observed the following day, is postponed until Sunday. C 6. PT I, xi, 4: ‘Si autem contempserit indictum ieiunium in ecclesia et contra decreta seniorum fecerit sine XLma XL dies peniteat. Si autem in XLma annum peniteat.’ This is somewhat distorted in CG 60: ‘Si quis contempserit iudicatum ieiunium in ecclesia et contra decreta seniorum fecerit, sine quadragesima XL dies peniteat. Si autem in quadragesima XL dies peniteat. si autem in quadragesima annum integrum peniteat.’ In the



Old English, hwylc agrees with CG’s ‘quis’, while geboden could render either PTs ‘indictum’ or CG’s (more likely original) ‘iudicatum’. The meaning of PT is that if the offence takes place at some time other than during a quadragesimal fast, the penance is to last forty days, otherwise one year. By contrast, the Old English says that the penitent should fast forty days in addition to the three set quadragesimal fasts. Frantzen 2008 renders þæra witena ‘of the witan’, presumably in reference to secular law, and it is possible that this is what the Old English translator intended. ‘Seniorum’ in PT is very likely intended to be vague enough to encompass both secular and religious authorities. C 7. PT I, xi, 5: ‘Si frequenter fecerit et in consuetudine erit ei extermi­ nabitur ab ecclesia domino dicente: qui scandalizaverit unum de pusillis istis qui in me credunt et reliqua.’ CG 60 (the remaining portion after that cited in the previous note) is similar, though in the quotation from Matt. 18: 6, ‘de pusillis istis qui in me credunt’ is omitted. Old English swician does not elsewhere take the prefix ge-, nor is it elsewhere used in conjunction with the preposition æt (ymb is the usual preposition). Possibly geswicað is an error for Anglian geswiceð, from gesmcan (with a long root vowel) in the sense ‘fail, betray’, though this still does not account for the preposition. C 8. A loose rendering of the last portion of PT I, i, 4:

amborum. 7. Si quis vult monasterium suum in alium locum ponere faciat cum consensu episcopi et fratrum suorum et dimittat in priori loco presbiterum ad ministeria ecclesiae. To PTU, vi, 6 correspond two canons in CG (20 and 22), though they are not contiguous there. Nothing in CG corresponds to PT II, vi, 7. The explicit of the Old English is unsourced, but it corresponds to a passage in the Old English Handbook for the Use of a Confessor (Conf 4, ed. Fowler 1965: 26-7, 11. 305-16): On wisum scryfte bið swiðe forðgelang forsyngodes mannes nydhelp, ealswa on godan læce bið seoces mannes lacnung. Mystlice men agiltað oft and unseldon þurh deofles scife, and þæt bið egeslic þæt gehadode men swa swiðe wið God agilton þæt hi had forwyrcan. And þar mot to bote stiðlic dædbot, a þeah be hades and be giltes mæðe, æfter canondome. And eac hit man mot secan be þæs mannes mihtum and be his mæðe and be his silfes heortan reowsunge—sumon gearbote, sumon ma geara, and eft be giltes mæðe; sumon monðbote, sumon ma monða, sumon wucubote, sumon ma wucena; sumon dægbote, and sumon ma daga, and sumon ealle his lifdagas. þær to mot stiðlic dædbot: ‘For that (offence) there must be a severe penance.’


Si vero pro infirmitate aut quia longo tempore se abstinuerit et in consuetudine non ei erit multum bibere vel manducare aut pro gaudio in natale domini aut in pascha aut pro alicuius sanctorum commemoratione faciebat et tunc plus non accipit quam decretum est a senioribus nihil nocet. Si episcopus illi iuberit non nocet nisi ipse similiter faciat. CG 122 is nearly identical. C 9. PT II, xii, 34: ‘Puellam disponsatam non licet parentibus dare alteri viro nisi illa omnino resistat, tamen ad monasterium licet ire, si voluerit.’ CG 86 is quite similar. The situation envisaged by the Latin is that a young woman utterly rejects the man to whom she is betrothed, and in that event the parents may marry her to another man, unless she chooses to enter a nunnery. The Old English translator appears not to have comprehended the significance of‘alteri viro’ (or ‘alio viro’, as in one manuscript of PT and as in CG), as he does not refer to a second suitor. The provisions of this canon presumably apply to a woman only if she has not achieved the age of 17, at which point, according to PT II, xii, 36, she has the power to decide (though the manuscripts differ as to the exact age, the variants ranging from 13 years to 17). C 10. PT II, vi: 6. Non licet abbati neque episcopo terram ecclesiae vertere ad aliam quamvis ambae in potestate eius sint. Si mutare vult terram ecclesiae faciat cum consensu



(Ker 45.11; DOE short title: Conf io. i) The text begins on p. 414, line 5, and ends on p. 416, line 12. Ðys syndon þa godcundan bebodu þe we scylon healdan. þæt ys ærest seo soþe lufu Godes and manna, and clænnysse, and fæsten, and soðfæstnysse, and beon eaðmode, and gemetfæste, and fremsume, and geþyldige, and manþwære, and cumliðe, and ælmysfulle, and haligwæccan, and beon mildheorte, and gesybsume. And þas þing we 5 scylon forgan, þæt ys oferhyd, and gytsunge, and æfest, and ydelne gylp, and stala, and reaflac, and unrihthæmed, and oferdruncenys, and morþor, and mæne aþas, and leasunga, and wyrignyssa, and gecyd. þeos tid cymð ymbe twelfmonað, þæt ælc man sceal his scrift gesprecan, and be his scriftes leafan on his fæsten fon, and Gode and 10 his scrifte his gyltas andettan, þa þe he geworhte, oþþe on manslihte, oþþe on morþre, oþþe on unrihthæmede, oþþe on ænigum þara þinga þe man wið God agyltan mæg. þonne hafa þu rihtne geleafan to Gode, and to þysse godan tide, and geornne beo betende, þæs þu wite þæt þu geworht hæbbe, mid þinum fæstene, and mid þinre ælmyssan, 15 and mid þinum gebedum, þe þu betst cunne, and ælce sunnandæg to cyrcan cum, and þær georne for þe sylfne gebide, and for eall gefullod folc, and for þinne scrift, þonne byst þu on ure eallra [p. 415] gebedrædene. Min leof, ic þe lære þæt þu þence hu þu hider on world acenned wære, oþþe þurh hwæt, oþþe on hwon þu þas lænan 20 world forlæte, and hu þin lichama, and þin sawl hi gedælan scylon, and syþþan on hwylcere anbidstowe þin sawl bidan mote domesdæges, and eac þa tid þonne þin sawl and þin lichama gegaderode beon scylon, and eft to Godes dome gelædd, and þonne þu scealt and ælc man for his agenum gewyrhtum riht agyldan, and onfon æt þam 25 dome, and syþþan mid sawle and mid lichaman onfon, swa ecum life, swa ecum deaþe, swa þu ær geworhtest, swa ecum life swa ungeendodon wite. Donne þu on morgen ærest arise, sena þe swyþe georne, and Gode bebeod; þonne þu þe restan wylle, do þæt ylce. þinga þe

?s 30






wiS God, þurh þinra synna andetnysse, and bote, þæt God þurh þæt þe on worlde þine synna forgyfe, and æfter worlde ece reste, and his mildheortnysse. Uton, min leof, geþencan hwylce ure yldran ær wæron, and hwylce we synd nu, oþþe hwylce þa synd nu to sceawigenne, þa þe for hund wintrum mid eorðan moldan bewrogene wæron: swylce þonne we beoö sona swa us seo sawl of þam lichaman slypð. Uton þonne, min leof, þa hwile þe us God unne, beorgan us wið synna, and wið þa unþeawas þe us deoful læreS. Ælc gramfærnys cymð of deofle, and ælc geflit, and ælc ungelimp; þonne uton wiðstandan him, and liþegian ure mod, and biddan us Godes miltse, and his fultumes, þæt we magon his bebodu healdan. Uton secan ure cyrcean sunnandagum, and mæssedagum, and betweoh þam tidum symble swa betere swa oftor, and beorgon us wið æfest, and wið yrre, and wið unnytte word, and wið [p. 416] oferdruncennysse, and wið tælnysse, and wið twyspræcnysse, and wið lease gewitnysse, and wiS morþor, and wið mæne aþas, and wið oftrædlic hæmed, and wið ælce unclænnysse ures lichaman. And uton geþencan hu besceawigende we scylon beon ure sawle, and ures lichaman þa hwile þe us God unne þæt we her beon, þæt we huru æfter þysse worlde reste habbon, mid Godes mildse. Min Drihten, ic þe bidde, þu þe cwæde on þinum godspelle to eallum rihtgelyfedum mannum, Petite et dabitur vobis, Biddað and eow bið geseald. Ic þe þonne, min Drihten, eaðmodlice bidde, þæt þu me forgyfe þæt ic þæs bidde þæs þe þin willa sig; and minre sawle ræd on ecnysse, and mines worldlifes bletsung anstande. 12 oþþe on morþre] added above the line 21 world forlæte] world 39 wiðstandan] wiðstandam 54 anstande] the initial a altered from t, on an erasure


16. Though seemingly ungrammatical, ælce sunnandæg is parallelled by ælce dæg, a phrase that appears several times in the works of Ælfric (beside ælce dæge). See the note on A 29-30. 36. Conceivably, slypð could be a causative formation (to slypan) of the stem ship-, and hence it could mean ‘cause to slip’, with us as its direct object. Such a meaning, however, is unattested, and thus it is safer to assume that slypS is to the strong verb slupan, and us is dative of possession with a personal attribute (sawl).


(Ker 58a; DOE short title: Conf 10. 2) The text begins on f. ii7 r, line i, and ends on f. i i 7 v, line 3. Gelyfst ðu on God ælmihtine and on þone sunu and on done halgan gast? Gelyfst Su þæt ealle men sceal onarisan on domesdæg? OfSincð þe eall þæt þu to yfele hæfst geþoht and gecweden and geworht? God þe sylle forgyfenysse. Ic bidde þe ærest for Godes lufon and for his ege þæt þu þin lif mid rihte lybbe, and þinum Drihtne mid 5 eaðmedum hyre, and ðinne cristendom and þin fulwiht wel healde, and beorh ðe georne wið þa eahta heahsynna þe se deofol us wyle mid beswican gif he mæg, þæt syndon morðor and stala and mæne aðas and unrihtgitsung and unrihthæmed and gifernyssa and tælnyssa and lease gewitnyssa; ac lufa þinne Drihten mid eallum mægene and mid 10 eallum mode inneweardre heortan, and sing þine gebedu to ælcre tide, pater noster and credan, buton þu mare cunne; gif þu ne cunne, leorna. And gebide for ðinne fæder and þine moder and for þinne hlaford and for eall cristen folc. Ic þe bidde and beode þæt þu Gode ælmihtigum gehyrsum sy, forðam þe me ys micel þearf þæt ic þe riht lære, and ðe 15 ys neadþearf þæt þu riht do, þæt þu ne læte ungeandet ænige synne ðære þe ðu geworht hæbbe, ne si heo naðer ne to þam micel ne eft to þam lytel; ne ðe næfre ne þince to ðam hefig ne to þam uneaðelic ne to þam fullic to secgenne, þæt þu hit læte æfre ænig wiht ungeandet. And geþenc þæt þu anne nacodne lichaman in ðas worold brohtest 20 and þu hine scealt eft ana alætan, buton þu hwæt for Godes lufon to gode gedo. And geþenc þæt þe is seo tid swiðe uncuð, and se dæg þæt þu scealt ðas lænan woruld forlætan to Godes dome gelæded beon. Nis nan leahter swa healic þæt man ne mæge gebetan gif he his yfeles geswicð and mid soðre hreowsunge his gyltas be lareowa tæcinge 25 behreowsað. Se man ðe wile his synna behreowsian and bewepan, þonne mot he georne warnian þæt he eft þam yfelum dædum ne geedlæce. Se man þe æfter dædbote his manfullan dæda geedniwað, se gremað God, and he bið þam hunde [f. i i 7v] gelic ðe spið and eft yt



