The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849 [1 ed.] 9780803271586, 9780803271401

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Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved. The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved.

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833–1849

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved. The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

The Ojibwe Journals of

Edmund F. Ely, 1833–1849

edmund f. ely Edited and with an introduction by

Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved.

Theresa M. Schenck

University of Nebraska Press | Lincoln and London

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

© 2012 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ely, Edmund Franklin, 1809–1882. The Ojibwe journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833– 1849 / Edmund F. Ely ; edited and with an introduction by Theresa M. Schenck. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8032-7140-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Ely, Edmund Franklin, 1809–1882 — Diaries. 2. Ojibwa Indians — Missions — Wisconsin — Fond du Lac. 3. Presbyterians — Missions — Wisconsin — Fond du Lac. 4. Missionaries — Wisconsin — Fond du Lac — Biography. I. Schenck, Theresa M. II. Title. e99.c6e43 2012 977.004'97333 — dc23 2012021980

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Designed and set in Garamond Premier Pro by A. Shahan.

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

contents List of Illustrations

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List of Maps

viii

Introduction

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Chapter 1 Albany, New York, to Sandy Lake, Iowa Territory july 5 to september 28, 1833

1

Chapter 2 Sandy Lake September 28 to December 7, 1833

33

Chapter 3 Sandy Lake to Leech Lake December 8, 1833, to May 4, 1834

59

Chapter 4 Leech Lake to Fond du Lac and La Pointe May 4 to December 28, 1834

87

Chapter 5 Fond du Lac, Yellow Lake, and La Pointe January 1 to September 21, 1835

132

Chapter 6 Life at Fond du Lac September 20, 1835, to December 27, 1836

168

Chapter 7 Missionary Life at Fond du Lac January 7 to November 25, 1837

239

Chapter 8 Struggles at Fond du Lac January 4 to December 14, 1838

286

Chapter 9 Closing Fond du Lac January to October 20, 1839

305

Chapter 10 Events of 1840 to 1842

339

Chapter 11 Final Years in Missionary Life, 1842 to 1849

384

Aftermath

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Appendix a: Manners and Customs of Ojibueg

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Appendix b: Catharine Ely’s Diary, 1835 to 1839

443

Appendix c: Select Ojibwe Vocabulary

453

Appendix d: Anishinaabeg of Fond du Lac and the St. Croix Valley

457

Appendix e: Missionary Community

459

Appendix f: List of Persons in the District of Fond du Lac, 1834 to 1835

461

Appendix g: Maps

463 467

Index

477

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Bibliography

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

illustr ations 1. Edmund F. Ely, c. 1856

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2. Mrs. Catharine Ely xxi 3. Drawing in Journal 1, August 17, 1833

18

4. Grand Portage of the St. Louis River between the first and second pause 23 5. The Lord’s Prayer in Ojibwe in the orthography of Edwin James 34 6. George Bonga, c. 1870

72

7. Maangozid 142 8. Iced shore of Lake Superior in winter

149

9. Key to the Ojibwe orthography used by the abcfm missionaries 150 10. Naganab, 1863

193

11. The waterfall, kakabika, on St. Louis River

203

12. Contract, June 16, 1836 222

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13. The sand point on Lake Pokegama where the little girls were massacred on May 24, 1841 351 14. The island on Lake Pokegama in the story of the massacre on May 24, 1841 352 15. The Little Portage on Minnesota Point 369 16. Symbolic drawings used as mnemonic devices for traditional stories or songs 440

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, Nebraska, 2012. ProQuest Ebook Central,

maps 1. Voyage from Albany, New York, to Sandy Lake, Minnesota 13 2. Ely’s drawing of the Fond du Lac station in 1837

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3. The southern shore of Lake Superior from Fond du Lac to La Pointe 463 4. St. Croix Valley from Brulé River to Snake River

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5. St. Louis River from entry to Fond du Lac

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Introduction

On July 5, 1833, a young divinity student and teacher of vocal music bade farewell to his colleagues and friends of the Fourth Presbyterian Church in Albany, New York, and set out for a new life as a missionary teacher to the Ojibwe of western Lake Superior. He traveled by rail, canal, stage, steamship, schooner, canoe, and even by foot, finally reaching his assigned destination, Sandy Lake on the Upper Mississippi River, on September 19. He was to spend the next sixteen years living and working among a people he most often described as “poor heathen,” a people his strong religious convictions told him needed to be led to Jesus Christ and eternal salvation. Edmund Franklin Ely was born on August 3, 1809, in Wilbraham, Massachusetts, the eldest of four sons of Judah Ely (1780–1826) and Lucia Sisson (1791–1830). In 1824 his family moved to Geauga County, Ohio, following his maternal grandparents, who had moved there two years earlier. Young Frank, as he was called by his family, did not remain long on the family farm, and by the end of 1825, at the age of sixteen, he appears to have gone to Rome, New York, perhaps to the home of his father’s great-uncle, Rev. Henry Ely, a retired pastor of the Congregational Church in North Killingworth, Connecticut.1 Religion played an important part in the lives of these New England natives. The Ely genealogy contains numerous names of “Deacons” as well as a few “Reverends,” indicating an active participation in the church. Most were Congregationalists or Presbyterians, but Methodist societies were grow1. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 43; 226–27.

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Introduction

ing throughout the Northeast, and even in the small town of Wilbraham a Methodist church was established before the end of the eighteenth century. Ely’s maternal grandfather, August Sisson, was himself one of the principal founders of the Methodist-Episcopal church in Hambden, Ohio.2 And while there were similarities among the tenets of each denomination, there were differences, too. Congregationalists and Presbyterians stressed the need for man to overcome his sinful nature; Methodists emphasized a doctrine of general redemption and free grace.3 Edmund F. Ely was heir to both traditions. In 1824 the evangelical movement, animated by the powerful preaching of Charles G. Finney, had begun to sweep across New York State and was especially strong in Oneida County. Opposing the rigid Calvinist position officially held by the Presbyterians, Finney preached the gospel of salvation, that men and women are not predestined for eternal life but, with God’s grace, can overcome their sinful nature, change their own hearts, and achieve salvation. He emphasized the Bible as the true word of God and taught that only by following its precepts can one be saved. People must have a deep conviction of their own sinfulness and commit themselves totally to Jesus Christ and the word of God. True conversion, turning to Christ, necessitated a spirit broken before God and a new heart.4 Ely himself tells us that it was on January 4, 1826, that he was converted at one of Finney’s revivals in Rome, New York. In his commitment to his newfound religious spirit, Ely determined to undertake to spread the word of God as a preacher and, like the eighteenth-century missionary David Brainerd before him, convince the “poor benighted Indians” to accept the Christian idea of salvation. As preparation for entering the ministry, he attended Oneida Institute in Whitesboro, New York, and later the divinity school established by Rev. Edward Norris Kirk at the Fourth Presbyterian Church in Albany, New York. Like many young men of the time, he needed to support himself, and he appears to have spent his vacations teaching voice and conducting the choir at churches first in Utica and then in Albany to earn money.5 2. Sisson and Sisson, Descendants of Richard and Mary Sisson, 169. 3. Gorrie, History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 72. 4. Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney, 47–51. 5. Miscellaneous Notes, Edmund Franklin Ely and Family Papers, Northeast Minnesota Historical Center.

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Introduction xi

In 1833 Ely learned of the work of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions (abcfm), whose missionaries were already spreading the Gospel among the Native people of the United States, as well as in Asia and Africa. For reasons of health that he never revealed, he decided to leave the studies that would prepare him for the ministry and instead enter into the missionary field as a teacher. He wrote to David Greene, secretary of the board, asking for an appointment to one of the Indian missions. Results were immediate. Greene notified him of his acceptance on June 28, 1833, and by July 5 Ely was on his way to join the Lake Superior Mission.6 There, over a period of sixteen years, he would write of his life and adventures, his observations and labors, his religious experiences and doubts, in twenty journals, eighteen of which are published here for the first time. And while they vary in subject matter and detail, they do give a picture of missionary life, as well as Ojibwe life, at a little known time and place in American history.

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The Ojibwe of Western Lake Superior The Ojibwe, or Anishinaabeg, as they call themselves, were first known to the French as inhabitants of Sault Ste. Marie.7 Long before the French met them, however, they had been moving west in small hunting bands around both the northern and the southern shores of Lake Superior. At the end of the lake, or Fond du Lac, they encountered the Dakota Sioux, and there ensued more than one hundred years of warfare, punctuated by brief periods of peace, as they struggled for the same resources. It was from Fond du Lac that the Ojibwe leader Biauswah made his incursions against the Dakota, finally reaching Sandy Lake about the middle of the eighteenth century.8 From the village he established there, small bands of Ojibwe warriors continued to move onto Dakota lands, first in hunting parties and then as “settlers.” Hence, there was always a connection between the Ojibwe of Sandy Lake and the Ojibwe of Fond du Lac, just as there was a connection between the Ojibwe of Sandy Lake and the Ojibwe of Mille Lacs, or 6. Memoranda of Letters written by Mr. Greene while on his way to Mackinac, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions (hereafter abcfm), abc 1.3.1. (Reel 1). All quotes from the abcfm Papers are by permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University. 7. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, 51:61. 8. Warren, History of the Ojibway People, 120.

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between the Ojibwe of the Mississippi and the Leech Lake Ojibwe. Still, they were not a single tribe. The Anishinaabeg at this time were a band society, that is, living in loosely organized and flexible groups often held together by kinship. Although they did not form permanent, year-round settlements, they did move seasonally within a specific area, as they carried out their traditional economic activities of fishing, hunting, and gathering. Some bands joined together to form larger villages, but primarily government was by band leader. There was no principal chief: it was simply not the Ojibwe way. It sometimes happened, however, that the French, and later the British or the American government, designated one person to speak for the whole, often endowing them with a medal, a flag, and even a coat. But since the time of the French, chieftainship also brought with it certain advantages and rewards: more and better gifts, trips to Montreal or Washington, and often marriage of the chief ’s daughter to an important trader.9 The role of chief became a prize to be sought, and a struggle between two claimants, Maangozid and Nindibens, figures importantly in the Ely narrative (February to June 1836).

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The Ojibwe, Missionaries, and the Fur Trade European fur traders had been coming to western Lake Superior at least since the mid-seventeenth century, although the aboriginal people of the area had been trading in furs even earlier. Neither trade nor the economic value of furs was unknown to them. By the late eighteenth century one fur trading company in particular, the North West Company, had established trading forts in the western Lake Superior area (Kaministiquia and Fond du Lac) as well as in the Upper Mississippi region. The Hudson’s Bay Company was giving them some competition, but the Indians generally preferred to deal with the North West Company, whose employees often married Native women, and sometimes even stayed in the village after their term of service was completed.10 Gradually, after Jay’s Treaty of 1794 defined the U.S. border in the region, the North West Company withdrew and left the 9. Stewart, Ermatingers, 28. 10. See Schenck, All Our Relations. Of the 154 claims filed at La Pointe, more than half were filed by descendants of former North West Company employees, or by men who had themselves been employed by the North West Company.

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Introduction xiii

field open to American traders. In 1816 the newly established American Fur Company began to send men into the area and also hired the former employees of the North West Company. Soon it had a monopoly on the fur trade of western Lake Superior south of the border. Missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions came at the invitation of two prominent traders, William A. Aitkin of the Fond du Lac Department, which included the headwaters of the Mississippi, and Lyman M. Warren of La Pointe, which included the region south of Lake Superior.11 These men were mainly interested in the education of their mixed-blood children, and it was the mixed-bloods who became the primary subjects of instruction. Missionary establishments were at first located at trading posts, and their classes, both secular and religious, were generally attended by fur trade personnel and their children. Missionaries were dependent on the traders for supplies, travel, and communication with the Natives, and their success could be tied to the success of the trader. Fur trade employees, many of them herein nameless, played a significant role in Ely’s life as a missionary teacher, and in these journals we meet nearly all the Fond du Lac traders, clerks, and voyageurs of the 1830s. Some of them were among Ely’s first students; others figure, either positively or negatively, in his efforts to bring Christianity to the wilderness. Ely arrived in the waning days of the fur trade, which during two centuries had nearly depleted the animal resources of the western Great Lakes. The Ojibwe had, to some extent, become dependent on European goods, especially guns, cloth, knives, blankets, and kettles, and it was often the need for these objects that encouraged the Indians to hunt for the traders who provided them. Still, they would not hunt more than necessary, since they had no need for more goods than they could carry or use. Yet throughout these years the Indians could and did maintain their traditional way of life. There was a season for everything: fishing, hunting, religious ceremonies, gathering wild rice, and making maple sugar. During his career as a missionary teacher Ely witnessed, and was sometimes part of, these traditional activities. But while traders wanted the Indians to hunt, trap, and move from camp to camp, the missionaries wanted them to settle, practice agriculture, and 11. Lyman M. Warren to David Greene, March 8, 1833, Northwest Mission Manuscripts.

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become Christians. Missionaries and traders did not have the same objective, and this eventually led to the separation of mission from trading post, a pattern found at Yellow Lake, Snake River, and eventually at La Pointe. The decline in furs, the development of the lumber industry, the interest in mining for copper and iron, and especially the introduction of alcohol all contributed to changes in the traditional Ojibwe way of life. As miners and lumbermen encroached on Ojibwe lands, the U.S. government became more interested in making this land available for its own people. Move over, Ojibwe. And they did, but not without a struggle.

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The Ojibwe Response When Ely arrived amid the Sandy Lake Ojibwe on September 19, 1833, he found a people firmly established in their own religious traditions, traditions developed over thousands of years of residence on this continent. At first they were willing to listen politely to the newcomer, for the Ojibwe were a welcoming people, and always open to new ideas. Ely informed them that he had come to teach them the word of God, and they were, of course, curious. The name that missionaries had much earlier suggested for the Judeo-Christian God was Gichi-Manidoo, Great Spirit, for they had seen that these people acknowledged a world imbued with all kinds of spirits or powers.12 But manidoog generally spoke to the Ojibwe through dreams and visions, and now they were mildly interested in finding out what the Great Spirit said to the pale-skinned newcomers. They actually enjoyed coming to hear the word of God, not because it was Gichi-Manidoo who spoke to them, but because they were listening to stories, stories of wondrous events, even ordinary events, but certainly stories from another world. Not only are Ojibwe great storytellers themselves, but they also love to hear stories, and they know a good one when they hear it. They were easily able to adapt many of the missionary stories into their own repertoire. For Ely the Christian missionary, however, it was not the stories that were most important. It was the Ten Commandments, and especially the commandment to “keep holy the Sabbath.” This took primary importance in the missionary message. The Indians should not fish or hunt on the Sab12. See Schenck, “Gizhe-Manidoo, Missionaries, and the Anishinaabeg.”

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Introduction xv

bath (a concept totally outside the bounds of nature), nor should they even paddle a canoe. They should rest (although they were often accused of resting too much), listen to the word of God, and pray. All day. The Christian religion was so much associated with this idea of prayer, especially common prayer, that those who became Christian (or even tried it out) were called “praying Indians,” and Christianity was anamiewin, the praying religion. Perhaps the Ojibwe, who did not need a special place or time to pray, thought that praying was all that was visible of this new religion. At any rate, Ely believed that the Ojibwe did not really pray, even though he had been present at ceremonies at which prayer was spoken. “Harangues” or speeches, he called them, but seldom prayer. Another important message of the Christian missionary was the need to acknowledge one’s own personal sinfulness. “All mankind are corrupt by nature,” Ely wrote on May 15, 1836. Since sin was considered to reside symbolically in the heart, one must seek a “broken heart” to get rid of the sin. The Ojibwe, however, were reluctant to accept that they were born in sin, that their hearts were bad. They acknowledged that they sometimes did wrong, but it did not render their hearts full of evil. They had no need of the salvation the missionary was offering them. From the Ojibwe viewpoint, the practice of medicine was an aspect of religion, and they expected the newcomer who brought them the word of God to also bring healing. Ely was frequently called to the bedside of the sick or dying. And while he did share his limited knowledge of early nineteenth-century medicine with the Ojibwe who needed help, he neither understood nor respected Ojibwe healing ceremonies. He did, however, make use of Ojibwe knowledge of herbs and, on at least two occasions, the sweat (March 9, 1836; Jan. 4, 1838). Ely actually began his teaching with music. He was himself a musician, and as he tells us, he had led the choir of the Fourth Presbyterian Church in Albany. Early in his voyage west he had noticed that “the Indians are very fond of music, especially of a lively, animating character” (Aug. 2, 1833). Armed with an early (1829) Ojibwe hymn book by Rev. Peter Jones, he commenced his missionary career by drawing people together to sing. “Have been singing with Indian women and children,” he wrote on September 20, 1833, the day after he arrived at Sandy Lake. Music was not only

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an important part of the curriculum, but it was also a means of teaching Christian beliefs and behavior. Thereafter, singing was a part of every “meeting,” as they called these religious gatherings. It also happened, however, that the Indians went only to sing, leaving when the reading (or proselytizing) started (Feb. 17, 1837). Rev. Sherman Hall, superior of the La Pointe mission, described Ely as “a man of ardent temperament” who had “a happy talent for teaching.”13 It was in this chosen occupation of teaching that Ely at first found the most satisfaction, and he was both practical and innovative in his methods. Later, believing that his fellow missionaries were not dedicated enough to their goal of converting the Indians, he chose to “itinerate” with them to convert them and teach them agriculture by example.

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Conflict At first, on the surface, these journals may seem like a day-by-day account of the daily life of a young missionary in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. But they are in reality a story of conflict, a deep and all-pervading conflict between two vastly different but equally valid religions, each with roots going back thousands of years. Religion, in its most basic sense, is the human response to the great mysteries of existence: the origin and functioning of the world about us, life, death and an afterlife. It is a part of the cultural heritage of a people. Like culture itself, it does not stand still, but grows and develops, and it can be understood only in its cultural context. Adherents to Christianity have commonly seen it as the one true religion, holding that it alone possesses the means to attain eternal (happiness in the next) life. It is one of the few religions that proselytize, trying to gain adherents and spread throughout the world. In so doing, Christians have sometimes failed to recognize the cultural foundations of religion, seeking to impose a set of rules and rites that may be — and often are — culturally irrelevant to those whom they seek to convert. The original people of this continent had developed appropriate responses to their world long before they were exposed to Euro-American 13. Hall to Greene, January 1, 1836, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Introduction xvii

ideas of Christianity. They saw a world filled with powers, powers that could help them or annihilate them. They already knew how to speak to these powers, listen to them, respect them. American Indian religion is especially concerned with power: recognizing it, honoring it, and even acquiring it. At first the Ojibwe saw books as power, the power of the written word, and from the very outset they were interested in acquiring this power. Many Indians, both old and young, came to Ely’s classes, and some of the adults did learn to read and write. But as they saw his efforts to change their behavior and teach them to pray in the Christian way, as they realized his opposition to their traditional practices, they began to resist. Class size dwindled, and the missionary teacher had to go after them in their lodges. For whatever reasons the Ojibwe agreed to let the missionary enter into their lives, they were soon disappointed. The powers Ely brought to the Ojibwe did not make their lives better, although he did assist in burying the dead and healing or caring for the sick. The healing power of medicine was a power the Ojibwe understood and respected, but the word of God that the missionaries brought had little meaning or relevance in their lives. It was not long before the Ojibwe were telling Ely that they would let their children learn to read and write, but there was to be no praying (May 22, 1836). And although he might help to ease the passing of children, he was not to pray for them; parents wanted their children to go to the Indian afterlife (Oct. 23, 1838). For a while Ely believed he had been successful in converting the Fond du Lac chief Maangozid. He spent much time with him, reading, praying, discussing. And Maangozid said all the right things to convince Ely of his intent and his sincerity. But in the end, Maangozid turned away, Maangozid the powerful medicine man who thought perhaps to gain more power through Ely’s Christianity, who complained that Ely did not even share his house with him. In the end he saw that his own people cared more for him than the man in black (May 21, 1837). The conflict over religious belief and practice extended to one of the most fundamental of all Ojibwe traditions: generosity. Food was to be shared in times of plenty as well as in times of want. Ely, however, while providing flour or soup for the sick, did not share at the level the Ojibwe expected. In

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Ojibwe terms, he did not show mercy. When visitors came, he did not offer food. When the young men said they were hungry, he merely reminded them that there were fish in the river ( June 11, 1836; June 12, 1837). He was adamant about teaching the Ojibwe to be self-sufficient, to provide for themselves and plan for the future. These were American values, indeed, but contrary to those of a society that placed the group above the individual. Ely’s conflict with Catholic beliefs and practices was as deep as his conflict with Ojibwe culture. The “ignorant, wicked Catholics” so dominant in the fur trade were “little better than heathen” (Dec. 16, 1833; Feb. 14, 1834). They were sinners who believed they had only to confess their sins to a priest to obtain forgiveness. Theirs was a false Christianity (Nov. 22, 1835), while his was the truth. And when he saw Catholic missionary Frederic Baraga baptizing Indians in both La Pointe and Fond du Lac, Ely compared it to Satan bringing converts into the Catholic Church. “Let not the ungodly (Catholics),” he prayed, “pervert thy truth to the ruin of the blind heathen (Feb. 5, 1836).” Like many evangelical Christians of his time, Ely was intensely devoted to his religious convictions and had little tolerance for those who did not share his beliefs. From the very outset, even on his voyage west, he showed himself to be rigid and self-righteous in his relations with others. Disgusted with the vulgar language and practices of his traveling companions, as well as of the fur trade personnel, he frequently sought refuge in his Bible. As a member of a missionary community, he did not bond well with his peers and eventually grew to criticize the worldliness of the two ordained ministers, Sherman Hall and William T. Boutwell. Almost two years after his arrival on Lake Superior, Ely met the woman who was to become his wife. Catharine Goulais was only seventeen when she arrived at La Pointe on June 30, 1835, sent as a helper in the missionary endeavor. The daughter of a French voyageur and an Ojibwe woman identified as Josette Grant, she had been raised at the Mackinac mission school since she was eight and given the surname of a prominent donor to the abcfm, Josiah Bissell of Rochester, New York.14 It was their common dedication to the Christian cause that drew the two young people together and sustained them throughout their marriage. 14. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 226.

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Catharine was Ely’s partner and helpmate. At first it was intended that she assist him in interpreting both from and into Ojibwe, but Ely soon discovered that “she possesses a rather limited knowledge of the language.”15 Nevertheless, she accompanied him on visits to the Indian lodges, conducted classes when her husband could not be present, and did her best to help bring the word of God to the Fond du Lac people. She bore thirteen children, eight while they were living in missionary lodging, and five after they left the field. Only seven survived to adulthood.

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Failure The Ojibwe tolerated Ely as long as they thought he did good. But when he openly preached against the Midewiwin, their most sacred rite, and scoffed at their most fundamental beliefs, they began to oppose him. “Scarce a day passes but the Indians show their hatred or opposition to us,” he wrote on June 6, 1838. They resented his residence among them, his use of their resources, his refusal to furnish food for a graveside feast. They shot his cattle, they stole ribbon to adorn the girls in a Midewiwin ceremony, they no longer listened to him when he came to their lodges to read Scripture ( June 5, 1837). It was almost more than he could bear when Madweweyaash, the young man he was educating as the first fruit of his missionary endeavors, apostatized and returned to his pagan life (May 2, 1839). It was not only Indian hostility that was making life difficult for Ely at Fond du Lac. The Ojibwe had heard rumors of the American government’s dealings with other aboriginal nations, and they feared the loss of their lands, too. They distrusted the missionaries as emissaries of the government, or at least as people knowledgeable about the government’s plans. In addition, Fond du Lac would never become an Indian center: there was simply not enough arable land there to encourage agriculture. Furthermore, the post was becoming less important, as the number of fur-bearing animals in the western Lake Superior region declined and the American Fur Company turned to fishing on the north shore, as they called that part of the Iowa Territory northeast of Fond du Lac. The Indians were no longer spending the winter close to the post but were obliged to go far inland to survive. 15. Ely to Greene, December 31, 1835, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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1. Edmund F. Ely, c. 1856. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, s3045, Edmund F. Ely Papers.

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2. Mrs. Catharine Ely. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, s3045, Edmund F. Ely Papers.

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Ely’s school had scarcely any students. “Were I to be left alone here again, I should consider it my duty to leave the field,” he wrote on September 11, 1838. The decision was not his to make. At a meeting of the missionaries dependent on La Pointe in June 1838, it was decided not to continue the Fond du Lac mission. Ely would join William T. Boutwell and Frederick Ayer at Lake Pokegama on the Snake River, where Ayer already had a small group, three or four families who cultivated fields and formed a church. There Ely taught school and “itinerated” with the Ojibwe when they were in their winter and sugar camps. In May 1841 he was witness to a fierce attack by the Dakotas, which resulted in the dispersal of the Snake River Ojibwe and the abandonment of the mission. Ely continued to live with and support the few families who had fled with him from Pokegama. Discouraged when they abandoned the Christianity in which he believed, he decided to take his wife and young family with him to the East for the first vacation he had had in his more than twelve years of service. Upon his return he was stationed at La Pointe, where he remained somewhat reluctantly for three more years. When he petitioned for release from his commitment to the abcfm in 1849, he was already making preparations to leave and begin a new life, at first at Lake Pokegama with his little Ojibwe community and then in the newly burgeoning community of St. Paul. Once the Indian title to the land around the mouth of the St. Louis River had been extinguished, Ely, who was so familiar with the country, helped lay out the towns of both Superior, Wisconsin, and Oneota, now New Duluth, Minnesota. He returned to St. Paul for a time, and in 1873 he retired to California, where he died in 1882, two years after the death of his wife.

Learning and Teaching the Ojibwe Language We are foreigners in the Ojibwe language and ever shall be, and need all the help we can get. Sherman Hall to David Greene, May 4, 1843

When missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions first arrived at Mackinac in 1822, they had no knowledge of the Ojibwe language. They taught all their classes in English, since they had

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no books in Ojibwe, and used interpreters whenever possible. Students were mostly “mixed-bloods,” people of mixed descent, Ojibwe and Ottawa, French, British, and American. It was, however, a basic tenet of these missionaries that the Indians must be taught in their own language, not in English, and therefore the teachers had to learn the native language and produce books in that language. But Ojibwe is not an easy language, as the missionaries soon discovered. Unbelievably rich in vocabulary, grammatical inflections, and potential for derivatives, Ojibwe has thousands of verb forms that make it difficult to master. English words and concepts are not easily translated into Ojibwe words with identical meaning. “They have few or no religious ideas, and of course, no terms in which to express religious ideas,” wrote the Rev. Sherman Hall after more than three years in the Lake Superior mission.16 Ojibwe concepts of power and spirit beings simply eluded him, just as the missionary’s beliefs about sin and a Judeo-Christian God had no equivalent in Ojibwe thought. One question all these missionary linguists had to answer was how to represent Ojibwe sounds with symbols. The English alphabet presented a problem in that a single vowel might stand for three or more sounds (e.g., the u in fun, put, rule, muse), or a single sound might be represented by two or more letters (e.g., the vowels in some, but, was). In 1820 linguist John Pickering had proposed a single orthography for all Indian languages, in which each letter would have a single value. He suggested a cedilla to indicate a nasal, and the possibility of other symbols to represent sounds unique to individual languages.17 One of the first to attempt to develop a written system of Ojibwe was Dr. Edwin James, army surgeon at Fort Brady in Sault Ste. Marie. Long interested American Indian languages, he began a study of Ojibwe in 1830 and soon developed an acceptable system of orthography in which sound values were represented by the spelling of their nearest equivalent sound in American English. With the assistance of the Rev. Abel Bingham and Miss McCoumber of the Baptist mission, he then began to translate books of the New Testament into Ojibwe. Meanwhile, a young man who had served the abcfm in its Hawaiian 16. Hall to Greene, October 17, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 17. See Pickering, “Essay on a Uniform Orthography.”

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Introduction

mission and had worked there on developing a written system for the Hawaiian language arrived in Mackinac in 1830 to teach for the missionary cause. During his two years there Elisha Loomis prepared a spelling book and developed yet another system of Ojibwe orthography, this one based on Pickering. It was received favorably at first, and both Sherman Hall, abcfm missionary at La Pointe, and Edwin James agreed to accept it. However, William Ferry, superior of the Mackinac mission, dissented over the representation of diphthongs as well as the various sounds of a. He went to Sault Ste. Marie to consult with Dr. James and Indian agent Henry R. Schoolcraft, who was considered an authority in matters of Indian languages. They (Ferry, James, and Schoolcraft) came up with a new alphabet that Loomis found defective, in that the same sound was represented by different characters, and not all sounds were represented. Worse still, they had adopted numerous diacritical marks to represent distinct sounds, rendering the system more difficult to learn than any other. Still, it was the system first used by Ely and the other missionaries of the abcfm.18 After sending the manuscript of his spelling book to the printer, Loomis discovered the symbol υ used by the abcfm missionaries to the Choctaw to represent the vowel sound in but. This was later adopted by the abcfm missionaries for the Ojibwe language in the spring of 1835, when they met and agreed to simplify their system. The change in orthography is reflected in Ely’s journals beginning at this time, although the change is also found in few pages of Journal 4 that were written over in blue later. Spelling books were the principal means of teaching Ojibwe children to read and write, but they bore no resemblance to the spelling books used in schools today. The books began with a chart of the system of orthography used, letters or symbols and sound value, followed by lists of words and sentences that the students read aloud. They did not write in the books, but on slates furnished by the abcfm. It was quickly seen that the spelling book written by Elisha Loomis was of little use to teachers who had developed a different orthography. Eventually the abcfm missionaries would develop a new spelling book. It was generally agreed that Indians should also be taught the precepts 18. Loomis to Greene, April 3, 1832, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Introduction xxv

and “truths” of the Bible. Therefore, once a writing system was accepted, it became imperative to translate the Bible into Ojibwe using the same orthography. Those parts of the New Testament that had already been translated into Ojibwe by Edwin James were useful to the missionaries, who read them aloud at meetings, since none of them could yet preach in Ojibwe. James’s entire New Testament became available in 1834 and was much appreciated by the abcfm missionaries, who then began to transcribe it into their own orthography. The Ojibwe New Testament soon became invaluable as a resource for the missionaries themselves to learn the language and was often used as a reader for the more advanced students. Methodists in Upper Canada had already begun their work among the Mississauga Ojibwe of Grand River (southern Ontario). One of their first converts was Peter Jones (1802–56), who was responsible for translating several books of the Bible into Ojibwe, as well as many other religious works and hymns. From their mission among the Ojibwe of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, they soon extended their missionary work along the south shore of Lake Superior and even into the Upper Mississippi. The orthography that they developed, however, was not considered useful to the abcfmmissionaries, who spent much of their time transcribing the Methodists’ works into their own system.

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The Manuscript Journals of Edmund Franklin Ely The manuscript journals of Edmund Franklin Ely reside in the Northeast Minnesota Historical Center at the University of Minnesota–Duluth. They consist of twenty separate volumes, some scarcely more than hand-bound notebooks, others in ordinary student writing books; all are in fragile condition. A few were written by candlelight during canoe trips, others in the comfort of Ely’s lodge. Some parts are faint and written over in blue. A few pages are so faded that they cannot even be read. For the first four years the journals were kept meticulously; they are thorough accounts of the day-to-day activities of Ely and the people with whom he interacted. Thereafter it seems that he maintained his journals somewhat sporadically or only for specific occasions. They nevertheless present a unique picture of a missionary’s life, his reflections on the state of his soul, and his observations of a people little known at the time. Only the first eighteen journals

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are published here, because they are the ones written during his life as a missionary teacher among the Ojibwe. I have also included a series of letters written to his wife as a journal in March 1848. The following is a list of the journals with their dates and locations as recorded in each. Only the first eight were numbered by Ely. For the sake of clarity and continuity I have assigned numbers 9 to 20 to the subsequent journals according to the dates of their entries. In most cases Ely himself indicated where they should be placed. Journal 1: July 5–September 28, 1833, Albany to Sandy Lake. Journal 2: September 29–December 7, 1833, Sandy Lake. Journal 3: December 8, 1833–May 4, 1834, Sandy Lake to Leech Lake. Journal 4: May 4–June 23, 1834, Leech Lake to Fond du Lac, and November 17–December 28, 1834, Fond du Lac. Journal 5: June 23–November 16, 1834, La Pointe to Yellow Lake to Fond du Lac. Journal 6: January 1–September 21, 1835, with the following exceptions: Journal 7: January 18–March 5, 1835, Journey to Yellow Lake and return to Fond du Lac. Journal 8: March 11–May 15, 1835, Fond du Lac to La Pointe and return. Journal 9: September 20, 1835–May 1841, with the following exceptions: Journal 10: January 4–February 16, 1836, Fond du Lac to La Pointe and return. Journal 11: January 14–March 8, 1838, Voyage to Pokegama. Journal 12: April 4–May 3, 1839, Voyage to Pokegama. Journal 13: May 16–June 18, 1839, Voyage to Pokegama. Journal 14: August 7–October 20, 1839, Voyage from Pokegama to La Pointe and back. Journal 15: February 25–March 25, 1840, Voyage from Pokegama to St. Peters. Journal 16: March 19–23, 1841, Journey to Knife Lake. Journal 17: January 17–July 10, 1842, Pokegoma to the Little Portage. Journal 18: September 14–October 21, 1846, La Pointe to Pokegama and back.

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Journal 19: May 1847–September 13, 1848, La Pointe. This is a record of liquor smuggling at La Pointe. Journal 20: March 17–June 20, 1854, St. Paul to Superior, after he left his missionary work.

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Catharine Ely also maintained a journal for a short time, sporadically, between 1835 and 1839. Although most of her entries concern the progress of her first child in the first year of her life, there are some interesting observations regarding their life at Fond du Lac. Catharine Ely’s journal is included in the appendix and may sometimes be used to amplify Edmund Ely’s corresponding entries. The journals, along with letters and other papers, were first borrowed by the St. Louis County Historical Society in 1923 and later acquired by the Minnesota Historical Society. Aware of their immense value, not only to historians but also to students of Ojibwe life and culture, curator of manuscripts Grace Lee Nute had them copied by her assistant, Veronica Houle, almost immediately. Dr. Nute oversaw the work of transcription and made corrections and interpretations as needed. When the transcription was completed in 1925, she wrote in Minnesota History: Only by reading these Ely Papers themselves can one fully appreciate what a treasure trove was unearthed when their existence became known. Fortunately it is probable that in the not too distant future that privilege and pleasure will be available to the reading public. . . . The reader will then perceive what he may have doubted before, that the daily entries of a humble missionary to the Chippewa may prove in time the most valuable of all extant records for an understanding of an important but neglected chapter in Minnesota history.19 While economic constraints make it impossible to publish all twenty journals and the numerous letters and other papers, it is hoped that the journals annotated and published here for the first time will serve the interest and needs of a public interested in both the history of the Upper Midwest and the life and culture of the Ojibwe people. 19. Nute, “Edmund Franklin Ely Papers,” 354.

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It is with deep gratitude that I acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Roger Roulette, Ojibwe teacher, thinker, linguist, and friend, without whom the Ojibwe portion of this work would be incomplete. He has labored over obscure meanings and spellings, he has transcribed many puzzling words, and through our discussions he has led me to a greater understanding of Ojibwe thought. I also wish to thank my friend and colleague Jennifer S. H. Brown, Canada Research Chair at the University of Winnipeg, whose careful reading of the manuscript has resulted in a muchimproved text. Likewise, I am grateful to many others who have given me of their time and knowledge: Rand Valentine, Ojibwe linguist, friend, and my colleague in the American Indian Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin–Madison; Charles Cohen, professor in the Religious Studies Program at the University of Wisconsin–Madison; Stephen Best, of the First Presbyterian Church in Albany, New York; Maureen Mathews, cbc journalist and producer of a series of award-winning radio documentaries on Ojibwe cosmology; Patricia Maus, curator of the Northeast Minnesota Historical Center in Duluth and guardian of the Ely Papers; James Hansen, of the Wisconsin Historical Society Library, who can always be called on to locate the most obscure sources of information needed; Larry Luukkonen, for sharing with me his knowledge of Sandy Lake and the portages; and the two students who began the difficult work of transcription, Tammy Goss and John James Clements.

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Editing the Manuscripts The transcription of the Ely journals has been made easier because of the earlier work of Grace Lee Nute and Veronica Houle. They had access to the journals at a time before the writing had faded as much of it has now. I have verified my transcription with theirs, comparing both with the disks of the original Ely Papers made for me by Patricia Maus of the Northeast Minnesota Historical Center. Some errors and omissions have been found, and some previously illegible words have become clear, due to the high resolution of the copies on disk. In editing the manuscripts, I have followed the rules proposed by Grace Lee Nute in 1935 and adapted in 2004 by Lydia Lucas in her pamphlet “Transcribing Manuscripts,” keeping in mind that the purpose of annota-

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Introduction xxix

tion is to explain what is necessary to understand the meaning of the document at the time it was written. I have adhered to the original in format, spelling, and punctuation as much as practical. Ely wrote with an overabundance of dashes, both within and at the end of sentences. Those that do not serve a purpose I have omitted; those at the end of sentences I have converted into periods, and some have become commas. I have added or omitted punctuation only to facilitate comprehension, and I have deleted the period that Ely commonly placed after numbers and the letter I. I have not added the apostrophe that Ely frequently omitted, because the possessive is clear from the context. I have inserted into the text those words and phrases that he placed above a sentence as afterthoughts or explanations. Ely’s own additions in parentheses have been retained, and when helpful, I have supplied missing words or translations in brackets. It has sometimes been difficult to interpret Ely’s use of capital letters. It is not known whether he merely wrote a larger letter at the beginning of words, or if he actually intended a capital. I have decided to employ lowerand uppercase letters according to contemporary usage in order to make the reading of the manuscript easier. To avoid the distracting sic, I have taken out words unintentionally repeated and have corrected only those spellings that might confuse the reader. The most difficult part of editing this document has been transcribing Ojibwe words. Until early summer 1834, Ely used an older system of Ojibwe orthography, with numerous diacritical marks. I have omitted many of these subscripts and superscripts, retaining only those that are significant in pronunciation. The later system is much easier: it adds only one letter not found in the English alphabet, υ, and allows for a distinction of the nasal sound at the end of words. However, even after 1834 Ely continued to mix the two systems for some time. And while some readers may not approve of Ely’s inconsistent spelling of proper names, it must be allowed that Ely himself did not always hear the words correctly and was often writing under difficult circumstances, hurriedly, and late at night. Besides, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between his o and a, u and n, and u and υ. The result has been a great variation in the spelling of Ojibwe words. With the assistance of Ojibwe scholar Roger Roulette and the unpublished dictionary of Rand Valentine and Patricia M. Ningewance, as well as the

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dictionary of Frederic Baraga and that of John Nichols and Earl Nyholm, I have been able to transcribe more exactly what Ely wrote, and I have included translations when he did not provide them. Ojibwe words that are not explained in footnotes are found in Appendix C, along with translations and a transcription in the more accepted Fiero orthography. For the purpose of clarity, I have standardized Ely’s spellings of Ojibwe proper names in the footnotes, and I have identified as far as possible most of the Ojibwe place-names in the text and in the index. Since the journals do not cover the greater part of the years 1840–1849, I have inserted relevant information from Ely’s letters and those of his associates, and I have connected some of the later journals with a narrative of the interim events. The annotation I have provided is intended to explain, clarify, and give background to the text. Without it the entire narrative is cloudy, characters appear without relevance, and much of the message is lost. It is especially important to remember that both Ojibwe and Christian thought have undergone many transformations since the first half of the nineteenth century, and explanations are required, both for Ojibwe and others who may not be familiar with Christian concepts, and for readers who may not be familiar with Ojibwe thought. It is hoped that these valuable documents will provide not only a window into the past, but also a mirror by which we can find relevance with the present, when many Ojibwe are seeking to understand and revive their religious traditions, and Ojibwe history is undergoing a revision based on a new understanding and appreciation of the Ojibwe viewpoint. And just as these journals served Ely as a means of reflecting on his own spiritual state, it is my fervent wish that they may offer to all who read them an opportunity to reflect on the importance of honoring and respecting all religious beliefs and values, no matter how different from one’s own. It is indeed fitting that the writings of a missionary seeking to replace Ojibwe religion with Christianity should now serve as a record of those ancient traditions and a means to their renewal, offering us valuable insights into Ojibwe religion and the people who lived it.

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The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833–1849

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Chapter 1

Albany, New York, to Sandy Lake, Iowa Territory July 5 to September 28, 1833

Journal 1

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july 5 to september 28, 1833

Left Albany July 5th 1833 at 5 P.M. on the rail road. At 7 embarked on board a packet, & on the 6th arrived at Utica. Spent the Sabbath. Visited Bleecker St. Chh. S.School,1 & addressed the children on this topic, viz. “A missionary is strengthened when he reflects that his friends & the Chh. are interested in & praying for his success.” Two teachers of that school had now devoted themselves to the missionary cause, Mr. Ayer & myself.2 [Written in margin] (Messers Ayer, Hall, Sampson, Mrs. Sampson, & Self — 5) Bade them an affectionate farewell. On Monday about 11 A.M. set off in the stage. Lodged at Syracuse. Started at 5 next morning (9th) and passing through those enchanting villages which adorn the delightful country through which my route lay, arrived at Buffalo on the 10th at noon, fatigued with from my journey & loss of sleep during the preceeding night. No boat sails today for Detroit, one having left at 9 this morning. Was very much annoyed by an intemperate fellow traveller, & having irritated him by the truth, felt myself almost in jeopardy at one time from his anger. He was very sick most of the way, 1. The Bleecker St. Church in Utica was the Second Presbyterian Church, founded in 1826. Utica Observer Dispatch, May 23, 1984. 2. It was through Frederick Ayer that Ely became interested in the missionary work of the abcfm when the former visited Utica in the spring of 1833. David Greene, Memoranda of Letters, June 20, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 1.3.1. (Reel 1).

1

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july 5 to sept ember 28, 1833

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having destroyed the tone of his stomach & excited unbalanced his nervous system by alcohol, which was like an internal fire to him. Miserable being, (thought I) thou has destroyed thyself. I endeavoured to become to him the “Good Samaritan” & thus allayed his anger & obtained his confidence. I expect him to proceed to Detroit with me. O! could hundreds have seen this poor wretch’s distress, their hearts would have died within them with the reflection that they themselves were trailing after him, & on the verge of the precipice, but a little behind him. Friday July 12. Embarked yesterday morning at 9 oclk on board steam boat Henry Clay. Quite a number of passengers — forward decks filled with Swiss emigrants — one child among them sick of smallpox whh caused much excitement, but found by 2 physicians on board to be past the stage of infection. A beautiful day — very strong breeze ahead which caused much sickness. Touched at Erie at between 8 & 9 P.M. Sent on shore a letter to cousin Amanda Day — also wrote to brother Philander.3 Had one or two conversations with a scoffer at Christ — made himself very ridiculous by his arguments. At about 6 this morning touched at Grand River, sent on shore letter to Philander. Am but 15 miles from home, but must content myself with wishing them well & praying for them.4 Touched at Cleavland, found it a more pleasant & larger place than I had imagined. Was quite sorry to part with Mrs. Lathrop of Cleavland, & Mr. Ostrom of Middlebury with whom I had been conversing of those things which concern the peace of Jerusalem. Touched at Huron River. Visited the Washington, a new & very large boat nearly finished.5 Burdens 650 tons, engine 220 horse power, 184 ft long — a noble sea boat. About sundown began to strike across the lake, between Cunningham’s Island & the main. Sailed over Perry’s battle ground. Viewed Put-in-Bay Island &c. &c. This is a beautiful part of the lake.6 3. Edmund Ely had three younger brothers: Henry, Albert Welles, and Francis Philander. Amanda Day was his first cousin, three years younger than he was. She lived in West Springfield, Massachusetts. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 96–97. 4. Chardon, Ohio, where the Ely family had moved in 1824, is about fifteen miles inland from Grand River. 5. Huron, Ohio, was noted for its shipbuilding in the nineteenth century. 6. This is the site of Captain Oliver H. Perry’s victory over a British squadron in Lake Erie on September 10, 1813. Perry’s Victory National Monument is located in Put-in-Bay on South Bass Island.

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Saturday Evening, July 13. Awoke this morning & found myself alongside the wharfs of Detroit. Found Mr. Chas. Hastings in the city — have spent part of the day with him — have been writing to my friend L.7 They are doubtless praying for me this evening. The cursing & blasphemies of the frequenters of grog shops have been rolling into my window this evening. God have mercy on this wretched city.

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Monday 11 A. M. July 15. Spent most of yesterday at Mr. E. P. Hastings’ Prest. Bk. of Michigan. Went up to the House of God, & heard Rev. Mr. [blank in manuscript] preach, morning & evening. The church has no pastor to watch over them & gather the lambs of the flock. The Lord took one of the circle of brethren home to Himself yesterday (Mr. Griswold), thus is teaching the remaining to “watch” — for they know [not] in what hour the Master will come. Have sent letters to L. & F. S. Whiting by Mr. C. Hastings. Expect to embark for Mackinaw on board schooner Commerce, bound to Chicago this afternoon. Evening — On board schooner Commerce. It is now about 8½ oclk. & we are but a mile or two from Detroit. Have been detained [by] the absence of a part of the crew at least 2½ or 3 hours. Nothing but cursing & blasphemy — scarce a word unaccompanied by an oath. The crew bear the strong marks of dissipation — Sabbath breakers. Most of the passengers are of the same spirit. Had an interview with Rev. D. Greene, Secy. Am. Board C. F. Missions.8 He has made arrangements for the Missionaries, & I am to be located at Sandy Lake on the Mississippi, with Mr. Boutwell instead of Mr. Ayer. Mr. Greene informed me that Br. Ayer is just married to a Miss Taylor of the Mission at Mackinaw.9 May God bless him. Tuesday Evening July 16, 1833. Last night at 11 oclk we got aground on the flats north of Hog Island. Capt was at the helm, & the mate on the watch, 7. Charles Hastings was a publisher and bookseller in Utica, New York, and had written a letter of support for Ely to the abcfm. Greene, Memoranda of Letters, June 28, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 1.3.1. (Reel 1). L. was Lucia Whiting, sister of his friend Franklin S. Whiting. 8. David Greene, secretary of the abcfm, was on his way home to Boston from Mackinac when Ely met him in Detroit. Greene, Memoranda of letters, July 16, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 1.3.1. (Reel 1). 9. Elizabeth Taylor of Heath, Massachusetts, had been a lay volunteer at the Mackinac Mission since 1828. Widder, Battle for the Soul, 21, 36.

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july 5 to sept ember 28, 1833

yet we got out of the channel. A little after noon were afloat & having a very strong breeze, we were soon out of the Detroit River, & a few hours brought us across Lake St. Clair. The channel at the entrance of St. Clair River is very narrow. We have been at anchor & afloat two or three times, are now at anchor for the night. The cabin has been full of blasphemy & display of principles at war with morality. The Captain is now talking against & ridiculing missionaries whom he has carried on the lakes at different times. A Frenchman (Roman) from N. York City overheard me talking with his family concerning a minister whom we both knew, interrupted by saying he did not want them talking about religious politics, & who could pilot them to Heaven best.

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Wednesday Evening July 17, 1833. This morning were once or twice aground in the mouth of the river — ran up about 7 miles by 12 oclk. to Point Aux Chenes. After doubling the point, wind was dead ahead — came to anchor — the breeze has fallen with the sun — hope for the best tomorrow. Capt. & passengers are more pointed in their abuse of religion — are somewhat careful to have me hear it. I jumped into the boat which was towing aft this morning, & read a few chapters of Genesis. It was observed & commented on. I afterwards got an attack on the subject of Presbyterian priestcraft. Some are just crawling into their berths. Capt. Winchell, one of the passengers, as he was just now crawling into his berth, seeing me journalizing, cries out with Burns “The De’il’s among ye, taking notes, & fa’th, he’ll print it.” I could but burst out in laughter. O! may God direct me in my way, & have mercy on these souls around me. Friday July 19, 2 oclk P.M. We lay off Point-Aux-Chenes until yesterday at noon. Hove up, & proceeded up 3 miles, were becalmed, dropped our anchor — took a very pleasant walk on shore— had an interesting conversation with Capt Thorn, an old sailor on the lakes, about 85 yrs of age, an old blasphemer also. Had some conversation with Mrs. [blank in manuscript] his daughter, not a professor of religion. Her daughter is a member of Pres. Chh. in Detroit, home on a visit. This morning between 5 & 6 oclk, breeze sprang up from the S. Hove up. Breeze freshened — about 12 passed a Mission Station on the Canada

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shore opposite Black River, & 1 mile below U.S. Fort Gratiot.10 The fort is about ¼ mile below the light house, at the head of St. Clair River. Fort on the W. bank.11 Current is 8 or 10 knots per hour. Our breeze carried us rapidly through. Have suffered exceedingly for 2 nights in the river from musquitoes. Am more & more the butt of religious satire. Bear it extremely well. Are now bearing a little W. of N. into the broad lake before us — are now 6 or 8 miles from the light house. Expect to be in Mackinaw some time on Sabbath, if God preserve us. We are in his hands, which, if these ungodly men on board felt, they would not dare to blaspheme his name as they continually do. Lord, give me a heart to pray for them. Save them in thy compassion. I am reading Genesis in course.12 Saturday Evening, July 20th 9 oclk. We lay almost becalmed, from about 12 last evening until almost noon today. A very light breeze then until 4 or 5 oclk. Breeze freshened — have crossed the mouth of Saginaw Bay this afternoon, about 35 miles. Hope to be off Thunder Bay, 75 mls from lower point of Saginaw Bay, & 150 from Gratiot about 11 or 12 oclk. A clear evening above. Some clouds in the horizon. The new moon is shedding her pale beams across the waves. Our canvass catch & reflect them. Have been sitting on deck for an hour or two past, contemplating the lake, heavens & their Author. Talked with the Frenchman of the Heavens, the laws which govern them, the evidence drawn from them of the existence of their author. I have read some in course in the Scriptures today — spent much time in tending our trolling lines. The mate caught one trout which would weigh 4 to 6 lb. When I commenced writing, my companions were engaged at cards at the same table. They in a short time finished their game. Their time is mostly spent at cards, sleep & joking. Their language is of the most obscene vulgar sort that I have heard for years. Depravity dark as hell itself stands prominent in their lives sentiments. This evening, doubtless, many dear friends are remembering my case 10. The Mission Station on the Canada shore was on the Sarnia reserve, established in 1827 and served by Methodist Thomas Turner since 1832. Graham, Medicine Man to Missionary, 38. 11. Fort Gratiot was constructed in 1814 under the direction of Charles Gratiot to guard the outlet of Lake Huron into the St. Clair River. A lighthouse was constructed north of the fort in 1825, and when it toppled in 1828, another one was constructed the following year. It is still standing. 12. Straight through.

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before God in prayer.13 Could I see some of them these arms would press them to my bosom. But I have given up the blessing & comfort derived from their society & affections. Talcott, Dutton, & L. are before my mind more particularly this evening, besides many others. O! may God bless them all, & give me of that spirit which alone can renovate the gross affections. O! God, remember me on the morrow among this wicked company on board. Raise my heart to them. I expect, if this wind holds, to reach Mackinaw by tomorrow evening. My heart will bound to meet with dear Brother Ayer & others of the Mission. Sabbath, July 21. Have been reading the experience of Miss Hester Ann Rodgers.14 It has raised the standard of Christian privileges in my view, or rather, is an illustration of what I knew to be the privilege of those who trust in God. O! what a grovelling soul I am! O, God, teach me, lead me in thy way. May I become assimilated to thy likeness. This passage was very touching to me this morning, “Lead me to the Rock that is higher than I.” Ps. 61:2nd. My thoughts have been dwelling a little on the dear circle of my friends in Albany. The pastor, congregation, & choir, who, I suppose, have assembled this day in those courts where I so often have stood & led their devotions in a song of praise. I shall probably never meet them again in the same capacity — perhaps never again behold their faces. O! may God bless them. My prayer shall be for their peace. Guide dear Br. Kirk.15 Preserve the Church from schisms — they are dear to me. My heart is bound to them by tender & interesting associations. My God! Remember that choir in mercy. Bind them to one another & to thee. Teach them the benefit & the sweetness of a forbearing, forgiving spirit. And in humility may they (especially A.) possess it, so that when they shall meet together to sing the sweet songs of Zion, thy spirit shall be in their midst to melt their hearts to tenderness & love. O! how their feelings ought to rise & expand. In such a state 13. Before leaving Albany it appears that Ely had agreed with his friends to join together in prayer every Saturday. This was called a “concert.” 14. Hester Ann Rogers was the wife of James Rogers, a disciple of John Wesley. Her exemplary life and death were the subject of a Methodist tract first published in 1794. 15. Rev. Edward Norris Kirk, as pastor of the Fourth Presbyterian Church in Albany, had established a school of theology to train young men for the ministry, and it was here that Ely had studied.

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of feeling, their songs would kindle up that dear Church. Incense would rise — God would be in their midst. Sinners would melt into contrition. How happy the results. May that choir feel what moral power they possess, & act!! & O! may I feel it in the use of music among the poor Indians. But I am tossing gliding over the surface of this beautiful Lake Huron, held safe by the hand of my God. Suppose we are now (4½ P.M.) about 20 or 30 miles from Mackinaw. Wind ahead — have been beating in all the afternoon. While in the after cabin this morning, one of the passengers, a wild young traveller on his way to Chicago to establish himself, proposed cards, but remarked, not knowing me to be within hearing that perhaps “it would hurt that Presbyterian’s feelings.” No cards were introduced, & although it has been suggested several times, not a game has been played. (I think). Wicked men want but very little to keep their consciences alive. Wind has fallen with the sun.

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Monday Evening 11 oclk. July 22d. Arrived at Mackinaw about 12 today. Am now at the Mission House — find the Fondulac traders gone & my brother missionaries also — am a little disappointed — hope to start in the morning in an express canoe to overtake them at the Sault St. Marie — have spent the evening in a very interesting manner, at Mr Stewarts, Agt. Am. Fur Co. He has offered to redeem my flute for me which I left at Albany from necessity, & directed me to write back to that effect which I have just done. The Lord bless him & family. Wednesday July 24. As Mr. Ferry was yesterday fitting off Mr. Schoolcraft’s canoe to take me to the Sault, he found Mr. Corbant, a French trader about starting for that place.16 Mr C. willingly offered to take me free of charge (Mr. F. urged him to accept of $10, as an incentive to his men to make speed), being fitted out with provision by the mission family. A strong breeze from the west came up. We started at 12 oclk. Having on board our batteaux 22 souls of us, all but 3 or 4 halfbreeds, & in addition 8 dogs & pups, & 3 cats & kittens, making in all 33 — men & animals. In addition to this, the dogs became very seasick, which renders their presence extremely 16. This is Jean Baptiste Corbin, long-time trader at Lac Courte Oreilles. Henry Rowe Schoolcraft was then the Indian agent at Sault Ste. Marie. Rev. William Ferry was superintendent of the abcfm mission at Mackinac.

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loathsome. Our baggage & provision amounts to 20 or 25 bbls bulk. We started with the hope of reaching the Sault this evening, being manned with 5 good oarsmen, besides sails. We came before the wind 40 miles — towards evening the wind was high, & rain began to fall — it was dusk when we landed. Our goods became considerably wet before we got them under the tents. I was at the helm for an hour or two before we landed — was very tired & as soon as I could find a place for my mat, I threw myself upon it & slept soundly until morning. When I awoke, our party were carrying their baggage on board. Hoisted sail & proceeded about 6 miles & came into the mouth of the river.17 Wind was then ahead — after proceeding a mile or two, landed — threw our tents & mats, blankets etc. over the bushes today & here I am (9 oclk a.m.) under the wing of a tent, thus set up, writing on my trunk, surrounded by the dogs. I have felt but little relish for food since I came on board — not as much as if I could have found a clean spot under the shade of a tree. But this is my first lesson, & I am not discouraged. Nothing can make me sick sooner than filthiness. Still, “The Lord is my strength, in him will I trust.”

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Evening: The wind has blown very hard all day directly down the river — consequently have been obliged to remain on the same ground where we landed this morning. I have just got my baggage under my Mr. C.’s tent, & have myself at my desk (i.e. the trunk) & cease writing now, to address my dear Father Lansing of N.Y.18 Sabbath July 28. Arrived at the Sault on Thursday evening. Messrs Warren & Aitkin were yet remaining with two boats.19 Spent the night at Mr. Bela Chapman’s.20 Early in the morning Mssrs W. & A. started, fearing that if they delayed, their hands would scatter & cause them further trouble of that kind. Mr. Chapman, (as requested by Rev. Mr. Ferry in case of necessity) procured a canoe & 4 young half breeds to overtake the boats. Left 17. This is the St. Mary’s River, which connects Lake Superior with Lake Huron. 18. Rev. Dirck C. Lansing had been pastor of the First Presbyterian church in Auburn, New York, and after 1829 he was pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church in Utica. He shared in the revival movement of Charles G. Finney. Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney, 58–60. 19. These were the two principal traders of the American Fur Company in Western Lake Superior. 20. Bela Chapman was at this time a Sault Ste. Marie trader.

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at 12 noon — were wind bound two or three hours — reached Mr Aitkin’s boats (7 in no.) encamped on Iroquois Island at 7 P.M.21 The missionaries were all with Mr Warren’s boats ahead. Left Iroquois Island next morning at 4 oclk in Mr. Aitkin’s own boat, strongly manned, to proceed with all haste to Fondulac.22 Parted company with the other boats, in the afternoon a head wind — yet, proceeded to White Fish Point & encamped. Wind blew a gale all night. This morning removed our encampment nearer the extreme point — all a barren heath. Wind strikes our tent unobstructed. One old fisherman & his family live here. The most undesirable place I ever spent a night at. Last Sabbath I spent on board the schooner & was surrounded with cursing & blasphemy. Here I am at least free from that. If men curse, it is in French or Chippeway & my ears are not offended with it, since I know it not.23 The fury of westerly storms expend themselves on this point. The sandbanks heed it not. We expected to have proceeded in our journey & overtake Mr. Warren’s boats to day, but man cannot rule the wind & the sea, & they are in advance. We are about 45 miles from the Sault St. Marie. Monday Evening, July 29. White Fish Point. A little after day break this morning, the wind blew down our tent upon us. It rained very hard all night. We found refuge from the storm in the cabin of the old Frenchman (Lizzy).24 Wind, rain & rough sea kept us on that dreary spot until 4 oclk this afternoon when we were enabled to load & embark (for in consequence of the surf, we were obliged to unload & haul our barge upon the shore, beyond the reach of it) — proceeded about five miles. Swells increased without an increase of wind, but a forerunner of it, for it now blows hard. We have encamped in a thicket, & are as comfortable as our wet bedding &c. will admit of. I broiled a piece of whitefish on a forked stick for my supper, which was delicious. Am about to throw myself on my wet blankets with 21. Iroquois Island is about two and a half miles west of Point Iroquois, the site of a famous battle between the Ojibwe and the Iroquois in 1662. See Thwaites, Jesuit Relations 48:75–77, and Blair, Indian Tribes, 1:178–79. 22. Fond du Lac, end of the lake, is where the St. Louis River enters Lake Superior. 23. If the men were cursing, it had to be in French, because there are no equivalent curses in Ojibwe. 24. This was probably Antoine Lizé, fisherman for the American Fur Company at White Fish Point. American Fur Company Ledger.

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wet boots & damp feet — fear if I draw them, I shall not readily get them on if called to start in the night.

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Tuesday Eve. 30th. About 10 oclk this morning, two of Mr. Warren’s Indians came to our camp, & informed us that Mr. W’s company were encamped a few miles ahead. Mr. W. & myself started at noon to go to them — found them encamped in a pine grove. I took the missionaries by surprize — they had given up the idea of my coming into the country this way, this year. Some expected me by St. Peters.25 We all rejoiced together. Have been walking & praying with Br. Ayer — am pleased with Br. Boutwell, with whom I am to be associated at Sandy Lake — have just attended worship in Br. Ayer’s tent. Missionaries are Br. Boutwell, Br. Ayer & wife, Miss Cook, Miss Hester Crooks, a ½ breed educated at Mackinaw, who goes out as an infant school teacher, Br. Campbell & fam, from Mackinaw to Le Point.26 Friday Evening Aug. 2d. Grand Marias.27 This morning about 3 oclk started. The wind swells quite small. We have spent our time together very pleasantly at our last camp. Attend to the orthography of the Indian tongue once or twice per day.28 Write down in my memorandum all the names of things &c which I hear. They also are availing themselves of me by studying music in order to use it in the schools. The Indians are very fond of music, especially of a lively, animating character. Have pursued our studies today on the barge. Classes are composed of all but Mr. Campbell & fam. Have walked several miles on the beach. Our men have cordell d (towed) the boats most of the day. An interesting young ½ breed lad from Yellow Lake is quite sick — about 14 or 16 yrs of age. We are now in one of the safest harbours for boats on the lake [Grand Marais, Michigan]. If weather will 25. St. Peters, at the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi Rivers, is now known as Mendota. 26. John Campbell, an Ojibwe mixed-blood, and his wife, Elizabeth Davenport, of Mackinac were volunteers for the La Pointe mission. Widder, Battle for the Soul, 145; Hall and Boutwell to abcfm, May 11, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). For identification of other missionaries see Appendix E. 27. This should be Marais, not Marias. A marais is a swampy area. Ely always spelled it marias. 28. Several orthographies of the Ojibwe language were developed by missionaries at this time to assist them in learning Ojibwe and with the intention of teaching the Indians to read and write in Ojibwe.

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permit, we expect to embark at 12 oclk P. M. I am watching until that time. A wind from the S. W. has just risen (10 oclk) — unfavourable. Chocolate River, Tuesday Aug. 6, 1833. Left Grand Marias Saturday about 10 a. m. In over 2 hours came to the sand banks rising from the water to the height of from 100 to 450 feet. They are composed of loose sand of a light yellow & white — rise at an angle of about 40°, & the slope is as smooth as if the sand was thrown off from the top & piled as near a perpendicular as it could lie. We measured the bank in 2 places with lines & calculated the height in those places to be 574 (the plane) feet. I ascended the first time with comparative ease, but the second, I was almost exhausted before reaching half the ascent. They extend about 6 miles, & at a little distance on the lake present a most sublime spectacle. The evening was calm — we had no safe harbor, therefore proceeded. Dr. Borup said there was an encamping ground which we might reach by 12 oclk or thereabouts.29 About 2 oclk Sabbath morning came to a small bay about 1 third the distance of the Pictured Rocks — a spot of sand beach, & on the level about twenty feet above the water, a grove of pines.30 There we encamped, as we supposed, for the Sabbath. The place was not a safe harbour in a storm, & Dr. Borup, who commanded the brigade, being fearful of remaining, determined to march [leave] about 10 oclk. Consequently were obliged to proceed to Grand Island, about 12 miles, where we encamped. About 5 oclk P. M. attended Divine Service in the shade. Singing in French, prayers in English. The Tract “Poor-Joseph” in French, was read.31 French is the common language, as most all of our men are (except a few Indians) Frenchmen (Canadians) & all the traders speak it. Expected another service in Chippeway, but it was too late. Monday, came on to Chocolate River. Found Mr. Holliday, a 29. Dr. Charles Wulff Borup was a Danish physician and immigrant who had entered the fur trade in 1830. At this time he was located in the Folle Avoine or St. Croix River region. C. H. Oakes to Henry M. Rice, undated letter, Henry M. Rice and Family Papers. 30. The Pictured Rocks are mineral-stained sandstone cliffs, sculptured by wind and water, which extend for more than forty miles along the south shore of Lake Superior on Michigan’s Upper Peninsula. See Schoolcraft’s description in Mentor L. Williams, ed., Schoolcraft’s Narrative Journal of Travels, 106–8. 31. A tract is a religious reading intended for evangelism and meant to be inspirational. The Poor Joseph tract is the story of a poor man who was converted and thereafter lived for God.

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july 5 to sept ember 28, 1833

trader, & his men (6).32 These, without provisions & nothing except their blankets. Through the carelessness of some of the hands, the canoe was not secured — a wind rose in the night & blew it out into the lake, out of sight — it contained some provisions, Mr. H’s trunk & papers, & valuable papers to other traders. The loss of them would have nearly ruined him. Our touching at that river was a great comfort to him & company. Tuesday morning a gale blew off the lake & turned our tent over, so that we were left with no other covering from the heavens but our blankets, no possible hope of leaving there that day — removed our tents back into a grove of pines, the most beautiful I ever beheld. No underbrush, nothing but the trunks of strait, stately pines as far as the eye could reach. (This afternoon Mr. H.s men found his canoe on shore, about 9 miles up the bay — East — thrown ashore by the gale & broken by the surf. Goods all safe.) Myself & two of our young men caught 20 trout with hooks in the river, which afforded us a feast. The sand flies were very troublesome — my neck, ears & forehead were covered with their bites. My ears & glands swelled, & I was in such agony from the smarting that I slept none — rose about 12 oclk & walked about. As I merged from the thicket on the bank of the river to go to the boats, my attention was arrested by a most splendid & sublime appearance of the sky just above the horizon. A heavy cloud obscured the stars except about 20° above the horizon. That part was brilliantly illuminated, but apparently nearer & rising a little higher than the lower skirt of the cloud rose two or three columns of light, red as the bright glow of a coal of fire, & apparently about 12 to 18 inches in width, presenting to my imagination, as it fell on my eye, just rushing from the darkness, a view awfully impressive. I ran back to the tent & asked Mr. Boutwell if he had ever observed the Aurora Borealis in this lattitude. He was quite unwell & I did not ask him to rise, but he replied in the affirmative. I returned to the boats & again viewed the scene, lost in wonder, when I observed something like a spark of fire rising & crossing the columns. Could it be a meteor? thought I. I began to scrutenize — observed at the top of each column a small cloud, darker than the cloud behind — saw smoke rising & crossing in the same direction — what could it be? The point of land 32. John Holiday was the American Fur Company’s trader at l’Anse. Abstract of Licenses, 1833, Henry Rowe Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 22. His son William was also a trader.

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Point Abbaye Grand Island

Grand Marais

Pictured Rocks

erior

1. Voyage from Albany, New York, to Sandy Lake, Minnesota

100 miles

La Pointe

L

Sup

Lake St. Clair Detroit

Fort Gratiot

South Bass Island

Mackinac Island

Sault Ste. Marie

Whitefish Point

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Er

Cleveland

La

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0

Sandy Lake

e ak

gan

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Hu

Lake Mic hi

L e ak Erie Grand River Chardon

ie

e Ontario

Buffalo

Lak

Syracuse

Albany

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july 5 to sept ember 28, 1833

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formed by the river lay between me & the object. On this, some of our Indians had encamped, & the last glimmerings of their evening’s fire were shedding their rays upon two or three stately pines. The moon had just hid herself behind the heavy cloud — this, thought I (in disappointment) is the Aurora of Lake Superiour. Wednesday proceeded to Yellow Dog River. Thursday noon at 2 oclk, proceeded — touched at Huron River, in the afternoon crossed Huron Bay to Point aux Beigne (Griddle cake pt).33 This point is the eastern point of the Anz [Anse] a bay 25 or 30 miles deep — the traverse is about 15 miles, & in consequence of the swells out of the bay, the most dangerous one on this shore of the lake. Friday Morning, at 2 oclk struck our tents, rounded the point, proceeded down the shore two or three miles & commenced the traverse by the light of the moon, with a good side wind out of the bay — it had just risen, & we availed ourselves of it before the swells attained to any size. After crossing, proceeded, wind fair, to point Ki-ui-nă [Keweenaw] — wind shifted east & we rounded the point & sailed into Little Mar Rack Roe harbour about 5 oclk.34 Thus the wind has brought us safely through the most dangerous part of the voyage this day, as there are no (or few) good harbours from Huron River to this place. The eastern storm would have destroyed our boats where we stopped last night, and we have been in places today where we must have perished if a sudden storm had risen. Saturday, August 10th. Left Rack Roe about 10 oclk, & came on 5 leagues to Grand Marias of Pt Ki ui naˇ, one of the finest harbours I ever saw, perfectly safe from any storm.35 Saw a mass of native copper in a rock while coasting along this afternoon.36 This evening have had a season37 of prayer in Br. Ayer’s tent. Saturday evening is a season of concert with us & the mission family at Mackinaw, & with many of our friends in N. York, Ohio & Massachusetts. Tis sweet to remember them & feel that they are hearing us before God. I have spent much of my time during the last week in 33. Point Abbaye. 34. Copper Harbor, on the Keweenaw Peninsula. 35. The Grand Marais harbor of the Keweenaw Peninsula is just east of Eagle Harbor. 36. The Keweenaw Peninsula is recognized as containing the largest concentration of native copper on earth, much of it embedded in rocks. Martin, Wonderful Power, 27–28. 37. Ely often uses “season” to mean a “session.”

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assisting our females in their domestic duties — principally, baking. Monday Aug. 12th. Left Grand Marias & proceeded 15 miles. A tempest was evidently rising & we put about & ran back a short distance to a spot of sand beach, as there was no harbour for miles — unloaded & hauled out our boats. Tuesday. Gale continues — swells very high — no hope of leaving here today. Have suffered considerably from a constipated state of the bowels during the voyage. Last Sabbath, by advice of Dr Borup, ate of boiled corn. The corn used by the boatmen is boiled in lye to remove the hulls. It was not well boiled & a little burnt. It caused a violent diarhoea, which has terminated in an attack of the piles. Yesterday & today — frequent & painful discharges of bloody mucus — am now under the hands of Dr. Borup.

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Wednesday 14th. Left our encampment at 3½ oclk P. M. with a fair wind & are now encamped on a sand beach 18 miles from where we started — arrived about 8 oclk. Have suffered very much from my disease. Dr. B. has given me active medicine & am much relieved this evening. Expect to leave very early if weather continues favorable — are now about 3 days travel from Le Point, with remarkably good weather may reach it Saturday night. We should rejoice so to do. God has prospered us thus far. We look to him for further protection & support — are now at Elm River. Thursday Evening Aug 15th 1833. Last night, betook myself to my blanket at 12½ oclk, did not sleep until after one. We marched at 2 oclk. About 7 this morning, came in sight of an Indian encampment about one mile west of Riviere De La Pichi. They fired several shots to let us know that they had something to say to us. On landing found that one of their number, a man who passed us at Grand Islands coming from the Sault, had died in a drunken frolic. They were mourning for him. The relatives had blacked their faces & looked most hideous. He had a son on board the mission boat, also a sister, wife of “The Montreal Man.”38 We took our boats into the river — some of our Indians, who were connexions & acquaintances were invited by the son to drink with him over the grave according to cus38. The “Montreal Man” was probably Bazile Beaulieu, a trader married to Ogimagizhigokwe of Lac du Flambeau. Malhiot, “Wisconsin Fur Trader’s Journal,” 187; List of Half Breeds in Lac du Flambeau, Miscellaneous Items, Chippewa Claims, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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tom. The father had procured liquor at the Sault. About ½ past 9 we left the river, touched at the encampment to get our Indians on board. They were all drunk. The men in good glee — the sister was crying & lamenting bitterly. The men think it feminine to give way to sorrow — well enough for the women. The wife of the deceased wore a roll of clothing wrapped in a blanket on her shoulders as she would carry a child, the head of it ornamented with feathers & other ornaments. They commonly dress up an image. This they wear 1 year, at which time they put off their mourning by calling together the relatives or friends, & presenting the image to some one whom she pleases. She is then free to marry again.39 The Indians, most of them, embarked in their canoes & are now encamped in the rear of our tent. When the mothers canoe arrived, we expected a repetition of this morning’s scene. But Dr. Borup has obtained a promise that no liquor shall be opened until they arrive at LePoint, where they reside.40 We are now in the river about 54 miles from where we embarked this morning at 2 oclk. Wind has helped us some — are now 25 leagues from Le Point — wrapped ourselves in our blankets & slept this morning on board, until awaked by the guns of the Indians. We expect to start at 1 or 2 oclk in the morning — are anxious to reach the Point on Saturday. The doctor’s boat touched at On ti-nā gŏn [Ontonagon] River with letters, it being the farthest point from which we hope to send down letters this season. I put one on shore for L & Mrs. Wright of Rome.41 Le Point. Saturday Eve. August 17th 1833. Embarked on Friday morning at [manuscript blotted] oclk. In the P. M. had a fair wind. The wife of the “Montreal Man” had brought on board some liquor of which she dealt out some. When within a few miles of Montreal River, some of the Indians on the mission boat, fearing that Dr Borup did not intend to touch at the river, because his boat stood out into the lake as if she would traverse the bay, hailed a canoe, near, & two of them, one, the son of the decd mentioned 39. Ely describes here one of the traditional Ojibwe mourning customs. See McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 292–93. 40. The name La Pointe was originally given to Point Chequamegon (present-day Long Island) by the French in the seventeenth century. In the early nineteenth century it referred to Michael’s Island, later known as Madeline Island. Ely usually wrote “Le Point” or Lepoint.” 41. Mary Wright of Rome, New York, was his father’s cousin, the daughter of his father’s uncle, Rev. Henry Ely. She was married to William Wright. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 98.