30 þæt he ær spaw. God ælmihtig gefultumige us þæt we moton and

magon Godes miltse begytan ða hwile pe we on þisum earman life beon moton. i ælmihtine] ælfmihtine ðone halgan] ð partly obscured 3 þu to] þa to 14 ælmihtigum] ælfmihtigum 29 gremað] greman 30 ælmihtig] ælfmihtig 31-2 life beon motonl\ followed by several blank lines COMMENTARY

1-4. To the first four sentences, compare Scriftboc (Conf 2.1, Spindler A-Y), 8-12 (11-15 in the DOE lineation), and HomU 45 (Nap 56), 3-9. 1. In a bit of folk etymology, the scribe writes the first constituent of the compound ælmihtig as aelf- ‘elf’ both here and twice below. Compare how the first scribe of Beowulf writes alfwalda in line 1314 of the poem. 2. In the expression men sceal, subject and verb do not agree, a construction common in Middle English. 4-6. To the passage Ic bidde þe . . . wel healde corresponds HomU 26 (Nap 29) 2-4, and part of the first sentence of the text in Appendix IV infra. 7-10. The passage and beorh ðe . . . gewitnyssa is paralleled by Scriftboc (Conf 2. i (Spindler A-Y)) 15-18 (18-21 in the DOE lineation), by HomU 45 (Nap 56) 36-40, and by the first part of the text in Appendix III below. Many more distant parallels to this list of sins could be identified. 14-23. The passage Ic þe bidde .. . gelaeded beon is paralleled by HomU 45 (Nap 56) 46-60, and by all but the last part of the second-to-last sentence of the text in Appendix IV below. 16- 23. The passage þæt þu ne læte ungeandet . . . gelæded beon has a parallel in HomU 26 (Nap 29) 23-35. 17- 18. The sense of ne si heo naðer ne to þam micel ne eft to þam lytel is ‘be it never so great nor so insignificant’. 24-30. The passage Nis nan leahter .. . asr spaw corresponds to ÆAdmon 2, 19-26, and to ÆLS (Ash Wed), 157-64.


(Ker 58b; DOE short title: Conf 1. 2) The text begins on line i and ends abruptly at the end of line 11. It bears a close affinity to HomU 45 (Nap 56) 36-44; see also the comment on lines 7-10 in Appendix II supra. Scylt te wið ða eahta heahsynna pe se deoful pe wile mid beswican, þæt is morðor and stala and mæne aþas and unrihtgytsung and unrihthæmed and gyfernysse and tælnysse and lease gewitnysse; and beorh ðe georne wið lyblacas and attorcræftas and dyrne geliru and twyspræcnysse and ofermodignysse and hatheortnysse and drunccennysse and gyrnysse oðra manna æhta and idelne gylp and unsybbe and leasunge and untidætas and æfest and nið. Heald pe georne wið ealle þas, þæt næfre þæt deoful pe beswican ne mæge mid þisum leahtrum; and heald þa twelf ymrendagas pe on twelf monþum beoð; and beorh pe geornne wið þas halgan tid, and wið þa ymdrendagas, and wið i deoful] deofun 7 and æfest] æfest Heald] healh 11 ymbrendagas, and wið] followed by several blank lines

9 heald þa] healh


8 3

2 axige] alteredfrom exige io oferdruncolnys] n written above u 24 þonne]þ lacks descender, but bowl is of\>, not b 26 þonne ne] þon with .ne. above wiht] riht

A P P E N D I X IV T H E T EXT OF O X F O R D , B O D L E I A N L I B R A R Y , MS L AUD MI S C . 48 2 , FF. 4 0 R- 4 7 R: F O R M U L A S AND D I R E C T I O N S F OR T H E USE OF C O N F E S S O R S

(Ker 343.17; DOE short title: Conf 10. 5) The text begins on f. 40r, near the end of line 22, and ends on f. 47r, line 21. It is paralleled by HomU 26 (Nap 29) 2-49.






Donne þu þæs mannes andetnesse gehyre, and he þe his dæda bote axige, þu his lifes [f. 46'] gescead wite. Bide hine þonne ærost for Godes lufon, and for his ege, þæt he his lif mid rihte libbe, and his Drihtne mid eadmedum hyre, and his cristendom and his fulluht wel gehealde, and his misdæda andette, and his sawle læce georne sece, and his fæsten wel bega, and his cyrcan clænlice sece, and Godes beboda georne hlyste, and his larþeowa; and beod him þæt he hine wið ofermetta healde, forþam þan men is swiðe mycel þearf þæt he him beorge, þæt ofermetta ne forwyrnon his sawle reste, and ærætas and oferdruncolnys, and unrihthæmed, and idel gylp, and unsibbe, and stala, and leasunga, and mæne aðas, and lybblac; and ealle þas uncysta forbeod him, and bide hine and lær hine and cweð him to: Ic þe halsige and beode and hate þæt þu Gode ælmihtigum hyrsumige, forþan me is neodþearf þæt ic þe riht lære, and þe is neodþearf þæt þu riht do, and þæt þe næfre deofol beswican ne mote, þæt þu læte ænige synne ungeandet, þæra þe þu geworht hæbbe, ne seo [f. 47r] heo naðer ne to þon mycel, ne eft to þon lytel; ne þe næfre ne þince to hefig, ne to þam uneaðelic, ne to þam fullic to secganne, þæt þu his læte æfre ænig þing ungeandet; and geþenc þæt þu ænne nacodne lichaman on þas woruld brohtest, and þu hine scealt eft ana lætan, buton þu hwæt for Godes naman to gode gedo, þa hwile þe God þe þisses lifes and þisses forSgewitendlican geunnan wylle; and geþenc þæt þe is seo tid swiSe uncuð, and se dæg þe þu scealt þas lænan woruld forlætan, and to Godes dome gelæded beon, and þonne mid þinre anre sawle riht ægyldan ealra þinga gehwylces, þæs þu ær mid þinum lichaman on þinum life gefremodest. þonne ne biS nan wiht þæs þe þu æfre gedydest, godes oððe yfeles, Godes ælmihtiges eagum bemiðen.


12-27. The conclusion of the passage is paralleled by HomU45 (Nap 56) 4664; compare also lines 14-23 in the text in Appendix II supra.

GLOSSARY The spelling of all forms is as in the texts, though standard endings have been supplied in the headwords. As significant spelling variants in the manuscripts are numerous, these are treated in the Introduction rather than recorded in the Glossary. Numerical references are to the individual canons in the three main texts (A, B, C); forms appearing in the appendices are indicated by ‘App.’ plus the appendix number, just once, regardless of actual incidence. For forms that occur more than three times in the main texts and the appendices, ‘etc.’ is added after the third citation. An asterisk (*) following a canon number indicates that the relevant form has been emended or supplied. (No number is asterisked, however, when an entire canon or more is supplied from Bx.) For purposes of alphabetization, the prefix ge- is ignored in all parts of speech word initially but not medially; æ comes between a and b; and þ and tf, treated indifferently, follow t. Headwords are given in the nominative (singular, masculine) for nouns, pronouns, and adjectives, and in the infinitive form for verbs, even when such forms do not occur in the texts. The class of a strong verb is indicated by a Roman numeral in small capitals, that of a weak verb by an Arabic numeral after ‘wk.\ If no case or number (or gender) is indicated in connection with a given form of a noun, adjective, or pronoun, the nominative (singular, masculine) is to be assumed. Likewise, if no person, number, etc., is indicated for a verb, the infinitive is to be assumed. When no new form of a word is cited, the last form cited is to be supplied. A cited inflexion that begins with a hyphen is to be understood to be attached to the form that serves as the headword, whereas a cited non-inflexional morpheme that begins with a hyphen should be understood to replace the corresponding morpheme in the headword: for example, -re cited under the headword ece stands for ecere, whereas -nesse cited under the headword andetness stands for andetnesse. ABBREVI ATI ONS

a., acc. adj. adv. af. am. an. ap. apf. apm. apn. App. as. asf. asm. asn. compar. conj. d., dat. dp. ds. dsf.

accusative adjective adverb accusative feminine accusative masculine accusative neuter accusative plural accusative plural feminine accusative plural masculine accusative plural neuter Appendix, Appendices accusative singular accusative singular feminine accusative singular masculine accusative singular neuter comparative conjunction dative dative plural dative singular dative singular feminine

dsm. dsn. f. fut. g-> gen. gsgsf. gsm. gsn. gPimp. indecl. indef. inf. infl. i., instr. irreg. ism. isn. m. mp.

dative singular masculine dative singular neuter feminine future genitive genitive singular genitive singular feminine genitive singular masculine genitive singular neuter genitive plural imperative indeclinable indefinite infinitive inflected instrumental irregular verb instrumental singular masculine instrumental singular neuter masculine masculine plural



8 6

n., neut. neg. nf. nn. np. npf. npm. npn. ns. nsf. nsm. nsn. num. p. . pi. : p.p. ■

neuter negated nominative feminine nominative neuter nominative plural nominative plural feminine nominative plural masculine nominative plural neuter nominative singular nominative singular feminine nominative singular masculine nominative singular neuter numeral preterite, past plural past (or passive) participle

a, aa adv. continually, still, always: A 4, 17, 18, etc. abbud m. abbot: as. A 1 abitan I eat of: abite pr. subj. sg. A 12 abrecan IV abrogate: to abrecanne infl. inf. A 20, Colophon abylgan mk. 1 offend: abylhð pr. 3 sg. A 69 ac conj. but: A 5, 9, 10, etc. acennan mk. 1 bear, give birth to: acenned p.p. App. I 20 geacsigan mk. 2 discover: geacsige pr. subj. sg. A 49 acwellan, acwællan mk. 1 kill: acwelleð, acwælleð, acwelS pr. 3 sg. A 118*, 119*, 120, etc.; acwclle pr. subj. sg. A 32. 73, B 25 adrifan 1drive out: adrifen p.p. C 7 adrincan in be drowned: adrince pr. subj. sg. A 91 afyrran mk. 1 expel: afyrred p.p. C 5 agan irreg. go (away): p.p. nsn. A 130 ageldan III pay, offer up: A 136* agen adj. own: asn. A 32; -um dsn. A 107; dp. App. I 25 ageotan 11 pour out, spill, ejaculate:

ageoteð pr. 3 sg. A 100, 101; ageote pr. subj. 3 sg. A 44 agifan V (re)pay: agife pr. subj. sg. A 69 agyldan, ægyldan III pay: App. I 25, App. IV 25 agyltan mk. 1 do wrong, offend: App. I 13; agyltaS pr. pi. C 10 ahon vil hang, crucify: pr. subj. pi. A 3 alasdan mk. 1 lead away: alæde pr. subj. sg. A 68

postpos. pr. pr.p. prep. pron. pred. ref. reflex. sg. subj. subst. superl. vs. w. wk.