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yesterday, sprang into it & made for the shore. Boats all put in for supper. After some talk & threats not to pay them, Doct. prevailed on them to embark. Left the river at 10 P. M. A land breeze helped us a little time, but changed ahead — were almost constrained to turn back, but wind gradually decreased. My sleep on land did me little good, as I awoke frequently from the pain occasioned by my position. Arrived at this post at 5 oclk, 7 leagues from the river, 1 league per hour, which is pretty good rowing with loaded barges — found the inhabitants all stirring to receive us. Am agreeably disappointed in the location & appearance of the place. It is on the S. W. extremity of Magdalen Island, facing a bay & point of the main land (facing South). This post is the residence of Mr Lyman M. Warren, one of the most extensive traders in the region of Lake Superiour.42 Rev. S. Hall, missionary, lives in the best half of Mr. Warren’s house rent free. Mr. W. has been the most essential help to the mission. The place consists of 10 or 12 houses & stores, built in the Canadian manner — covered sides & roof with bark (cedar is the common kind). The land rises gradually from the water to the center of island (at Le Pt). Mr. Warren has a fine farm on the slope, directly in rear of the buildings. He has raised this season as fine a piece of wheat as I have seen, very large straw — about 40 bushels to the acre, as good berry as any I have seen. Has some stock. Grass is poor for cows. A mission farm is in progress, on which Mr. Hall contemplates building next season. Miss Cook remains to take charge of the school. On Sabbath morning & evening service was held in Indian. Afternoon, sermon in English by Brother Boutwell. Monday & Tuesday were busily employed in preparations for our departure. Tuesday evening the brethren & sisters consisting of Rev. Sherman Hall, Mrs Hall, Rev. Wm Thurston Boutwell, Mr. Frederick Ayer, Mrs Ayer, Mr. Campbell, Mrs Campbell, Doct. Wulff Borup, Mr. L. M. Warren, Miss Stevens, Miss Cook & myself, formed ourselves into a Church — it was an interesting season.43 Mrs Borup, 42. As the map indicates, La Pointe at this time was at the southwestern tip of the island, where the North West Company and Michel Cadotte had established their trading posts in the 1790s, and where the Cadotte and Warren families still lived. It was Lyman M. Warren who introduced the name Magdalen Island in 1827. Mackinac Register of Deeds, Vol. 1. 43. Sherman Hall described the founding of the Church at La Pointe in the Church Records of the La Pointe Mission, now in the Chicago Historical Society.

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3. Drawing in Journal 1, August 17, 1833. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, s3045, Edmund F. Ely Papers.

an interesting half breed, converted in the mission family at Mackinaw, was not able to be present in consequence of sickness.44 This is like planting a tender shoot in the desert. May “the early & latter rain” water its root that it wither not. This is 350 miles N. W. farther than any other Protestant church to my knowledge. 44. Mrs. Borup was Elizabeth Beaulieu, daughter of trader Bazile Beaulieu and Ogimagizhigokwe. Chippewa Claim 54, and List of Half Breeds in Lac du Flambeau, Chippewa Claims, Lucius Lyons Papers.

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On Wednesday morning (21st inst) Br. Boutwell and myself parted from our dear fellow voyageurs (missionaries) & the mission family at 9½ oclk. Embarked in a canoe fitted out by Mr. Warren, under the direction of Mr. Joseph Cadotte, a half breed, & brother in law to Mr. W. assisted by Jacob & Henry, two Indian youths. Henry is the youngest son of the chief of the Le Point Band, Be-shi-ki, the Ox, or as he is sometimes called the Buffalo. Am much interested in Henry. He is about 16 yrs of age — understands a little English. Has the most interesting countenance that I have seen among the Chippeways. Our course was N. W. A long group of islands extend themselves along the shore. They are high, mostly perpendicular rock shores. Timber poor. A little after noon came in sight of a long ridge of mountains forming the north shore of the Lac. Was not aware that the lake was so narrow here.

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Thursday Evening Augt. 22d. Came yesterday 13 leagues. Our canoe leaked some. Encamped early & repaired it. Started this morning about 4 oclk. Lake was smooth. A head wind rose — swells sometimes large, yet proceeded. Our shore has been much of the way rock bound — some places very high perpendicular & over hanging & curiously washed into grotto’s & arches & large niches. We have passed under 3 or 4 arches of solid rock. One arch was 25 or 30 ft high, & 15 or 20 broad. One immense pillar supporting the mass of solid rock of at least 1000 tons weight. Rock formation of red sand strata, thin & loose.45 We are now encamped about one mile west of Burnt River.46 Can see the extremity of the lake. Friday morning. Embarked at 2 oclk — after daybreak weather looked very tempestuous — swells began to rise. A heavy [fog] settled & almost obscured every thing except a few rods from us. After the sun was up, fog dissipated, sky became clear. Entered the mouth of St. Louis River at 9½ oclk. Course W. N. W. 7 miles to Opīshīnguakā.47 Some call this portion an arm of Fon-du-Lac — it is about 1 mile broad. There is a small ripple at the mouth, which proves it properly to belong to the river. As we were coursing along up, a smaller kind of eagle was flying in his course down 45. The interesting geological formations in the Apostle Islands are the result of thousands of years of glacial action on bedrock. 46. This is the Brule (or Bois Brulé) River. 47. Opeshingwaakaa, break in the river. Rice’s Point extends into the river here.

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the river & near us. Jacob, who was nearest the bow of the canoe, dropped his oar, seized the gun & fired. The bird rolled & fell into the water. We made toward him — he struggled to regain his wings but alas! was disabled — showed some disposition to defend himself. Jacob killed him with his oar, & we took him on board. I should judge he was, from tip to tip of his wings between 4 & 5 feet. At Opīshīnguakā, course S. W. along the foot of the ridge of mountains which form the N. shore of the lake — the bed water of the river still remained about 1 mile in width to the land, but much of this width, as we proceeded up was savans (rush bottoms) — sometimes there were two or 3 channels, & the main channel so serpentine that we lost it & fell into another, which brought us into a savann, through which we found a little ditch just large enough to crowd our canoe through.48 We happened then to come into the main channel, into which, in a few miles, all converged. As we proceeded the land began gradually to rise about 20 miles up — the ridge of hills gradually rose on the south shore & became quite steep where they on the S. & the mountain on N. formed an oblong semicircle enclosing beautiful flats of rich soil, bearing abundance of wild grass, some of which was cured & stacked. On the N. side of this amphitheatre is the post of FonduLac under the mountain, one of Mr. Aitkin’s posts. Mr. Cottee is located here.49 Has some land under partial tillage, some stock, a very fine field of potatoes which probably yield him 300 bushels — a small but thrifty garden. Have seen no soil like this since leaving Michigan. Found Mr. Aitkin & family here & well — is very busy in sending off his outfits to different stations in the interiour.50 Expects to leave on or before Sept 3d — we shall probably leave with him. A number of the Leech Lake Indians are here. The Indians were dancing in 3 or 4 of the lodges most of the P. M. & when we retired, the air was ringing with the sound of their drums, their songs & yells. Saturday morning our canoe returned. I wrote to Br. Ayer whom we presumed our canoe would meet. Br. Boutwell wrote to Le Point. The Indians take pleasure in giving any information respecting their language. 48. Savanna (Savane in French) is a grassland or, in this case, a marsh. 49. Pierre Cotté, a Canadian, had been a North West Company trader at Fond du Lac at least since 1799. Fonds L. Chaboillez, April 17, 1799, Notarial Records in the Archives of Quebec. 50. William A. Aitkin, principal trader of the American Fur Company for the entire Fond du Lac district, had a large family and two Indian wives. Chippewa Claim 74, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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I have had today some times 5 or 6 young men around me, giving the accent of words which I had written in my memorandum. They would give me names of everything they could fix their eye upon, in the tent, or about your person. This P. M. about ½ dozen young men arrived from Leech Lake — a few also left. Sabbath, Aug. 25th. Could some of my dear friends have been here this morning they would indeed have felt themselves on heathen ground. About 9 oclk, the Indians (Leech Lake mostly) came over this side of the river, & having planted an American flag of some Traders who have come in, in opposition to the The Am Fur Co — they began to dance what the traders call, a begging dance.51 They form a circle around the flag staff, where they place themselves in a sitting posture. Two or three men with drums of different shapes commence beating & singing their wild savage music, commencing with high sounds & gradually sinking to a very low tone, then striking up again, fall — & so through. They were nearly all entirely naked except the breech cloths & leggings, faces painted — heads ornamented with eagles quills painted with vermillion. Some have guns & knives, some sticks — one to day had his battle axe, with the blade painted with vermillion (to signify that the blade had been imbued in the blood of their enemies, the Sioux) they simultaneously spring on their feet & commence dancing, which is simply illustrated by the exercise of “jumping the rope,” both feet together, scarcely rising more than on their toes. The pipe is frequently circulated by the head man at which every one to whom it is offered in the circle must take three whiffs or more. The dancers do not sing, but are almost continually whooping. They first danced for the opposition, & got presents.52 They then danced before Mr. Cottes door, & then came to ours (Mr. Aitkins). We were about commencing a meeting in English, but deferred it in consequence of the noise under our windows. They danced nearly an hour — got their presents of corn & tobacco & soon dispersed.53 51. At Fond du Lac, the Ojibwe village was on an island (Nigig or Otter Island) across from the post. McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 277. 52. The opposition traders represented William Brewster’s fur company headquartered in Detroit. 53. A similar Welcoming Dance was described by Thomas L. McKenney when he visited Fond du Lac in 1826. He inappropiately called it a “begging dance,” since the Indians expected gifts afterward. McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 284–86. See also Vennum, “Ojibwa Begging Dance.”

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We then held our meeting — the day was comparatively quiet. The medicine drums have commenced again this evening, which I will detail another time when I shall know more about it. My mind has been scattered today — has not appeared like the Sabbath of the Lord to me — have indulged in too much worldly conversation. I need a broken heart — have thought of my dear friends many times today — particularly L. has been near my heart. May God’s blessing rest with her & restore her health.

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Tuesday Aug. 27th. To day the Indians have held their “Grand Medicine Dance” in which they inducted two women of their number into the secrets of their medicine. Br. B. & myself accompanied Mr. Cottee & some others to witness their heathen jugglery.54 I had no idea of the extent of superstition to which [they] are given up. They drum two or three evenings preparatory. The power of their medicine is tested on the candidates for admission to its secrets, individually. We witnessed the ceremonies over the first. Since minute descriptions have been written by others well acquainted with their forms, & the language of the prayers & songs to the “Manito” (The Great Spirit) I will not attempt to describe. The power of their medicine is not tested by administration, but by the secret influence, affecting parts or the whole system, rendering the subject apparently helpless — quite a ridiculous farce.55 Sept. 13. Left FonduLac Tuesday 10th. All Mr A’s baggage had crossed the portage. Our company consisted of Mr A. & sons — Alfred, John & little Roger, Mr. Boutwell & myself with our baggage.56 Came up to the foot of the rapids. Mr B. John, self & two Leech Lake Indians disembarked & walked to the foot of the portage where we waited the arrival of the barge.57 About ½ past 9 commenced the portage — we had previously prepared our54. The Grand Medicine Dance is the Midewiwin, the most sacred of all Ojibwe ceremonies. Both men and women participated. To most outsiders, Indian religion was nothing more than “jugglery” or tricks. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, 9:111–13; Cameron, “Nipigon Country,” 262–65. 55. See Appendix A, “Manners and Customs of the Ojibueg,” for Ely’s own description of the Grand Medicine Dance. 56. Alfred, born in 1816, and John, born in 1818, were already engaged in the trade with their father. Roger was only six at this time. 57. This was the Women’s Portage, where the load was lightened so the men could take the canoe up the rapids. The Grand Portage started at the end of the first rapids. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 32.

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4. Grand Portage of the St. Louis River between the first and second pause. Photo by the author.

selves with moccasins as being the most easy in which to encounter the mud & water. Two or three men came up with us to take back the barge. From the landing rose a steep hill 50 or 60 ft, & half the distance across the portage another rise of 2 or 300 ft. Some of the “poses” were through marshes or “savanns,” & our path lay through deep mud & water. Most of the way the path was quite hard & the savanns in consequence of recent heavy rains were worse than usual. This is the largest portage on our route — distance 9 miles.58 We then strike the St. Louis again. It is surprizing to see those hardy Canadians take 2 pieces, 150 to 160lb each suspended by a portage collar to his forehead & travel over these hills & through the mud — their custom is in transporting baggage [is] to carry their load one pose (averaging ½ mile), leave their load & return for another, until all is brought to that point, & so go through — but today our men had but one load each, & travelled on about 3 poses before resting themselves. We arrived at the other end of this portage (called “Grand Portage.”) about 1½ oclk — in the 58. The Grand Portage of the St. Louis River was actually seven miles long. It ascended 570 feet and required nineteen pauses (poses), or places to rest and smoke. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 31.

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afternoon the men were employed in gumming their canoes. In the morning, most of the canoes pushed off, manned by 2 men, each canoe carrying 28 to 30 ps. [pieces]. One of the last canoes was manned by a couple of dull & inexperienced fellows — in going up the rapid they broke their canoe on a rock & wet all the goods on board — our canoe containing our own & Mr Shubway’s (a clk of Mr. A’s) baggage was manned by Mr. S. & one man. We proceeded to the place of embarkation at the head of the rapids about 1 mile, but in consequence of the accident, camped there for the night. Thursday started about 8½ A.M. — a most lovely morning. Came up 4 or 5 miles to “Portage Coteau” — here we opened our wet bales & spread them to dry.59 Some articles entirely ruined — small amt. Today our goods are drying & some are ready to bale again. La Belle, Mr. Aitkin’s voyaging cook is forward on another canoe & I officiate in his place — was engaged yesterday P. M. in making & baking bread. Nights are cold — heavy dew & frost — weather is most lovely — troubled to day by the sand flies. Sabbath Eve. Sept. 15. Our goods were all across the portage on Friday evening. Yesterday morning left & came to the head of the “Grand Rapids” — distance up the rapids is 4 or 5 miles, & very dangerous — as a loss of the hold of the setting poles would be, in some places, destruction to the canoe, loss of goods, & perhaps our lives.60 In ascending a very dangerous rapid our canoe was, by a unfortunate dip of a pole, turned across the stream & carried down against a rock, but fortunately, by our exertions, struck lightly. Else the tremendous pressure of the stream against the side of the canoe would have broken it in the middle, & plunged us & goods into the torrent. At one moment the water began to pour into over the gunwale, by whh I was a little wet, but by those of our party jumping into the water, they succeeded in preventing her from capsizing, & by help from another canoe we were saved from our perilous situation. Encamped about 4 or ½ past. Some canoes who went down yesterday for their ½ loads (as they 59. Portage du Coteau, or Knife Portage, was so called because of the vertical strata of knife-like argillite or slate that cut the feet and shoes of the men. It is on the west side of the river. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 195, 245. 60. The Grand Rapids of the St. Louis River were one of a series of four rapids above Knife Portage. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 39.

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brought up but ½ loads) arrived this morning. While we have been resting on this Sabbath day, the opposition (Mr. Abbott) has passed us — we left them at the head of “Portage Coteau.” Today our beloved brethren have been worshipping God in his temples. Our house of prayer is a tent, or some secluded spot in the wilderness around. They have been surrounded by kindred spirits who join in their songs & respond to their prayers. Here not a voice mingles with ours, & the only response, that of nature, the echo of the forest. We see the works of nature in their lonely grandeur, the roaring of the rapids, & the occasional rustling of the foliage by the breeze is its music. To me who am more unaccustomed to this lonely situation, it is natural for it is a sweet transition of thought. I follow this dear friend to his labour in the S. School — that, to his duty in the house of God, another to his closet [study] — all to their public thanksgiving & praise. Recall the interesting seasons I have spent with them, which may not, probably will not, be repeated. I need more of their humble spirits. I remember especially my beloved brethren Talcott & Dutton of Albany. O may Gods blessing rest on them, & on the dear Chh. & choir which I have left. Monday Evening — Left our encampment about ½ past 7 oclk — morning was very pleasant — about noon, became quite cloudy — afternoon, threatened rain — arrived at the mouth of “Savann River” & encamped about 5 oclk, only one of our canoes besides us have arrived — have probably encamped at Portage Du Prairie 3 leagues below.61 Our course has been N. W. today, have travelled 35 or 40 miles today — few rapids to ascend — are now about 70 miles from Fondulac post & 95 from mouth of the river (I presume more than 100, as we have saved many angles by portages). It is a fine stream — water is black. Savann River is quite small — God has kept us from injury, although our frail bark has struck more than an a number of stones to day. Mr. Aitkin has been quite unwell yesterday & today. Tuesday Sept. 17. Left the mouth of Savann River at 11 oclk. A. M. — were detained there late by waiting for the canoes to arrive. Two canoes had not 61. The East Savanna River enters the St. Louis River about fifty miles above the end of the Grand Portage. It flows from the direction of Sandy Lake, taking its rise in the marshy lands northeast of the lake. The Portage du Prairie begins about nine miles below the East Savanna River.

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arrived when we left — we were informed that one of them had wet some of her load in ascending a rapid yesterday. The canoe on which Alfred’s dog “Bull” was embarked arrived without him. A. with a man (Le Pointe) returned in a small canoe to find the dog. The river Savann is small, not more than 30 ft broad (except at the mouth) & extremely serpentine in its course — about 12 or 15 miles from its mouth its course is through savanns — its bed obstructed by weeds & monominoshko¯g (wild rice) — & thus continues to this place, where it is a mere ditch, deep, winding its course among high grass, scarcely wider than our canoe. We are now on a spot a little higher than its banks, having made our way out of the savann towards the forest, a few rods. Our course has been westerly — about as far N. I judge, as at the mouth of the river, & the most west northerly point of our journey. Our course will be S. of W. tomorrow. Arrived 4 or 5 oclk — ½ an hour after we arrived experienced a smart shower of rain — were protected by our tents, with a tarpaulin over them. Our journeying has been pleasant today. An Indian trapped 9 muskrats last night & gave us 6 of them & 1 partridge of which we have supped — our only meat since we left Fondulac except pork has been “smoked caribou” (rein deer) whh an Indian from the interior (he who gave us the rats) brought us, a few fish taken last evening & this morning & the rats [muskrats]. The rats were very good though rather poor at this season. We bless our Lord for his mercy in supplying our wants — understand that provisions are very scarce in the country — no “monomin” [wild rice]. We fear for the poor Indians. Expect a hard day’s walk tomorrow through the mud.62 Wednesday Evening Sept. 18, 1833. By 12 oclk today, all the canoes had arrived — at 1 or 2 oclk entered the portage. The men took the baggage of Mr Aitkin’s canoe & brought it all through, that we might proceed to Sandy Lake tomorrow. A very small stream runs into the savann portage, N. W. I should think this stream when dammed is of sufficient depth to allow a canoe to be drawn with ½ load through mud & water about 1½ mile. We 62. The Savanna Portage between East Savanna River and Little Savanna River is described by Larry Luukkonen as being about six miles in length, with thirteen poses, and offering “by far the most challenging conditions for portaging that could be imagined.” Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 42.

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prepared ourselves for our walk, which was not less than ½ leg deep & in some places more than knee deep, for this distance in mud & water. I several times sunk mid thigh deep — after this, much of the path is good — several spots very wet & muddy. John & myself left Messrs A. & B. at “Pose Du Rat” at this end of the morass. John travelled very fast & it was with great difficulty that I could keep up with him. In fact before I arrived at this end, all my resources for fast walking were called in requisition. We did not rest until we arrived. Arrived about 5 oclk. It is now about 18 miles to “Lac du Sab” (Sandy Lake) by the river — about 12 by the winter road.63 The stream on which we here embark is hardly but large enough to float a canoe — this empties itself into Sandy Lake. We cross the lake & descend the outlet to its confluence with the Mississippi at which point Sandy Lake post is situated. Am somewhat fatigued — have been engaged since my arrival in making bread. Got here a fine brant or wild goose, which formed part of an excellent supper. Thus I have been brought through the greatest difficulties in my long journey without harm, or scarcely fatigue that was worth mentioning — my path has been smooth, compared to others who travel this country thus far during this journey. I have not been exposed to a storm by day to wet me, nor by night without a tent to cover my head — all my wants have been supplied, for which I cannot be too thankful. Health in the main, very good, far better than I could have expected with such a diet as I have had. Thursday Eve. Sept. 19. Left our encampment about 9 this morning, & after a very pleasant passage of 3 hours came into the little lake from which this post takes its name — 4 or 5 miles from where we entered it to the outlet. From the outlet direct to the house distance is about one mile — at least two by the river — we arrived about 3 oclk P.M. distance about 18 miles. The meadows through which the little stream in which we embarked meanders are broad, & thousands of tons of grass might be cut from two to 3 ft in length, & as thick as it can grow. Friday Evening, Sept. 20. Observed yesterday for the first time two coffins set up on a scaffold (4 posts — painted). They were the bodies of old Indi63. Ely generally estimates distances too long. According to Luukkonen, the overland trail to Northeast Bay on Sandy Lake was about six miles long. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 43.

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ans, & had been standing several years — there are several near here. This is an old custom among the Indians although but of seldom occurence.64 Today Br. Boutwell had an application from a Catholic (Wm Stitt) to baptize his infant child. They consider it a saving ordinance.65 Br. B. after much deliberation & prayer declined — at the same time, stating to Mr. S. his views of the nature of Chr. Baptism — the obligation of parents to God with regard to offspring given to them & the necessity of faith on the [part of the] parent — whh explanation was apparently satisfactory to Mr. S.66 Another man had also expressed to Mr. Aitkin the same desire. Their knowledge is very limited on the subject of their own religion. Have been singing with Indian women & children this evening. Br. B. read some scripture to them in Ojibue & prayed with them — requested them to come again tomorrow Sabbath eve. Saturday Eve Sept 20 [21]. Much of this day has been spent in arranging our room which is as comfortable as could have desired. Spent some time in exercising two boys in writing letters on the blackboard. The father of the boys (“Brusia”) came in & said “he wished to learn to sing.”67 We were invited into a (Mr. Stitt’s) lodge this evening to sing in Indian — found 18 or 20 individuals assembled, & all manifested the deepest interest. They catch the tune very readily. Spent one hour with them, accompanied by Br. Boutwell. Have since returning written to Dr. Borup at Yellow Lac. Have not forgotten the concert this evening. My dear friends are too dear to me to be forgotten. O! Lord, prepare us to do some good on the morrow. We have invited the Indians & others to meet us tomorrow during the day (twice) & evening & sing with us. 64. Trader William Johnston, who had passed through Sandy Lake in early September, also passed these scaffolds on the bank of Sandy Lake River. He noted that the custom was practiced by those who wished “to evince proofs of their affection for the departed.” William Johnston, “Letters on the Fur Trade,” 174. 65. A prescribed rite or ceremony. Boutwell was an ordained minister; Ely was not. 66. As a Catholic, Stitt wanted his child baptized, but his Catholic faith was not sufficient cause for baptism. Boutwell told him that “baptism itself could not save him and his child. Without repentance and faith there is no salvation.” William T. Boutwell Diary, Sept. 20, 1833. 67. This is the son of La Breche or Brecheux (Ka-ta-wa-be-da or Broken Tooth), chief of the Sandy Lake band who took his father’s name after the latter’s death in 1828. Warren, “Brief History,” Minnesota Democrat, March 11, 1851.

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Sabbath evening Sept. 21[22]. This has been a business Sabbath with us. Our room has been so much visited by Indians & children, that we have not found time to pray 10 minutes without a rapp at our door. Whenever an Indian is visited in his lodge, he lays aside all business & attends to his visitor, & they expect the same from us — consequently we spend our time when they are here & at all hours, in reading & singing to them. Spent an hour or more this morning in Mr. S.’s lodge according to appointment, & also this evening. 20 to 30 individuals were present. Nearly all joined, especially the women & children. Mr. Stitt came into our room (a pleasant chamber). We were singing with some children — he listened with as much interest as usual. Br. B. then commenced reading to him in English (he cannot read himself, although he speaks tolerably good English). Read John 3 chap. to him, then the crucifixion of C / . as related by the different Evangelists. I then spent nearly an hour in reading different passages of Scriptures, explanatory to some engravings of scrip. histy.68 He was entertained & seemed to receive the remarks which I occasionally threw in kindly. Expect he will call again & examine some more cuts & hear them explained. Our desires were kindled in his behalf & when we could get a chance, we carried his care to God. We will watch & pray concerning him. A famous medicine man (& as Mr A. says, a great knave among the Indians in his sales of medicine to them) came here yesterday from Gull Lake 1 or 200 mls down the Mississippi. His son is with him, a lad 15 or 16 yrs of age, & has been very much interested in his first attempt to sing. The father was rather skeptical with regard to the purity of our book — whether it was really the Ojibue language — said he could tell whether it was really so or not. He took the book. Mr. Aitkin gave him my green spectacles to put on, whh of course his wisdom would not suffer him to refuse. What his conclusion was, or whether he decided the question, I know not, as his remarks were unintelligible to me & I did not enquire of Mr. A. O! how little like C / am I — how much I need of his meek spirit. Lord, teach me to pray, fill my soul with benevolence. Take away my pride, let me have that faith which I have endeavored to describe to others Mr. Stitt this day. Strengthen me to my work here, give me wisdom, assist me in acquir68. It will be seen that these engravings (wood cuts) or prints of scriptural scenes were very important in teaching the Indians.

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ing the language, make me an humble instrument of salvation to souls here. Br. Boutwell expects to leave for Leech Lake in the morning with Mr. Wm. Davenport, a clk of Mr. Aitkin’s — thus I shall be left to manage as well as I can. It is expedient that Bro. B. go at this time.

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Monday Eve. Sept 23rd. This morning about 9 Br. Boutwell left for Leech / rest on & go with him! Assembled 6 or 8 chilLake. May the peace of C dren & began a course of instruction — use the blackboard, principally. Have very much felt my ignorance to day, as I could say very few words to my pupils. Have been collecting phrazes this evening for my school, with the assistance of Mr. Stitt who came with me to my room, after singing in his lodge, to receive some instruction in the Indian orthography — found he could read a little in English, & gave him an Eng spelling book. Have been making a set of blocks on which to put the letters of the alphabet, for the assistance of my school in composing syllables & words. How little I look to the Saviour! how little I am like Him! I must have more of his spirit to do good here. Tuesday, Sept 24th. An unprofitable day. Have had an increase of scholars this morning — did not keep them together as long as I intended, as I was called to breakfast after we had been together 1½ hours. The children wandered off into the surrounding fields & forests, & when it was school hours in the P. M. no scholars were to be found. I had neither bell nor horn. About 4 oclk some of them returned, but I sent them away telling them as well as I could to come tomorrow. This morning lettered one set of blocks. Find I have but little command over my heart, am borne to let loose to my desires too much. Spent some of the P. M. in conversation with Mr Jas. Scott, a young man from Waterford N. Y. who comes into the country as clk to Mr. Abbott.69 Thursday Eve. 26. Last evening after singing at the lodge again, wrote to Mr Greene Secy A. B. C. F. M. Sent letters to Mr G., A. Lawrence & Dr. Borup 69. James Abbott was a trader in opposition to the American Fur Company, in the employ of William Brewster, a Detroit merchant. He and his people occupied the old North West Company post on the southwest side of Sandy Lake, while Aitkin’s post was at the entrance of the Sandy Lake River into the Mississippi.

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Albany, New York, to Sandy Lake, Iowa Territory

31

by a canoe of Mr. A’s to St Peters — feel greatly embarrassed in my school in consequence of not being able to express myself to the children — however succeed better than I expected. Sung a short time again at the lodge this evening. They will soon leave.70 O, may some impression, some thought rest in their bosoms, which shall direct them to C /.

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Friday Eve. 27th Sept. The autumnal wind howls without. The moon is obscured by dark clouds. How naturally does the mind that heeds such an evening, sympathize in the general gloom! The domestic fireside & the dear circle which were wont to surround it, the recollection of beloved friends & associates with whom stout counsel & prayer have been often enjoyed, all force themselves before the mind. How sad the review! The domestic circle broken, parents mouldering in the grave, their offspring scattered far & wide, their prospects various, associates separated by a long distance. No one to mingle his voice with prayer & praises to the God of our mercies. Sad retrospect & lonely life to one who for the first time breaks away from friends & privileges to stand alone in the wilderness. Yet, although my sympathies dwell on this subject, I will not wish myself back. No, God has sent me here to “cast up an highway for them”, but how unworthy, how unfit. What meanness in one so honoured! Thou Lord knowest my wants & failing. O Lord help. Saturday Eve. Sept, 28, 1833. Another week has rolled away. The first week of my labours as teacher. It has been delightfully spent. I love to see improvement, & feel encouraged when I see but little. It distresses me to be “dumb” — my lips can utter very few words intelligible to my scholars, but am gaining slowly. This evening again, the dear friends with whom I have promised to concert in prayer are fresh in my mind. O how agreeable it would be to meet tonight. These frail arms would encircle them, & these lips impress the emblems of affection. But God has sent me here, they have at present other work to do. Our work on earth is a short work. O! God, give us strength & grace to perform it. Enkindle a love for the dying souls of men, these poor Indians around me, & if consistent, send some of these dear friends to assist in this work!! It is a dreary night. The wind howls 70. The Indians would leave for the fall hunt.

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july 5 to sept ember 28, 1833

& the cold rain beats without. Br. Boutwell is, I suppose, enduring this storm in his tent, near the end of his journey. [I] think he will suffer a little tonight. If not in body, I think a little gloom will hang around his mind. Remember him, O Lord. Is he not one of thy shepherds? Is he not in this dreary wilderness searching for the remnant of the lost house of Israel?71 Thou hast work for him of which he may not now know — dark are thy ways to the dimmed vision of the sons of men. Two or three of Mr. A’s clks w[ith] families have left today, & some of my scholars. Alfred has gone with the outfit to Red Lake (I think), the most remote post in the department. John goes with A. Davenport on Monday. Expect to be alone with Mr. A. & little Roger this winter. May the peace of Christ rest on us. Amen. Letters sent July 12 13th 15. 22d Aug 15th

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Sept 26.

Amanda Day. Philander F. Ely L. F. S. Whiting. W. H. Talcott Rev. E. N. Kirk (L). Mrs. (Wm) Wright of Rome A. B.C.F. M (Mr Greene) Dr. Borup A. E. Lawrence (N. Y.)

71. It was a common belief at this time that American Indians were descended from one of the lost tribes of northern Israel, referring to the ten tribes who are said to have left Israel or to have been deported in the eighth century bc. See Warren, History of the Ojibway People, 32.

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Chapter 2

Sandy Lake September 28 to December 7, 1833

Journal 2

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September 29 to December 7, 1833

Sabbath Evening, Sept. 29th 1833. This is the third Sabbath since my profession of Christ that I have spent without a fellow professor1 with whom I could converse, sing & pray. The first, on Lake Huron; the second at White Fish Point, Lake Superiour. Let those who enjoy the society of the fathers & mothers in Israel, who have access to an earthly temple where God is worshipped, feel that they are indeed the favoured of the Lord. O! how sweet [to] sit down with a dear brother or sister & commune with them of things relating to God’s glory & their own souls. The Psalmist realized the benefit of Christian intercourse — viz. “We took sweet counsel together & walked to the H. of G. in company.” But although I enjoy not these blessings, yet I also am favoured. I am sent with glad tidings “to give light to them that sit in darkness, & in the shadow of death.” My temple is my chamber. My congregation, from 6 to 10 children, occasionally two or three women. They have assembled three times today, about one hour each, to sing— also spent some time in teaching the “Lord’s Prayer” in Ojibue & spent some time in prayer with them. God has seen my weakness & my need today. O! may this heart be purified. How long shall other gods find niches in this temple to stand & receive homage! My foolish mind has (many times today) completely wandered from subjects worthy [of ] the contemplation of the most 1. One who professes Christ.

33

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

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5. The Lord’s Prayer in Ojibwe in the orthography of Edwin James. Contracts, Agreements, Miscellany, n.d., Edmund F. Ely Papers.

holy beings in the universe, & fixed before perceived on forbidden objects, & when I come to myself, how slow to turn away from these base reveries. I am very prone to exercise complacency towards myself, but how can I any longer? Yet it may be said of me, “So foolish was I, & ignorant, I was as a beast is before thee.” The storm has ceased, the cold wind has fallen this evening. The full moon & evening star have risen in their beauty & reflect their pale beams on the water. Nought to break the silence of nature, save the tinkling bell of the straying herd. The busy “hum” of the city has never echoed through these wilds. The Sabbath [has] never been polluted with rattling of carriages of pleasure & stage coaches, but Jesus has heard the war whoop, the drum & the dance, & when his anger might justly have risen, the bowels [depths] of His compassion have been heard, & we trust & pray that He will open a door of salvation to them. It is decided that Mr Davenport2 & family winter here, of whh I am very glad. John [Aitkin] goes to Gull Lake with Mr. A’s outfit. As I was gathering together a few books to take with him, I handed him his neglected Bible & reminded him that it was the word of God. 2. Ambrose Davenport and his younger brother, William, were clerks in the American Fur Company’s Fond du Lac Department. William was stationed at Leech Lake.

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Monday Sept. 30. Rose this morning 3¾ oclk, as soon as it was light — took a walk up the river towards the lake with a gun on my shoulder. I never before saw such numbers of wild fowl — geese (brant) & ducks. The day has passed pleasantly in school. This afternoon it became my duty to correct one of my boys. It is the first instance of consequence, & this very slight, but enough to let him & the school know that I am to be obeyed— detained him after school & talked to him, through Mr A. He promised future obedience & I dismissed him. This evening, commenced transcribing the Ojibue declensions of nouns. The word “O-si-ma” (Father) has twelve forms of declension, sing & plu to ea[ch] & is very beautiful.3 The most complicated use of the word is expressed with great brevity & exactness. Tuesday Evening, October 1st 1833. A cold storm from N. & N. W. again today. Rain mingled with snow. Even this weather must be very tedious for those who inhabit a frail bark lodge, but their sufferings from inclement weather must be very great in winter. Add to this, their frequent half starved situation, & half clothed & the majority of the Indians in this region & north stand before the wind, indeed, objects of pity & prayer. This evening one of Mr A’s men ( John Russell) has been in my room— asked if [I] would assist him to learn to read.4 Said that he had not touched a book in eight years — was educated a Catholic — the withholding the scriptures from the people was repugnant to his feelings — was determined, if possible, to read & understand for himself.5 Another man, Mr. Jas. McCormick, expressed a determination to leave the country & return where [he] could enjoy Gospels privileges — requested me a day or two since to furnish him a Hymn Book. He was originally from Watertown (I think) near Boston Mass, a soldier in the U. S. Army, & discharged at Mackinaw. Is a carpenter — cooper by trade. It is good to hear even such faint longings for instruction in the knowledge of Jesus C / in this land. 3. If one counts all the possessives, diminutives, pejoratives, preterits, and obviatives, there are actually many more. John Nichols estimates close to fifty. Personal communication, October 7, 2009. 4. This is actually Jeremiah Russell. 5. The First Provincial Council of Baltimore decreed that the Douay version of the Bible was the only one approved for Catholics. This version was not yet in common use in America. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2:43.

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

Wednesday Evening, October 2nd. Have been somewhat oppressed with a pressure in the head today, so that my school has been rather oppressive to me. Have been engaged in transcribing declensions this evening (also today) — at the same time, hearing Russell read. Have been visited by several Indians today. My soul is lean, lean. Little of God there, a great insensibility to truth. It seems marked with sterility. “Break, sovereign Grace, these hearts of stone, And give us hearts of flesh.”

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Thursday Eve, Oct. 3. Several families of this band of Indians have arrived today. Went across about 6 oclk & called at each lodge, spending a few minutes in each & I was greeted with a hearty “Bo-zhu” & shake of the hand (the common salutation).6 In one lodge where some of my scholars had followed me, we sung part of a hymn. Two Indians arrived from Lake Vermillion, far N. E. — trusty men, & good hunters. Mr. A. has given them large credits which they have hitherto punctually paid. One of them has been in my room a few minutes this evening. Saturday Eve Oct. 5th. The medicine drum is ringing in my ears this evening. Have been writing to B. Boutwell to send by Mr. A. on Monday. John has left today with his outfit. Roger is left to my care during Mr. A’s absence. Another heavy rainy [day]. Several families of this band Last evening one of the Lac Vermillion Indians & one of his boys spent about one hour in my room, hearing some girls exercised in spelling & singing — seemed interested in seeing me compose familiar words with an alphabet of blocks, & hear the children read them. After Rodger had lain down this evening in my bed I kneeled & repeated with him, the “Lords Prayer” in Ojibue. O! may he be taught to pray. Sabbath Evening Oct. 6th. The sun beamed forth with unrivalled splendour this morning, dissipating the heavy frost & fog of the night. All nature (verdure) is going to decay around us. The yellow leaf floated down the Mississippi, & the reviving sap is retiring, exhausted, into the root, a picture of human life. Yet, like those on whom the beams of “The Sun of Righteousness” fall, decaying nature seems to sing praises to the “Great giver of 6. Probably from the French, bonjour.