postpositive present present (or active) participle preposition pronoun, pronominal predicative reference reflexive singular subjunctive substantive superlative vocative singular with weak

alætan vil leave, lay aside: App. II 21 alyfed adj. (p.p.) permitted: A 15; nsn. A 4, 16, 19, etc.; alyfede npn. A 12, alyfed A 130 (pred.) alysan mk. 1 release: A 27; alyse pr. subj. sg. A n o amansumian mk. 2 excommunicate: -sumod p.p. A 39, C 5 an (1) num. one: aenae, anne asm. A 64, B 17, App. II 20, etc.; -um dsm. C 7; an nsf. B n ; -re dsf A 98, App. IV 24; -es gsn. A 3; an asn. A 9, 17, 28, etc.; on an continuously A 4; (2) adj. only, alone: asn. A 98; -um dsm. A 40 ana adv. alone: A 41, App. II 21, App. IV 20 anbidstow f. place of waiting: -e ds. App. I 22 and conj. and: A 1, 2, 3, etc. anda m. anger, enmity: -n ds. A 8 andetness, -nyss f. confession: -nysse as. App. I 30, App. IV 1; -nesse ds. A 98 andettan mk. 1 confess: App. I n ; andette pr. subj. sg. App. IV 5 anforlætan vil abandon: forlæte . . . an pr. subj. sg. A 83 anim an IV take: anum en p.p. A 89, 92 anstandan vi endure, persist: anstande pr. subj. sg. App. I 54 anweald m. authority: as. A 25 astorfen adj. (p.p.) dead: nsn. A n attorcræft m. poisoning: -as ap. App. Ill 4 að m. oath: A 80, B 1; as. A 77, 79; -as np. A 83, App. II 8, App. Ill 2, etc.; -as ap. A 82, B 3, App. I 8

awæccan mk. / arouse: awæcce pr. subj. *g- A 45 aweg adv. away: A 1, 89 awegaworpeness f. abortion: -a ap. A 29 awendan mk. 1 vary, change: awende pr. subj. sg. A 118 aworpan ill reject, cast out: to aworpenne infl. inf. A n , 48; aworpen(e) p.p. A 90, 128, C 7 awyrged adj. (p.p.) strangled: A 12 (pred.); -um dsn. A 13 axigan mk. 2 ask: axige pr. subj. sg. App. IV 2 æ f. law, Testament: gs. A 16 æfæsten n. quadragesimal fast (see Commentary A 7): -u np. A 136; -u ap. A 3, 17, 18, etc.,- -um dp. C 6 æfenn n. eventide: æfen as. B 17; -es gs. A 64 æfest m. envy: as. App. I 6, App. Ill 7 sefre adv. ever: App. II 19, App. IV 18 ægyldan see agyldan æft see eft aefter prep. m. dat. after, according to: A 1, 16, 28, etc. asftera adj. compar, following, second: A 62, B 15; -n dsf. C i æht f. possession: as. A 86; -a gp. App. Ill 6 ælc pron. adj. each: App. I 9; nsf. App. I 37; nsn. App. I 38; -ne asm. A 3; -e asf App. I 46; -e ism. A 30*, App. I 16; -(e)re dsf. A 48, App. II n ; -um dsn. A 32 ælmæsse f. alms: ælmæssan ds. A 4 ælmihtig adj. almighty: App. II 30*; ælmihtine asm. App. II 1*; -es gsm. App. IV 27; -um dsm. A 98, App. II 14*, App. IV 13 aelmysfull adj. charitable: -e npn. App.


ælmysse f. alms: aelmyssan ds. App. I 15 æne adv. once: B 8 ænig pron. adj. any: A 8; -e asf. App. II 16, App. IV 15; senig asn. A 24, App. II 19, App. IV 19; -um dsn. A 7, App. I 12; -e isn. A 93 ænne see an ær (1) conj. before: A 16, 47; ær þan before A 29; (2) adv. before A 16, 36, 49, etc.; (3) prep. m. dat. before, within A 16, 114, 117, etc.


æræt rn. untimely meal: -as np. App. IV 9 ærest adj. superl. first: nsn. App. I 1; -a nsm. mk. A 62, B 15; -an ds. mk. A 56 (as subst.), B 8 ærest, ærost adv. first: App. I 28, App. II 4, App. IV 2 ærra adj. compar, former: -n dsf. C 10 æt prep. m. dat. at, on, from: A 6, 16, 23, etc.; ær æt within A 16 ba see begen bacan vi bake: A 5 Basilius m. St Basil: A 22, B 8 baðian mk. 2 bathe: A 5 bædling m. homosexual (?): A 54, B 8 (see Commentary); -e ds. A 54, B 6, 8 bærnan mk. 1 burn: bærneð pr. 3 sg. A 126 be prep. m. dat. concerning, with, by means of, according to, by, commensurate with: A 5, 50, 52, etc.; be him lifigendum while he is alive Ai beam n. child: as. A 99, 118, 119, etc.; np. A 29; -a gp. A 29 bebeodan II enjoin, pray (to): bebeodað pr. pi. A 13; bebeod imp. sg. App. I 29 bebod n. prescription: -e ds. A 16; -u np. App. I 1; -u ap. App. I 40; -a g.p. App. IV 7 bebyriged adj. (p.p.) buried: bebyrigde npm. A 126 gebed n. prayer: -u ap. App. Hi t ; -um dp. App. I 16 gebedræden f. course of prayers: -e ds. App. I 19 befeallan vil fall: befealleð pr. 3 sg. A 92; befealle pr. subj. sg. A 89 began irreg. practise, engage (in): begað pr. 3 sg. A 82; bega pr. subj. sg. A 28, B 3, App. IV 6 begen pron. both: ba nf. C 10; begra g. C 10 begitan, begytan V obtain, get: A 19, App. II 31; begiteil pr. 3 sg. A 135 behealdan vil hold, practise: behealdað pr. pi. A 127 behreowsian mk. 2 repent: App. II 26; behreowsað pr. 3 sg. App. II 26 belimpan hi befit, pertain to (m. dat.)-. belimpad pr. pi. B 14 (see Commentary) bemiðen adj. (p.p.) concealed (from, m. dat.)-. nsn. App. IV 27


beodan II enjoin (w. dat.)-. beode pr. i sg. App. II 14, App. IV 13; beod imp. sg. App. IV 7 beon meg. be: A 16, 33, 34, etc.; is, ys pr. 3 sg. A 14, 15, 16, etc.; bid pr. orfut. 3 sg. A 3, 9, 12, etc.; synd(on)pr. pi. A 128, C I, 10, etc.; beo&pr. orfut. pi. A 3, 10, 12, etc.; sy, sig, si, seo pr. subj. sg. A 4, S, 7, etc., beo A 22, 73; syn pr. subj. pi. A 6, 7, 11, etc., beon C 10, App. I 3; wæs p. 3 sg. A 36, 50; wære p. subj. sg. C 7; nis neg. pr. 3 sg. is not A 2, 8, 16, etc.; næron neg. p. pi. A 12 (see Commentary); beo imp. sg. App. I 14 beorgan, beorgon m defend (often w. dat. reflex, pron.): App. I 36; beorge pr. subj. sg. App. IV 9; beorh imp. sg. App. II 7, App. lit 4 beordor n. child-birth: beorðre ds. A 117 berhthwil f. instant: -e ds. A 98 besceawigende adj. (pr.p.) observant: np. App. I 46 besmitan, besmytan 1soil, defile: besmyte pr. subj. sg. B 8; besmiten p.p. A 42, 93, 96 beswican wk. / seduce: App. II 8, App. Ill i, App. IV 15 beswingan hi beat, flog: beswungene p.p. np. A 6* (ge)betan wk. 1 repent, do penance (for): (ge)bete pr. subj. sg. A 4, 62, 69, etc.; beton pr. subj. pi. A 128; betton p. subj. pi. B 12; betende pr.p. nsm. App. I 14 betere see god betst adv. best: App. I 16 betuh, betweoh, betwyh prep, between (ip. dat. or acc.): A 102, B 8, App. I 41 betweonan prep, (postpos.) between: A 60 beweddod adj. (p.p.) betrothed: nsn. A 36, C 9; nsf. A 36, C 9 bewepan vii lament, weep for: App. II 26 bewrogen adj. (p.p. o/bewreon 11) covered: -e np. App. I 34 bidan 1await (w. gen.)-. App. I 22 (ge)biddan V request, pray for (w. reflex, dat. (5 gen. of thing requested)-. App. I 39; bidde pr. 1 sg. App. I 49, App. II 4; bidde pr. subj. sg. A 23, 66, B 19, etc.; (ge)bide imp. sg. App. I 17, App. II 13, App. IV 2; biddad imp. pi. App. I 51 bisceop m. bishop: A 1, 25, 95, etc.; as. B 23; -es gs. A 25*, 49, 73, etc.; -e ds. A 33; -um dp. A 33, 34

bid see beon bletsung /. blessing, favour: App. I 54; -e ds. A 49 b lin n a n III desist: b lin n e pr. subj. sg. A 28; b lin n o n pr. subj. pi. A 95 b lo d n. blood: as. A n , 85, 87, etc.; -es gs. A 31, 114; -e ds. A 13, 93 geboden adj. (p.p.) appointed: asn. C 6 bot f. amends, penance: -e as. App. I 30, App. IV 1; -e ds. A 69, 128 brecan iv dissolve: A 16; to brecanne infl. inf. A 16 breost n. breast: ap. A 43 (ge)bringan wk. 1 bring: gebringad pr. pi. A 128; bringepr. subj. sg. A 39; brohtest p. 2 sg. App. II 20, App. IV 20 brodor m. brother, monk: A 63, B 16; breder ds. A 63, B 16; brodra gp. A 1, C 10 bryce n. use: ds. A 7 Bryttisc adj. British, Welsh: -um dp. A 33

butan, buton (1) conj. unless, except that: A 5, 22, App. II 12, etc.; (2) prep. w. dat. or acc. without, against, except, outside of A i, 7, 9, etc.; butan þæt an except only A 9 b u tu pron. (neut.) both: A 16, B 12 g e b y rd e adj. natural: g e b y rd u m dp. A 113* b y rig a n wk. 1 (w. gen.) taste: b y rig e pr. subj. sg. A 31 gebyrtid f. birthday: -e ds. A 136 gebysmrad, -ed adj. (p.p.) disgraced: A 65, B 18 canon m. canon: A 62, B 15; -es gs. C 10; -e ds. A 119, 127, B 14 catt m. cat: -e ds. A 87 ceast f. quarrel: -e as. A 76, B 26 cennan wk. 1 conceive: cenne pr. subj. sg. A 109 ceorl m. husband, man: A 20; -es gs. A 53, Bs (ge)ceorligan wk. 2 take a husband: ceorlad pr. 3 sg. A 18; geceorlige pr. subj. sg. A 17 geceosan II choose: A 1 cild n. child: A 122; as. A 26, 32 clæne adj. clean, purified: A 92; clænan asf. wk. A 98 clænlice adv. in a purified state: App. IV 6


clænnysse f. purity: App. I 2; -nesse ds. A 4. claensian wk. 2 cleanse: geclænsod p.p. nsn. A 90, 91 clænsung/.' purification: -a ds. A 114 cleric m. cleric: as. A 73, B 22 cneo n. degree of relation: ds. A 16, cneowe A 16 cniht m. boy: A 56, 103, B 8, etc.; -as np. A 60 corn n. grain: as. A 126 coss m. kiss: as. A 96 cræft m. art: as. A 75 craet n. wagon: -e ds. A 5 creda m. (Nicene or Apostles’) Creed: -n as. App. II 12 Crist m. Christ: A 86; as. A 3; -es gs. A 80, 81, B i, etc. cristen adj. Christian: asn. App. II 14; -um dsn. C 5 cristendom m. Christianity: as. App. II 6, App. IV 4 cuman iv come: cymd pr. 3 sg. App. I 9; cum imp. sg. App. I 17 cumlide adj. hospitable: npn. App. I 4 cunnan meg. know (how): cann pr. 3 sg. A 2; cunne pr. subj. sg. App. I 16, App. II 12 (ge)cwedan v say: cwyd pr. 3 sg. A 91, 116, 127, etc.; cweþad pr. pi. B 15; cwæde p. 2 sg. App. 1 49; cwæd p. 3 sg. A 86, 98, B 8, etc.; cwed imp. sg. App. IV 12; gecweden p.p. nsn. A 119, App. I I 3 cwic adj. alive: nsf. (pred.) A 89; cwice npn. A 29 gecyd n. quarrel, quarrelling: ap. App. I 9 cymd see cuman cyning m. king: A 138; -es gs. A 84, 138, B 23; -e ds. A 84 cyrce f. church: cyrc(e)an as. A 9, 113, 114, etc.; -an gs. A 7, C 10; cyrc(e)an ds. A 5, 7, 35, etc.; -an np. A 34; -an ap. App. I 41; -an dp. C 10 eyre m. choice: as. A 8 cyriclic adj. ecclesiastical, belonging to the Church: -e npm. A 33*; -re dsf. A 48 cyrr m. occasion: -e, -a ds. A 6, 45, B 8 (ge)cyrran wk. 1 turn, return, agree, reform: gecyrred pr. 3 sg. A 69, cyrre pr. subj. sg. A 111; gecyrd p.p. A 98 cyssan wk. 1 kiss: cysse pr. subj. sg. A 97 gecydan wk. 1 prove: A 132


dæd f. deed, practice: -a ap. A 83, App. II 28; -a gp. App. IV 1; -um dp. App. II 27 dædbot f. penitence, penance: C 10; -e as. A 32; -e ds. A 16, App. II 28 dæg m. day: App. II 22, App. IV 23; as. A 64, B 17; -es gs. C 5; -e ds. A 98; dagas ap- A 23, 51, 53, etc.; daga, dagena gp. A 37, 42, 44, etc.; dagum dp. A 5, 121 dægbot f. day’s penance: -a as. C 10 dæl m. portion: as. A 6, 36, 70, etc. gedælan wk. 1 part, divorce, distribute: App. I 21 (w. reflex, pron.)-, gedælepr. subj. sg. A 84; gedælde p.p. npn. A 18 dead adj. dead: A 12; -ne asm. A 137; dead nsf. A 90, 106; -e npm. A 10, 126; -e apm. A 130 dearnunga adv. secretly: A 21 dead m. death: -e dsm. A 1, App. I 27 (ge)deman wk. 1 adjudicate, prescribe: demed pr. 3 sg. A 62, B 15; demde p. 3 sg. A 22; demed p.p. nsn. A 60, B 12, gedemde np. A 29 deoflic adj. satanic: -an apm. wk. A 28 deofol, deoful m. or n. devil (perhaps also a proper noun)-. App. I 37, App. II 7, App. Ill i, etc.; deofles gs. C 10; deofle ds. App. I 38; deoflum dp. A 124 deofolgyld n. idolatry: -e ds. A 13 deor n. animal: as. A 88 derian wk. 1 (w. dat.) injure, render culpable: dered pr. 3 sg. A 38, 93, C 8 ded see (ge)don diacon m. deacon: A 39; -es gs. A 80, B 1 digolice adv. in private: A 5 dom m. verdict: B 22, 23; -e ds. A 16, 73, C 10, etc. domesdseg m. Judgement Day: as. A 98, App. II 2; -es gs. App. I 22 (ge)don irreg. put, do, entrust: A 116, 121, 134; ded pr. 3 sg. A 55, 57, 69, etc.; dod pr. pi. A 11, 29; (ge)do pr. subj. sg. A 32, 36, 41, etc.; don pr. subj. pi. A 6; gedydest p. 2 sg. App. IV 27; do imp. sg. App. I 29; gedon p.p. nsn. A 7 drifan I drive: drifd pr. 3 sg. A 38 Drihten m. Lord, Christ: A 98, C 7; vs. App. I 49; as. App. II 10; Drihtncs gs. A 136; Drihtne ds. App. II 5, App. IV 4 gedrinc n. drink: as. B 25


drincan in drink: drinceð pr. 3 sg. A 85; drince pr. subj. sg. C 8 druncen n. inebriation: as. A 75 drunccennyss f. inebriation: -e as. App. Ill 6 drycræft m. sorcery: -e ds. A 128 dyrne adj. secret: apn. App. Ill 4; dyrnum dp. A 13 dyslic adj. foolish: -u npn. A 20 eac adv. also: A 4, 5, 15, etc. eadmedum see eaðmedu eage n. eye: eagum dp. App. IV 27 eahta num. eight: a. App. II 7, App. Ill 1 eald adj. old: nsn. A 122; -an gsf. mk. A 16 eall adj. all, entire: A 90; nsn. App. II 3; -e asf. C 2; eall asn. A 104, App. I 17; -um dsn. C 5, App. II 10; -e npm. A 49, App. II 2; -e npf. App. IV 11; -e apm. C 10; -e apn. App. Ill 8; eallra gp. App. I 18, ealra App. IV 25; -um dp. App. I 5° eallswa conj. even as: B 8, C 10 ealu m. ale: as. A 32; ealað, ealoð ds. A 6, 72, 108 earm adj. wretched: -an dsn. mk. App. II 31 geearnian mk. 2 earn, deserve: geearnað pr. 3 sg. B 11; geearnodc p. 3 sg. A 98 geearnung f. merit, desert: -e as. A 28 eastron f. pi. Easter: a. A 33*; d. A 136 eaðmedu, eadmedu f. humility: -medum dp. App. II 6, App. IV 4 eaðmod adj. humble: -e npn. App. I 3 eaSmodlice adv. humbly: App. I 52 ece adj. eternal: ecum dsm. App. I 27; -re dsf. A Colophon; ecum dsn. App. I 26 ecnyss f. eternity: -e ds. App. I 53 geedlæcan mk, 1 renew, repeat (w. dat.): geedlæce pr. subj. sg. App. II 28 geedniwian mk. 2 resume: geedniwað pr. 3 sg. App. II 28 eft, æft adv. again, back: A 3, 9, 19, etc. ege m. fear: ds. App. II 5, App. IV 3 egeslic adj. terrible: nsn. C 10 elles adv. else, other(wise): A 53, B 5 elþeodig adj. foreign: asn. B 13 ende m. end: as. B 12 endedæg m. life’s end: as. A 83 endleofan num. eleven: a. A 77 eorðe f. earth: eorðan gs. App. I 34 eosulcweorn f. millstone (turned by an ass): C 7

eow see ge etan v eat: yt pr. 3 sg. App. II 29; etað pr. pi. A 11; ete pr. subj. sg. A 37; to etenne, to etanne infl. inf. A 10, 12, 14, etc. facn n. guile: as. A 96 faran VI go, ride: A 5; faron pr. subj. pi. B 13 fæder m. father: A 122, 133; as. App. II


fæmne f. virgin, unmarried woman: A 108; fæmnan as. A 52, 66, 97, etc.; fæmnan ds. B 11 fæstan mk. 1 fast (from, œ. dat.): fæsteð pr. 3 sg. A 137; fæstc pr. subj. sg. A 4, 17, 18, etc.; fæsten, fæston pr. subj. pi. A 3, 6, 30*, etc. fæsten n. fast, fasting: A 69, App. I 2; as. C 6, App. I io, App. IV 6; -e ds. A 4, App. I 15 fæt n. vessel: A 90, 91 gefea m. bliss: -n ds. A 98 feala indef. pron. many (w. dependent gen.): A 83 feallan vn fall, go: feole p. subj. 3 sg. A 46 fell n. hide: ap. A 11 feoh n. thing of value, money: as. A 24, 36, 135; feos gs. A 36; feo ds. A 84 gefeoht n. battle: -e ds. A 74 feond m. enemy: -um dp. A 84 feoung f. hatred: -e ds. A 72* feower num. four: A 13; asn. A 18, 52, 53, etc. feowerfealdlice adv. fourfold: A 35, 86 feowertig (1) num. forty: a. A 30, 37, 44, etc.,* (2) as subst. quadragesimal fast (see Commentary A 3): -o apn. A 57, 78*, 102, etc.; -um dp. A 53, 121, B 5 feowertynewintre adj. fourteen years old: A 134 fif num. five: a. A 126 fifta num. fifth: -n dsn. A 16 fiftig num. fifty: A 136 fiftyne num. fifteen: a. A 40, 63, 118, etc. flæsc n. flesh: A 130; as. A n , 17, 18, etc.; -es gs. A 64, B 17; -e ds. A 6, 63, 71, etc. geflit n. dispute, quarrel: App. I 38; -e ds. A8 folc n. people, community, army: as. App. I 18, App. II 14; -es, -æs gs. A 39, 74;


-e ds. A 136, C 3, 6, on folce non­ monastic A 128 fon vil take: fon . . . on accept App. I 10 for, fore prep. 1v. dat. or acc. for, on account of: A 4, 8, 20, etc. forbærnan mk. 1 burn up: forbærne pr. subj. sg. A 7 forbeodan 11forbid: forbeodað pr. pi. A 14; forbeod imp. sg. App. IV 12 fordemed adj. (p.p.) condemned: A Colophon fordemedness f. damnation: -e ds. A Colophon forestihtung f. fore-ordination: -e ds. A 8 forgan irreg. forgo, avoid: App. I 6; forga pr. subj. sg. A 17, 18, 32 forgifeness, forgyfen(n)yss f. forgiveness: -e as. App. II 4; -e gs. A 23, 66, B 19 forgyfan v grant, forgive: forgyfe pr. subj. sg. App. I 31 forgyldan, forgyldon, forgeldan 3 (re)pay: forgylde, forgelde pr. subj. sg. A 35. 36, 86; forgyldon, forgeldon pr. subj. pi. A 36, 46, 47 forhabban 3 restrain, keep (away): -hæbbe pr. subj. sg. A 13, 32 forhæfedness / restraint: -e ds. A 16 forhycgan mk. 3 scorn: forhycge pr. subj. sg. C 6 forlætan vn abandon, surrender, depart: A 20, 72, App. II 23, etc.; forlæte pr. subj. sg. A 17, 21, 22, etc.; forlæte . . . an A 83 see anforlaetan forlegennyss / fornication: -e as. A 41 forlicg(e)an v fornicate: forlið pr. 3 sg. B 11; forlicge pr. subj. sg. A 52, B 4; to forlicge(a)nne infl. inf. A 58, B 9; forlegen(e) p.p. adulterous A 21, 22, 112 (nsn. mk.), etc. forloren adj. (p.p.) lost: -an gsm. mk. A 106 forma num. first: -n dsm. A 6, 43; -n dsf.


forsegness / contempt: -e ds. C 5 forstelan iv steal (away): forstele pr. subj. sg. A 71; forstolone p.p. asm. A 68 forsyllan mk. 1 forfeit: forseald p.p. A 36 forsyngod adj. (p.p.) culpable, having sinned: -es gsm. C 10 forþam, forþan (1) adv. therefor(e): A 11; (2) conj. because A 23, 84, 93, etc.; forþam þe because A 98, App. II 15

9 1

forðgelang adj. dependent: nsf. C 10 forðgewitendlic adj. transitory: -an gsn. mk. App. IV 22 forþy conj. because: A 20 forwyrcan mk. / forfeit: pr. subj. pi. C 10 forwyrht f. misdeed: -um dp. A 24 forwyrnan mk. 1 refuse, deny: forwyrne pr. subj. sg. A 98; forwyrnon pr. subj. pi. App. IV 9 fram prep. w. dat. from, out of, by: A 13, 32, 33, etc.

fremde adj. foreign: fremdre dsf. A 84 gefremman mk. 1 do, perform: gefremodest p. 2. sg. App. IV 26 fremsum adj. of good will: -e npn. App.