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all good.” “Peace” was written over the face of creation & nothing now & then, a distant shot, or the sound of the Indian drum, or the shout of children to break an universal silence. O! how ought the mind to soar on such Sabbaths! But it has not been so with me. The accursed influence of sinful affections hold me, too willing, in its grasp. O! that this soul might mingle sincere repentance with its mournings. This morning assembled the children & spent an hour or more in singing, repeating the commandments & “Lord’s Prayer” with them in Ojibue. Afternoon was visited by three young men of the band who have recently come in (two of them cousins of Mrs Aitkin). Read to them from the spelling book.7 Explained to them the use of letters as well as I was capable — sung with them, in which they joined. While thus engaged, the “Chief Man” of the band came in, as he frequently does — thus I was occupied until near night— three of the chief ’s children are my scholars. After supper, took “Hervey” in my hand.8 My feelings were inexpressible while reading extracts of “Meditations among the tombs.” His thought that “Religion gives dignity to distress” led me into a most expanded & delightful view of the nobleness of the mind of man, struggling & rising under distress, aided by the consoling hand of God, smarting under the blow, yet blessing the hand that gave it. Have read this evening the conclusion of his “Contemplations on the night.” How the subject glows under his pen! What thoughts & reflections! The mind is left with deep impressions of the greatness & glory of God, its own dependence, its obligation to glorify its Maker, to render the fulness of the strength of its affections to the Great Ruler of Creation. What a contrast between the feelings recorded under this day & those expressed by this servant of God! O! my soul, “lean not to thine own understandings.” Rotteness is in thy bones. Yea, thou art loathsome. How must God view such wretches? “God of mercy, & of might, “Of Mankind the life & light, “Maker, Teacher, Infinite; “ . . . . . Jesus! hear and save.” 7. The spelling book used at this time had been prepared by Elisha Loomis, missionary teacher at the Mackinac Mission from 1830 to 1832, using the orthography of John Pickering adapted to Ojibwe. Elisha Loomis to Greene, April 3, 1832, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 735). 8. James Hervey’s “Meditations among the Tombs” was a book of devotional texts published in 1746.

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

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Tuesday Evening, Oct. 8th. Yesterday felt somewhat unwell — was quite debilitated — rested better than before last night & rose this [morning] very well — have felt some debilitation of the lungs & lameness in my breast this afternoon. Have had a very unpleasant case of discipline in my school. The father gave the boy into my hands to discipline. His crime was disregarding the call to school, & then falsehood & stubbornness under correction. Wednesday Eve. Oct. 9th. After supper this evening, was attracted into a lodge 3 or 4 rods from our door on the Mississippi side of the house by the drum & rattle of a “Medicine Man.” A woman about 40 yrs of age was afflicted with a distressing disease in the face — undoubtedly, the “Tic Douloureux.” & this poor deluded Indian (doubtless knave as well as fool) was at work very hard with his juggleries, with the expectation of being well paid. When I went in, he was making great efforts to disgorge himself of a number of bones about 1½ to 3 in length. His efforts induced saliva similar to a slightly nausea of stomach. Before him set a tin dish into which both saliva & bones dropped from his mouth (frequently he put the end of a bone in his mouth, into the dish & drew up a little of the saliva). He sat on his legs near the head of his subject — occasionally would, in the most careful manner touch the infected cheek with the bone in his mouth (which were all hollow) either blowing or sucking at the same time, perhaps to suck out the disease, & leaving every time a little of the loathsome saliva. This swallowing & disgorging is repeatedly done — his exercises continued about an hour. He concluded with a kind of prayer, to which the men, sitting round, occasionally uttered a gutteral expression of approbation. The drum & rattle were each kept in motion by two young men & were stopped at appropriate times in his exercises. He held in his hand a small drum perhaps 2 inches in thickness & 9 in diameter containing several small stones & something similar, which he rattled continually except during the closing exercise.9 The Mille Lac canoe which has detained Mr. A. from leaving for Leech Lake, arrived this evening with rice. Friday Eve. Oct. 11th. Am much fatigued this evening. Today commenced 9. Ely describes here a medicine or healing ceremony. Healing, a manifestation of power, is central to Ojibwe religion. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 44–46; Basil Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies, 96.

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Sandy Lake

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teaching the principles of addition & subtraction by means of blocks. With three or four common terms of expression I make the children understand tolerably well. Sent the largest girl out of school as a punishment this afternoon. Mr A. thinks of leaving in the morning for Leech Lake.

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Saturday Evening, Oct. 12th. Mr A. left about 12 oclk today. The house is rather lonesome in his absence, but all the better for me. Have just seen little Roger into his bed, & repeated with him in Indian the prayer of our Saviour “Our Father &c,” at the same time entreating God to make this interesting boy a herald of salvation to his brethren in the flesh. Wrote Br. Boutwell by Mr. Aitkin. This morning Mr. A. mentioned that it was expected Mr. Abbott (his opposition in the Indian trade) would winter at the old fort on this lake10 & probably would wish his children instructed, at the same time mentioning some evils which would arise from their attending the school. I asked them if he would advise me to refuse them. He replied, “the interest of the Am Fur Co. requires me to say “Yes.” I suggested to him the evils which might arise toward the mission, that the mission was under the dictation of Am. Fur Co. &c, the feelings of the Board &c &c — we dropped the subject. This afternoon Mr. Abbott arrived from Leech Lake — brought no news from Br.B. — did not see him. My dear friends with who I concert are fresh in my mind this evening. Sabbath Evening, October 13th. This afternoon assembled all Indians & whites who would come in, & read, sung & prayed with them in Indian & English. O may God bless them. He can make the feeble rays of truth glow on their minds. Afterwards, read to Mc Cormack & Russell part of the tract “The Adventures of a Bible.”11 This evening several females have been in & I spent perhaps ½ an hour with them, until I was fatigued. Russell sits at the table with his book, enjoying the light of my candle. Seems anxious for education. Have been reading some in Hervey this evening — these subjects affect my sympathies so that I am in pain — want some intimate companion who can assist these feelings to flow off. The loveliness of nature 10. The old fort was the North West Company fort probably erected in 1794. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 178–80. 11. “The Adventures of a Bible” or “The Advantages of Early Religion” was an instructional tract by Rev. Isaac Watts (1674–1748).

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

affects me most strongly in this way — feel that I require some genial spirit whose sympathies would unite with mine. Such feelings are most delightful to me, but in a few minutes they are unendurable — they want vent.12 Monday Eve. Oct. 14. Today occupied Mr Aitkins room with my school, as being more convenient. This afternoon, a cold, tedious rain commenced. Wind blows this evening — its howling & the pattering of the rain make it very dreary, but I have enough to occupy my mind, so that time alone is occupied, & no room for sadness. This storm is a tedious one for Mr Aitkin who is on his voyage to Leech Lake. This evening have had the company of three young Indian girls (15 to 18 yrs old). Have spent the most of it in reading to them, singing, showing them Scripture engravings, principally of scenes in which our Saviour was the principal actor, & referring to hymns — explanatory — or passages of the Indian spelling book which I read to them — they remained till near 9 oclk. I then prayed with them & they departed. May some impression be made on their hearts. Commenced a letter to my Brother Albert in N. Y. but laid it aside to sing with my visitors.13

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Tuesday Eve. This evening has been occupied as last. The same persons called & some others were present. Sung & read & concluded with prayer. Day has been tedious & stormy — a tempestuous night. Wednesday Eve. Oct. 16. This morning the ground was covered with snow. Snow & rain has been falling during the day, melting as it fell. The Mississippi rises from the abundance of rain. This morning was called to see a little boy’s face which has swollen very much during the night — made him a poultice as the most simple remedy. This evening he was in great pain with it, & the system much excited. He could not bear a warm poultice — came home & prepared a linament, & returned, but in the meantime the mother & boy had gone to the neighboring lodge of an Indian who was singing over him. Left word that I would attempt nothing unless they would let their drumming alone. In half an hour the mother sent for me to come & apply my remedy. I conjecture the cause to be a hull of wild 12. Was he thinking, perhaps, of Lucia Whiting, first mentioned on July 15? 13. Albert was at this time in New York City working at his trade as a journeyman printer and going to night school in order to qualify for college. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 227.

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Sandy Lake 41

rice sticking in the cheek or gum. Shall call in the morning to see the effect. The chief called & wanted I should see his mother & daughter, who were unwell — did not call. A little knowledge of medicine & [is] very desirable in this region — great suffering might be relieved.

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Thursday Eve. Oct. 17. Ground froze last night — today it has continued freezing — cloudy & and a raw N. wind. Have attended the little boy today. Tonight renewed the poulticing. Suppuration has commenced & I succeeded in opening a small collection of it, far back in his mouth, with the point of my knife. Also visited the chief ’s mother & daughter. The old woman is full of chronic troubles which have been in her bones for years. Daughter came to school this morning. This is the girl whom I sent home as a punishment last week. Have been transcribing Indian words into my vocabulary this evening. My thoughts have been this evening, for a few moments, with L. — think it would be very hard to finally part with her. If God sees best that we be fellows in labour, it is well. If not — let me not murmur.14 O! I want an eye single to the glory of God. Friday Evening Oct. 18. After supper this afternoon 5 oclk went with Mr. Davenport to procure some dry wood, as our man whose duty it is was absent hunting cattle. Loaded an old leaky log canoe & I navigated it. While crossing the river to the house, it was so dark that I could not well see to balance the canoe, as the canoe was, with its load, having leaked ½ full of water within an inch of the water’s edge. As the current struck my unwieldy vessel, it caused it to roll & take water, & balancing back it filled. I pulled with all my might for the other shore — was about the middle of the river & it very deep. The load being wood, & being bouyed partially by the water, it did not immediately go down. But I twice succeeded in preventing it from capsizing, although it was six inches under water, by balancing myself against the current. Had it upset [I] should have lost two axes, & perhaps my life, as I was somewhat encumbered by a heavy coat, & the current strong. But in that situation, keep the canoe right side up with one end 14. It was always seen as desirable that these young men, missionaries, have a partner who could share their labor as well as their bed. Frederick Ayer to Greene, March 23, 1835, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

just out of water — succeeded in bringing my canoe & load to shore with the loss of one stick. I was wet to my hips in the canoe. Saturday Evening, Oct. 19. This afternoon four young men arrived from Leech Lake & brought a line from Br Boutwell dated Oct. 5. They did not come direct, but it is their custom to hunt along the rivers. He was on the voyage 10 days, had been there but two days. Since I began to journalize this evening, the young men came around me & I have been reading to them about two hours. It is now late.

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Sabbath Evening, Oct. 20th. This has been a pleasant Sabbath, a lovely autumnal day. This morning, held an Indian meeting. This afternoon, completed the tract which I commenced last Sabbath. Mr. Davenport was also present. I think it has made a good impression. McCormack afterwards borrowed it to give it a second reading. After supper, as a number of children were at the door, I told them to come in & sing. In a few minutes there were 16 or 20 women & children present. The evening has been occupied in religious conversation with Mr. Davenport & McCormack. Explained to Mr. D. the nature of Chr. Baptism. He had formerly requested Baptism for a dying child, of Rev. Mr. Ferry of the Mackinaw mission, which was refused on the ground of neither parents being believers. He appeared satisfied with Mr. F’s. course now, although had felt very hard toward him. Infidelity & the evidences of Christianity were other topics. May God bless it to him. I know I am a mean [small] agent of God’s truth, yet let the truth have its effect. Monday Evening, Oct. 21st. Today Mr Aitkins men arrived from St Peters with corn — have made the voyage in twenty five days. Have this evening had another scholar in English, a Frenchman who is to winter here. Russell has been with me this evening. Mr A. received papers from St. Peters, which is the first I have seen, of dates since my leaving the States. Often have I longed to know what was the state of things in the States, whether our eastern cities have been visited by cholera this season.15 I see that Cincinnati & St Louis have been visited — we are safe in God’s hands. O how little confidence do I find in myself. The thought of this terrible disease 15. The reference is to the worldwide cholera epidemic that had broken out in 1832. Hackett, Very Remarkable Sickness, 156.

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for a moment makes me recoil. Yet God holds the pestilence in his hand. Mr. Abbott called this evening & suggested the idea of sending a child to school if we would take her — in consequence of the conversation a week or two since, I was very careful what I said on the subject — still did not appear cold, neither did I give an answer affirmative or negative— hope to hear from Brother Boutwell on the subject. Tuesday Evening Oct. 22nd. I forgot to mention Sabbath evening that I had seen a feast around the grave of an Indian by his relatives. As I [was] walking toward the rise of ground in which some are interred, I observed a circle around the head of a grave. Curiosity prompted me to go to them. I found several dishes of wild rice, boiled (smoking from the kettle), distributed to the company. The man who makes the feast does not partake on this occasion. Before him was, instead of a dish, a piece of birch bark (uiguaz) on which was some medicine, looking like bark of some kind, finely broken up. Of what efficacy this is on the occasion, I know not. The grave is newly covered with birch bark carefully sewed together & fastened down with stones. This is the last ceremony of their medicine previous to going on their hunt. Prayers are used on the occasion. The object of it all is that some or all the spirits (jibai) will help them in their hunt.16 They do not pray alone to “Kishemanito,” the great Spirit, but to the devil or bad spirits (“Mōji-manito”).17 They have spirits on land & in the water.18 If a man is drowned, they say that he did not please the spirit of the water, perhaps that he had not made any offering of “tobacco,” as this always must be had to appease the Spirits. They have many “Manito’s” [manidoog] — anything unusual, like a rock in a river, or a tree, they worship, & never pass them without leaving an offering of tobacco upon it. The Frenchmen, when voyaging, & get short of tobacco, very frequently replenish their pipes from such places. I saw several objects in my voyage to this place, to which they 16. Jiibay(ag) are the spirits of the dead. 17. The mark over the o [ō] indicates the sound they later gave to the letter υ and is transcribed today as a. Ely sometimes wrote ŏ. 18. Gizhemanidoo, a kind, loving spirit, and Gichi-manidoo, the Great Spirit, are both names given to the Christian God. Warren, History of the Ojibway People, 33, and Baraga, Chippewa Indians, 34. In Ojibwe cosmology the world is full of manidoog, on the ground, as well as above and below, and all have power that must be respected. Basil Johnston, Manitous, xxi–xxii. The missionaries saw all manidoog as evil (maji-manidoog) except the Great Spirit, the Christian God.

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pay reverence. The substance of this information I received from Mr A. Davenport on Sabbath. Today noon Mr. D. & myself went to procure a canoe load of wood, as our hands were all busily engaged. My axe was very heavy, & feeling very well, I exerted myself too much, & in one or two hours was in much pain in my back, shoulders, breast & head at times, general distress throughout the system. Dismissed my scholars & threw myself on the bed. It seemed as if my very nerves were at war with themselves — drank a cup of tea & milk. Eat scarcely anything at supper— found music an excellent sedative & amused myself with the violin, as requiring no exertion of the lungs19 — am also troubled with a swelling of a gland at the palate — have journalized this evening with poultice on my face. Have another “patient” this evening, an infant who has a swelling in the groin — prescribed a poultice & gave one. The common name for poultice or any thing of a drawing nature is “ko-ko-bi-zo” [agogobizo]. Wednesday, Oct. 23d. Last evening about 10 oclk, the Indians who conveyed Mr Aitkin to Leech Lake returned — made the voyage in 10 days. Expect Mr. A. in one or two days. A few days since, a young man 27 or 28 yrs of age was killed instantly at that place by the accidental discharge of a gun in the hands of his younger brother. The deceased was “Mōkōde Gai-ashk,” the Black Gull & one of those whom I saw at Fondulac, I am informed. Had two wives & a large family.20 Some time since, another Leech Lake man while on a hunt was shot in the breast by a Sioux, with whom they are at war. He was shot on the territory of the “So-te’s” (Ojibeway’s).21 This will, if prosecuted, demand the interference of the U. S. Government according to previous treaties. The man travelled more than 100 miles home, & although badly wounded it is thought will recover. This is an instance of the hardihood of these Indians. Last night was a restless night to me. Pain in my whole frame, besides the 19. Ely played the violin as well as the flute. 20. According to Father Baraga, polygamy was permitted but was not very frequent. Chippewa Indians, 45. The man with two or more wives had to be able to support them and all his children. 21. Sauteurs, People of the Falls, was the first name given by the French to the People of Sault Ste. Marie, the Ojibwe. As some of these people migrated to the northwest (later, Canada), the name Sauteur, or Sauteaux, remained and was sometimes pronounced as Soto. Peers, Ojibwa of Western Canada, xv–xvii.

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swelling in my mouth under the operation of a poultice. Slept a few minutes at intervals — paced my room, wrapped in an Indian blanket. Can scarce swallow today — am exercised with much pain in the bones — no school. Have employed myself in perusing the papers received from St. Peters, but with very little comfort to myself. Thursday Evening, Oct. 24th. Today have discontinued the poultice from my neck. The affected tonsil is apparently well & the other seems to have taken its soreness — a slight sensation of suffocation in the throat. From my exposure recently to cold & fatigue I have been inclined to think it a slight attack of quinsey.22 Have taken today a purgative which has relieved me of considerable bilious matter — also fumed my throat with vinegar — feel easy in body — appetite good. Assembled my school this morning, but kept the children not long. It was hard for my voice.

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Friday Evening Oct. 25th. Mr. Aitkin arrived just at dusk this evening — recd letters from Br. Boutwell. The prospects of a mission among that band are rather encouraging. This calls for our hearty thanks to God. May God assist this dear brother in his labours. Has formed no school among them yet, but labours from lodge to lodge among the children. Letter bears date Oct. 21, 1833. Sabbath Evening. Oct. 27, 1833. Today have enjoyed something of the peacefulness of the Sabbath in my meditations. There is a lack of humility, stinted views of the character of sin, which does not lead me upon my face with tears before God. I want tenderness of conscience. Sin but little distresses me. Sins, over which Jesus would weep, I can laugh at. Have thought much of the situation of those who live uprightly before God, in whose life the sweetness of the Gospel is exemplified. It is a lovely picture. O! when shall I be like Christ? & when will this wretched world begin to enjoy the happiness which the Law of God would produce? Assembled the children this morning, but was poorly enabled to go through with the common round of exercises. My voice fails in singing whh is a very important part of our exercises. Had previously read to the “Brusia” (chief ) the Crucifixion of our Saviour, in which he assisted me 22. An abscess in the tissues around a tonsil.

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

much in accent.23 Some families have left today. Another feast was held at a grave previous to departing. Several families have arrived today, & as usual, the house has been thronged. Have had less in my room than usual. This morning, as the flag was hoisted, the Indians fired a salute of perhaps a dozen guns or more — this is a common custom. Weather very fine this morning, but this afternoon we have had a violent snow squall which has prevented some from raising camp. Is becoming quite cold since the storm. Last evening was engaged in hearing the Frenchmen read until near 9 oclk, & my room was thronged with Indians besides — was engaged in writing to Br. Boutwell till near 11 oclk, expecting the canoe would return today, but Mr A. detained it, whether on account of Sabbath I know not. The store has been continually thronged. The Indians are in haste to get away, & have no provisions to keep them here. Mr. A. has been giving them rations of potatoes today. Am somewhat troubled with an affection in the throat — am attended with soreness, but evidently contracting some of the vessels of the throat, an irritation undoubtedly occasioned by my teaching music. Had I continued a little longer, I doubtless would have received fatal injury.24 God knows what was best for me. He had more for me to do, & in kindness, called me away, but I do not wonder that some of my friends objected. I was not fit in spirit for the work. Yesterday afternoon Mr. A. myself & little Roger walked over to the old fort to see Mr. Abbott & Scott. As we were about coming away I said to Mr. Abbott in presence of Mr. Aitkins that I had thought of the subject of his sending his child to school. That I was willing to teach all, & anxious to do so. That if in their business strifes, any advantage should be taken by daily observation, under the excuse of bringing the child to school, I would not stand responsible, but that the question, whether she should come or not must be decided between themselves, & then I should offend neither party.25 Mr. Aitkins readily settled all objections, & Mr. Abbotts child is to come. 23. Ely had parts of a New Testament that had been translated into Ojibwe by Dr. Edwin James in 1832 but were not yet printed. Loomis to Greene, April 3, 1832, Papers of the abcfm (Reel 765). Although Ely was only beginning to learn the language, he could read the text orally. 24. He refers to his former profession, “teacher of vocal music.” Miscellaneous Notes, Ely Papers. 25. Since it was the American Fur Company traders who had sponsored the school, there was a question as to whether children of the opposition traders might attend.

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Wednesday Eve, Oct. 30. Today assembled my children again, but only one exercise — find my throat very irritable — must stop singing almost entirely — cannot ascertain the cause unless contracted by hard singing in the States. Have had a little winter (poi-pibon) for three days past. The small lakes were shut up by the ice. The country is white with snow & the air very keen. My adult scholars visit me every evening with their lessons well studied. Have just left my room.

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Friday Evening Nov. 1st. Weather quite warm again. Indian summer, I think. For two or three days I have held but one school a day in consequence of my throat — find little trouble from it unless I use it too hard. Walked to the old fort yesterday — was much fatigued when I returned — retired with a headache — rose this morning comfortable. Today for exercise went in a canoe nearly up to the lake26 — an abundance of duck — tried to shoot some, but did not succeed. Have some fever this evening. The Frenchmen are now reading at my table. The “Brusia” has gone down the river today, taking away one of my most forward scholars — has left two of his children here. Saturday Evening Nov. 2nd. A dark & dreary evening out of doors. How wretched that mind of which the frowning heavens & the dreary storm & whistling wind is but a picture. I am sure I have enough of it in myself to assist my imagination. O! that the (my) faint views of the sunken, debased state of the soul might make a lasting impression, to drive me to prayer & unceasing action. May God hear the prayers which are offered for me this evening, & bless those dear friends who thus bear me on their hearts. Messrs Abbot & Scott have spent the afternoon at the house. Three more of my scholars have gone down the river [Mississippi] today, the children of a Frenchmans widow (herself a half breed). Her husband was killed instantly by the accidental discharge of a gun 3 years since.27 Her first husband was an Indian & was killed in a drunken frolic. Poor woman. She has endured affliction upon affliction. But more await her in this life, & perhaps an awful 26. Aitkins’s trading post was at the entrance of Sandy Lake River into the Mississippi, a distance of about two miles by the river to Sandy Lake. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 215. See also the entry for September 19, 1833. 27. This may be Charlotte André, who, in claiming for her three mixed-blood children under Article 3 of the Treaty of 1837, stated that the children’s father “was a Canadian in the employ of the fur company who accidentally shot himself.” Chippewa Claim 150, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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one in conclusion. May God have mercy & compassion on herself & family. Sabbath Evening Nov. 3. This morning held a short exercise in Indian — only 4 or 5 present. This afternoon Mr. A. read a chapter of Isaiah (55th) & part of a sermon by Saurin28 in French, from Isa. 55:6. “Seek ye the Lord while he may be found &c.” Have read considerable in memoir of Brainard today. O! how much I need his spirit — may I learn a lesson from him.29 Weather chilly & cloudy.

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Tuesday Nov. 5. Rained this morning. Took a long ride on horseback with Mr. Aitkins, which has been good exercise for me. This afternoon the sun appeared in all its loveliness. This evening the Frenchmen & Indian girls have had a dance in Mr. Aitkins’ room. Mr. Davenport played the violin for them. Their feet are happily well inured to hardships, or else, one would suppose, from the modus operandi, that they would raise some blisters, not to mention the consequences to the floor on which they jump. The early part of the evening was spent in writing definitions to words in my vocabulary, as given by Mr A.30 The latter in writing to Br. Hall at Mackinaw. Mr A. intends to start for St Peters on Saturday next, & much of my time must be employed in preparing letters. Monday Eve Nov. 11th. Mr. A. left for St. Peters today in company with Mr. Abbott. Sent letters from Br B. & myself to our friends. Wrote to Br. Albert, Rev. L. H. Loss, Rev. L. Hull, L, Br. Hall at Mackinaw, & R. Stewart Esq & Br. Ayer. The “Guelle Platt,” chief of Leech Lake arrived here on Friday P. M. with two of his three wives, & 3 children.31 Left today for home via Gull Lake. I wrote Br. Boutwell by him. My mind has been somewhat exercised by circumstances concerning a friend which would not appear very well in 28. Jacques Saurin (1677–1730) was the Huguenot pastor of the French Church at The Hague. His eloquent sermons were widely translated into English. He was especially known for his spirit of tolerance. 29. David Brainerd (1718–47) had been a Congregational missionary to the Delaware, Stockbridge, and Susquehanna Indians in New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey. His Memoirs were a source of inspiration for Edmund F. Ely, who seems to have imitated Brainerd’s style in his own journals. 30. None of Ely’s vocabulary lists has survived. 31. Guelle Platt (Flat Mouth) was recognized as the principal chief of the Leech Lake Ojibwe. Warren gave his name as Esh-ke-bug-e-coshe. Warren, History of the Ojibway People, 20.

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my journal, therefore forbear. Services yesterday in Indian & French. Wrote to Br. Hall this morning before light, & forwarded to Fondulac with letters from Br. B. by men whom Mr. A. has sent out.

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Tuesday, Nov. 12th. This afternoon the men who left for Fondulac returned, in consequence of ice taking in the still water, which prevents navigating with a canoe, nor is strong enough to travel on foot. Consequently the letters will lie until winter sets in. Have been a short distance down the river with Mr. D. this P.M. in search of suitable timber to make us some “snowshoes”. This evening one of the Frenchmen has been with me, reading. The other is now fishing (at the lake). When Mr A. is absent, I hold my school in his room in consequence of the convenience. Very fine fall weather — will probably freeze considerable tonight. Wednesday Morning 6 oclk Nov. 13, 1833. A little before 5 oclk was waked by one of our men to get up — said that the stars were falling in every direction — wanted to know what it meant. He was evidently troubled, as well as others. This time the stars were falling in every direction, like hail. There was no one at the post who knew any thing of meteorology except myself. Whether they thought that “the end of all things was at hand,” I did not enquire, but evidently they imagined them ominous of something very serious. I told them that I thought it ominous of cold weather. This phenomenon was discovered about 4 oclk, & when I first saw it, had diminished greatly in frequency — at ½ past 5, counted upwards of forty in about a minute. I suppose that from the time they were observed to the time of counting, (or in 1½ hour) between 6 & 7000 had fallen. When I first saw them, the heavens were streaked with their trails.32 A rather dim Aurora Borealis existed at the same time. The falling continued visible until after break of day. N. Lat. about 47° — Long. west from Washington about 17° — Greenwich 94°. The explanation of the cause was evidently very gratifying. I have never before seen this phenomenon so astonishingly developed, nor in fact heard of it, but I found some account of it particularly witnessed 32. This was the Leonid meteor shower, which was extraordinarily vivid in 1833. William Johnston also witnessed the display at Leech Lake and described it to his sister in a letter dated November 14, 1833. William Johnston, “Letters,” 203.

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by Mr. Ellicott, U.S. Commissioner to settle boundaries.33 Should think this nearly equaled the one described by him, with the exception that all the stars inclined far away toward the horizon in their fall. Mr Davenport has since informed me that some fell almost perpendicular. What Indians here are somewhat frightened. They are very superstitious on such points. Some years since a remarkably red appearance of the Aurora Borealis was observed in the summer. The next summer (year), the measles swept through this region making awful ravages among the poor Indians. This remarkable Aurora Borealis, they then said, was omenous of the sickness.34 The Indians here have never observed a similar phenomenon to that of this morning, & it would be almost useless to attempt to persuade them that this does not forebode some evil thing. One of the best men in this band (about 40 yrs old) came up into my room as I was writing the first part of this article. He had seen the whole & said that he had never seen or heard any thing of the kind in this country. I afterwards explained to him that they were not “stars” that fell, but electric or gaseous phenomena in the atmosphere.

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Evening. Quite a change in the atmosphere—looks like the setting in of cold weather. The Indian who came into my room this morning says we are going to have “Kiji Pibon”—the great winter—that is settled winter weather & snow. Friday Evening Nov. 15th. Weather very cold — it is clear tonight & will freeze hard. There has been too much wind to freeze the lakes & rivers, but small streams & swamps are shut up. I crossed several streams which empty into Sandy Lake River in a walk this morning on ice which formed last night. Am more confirmed in the opinion that the remarkable meteoric display was indicative of a change. It corroborates the observation of others. Last evening felt rather uneasy in health— about 11 oclk at night was taken with a shaking unattended with chills. Every nerve was in motion. My teeth 33. Andrew Ellicott, surveyor assigned to establish the southern boundaries of the United States in 1799, described a similar phenomenon in his thermometrical observations of December 11, 1799, at the confluence of the Pearl River with the Mississippi. Ellicott, Journal of Andrew Ellicott, 64–65. The phenomenon peaks approximately every thirty-three years around mid-November. 34. In 1819–20 a measles epidemic swept through the Ojibwe and Cree communities of the Canadian shield north of the Boundary Waters and spread into the Ojibwe communities south of the international border. Hackett, Very Remarkable Sickness, 138–39. Indians often saw unusual occurrences in nature as portents of misfortune.

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chattered with the agitation. I took a little peppermint — gradually became more composed in nerve — it was unattended with the least pain. Sank into a gentle slumber attended with perspiration — felt rather debilitated this morning, but have attended to my school &c. as usual — am weak at the stomach — troubled with flatulence — suffer for want of good bread — have this afternoon been assisting our cook (La Belle) to make some yeast. Saturday Eve, Nov. 16th. To-day, with the exception of my school hours in the morning, I have spent in religious exercises, to wit, reading Scriptures, meditation, prayer, reading life of David Brainard. I find myself very far from God & the humble spirit which a missionary should possess, an amazing insensibility & hardness of heart. I hardly know what to do to approach God. Should God clear this field of such a lazy labourer by cutting me off & sinking me to perdition, I should be speechless. O! that some ray of truth may break or melt this heart. I need God’s blessing on the Sabbath. I am the only person nearer than 150 miles that pretends to be influenced by the sentiments of the Gospel. Consequently, on me it rests to honour the Gospel by an exhibition of its precepts in my life. And what kind of an idea of the scheme of salvation & nature of religion do they get? In this light I stand, a poor, mean, vile worm spared by the long suffering & mercy of the Lord. O! did I feel that the abominations of my heart were in reality spread open to the continual view of God, I should sink to the earth with shame. Have been trying to pray in concert with my friends this evening — felt more interest than usual, more love for them, stronger desires that they may be made holy as the first & greatest blessing. My dear brethren according to the flesh, claimed a share of my interest. Albert, who is in N. Y. & is trying to smother conscience by the foolish sophistry of French infidels. Harry, who, I suppose, occupies our farm in Ohio, & Philander, who, I trust, loves the Lord Jesus, but is in rather poor health.35 Thus the eldest & youngest of the children of our deceased, & we trust, sainted parents, have declared the Lord Christ before the world. The two remaining brothers are slaves of Satan, if God has not e’er this in mercy set them in the right path. I long to 35. Ely gives an account here of his three brothers: Albert, who was studying in New York; Harry (Henry), who had stayed on the family farm in Chardon, Ohio, after the death of their mother in 1830; and Philander, who was also still in Chardon and becoming active in the Methodist Episcopal Church there.

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see Philander. Have not seen him since his conversion. He stands connected with Meth. Chrs. Chh, & was when I last heard, assistant class leader of a large class at Chardon, although but about 18 yrs of age.36 May God teach him to preach the Gospel. My soul yearns over him this evening. Have kept the house today, in consequence of a swelling in my left ear & cheek, contiguous — it has troubled me one or two days — appeared scattering at one time, but is now worse than before. Shall apply poultices tonight which if God bless, I hope may do good — it almost unfits me for business.

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Sabbath Evening, Nov 17th. This day has been a poor day for me. I last night rested scarce any, was in great pain. This morning my face & ear was greatly swollen. Have been in agony — no appetite. Severe pain in my limbs — no pain in digestive organs of consequence. My mind has been scattered, unable to fix it on any thing, but this evening have been almost entirely relieved of the bodily (in limbs) pain, & greatly of the pain in the ear. At intervals my stomach was nauseated, fever rose, & I could scarce stand. This P. M. slept about an hour, & waked almost free from pain. Have eaten nothing of consequence today — think I shall be tolerably comfortable in the morning if I rest well. The origin of this attack I think to be decayed teeth on the side of the upper jaw effected, although they gave me no pain until today. Mr. Davenport has spent the evening with me. Cotanse, the Indian before mentioned left today to make his winter’s hunt — with him the Brusia’s children who were left behind, & his own have gone.37 Not an Indian child is now attached to my school, only Roger, Wm & Henry.38 No meetings today, of course, in consequence of health. Monday Evening Nov. 18th. Have been much better today — some appetite. Have been very free from pain (except a rheumatic touch in the eye) although I rested but little last night. Threw myself on the bed this morning about six & slept 1 or 1½ hours, the most refreshing sleep I have enjoyed for two or three nights. McCormack has been whitewashing the house (rooms) 36. Methodist societies divided their members into small groups called classes. Gorrie, History of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 278. 37. Cotanse may be the son of Jean Baptiste Cottons, a clerk for the North West Company in 1798. Warren, History of the Ojibway People, 208–10. As Caatousee he was painted by James Otto Lewis at the Butte des Morts Council in 1827. Horan, McKenney-Hall Portrait Gallery, 226. 38. William and Henry were sons of Ambrose Davenport.

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today. Have had no school. Whitewashing is done here with a kind of soft white clay procured only in the little river which we descended from “Savan portage” on our voyage here. It answers an excellent purpose, is almost as white as lime & rubs off no easier. We have no lime in this country. Spent part of afternoon & evening in writing Indian words in my vocabulary. Friday Evening 22d Novr. After poulticing my ear & face 3 days without much apparent effect, I resolved to try other means. Succeeded in allaying the inflamation in the cheek in a measure by laudanum. But could not affect the inflammation in my ear. Was also relieved of pain in limbs by a little medicine — last evening applied a blister back of the ear. It filled well, & has caused a discharge of collected matter from the ear today & cessation of pain, so that I can again enjoy calm nights again. They are truly a great comfort, but we must submit when there are causes of pain whh we cannot relieve. God works in consistence with organic laws, & we cannot expect him to work a miracle to relieve a little pain. For one week past nothing efficient has been done. Yesterday morning Mr. Davenport & myself crossed the lake on the ice to Mr Abbott’s post. Mr Scott has no one with whom he can converse in English nearer than our post, so he is learning Indian from pure necessity — should think it rather hard times for him. They are waiting Mr. A’s return anxiously. Have nothing but rice to eat in the mean time. I should find it rather more trying were I thus dieted. There [are] about 10 children at that post. Two or three of them have attended school a short time at Le Point. The Frenchmen (parents) enquired whether Mr Aitkin would have any objections to their children’s attending school — what he would charge, &c. Mr. Davenport told them that Mr. A. had no right to dictate in the matter— that I would be glad to teach all who would attend. I have serious thoughts of attempting to teach them a little at home if they cannot come here. Saturday Eve, Nov. 23. After school took a walk accompanied by Henry & Roger. Crossed the “mōshkig” (swamp) near the house, where it was almost all ice & very good walking. Struck into a path over the pine ridges, & walked toward a large hill which overlooks the surrounding country. The walking was so good that I was tempted to ascend the hill. Supposing the “mōshkig” to be the same as where we crossed, I returned in another direction intending to strike the Mississippi a little above the post. The

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walking was bad on account of brush — when we came into the morass, it was a moss morass — proceeded, sinking into the moss at every step — our moccasins were wet with the water thus protected from the frost. After some time got into among the islands of wood with which our morasses & prairies abound. The sun was obscured. The only guide was the direction of the hill we had left, but being in a different direction from whence I had commonly observed it, I could not well judge of the direction home by the face of it. However steered as near as I could judge. The boys were now tired & began to cry. I took one (alternately) on my back & marched as fast as our travelling would admit — found that I was far away from that part of the marsh with whh I was acquainted. Could not recognize the face of the country, except the hill which could now but seldom see, being hid by the wood islands we had crossed. After wandering I suppose one hour on towards the Mississippi, I saw the ledge near the house on which is a coffin set up on a scaffold, not in the direction I was going but bearing south about 60 degrees. I should have struck the river at least two miles above the house — when I got out of the morass was much fatigued from my burden. The boys were very tired & were glad to see home. My dear friends are near to me tonight. If I prayed for them with the ardour that I love them, they might realize some benefit from my supplications. Sabbath Evening Nov. 24th. This [morning] those of the men who understood English, together with Mr. Davenport, read Part of 21 Chap. of Luke, & part of 11th Hebrews — the first prophetic of persecution, the other speaking of its fulfilment & the power of faith. Sung an hymn, prayed, & read from “Milner’s Chh Histy” a brief account of “Peter Waldo” & “the Character & Persecutions of the Waldenses.”39 O! how little of their spirit do I possess! If such days should happen to us, where should I stand — on the side of God or Belial [Satan]? O, I want much of humility, a sense of my meanness, filthiness, unfitness to put my hand to God’s work. If such a man as Brainard was so unseemly & vile, what am I? 39. Milner’s History of the Church of Christ from the Days of the Apostles to the Year 1551 was published in 1816. The Waldenses were a Christian sect in the fourteenth century. They rejected the splendor and outward display of the Catholic Church.