I3 fre m u / use, benefit: freme ds. A 7 freo adj. free: npm. A 6 freondscipe m. affection: as. B 19 frig(e)dæg m. Friday: as. A 3; -dæge is. A 17*, 3°*; -dagum dp. A 18 fugel m. bird: as. A 88; -es gs. A 92*; -as np. A 12 full adj. full: fulre dsf. A 128; -an dsn. mk. B 4; fullestan superl. dsn. mk. A 52 (see Commentary) (ge)fullian mk. 2 baptize: A 3; fullað pr. 3 sg. A 48, 49; fullige pr. subj. sg. A 4; gefullade p. 3 sg. A 49; gefullod(e) p.p. A 3, 49, 50, etc. fullic adj. foul, shameful: nsf. App. II 19, App. IV 18 fulluht, fulwiht m. or n. baptism: as. App. II 6, App. IV 4; -e ds. A 50, 122, 123 (ge)fult(u)mi(g)an mk. 2 help (m. dat.): fultmað pr. 3 sg. A 137; gefultumige pr. subj. sg. App. II 30 fultum m. support: -es gs. App. I 40 funden adj. (p.p.) found: A 12; -e npm. A 10 gefyllan mk. 1 complete: A 2; gefylle pr. subj. sg. A 26 gegaderod adj. (p.p.) joined: -e npn. A 18, App. I 23 galdorcræft m. magic spell: -as ap. A 127 galdorsang m. incantation: -as ap. A 28 galla m. bile: A 15 gan irreg. go: A 22; ga pr. subj. sg. A 83, C9 gang m. passage, lapse: as. A 130



gangan vii go: gange pr. subj. sg. A 68, 113, 114; gangan pr. subj. pi. A 113 gast m. spirit: as. App. II 2 ge pron. 2 pi. you: eow d. App. I 51 gearbot f. year’s penance: -a as. C 10 geondstredan wk. 1 asperse: -strede pr. subj. sg. A 9; -stredde p.p. np. A 34 georn(n)e adv. earnestly, devoutly, truly: App. 1 17, App. II 7, App. Ill 4, etc. ger, gear n. year: as. A 17, 28, 32*, etc.; -es gs. A 130, 136; -e ds. A 136; ger, gear ap. A 4, 18, 30, etc.; -a gp. C 10 gif, gyf conj. if: A 4, 5, 6, etc. gifernyss, gyfernyss f. covetousness: -a np. App. II 9, App. Ill 3 girneð see gyrnan God m. God: App. I 48; as. C 10; -es gs. A 7, 8, 35, etc.; -e ds. A 23, 66, 68, etc. god adj. good, effective: A 15; -an dsf. App. I 14; -um dsm. C 10; compar. betere better nsn. A 26, C 7; swa betere swa oftor the more often the better App. I 42 god n. good thing, virtue: -es gs. App. IV 27; -e ds. App. II 22, App. IV 21 godcund adj. religious, sacred: -an npn. wk. App. I 1; -ra gp. A 8 godspell n. gospel: -e ds. App. I 50 gramfærnys bout of anger: App. I 37 Grecas mp. Greeks, Eastern Christians: A 5, 6, 11, etc.; Grecum dp. A 16 gremian wk. 2 enrage: gremað pr. 3 sg. App. II 29* gyldan m pay compensation: gylde pr. subj. sg. B 20 gylp m. boasting: App. IV 10; as. App. I 7, App. Ill 6 gylt m. offence: -es gs. C 10; -as ap. App. I 11, App. II 25; -a gp. A 83 gymeleast / carelessness: -e ds. C 2 gyrnan, girnan wk. / desire: girneð pr. 3 sg. A 58; gyrne pr. subj. sg. B 9 gyrnyss f. covetousness: -e as. App. Ill 6 gyt adv. still, yet: A 18, 28 gytsung f. avarice: -e as. App. I 6

neg. pr. subj. sg. A 67, B 19; hafa imp. sg. App. I 13 had m. order, office: as. C 10; -es gs. A 95, 106, C 10; -e ds. B 8 (see Commentary)-, -a gp. A 8 gehadod adj. (p.p.) ordained: A 48*, 49; - a n dsm. A 104; -e npm. A 33, C 10 (g e )h alg ian wk. 2 consecrate: A 9; geh alg o d (e) p.p. A 34, 71, g e h a lg e d u m , -o n dsn. A 80, B 1 h a lig adj. holy: -e nsf. wk. A 2; h a lg a n asm. wk. App. II 1; h a lg a n asf. App. Ill 10; - re dsf. B 13 haliglic adj. sacred: -es gsn. of a sacred nature A n * haligwæcca m. vigil-keeper: -n np. App.


n. holy water: as. A 89*, 91, 92; -e ds. A 9, 34 halsigan wk. 2 entreat: halsige pr. 1 sg. App. IV 13 h a l s u n g / divination: -a ap. A 127 h a m adv. home: A 39, i n h a n d f. hand: as. A 43; - a gs. A 87; -a ds. A 2, 79, 80, etc. hara m. hare: A 15 g e h a t n. vow: as. A 26; np. A 20; -um dp. A 20 (g e )h a ta n VII promise, command; h a te pr. i sg. App. IV 13; g e h a te pr. subj. sg. A 20, 26 hatheortnyss f. irascibility, rashness, ferocity: -e as. App. Ill 5 hælo f. (indecl. in sg.) health, cure: C 10; ds. A 125, 126 hstman wk. 1 copulate: A 132; hæm(e)ð pr. 3 sg. A 116, 117, B 10*, etc.; hæmað pr. pi. A 60; hæme pr. subj. sg. A 23, 40, 53, etc.; hæmon pr. subj. pi. A 95; hæmed p.p. B 10 (see Commentary). hæmed n. copulation: as. A 64, App. I 45 hæs f. bidding: A 84; -e ds. B 24, C 8 hæðen adj. heathen: -ra gp. A 127 he pron. he: A 1, 4, 12, etc.; hine asm. A 4, 12, 20, etc.; his gsm. A 2, 15, 17, etc.; him dsm. A 1, 19, 21, etc.; heo nsf. A 20, 22, 36, etc.; hy, hi, hig asf. A 9, habban wk. 3 have: hæfst pr. 2 sg. App. 19*, 21, etc.; hire, hyre, hira gsf. A 22, II 3; hafað, hæf'ð pr. 3 sg. A 25, 138, 36, 64, etc.; hyre, hire dsf. A 41, 117, B n ; habbað pr. pi. A 79; hæbbe pr. 123, etc.; hit nsn. A 4, 6, 7, etc.; hit asn. subj. sg. A 36, 67, B 19, etc.; habbon A 4, 6, 7, etc.; hi, hy, heo, hig np. A 3, pr. subj. pi. App. I 49; hæfde p. 3 sg. A 5, 6, etc.; hi, hy ap. A 3, 6, 16, etc.; 16; nabbað neg. pr. pi. A 33; næbbe h a lig w æ te r


heora, hyra, hira gp. A 5, 6, n , etc.; heom dp. A 60, 130 heafoc m. hawk: A 12 heafodcwide m. cardinal dictum: -cwidas np. A 13 h e a fo d lic adj. capital: - r a gp. A 83 h e a h s y n n e f. cardinal sin: -sy n n a ap. App. II 7, App. Ill i (ge)healdan vii sustain, hold, celebrate, observe, guard: C 1, App. I 1; healdað pr. pi. A 33*; (ge)healde pr. subj. sg. App. II 6, App. IV 5; heald imp. sg. App. Ill 7; to healdenne infl. inf. A 20 healf adj. half: be healfan (= be healfan dæle) dsm. wk. half (of the prescribed fast) B 20 healic adj. grave: App. II 24 hefig adj. weighty: nsf. App. II 18, App. IV 17 h e n n f. hen: -a np. A n heort m. stag: A 10 heorte f. heart: heortan as. A 98; heortan gs. C 10, App. II n her adv. here: App. I 48 herbeforan adv. previously, prior to this: B 14 here m. army, predatory band: A 19 hider adv. here: App. I 19 hindan adv. from behind: A 115 hired m. community: -a gp. C 10 hlaf m. bread: as. A 5; -e ds. A 32 hlaford m. lord: C 10 (abbot); as. App. II 13; -es gs. B 24 hlystan wk. 1 listen to, obey (w. gen.): hlyste pr. subj. sg. App. IV 7 hnesclic adj. soft, unmanly: -e npm. B 8 holinga adv. unintentionally: A 87, B 24 horn m. horn: -as ap. A n hors n. horse: as. A 14 hraðor adv. compar, sooner: na ðe hraðor none the sooner A 17 hrædlice adv. immediately: A 95 hreow, reow f. penance: A 106*, B 11; -e as. A 65*, 114*, 116*, etc. hreowan, reowan 11repent: reowe pr. subj. sg. A 51 * hreowsian wk. 2 repent: hreowsie pr. subj. sg. B 10 hreowsung/ penitence: -e ds. C 10, App. H 25 gehrinan I touch: gehrine pr. 3 sg. A 43 hrof m. roof: as. A 125 hu adv. how: App. I 19


hund m. dog: -e ds. A 87, App. II 29; -um dp. A 10 hund num. hundred: d. App. I 34 hunger m. hunger: A 38 huru adv. truly: App. I 48 hus n. house: -um dp. A 5 husl n. Eucharist: -e ds. A 113 hwa, hwæt indef. pron. someone, something: hwa nsm. A 5, 40, B 1, etc.; hwæt asn. A 35, App. I 20, App. II 21, etc.; hwon isn. App. I 20 hwæthwæge indef. pron. something or other: as. A 6 hwæðer, hweðer conj. whether: A 3, 47,

50 hwil f. period of time: -e as. A 3, 4, 18, etc. hwilc, hwylc pron. IS pron. adj. any, some, what, of what sort: A 4*, 5, 39, etc.; -es gsm. A 19, 21; -ere gsf. A 125; -ere dsf. App. I 22; hwylc nsn. A 20, 26; asn. C 10; -e npm. App. I 33; -um dsn. A 20; swa hwilc swa whoever A 50, swa hwylc(um) . . . swa whichever . . . that or who A 98, Colophon hwon see hwa, hwæt gehwylc pron. each: -es gsn. App. IV 25 gehwyrfednes f. transformation, reform: A 98 hyd f. hide: -a ap. A 11 (ge)hyran wk. 1 hear (w. acc.), obey (w. dat.): (ge)hyrepr. subj. sg. App. II 6, App. IV i gehyrsum adj. obedient: App. II 15 hyrsumigan wk. 2 obey (w. dat.): hyrsumige pr. subj. sg. App. IV 13 ic pron. i sg. I: App. I 19, App. II 4, App. IV 12 idel, ydel adj. vain: App. IV 10; -ne asm. App. I 6, App. Ill 6 in prep. w. dat. or acc. in, into: A 7, 11*, 13, etc. in(n) adv. in, inside, into it: A 89, 91, 92 inneweard adj. inward, sincere: -re gsf. App. II 11 innon prep. w. dat. within: A 5 innoð m. womb: -e ds. A 120 into prep. w. dat. into: A 26 inwerc m. internal pain: -e ds. A 15* is see beon Iudeos mp. Jews: C 5



land «. land: as. A 138, B 13, C 10 lar(þ)eow m. teacher, guide: -a gp. App. II 25, App. IV 7 læce m. physician: as. App. IV 5; ds. C 10 (ge)lædan >vk. 1 lead, bring: lædde p. 3 sg. A h i ; gelæded, gelædd p.p. A 98, App. I 24, App. II 23, etc. læne adj. fleeting: lænan asf. wk. App. I 20, App. II 23, App. IV 23 læran wk. / instruct, direct: lære pr. 1 sg. App. I 19; laereS pr. 3 sg. App. I 37; lære pr. subj. sg. App. II 15, App. IV 14; lær imp. sg. App. IV 12 gelæstan wk. 1 fulfill: gelæste pr. subj. sg. C9 lætan vn let, cause, leave: App. IV 20; lætað pr. pi. A 3; læte pr. subj. sg. C 10, App. II 16, App. IV 15 læwede adj. lay, secular: A 68, 72; læweda nsm. wk. A 32; læwede npf. A 113; læwedan dp. (as subst.) lay persons A7

leaff. leave, permission: -e ds. A 22 (of the confessor), C 10 geleafa m. faith: -n as. App. I 13 leafe f. leave, permission: leafan ds. App. I 10 leahter m. offence: App. II 24; leahtrum dp. App. Ill 9 leas adj. false: -e asf. App. I 44; -e npf. App. II 10, App. Ill 3; leasestum superl. dp. A 124* leasung f. falshood, lie: -a np. App. IV 11; -a ap. App. I 8, -e App. Ill 7 lengo f. (indecl. in sg.) length: as. A 98 lengtenfæsten n. Lenten fast: -e ds. C 6 leof m. dear sir (from adj. leof dear): vs. App. I 19 leornian wk. 2 learn: leorna imp. sg. App. II 12 leoðum see lið libban, lifigan wk. 3 live: leofað pr. 3 sg. A 98, 106; libbe, lybbe pr. subj. sg. A 4, App. II 5, App. IV 3, lifige A 18; libbon pr. subj. pi. A 3; lifigendra pr.p. (as subst.) gp. A 126; lifigendum pr.p. dsm. A i gelic adj. like, similar: App. II 29 gelice adv. likewise: A 27, 34 lichama m. body: App. I 21; -n as. App. II 20, App. IV 19; -n gs. A 63, B 16, App. I 46; -n ds. App. I 26, App. IV 25 lif n. life: as. App. II 5, App. IV 3; -es gs.

B 12, App. IV 2; -e ds. A 98, App. I 26, App. II 31, etc. lifdæg m. mortal day: -dagas ap. C io lifig- see libban gelig(e)re, gelire, gelyre n. (act of) fornication: geligera, geliru ap. A 83, App. Ill 4; geligera, gelyra gp. A 65, B 18; geligrum dp. A 13 gelimpan III happen: gelimpð pr. 3 sg. A 11; gelimpe pr. subj. sg. A 46 lið.n. limb: leoðum, liþum dp. A 57, B 8 (both in ref. to thighs) lið n. cider: -e ds. A 108* liðegian wk. 2 calm: App. I 39 gelome adv. continually, often: A 83, C 7 gelomlice adv. often: B 9 lufigan wk. 2 love: lufige pr. subj. sg. A 66, B 19; lufa imp. sg. App. II 10 lufu f. love: App. I 2; lufe ds. B 19; lufon ds. App. II 4, App. IV 3 lust m. desire: as. A 97 lyb(b)lac m. occult art: App. IV 11; -as ap. App. Ill 4 (ge)lyfan wk. 1 allow: gelyfað pr. pi. A 11, lyfað A n gelyfan wk. / believe: gelyfst pr. 2 sg. App. II i gelyra see geligere lytel adj. little: nsf. App. II 18, App. IV 17; lytlan asm. wk. B 17; lyttle ism. A 64 lyttlian wk. 2 be diminished: lyttlaS pr. 3 sg. A 69 ma adv. compar, more: A 18, 20, 28, etc. magan irreg. be able: mæg pr. 3 sg. A 58, 69, 98, etc.; magon pr. pi. App. I 40; mæge pr. subj. sg. A 19, 132, App. II 24, etc.; magon pr. subj. pi. App. II 31 magas, magum see maeg man indef. pron. one: A 4, 5, 7, etc. man n. offence: as. A 55 manfull adj. sinful: -an apf wk. App. II 28 manmyrðre f. murderer: -myrSrum dp. A 30 man(n), mon m. person, human being: A 4*, 8, 32, etc.; man as. A 46, 47, 48, etc.; mannes gs. A 19, 21, 79, etc.; men ds. A 16, 24, 86, etc.; men np. A 5, 6, 16, etc.; men ap. A 49, 130; manna gp. A 11, 127, App. I 2, etc.; mannum dp. A 10, App. I 50


mansliht m. manslaughter: -e ds. App. I


manswerian wk. 2 perjure oneself: -swereð pr. 3 sg. A 81*; -swerigc pr. subj. sg. B 2 manþwære adj. humane: npn. App. I 4 maran, mare see mycel mæden n. virgin, unmarried woman: A 36, C 9 mseg verb see magan mæg in. kinsman: -es gs. B 20; magas np. A 36, 46, 47; maga gp. C 9; magum dp. A 47 mægen n. might, power: -e ds. App. II 10 mægð f. province: -e ds. A 84 mægðhad m. (state of) chastity: -e ds. A 20 mæl n. sign, time, meal: to anes mseles gs. taking one meal A 3; Cristes mæle ds. Christ’s crucifix A 80, 81, B 1, etc. m in e adj. false: A 80, B 1; mænne asm. A 77; m in e npm. App. II 8, App. Ill 2, App. IV 11; m in e apm. A 82, 83, B 3, etc. mænnen n. maidservant: A n o mæsse f. festival: Cristes mæssan ds. Christmas Day C 1 mæssedæg m. Church festival: -dagum dp. App. I 41 mæssepreost, messepreost m. clergyman: A 9, 39, 42, etc.; as. B 23, C 10; -es gs. A 2, 80, B 1; -e ds. A 25 mseð f. extent, severity, fitness: -e ds. C 10 meder see modor medmæst adj. superl. lowliest: -an dp. C7 gemenged adj. (p.p.) mixed: A 15; gemengde npn. A 10 gemengness, -nyss f. mingling, sexual intercourse: -e as. A 63, B 16 mennisc adj. human: -ne asm. A 68 meox n. dung: A 92 gemet n. measure: -e is. A 29, 94* gemetfæst adj. temperate, modest: -e npn. App. I 3 mete m. food: A 92; ds. A 87 micel see mycel mid prep. w. dat. (instr.) or ace. with, among: A 2, 4, 6, etc. miht f. strength: -um dp. C 10 mildheort adj. merciful: -e npn. App. I 5 mildheortnyss f. mercy: -e as. App. I 32


milds, milts f. compassion: -e as. App. II 31; -egs. App. I 40 min pron. adj. 1 sg. my: vs. App. I 19; -re gsf. App. I 51; -es gsn. App. I 53 misdæd f. misdeed: -a ap. App. IV 5 mislic adj. various, of diverse sorts: -e npm. C 10 mod n. heart, mind, thought: as. App. I 39; -e ds. A 66, B 19, App. II 11 modor, moder f. mother: A 64, 122, B 17; as. A 40, App. II 13; gs. B 21; meder ds. B 13, 14 molde f. soil: moldan ds. App. I 34 mon see mann monoð m. month: ap. A no; monðe ds. A 117; monða gp. A 113*, monþum dp. App. Ill 9 monðbot f. monthlong penance: -e as. C 10 morgen m. morning: as. App. I 28 morð, morþor n. (concealed) homicide: App. II 8, App. Ill 2; as. A 83, 118, App. I 8; morþre ds. App. I 12 motan irreg. be allowed, be obliged: mot pr. 3 sg. A i, s, 9, etc.; moton pr. pi. A 5; mote pr. subj. sg. App. I 22, App. IV 15; moton pr. subj. pi. App. II 30; moste p. subj. sg. A 22, 98 munuc m. monk: A 99, 105; as. A 68, 73, B 22 mus f. mouse: A 89, 90; ds. A 87 muð m. mouth: as. A 61, B 12 muðsar n. pain in the mouth: -e ds. A 15* mycel, micel adj. much, great: A 91; nsf. App. II 15, App. IV 8; asn. (subst.) A 36*; -re dsf. A 133; maran compar, dsf. A 16; mare asn. B n , App. II 12 mynster n. monastery: as. A 22, 68, 83, etc.; mynstres gs. C 10; mynstre ds. A 7, 26, 68*, etc. myrþra m. homicide, murderer: A 121, B 20, 21 na adv. by no means: A 2, 9, 10*, etc. nabbaS, næbbe see habban nacod adj. naked: -ne asm. App. II 20, App. IV 19 naht n. nothing: as. A n*; naht as. in no way C 8, ne habbað . . . for naht make nothing of A 79 nalaes adv. not at all: A 98 nama m. name: -n ds. App. IV 21 nan adj. no: nsf. A 31, App. II 24; nsn. A



8, App. IV 26; nænne mas. A 1; -um dsm. A 16, 24 naðer ne conj. neither: A 5, 113, App. II 17, etc. nsefre adv. never: A 7, 40, 48, etc. nænig pron. adj. no, none: -um dsm. A 90; -um dsn. A 7 nænne see nan naeron see beon ne (1) adv. not: A 1, 2, 5, etc.; (2) conj. nor A i, 5, io, etc. neadþearf see nydþearf neat n. domestic animal, head of livestock: np. A 10 nehst adj. superl. nearest, next: -an gsm. wk. (as subst.) neighbour A 107; -an asf. wk. C i nele, nellað see willan neod f. necessity: -e is. A 78 neodþearf see nydþearf neorxenawong m. paradise: -es gs. A 98 ner adv. compar, nearer: A 16 nett n. net: -e ds. A 12 niht f. night: -a gp. A 30, 136 (ge)niman IVtake, accept: A 36; nimað pr. pi. A 6; (ge)nime pr. subj. sg. A 16, 19, 21, etc.; genumcn p.p. asn. A 84; to nimanne infl. inf. A 135 nis see beon nið m. hostility: as. App. Ill 7 nu adv. now: A 16, App. I 33 nunne f. religious woman, nun: A 99; nunnan as. A 109; nunnan np. A 113 nyding f. force: -a ap. A 44 nydþearf, neadþearf, neodþearff. necessity, requirement: A 5, 9, 27, etc.; -e ds. A 88, 133 nyl(l)e see willan nyten n. domestic animal, head of livestock: as. A 88; -e ds. A 13, 87, B 6, etc.; -u np. A 12; -u ap. A 27; -um dp. A 83, 116 nyton see witan nytt f. use: -e ds. A 11 nyðerung f. abasement, condemnation: -e ds. C 5 of (1) prep. w. dat. from, out of, from among: A 2, 31, 46*, etc.; (2) adv. off, away A 84*, 92, 130 ofen m. oven: as. A 125 ofer prep. w. dat. or ace. over, on top of, after: A 25, 125, 136

ofercidan wk. 1 rebuke sharply: -cidad pr. pi. A 6 ofercuman IV conquer: ofercumenum p.p. dsm. A 84 oferdruncenys f. inebriation: as. App. I 7, -nysse App. I 43 oferdruncolnys f. inebriation: App. IV 10 oferfyll f. repletion, gluttony: -e ds. A 51 oferhyd f. pride: as. App. I 6 ofermettu f. pride: -metta np., ap. App. •IV 8 ofermodignyss f. pride: -e as. App. Ill 5 oferswided adj. (p.p.) vanquished: A 65, B 18 ofstean vi kill: ofslyhð pr. 3 sg. A 72, 74; ofslea pr. subj. sg. A 46, 47, 75, etc.; ofslean pr. subj. pi. A 47 oft adv. frequently: A 62, 69, 83, etc.; oftor see god oftrædlic adj. frequent: asn. App. I 45 ofdincan wk. 1 cause regret (to, w. dat.)'. ofdincd pr. 3 sg. App. II 2 ofþryccan wk. 1 squeeze, crush: ofþrycce pr. subj. sg. A 32 on prep. w. dat. or acc. on, in, among, from, per: A 4, 5, 9, etc. onarisan 1rise up: App. II 2 onbitan 1taste (w. gen.): onbite pr. subj. sg. A 64, B 17 onfaran VI travel: onfare pr. subj. sg. A 5 onfengnyss f. receipt, acquisition: -e gs. A


onfon vii take hold of, conceive (w. acc.), receive (w. dat.): App. I 25; onfehd pr. 3 sg. A 120; to onfonne infl. inf. A 2 ongean prep. w. dat. contrary to: C 6 onhyr(i)gan wk. 1 emulate: onhyrige pr. subj. sg. A 64; onhyrgende pr.p. nsf. B 10 onsægdnes f. sacrifice, Eucharist: A 2 onsecgan 3 offer sacrifice: onsecgad pr. pi. A 124 onsetness f. laying on of hands: -e ds. A 33

onwendan wk. 1 vary, change: onwendon pr. subj. pi. B 13 openlice adv. in public: A 5 od prep. 1v. acc. until: A 83, B 12, 17; oð þæt conj. until A 65, 133, B 18 oder pron. & num. other, second, alternate: A 16; -nc asm. A 1, 72, 75, etc.; oðre asf. A 19; oiler, oðær asn. A 21, 26, 46, etc; oðres gsm. A 1, 53, 138,