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This afternoon the wife of one of Mr Abbott’s men came over accompanied by four or 5 children. Assembled the children, women & such as were disposed. Spent an hour in singing, prayer, & repeating the Commandments. It has been a lovely day. The sun rose in unrivalled splendour, & the moon (just full) this evening seems striving to show herself not the least in beauty, in the creation of God.

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Monday Evening Nov. 25. Assembled my scholars twice today. Sung as usual this evening at Mr. Davenports. Heard the men read & spent the remaining time of the evening in writing Indian. Friday Evening Nov. 29th. Weather has been very mild a few days past. Some of the ice has thawed. Most of the anchor ice is out of the river, but today it is cloudy & looks a little like a storm. Yesterday morning, rose quite unwell — have some fever hanging about me, but I feel that the blessed Lord can take care of this poor body as long as he wants it in this life. O! for more confidence, more submission, more faith, more love. I know that Jesus is willing to give to those who trust in him. I need the comfort & support of the Holy Spirit. Sometimes feel that if I were to remain destitute of that, I could never live in this desolate region. At particular times my heart bleeds to see certain dear friends whom I love particularly, & who have been my dearest associates for the last year or two — but I struggle to crucify this sweetest bond of social life — my sympathies. The Frenchmen are reading as usual at my table & I lend an ear to them as I write. I have commenced reading Church History this week, rising early & reading until daylight. I also read to Mr Davenport every evening one letter of the controversy between “Rev. Jno. Hughes,” Catholic, & “Rev. Jno. Breckinridge,” Protestant, on the Rule of Faith of C & Apostles of the two Churches.40 This has detained me so late that I have not journalized. Saturday Evening, Nov. 30. After supper took my usual walk in a pine grove across Sandy Lake River. Spent a sweet season in prayer there, where was 40. The “Controversy” was a debate carried out in two newspapers, the Presbyterian and the Catholic Herald, from January 21 to October 3, 1833, between two clerics, the Rev. John Breckinridge, Protestant, and the Rev. John Hughes, Catholic. The subject was “Is the Protestant religion the religion of Christ?” In the end, both sides claimed victory. See Billington, Protestant Crusade, 62–63.

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

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no ear to hear but our Saviour. I laid the care of this mission in its different branches before God — this is our weekly concert, also many dear friends with whom I concert, although I cannot see my dear friends to tell them that I love them, yet I can tell God. As little Roger retired a short time ago, & repeated to me the “Lord’s Prayer” in Ojibue, I felt much interested in prayer for him & the little Indian boy who is left by his father in charge of Br. Boutwell at Leech Lake.41 They are in a measure under our influence & instructions & my prayer was that God would make them apostles to their brethren who are scattered through this region. Thus am I brought through another week & month. Weeks & months roll apace. Eer long I will have done with them. O! my God, help me to catch at these fleeting moments, & improve them for thee. Let me live, not for myself, but for thee. I have lived as if I were forever to live in a business world — have abused mercies, insulted the Holy Spirit, & these are written upon my life until the page is black, & yet write this against myself stupidly. Sabbath Evening Dec. 1st. Rose this morning well in body. As part of English service today, finished reading the persecutions of the “Waldenses.” This P. M. 5 children from Mr. Abbott’s post came over. Spent a season in the usual exercises of singing & catechizing in the Commandments. Read this morning before light the Martyrdom of “Polycarp.”42 Have read some in David Brainards Memoirs this P. M. & evening. Just at sundown took a short walk into the forest up the river & tried to lay myself before God in prayer — poor prayers — how little they seem to avail, & yet the Lord seems good to me. This is my only comfort & support in a heathen land. Have just been praying with little Roger. When I look at Brainard’s feelings for the conversion of the Indians I am ashamed — almost ready to cry out against myself.43 I am much fatigued this evening. My poor body can endure but little — reading & singing fatigue me much sooner than work or travelling. 41. This was the son of Butterfly. Boutwell must have told him about it in a letter. See April 14, 1834. 42. Polycarp was bishop of Smyrna (Asia Minor) in the second century. He embraced martyrdom by fire when he could have saved himself. McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, 8:360–63. 43. Brainard wrote that “to see poor Pagans desirous of hearing the gospel of Christ, animated me to discourse to them, although I was now very weakly, and my spirits much exhausted.” Edwards, Memoirs of David Brainerd, 207.

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Tuesday Evening Dec. 3, 1833. Today my mind has been but little on God. Last evening had some solemn reflections on the wretchedness of this life, its brevity, the awful stupidity in which thousands plunge into eternity — excited by reading Rev[elation] 7th Chap. I thought I would to preserve an abiding sense of these things, but today have been very stupid. Our men have been engaged today in killing hogs. This morning, I was twice asked if they might use the blood. I answered that I had no objections, that I did not know it to be wrong. The man remarked that Mr. A. would never allow them to do it. (Mr. A. being now absent). This evening, after reading to Messrs Davenport & M Cormack as usual, one letter of the aforementioned controversy, the subject of the use of blood arose, from the men’s being at work below making black sausages (as they call them), composed of blood & lard, seasoned. The sausages when made have a very black appearance (are filled into the intestines about 2 ft long).44 I made some remarks concerning the abolition of the “Ceremonial Law,” the Chr. liberty in reference to meats &c &c.45 Afterwards on going below, found one of the Frenchmen helping himself lustily to a dish of the preparation, cooked. I asked him what he was eating? Ans. Blood, it very goot — make strong. Ques. How dare you eat blood?46 Is it not prohib Ans. They eat it at Montreal. Ques. But do not your (R. Cath) priests condemn its use? Ans. He eat one himself. We are now hourly expecting Mr. Aitkin. Hope by him to get some news from the States. Wednesday Evening, Dec. 4th. A barren day. My heart is amazingly hard — it seems as if my faculties were benumbed toward spiritual things, & indeed, they are. The broad curse well marks the road which sin travels. It is an “ass” in feeling who will not be moved by ocular demonstration, & I seem to need just that ocular demonstration in order to believe divine truth. Yet I am encouraged to cry unto the Lord still by this scripture. “If any one lack faith wisdom, let him ask of God” &c. Sung as usual at Mr. Davenports this evening. Have been hearing one of the men read, & translating part of the first 44. These are the boudins noirs of the French. 45. The Ceremonial Law consists of ordinances and ceremonies, in contrast to the moral law, or Ten Commandments. Ely refers to St. Paul to the Collossians, 2:16. 46. The Ceremonial Law forbade the eating of blood (Deuteronomy, 12:16, 23–25). Many Christians maintained that Christ had done away with the Ceremonial Law.

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Sept ember 29 to December 7, 1833

Ch. of Luke into Pickering’s orthography (which we use) since singing.47

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Saturday Evening, Dec 7th. Was prevented from assembling my three boys this morning by a visit from Mr. Scott. Myself & Mr Davenport returned with him this afternoon. Assembled the chiIdren at Mr Abbott’s house (11 in no. besides two mothers & one father). Sung & prayed with them — promised to come again. Invited them to come & sing with us tomorrow. I have it in contemplation to commence a school there, part of the time — distance nearly 1½ miles. Sung at Mr D’s this evening. Have been further engaged this evening in skeletonizing from Rom[ans] 5:13. “Sin is not imputed where there is no law.” Think of commencing a course of remarks on the Law & Gospel, with those who can understand Engh, & hope to commence tomorrow. Hope it will be a great benefit to myself. O! may God make me to feel the force of truth in greater measure. Also teach me to pray with a childlike spirit. I need it tonight in supplicating for my friends. And may the thought that my pious friends are this evening supplicating for me, encourage me to call on God with more earnestness for his Spirit to purify my heart, which is now like a cage of unclean birds, & to qualify me to my work. Hear, O! Lord. There is an amazing apathy in me toward Jesus the Saviour. “Break, Sovereign Grace, this heart of Stone.”48 Letters forwarded Nov. 11, 1833 Rev. L. Hull Mrs. (L) Hull Rev. L. H. Loss R. Stewart Esq Br. Hall Mackinaw F. Ayer A. W. Ely 47. John Pickering’s suggestions for an Indian orthography were, to some extent, adopted by the abcfm missionaries. Elisha Loomis, missionary teacher at Mackinac in 1830–32, made some alterations specific to the Ojibwe language, but the missionaries continued to work on and develop their own Ojibwe orthography. Loomis to Greene, April 3, 1832, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 48. Quoted from a hymn by Isaac Watts.

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Chapter 3

Sandy Lake to Leech Lake December 8, 1833, to May 4, 1834

Journal 3

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December 8, 1833, to May 4, 1834

Sabbath Evening Dec 8th. Am much fatigued this evening. This morning held an exercise in Engsh. Talked more than an hour on the subject drawn out last evening, with much ease & comfort to myself. This is my first attempt to discuss a subject before others. I find that my hearers were more interested than by the usual course of reading an extract from some pious work. Not, I conclude, because there was more worth, but because there was less monotony. This afternoon, sixteen persons, mothers & children (& infants), came over from Mr. Abbotts, of whom about 10 or 12 were present at the Indian meeting this P.M. at which about 20 were present. This evening have been singing as usual at Mr. Davenports. Have had more freedom in prayer today than during the week. O, may I trust in the Lord for help. I need faith to pray for this people. There is no one here to “speak unto the Lord for them” but myself. I need to feel the worth of their souls. Mr Aitkin has now been absent 28 days. The journey home must be made on foot. A few days past it has been smoky cloudy weather. Yesterday eve & Friday eve it rained. This morning it snowed — by noon the snow had melted off, & this evening we have the same thick mist. The ice thaws. I expected to find before this everything buried beneath the snows of this region, but it is scarce [page torn] than usual in the States, nor near as cold as I have known it there at this season. The privileges of my beloved friends have been in my mind at times this day. 59

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Thursday Eve. Dec 12. Have been occupied in reading the “Debate” & hearing the men read until late in evening, which is the reason why I have not journalized as usual — all things move as usual. I cry unto God with more earnestness for His help, feel more that without it man is utterly miserable. Have been writing this eve to my dear Grandfather & family friends.1

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Friday Eve. Just at night McDonald, one of the men who accompanied Mr. A. to St Peters, arrived. He had been sent from Red Cedar Lake ahead.2 The others were to leave there for Mille Lac this morning— expected home latter part of next week. No news by McDonald— have written three pages to Br Sykes of Albany, read a letter of the debate & heard the men read this evening. This morning, went over to Mr. Abbotts post & sung with the children. Mr. Scott accompanied me home. Sabbath Eve. Dec. 15th. Last evening I arranged a few thoughts on this text Mat[thew] 5:17–18. Endeavoring to show the connexion between the Law & Gospel or Old & New Testaments. This morning, presented the subject to my three English hearers. About 1 oclk commenced my exercises in Indian. After supper, the Frenchmen (Catholics) assembled at Mr Davenports room & I read & explained the 6 & 7th Chps. of Matt. to them & prayed with them. Find they can understand me very well if I talk as to small children. Then sung with the children, as usual. Think my desires to serve Christ in doing good grow stronger. Yet am much troubled with pride & wandering thoughts. It will not do to give my heart the least latitude, as I am more ready to go beyond than to stop at the line of right & wrong. Notwithstanding I felt somewhat strengthened to the labour of the day this morning, yet I seem to have worked myself into a frame of great stupidity. O, when shall I believe the truths which I preach! Monday Evening Dec. 16th. McDonald started this morning in a small canoe to meet Mr. Aitkin at Red Cedar Lake — took with him a little fresh provisions for him. I wrote a line to Mr. A. I find that the Frenchmen are pleased with my mode of reading the Scriptures. I take advantage of every 1. Ely’s maternal grandfather, Augustus Sisson, was then living in Geauga County, Ohio. Sisson and Sisson, Descendants of Richard and Mary Sisson, 169. 2. Red Cedar Lake is now known as Cedar Lake, near Aitkin, Minnesota.

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opportunity to enlighten these men who are little better than heathen. All they know of religion is what the priest tells them. One of the men Saturday evening told me that at Montreal on Christmas cold weather always set in, & he supposed that there was something connected with the holiday that occasioned it. Today I have been greatly remiss in watchfulness. Very little spirituality. Prayer does not seem to be my element. Wednesday Eve. Dec. 18th. This day has been observed by me as a day of secret fasting & prayer. This morning was exceedingly troubled [by] evil thoughts & temptations. Endeavoured to look to C / for help. Derived much benefit from reading Dr. Doddridges remarks on Self Dedication.3 I then endeavoured to make the sentiments of his annexed abstract of a Formula my own & thus give myself away to God. I in a degree felt that my only hope was in C / , & endeavoured to plead for His Spirit. I had before this attended to my school. I then concluded that I could not better serve God than by attempting to do good — read the definition of a fast in Isa[iah] 58 Chapter.4 Then sought God’s blessing. Went to Mr Abbotts post— assembled the children, read to them the birth of C / & his life, as far as we know, down to his interview with the “Doctors” in the temple, in Ojibue — taught them the Ten Commandments, & Lords Prayer, interspersed the exercizes with singing Indian hymns & concluded with prayer. This evening have been singing & reading the Crucifixion of C / in Ojibue at Mr. Davenports. Afterwards read part of Mr Hughes’ letter on the “Controversy”. I find this evening that I have not a sense of the presence of God, that the Serpent is continually endeavouring to raise himself up in the shape of pride, that I have little compassion for souls. Am afraid my dedication was more in form than heart. Feel that these remarks on the reasoning of Mr. Hughes have been unchristian, savouring more of severity than compassion. May God forgive me these my sins. I want a broken heart.5 My spirit needs a heavy 3. British theologian Dr. Philip Doddridge (1702–51) wrote The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul, of which chapter 17 was on self-dedication. 4. “Is not this the fast that I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? Is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house? When thou seest the naked, that thou cover him; and that thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh?” (Isa. 58:6–7). 5. Charles G. Finney preached the “necessity of a broken spirit.” Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney, 52.

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December 8, 1833, to M ay 4 , 1834

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foot to crush it. Were it not that in Christ there is a fullness, & that all who ask may receive, I should lie down in discouragement. Sometimes it seems to be hoping almost against hope. My greatest danger is, I think, a continual grieving of the spirit by lack of watchfulness. I know so little of self command that I am continually in danger of going beyond the bounds of Christian prudence. O! God, thou knowest my failings better than myself. Have mercy upon me & strengthen me. Leave me not to myself. Impress on my heart the vows of this day. Friday Eve. Dec 20, 1833. About 4 oclk P.M. Mr Aitkins arrived from St. Peters. Brought letters to Brother Boutwell, & one from Br. Ayer (at Yellow Lake ) to us jointly. Am rejoiced to hear of the encouraging prospects of the mission in that department.6 Mr A. brought no papers from the States — no news by him from the States except the refusal of Congress to recharter U. S. Bank which will doubtless be the cause of political uproars. May God preserve our country.7 The fall of “stars” mentioned before (Nov. 13) was observed by Mr. A. He had marched two days down the Mississippi, probably about 100 miles. Commenced about ½ past 12 P. M. from which time they marched, being on the river (in a canoe) they had a good observation — directly overhead was a luminous appearance resembling a cross from whh emanated all the “stars.” The whole heavens were lighted with their trails. They (many) fell nearly perpendicular. He could distinctly see where they fell, as they left a luminous appearance of several inches in diameter on the ground or water. The cross was observed at St. Peters distinctly. A very old Indian woman told him that she had seen a similar fall of stars when quite young, & that it was followed by an open winter — thus far the season indicates such an one. Mr. A. has been absent forty days all of whh have been spent in travelling, except 6 or 7 at St. Peters — has encountered great difficulties — has been attacked by disease (bloody dysentery) from which he is fortunately returned. He left 6. Frederick Ayer wrote that Maaingan, Ojibwe chief at Yellow Lake, had given them permission to build and occupy land on “the river connecting great and little Yellow Lakes” and had promised that he would himself send his children to school there (Ayer to Greene, December 1, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 7. The Bank of the United States had been chartered by Congress in 1791. Andrew Jackson, who had recently (1832) been reelected to his second term as president, opposed this charter and ordered the withdrawal of federal deposits from the bank to begin on October 7, 1833, effectively closing it. On April 4, 1834, the House voted not to recharter the bank. Jon Meacham, American Lion, 266–79.

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Mr. Abbott at “Mille Lac,” who had also been unwell from common dysentary, as was one of the men. Mr. A. was two or three times in danger of losing his horse in crossing rivers & breaking into lakes.

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Sabbath Evening Dec 22nd. Rose this morning about 5½ or 6 oclk — felt rather unfit for any business — however, in an hour or two, was much better. This forenoon, assembled those who speak English (except Mr Aitkins who was unwell). Talked to them about the atonement, some thoughts of which I had arranged last evening. Laboured to exalt Christ in their sight, to set him forth as an all sufficient sacrifice & to the consistency, the reasonableness of faith & repentance. Just as we were about concluding with prayer, Mr. Scott came in with Mr Abbott’s little girl, who had come to sing with our children.8 As none others were come over today, I engaged to return with him. Out of respect to Mr. S. staid in the room with him & Mr A. until the time when I should have collected my boys & such others as would please to come in, had passed away, & in the mean while suffered myself to be led into much worldly conversation. After supper accompanied Mr S. home, & spent about an hour in singing, teaching the Commandments & prayer — was quite dark when I arrived home— was weary & sung very little at Mr. Davenports. The Frenchmen were assembled in the other part of the house, singing “Indian Airs,” & conducted more heathenish than I have seen any Indians in their dances. This is the case almost every, every evening, but I have not heard so much noise on the occasion as this evening. The weather is heavy & cloudy & air filled with frost. Monday Eve. Dec. 23. Today the Indian Cotanse, & his two brothers & son arrived — probably came for provisions, as they have been starving. Their principal dependence was their rice which they had hid, but on going to it found the high water of the fall had spoiled it. They were then to satisfy their hunger by the chance of the hunt. He (Cotanse) is a famous bear hunter, but in consequence of no early snow, they had burrowed for the winter. Unless, therefore, they happened to fall on one, which would seldom be the case, they must depend on the smaller game. They looked pale & thin — was happy to see them cheered by the bounties of our table. They brought 2 8. In 1839 the eldest of Abbott’s daughters was Isabella, born in 1830. Chippewa Claim 37, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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bear & some other skins. He has visited me in my room this evening. Have finished the “Debate” (or all the nos I have). Commencing reading this evening Bigland’s account of the rise & progress of Papal Power as given in his history of Germany to my usual hearers.9 Have been under the operation of medicine to day & have had no school. Sung this evening usual. Tuesday Eve Dec. 24. This evening, just before sunset, went to Mr. Abbotts to sing with the children, but the arrival of Mr Abbott from St Peters soon after I reached there rendered a meeting inexpedient. 4 or 5 inches of snow fell yesterday & last night, which made the walking on the lake very hard, & a strong N. W. wind in my face rendered it quite tedious. Have been reading to Messrs Davenport & McCormack Biglands historical view of Germany, its being so intimately connected with the Papal Power. The object is to get at as much of the spirit of the reigns of the Popes as we can. May it do us much good. Wednesday Eve Dec 25. Today being Christmas, Mr Aitkins gave an entertainment to Messrs Abbot & Scott. This morning went to Mr Abbotts & sung with the children — returned with Mr Aitkin who came across the lake in his horse & cutter. Messrs A. & S. accompanied us home. This evening have been reading on the same subject as last evening, after singing at Mr. Davenport’s. Russell is now reading at my table his evening lesson as usual.

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Thursday Eve Dec 26. I this evening observed an eclipse of the moon — it commenced about 4 oclk or little after & continued about one hour. The moon was in opposition — the eclipse covered the south half of it. To day began to teach my boys in English. Friday Eve. Dec 27. We are now experiencing weather more like winter than any we have yet had. The Sandy Lake River is frozen. This morning for the first time persons ventured upon it. Last evening was spent in writing definitions in my Ojibue vocabulary, & intended so to do this evening, but Mr A. said that he would sit down with me before daylight in the morning. I therefore finished reading Biglands sketch of Germany, mentioned before, to the same auditors. Sung as usual at Mr. Davenports. 9. John Bigland (1750–1832) was an English historian whose General History of Germany included a critique of the expansion of papal power.

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Sabbath Evening Dec 29th. This morning, endeavoured to talk from this text Hebrews 2:3. “How can ye escape if ye neglect so great salvation”— but it was very hard work for me. Had no liberty, no flow of ideas. Afterwards sung with the boys, & after supper (about 2½ oclk, or 3) went over to Mr Abbotts with himself & Mr Scott, who had come over about 12. Mr. Davenport accompanied me. Could not sing much because of debility of voice & pain in the breast — returned about 6½ oclk. I shall wear out bye & bye, but think I feel an increasing desire to “live while I live.” A cold north [wind] blew in our faces tonight, as we returned across the lake on the ice — the clouds were black & heavy & portended a storm. Thus at times dark clouds overhang my soul, threaten destruction, from which I can only flee to Christ. I do not feel my meanness, my guilt, my ingratitude. Have no realizing sense of the presence of God. In fact, think I have more religion in the head than heart. I have felt more earnest today in crying for help than for some days past. If God should not, by his Spirit, stir me up to feel my needs, I fear I should soon become hard, just fit for hell. But I will cry for strength to my work. Friday Eve. Jany. 3d 1834. Messrs Abbott & Scott dined with Mr Aitkins on NewYears — while at dinner, Messrs Allen Morrison & Wm Stitt (clks) arrived from below.10 Mr. Morrison intends leaving tomorrow morning on his return. Mr Stitt to remain after the Sabbath. Yesterday the Indian Cotanse with his family arrived & camped on the opposite side of the Mississippi. Today I visited them — heard two boys & one girl (my former scholars) read, & sung with them — this evening they came and sung with us at Mr. Davenports. After singing, I spent most of the evening in reading Indian with Mr. Davenport & Mr Stitt. This morning, got into a long argument with Mr. Aitkins on gambling, which run into lotteries, mercantile operations, banking, etc, & on the whole was more unpleasant than profitable. Mr A. while returning from St Peters, got engaged with others in playing, & won some $15 or $20 value of property & cash. This gave rise to an expression of my sentiments, when it was necessary to speak on the topic in conversation. Mr Stitt was one of the principal losers. He was pres10. Allan Morrison was at this time the America Fur Company trader at Mille Lacs, and William Stitt at Lower Red Cedar Lake. Abstract of Licenses, 1833, Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 22.

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ent this morning which gave rise to the conversation, on observing some of the property won hanging in the room. But will avoid such arguments in future, as they are rather productive of evil than good. We have near a foot of snow — the weather is clear & intensely cold. The Mississippi is nearly shut & in many places we can cross it on the ice.

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Saturday Eve Jany 4th. Just after dark this evening, John Aitkins & Mr Chabouillize [Chaboillez] arrived, J. from Gull Lake & Mr C. from Prairie Percie.11 Each about two days from this. They met Mr Morrison, who left here this morning. They brought news that one of the company’s men who had been sent out to some lodge, was lost (as they supposed) on his return. He had now been absent about two weeks, & if lost, is probably dead from starvation. Also that another man had lost his wife (died) at Leech Lake. Have been singing this evening as usual, & reading the Crucifixion of Christ in Ojibue with Mr. Stitt. Sabbath Evening, Jany 5. This morning, rose late — suffered my mind to run on forbidden things — felt no relish for private worship. My mind was permitted to wander — accomplished scarce anything before it was time for service. I read an excellent sermon from the National Preacher by Rev. Danl A. Clark, then of Bennington, Vt. (Prov 27:19, as in water, face answereth to face &c).12 What the effect could be on my audience is doubtful. All my exercises were contaminated. Afterwards, rode to Mr. Abbotts— assembled the children & mothers — sung — read the Crucifixion of C / . After supper, visited the lndian Cotanse’s lodge — got the children & young men to go into Mr Davenports & sing. Read to them there in Ojibue — about 16 or 17 present. Afterwards read with Mr Stitt & Davenport the Ressurrexion in Ojibue. I see all the actions of the day to be void of unction, of love, of humility. My pride & self love have revelled with little restraint, & it seems to me that I am just fit to go & boast of the good things I have done this day. I cannot live thus. What shall I do? Have been looking into the Memoirs of Brainard this evening — am convinced that I am unfit in heart to bear the name of a missionary — a contradiction in terms! 11. Prairie Percé was located south of Crow Wing on the Mississippi. 12. The National Preacher was a collection of “Original Monthly Sermons from Living Ministers.”

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Monday Evening Jany. 6th. Monthly Concert. I have spent considerable time this day in meditation & prayer — there seems an awful distance between me and God. My soul does not melt in view of sins or realize its turpitude. How then can I pray this evening “Thy Kingdom Come.” I try, but alas! faith is wanting. This wretched world of men is surely an object of prayer calculated to excite to fervour, if anything will. My thoughts fix on Br Boutwell in his lonely situation at Leech Lake — & on Br Ayer & family at Yellow Lake — Le Point & Mackinaw — my friends who are engaged in praying this evening in the States.13 Christian sympathy is a blessed affection — by it, the distant missionary is cheered & encouraged, knowing that the churches & his particular friends are pleading for him.

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Wednesday Eve. Jany 8. To day my heart was made glad with a letter from Br Boutwell. He sent three packages of letters by some men of Mr Abbott’s, for his friends.14 Last evening was engaged in writing to Br Hall at Le Point, & this [evening] have written a joint letter to Misses Cook & Stevens, members of the miss. fam. at Le Pointe. Today Mr. A. started off 2 horse trains for Fondulac & is to follow in the morning with a dog train. Saturday Eve Jany 11th. This morning Mr. A. left for Fondulac, having delayed in consequence of a rise of water on the ice — also Mr. Laundre (clk at Mille Lake) left this morning for home. Last evening, filled a sheet to Br. Boutwell which I forwarded today by Mr Abbott’s men who are returning. Today have been engaged in repairing my coat. This afternoon I proposed to Mr Davenport to spend a little time every evening in reading the Scriptures, singing & prayer. McCormack had before expressed a desire to attend. I commenced this evening by singing & read part of 1st & the 2nd Chap. of Matthew incorporating other events in the early history of our Blessed Saviour. It was a very interesting hour. Closed with prayer, in which the Lord helped me. My desires were kindled for the good of these Frenchmen, & particularly I was enabled to pray for Mr. Aitkin as never before. I [pray] that God may make this a means of great good to this household. I do not know that family prayer was ever performed here. 13. It now appears that a monthly concert had been fixed for Mondays. 14. The opposition trader James Abbott also had a post at Leech Lake.

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Sabbath Evening Jany 12th 1834. This morning, read another of Rev. Mr Clarke’s sermons from the National Preacher from Mat. 1:6. About 11 oclk went over to Mr Abbott’s & assembled the children— was accompanied by Mr Davenport. The air was very keen — was not able to sing without difficulty, probably from fatigue, but more from the structure of the room, as it is always so there. About 3 oclk assembled the Indian children & halfbreeds here, & held our usual exercise. This evening, have spent an interesting hour in our exercise of family worship. Read the remainder of C / ’s history up to his temptation & that of John the Baptist, interspersing it with remarks & illustrations, then sung an hymn & joined in prayer. This P.M. about 2 oclk, Paul, one of the men who started for Fondulac, returned, as he was to do when Mr. Aitkins should overtake them. Mr A. yesterday to Portage du Prairie on the St Louis River, at whh place he came up with the encampment of the men sent ahead. Paul left there this morning — travelled I suppose, about 8 hours, distance cannot be less than 40 miles. This morning, was troubled with a wandering mind. This is a besetting trouble. Have had much liberty in my exercises & in private prayer, some fervent desires — feel encouraged to trust in the Lord & fight on against myself & the Devil & do all I can to despoil his kingdom.

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Tuesday Eve. Jany 14th. Alfred Aitkins arrived about 3 oclk this P. M. from Red Cedar Lake — is to leave in the morning for Fondulac — have just been writing a line to Mr. A. who is there by this time. Last eve, wrote to Br. Boutwell & sent it by Paul & Gronzile who started this morning for Leech Lake. Weather very cold. Thursday Eve. Jany 16. This evening an Indian with whom I was acquainted arrived to get provisions for his family, who were starving. They are a few miles from here, & he has gone tonight to carry food to his crying Children. By a distressing accident, he was deprived of the ability to hunt. He is deaf, & unable to relate the story distinctly, & as his family will be here in a day or two I will take the circumstances as they may be related by the wife. The eaves are dropping, a little very soft snow is falling from the south. Saturday Evening Jany 18th. Another week has passed away, & I can see nought but iniquity in all the actions of it. My foolish, lying heart is this

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evening deeply convicted of its baseness & abominable guilt & its impotence in a little measure. I am afraid to trust myself, yet hold back from sinking at the foot of the Cross. O, how can I thus preach the Gospel to those around me! Every evening during the last week I have attended family prayers with Mr. D. McC. & Russell. Have this evening finished the public reading of the Sermon on the Mount. I have made many very close reflections (remarks) while reading it, & they have convicted myself deeper than any other one, I believe. Will God bless such a preacher as I am? Lord Jesus, what shall I do! Have mercy on me. Break this stubborn heart & let it bleed in view of its sins. Have not forgot the concert with my friends this evening. I love them too much to forget. It may be that I love some of them too much, more because they are my friends, than for C / ’s sake. I am surrounded by Frenchmen [Canadians] who seem to speak nothing but cursing & blasphemy — the most blasphemous company I ever saw, I think. They are Catholics, & believe that confession & pardon of the priest is all that is necessary. Some inquired whether Br. Boutwell baptised the woman who died at Leech Lake — said that a priest (Cath) would have done it. They understand scarce any English, & their superstitions shield them from all truth. It would seem they must perish.15 Sabbath Eve. Jany. 19th. This morning, read a sermon (from the Nat. Preacher) of Dr Tylor, Prest of Dartmouth Coll. N. H. from Rev. 22:17.16 “Whosoever will, let him take of the water of life freely.” My three hearers gave good attention. The writer insisted that nothing but men’s own wills kept them from salvation. O! may God pierce the hearts of these men with His Truth. O! teach me to pray. Roll the burden of their souls upon me, & give me adequate faith. They listen to me with respect & [I] have favour in their eyes. O! then make me an instrument of their salvation. Help me to keep my heart, to guard myself against temptation — give me the Holy Spirit & leave me not grieve it by my sins. 15. Most Evangelical Christians believed that only by accepting the Bible as the word of God and living a Christian life could one be “saved,” or enter into heaven. Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney, xii. There was a strong anti-Catholic movement at this time, fueled in part by the foreign element in Catholicism, but also by what was seen as a hierarchical structure rather than individual freedom within the Catholic Church. Finney himself frequently preached against Catholicism. Billington, Protestant Crusade, 53–61; Wolffe, “Anti-Catholicism and Evangelical Identity,” 183–84. 16. Bennet Tyler was president of Dartmouth College from 1822 to 1828.

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About 12 oclk I started for Mr Abbott’s. It was very cold but by the blessing of God, I am warmly clad. Sung with much more ease than usual. Read a little to the children, had them repeat the Commandments & prayed. After supper (about ½ past 3 oclk — we never have but two meals each day) visited Cotanse’s lodge. Sung hymns with them, & then invited the children over to the house where we spent an hour or more in singing & other exercises & closed with prayer & singing the hymn, “He dies, the friend of sinners dies” in Ojibue. A little while since attended family prayer. Thus the labours of the day are closed. O! may God forgive the evil, & bless the truth, and as Sabbaths pass away, enable thy servant to improve the remainder to thy Glory. Amen.

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Monday Eve. Jany 20th. Recd today, by Mr. Aitkin’s own men returning from Fondulac, a letter & papers from my brother Albert, who resides in the city of N. Y., bearing date July 8th 1833, papers of July & Augt, also a letter from Miss Cooke of the La Pointe Mission, one from Br. Ayer & one from Dr Borup. The two last were sent to Fondulac by private opportunities. The others were forwarded by Mr Warren of L. Pointe. Also a line from Mr. Aitkin, who is to leave for this today. Tuesday Eve. Jany. 21.st About 3½ oclk, P. M. Mr A. arrived from Fondulac, accompanied by Alfred, Augn Belangie, & Mr Cottee of the post at Fondulac. Mr A. informs me that information was recd by an Indian that Mrs Hall of LePointe was so near death that her coffin was prepared — thus we suppose that our sister has been relieved from this life, & that Br. Hall mourns, not indeed as those without hope, but in submission to God.17 Thus the first breach has been made in the ranks of this mission — who follows, God only knows. Sabbath Eve. Jany 26th 1834. The exercises of the day have been as usual. This morning Mr. Wm Johnson [ Johnston], Mr Abbotts clk at Leech Lake, arrived & brought me a line from Br. Boutwell, saying that in consequence of the absence of Mr. Davenport, their voyage hither was delayed. Thought they would leave by tomorrow, at furthest. I wrote him a few 17. Betsey Hall had been so weakened by an attack of fever for several weeks that there was little hope for her recovery. She was now recovering, although unable to move without assistance. Hall to Greene, Jan. 20, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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lines in answer, which I send by Alfred Aitkins, who leaves in the morning. Thursday Eve Jany 30. Mr Cotte & Rodger left here yesterday morning. Monday I recd another line from Mr. Boutwell by the hand of Paul Beauvier. Expect him tomorrow, as they were to leave Tuesday or Wednesday. This week have had an accession to my school of 3 or 4. The Indian Cotanse is this evening beating his Medicine Drum, & his wild song echoes through the forest. He is preparing for a hunt.

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Sabbath Eve Feby 2d. Br. Boutwell, Mr Wm Davenport, Mr. Geo. Bonga, Mr Francois Brunelle arrived from Leech Lake on Friday noon last. Friday & Sat. evenings the children & others were assembled in my room & some time spent in singing. Today Mr. B. remarked from part of Luke 13 Chap., then accompanied me to Mr Abbotts, afterwards the Indian meeting. Mr B. talked some to the children & others through Mr. Bonga, who interprets excellently.18 I expect that Mr B. will spend the morrow (Mon. eve.) with me & start back on Tuesday. It is decided that I go to L. Lake in about 4 weeks to spend the spring.19 Wednesday, Feby. 5, 1834. Yesterday morning Brother Boutwell left here for Leech Lake in company with Mr. W. Davenport & others mentioned 2nd inst. I accompanied them about 7 miles for the exercise — left them near the River O’Soule [Swan River] about 11 oclk. Returning, I met the Indian Cotanse & family on their way to trap beaver. Cotanse discovered a dam last fall, & he now takes them by draining off the water & breaking into their lodge. Himself had a very large pack & his little boy top of it. His son (one of my scholars) drew a dog train loaded probably with provisions. On asking the time of day, he said “Naokue” (noon). His wife, a small woman, I met a little distance behind, with their wigiwam on her back, consisting of “apōkuai” (coarse mats), “uiguas” (birch bark), & “anakowin” (mats on 18. George Bonga was the son of an African American man and an Ojibwe woman. He and his brother Stephen had been educated in Montreal and were recognized as fluent interpreters by the American government. Both worked for the American Fur Company. See Bonga, “Letters of George Bonga.” 19. Since the children at Sandy Lake would accompany their parents into sugar camp, it was decided that Ely could assist Boutwell at Leech Lake, which had a much larger population, both fur trade personnel and Ojibwe, and where the sugar camps were nearby. Ely to Greene, August 30, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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6. George Bonga, c. 1870. With permission of Minnesota Historical Society. Negative #94486.

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which they sit), making a load of twice the bulk of herself. The snow was softening under their feet, making it very hard travelling. About sunset, carried a package of letters to Mr. Abbotts, who left this morning for St Peters, accompanied by Mr. Scott. Sandy Lake River is so much opened that I crossed in a canoe, just below the house. Mr. A. Davenport left this morning, with a dog train & one man, for Mille Lake via Red Cedar lake. The weather is remarkably warm for the season. It freezes very little in the night, & the snow is fast melting. The ground begins to show bare spots. Thursday Eve. Feby 6th. A little frost last night, but it thawed today, more than was frozen last night. It is remarkable weather for this country. Many are suffering from colds. Mr Chas Chabouillize arrived from Prairie Percie (his post) about sunset. He met Mr Davenport last evening at his encampment & encamped with him. Mr Abbott was not with Mr. D. as was expected. Mr Chaboulllize accompanies Alfred Aitkins to Pabinaw, the colony of the Hudson’s Bay Co.20 He states that sickness is prevailing among the Indians at or near Prairie Percie. Knows no more of the disease, than that it is universally attended with a raising of blood. Some have died. Among them, the mother of one of my scholars, (the Brusia’s daughter). She was a former wife of the Brusia, the present chief of the Sandy Lake Band. Two of her daughters reside here. The youngest of the two is the scholar mentioned. God has spared these Indians from that scourge the cholera. It has hitherto extended to all climates without any relaxation in its vigour. It will doubtless pass through this region — what will these poor Indians do? — no medical aid. If attacked, they must die. They know not God — they must perish. This ought to impel me to do what I can do for them quickly, as they may not have opportunity to hear long — nor I be spared to preach to them. But I have no interpreter. Prayer is almost my only weapon. Alas! how poorly I wield it. Saturday Eve Feby. 8th. Today recd a note from Br. B. by Jondron, as follows.21 20. Pembina, North Dakota, was a colony of the Hudson’s Bay Company before it was discovered to be in the United States rather than in British territory. Kane, Holmquist, and Gilman, Northern Expeditions, 183. 21. Probably Jean Baptiste Gendron, boatman in the Fond du Lac district in 1834. List of Persons in the District of Fond du Lac, September 12, 1835, Henry Hastings Sibley Papers, Reel 1. Included as Appendix F.