etc.; oðrum dsm. A 6, 16, 45, etc.; odre dsf. A 7, 9, 91, etc.; oðrum dsn. A 7; oðre ism. C 3; odre npm. A 16, 33, 50, etc.; oðre npn. A 12; oðre apn. A 17, 27; oðra gp. App. Ill 6 oðhrinan I touch (»>. dat.): oðhrined pr. 3 sg. A 87; oðhrine pr. subj. sg. A 96 oððe conj. or: A 7*, 11, 16, etc.,' oþþe . . . oþþe whether . . . or App. I n pentecosten m. Pentecost: ds. A 136 pipor m. pepper: as. A 15 preost m. clergyman: -as np. A 33 ra m. roebuck: A 10* ræd m. benefit: App. I 53 reaflac n. robbery: as. App. I 7 reow- see hreowrest f. rest, repose: -e as. App. I 31, App. IV 9 restan wk. 1 rest, go to bed: App. I 29 redness f. vehemence: -e as. A 100 ridan I ride: ridað pr. pi. A 5 riht adj. proper: -ne asm. App. I 13 riht n. propriety, proper thing, what is due: A 8; as. App. I 25, App. II 15, App. IV 14; ds. m id r ih te properly A 2, 24, C I, etc. rihtgeleafull adj. orthodox: -um dp. A 33 rihtgelyfed adj. orthodox: -um dp. App. I _ 5° rihtgesinscipe m. proper marriage: ds. A 18 rihtymbrendæg m. correct Ember-day: -dagas np. C 1 gerim n. sum, enumeration: -e ds. A 127 Romane mp. Romans: A 5; Romana gp. A 16* rowan vn row: rowað pr. pi. A 5 (ge)samnian, gesomnian wk. 2 assemble, unite, be joined: samnað pr. 3 sg. A 70; gesamniað pr. pi. A 16; gesomnien pr. subj. pi. A 132 gesamnung f. assembly: -e ds. A 48 sawl, sawul f. soul: A 106, App. I 21; sawle as. A 138; sawle gs. A 98, App. I 47, App. IV 5; sawle ds. App. I 26, App. IV 24 sæ m. orf. sea: as. C 7 sæd n. seed: as. A 44, 61, 85, etc.; -es gs. A 30


gescead n. difference: gescead witan understand App. IV 2 scearu f. tonsure: sceare as. A 33 sceada m. thief: A 98 sceawian wk. 2 observe, consider, behold: sceawað pr. 3 sg. A 98; to sceawigenne infl. inf. App. I 33 sceoh m. shoe: sceon dp. A 11 sceddan vi harm, render culpable (w. dat.): seeded pr. 3 sg. A 87, 88 scrift m. confessor, penitential prescription: A 69, 123; as. App. I 9; -es gs. App. I 10; -e ds. C 6, 9, App. I 11 scriftboc f. penitential handbook: as. A Colophon sculan irreg. be obliged: scealt pr. 2 sg. App. I 24, App. II 21, App. IV 20; sceal pr. 3 sg. A 1, 7, 50, etc.; sculon pr. pi. A 136, sceolon, -an A 16, 33, 34; scule pr. subj. sg. A 1x6; scylon pr. subj. pi. App. I 1 scyfe m. instigation: as. C 10 (ge)scyldan wk. 1 protect: pr. subj. pi. A 46; scylt imp. sg. App. Ill 1 scyldig adj. accountable (for, w. gen.): A 98 gescyldigan 3 commit offence: gescyldigad pr. pi. A 6 scylon see sculan Scyttisc adj. Irish: -um dp. A 33 se dem. pron. ÍÍ pron. adj. the, this, that, what: A 1, 4, 10, etc.; seo nsf. A 2, 90, 98, etc.; þæt nsn. A 3, 8, 16, etc.; þæne, done asm. A 6, 46*, 47, etc.; þa asf. A 3, 4, 16, etc.; þæt asn. A 9, 16, 20, etc.; þæs gsm. A 2, 25, 94, etc.; þære gsf. A 16, 98, C 10; þæs gsn. A 6, 30, 36, etc.; þam, þan dsm. A 6, 19, 25, etc.; þære dsf. A 28, 98, B 14, etc.; þam dsn. A 7, 16, 22, etc.; þan, þi, þe isn. A 29, before compar, the, any A 16, 17; da np. A 3, 6, 10, etc.; þa ap. A 3, 4, 11, etc.; þæra, þara gp. A 1, 98, C 6, etc.; þam dp. A 5, 7, 20, etc.; to þam, to þon so, to such an extent App. II 17, App. IV 17; see also þæs sealde, geseald see syllan secan wk. 1 seek (out), enquire, visit: C 10, App. I 41; sece^r. subj. sg. App. IV 5 seegan wk. 3 say: seege pr. subj. sg. A 67, A 132, B 19; to seegenne, to seeganne infl. inf. App. II 19, App. IV 18



sendan wk. i send, spill, ejaculate: sendeð/>r. 3 sg. A 61, B 12 senian wk. 2 make the sign of the cross {w. reflex, pron.)'. sena imp. sg. App. I 28 seo see beon, se seoc adj. sick: -es gsm. C 10 seofon num. seven: a. A 62, 67, 69, etc. seofonniht f. week, sennight: as. A 6 seofonwintre adj. seven years old: A 133 gesetness f. decree: -e ds. C 6 (ge)settan wk. 1 set, establish, place: settan, gesetton inf. A 1, 9, C 10; seteð pr. 3 sg. A 125; gesettan p.p. apf. wk. A 69 gesewen adj. {p.p.) seen: nsn. A 88 sibb f. relation: -e as. A 16 sig see beon singan hi sing, recite: sing imp. sg. App. II 11 gesinscipe m. marriage: A 16 sið m. time, occasion: -e is. C 3, 4 six num. six: a. A no* slæpende adj. (pr.p.) sleeping: A 101 slupan 11slip, glide: slypð pr. 3 sg. App. I


sodomisc adj. like a resident of Sodom, sodomitic: -e npm. {as subst.) B 7 gesomnien see (ge)samnian sona adv. immediately: sona swa as soon as App. I 35 soð adj. true: nsn. A 132; -e nsf. wk. A 98, App. I 2; -re dsf. App. II 25 soðfæstnysse f. truthfulness, fidelity: App. I 3 spiwan i vomit: spið pr. 3 sg. App. II 29; spiwe pr. subj. sg. A 51, C 8; spaw p. 3 sg. App. II 30 spræc f. speech, exchange of words: -e as. A 98 gesprecan v speak to, converse with: App. I 10 stalu f. theft: stale as. A 69; stala np. App. II 8, App. Ill 2, App. IV 11; stala ap. App. I 7 standan vi stand, be written (in the text), remain: C 10; standaS pr. pi. B 14 stelan IV steal: stelð pr. 3 sg. A 35 stiðlic adj. rigorous: nsf. C 10 storfen adj. (p.p.) dead: asn. (as subst.) A 37*

stow f. location: -e ds. A 9, 91, 116, etc. gestrydan I rob: gestryde pr. sj. sg. A 86 gestrynan, gestreonan wk. 1 acquire,

beget: gestryneð pr. 3 sg. A 24; gestreonan pr. subj. pi. A 99 sum pron. adj. some, (a) certain: -um, -on dsm. B 14, C 10; -re, -ere dsf. A 4, 7, 33*; -e npm. B 15; -um dp. B 12 sunnandæg m. Sunday: as. C 2; -dæges gs. A 5; -dæge ds. A 6, 23, 40, etc.; -dagum dp. A 5, App. I 41 sunu m. son: as. A 133, B 17, App. II 1; suna is. A 64 s\\a adv. S’ conj. so, thus, as, according as, like, in such manner as: A n , 16, 33*, etc.; swa swa just as A 121, C 5, 7; swa . . . swa whether . . . or A 109, App. I 26; see also god, sona, þeah swefenracu f. oneiromancy: -raca ap. A 127 sweltan hi die: swelteð pr. 3 sg. A 98; swelte pr. subj. sg. A 98, 122 sweora m. neck: -n ds. C 7 swerian vi swear: swereð pr. 3 sg. A 77*, 80*, B 1; swerige pr. subj. sg. A 79* geswican I desist: geswicð pr. 3 sg. App.

n 2S geswician wk. 2 practise deceit: geswicað pr. 3 sg. C 7 swin, swyn n. pig: np. A n , 129; -um dp. A 10, n geswinc n. labour: -e ds. A 135 swingan, swyngan III beat, flog: swynge, swinge pr. subj. sg. A 59, 60, 103, etc. swister, swyster f. sister: ds. A 131, B 14 swiðe, swyþe adv. very, greatly: A 15*, C 10, App. I 28, etc. swylc pron. adj. such (thing): asn. A 46 swylce (1) conj. as if: A 3; (2) adv. likewise, just so, similarly: A 98, 114, 128, etc. sy, syn see beon gesybsum adj. peaceable: -e npn. App. I 5 sylf pron. adj. self: A 1, 45, 49, etc.; -a, -e nsm. wk. A 48, 86, C 7; -ne asm. A 50*, 58, 134, B 8, etc.; -es gsm. C 10; sylf nsf. B 10; -re dsf. A 41, B 10 (ge)syllan wk. 1 give, sell: A 26, 133, 138; svllað pr. pi. A n ; (gc)svllcpr. subj. sg. A 70, 84, 90, etc.; sealde p. 3 sg. A 36; geseald p.p. nsn. App. I 51 symble adv. always, ever: A 69, App. I 42 synfull adj. sinful: -a nsm. wk. A 98 gesyngian wk. 2 sin: gesyngie pr. subj. sg. Ai syn(n) f. sin: A 31; synne as. A 25, App.


I I 16, App. IV 16; synna ap. App. I 30, App. II 26; synna gp. App. I 30 syððan adv. afterwards, thereafter: A 4, 17, 133, etc. tæcan wk. 1 instruct: tæce pr. subj. sg. A 6 9 ,

1 2 3

tæ cing/ instruction: -e ds. App. II 25 tælnyss f. slander: -e as. App. I 44; -a np. App. II 9, App. Ill 3 te see þu geteald adj. (p.p.) accounted, considered: npn. A 30 (pred.) teoða num. tenth: -n asm. A 136 teran iv lacerate: teraS pr. pi. A 130 tid f. (amount of) time, moment: App. I 9, App. II 22, App. IV 22; as. App. I 23, App. Ill 10; -e ds. A 98, B 13, App. I 14, etc.; -a ap. A 69; -a gp. (gs.?) A 98; -um dp. A 113, App. I 42 tiligan wk. 2 aim, endeavour: tilige pr. subj. sg. A Colophon timber n. building material: A 7 to (1) prep. w. dat. or gen. at, to, for, with, as, until A 3, 5, 7, etc.; (2) adv. to it A


toð m. tooth: -um dp. A 31 getrymman wk. 1 confirm: getrymede p.p. A 33,49 tuwa see twiga twegen, twa num. two: twegen am. A 107; twa an. A 32, 52, 53, etc. twelf num. twelve: a., d. A 131, B 14, App. Ill 9 twelfmonað m. year: as. App. I 9 twentig num. twenty: a. A 42, 45, 58, etc. tweogan wk. 2 seem doubtful (impers. w. acc. ofpees.)-, tweoge pr. subj. sg. A 50* twiga, tuwa adv. twice: A 4, 17 twyspræcnyss f. deceit: -e as. App. I 44, App. Ill s tydderness, -nyss f. infirmity: -e ds. A 98, B 15 tyn num. ten: a. A 54, 62, 73, etc. geþanc m. imagination, thought: B 18; -es gs. A 100; -e ds. B 18 þanne see þonne þas see þes þær (1) conj. where, when: A 126, 136; (2) adv. there B 13; þær . . . to thereto A 1, C 10


þærtoeacan adv. in addition to that: A 36* þæs conj. (gsn. of se) according as: App. I