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“Whitefish Lake, Thursday 1 oclk. P. M. Here we met Jondron — we have had a good voyage thus far & hope to reach home tomorrow. My kindest regards to Messrs. A. D. & others. Ever thine, W. T. B.” “P. S. May the Lord guide, direct & bless, & at length bring you to my aid.” This evening twilight — quite an assembly of children & others stood round Mr D’ s door, & as I walked past, some cried out Nŏgŏmota” (let us sing). I went into the room & commenced singing, when all flocked in & joined in the hymn — spent some time thus — read a short chapter on the attributes of God &c & concluded with prayer. Have been writing to Br. Ayer this evening. Mr. Abbott did not go to St Peters in consequence of indisposition of self & family. Mr Scott proceeded. Mr A. has been here today — looks quite unwell.

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Sabbath Eve. Feby. 9th. Read & expounded as an exercise this morning, part of 4th Ch. of John’s Gospel, & dwelt particularly on Vs. 23 & 24. What it was to worship God in truth — endeavoured to illustrate moral honesty. While at Mr. Abbott’s, Mr. Davenport passed on his return from Mille Lake (1½ days). He leaves on Tuesday in company with Mr Chabouillize. This afternoon Kābŏmŏppi, a brother of F. Bruny, arrived, accompanied by one or two of the men who accompanied Mr. Wm Davenport.22 They met Mr. D. & company at Pelican Island, in (Leech Lake) in sight of the house. Collected the children & some others, & spent the usual time in singing &c. The weather is remarkably warm — the sun is daily melting off the snow. South winds prevail. No more frost in the night than in ordinary sugar seasons. We use a canoe to cross S. Lake River. Tuesday Eve. 11th Feby. Last Eve, wrote to Mr. Boutwell. This morning, Messrs A. Davenport, Chabouillize & Kābŏmŏppi left for Leech Lake. Charrette & Paul arrived this P. M. — feel rather nervous this evening. Thursday Eve. Feby. 13th 1834. There is an old man at this post, who has resided here for 40 years & probably more (in the country). He is a Canadian, & called Kennosh, but his family name is Comptois.23 He has been & 22. It is not certain if this was the same Kabomoppi (Kabamappa) who was a chief on the St. Croix River. See June 27, 1834. 23. This may be the Etienne Comptois listed as a voyageur in the North West Company’s List of Employees, 1805, Masson Papers.

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now is a very vicious man — is continually swearing — passionate — thieving — lying. He is probably near 90 yrs of age, & he has been so long in the custom of fishing & voyaging in a canoe, that he cannot be happy unless he is engaged, & whenever there is a prospect of taking any fish, he is seen to sling his net on his back & creep off toward the lake, to set it under the ice & in open water as opportunity affords. He now feels that he is gradually sinking with age, or as he says, “feels death in him.” I can sometimes make myself understood in a few words of Indian, but he understands no Eng. Today he came into the shop where I was at work & through Russell, requested that I would talk to him on the Sabbath. I asked him a few general questions, but my interpreter being called away by business, I promised I would read the Scriptures to him — have been much perplexed to know what course to pursue with him. He is afraid of death, but is self righteous in his Catholic forms of worship, which he daily performs. O Lord, direct me. Mr. Abbott has been here today, his family are recovering. Mc Donald, Mr Aitkins voyaging man, has for three evenings attended our evening worship, & seems disposed to continue.24 It is strange that they with all their prejudices, will listen to such a wretch as I am. O! Lord, strengthen me to my work. Help me to sow seed to everlasting life. Friday Eve. Feby 14th. This day has been mostly spent in my room, in reading, meditation & prayer. There is great lifelessness in my devotions. God knows my weakness, but I will trust in Him, & cry to Him for help & deliverance in the hour of temptation, & for faith. My school was visited by two of the largest girls from Mr. Abbott’s post — we spent much time in singing. This evening I went into the men’s house, & spent about 1½ hour in talking of the excellency of a character formed from the Scriptures, to 2 or 3 who understand English, singing in Ojibue, & reading the Crucifixion of C / in Ojibue. During my reading & singing there were 7 or 8 present of the Frenchmen who speak Ojibue, but one & another went away so that I was left with only half. This is the first time I have attempted to say or read anything to these ignorant, wicked, Catholics in their house together. A few days since, one of them, understanding I was to accompany Mr. D. to Leech Lake, says to 24. Donald McDonald, a voyageur in the Fond du Lac Department, was married to Jane Comptois, daughter of Michael Comptois. Chippewa Claim 82, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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McCormick, “Well, James, one very good thing. The little minister is going away.” McDonald remained in the house, & afterwards came in to evening worship — am troubled a little with a cold, & some pains in the chest. Sabbath Eve Feb. 16. This morning expounded 22nd Ch of Ezekiel, other exercises as usual. Found at Mr. Abbotts a young woman, wife of a Mr Roy, who speaks & reads English — was educated at the Sault St Maries.25 Spent some time in explaining the Ojibue alphabet to her. About sunset spent some time in reading & talking to “Kennosh” the old man mentioned, through a French interpreter. Have been closing my letters for Le Pointe this evening. The Lord has given me strength to day, I hope, to be faithful in declaring the word. May He forgive my lack of faith & love.

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Monday Eve. Feby. 17th. This morning Mr Aitkins left with a horse train for Fondulac & Le Pointe. I forwarded by him letters for Br. Hall (at L. Pt.) & Br. Ayer. Two of the men who accompanied Messrs. C. & Davenport to Leech Lake returned about noon. Mr. D. was to leave for home this morning. My school was visited by the young woman mentioned yesterday, & also two of Mrs Abbott’s sisters.26 I gave to the young woman (Mrs. Roy) an Ojibue book, an Eng. speller, & a Testament. She told me on enquiry that she was a Catholic. On being asked if she felt herself free to read the Scriptures, she answered — “Yes, I should often read, if I had them.” I added a few words concerning their importance, & urged her to seek to understand them in their spirit. The Lord bless this word to her. My iniquities press upon me this evening. I am ashamed of myself — find I cannot trust myself a moment. Saturday Evening, Feby. 22. Mr Davenport returned from Leech Lake on Wednesday morning, accompanied by Doct. Bell, one of Mr Abbott’s clks.27 By Mr. D. I recd a letter from dear Br. B. This morning an Indian left for L. L. — also Dr Bell’s man. By the Ind. I sent a line to Br. B. Scott 25. This may be Marie Lafond, wife of Joseph Roi, son of Jean Baptiste Roi. She was said to have been born at Sault Ste. Marie. Chippewa Claim 84, Lucius Lyon Papers. 26. Mrs. Abbott was Cecile Roi, daughter of Jean Baptiste Roi. She had three sisters: Theresa, Lisette, and Angelique. Chippewa Claims 37 and 84, Lucius Lyon Papers. 27. John William Bell may have had some training as a doctor, for on November 7, 1833, he was called to help Davenport’s wife in a difficult delivery. Boutwell Diary. He was later listed in American Fur Company (afc) records as a cooper. See Appendix F.

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has returned from St. P. as far as Mille Lake, & will be here in a few days. This evening Jondron (one of Mr Aitkin’s men) arrived from Fondulac, bringing me 3 letters from the States & one paper — also a line from Mr A. He was to leave for Le Pointe on Thursday last. Of the letters recd, one was from my Brother F. P. Ely [Philander], one from F. S. Whiting, & one from L. — feel tonight considerable short pain at the pit of the stomach. My poor heart is in a distressing condition — so unfitted for the Sabbath or this eve’s concert that I am ashamed to think of either.28 O! may my affections be wholly fixed on God. Mrs Davenport & her 3 children left for Gull Lake this morning. I have now no halfbreeds in my school. Have now 9 scholars. They make tolerable progress. They cannot bear the confinement customary to scholars in civilized lands. Sabbath Eve. Feby. 23d. Am this evening excessively fatigued — besides the usual routine of duties, I spent some time in reading to Kennosh. While reading two or three of the men came in, & wanted to know from whence the doctrine of Purgatory was derived. I assured them not from Bible, & read to them several passages showing that the soul entered immediately into its fixed state of retribution & that “as the tree falleth, so it shall lie” &c &c. Entered into no argument with them, but let the word of God speak for itself. After our evening service, Mr. Davenpt & myself, by request, sung near an hour with three young Indian women. The subject of discourse this morning was those attributes of C / which come within the power of man to imitate & possess — all but His supernatural attribute. Endeavoured to draw a picture of perfection & hold it up to view. My remarks were suggested by this thought, that Christ was the most perfect being earth ever beheld. I have been enabled to declare plainly the truth & have found a delight in doing so. Tuesday Eve, Feby. 25th. About noon, Mons. Belcour arrived from L. Lake, bringing me a letter from Br. Boutwell.29 Am ever happy to hear from that dear brother. He is patiently & anxiously [awaiting] my arrival there, as my 28. Had L. perhaps answered Ely’s letter of November 11 and told him she could not share his life and his labors? Lucia, born in 1815, married Franklin A. Spencer in 1840. Boston Emancipator, July 9, 1840. 29. Jean Baptiste Belcour was an independent trader whose post was located at the outlet of Leech Lake. Chippewa Claim 92, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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assistance, he says, is greatly needed. About 4 oclk, Mr. Wm Stitt arrived. Last week he left St Peters, on his way here staid a few days at his post at Red Cedar Lake — he travelled about 5½ days on his return, bringing his own provisions & blanket &c on his back, on foot — an extraordinary trip. This evening called the children together & sung. Mr. D. & Stitt were present.

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Wednesday Eve. 26th. About noon, Mr Aitkin arrived alone from Fondulac. He had with great difficulty proceeded on his way to Le.Pt. as far as Burnt [Brule] River, where beyond whh, the lake was not frozen. It was therefore impossible to proceed with a horse. He sent on two men by land, & himself & Mr Cotte, who accompanied him, returned to F. Today several Indians have arrived & left again. One lodge has left, & three of my scholars belonging to the family — gone. Another lodge has come in from whh I shall probably have 2. Was much amused this evening in the wigiwam to hear a child 3 yrs old sing several of our Indian hymns in tunes whh the children have learned from me. This family left here last fall & went down the river. The child has learned them of its br. & sister. Thursday Eve. Feby. 27, 1834. I today for the first time heard an Indian use profanity. He was endeavouring to repair a trap in the vice, but not succeeding, he gave vent to his vexation in an oath imprecation of the most horrid kind — in English — that some ungodly man had doubtless learned him. There is nothing in the Indian language capable of expressing oaths as used in Eng. & French. They sometimes call each other “Mōjianim” — or “Mojianimesh”— a bad dog — this is the extent of their profanity. About 4 P. M. today John Aitkins arrived from Gull Lake. I have this evening closed a letter to Br Boutwell — & also 2 papers, whh I forward by Belcour tomorrow. Saturday Evening, March 1st. McDonald arrived near sunset from Le Point, bringing an express from Sault St. Maries. I received a letter from my beloved friend Mrs Mary S. Wright of Rome N. Y. & also from Sister Delia Cook, Le Point. Was much disappointed in not receiving more letters or papers. Cannot think that most of my beloved friends in the States have forgotten me. If I knew they had, I could not soon forget them. There were a number of papers & let-

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ters for Br. Boutwell, & papers for Mr Johnson of Leech Lake.30 Have concluded to start for Leech Lake on Tuesday morning, God willing. I have been enquiring within myself this evening, to what end I live. Death stalks through the world, & if life is the “Summum Bonum,” we are not made for enjoyment, for it is very brief & full of trouble. I find an amount of worldliness whh I hardly supposed myself to possess, & whh startled me. Our copy of Dr James edition of the Ojibue Testament, complete, was forwarded from Le Pointe.31 We have long [been] wishing this.

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Sabbath Eve. Mar. 2d. Exercises today as usual. Talked as plainly as I could to “Kennosh,” about sunset, to show to him that there was salvation for all who would repent, & what his duty was. Doct. Bell & Mons. Massey32 have spent part of the day here. My heart has been worldly today. I am a miserable servant of God to show forth the Gospel to these heathen. The subject of our morning service was Isaiah, Chap’s. 25 & 26. This may be the last Sabbath that I shall ever declare the truth to these souls — as to plainness of speech, I think I have performed my duty to them, but my example & prayers are greatly deficient. Riviere O’Soule — Sunset Tuesday March 4th. This morning left Sandy Lake, on my way to Leech Lake, accompanied by one man (McDonald) & a dog train to carry my baggage. There are also in company a son of Mr Du Fault of Red Lake33 with 2 men & a man of Mr. Davenports of Leech Lake — in all 6 — & 3 trains drawn by 8 dogs. Do not know the distance we have travelled — probably about 10 leagues. The travelling has been very bad today, especially across the Grand Mōshkig [swamp], where the snow was nearly all washed away & quite wet — was very hard for the dogs, as it was bare ground most of the way. I was quite willing to camp. My ancles were very weary. It is the greatest days a walk I ever made, but hope to go one third farther on the 30. William Johnston, son of Sault Ste. Marie trader John Johnston and his Ojibwe wife, spent the 1833–34 season trading at Leech Lake in opposition to the American Fur Company. 31. Edwin James’s translation of the New Testament was published in 1833. 32. Louis Massey was a Swiss settler who had emigrated to St. Paul from the Red River Colony (Winnipeg) in 1826, established himself as a trader on the Mississippi, and later took up farming. Adams, “Early Days at Red River Settlement,” 88; Chippewa Claim 47, Lucius Lyon Papers. 33. Louis Dufault was the trader at Red Lake, and this was probably his eldest son, also Louis, who was about twenty-five at this time. Chippewa Claim 169, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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morrow — felt this morning quite unfit for this journey. Slept very little last night. May my soul praise God for this much strength. We are encamped in a beautiful grove of pines on the right bank of the river. Felt a good appetite for my supper — was much refreshed by a draught of a decoctn of Mōshkigōbōgon, or Labrador tea, whh grows in abundance in the swamps. Afterwards retired to the end of the grove, & sought the Lord in prayer — remembered with much interest before God, my dear friends at a distance who are enjoying all the comforts necessary & some, all that riches can purchase. They know little of this manner of life.

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Saturday Eve. March 8th. Leech Lake. Arrived on Thursday about 2 oclk P.M. A distance of at least 116 or 120 mls in 2½ days. We stopped travelling but twice each day, about 10 A M. for breakfast (starting at daylight), & again at night. Sometimes the men would sit down to smoke a pipe, but I generally preferred walking on. We travelled about ½ a day on the river. Crossed 8 small lakes. Travelled hard at least 3 hours on this lake before arriving here (the post). Found Mr. Boutwell well — some Indians about. They left for their hunts yesterday. Their families are mostly gone to their sugar camps on the shore of the lake — a great [part] of the beach is covered with maple. Have been today assisting Mr. [William] Davenport in repairing a large copper kettle to manufacture sugar with. We have spent every evening a season in singing Indian hymns — this evening also have [been] teaching the alphabet to some children who came in. Sabbath Eve. March 9th. This has been an unpleasant Sabbath to me. I have had no meetings as usual, no place of retirement except the forest, & it is rather too cold to remain still long out of doors. Have felt in a measure unfit in body to read or think closely on any subject. Have sung Indian hymns much of the time with the family & others who have been in, although with an effort. Today an Indian arrived from Red Lake to inform the Indians that the Sioux were provided with ammunition, & were determined to hunt the Ojibues. He had tobacco with him with which to make smoking parties or councils, which are never held without the pipe. He has gone to overtake the men who left a few days since, & inform them, as they have gone towards the Sioux country. At the councils, their decision must be

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unanimous.34 If this report is true, there will doubtless be bloodshed. O! how little has God been honoured this day by me. I have no heart to write down lamentations — my life more with such, than fruits of repentance. Have read a little today in Memoirs of Henry Martyn.35 Sabbath Eve. March 16th. The sun rose gloriously this morning. After our usual morning worship & our frugal meal, I sought retirement in the forest, seated at the foot of a majestic oak, full 4 ft. in diameter. I read & meditated the 5th Psalm, & sought the help of my God in prayer. Nothing broke the silence of the wilderness, save the cry of the raven, which were very abundant. Accompanied Brother Boutwell across the bay to Point Aux Pins, so called from the delightful grove of pines whh covers it (the Pt extends about 1 mile into the lake) to the post of Mons. Bruny (a halfbreed) & clk of Am. F.36 Here we spent about 2 hours in reading & singing in Ojibue. Besides the halfbreeds, a few Indians were present, one of whom was the present chief of this band, & who owns the house occupied by M. Bruny. The old chief in accordance with the custom of many posts, had hoisted his Am. flagg (whh every chief possesses), showing at least that he knew it to be the Sabbath.37 He frequently hears us read & sing, seems pleased with our singing, & listens attentively to the word of God — behaves with much decorum & apparent good will. Soon after we returned, McDonald arrived from Sandy Lake, bringing us letters & papers from the Am. Board & two papers from N. Y. City. Mr. Abbott had returned from St Peters, brought them as far as Sandy Lake. About ½ an hour after Mc D. arrived Mr. Chabouillize & Alfred Aitkins arrived from Red River Colony, bringing Mr. B. letters & Eng. miss. periodicals from the Eng. missionaries (Rev. Mssrs. Cochran & Jones) at the Colony.38 Their letters express much Christian spirit & fellow 34. It was generally the Indian custom to discuss issues in council, each person listening respectfully to the other, and then come to a unanimous decision, or at least a consensus. Sherman Hall Journal, September 4, 1831; James Smith, “Leadership among the Southwestern Chippewa,” 11. 35. Henry Martyn (1781–1822) was an Anglican missionary to India and Persia. 36. François Brunet, Chippewa Claim 123, Lucius Lyon Papers. 37. It had long been the custom for traders and explorers to give the chief a flag of the country he represented. Both Zebulon M. Pike and Thomas L. McKenney had noted this usage. Pike, Journals of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 1:93–94; McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 314. 38. Rev. David Thomas Jones (1824) and Rev. William Cockran (1825) had been sent to the Red River Colony by the Church Missionary Society. They served both the settlers, mostly Scottish, and the Indians.

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feeling in the work among the Indians. It is indeed encouraging to such hearts at work north of us. May the Lord prosper us until our fields shall meet. Have been rather unwell for a few days. Today, it was with much difficulty that I could sing from weakness of voice.

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Friday, Mar. 28 1834. Mr. Davenport’s family have been at their sugar camp, so that much of the time Br. B. [and I] have lived alone. I have done nearly all the cooking, our fish & potatoes are gone — rice & flour also — no meat. We live on corn, & that of a very poor quality. The weather is yet too severe to make sugar, & no fish can be taken until the rivers open, except a very few by the spear. The Indians in the meanwhile & nearly all the posts N. of Sandy Lake, & some South, are nearly starving. Mr. Abbott’s post across the bay have long been out of provisions, & Mr Johnson & Dr Bell are obliged to go out every morning & spear fish for the food of the day. Mr. Davenport has yet provisions for perhaps 10 or 12 days. By that time we trust, fish can be taken. If not, we shall be obliged to go ourselves to hunt fish where we can get them, trusting in the Lord. I have never before been placed in such close quarters — yet we fear not, trusting in the Lord. These are some of the perils incident to the missionary cause — let us be willing to endure & suffer whenever God sees fit. Sabbath, April 6, 1834. The sufferings of the Indians & others have not, for a few days past been so great. The fish “begin to give” (as is the phrase of the land) & the Indians buy a few from the traders who take — but only enough to keep them alive. Mr. Davenport gets barely not enough to ration his men. The only bread stuff we have is corn. The sugar season is bad, whh makes it still worse for the Indians, as their great dependence at this season is upon it. Warm south winds have prevailed two or three days & last night a powerful rain. The ice is fast giving away — probably 10 or 12 days will see its strength destroyed. I commenced translating with the aid of Mr. Johnston “Peter Parley’s Geography” last Monday, & every day since have been over to his post — have wrote about 6 Chap.39 39. This book of geography lessons for children was written by Samuel G. Goodrich and published in 1829. The complete title was “Peter Parley’s Method of telling about Geography.”

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Sabbath, April 13th. Thus the goodness of God is still manifested toward us, in that we are permitted an existence on the earth. During the past week, all has been well with us. The post has been plentifully supplied with fish. Weather has been exceedingly warm, freezing a little in the night. The strength of the ice is nearly exhausted. Monday Eve, 14th. This morning about sunrise, Brother B. & myself went to the camp of the “Butterflys” wife (the mother of the little boy who has been under Br B’s charge the past winter) to bring home a keg of sugar whh she had made for him as a present in consideration. We started to carry it home with a portage collar. After getting on to the lake we lashed it to two poles, & lest one should break, to one in the hand. About 9 oclk, as we were crossing the bay & within ½ a mile of the house we came on to a field of ice so weak that it was literally cracking under our feet. It was in fact a mere honeycomb. I was drawing the train, & Br. B. had the extra pole in his hand. We began to make for shore (about ¼ mile off ) stepping with all the care possible. Soon Br. B. fell through, but by means of his pole got out & crawled on all fours a little distance & regained his feet, but in a few moments, he went in again, & got out same as before — as he fell his pole flew from his hand. I had hardly cried to him to seize it, when my footing gave way & down I sunk, but holding the train poles in my hands, I sunk no lower than my hips. The men at the house saw us crossing the traverse & feared for us. When they saw us go down, they ran with such things as they could lay their hands on for our relief, but by the aid of our poles we succeeded in getting out & crawling to the shore with our load (but in momentary expectation of falling through again) before the men arrived. Sabbath, April 20th. The next day after our escape from the peril above related, the ice began to break up, & 3 days since the bay was entirely clear — this morning nothing was to be seen on the lake but the foaming of the billows. Last night all the remaining ice broke up & sunk. We could not, at the time of our danger, realize the extent of it, but now we see the hand of God in our narrow escape. Had the ice continued to break before us as it usually does in that stage, we should have perished, or at least suffered severely. The watchful eye of Him who holds all things in his hand,

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saw & relieved us. Today a gale is blowing from the N.E. & the lashings of the swells on the beach is our music today.

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Wednesday Apl 23. Monday it was so cold that the bushes on the beach were covered with icicles. Yes[ter]day. the gale was tremendous. Some snow fell (one or two inches) — last night the gale moderated considerably. This morning one of Mr. Aitkins canoes whh arrived on Sunday, left for its return. Br. Boutwell has started for St. Peters.40 [He] Went to the entry of the river in Mr. Davenport’s canoe, & was then to embark in the other & descend to Sandy Lake. Before they left the house, the breeze had increased, & we could see them in the traverse struggling with the billows. Mr. Ds canoe is a first rate one & manned by 5 men. They are to return from the entry with a load of goods brought there by the canoe from Sandy Lake, & left in consequence of the gale. Empty canoes in almost any wind make the traverse, but a load[ed] one would surely go to the bottom. Two Indians who arrived from their hunt last night made it this P.M. in a very small canoe. These men brought in 3 or 400 worth of furs, the result of the spring hunt. Sat. Eve. Apl. 26.th Thursday eve, between 9 & 10 oclk, Mr Aitkins arrived, & has left for Sandy Lake to day. This morning, went to Shinguak Neashi41 in a canoe manned by 6 men, in company with Mr. Aitkins. Returning, the canoe leaked so much, that with all the exertions of 6 strong men, she was nearly water logged when we reached the shore. Probably if we had another mile to go, we should have sunk. We had 5 or $600 worth of furs on board. This afternoon, an Indian came to the house (who had previously given to Mr. Davenport’s man the result of his hunt) who had taken a credit last fall, & instead of paying his credit, wanted to trade the amt of his pack. Mr. D. told him he must pay his credit — the Indian refused. Mr. D. said that he would not trade his furs. The Indian then demanded them. Mr. D. told him that the furs were his, to the amount of his credit, & he should not deliver them. Upon this, the Ind. became enraged, & raised himself up with his knife in his hand. Mr. D. caught a lance, which was at hand, & 40. The Leech Lake mission received its mail and supplies via St. Peters. See Boutwell to Greene, December 18, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 41. Jingwak neiashi, Pine Point.

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told the Ind. to be peaceable, or consequences might follow. The Ind. was intimidated, & put by his knife — after waiting an hour or more, & seeing that Mr. D. was not to be moved, the Ind. settled his business & went off. It is a common thing for some stubborn Inds. to endeavour to intimidate the traders [by] drawing their knives, & the only way is for the trader to show them that he is not afraid of him, as an appearance of fear would more embolden them. But to let an Indian see that you are perfectly calm & determined, & he will quail before you. Br. Boutwell is to await the return of Mr A. at Sandy Lake. I wrote him a line by Mr. Aitkins also — another to Sister Ayer of Yellow Lake.

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Monday Ap. 28. This morning George Bonga sent us word that the Kiji Osaie, the most influential chief of this band would be at his post (Pt aux Pines) during the day, & that if I wished to say anything to him, I had better come over, as the chief would start for Sandy Lake next morning. I accordingly went, & G. Bonga interpreted to him the amount of a letter Mr. Boutwell left for the chiefs. He could give no formal answer until he had conferred with the other chief who had not returned from his hunt, but said that no one surely would object to our building on the point (whh Br. B. had contracted for with an Indian woman).42 He is a man of about 50 or 55 years of age, of somewhat downcast look, but behaves with much gravity & propriety. He is the most influential man in the band.43 After I returned, he came to see Mr. Davenport, & took supper with us, sitting at table & using knife & fork. Thursday May 1. Last evening, one of the principal soldiers of this band was here, & is to leave in a few days for the Hudsons Bay fort at Rainy Lake with furs, with the hope of purchasing liquor. Although the U.S. have prohibited the bringing liquor within their territory by American or other traders, yet the Indians this man said, that he would tell Johnson that if he did not bring liquor in next fall, he would not make many packs — & that they 42. Boutwell had made an agreement with the sister of Kiji Osaie for some land adjoining her maple sugar camp on Stoney Point, where he intended to build a mission. Boutwell Diary, March 19, 1834. 43. Boutwell described Kiji Osaie (Gichi-osaye), the Elder Brother, as the second chief, but “the first in the affections of the band.” Boutwell to Greene, December 18, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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will go to R. Lake, where they can buy it.44 If this band should be supplied with it, it would be an awful place, the spirit of war would be kindled with the neighboring tribes & our hopes of civilizing them fail. Feby 4th 1834 Francis Wright. A. Sisson Esq. Asaph Sykes. Wm . B. Talcott Wm C. Sampson Alfred L. Wells N. Y. Feby 17th Rev. S. Hall F. Ayer Mar 7 L. W. Jane L. Wright (& Helen) F. Ayer & Doct. Borup Mar. 17 F. S. Whiting L. M. Warren April 22 Jos. Ely Waite Talcott Rev. J. P Pepper Thos Hastings " 25. Mrs. Ayer

44. The Act to Regulate Trade and Intercourse with the Indian Tribes of June 30, 1834, outlawed the use of liquor in the Indian trade. Peters, Public Statutes, 116. The Rainy Lake post was in British territory and not affected by the ban.

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Chapter 4

Leech Lake to Fond du Lac and La Pointe May 4 to December 28, 1834

Journal 4

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May 4 to December 28, 1834

1834 Sabbath May 4th. There are now two or three lodges encamped about the house, but they will soon be gone to their gardens. Most of Mr. Davenports Indians have arrived. There is no observance of the Sabbath in the trade, but when Indians come, they must be attended to. The traders say that the argument that it was the Sabbath, & they could not trade on that day, would be of no avail with the Indians, they would go where they could trade at any time. They do not require their men to labour, but do not hesitate to send them on derwin,1 (i.e. to visit lodges at a distance, to get furs) on Sabbath. Almost every post is furnished with an Am. Flagg. In accordance with a long established custom of the N. W. Company, the flagg is hoisted on Sabbath, by whh. the Indians have learned the periodical return of the day. The love of ornament with the Indians is excessive. Mr. D. has had a visit this morning from “Red Cheeks,” an Indian who arrived a few days since with a good pack. His wife displays much taste in the arrangement of her profusion of silver ornaments & bead work, & makes the most interesting appearance of any Indian woman I have yet seen. The scarcity mentioned March 28 was owing, in part, to several causes. The mildness of the winter enabled the buffalo to keep mostly in the plains (the cold weather gener1. En dérouine, an expression used in the fur trade to refer to the traders going out to the Indian camps to trade.

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ally drives them into the thick woods of the Ojibue hunting grounds) & thus, Indians who hunted in that quarter were deprived of usual resources. There were remarkably few bear—the cold weather of the early part of winter drove them to their dens, & no snow having fallen, they could not be tracked. Another very important reason is, the Indians generally made a mistake of one month. Calculating February to be March, & the mildness of the weather strengthened them in the belief, consequently, they began to come in almost one month earlier than usual. Their “caches” or deposits of rice & corn, whh generally supply during the sugar season & when they return from the winter hunt, were opened & destroyed. It was too early for fish. The men were obliged to go out again, but suffered from the above mentioned want of large animals, & their families starved at home, their “caches” being devoured. The traders generally get supplies of meat from the Indians, but this year, could get none, hence their sufferings. During three weeks of the heart of winter, the only food of one of the clerks was three deer skins, & one elk skin. These he boiled until digestible. The only exercise of any kind I have had with others today, except family devotions, is to hear the little boy read who has been under the instruction of Mr. Boutwell the past winter, & this he does with reluctance, when other Indians are about, fearing their scorn & remark. It was with reluctance that he read in presence of his father this morning, & when I asked him if he would sing, he answered, “by & bye.” His father, day before yesterday, requested me to teach his boy to write. I never so much saw my deficiencies as at this time. I seem to lack the important requisites of a successful missionary—spirituality, meekness, love, humility—& I know that Christ can alone deliver. I believe that Satan tried to throw discouragement before my mind yesterday. Mr. D. began to tell me of the remarks & laughings of the Indians with regard to our coming here, & added that until civilisation took place among them, our labours were in vain & offered to lay a bet with me that one convert would not be added to us in ten years to come. As fast as he brought up difficulties, I repeated, “thus & thus saith the Lord,” & quoted Gods works in other lands & among other Indians of our country, particularly Brainard, shewing him that our hope was not in ourselves—that while we had such promises, we had no cause of discouragement although no apparent effect were produced in twenty

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years, but that the Lord might disappoint him in one, that he was limiting God, & saying “thus & thus canst thou work & not otherwise.” Thursday May 8th Have been expecting the arrival of Mr. [ James] Ermatinger from Red Cedar Lake on his way to Sandy Lake, & in consequence of scarcity of provisions (having nothing of importance to require my stay) had intended to accompany him, but the week is now so far advanced, that it would bring me on my journey on Sabbath, & have determined not to go if he should go this week.2 It will require about four days to make the voyage down, but it is 7 days ascending the river. We have no resources but our nets, & we get each morning scarce sufficient for the day. This morning we got but a scanty breakfast, & shall probably go to bed supperless to night. Have been assisting Mr. D. yesterday & to day to mark his packs of furs—all are preparing to go out with their packs.3 Mr. D. intends leaving the 26th. Mr Johnson, in 8 or 10 days.

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Sat. May 10th. Today I have recd a letter from dear Br Boutwell dated at Sandy Lake 29th ult—was to leave next morning for St. Peters. Also several papers from the States via St. Peters, by Alfred Aitkins. The Kiji Osaie has returned & was the bearer of my package. The Indians say that the Indian Agent informed Alfred that the country would be supplied with spirits another year. This is to us melancholy news. If so, terrible will be the state of things, for they are mad to get possession of this bane of life. May the Lord have mercy on them. My health yesterday & today has been poor— quite an ill turn. I am better today than yesterday. Same fever. Sabbath, May 11. My health is much better today than yesterday, apparently. We have had much confusion in the house from Indians. The Kiji Osaie has been here, & also the “Yellow Robe,” who has been trading. Mons. Belcour has been here since Friday, wind bound by another N. W. gale— for 3 weeks past we have had high winds almost continually. To day I have been endeavouring to interest two young Indians, 16 or 17 years of age, by showing them scripture cuts &c. The Yellow Robe was attracted, & after 2. James Ermatinger, the son of George Ermatinger and brother of trader Charles Oakes Ermatinger of Sault Ste. Marie, was stationed at Upper Red Cedar Lake, now Cass Lake. 3. The furs had to be counted for each pack and pressed; then each pack was marked to indicate provenance. A pack weighed about ninety pounds. See Nelson, My First Years, 156–57.

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hearing & seeing some time, turned away remarking that “he could not read, & it would be of no use to look, if he could read then he could tell it all.” The Kiji Osaie has some little difference between himself, Mr. Aitkins & Mr Davenport, & it seems that the veracity of some one of them is implicated. He said to Mr. D. that he used to think that the truth was with the white men—he was convinced to the contrary, & that no white man should now turn him from his Indian ways. How much he meant to say in this, I know not. Have read several chapters from the Ojibue Testament to the “Butterfly”, & some others have listened. It has been a barren day to my soul. I intended to make this day a day of prostration of heart before God, but have suffered myself to be diverted by little things, & now I mourn over my leanness.

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Friday, May 16. This morning Mrs. Davenport & sister left for Red Lake in company with her brother, who arrived for her day before yesterday. She is to spend the season of Mr. D’s absence to Mackinaw with her father Mons. Du Fault, who resides at Red Lake.4 We are again our own housekeepers, but the time of our departure is at hand—expect to start one week from today. Our fishing is now so poor that it is necessary to spear with flambeaus [torches] almost every night. I have been today into the woods in the rain to get birch bark for flambeaus. The amount of turpentine or pitch in it renders it peculiarly good for that purpose. Surely the wisdom of God is seen in this tree, especially in this country. The staple for canoes, water pails, all kinds of dishes, corbeaus [baskets], sap buckets, flambeaus, & of great use to the voyager when travelling, as he is but to pluck a piece to make his fire. Sabbath, 18th. After the rains & thunder of the two past days, we have today an unclouded sky & a purified atmosphere & to crown His mercies, God has given us to day of the riches of the lake for sustenance & the privilege of worshipping Him in peace. O! may my soul drink at this fountain & live, never thirsting more for the waters of Babylon.5 It is a consolation that 4. William Davenport’s wife was Mary Dufault, daughter of Red Lake trader Louis Dufault. Her younger sister Louise was the wife of Joseph Montreuille, employee of the afc at Leech Lake. Their brother was Louis Dufault Jr. Chippewa Claims 81, 117, and 169, Lucius Lyon Papers. 5. In the Bible, Babylon, an ancient city located in Mesopotamia, symbolizes heathenism and idolatry. McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, 2:602.

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Jesus knows my weakness, & has infinite wisdom, knowing infinitely better than myself what I need, what to apply for my healing. The difficulties lie in the perverseness of my own heart. O! for living Faith. The old chief, Guelle Platte [Flat Mouth], has just left the house, having honorably paid his debts & traded the balance of his furs. He returned from his hunt 3 or 4 days since. I have engaged to go to Pt. aux pines tomorrow to deliver to him the amount of Rev Mr. Boutwell’s message to the chiefs. I feel in my mind the debility of my body—have for several days been rather unwell. Mr. D’s men, 7 in number have gone to Otter tail Pt about six miles (a long pt. running into the lake from the N. shore, almost dividing it in two) to trade for [maple] sugar with the Indians. Mr. D. said, “He had no time to give them—he could not command their Sabbaths, so they would go today.” He very kindly lent them his best canoe & paddles, & they went off striking to the tune, animated with the hope, doubtless, of gratifying their appetite. Sugar is to these Canadians the chief of all luxuries (of food), whh mainly consists in eating.

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Wednesday May 21. We are now ready to start on our way to Sandy Lake, & are waiting for the wind to fall to cross the lake. We hope it will fall at sunset, & we shall proceed to Mons. Belcours post near the entry.6 We get now but a scanty living, probably little more than half what would be eaten if it could be procured. We hope to make better fishing at the entry. This is our only resource for the 4 days we shall be descending the river. An old woman has just brought us in a bundle of flambeaus, & perhaps the Lord will so prosper us, that Mr. D. may kill some fish with his spear. Mons. Belcours Post. Leech Lake, May 22nd. About 11 oclk this morning we embarked. Was windy & cloudy in the morning, but a slight thunder storm cleared the weather so that we ventured to put off. In the traverse from Grand Point to Ottertail Pt. the swells were heavy. Stopped a short time at Otter T. Point. It is one of the most fertile spots I have seen in this country. It is called 6 miles from Mr. D’s Post. From O.T. Point to this point we made a much longer traverse, perhaps 9 or 10 miles. We are now 4 miles from the entry of the outlet. We this morning got but fish enough 6. The entry was actually the exit of Leech Lake River.

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for our breakfast—have brought one or two nets. Mons. Belcour has visited his nets & found two fish—of this, the post must make a supper. One was given to the men, the other reserved for Mons. B’s. table. The men from herbs procured in the woods, the fish & a little tallow, made themselves a kettle of soup. Curiosity prompted me to taste of their mess, & found it so good that I ate quite heartily of it. Mr. D. has been preparing his spear for this evening. These are all the means we have of getting food for our voyage to Sandy Lake.

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Friday, May 23d. The result of Mr. D.s spearing last evening, was six small fish. We had in the night a violent storm of thunder & rain—today, fair & windy. Have been marking Mons. Belcours packs. He is not hired to the A.M.F., but is furnished with goods by the Compy, & sells them his furs—is what is called a “freeman” in this country.7 One of Mr. Ds men scrapes the “fiddle” in Canadian style, & having found an old violin in Mons. B’s possession, they have already had two seasons of dancing (or capering). The Canadian taste is for a “jig”—which they “thump off ”—heel & toe—to purpose. Saturday. May 24. This morning we had a strong gale—about 10 oclk it abated—we loaded our canoes & left Mons. Belcours. We got 9 or 10 fish of Mons. B. who made a good fishing while we made none. I went to the woods & gathered about ½ bushel of the herb mentioned Thursday, that we might make the best of our little in an emergency. As we were near the entry, a breeze rose on our left quarter, so strong that we were in danger of wetting our packs & more, of filling—all the canoes took some water. The one in which I was embarked was smaller & shorter in proportion, & could not ride the swells as well as the others. We got safely into the river—a broad plain about ¼ mile in width is spread out before the eye, through whh the river winds its serpentine course with a strong current, & very deep. Nearly ½ the width is under water & now covered with the shashagōnōshk, a course straw, or reed, whh grows from 4 to 6 ft high, & looks like a field of grain ripe to the harvest. The whole plain is some part of the year covered with water. The water is now quite low, & but little 7. A freeman was one who had finished his service with the fur company and elected to remain in the country as a free man.

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is standing on it. The grass has sprung up, so that the appearance is like a beautiful meadow, almost perfectly level. We are encamped on an island in this meadow, or small rise, on which grows some scrub oaks, & in the centre, an ancient pine, from whh. the Indians call the spot “beshik-ogiteshinguak”8 i.e. “the pine whh was planted alone.” We have succeeded in spearing a few fish this afternoon. Mr. D. shot two large gray ducks. I went with 2 men across the meadow to another island the main land, & procured loaded ourselves with birch bark for flambeaus for spearing. I trust we shall be enabled with God’s blessing, to procure enough food to take us to Sandy Lake. Sabbath, May 25th. The results of Mr. Ds fishing last night was about 20 speared, & 9 in the nets, generally small. Several of those speared were the “Carp de France,” a rich fish, & about 1½ ft. in length. Montrille9 added a duck, so that our feelings were cheered this morning. An Indian who encamped with us last evening discovered a blk fox’s burrow in whh was a litter of young. Mr. D. declared his intention to open the burrow in the morning. About an hour after sunrise, all hands were rallied to bring off the young, leaving the kettle of ducks for me to cook, but they soon found that the cunning fox had put herself a little too far out of the way for their tools to reach—having only one axe, they were obliged to desist. The male fox stood some time in the meadow, barking, out of gun shot. From what Mr. D. had told me before our leaving the post, I had expected to spend the Sabbath at that encampment, but about 9 oclk the men began to load the canoes, & I saw that I must march also. I did not say anything to Mr. D. as he well knew my feelings on the subject, & we had so arranged the time, that we expected not to be on the voyage on Sabbath, but our want of provisions led him to start before the time. He offered no apology for marching today—did not mention to me that he intended so to do, & almost the first apprisal of it was the loading of the canoes. Necessity did not urge, & I know of no reason that can be urged before God or man for this breach of God’s law, but I find myself this evening in a wretched state of mind. The voyaging, new scenery, duck hunting, &c &c has diverted my mind. I am 8. Bezhigookide zhingwaak. 9. Joseph Montreuille, also called Jose, boatman in the Fond du Lac district. See Appendix F.

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like a wave of the sea, tossed by every untoward circumstance that crosses my path. I do not seem to be calculating that Satan always snatches at such opportunities to hurt me. O! how blessed the privileges of those who can go up to the house of God on Sabbath! We are in this country, obliged to travel on Sabbath because we are dependent on those who regard it not. We are now encamped near the outlet of “Lac Vaux” or “Muddy Lake.”10 Country through which we have travelled very like that of yesterday. Tuesday Eve, May 27. Lake Winnipeg.11 Yesterday it was a stormy day—of course, we were unable to travel with packs. In our fishing at Muddy Lake, the Lord prospered us, & up to this morning, we had taken about 70 fish— all had as much to eat as they could wish. Wet weather continued today, & Mr. D. with 4 men started for this place, & permitted me to accompany him. Our route was down this river to the forks of Mississippi, down the Miss. about 3 miles, where we enter a stream on the N.E. side of that river, ascend to “Lake La Crosh”12—thence up a small stream to a small lake— thence by a stream scarce wide enough to force a canoe around its bends, into “Round Lake.” From this lake we make a portage of one pose, westerly, & fall into a lake on the west side of whh. the Mississippi enters & passes out, its west bank forming that of the Lake. Thence we ascend into this lake or a bay of it. This post is occupied by Mons. Belangie & sons.13 They have been settled here for some years—has quite a large stock of cattle & a dairy of 15 cows (I think). Here I was supplied with abundance of milk, for whh I was very grateful. When we arrived we were drenched with the rain, as from Round Lake it had rained very hard. This is a fine lake, broad, & about 5 leagues in length. Here we found Mr. Fairbanks & family—also Mons. Boudway, on their way to Sandy Lake with furs.14 In the evening, the Canadians assembled & requested me to sing Indian hymns. The younger 10. Leech Lake River passes into and then out of Mud Lake, and about three miles farther it enters into the Mississippi. 11. Lake Winnibigoshish. 12. Ball Club (La Crosse) Lake. 13. Augustin Belanger and his sons Augustin Jr., Paul, Joseph, and Jean Baptiste traded at Lake Winnipeg, or Winnibigoshish. Chippewa Claims 39, 144, and 169, Lucius Lyon Papers. 14. Mons. Boudway is possibly Jean Baptiste Boudré. John Fairbanks was a trader at Red Cedar Lake. Chippewa Claims 28 and 80, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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Mrs. Belangie had sung with us at Sandy Lake, & also at Leech Lake.15 There was also an Indian in their employ who had sung with us (at Leech Lake). Jose Montrille, a half breed in Mr. Davenports employ, was also with us. We sung all our hymns, & afterwards, they inquired if I could pray in Indian. I told them I knew the Lords Prayer. Read a portion of scripture in Indian, & joined in prayer—concluded with Lords Prayer in Indian. The family & nearly all present are strict Catholics except Messrs. D. & F. Wednesday May 28. Storm continues. Mr. D. in consequence would not return. I am as one alone—all conversation is in French or Indn. This evening attended prayers again, but few present, as the men were dancing in the adjoining house. Wind north & quite cold. Mr. D. says we must go tomorrow, storm or calm.

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Thursday Eve May 29. Muddy Lake. About 10 this morning left Mons B’s. for our camp. Mons. Be. made me a very acceptable present of a few pounds of excellent butter—also to Mr. D. some dried sturgeon, & dried fish to the men. Much light rain, but not enough to wet us much—distance is between 25 & 30 miles. We arrived about 4 oclk P.M. as near as we could judge. The two men who remained had nearly 40 large Brussias hung on poles to dry, whh was a gratifying sight to us.16 Some appearances of a fine day tomorrow—if so, we march. Mr. D. since we arrived told me in course of conversation that he should arrive at Sandy Lake on Sabbath. I had a little conversation on the propriety of setting at defiance the command of God for man’s convenience. He said we should have nothing to eat & must go. I told him to look to the Lord, that He was even now taking out of his mouth the argument whh led him to travel last Sabbath, by prospering our fishing. Falls of Mississippi, Friday, May 30. Left Muddy Lake about 6 this morning. Weather cloudy. It is the 5th day that the sun has been obscured by clouds—a very little rain early in the morning. Our passage down the Mississippi was pleasant, but the sameness of the landscape made us anxious to push on. We had had enough of savanns & bends, but nothing worse than the plains of Pt. aux Chenes—that point itself is a most beautiful spot of oaks & rich soil. 15. The wife of Augustin Belanger Jr. was Charlotte Cotté. July 17, 1831, Register of St. Anne’s Church, Mackinac. 16. Probably brochets, or pike.

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There are old Indian gardens on the pt.—we stopped & built a fire.17 The Indian name is “Memīshimĕshikā”—remained about half an hour, proceeded on, out of the plains, where the banks of the river were timbered. Rain began to fall a little about 2 or 3 oclk & we encamped—had hardly done so when we heard a yell, & on looking up stream, saw coming round the bend the canoes of Mons. Belangie & Mr. Fairbanks—5 canoes. The weather appearing tolerably fair, at their instigation we embarked again. We were now 9 canoes— quite a large brigade, having on board about 60 packs worth say $9000. Passed “Pōkegŏmā,” so called because there are three streams starting in different directions, at equal angles—banks became higher, & river narrower.18 Entered the rapids, & came down to the shoot, where we have to make a portage—we have made it & are encamped on the high bank overlooking the shoot—the roaring of the furious current will be our music tonight.19 Mr. D. & myself supped with Messrs Belangie & Fairbanks our meal consisted of dried sturgeon, boiled. I found the gills of the sturgeon a delicacy to my good appetite. We then had some griddle cakes made of sturgeon eggs with a little flour whh we ate with maple syrup. This is the first thing I have seen in shape of bread for many weeks. I partook heartily. Every part of a sturgeon is eaten. Even the skin of the back (crisped) of whh I ate little yesterday, is deemed good, & in fact I should not starve on sturgeon. Swan River Portage. Sabbath June 1st. Left the falls yesterday morning & ran safely down the rapids, whh were very rough. The country below Pōkegŏmā has been higher—at least one bank of the river high & heavily timbered. About two oclk it began to rain, & before we could find an encampment (a suitable place to unload the canoes), I was wet through. It was quite chilly—as it was, our encampment was a wet brake, filled with rushes & the earth soaked with water. Messrs B. & F. went down the river a little farther. After some time Mons. Boudway arrived & encamped above us in a marias [marais], & towards evening Mr. Johnston arrived from Leech Lake in a small canoe. Spent an unpleasant night—much & heavy rain. 17. They are now at White Oak Lake. 18. Pokegama (bakegamaa) is a lake that is off to the side of a river, such as this Pokegama of the Mississippi. There was also a Pokegama near the mouth of the St. Louis River, and another one on the Snake River. 19. These are the Grand Rapids of the Mississippi.

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This morning still cloudy—about 10 oclk we embarked, & although our canoe was heavily loaded, & the men would cast a wishful eye at me as they toiled hard to keep in company with the rest, & occasionally drop a word concerning the heavy canoe to me—yet I was determined, that if I could not stop travelling, that it should be a day of rest on board, so my paddle remained dry. Have had a little rain. It has been a wretched Sabbath. The Indian yell, Canadian voyageur’s song, & blackguard & profanity have echoed through the forest all day. We are pleasantly camped—the sky is nearly clear & the 7th day of the storm. Sandy Lake. Monday June 2. Started a little after sunrise this morning, & arrived about 1 oclk. A delightful day. Mons. Belcour, Bonga, & the Brunettes arrived this afternoon.20 Found letters from Mr. Boutwell here—he was to leave St. Peters on the 13th ult. for Yellow Lake—also a line from Br. Ayer, & some papers from N. Y. & Boston. Brother Boutwell gives an account of meeting two young men on board a steamboat at St. Peters, who had come on from Conn. on their own expense to acquire the language of the Sioux & endeavour to teach them.21 I have this afternoon written a line to these dear brethren, & by request of B. B. enclosed to them a copy of Pickerings orthography. I expect to leave tomorrow for Fondulac—am informed that there are letters at F. for us. Yesterday morning one of Mr. Davenports men laid a wager with another that he would eat at once a pan of sugar (nearly 4 qts, I should think). If he succeeded he was to have the sugar free— if not, he staked a shirt worth in this country $4. The fellow soon gave up the attempt—this is an example of the beastly sensuality of many of these Canadians. Another, called Morrin, noted for his eating, has been the sport of all the others during the voyage, & especially for two days past.22 Some, kept in countenance by others, & delighting in making sport for others to laugh at, have abused him shamefully. Thus it is that some stronger delight to domineer over others whom they know are in their power. 20. The Brunet brothers were Francis, 40; Joseph, 36; Hyppolite, 32; and Baptiste, 22. Chippewa Claims 123, 124, and 125, Lucius Lyon Papers. 21. Samuel and Gideon Pond were the two brothers from Washington, Connecticut, who had decided to become missionaries to the Dakota Sioux. Rev. Stephen R. Riggs, “Protestant Missions,” 128. 22. This could be Robert Morrin of La Pointe, engaged as a voyageur to the Fond du Lac Department.

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Tuesday June 3d. Entry of Sandy Lake. Left the house little after noon, & encamped here (about 1½ miles) in a powerful rain.

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4th. East end of Savann Portage. Left the entry of S. Lake at sunrise, & arrived here about noon. Mr. Abbott’s brigade & family are in the portage. I crossed the portage to see Mr. Scott—found Mr. Aitkins first brigade, whh left the fort 3 or 4 days before us, just arriving, & to leave in the morning. I returned, & putting a few necessaries into my knapsack of books, & lashing my blanket on, I left my remaining things in Mr. A. Davenport’s charge, & shouldered my knapsack. I arrived here about sundown, quite fatigued enough. The portage 13 poses, & from the late rains, extremely bad. I have previously (I think) given some account of this portage, in Sept. last23—in all, I have walked this P.M. 39 poses—about 18 miles—& 4½ miles through mud & water almost knee deep. This brigade is in charge of Mr. A. Davenport, as also is the one I left, with whh. he is, but in his absence, is given in charge to Mr. C. Chaboillize & Alfred Aitkins. John Aitkins & Wm Stitt are with us. The packs require the utmost care, as a little wet, unattended to, would ruin the furs. 5th. Soon after sunrise this morning we embarked on Savann River. Had a delightful day until toward night. Came to the grand Rapids.24 Mr. Abbotts brigade had already arrived, & just as we arrived began to descend with their loads, although not as heavy as ours. In low water they cannot be descended with but ½ loads, & are much more dangerous. The water is now high. After observing the descent of Mr. A’s canoes, our people determined to descend as they were. The canoe in which I was took the lead, being manned by the most experienced & careful men—we were heavily loaded. It is almost terrific, truly sublime, to find yourself on a frail bark canoe, descending a current swift as a mill race, the water lashing into a foam & dashing in a furious manner among rocks, & raised into swells whh would seem to swamp our canoe in an instant—in fact one of them would sink us—but the wonderful buoyancy of a canoe seems to bid defiance to their wrath—in descending the last shoot (of whh there are 4 or 5) called the Pine Rapid, we had well nigh gone to the bottom, from the extreme swiftness of the water & 23. See September 17 and 18, 1833. 24. See September 15, 1833.

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endeavouring obliquely to get into an eddy, we fell into almost sidewise the most terrible swells we had yet encountered. The canoe, going over one, began to roll in the trough, & the next swell dashed over our gunwale, we took considerable water. I was sitting on that side of the canoe, & was much wet. I expected the next instant we should fill & upset, whh would perhaps have been death to us all, at least to some as we should have been hurled among rocks & probably rendered helpless by bruises. Paul Beauvier was in the bow. Mr. Stitt steered. One of Mr. A. Davenports little boys & a little girl of Mons. Laundree were with us.25 By the utmost exertion the canoe was turned so that we took the next swell on our quarter & rose over it, & thus were saved from impending destruction. O! how prone the heart to ascribe such deliverances to the efforts of men. Another canoe took some water—a few pack[s] were a little wet, & would have been drenched, were it not for the bear skins & oilcloths with whh every canoe is covered. We are encamped at the foot of this last shoot. It has rained powerfully since our encampment & during the evening. Friday 6th, foot of Portage Coteau. This morning looked like a showery day. We embarked about 10 oclk, descended a rapid of 2 shoots—arrived at the head of portage. There Mr. Abbotts brigade were already encamped. Doct Bell & Messrs Scott & Massey are with the brigade. Mr Abbott is yet behind. About 2 oclk I took my baggage on my back & crossed the portage. Mr. Laundree & myself have been setting some lines, hoping to catch a kettle of catfish. Our men are now making the last pose with the baggage. One of our best men has just come to me, having fallen in the portage with his load, & sprained his ancle severely. I had no remedies, & knew not much about it. It was much swollen. A woman scarified it with a flint, after bleeding some. They have applied Opodeldoc26 & bound it up in flannels. The Brussia (the Chief of Sandy Lake, before mentioned) & family, are on their way to the “Sault,” in company with the Brigade. In the evening I assembled with Messrs Laundree & Stitt, Mrs A. Davenport & two sisters, 4 or 5 of my Sandy Lake scholars & others of the half breeds, in Mr. Laundree’s tent, & spent an hour 25. Jean Baptiste Landré’s daughter Lisette was at this time about nine years old. Ambrose Davenport’s sons were William, seven, Henry, five, and Joseph, one. Chippewa Claims 39 and 133, Lucius Lyon Papers. 26. A kind of liniment made of soap, camphor, and oil of rosemary.

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in singing, & concluded with prayer & the Lord’s prayer in Ojibue. During the Indian prayer, I could distinctly hear voices devoutly repeating the prayer with me. It was truly cheering to hear a voice of these benighted people, on their knees, thus making this sweet prayer their own. I have mentioned an Indian who sung with us at Lake Winnipeg [Winnibigoshish]. His name is “Ogima-Idikit,” or “the Chief Speaks.” On the evening that we encamped at the entry of Sandy Lake, he requested me to sing, & came into the tent for this purpose. “Ningōshkendŏm.” “I am sad” said he. I felt that it was a rare opportunity for conversation with him—but alas! I was dumb from necessity.27 O! when shall I be able to converse freely with this people! Saturday Eve. June 7th. Fondulac Post. From our encampment, the canoes can take but ½ loads for the distance of near ½ mile, & the water is now so high, current is now so strong, that canoes cannot return for the remainder. The men were consequently obliged to carry the remaining baggage. I walked over—below this, there is a series of lesser rapids—it is but 3 miles above the Grand Portage. The last rapid is bad—we therefore took portage path, & walked down about 1 mile. The canoes took ½ loads. Here Mr. Abbotts brigade had arrived before us—got breakfast about 11 oclk. & soon after, about noon, took my knapsack on my back & started for this post. A river of about 2 rods in width crosses the portage, about 6 poses from that end of the portage.28 This had now become swollen into a furious torrent by the recent rains. On arriving, I saw a pole stuck in the ground, from whh hung a piece of birch bark, & leaning upstream.29 I therefore concluded that it was too deep for an Indian to cross. I therefore ascended the stream & soon saw two trees fallen into the stream, but the tops extended no further than a small island, & with a pole I found the water too deep to cross safely. Here I found another Indian direction to go upstream. Some distance above I found a place where a raft had been built—here was an eddy on each side, & the current in the middle was comparatively smooth. I had no axe, but in less than half an hour I constructed a raft of decayed poplars 27. Ely still could not speak Ojibwe, but he sang with them and read to them from the Bible. 28. This is probably Midway River. 29. It was the custom for travelers who wanted to indicate the direction of their journey to leave a stick in the ground, slanted in the direction they were going, sometimes with a message on a piece of birchbark. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 177.

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which I could break into proper lengths, & bound my timbers together with with[e]s. On embarking, my frail pindosa-gŏn [raft], as the Indians call it would but sustain self & baggage, but, standing on my knees I succeeded in balancing myself, so as to prevent an upset in the current. I then ventured into the stream, paddling with a pole, & crossed into the other eddy safely, but fell so far below that I was brought against a nearly perpendicular rock of 7 or 8 feet in height, & whh extended several rods below, & was then washed by the current—this then was my only chance of escape, & happily, just at this point, a small birch grew, & on this was lodged a tamarack, the top of whh rested on a crevice of the rock. I succeeded in catching hold of some branches—my rotten raft had every moment become less buoyant, & was evidently sinking. An under current was forcing it down into the torrent. I had then, with one hand, to sustain myself from sinking & also my raft from going down stream. Succeeded in slinging my knapsack upon the brush of the tamarack. I soon found that I was pulling away the foundation which supported my baggage, & it was about rolling upon me. There was no alternative—I abandoned the raft, & threw one knee around the tamarack, whh was low—there was no bottom for my foot—in another moment & my knapsack would have fell into the stream. I seized it & succeeded in raising it on to the fallen tree, but not without getting it wet. I then got upon the tree, & climbed the rock by laying hold of the small crevices, drawing my knapsack after me. I then descended after my coat, whh. I had taken the precaution to divest myself of in case of shipwreck. Having thus escaped, I fell on my knees & gave thanks to Him who watcheth over our ways, & is ever ready to preserve, when His glory requires it. In consequence of heavy windfalls, I was often obliged to leave the beaten path. I once lost the path, & wandered about for some time, seeking for it—by halloing to some Indians whom I knew were a little behind, I was set right again. Arriving at this end of the portage, the water covered the path on the flats.30 I therefore was obliged [to] climb the hill, & pick my way through the brush for about 2 miles. It was but a series of hills & gulphs running perpendicularly to the river, formed by small streams running from the high lands. While on the river side, frequent avalanches of earth & trees sliding 30. The Women’s Portage.

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into the river below, enabled me to view my romantic situation—the river, dashing down the rapids, more than 100 feet below me, & the mountains on the other side. In my journey up this river last Sept. I mentioned this ridge of mountains.31 I arrived here about 4 or 5 oclk, very much fatigued. Stay with Mr. Aitkins family. The household order & neatness bears the marks of civilisation. Having been obliged to travel for the two last Sabbaths, I rejoice that I can spend the morrow in peace & comfort. I here recd a package containing letters & papers from Le Pointe & one from my beloved friend Talcott, who remains at Albany, & one from dear cousin Amanda Day. Thus in the midst of toils is my soul cheered, but afflicted also, for Amanda announced to me the sudden death of my Uncle Joseph Ely of apoplexy on 28th of July 1833 at St. Louis, & the return of his family to W. Springfield. I had recently written him at St. Louis, but he is beyond the reach of earthly epistles. When I last saw him in 1829 he made no pretentions to religion, & Amanda is silent on this subject. He was the only remaining brother of my Father—3 sons & 1 daughter, & their parents have gone to the world of spirits. “Be ye also ready.” Mr. Cotte is taking plenty of sturgeon in seines here, has taken near 30 today. Sabbath, June 8th. This morning Mr. Cottee held read Catholic prayers, but I was ignorant of it. Why he did not invite me to be present, I know not.32 There has been considerable show of business here today. Le Pointe with his own & A. Davenports family arrived from the portage.33 Mssrs Johnson & Scott passed here in a light canoe, well manned, & are making their way to the Sault with all possible despatch to procure provisions for Mr. Abbott’s brigade, who are even now, I am informed, on short allowance, & the necessary relief is 600 miles from them. Mr. Scott is to return with the provisions to meet Mr. A’s brigade who will be on the lake in a few days. I suppose the brigade whh I left is already in the portage. Mr. Johnson 31. September 13, 1833. 32. Pierre Cotté would gather the Indians into his house to pray and sing, using the Ottawa prayer book published by Rev. Frederic Baraga in 1832. He also instructed them in the catechism found at the end of the prayer book. F. Baraga to Amelia Baraga, Sept. 22, 1835, Bishop Baraga Correspondence. 33. This is Joseph La Pointe, who was married to Margaret Descarreaux, sister of Ambrose Davenport’s wife. July 26, 1831, Register of St. Anne’s Church, Mackinac.

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informed me at Savann Portage that the Indians who went to Rainy Lake after liquor, returned with 3 kegs before he left Leech Lake—that he was invited to a council, whh he attended, & saw & tasted the spirits, that they told him if the traders did not bring in spirits they would get it from Rainy Lake, as they had now been long enough without it.34 They had already had a drunken frolic. Mr. Cottee’s men brought in 45 sturgeon this morning. This evening, I informed Mr. C. that I intended to sing with those of my scholars & others who have come on. He invited me to his house. When we entered, the room was filled. He said he would first say prayers. Accordingly, the Catholic service was read, in whh the Indians & children joined. They then spent ½ an hour or more in singing Catholic hymns, & then told me there was an opportunity for my children to sing. We accordingly sung several hymns, one or two of which his congregation knew. I was entirely taken by surprise. I occasionally caught his eye piercingly fixed on me. He has acted & looked rather suspicious & jealous. I then asked him if I should join in prayer—to this he made me no answer. I called on all to join me & we knelt down. I concluded in Indian, in whh one voice joined me. Mr Cottee informs me that he expects a teacher (doubtless Catholic) from the Sault, to open a school here. He has been very busily employed during the last fall & winter in instructing the Indians in the Catholic religion.35 Mrs Aitkin & two daughters are among the number, I am informed. Mr. C. told me that some of the men had cut their hair & broken their drums, thereby renouncing paganism & embracing Catholicism.

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June 9th This P.M. Mr. Aitkins arrived from Sandy Lake. " 13th. Sung last evening in Le Pointe’s lodge—Mssrs Stitt, W. Davenport & G. Bonga were present. Mr. Cottee came in & several of those who sing with him, two Indians of his Catechumens. Mr. Cottee soon went out, & shortly after I heard a call without, whh I thought to be Mr. C., & instantly the two young men went out. Whether he called them out, & that for fear 34. J. D. Cameron wrote in the Lac La Pluie (Rainy Lake) Journal on May 12, 1834, that a number of Indians from Leech Lake had arrived to trade all their furs, and they were already drinking. Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, B105/a/18. 35. It was not until the following summer that a Catholic priest, Rev. Frederic Baraga, opened a mission at La Pointe. He visited Fond du Lac in early September but never opened a school there. Frederic Baraga to Amalia Baraga, September 22, 1835, Bishop Baraga Correspondence.

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of contamination, I know not. On Wednesday eve he had a meeting for singing, but I heard nothing of it until afterwards. I think it best to continue singing with my scholars, whh will be agreeable to them every evening. The first brigade arrived yesterday from the portage. Today the Indians hold their Grand Medicine, so for several nights past they have been drumming & singing their songs to the Great Spirit.36 The drum has been beating almost incessantly today, with very short intervals— almost all their worship is accompanied by the drum & rattle. Sabbath June 15th. On Friday P. M. Mr. William Holliday of Sault St Maries, arrived here in a light canoe manned by 8 men. He left this morning, & kindly took a letter from me to Br. Boutwell at La Pointe. Mr. Abbotts brigade left also this morning in two barges. We held a morning service in Mr. Aitkin’s house. Read Matt. 25th Chap. Sung in Indian—read the tract, “The End of time” by D. Watts.37 Mssrs A. Davenport, Stitt, Chabouillize, Dufault, Aitkins, Miss Gusener (a young woman educated at the Mackinaw Mission) & several Indian women were present. Just after meeting, a man who had heard the tract read, in speaking of an Indian family, burst out in invectives against them, saying that they had been the cause of trouble in his family, & added, “Were it not for the fear of future punishment, I would” _ _ _ _ _ he paused. I had hitherto held his eye, but in horror, my glance fell to the floor. He saw that I took his meaning, & it seemed as if conscious guilt prevented him from finishing the sentence—he rose & left the room, but the spirit of revenge, deep as hell, was in his heart. O! how little was he thinking of the subject I had been reading upon. Mr. Dufault arrived from the portage yesterday morning. He is the father of Mrs. Wm Davenport. He has two of his boys with him, whom he intends leaving at La Pointe at school.38 The eldest spent about two months at L. Lake this spring with Mr. Boutwell, & made some progress in reading & singing. 36. There has been considerable discussion on the antiquity of the Great Spirit in Ojibwe thought, whether it was introduced by missionaries or it predates contact. Hallowell, Ojibwa of Berens River, 72. See also Baraga, Chippewa Indians, 34; Vecsey, Traditional Ojibwa Religion, 80–82; and Schenck, “Gizhe-Manidoo, 41–49. 37. Dr. Isaac Watts (1674–1748) was an English pastor and theologian who is considered the Father of English Hymnology. His books of hymns and theological discourses were widely used. 38. Joseph was at this time thirteen, and Jean Baptiste was eleven. Chippewa Claim 169, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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Sabbath June 22nd. Left Fondulac Tuesday morning, camped at the River Brule. Wednesday evening arrived here (LaPointe) found our dear Bros & Sisters (in the Mission) well. Here found a letter from Rev. L. Hull, dated at Watertown. It announced to me the death of my beloved friend Franklin S. Whiting of N. Haven, Conn. He was the eldest son of Mr. Julius Whiting of Guilford, Chenango Co N.Y. & was an organ builder by trade.39 Had established himself at N. H. last year with fair prospects—was to have been married to a dear sister in the Chh, of my acquaintance, in a few weeks. The stroke is severe to the family. May God support them under it. I came on in Mr. Aitkins boat. Mssrs Stitt & Wm Davenport were on board. In the evening Mr. D. spent a little time in singing in the family. Yesterday P.M. the Fondulac brigade arrived—in the evening our room was filled with men, women, & children who came in to sing with us. Most of Mr. A’s clerks attended & all the children of the brigade who had sung with me previously, & many others. The brigade sailed this morning. Attended service in Indian this morning—spoke about ½ hour, from the Lord’s Prayer. Mrs. Campbell, a sister of the Mssrs Davenport, is interpreter for the mission.40 For the interim between dates, see Journal No. 5

Journal 5

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June 23 to November 16, 1834

Journey from Le Pointe to the Mission Station of Yellow Lake Monday Eve. June 23 1834. Left the Mission House at ½ past 1 oclk. P. M. accompanied by an Indian & his family on their way to the St. Croix River. He serves us as guide & is to take us down from Kăbŏmŏb’s village to Yellow Lake in a canoe. We all embarked in a small canoe. While crossing the bay the swells were pretty high. Landed at the foot of the bay. Hid our canoe & have come about 1 mile. Mosquitoes abound, & to rid ourselves of these visitors, we have made smokes around our camp. Our kettle 39. Franklin Whiting was especially noted for an organ he had built in St. Paul’s Episcopal Church in Otis, Massachusetts. 40. Elizabeth Davenport of Mackinac had married John Campbell, a mixed-blood Ojibwe. She herself was not Ojibwe but spoke Ojibwe well enough to serve as interpreter for the mission. Her brothers were traders Ambrose and William Davenport.

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is boiling & we are about taking our supper. Our dish in whh our bit of pork is served up is a piece of birch bark whh I have just stripped from a tree. There is a path for one or two days march, on our route we carry our own baggage & are pretty well loaded, considering we are not accustomed to it. Have suffered much to day from a severe pain in my left shoulder. It was relieved in a measure by paddling, but is very irksome this evening.41

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Tuesday 24. Rested poorly last night in consequence of pain in my shoulder. Could only lie easy on my right side—rose—cooked our kettle & started about 6 oclk. It has been showery to day, whh made the bushes very wet. Nearly all my clothes have been wet all day. About 2 oclk a thunder storm commenced & we camped, but in making a shelter we were entirely wet. Our rude house is made of the bark of the poplar, one tree of whh Br. B. & self felled & peeled. Most of our road today has been extremely good for this country. We have probably marched 15 or 18 miles. Wednesday 25th. I arose this morning with the pain severe in my left breast. At about six oclk we tooke our loads & marched till 8½ oclk & stopped to cook. My clothes were yet wet with the rain of yesterday. About 1 oclk it commenced showering. We camped soon after 2 oclk. Our course has been on ridges, & small lakes & rivers at short distances—we have one lake on the N. within 20 rods, & another on the S. Have made us a comfortable bark (spruce fir) lodge. The Indian speared a few small fishes & shot a catowl which they roasted & ate. He has just brought in a large blk turtle whh his wife is preparing for a regale [feast]. He also found a nest 30 or 40 turtle eggs deposited in the sand. They were perfectly round & white & about 1 inch in diam. These they boiled & ate. 26th. This morning rose with a violent pain in my left breast. Pain left my shoulder—rested little last night & could lay easy but in one posture—was easiest while sitting—was constrained to let Br Boutwell carry my pack on top of his own for one or two pipes42—found I was about as easy to carry 41. They were taking the Indian trail from Chequamegon Bay to the St. Croix River. It comes out near the Eau Claire River. See Douglas Houghton’s Journal in Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 276. 42. A pipe was smoked at each rest or pause (pose) on the trail and hence was used to measure distance.

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my load as not. Afternoon felt much relieved. Travelled with ease. About noon came to the plains, a dry sandy soil sparsely covered with grass & wintergreens & shrubs, undulating. There are some small lakes—we encamped near one. Peeled some birch bark in a grove of timber near us & built a lodge. Slept comfortably.

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27th Kabŏmŏb’s Village. Left our camp about 6 a.m. The Indian left his family to come at their leisure, as we expected to arrive here today. All was wilderness—no road—some times we travelled through small pines so thick that we could not see two rods ahead, yet the Indian was acquainted with every lake & wood. Our stops were about once an hour & very short— reached here about 6 oclk—say 35 miles. We are now in the lodge of the son of Kabōmōb43 (the old chief being absent) & have been served to a good supper of fish, in Indian style—viz—(boiled) served up in a large dish, leaving us to pick it out with our fingers at our leisure without seasoning. We had a little salt left, whh we used. Our Indian to day raised a deer, & doubtless but for us, would have followed & killed him. There are now here but 3 houses built of bark, & this lodge. This village is on the east bank of the St. Croix River.44 Saturday June 28. This morning we leisurely got our breakfast before any thing was said concerning our proceeding on our journey. It does no good to attempt to drive an Indian. We soon found that it was not our guide’s intention to proceed any farther although he had been paid to take us to Yellow Lake. He had left his family in rather short circumstances, & they were not to come to the village. He had depended upon getting some one to go with us. There were but 3 men at the village. Our host had a very sick child. He could not go. The second, a Fondulac Indian, providentially here. The third, a man near 50 years of age (named Teskoz) & quite deaf. This man, after much ado, was constrained by the promise of a handsome present, to accompany 43. Houghton identifies Kabamob’s son as Nodin, himself a prominent chief of the St. Croix region. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 276. 44. Kabomob’s village was described by several members of the Schoolcraft expedition in 1832 as being on the east bank of Whitefish Lake, which was formed by a widening of the St. Croix River and is now covered by the St. Croix Flowage. See Schoolcraft’s account in Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 87–88, Lt. James Allen’s account, 222, and Houghton’s account, 275.

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us to this place (Nυmekagυni sibi) [Namekagon River] by land. The reason for not taking a canoe was doubtless the difficulty of getting it back up the rapids. About 8 oclk we shouldered our packs & started. Arrived here about 6½ oclk. We travelled about 8½ hours—some rests. Last 5 miles extremely bad—hilly, & thick brush & logs—distance not less than 25 miles. Most of our way was over plains—no road. About 5 or 6 miles above this, the old man fired to see if any Indians were at the fish rack on the river near by. No answer. He repeated it here. We endeavoured to persuade him to lead us to Yellow Lake, as no Indians were here. Every offer we could consistently make was held out to him. He inquired if we would go tomorrow? We told him it was Sabbath. He said he could not stay on that account. We finally concluded it to be our duty to go tomorrow, in case he would accompany us, since what we had seen of the country convinced us it would be next to impossible to find our own way, & we had but two or three kettles of provisions remaining, & the Indian had not a mouthful. He wanted to go away a short distance on some pretence, but we were fearful that we should not see him more if he went—finally he said he would sleep here. As we left him to think about the subject, an old man and his son arrived, who was encamped near us. Br. B. had become acquainted with him at Le Point. This rejoiced our hearts. He told us he had plenty of fish, and gave us some dried which he had in his canoe. We had before resolved, if our guide left us, to worship God on the morrow, according to the commandment, in this tabernacle, a large bark lodge where probably the voice of prayer never was heard, & on Monday to build a raft of dry cedar poles of which we found plenty in the lodge, used to make sleeping platforms about one foot above the ground, & to descend the river. We were now half way down from Kabυmυbi’s village to Yellow Lake, & the rapids are above. We shall not detain the guide, but trust to God to incline our old friend to take us down, or to try the raft. We are on the point formed by the junction of Sturgeon [Namekagon] River & the St. Croix.45 The quick observation of the Indians has been continually before us on our march. The Indian would point out fresh tracks of bear, deer &c whh had just passed, by marks that we would not think of observing. The track of a bear was pointed 45. Ely is now using the letter υ as suggested by John Pickering (see the introduction), indicating that he must have corrected this journal after the missionaries had agreed to use it.