þæt conj. that, so that, in order that: A 4, 8, 9, etc. þe rel. part, who, which, that: A 2, 3, 4, etc. þe pron. see se, þu þeah (1) conj. although, (even) if: A 1, 12, 22, etc.; (2) adv. however C 10; swa þeah nonetheless: A n , 16, 26, etc. þeahhwæðere adv. nonetheless: A 18* geþeaht f. consent: -e ds. C 10 þearff. need, necessity: A 7, App. II 15 þearfa m. pauper: þearfum, -an dp. A 70*, 84 þearfende adj. (pr.p.) needy, poor: nsn. A 119 (ge)þencan wk. 1 consider 25: App. I 32; þence pr. subj. sg. App. I 19; geþenc imp. sg. App. II 20, App. IV 19; geþoht p.p. App. II 3 geþeodan wk. 1 join: geþeode pr. subj. sg. A 20 þeoh n. thigh: ap. A 102 þeow adj. serving, in servitude: -e npm. A 6; -ne asm. A 134 þeow rn. servant: -e ds. A 24; -um dp. A 7 þeowa m. servant: -n ds. A 135 þeowdom m. servitude: as. A 68 þeowet n. bondage, servitude: as. A 133 þeowigan wk. 2 serve dat.)-. þeowige pr. subj. sg. A 68, 73, B 22 þes dem. pron. & pron. adj. this: þeos nsf. App. I 9; þis nsn. A 30, C 1, ðys App. I 1; þas asf. A Colophon, App. I 20, App. II 20, etc.; þis asn. A 55, B 8; þisses gsn. App. IV 22; þysse dsf. App. I 14; þisum dsn. App. II 31; þas np. App. IV 11; þas ap. App. I 5, App. Ill 8, App. IV 11; þissa gp. C 7; þissum dp. C 7, þisum App. Ill 9 þicgean wk. 1 consume: A 129; þigeð pr. 3 sg. A 87, 88, 93; þicgeað pr. pi. A 129; þiged p.p. nsn. A 89, 91 þin pron. adj. 2 sg. your: App. I 21; nsf. App. I 21; -ne asm. App. I 18, App. II 10; -e asf. App. II 13; þin asn. App. II 5; -um dsm. App. II 5, App. IV 25; -re dsf. App. I 15, App. IV 24; -um dsn. App. I 15, App. IV 25; -e apf. App. I




31; -e apn. App. II 11; -ra gp. App. I 30; -um dp. App. I 16 þincan wk. 1 seem: þince pr. subj. sg. App. II 18, App. IV 17 þing n. thing: as. A 71, App. IV 19; -e is. A 93Í þing ap- App. I 5; -a gp. App. I 12, App. IV 25; -um dp. A 124 ðingian wk. 2 intercede, settle: A 47, 69; þinga imp. sg. App. I 29 þis, þiss- see þes geþoht m. thought, imagination: A 65; -es gs. A 44; -e ds. A 65; -um dp. A 42, 46 geþoht p.p. see (ge)þencan þolian wk. 2 forgo, give up (w. gen.): pr. subj. pi. A 95 þonne, þanne (1) adv. then, on the other hand: A 3, 4, 5, etc.; (2) conj. when App. I 23, App. IV 1; (3) conj. than A 16, 20 þridda adj. third: -n asm. A 6, 36, 70, etc.; -n asf. C 1; -n dsm. A 6; -n dsn. A 16; -n ism. C 4 geþristlæcan wk. 1 presume, dare: pr. subj. pi. A 113 þriwa adv. three times: A 18 þry, þreo mini, three: þry am. A 23, 51, S3, etc.; þreo nn. A 136; þreo af. (£ an. A 3, 4, 18, etc.; þrim dp. B 5 ðrystlæcnyss f. boldness: -e as. A 48 \>upron. 2 sg. you: App. I 13, App. II 1, App. IV 1; þe a. App. I 17, App. II 4, App. Ill 4, etc., te App. Ill 1; þe d. App. II 3 þurh prep. w. acc. through, with: A 44, 48, 63, etc. þurhwunian wk. 2 persist: A 20 þus adv. thus: A 13 geþyldig adj. patient: -e npn. App. I 4 ðys see þes unaberendlic adj. unsustainable: -u npn. A 20 unbesmiten adj. (p.p.) undefiled: nsf. A hi unclæne adj. unclean: nsn. A 88; asn. A 87; isn. A 93 unclænness, -nyss f. impurity: -nysse as. App. I 46; -nesse ds. A 87 uncræft m. bad practice: as. B 25 uncuð adj. obscure: nsf. App. II 22, App. IV 23 uncyst f. error: -a np. App. IV 12

underfon vil accept: underfeng p. 3 sg. A


underhnigan i submit to: -hnige pr. subj. sg. A 68 underþeodd adj. {p.p.) subject, governed: -e npf. C 10 uneaðelic adj. disturbing: nsf. App. II 18, App. IV 18 unfullod adj. {p.p.) unbaptized: A 49 ungeandet adj. {p.p.) unconfessed: App. , II 16, App. IV 16 ungeendod adj. {p.p.) endless: -on dsn. App. I 27 un(ge)halgod adj. {p.p.) unconsecrated: ungehalgedum, unhalgodon ds. A 81, B2 ungelimp n. mishap: App. I 38 ungemætelic adj. immeasurable: -e apm. A 70 ungewiss n. ignorance: on ungewiss as. unawares A 87 ungewitt n. madness: -e ds. A 47 ungewunelic adj. unusual: nsn. A 14 (ge)unnan irreg. grant: App. IV 22; unne pr. subj. sg. App. I 36 unnytt adj. pointless: -e asf A 76, B 26; -e apn. App. I 43 unrihtgitsung, -gytsung f. wrongful greed: App. II 9, App. Ill 2 unrihthæmed n. fornication, adultery: App. II 9, App. Ill 3, App. IV 10; as. App. I 7; -e ds. App. I 12 unseldan adv. not infrequently: C 10 unsibb, unsybb f. strife, contentiousness: -e as. App. Ill 7; -e np. App. IV 10 untidæt m. untimely meal: -as ap. App. Ill 7 untrum adj. infirm: -an dsm. A 98 untrumð f infirmity, illness: -e gs. A 125 unþeaw m. vice: -as ap. App. I 37 unwærlice adv. heedlessly: B 8 unwillum adv. {dp.) involuntarily: his unwilium against his will A 31 unwisdom m. folly: -e ds. A 70 ure pron. see we ure pron. adj. 1 pi. our: asn. App. I 39; -s gsm. A 136, App. I 47; ure asf. App. I 41, gsf App. I 47; ure npn. App. I 32 us see we ut adv. A 68, 90, 128, etc. uton pr. subj. pi. of witan to go, used in the hortative sense let us: App. I 32 utsiht f. diarrhea: -e is. A 15

warnian wk. 2 prevent, guard against: App. II 27 wæp(e)n n. weapon: as. A 72, B 22; wæpnu ap. A 73 wæpnedman m. male: -men ds. B 6 wæs see beon wæta m. drink: A 90, 91; -n as. A 89, 92 wæter n. water: -e ds. A 32 we pron. we: A 11, 14, 33*, etc.; us a., d. App. I i, App. II 30; ure g. App. I 18 wea m. grief: -n ds. A 53 wealh m. foreign (non-Germanic) community {see Commentary)', as. B 5 wealligan wk. 2 wander, go on pilgrimage: weallige pr. subj. sg. A 53 wedd n. pledge, marriage portion: as. A 36, c 9 wel adv. well: A 137, App. II 6, App. IV 4 gewemman wk. 1 defile: gewemmeð pr. 3 sg. A 107; gewemme pr. subj. sg. A 109 wenan wk. 1 suppose: wene pr. subj. sg.


weofod n. altar: -e ds. A 80, B 1 weola m. riches: -n ap. A 70 weorc, wore n. labour, construction: -e ds. A 5, 7 weorðan, wurðan HI become, be: weorðeð, wurðeð pr. 3 sg. A 16, 42 wer m. man A 18, 115, 132; as. A 22, B 11; -e ds. A 19, hi werlic adj. masculine: -e asn. wk. A 55 wiccung f. enchantment: -a ap. A 28 wicu f. week: wucan, wican ds. A 53, 64, 107, etc.; wucan, wican ap. A 43, 113; wicena gp. C 10 widl m. contamination: -es gs. A 94* wif n. woman, wife: A 17, 18, 20, etc.; as. A 16, 17, 19, etc.; -e ds. A 20, 22, 32, etc.; wif np. A 29; -um dp. A 83 wifian wk. 2 take a wife: A 16; wifaS pr. 3 sg. A 18; wifige pr. subj. sg. A 17 wifman m. female, woman: A 114 wiht n. whit, thing: App. IV 26*; as. App. II 19 wilde adj. wild: asn. A 88 willa m. will, consent, wish: A 36; -n ds. A i, 6, 24, etc. willan, wyllan irreg. will, intend, like: wile, wyle pr. 3 sg. C 10, App. II 7; wyllað pr. pi. A 5; wylle pr. subj. sg. C 10, App. I 29, App. IV 22; wyllon, willon pr. subj. pi. A 20, 47; wolde p.

1 0 1

subj. 3 sg. A 22; nele, nyle neg. pr. 3 sg. A 36, 69, 72; nellað neg. pr. pi. A 5; nylle neg. pr. subj. sg. A 36 winter n. winter, year: ap. A 54, 62, 63, etc.; wintra gp. A 122 wis adj. wise: -um dsm. C 10 wise f. manner: wisan as. A 114, B 10 wita m. elder, patriarch: witena gp. C 6 witan irreg. know, perceive: wat pr. 3 sg. A 93, 94; wite pr. subj. sg. A 16, 47, App. I 14, App. IV 2 (= imp.)-, nyton neg. pr. pi. A 3, 50 wite n. torment: ds. App. I 28 gewitan I go: gewiteð pr. 3 sg. A 105; gewite pr. subj. sg. A 1, m gewitness, -nyss f. knowledge, witness: -nysse as. App. I 44; -nesse ds. A 39; -nyssa, -nysse np. App. II 10, App. Ill 3 witodlice adv. certainly: A 8 gewitt n. senses, mind: -e ds. A 46 wið prep. (1) w. dat. or acc. with, against, from: A 15, 46, 52, etc. wiðcweðan V renounce: -cweðe pr. subj. sg. A 8 wiðsacan VI refuse {w. dat.): wiðsace pr. subj. sg. C 9 wiðstandan vi oppose {w. dat.): App. I 39* wodnesdæg m. Wednesday: -dæge is. A 17, 3°*j -dagum dp. A 18 wore see weorc word n. word, speech: ap. App. I 43 geworht(e) see (ge)wyrcean world, worold, woruld f. world, mundane existence: as. App. I 20, App. II 20, App. IV 20; -e ds. App. I 31 worldlif n. worldly existence: -es gs. App. 1 53

wracu f. avenging: wræce, wrace as. B 20, 21 writan I write: A 5 gewriðan I tie: gewriðen p.p. nsf. C 7 (ge)wrixlian wk. 2 alter, exchange: C 10; wrixlie pr. subj. sg. A 40 wucan see wicu wulf m. wolf: -um dp. A 10 wull f fleece: wvlla ap. A n gewuna m. habit: B 8; -n ds. C 7 wurðeð see weorðan wydewe f. widow: wydewan á . B 11 (ge)wyrcean wk. 1 work, perform {w. acc. or dat.): gewyrceð pr. 3 sg. A 83*;



wyrceað pr. pi. A 6; wyrcean pr. subj. pi. A 6; geworhtest p. 2 sg. App. I 27; geworht ep. 3 sg. App. I n ; geworht p.p. A 16, App. I 15, App. II 3, etc. gewyrht f deed: -um dp. App. I 25 wyrignyss f. curse, cursing: -a ap. App.

18 wyrrest see yfel ydel see idel yfel adj. sinful, bad: -an apf. wk. A 83; -e apn. A 83; -um dp. App. II 27; superl. wyrreste nsn. wk. A 61, B 12 yfel n. wickedness: -es gs. App. II 24, App. IV 27; -e is. App. II 3

ylca adj. same: -n asf. A 114, B 10; ylce asn. App. I 29; ylcan isn. A 29 yldra m. ancestor {compar, of eald used as subst.): -n np. App. I 32 ymb(e) prep. w. acc. about: in temporal expressions {usually not to be translated) A 30, 130, App. I 9 (‘every’) ymrendæg m. Ember-day: -dagas ap. App. Ill 11 yppan wk. / disclose: yppe pr. subj. sg. A . 25 yrre n. anger: as. A 74, B 24, App. I 43 yt see etan ytemest adj. superl. uttermost, last: -an dsf wk. A 98