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out to us by the grass being pressed down under the foot—others, by a rotten log, broken in pieces in search of worms, bugs &c. Sabbath 29th. A beautiful day. About noon our old guide departed. The old man & son returned from hunting, having killed no deer. His family arrived about 11 oclk & built a lodge, taking part of the bark of that we were in. We were invited into his lodge, where we stay until we leave for below. The old man said if we would remain until tomorrow night, he would go down the river deer hunting. (He hunts with flambeaux—the deer come into the river in the night) and take us down to the portage near the post, to which we assented—told him we had nothing to eat. He said he would give us some fish. Thus God is working for us—to whom be all the praise. Our host and his daughter has gone hunting again this evening.

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[Written on loose paper inserted here.] In their absence, about midnight, a furious thunderstorm arose. The darkness was intense, and the vivid flashes of lightning & crashes of thunder were fearfully near. The wind threatened to tear the lodge in pieces. The rain poured down in torrents & beat into the lodge. We rolled our blankets closer around us & submitted to circumstances. Suddenly a glare, & a crash of thunder broke upon us. The old woman seized a brass kettle & with a stick fell to beating it with all her energies (to propitiate the “manito” (spirit).46 Our awe was completely overcome by the ludicrousness of the contrast, & we were convulsed with laughter. The old man & his daughter doubtless found a ready shelter from the storm by turning over their canoe upon a grassy bank, & crawling under it, as is their custom, & shortly after the storm subsided, they arrived at home. Monday 30th. The old man, whose name is “Ozhoge,” and his son embarked with us about ½ past 9 oclk a.m. The old man in the bow & myself steering. We run the rapids safely. At half past one P. M. arrived at the mouth of Yellow River. Here we left the canoe, and proceeded on foot about 9 or 10 miles. We forded the River (Yellow) about breast deep, and arrived here about 4 oclk. The weather was very warm—sun oppressive. The mosquitoes and small 46. Ely did not understand that Binesiwag (Thunder Beings) are very powerful persons in Ojibwe cosmology, and that drumming can be a form of prayer. See Theresa S. Smith, Island of the Anishnaabeg, 65–82.

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flies surrounded us by thousands. Our beloved friends were delighted to see us. We felt that we had found a resting place in the wilderness.47 Journey from Yellow Lake to Le Pointe Tuesday sunset July 29, 1834 Opikogυnagυni.48 We are encamped on the east bank of the St. Croix, 40 rods above the lodges at the mouth of Yellow River. I am cook, & having got my kettle of wild rice boiling, I seize my journal. We broke away from Br. Ayer’s dear family, after commending them and ourselves to God. Walked down to the fort (trading post) and embarked. St. John and his son, (about 14 years old) go out with us.49 We walked the portage while St. John & boy took the canoe down the rapids of Yellow River. Br. Ayer accompanied Br. B. & myself.50 This is a great comfort to us. He felt reluctant to leave his family. Himself & Br. B. are both engaged in penning, each, a line of comfort to the family. The “Little Wolf ” (a chief ) is encamped here—is sitting by—says he is “Apiji bυkυde”—very hungry—i e. short of food.51

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Wednesday July 30. Started this morning about four o’clock. Arrived at the mouth of Nυmekagυn River about 10 oclk, & the portage du fem about noon.52 The stream was so high & the rapids so strong that we concluded to put our canoe on shore & take to our feet. We accordingly divided our baggage, & travelled over plains, across swales & swamps, until nearly sunset. The heat was oppressive, & starting with a heavier load than I as yet had carried, I was exceedly fatigued—was obliged occasionally to cry out “ࢾnuebita!” (Let us rest.) 47. During the month they spent at Yellow Lake, Boutwell and Ayer worked on some translations, improved the spelling book printed in 1833, and began to write an Ojibwe grammar. Boutwell Diary, July 2, 1834. Both Boutwell and Ayer had spent more time in Ojibwe country than Ely. They may also have discussed adopting the υ in place of ō or ŏ. 48. The Ojibwe called this place Pokonokuning (bookoganing), Place of the Hip Bone, from a mound at the mouth of the Yellow River. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 104n88. 49. Francis St. John (St. Jean) was stationed at the Yellow Lake post. His son, Baptiste, was about ten at this time. Chippewa Claim 63, Lucius Lyon Papers. 50. Ayer was to continue revising the spelling book with Boutwell and Hall at La Pointe. Boutwell Diary, August 13, 1834. 51. “Little Wolf ” or Maiingans was later identified as the son of Bezhike, a St. Croix chief ( January 22, 1837). 52. This women’s portage was about seven miles above the mouth of the Namekagon and about a quarter mile long. Nicollet, Journals of Nicollet, 146.

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Thursday 31st. This morning came on to Kabυmυbi’s village before breakfast. No Indians at the village. We followed up the valley of the St Croix, travelling on the edge of the high land until noon, then struck the plains. Encamped at night on the N. shore of a beautiful lake. Br. Ayer blistered his feet badly—is quite lame.53 Friday Augt 1st. Travelled nearly 3 hours, & came into the wood country & breakfasted. At noon passed our encampment of the 3d night from Le Pointe. Encamped on the bank of a small stream where we breakfasted the 3d morning after leaving the lake (Sup.) Br. A. can with difficulty walk. Saturday Aug. 2nd. I rose at break of day. Cooked some pork. Woke my fellow voyageurs, & started soon after it was light enough to see the path. Came on about a mile this side of our second nights encampment, and cooked our rice for breakfast. Poor Br. A. suffers severely. At 12 oclk we reached the bay (Shagawamigυn)54—found our canoe. A strong head wind was blowing, yet we embarked. Swells were very high. We were wet with the spray. When we got to the bluff point, the wind fell & without any delay we were enabled to make the traverse. Arrived safe at the mission house about 5 oclk, having travelled 35 or 40 miles to day—found all well.

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Sabbath Aug. 3d 1834. Today I am 25 years old—have a very bad cold from change of air in coming into the foggy breeze of yesterday, & being wet. My limbs are very stiff. This morning about 9 oclk Mr. Fairbanks, with one of Mr. Aitkins barges, arrived from the Sault—brought me a letter from my dear friend W. H. Talcott of Albany. Mr. F. informed us that the A. M. F. & opposition had united, whh was cheering to us.55 Aug. 26th. Left La Pointe about 9 or 10 oclk, with Br Boutwell’s baggage for Leech Lake. Br. B. remains behind to complete his business—am on board 53. Frederick Ayer was accompanying them back to La Pointe so that the three of them might meet with Sherman Hall, divide up the work to be done on the spelling book, and compose a manual of religious instruction. Hall to Greene, October 17, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, Reel 765. 54. Chequamegon. 55. John J. Astor had divested himself of his American Fur Company, which was then reorganized under the same name, with Ramsey Crooks as president, on June 4, 1834. Crooks to Stuart, June 4, 1834, American Fur Company Papers (hereafter afc), Reel 1. Various groups of the opposition were then brought into the new company.

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a barge whh Mr. Warren is sending to Fond du Lac for cattle—laboured against a head wind to the Detour.56 There we hoisted sail with a strong side breeze whh became aft. When we were clear of the islands the swells from the open lake were as large as our boat could ride—we sailed very swift. I became seasick (the first time in my life) & was glad to lay myself in my blankets. 27. Waked, & found myself at the River Bruley. Here we took a new canoe of Mr. Warren’s whh Br. B. had bought to take him in to L. Lake. After embarking I was more sick than yesterday—ate nothing of consequence. Entered the River St Louis about 2 oclk. About sunset entered a marias [marais] in the river, supposing it to be the channel. Soon found we were wrong. Encamped on a point in the marias. Made a shelter of my bed— tarpaulin to shelter me from a small shower. Spread my blankets & slept soundly—ate nothing since morning—took no supper.

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28. Soon found our channel—arrived at Fondulac post about 10 oclk. Mr. Aitkin started yesterday for Sandy Lake. He left a letter for Br. B. & myself in whh. he advises me to remain at this post & open a school for the coming year. Gives a discouraging view of the prospects of sustenance for traders & Indians inland this year. No rice—water extremely high. Also found a letter from the Messrs Pond of St Peters & letters for Br. B. & papers from the States. Although quite unwell all day, yet I wrote Br. Hall & Br. W. B. Talcott. 29. Much better this morning. Wrote to Robt Stewart Esq & Mr. Aitkins. The boat left about noon. I had hardly been here ½ an hour yesterday before Mr Cottee inquired if I would stay here—he speaks frequently. What his object is, I know not. It appears rather strange to me that so strict & zealous a Catholic as he is, should all at once so ardently desire that a Protestant teacher locate among them. Sept 1st Grand Portage.57 Left this morning about 10 oclk. We have made 4 poses—are encamped a little beyond the big hill. My bed oil cloth drawn over a pole forms my tent. I have carried part of my own baggage to day. The 56. Point Detour is the northernmost point of the Bayfield Peninsula. 57. This is the Grand Portage of the St. Louis River, about seven miles long. Ely is probably returning to Sandy Lake to retrieve his personal belongings.

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men hired two young Indians to help them carry. Archambeau fell with a heavy box which struck his foot. He is quite lame tonight.58 Sept 2d. Came on about 3 poses & breakfasted. I have carried considerable today. Toward night Archambeau gave out, with a severe pain in the stomach. The canoe was rather heavy for him. Gave him some peppermint, whh relieved him somewhat. I was suffering from thirst, & no water nearer than the little river—3 poses.59 What of our baggage we could take there on our backs, we took, leaving the remainder. It was quite dark when got our suppers, & we are very tired. Sept 3d, Wednesday. This morning brought up our baggage before breakfast. My man is able to carry. Went back after the canoe 4 poses, while the Indians & self carried on. I carried regularly until noon the light pieces when I found I could not stand it—feel quite ill in the head & a shortness of breath, & languor. Am cooking a kettle of herb tea (mυshkigobυgan & uinisibυgon). Most of the baggage is back two poses, doubtful whether it all comes through to day. Am at the head of the portage, & feel lighter at heart for it.

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Thursday Sept. 4. This morning, the men & Indians brought the baggage. Misho paid off the Indians.60 I gave them a small present likewise. Reached the foot of Portage du Coteau about 1 or 2 oclk. I exchanged a little flour for part of a side of moose. Monday Sept. 15. This morning am very busy in assisting Br. B. in carrying some of his baggage in a different shape. The Indian & John Sayer who were to take my baggage back to Fond du Lac hurried me off. About 10 oclk I bid dear Br. B. & Hester a hasty farewell.61 We descended to the portage 58. Agapit Archambeau, listed as a boatman in 1835. See Appendix F. 59. This is probably Midway River. 60. Misho is probably Michel Petit, a voyageur in the Fond du Lac Department. 61. Ely does not account for Brother Boutwell’s presence. Boutwell had become acquainted with Hester Crooks, the mixed-blood teacher at Yellow Lake, and upon his return to La Pointe he wrote her with a proposal of marriage. Immediately upon receiving her acceptance, he returned to Yellow Lake, arriving there September 4. They then went to Fond du Lac where they were married by Rev. Hall on September 11, and the following day they left for Leech Lake. Boutwell Diary, August 27–September 12, 1834; Boutwell to abcfm, Jan. 23, 1835, Papers of the abcfm, Reel 765. Ely, who had already gone to Sandy Lake and was returning to Fond du Lac with his baggage, met them at the portage.

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in a small canoe lying on the shore. Arrived at the post about 3 oclk, quite wet from rain & wet bushes. Had a conversation with Mr. Cottee—he would not board me for what Br. B. & myself thought to be right. I shall stay in Mr. Aitkins family—Cottee is to erect a school house, & furnish my wood— seems indeed very friendly. Mrs. Aitkins & her children (except Alfred) left in a small canoe for the Bruley River this afternoon on a visit to her brother.

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16th. Today have been engaged in making yeast & baking bread. The people of this country know nothing of making fermented breads & consequently waste flour. Mr. Cottee commenced laying the foundation of my school house this morning, but a severe rain commencing, he was obliged to desist. It is a cold fall rain. The wind whistles mournfully around the house. My beloved Br. & Sister Boutwell are, I suppose, near the head of Grand Rapids, but making the best of their small tent. Perhaps they feel a little gŏshkendŏm [sad, lonely]. It would rejoice me to be with them this evening & cheer them. All the family except Alfred are gone, & I am cook. Wednesday Sept. 17th. This morning was engaged in making butter—also in instructing Mrs. Cotte in making bread. She has succeeded admirably. Spent some time in reading the Ojibue Test. to her & an old woman while the bread was baking this P.M. Have also been engaged in constructing a work bench. This eve Mr. Cotte called me in to his house, saying several Indians were there to hear the Scriptures in Ojibue. He took his French Test (not a Catholic version) & compared as I read the Indian.62 We read the 6th & 7th chapters of Matthew to our mutual edification. When we closed, he requested that this be a regular evening exercise, to which I most heartily conceeded. O! may God give a hearing ear & understanding heart. 18th. About sunset, we were surprized by the arrival of Mr. Aitkin from Sandy Lake. He is on his way to Le Pointe. Have written to Br. Hall this evening. In consequence of his arrival, did not read at Mr. Cottes. 19. Rose at break of day. Mr. A. left in a barge about 7½ or 8 oclk. Suppose Br. Boutwell is in Portage du Savannah today. 62. Boutwell had given a French Testament to Cotté. Ely to Greene, Dec. 31, 1835, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Have been reading at Mr. Cottes this eve—am much fatigued. Mr. A. has taken the man who milks the cows—I have taken his place. 20 Sept. Saturday. At sunset the Indian Ininini & family arrived from Sandy Lake. His wife is a sister of Mrs. Aitkins. Have read this evening at Mr. C’s. Read of the Gergesenes praying to C / to leave them.63 A Catholic Indian said, “if he could see the Saviour, he would not send him away.” 21. Sabbath. Attended M. Cottes service. Afterwards we read two or 3 chapters, sung, & prayed. This evening we have engaged in the same service. God has seen my inward struggles today, & knows infinitely well what I need.64 May He have mercy on me. Monday 22d. Have been at work at the bench today, part of the time. I find that Christians are watched & judged in all their ways. It behooves us to watch & be sober. Br. Warren’s & Brs. Boutwell & Ayer’s travelling on Sabbath is laid up, even as far back as last year—the circumstance of Br. Warren’s brigade travelling (with the missionaries on board) on Sabbath, mentioned under date of Aug. 6, 1833—the remark was this evening made “that the missionaries in this country must walk “pretty strait.” 23d. About 10 oclk A.M. Mr. Aitkins arrived from Le Pointe in a light canoe, bringing Mrs A. & family from the Brule—also, Mons. Roy, son & family,65 Mons. Massie, and letters & a package from Br. Hall.

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24. Mr. A. left early this morning. Sent letters by him to Br. Boutwell & J. P. Scott—read this eve. 26. This eve Mrs Aitkins & family are present at our reading. The 18 & 19 Chaps. of Matt. were read. I suppose that Mrs A. never before heard the Word of God on the subject of divorcement. May her heart understand. I have been informed that Mr. A. had offered her a form of divorce, from under his own hand but she refused it. He himself told me when last here, that he had determined to throw her away.66 He can prove nothing against 63. The reference is to a group of people, Gadarenes, on the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee who rejected Christ when he drove the devils out of two of their number. Matt. 8: 28–34. 64. He needs a wife. 65. Probably Jean Baptiste Roi and his son Joseph. 66. Niwebinaa means I reject, abandon, or throw (him, her) away and is a way of saying divorce.

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her (so I have been informed)—in fact Mr. A. does not now pretend to prove her guilty & consequently unworthy of his marriage oaths.67 27. This morning at breakfast, Mr. Cotte called in—among other things, he asked me if I kept Christmas? When answered in the negative, he said I sinned if I did not, because it was “Kiji anŏmiegizhik,” the great Sabbath.” Without openly combating the Catholic belief on this point, I defended myself from the imputation.68 He confessed that there was neither precept nor example for it in Scripture, but based it upon respect to C / . To the propriety of this, I agreed. Claimed exhonoration from his charge—told him I was willing to conform to the customs of the people in that respect, & that on the coming Christmas, God willing, I would close my school, & spend the day with him in the worship of God, most heartily. The conversation was perfectly friendly, & afforded an opportunity for a few practical remarks.

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Sabbath Sept. 28. Attended service this morning & evening. The reading of the Scriptures forms a very agreeable part of the exercise, & gives a new aspect to the Sabbath service as it has been conducted previously. The deepest interest is manifested—occasionally, the different emotions of the hearers find vent by exclamations of surprize, or sorrow. But few of my hearers ever heard the word of God before. Mrs. Aitkens two daughters, who have been at the Mission School at Mackinaw, & Mons. Cotte, & perhaps wife.69 O! may I feel the responsibilities resting on me, & may the Spirit follow the truth to the heart. Monday Sept. 29. Commenced my school. As my house is not finished Mr. Cotte opened his house & was himself as much interested as any scholar. There are only 6 scholars at the post, 5 are at the fishing ground on the lake, & will return in a few weeks. 67. The Aitkins had been married by Indian custom as early as 1816 and registered their marriage in the Register of the Port of Michilimackinac on July 28, 1829. Mackinac Register of Deeds. 68. At this time, the celebration of Christmas was seen by many Protestants as a “Popish custom.” 69. Nancy and Matilda Aitkin had attended the Mission School at Mackinac from 1825 to 1832, according to the list of Children at Mackinaw Mission, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.4.8. (Reel 781). Pierre Cotté’s wife was Margaret Roussain, possibly the daughter of trader Eustache Roussain. They were married on July 24, 1831, in St. Anne’s Church, Mackinac.

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Thursday Oct. 2nd. My school although quite small is interesting. The children are making rapid advances. Two young men (Inds) occasionally attend—also a boy. Madame Cotte has commenced the English with much zeal—has mastered the alphabet by occasional attention. Mons. C. reads only French but has learned the Eng. alphabet & spends hours in teaching it to others—is at the school much of the time (sometimes until a late hour). He assures me that I will have enough to do in the springtime. Mr. Aitkins two eldest daughters are able to read the Scriptures, & have commenced Geography. All the scholars but one have commenced writing. A few days since, several Indians arrived for ammunition. One of them, an old man, was very urgent that none become praying Indians. He was very much disturbed to hear me pray. Entreated the Indians not to pray.70 He said that “last fall, the stars fell—so the Indians would eventually fall before the Americans if they became praying Indians.” He added a remarkable vision whh took place this summer in the Folle Avoigne. Nine canoes happened to meet in a river on the same night, flambeauing for deer (18 men) Nanibosho appeared to them by a voice in the heavens, saying “Kiji-Anomiakegon.”71 Our informant received his news from the son of Kabŏmŏb, who entertained Br. B & myself in our journey to Yellow Lake.

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Sat. Oct. 4. About noon a boat arrived from Le Pointe—no letters—a yoke of oxen on board. One of the men had a letter or letters in his vest pocket. One of the oxen destroyed both vest & letters—whether any were for me, I know not—have been writing to Br. Ayer & Miss Cook this evening.72 Sabbath Oct. 5. Today La Moony and family arrived from Sandy Lake & brought letters from Br. Boutwell. Exercises as usual today. Have just been adding to my letters the remarks under date of Sept. 22nd, & some other remarks concerning the breach of Sabbath & its effects. 70. Indians, of course, prayed. But many also believed that praying with whites would cause them to lose their Indian identity. The Ojibwe word for Christian religion, anami’aawin, also means prayer. Baraga (1878:209) suggested another word for Ojibwe religion, anishinaabeijitwawin (anishinaabewichigewin), which means “Ojibwe way of life.” 71. Nanibosho (Wenabojo) is the culture hero, teacher, and trickster of the Ojibwe. “Gichi anamegiizhigad”—he tells them to give a great prayer afterward (delayed imperative). Prayer was an essential part of Ojibwe life. 72. Delia Cook had taken Hester Crooks’s place at Yellow Lake. Ayer to Greene, October 17, 1834, abcfm Papers, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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6th. The boat left this morning—by it I forwarded letters to Br. Ayer, Miss Cook, & a book to Br. Warren. Alfred & one man went to the Bruley on the boat for a canoe. A strong breeze in their favour. 8th. This morning, Vincent Roy arrived from the Sault, but no letters or papers, not even from Le Pointe. The arrivers, Roy & wife & Sayre [Sayer], were in at our evening exercises.73 The first case of discipline in my school, occurred this P.M. The subject was Mrs. A’s 2nd daughter Matilda. She was determined to have her way, & I felt that general good required that I have mine. The punishment was detention after school. Her stubbornness sustained her for 1½ hours before she would make any concession. I assured her that she should remain, be it however late, until she should concede—when she did so, I dismissed her.74 Oct. 10. This morning before I rose, Alfred arrived from the Bruley. Today an Indian brought his pacton into Cotte’s (my school house) & I amused my children by allowing them to take their accustomed lesson in counting English, by counting off his pack. This amused Cotte, the Indian & the school. After reading this eve, gave Mons Cotte an exercise in reading Eng. 11th Sat. Eve. Have been writing to Br. B. this eve—daily expect an opportunity of forwarding to him direct. Oct. 13 Monday. No school today. We have been digging potatoes man & boy for Cotte.

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14th. No school. Same business. Wednesday Oct. 15. This evening Mons. Cotte requested me to desist praying in their meetings & after reading. For himself, he said my prayers were very good, but I did not make the cross, did not love it, & the Catholic Indians would not stay in the room when I prayed (this I have observed once or twice, but did not know the cause). They did not wish to learn any other prayers. He wished that the exercises might be as usual, except that 73. Vincent Roi Sr. and his son, Vincent Roi Jr., traded at Rainy Lake until 1839. Chippewa Claim 189, Lucius Lyon Papers. 74. Matilda Aitkens, who later married William W. Warren, was fourteen at this time. Chippewa Claim 74, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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when it was time for my accustomed prayer, that I would retire & offer it somewhere else. He reminded me that all the children were Catholic children, & did not wish I should teach them otherwise—as also the praying Indians did not wish me to mention the subject to them. I enquired—Do you mean all Ind’s? Ans. No. You may speak to others but they will not hear you. Ques. Do you object to my praying or talking with any Indian, if so requested by him? Ans. No. Ques. Do you mean that I should not pray in my school? Ans. No. I then briefly stated that I attended their meetings, read, sung, & prayed by invitation, that I had not forced myself upon them—that I did not feel at liberty in their meeting to do what was unedifying to them. It was a rule with me to pray in my school, whh I could not relinquish—that I did not deter the scholars from making the Cross—that while they performed that ceremony at commencement & close of my prayer, I waited, giving them opportunity. That I came here to teach & do good, & not to make war on the worship & opinions of others.75 He then said it was time to read—at the close he said, “Make your prayer.” I declined, telling him I did not wish to do it from mere complaisance—that it was not best as there were Indians present, & then left them to make Catholic prayers. I have been particular to avoid all exceptionable prayers &c when in their presence. Thursday 16th. Alfred left for the fishing ground this morning. Kabŏmŏb’s canoe has this moment passed my window (5 oclk) Soon after the above arrival, a canoe of Leech Lake Indians arrived, bringing letters for Br. B. & one for myself from Sister Newton,76 & a box of candles for myself, whh were very welcome. Saturday Eve 18th Oct. Yesterday I closed a long letter of 3 sheets to Br. B. & 75. Ely, and most Christian missionaries, did not recognize that in trying to convert (“turn”) the Indians to Christianity, they were doing exactly that: making war upon their religion. This is because they did not recognize that the Indians even had a religion. Boutwell and Hall to Greene, February 9, 1833, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 76. Mrs. B. L. Newton, a member of the missionary community at La Pointe.

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gave it to Sōgōtōmons. The Indian has not gone yet. Have just moved part of my effects into my house, & have now for the first time seated myself to write in it. I lodge here. It has rained & snowed most of the day—wind N. W.—the ground is now freezing. I am surrounded with children who make the room ring with their Indian chatterings. They are quite diverted with their new school room. Monday Oct. 20. Commenced school in my new house today—am out of the way of interruptions, for which am thankful. Thursday Oct. 23. School early this forenoon. P.M. with Mr Cotte’s assistance have been washing my house with white clay, whh an old man brought me last eve. My house is not dry & I have brought my blankets into Mr. C’s house to lodge, where I am now writing. I began to make a pen, & the standers by began to name the different evolutions of the knife, which I wrote in my memorandum. There are 9 different words for evolutions in making & one for repairing a pen. This is a specimen of the copiousness of the Ojibue language.

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Friday Oct. 24th. This morning Alfred & his men & Mr. Cotte’s fishermen returned. They brought between 50 & 60 bbls [barrels] of trout. Henry Cotte & wife, & some of the children who were absent also arrived. Mrs. C. will assist me in the school.77 Saty 25. A severe N. E. rain today. This evening, it snows. Have read the two last Chaps of Luke this evening at Mr. Cottes. Thus we have read three of the Gospels—what will be the result of our reading is known only to God. The hearts of men are in His hands. O! that it may enlighten the minds of these hearers. Tuesday Eve. Oct. 28. This eve read as usual. After reading, with the help of Isabella [Cotté], wrote a hymn into our orthography. She is to assist me a short time every evening. As I came home, the air resounded with the songs of two lodges of Catholic Indians. It was delightful to hear their 77. Henry Cotté was the son of the interpreter, Pierre Cotté. His wife was Isabella (Isabelle) Gourneau, daughter of Louis Gourneau of Sault Ste. Marie. Register of St. Joseph Mission, Sept. 9, 1835; John M. Johnston to Joseph Steere, November 12, 1889, Johnston Family Papers.

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voices attuned to the music of civilized life. God knows the nature of their worship—may he lead them into all truth. Several men have been in my school today (3 or 4 young men as scholars). One middle aged man said to me this morning as he lowered his pipe to take a glance at the cards hung around my room, “I wish I knew the book.” This expression is rapidly growing frequent. They are delighted to see a person write with facility any thing they may dictate in their own tongue. While the men were reading, they desired me to write. They dictated a list of furs, & then, the goods they wanted, which I wrote in Ojibue & read to them. All treat me with the utmost kindness. There are now 6 or 7 lodges here—one or two will remain all winter, containing several children. Oct. 31. Yesterday & today my school has consisted of 12 or 13 children & young men.

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Nov. 1. No School. This is Kiji Anŏmiegizhigōt with the Catholics—two Sabbaths together this year.78 Service as usual this morning at M. Cotte’s. This P.M. I called in the children to sing. About 20 came, the largest congregation that has yet assembled in my room. “Ininini” & family arrived from the Brule today. His youngest son, a fine boy of about 15, is visiting me, & is now engaged in drawing the alphabet on a slate at my elbow. His elder brother has just left the house. The mother is a sister of Mrs. Aitkins & the woman mentioned under date of Oct. 9, 1833. Her disease was relieved by a blister which [I] daily dressed for her. She now always meets me with a smile & friendly squeeze of the hand. Instructed 4 young Indian men until about 8½ oclk. They then wanted to sing, at whh we spent an hour more. Sabbath. Nov. 2. Have spent some time today in teaching the alphabet to boys who came in. They then used the slates about an hour. Have just returned from evening service. Had not been at home 5 minutes before 3 of the young men who were here last night came in & I suppose, are now waiting for instruction—indeed one has got his book already open, & sits looking at me, & this moment told me he wanted to read. Tuesday 4th. Ininini & family left to day for the Brule. His younger son has 78. All Saints’ Day.

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made considerable proficiency. He remained in the school until his father called him to embark, & anxious to be taught all the time, read his lesson twice over, & when I could not teach him, he was teaching those less forward than himself. Yesterday morning had about 18 scholars. Wed. Nov. 5. Chaurette79 arrived from Sandy Lake today, bringing me letters from Br. Boutwell, Mr. Aitkin, & one from L.—have been writing Br. B. this evening. I have two evening scholars in writing, Seraphim & H. Cotte.80 Indians are in every evening to read. Also a package of clothing from Leech Lake was recd. Saty. 8. This P. M. Dr. Borup arrived in a canoe from Le Pointe—brot letters from Br. Hall & Miss Cook. Have been writing to Brs. Hall & Ayer. Have today completed a bunk bed in my house. Monday 10. Doct B. left this morning—by him I write Br. Hall, Miss Cook & Br. Ayer.

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Wednesday 12th. This eve. my room has been full of bustle. Most of my school have been here, & the slates & books have been in requisition. 6 young men have been here about 2 hours all the time engaged in reading—3 of them have never been here before. They have learned considerable of the alphabet. Another such evening would complete it. Had I an assistant, very much could be done this winter. It will be, I fear, pretty hard for me to sustain it alone, but I will trust in the Lord, & go on. Friday 14. Two scholars left yesterday for the season, but others have come today. Number—16. School almost daily visited by parents & children who arrive & go again. I get scarce time enough to exercise. Sabbath 16th. Found myself much exhausted by the labours of the morning & afternoon. Evening—better. Commenced the Eptle to the Romans this eve. This P.M. two Indians, after the meeting (singing) was through, asked me some geographical questions (Mr. C. being here), & finally wanted to know the causes of day & night, & why the sun rose high in summer & low 79. Charles Chaurette and his sons, Joseph and Charles, were stationed at Sandy Lake at this time. Chippewa Claim 120, Lucius Lyon Papers. 80. Seraphim Lacombre, interpreter. See Appendix E.

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in winter. I told them if they would come in the evening, I would illustrate these things to them. This evening, not only the men, but all the settlement—Indians & others (about 30) came & filled my little room. With the help of a large ball, whh I had made for the use of my school, & my candle for the sun, I illustrated the annual & diurnal motions, the elevation & depression of the poles, &c. &c.—& told them enough of gravitation & attraction to answer the Indian query why the lake was not upset &c. &c. Proved the convexity of the earth. They asked questions about Ursa Major—why that constellation appeared high in summer & low in winter. Of clouds &c. whh I answered. They spent about 2 hours here. I suppose this is the first astronomical lecture ever delivered in this region. Isabella was my interpreter. [ Journal 5 ends; Journal 4 resumes.]

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Monday Nov. 17, 1834. After I had read 2 Chapters as usual (Rom[ans] 2) a third was requested, & so on, to the 8th whh we completed. An interest which was very encouraging was plainly manifest in the countenances of some—was somewhat surprized at being requested by Mr. C. to elucidate such passages as might not be readily understood. It seems to me that if this interest is maintained throughout all the Epistles, that some good & deep impressions must be made on some of the more intelligent part of my audience. The word is God’s—May He make it the “Fire & the Hammer.”81 Henry Cotte returned to day from Sandy Lake—no letters from Br. Boutwell—Mr. A. was absent. Wednesday Nov. 19. Completed the Epistle to the Romans. It is exceedingly trying to read of “Wolves in Sheeps clothing”—deceivers, false teachers &c &c—to those who, at the moment put me down as one, & circumstances render it inexpedient that I enter into a defence. To sit & bear it, & not raise a protest!!! School thrives. Thursday 20th. Last evening Alfred Aitkins informed me that Cotte had reported that I had directed the children not to make the Cross. This morn81. “Fire and Hammer” is a scriptural theme in Jer. 23: 24–25.

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ing I called in at Mr. Cotte’s. Mr. C. & wife, Henry & wife were present. I asked Isabella (Henry’s wife) to interpret for me. I then asked M. C. “who told him that I had told the childn not to make the cross? He answered— no one. I then said I had been informed that he himself was circulating the story. This he denied. I said that it was an understanding between us that I should not interfere with the Catholic children’s prayers or religion, & this story charged me with falsifying my word, & this was the reason why I took notice of it, & told him it was not true. At breakfast I told Alfred of my interview, & that C. denied having heard or said so. During the day A. has charged it upon Cotte, who did not deny it to him, thus acknowledging himself in an open falsehood, without foundation. Thus he was caught in his own snare. I hardly know who to believe in this country, or when to believe. Every man condemns his neighbor as being a great liar & a great story teller, especially of things whh he himself has achieved. School averages about 16 scholars. Friday 21. Went in to read as usual. Nobody but children at home—after some delay blew the conch shell. Mrs C. & some Indians came in. An Indian woman began to search about the house for the people. The children had told me they were out, but the woman found Henry & Isabella in their room & Cotte in his room. No light had been burning, & all was perfect silence, so that when they came forth, I was in utter astonishment. What could this mean? Mr. C. sat down at the table—nothing said as usual concerning reading—an unusual reserve. After a long pause, I mentioned it—when he seemed all at once to recollect it. I endeavoured to show no surprize, but engaged with usual interest. Read the 6, 7 & 8 Ch. 1st Cor. [Corinthians]. When we had read the 7th Mrs. Aitkins was sent for & the Ch. reread.82 I was called on for expositions as usual, & gave one, in an inference from the 7 Ch. 14 v. justifying Mr. Ferry & Mr. Boutwell in declining to baptize, when both parents were unbelievers. To this Mr. C. answered that the Catholics baptize all—no more was said.83 He & Peter are now here. 82. Chapter 7 treats of marriage, and was especially pertinent to the Aitkins at a time when Mr. Aitkin had abandoned his first wife and taken another wife. 83. The First Provincial Council of Baltimore in 1829 had decreed that infants could be baptized if their parents promised to raise them as Catholics, but in danger of death, all could be baptized. Billington, Protestant Crusade, 37–38.

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Saturday Nov. 22. Mr. Cotte & myself have spent most of the day in relaying my floor, whh had become loose by shrinking. The same apparent reluctance with regard to our evening exercises as noticed before. It has been the invariable custom to have service on Saturday evening same as on Sabbath. This evening nothing like it was seen in Mr. C’s movements. He took his Testament. I asked him if he would sing as usual. He ansd No. Whether they feel that it is polluting to them to have me in their presence at such seasons, or are ashamed, or want to get rid [of ] me, I know not, but if the latter is the case, I will continue to read the word of God in their ears until they silence me by the same agent that set me in motion—viz—Plain English. I do not wish, nor intend to be stubborn, but it will appear to them more strongly from such a course, that I do not act from mere suspicion or imagination. Monday 24. M. Cotte has assisted me much in school today, & appears very kind & obliging. Invited me to breakfast with him, whh I did.

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Wednesday Nov. 26. Have completed 2nd Corinthians this evening—all seems to go well. Mr. C. shows me much kindness, but think it is occasionally a forced kindness. Have seated myself to write my Brother Albert, from whom I have not heard for 16 months. Seraphim is taking his lesson in writing at my side. Sabbath Nov. 30. After reading this morning, I told the people that a great eclipse of the sun would soon take place. It had already commenced. The Indians are generally much frightened by such phenomena, supposing it forebodes some coming evil. It was for this reason that I gave them notice, that they might lose some of their fears from the fact that it was a thing of course. What the feelings of the people (Indians) were I know not—did not appear frightened. Have closed a letter to Br. B. & my br. A. W. Ely this eve, to send to Sandy Lake by Mr. Cotte in the morning. Saturday Eve Dec. 6th. This P.M. my scholars have given my house & furniture a thorough cleansing. In the morning, I started with Alfred with a horse & train for some white clay, whh is found about 9 miles below, on the river. We called at a lodge about 3 miles below, & there received so discouraging an account of the strength of the ice below that we returned. A

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few days since, I had some conversation with Isabella relative to her situation in the (Mr C’s) family. She told me that the Catholics were continually besetting her to embrace Catholicism. I tendered some advice & exhortation. She is a member of the Mission Church at Mackinaw.84 Read this eve in Ojibue in Epistle to Timothy.

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Thursday Dec. 11th. Mr. Cotte arrived from Sandy Lake this eve. Brought me a letter from Br. Boutwell of Nov. 9th to Dec. 1st. Mr. C. arrived at S. Lake on Saty morn (6th), & Mr. Scott Saty eve. from Red River via Leech Lake—thus my news is direct. To get a letter from this dear brother makes my heart beat with joy—to hear that he has taken a supply of fish sets my heart at rest. Has taken about 5000 tillibees.85 Also recd a line from Mr. Aitkins, who was to start for St. Peters this morning. Himself will come here when he returns. Monday Dec. 15. This evening an eclipse of the moon occurred. It was cloudy, & the view very imperfect—about 8½ digits eclipsed. That no such unusual occurrence may pass without improvement, I prepared a transparency about 18 inches in length, illustrative of solar & lunar eclipses. Only part of the school attended—Isabella interpreted—was disappointed in not having more present. After the children retired, I had some conversation with Isabella on the topic before mentioned. Last Friday eve. under a pressure of mind on the subject, I unburdened myself by letter setting forth her danger & duty, & proposed some means whh would tend to strengthen ourselves & honor God. To this I recd no answer—not even an allusion—& this evening, I determined to ascertain if possible. The interview was not very satisfactory as to the firmness in her profession. Should not be surprized if she should join the Catholics, but if she pursues the plan I proposed to her, she will not—cannot. She has pledged herself to become a Catholic if the Bible teaches that they are right, & God should seem to lead her that way. 84. Isabella and her two brothers, Joseph and Louis, were sent to the Mackinac Mission school in 1824, when their father abandoned their mother. Thus, although she may have been baptized a Catholic as an infant, she was raised in the Protestant mission. John M. Johnston to Joseph Steere, November 12, 1889, Johnston Family Papers. 85. It was actually his two fishermen who took the fish at Pelican Island. Boutwell Diary, October 14–November 12, 1834. A tullibee or lake herring is a member of the whitefish family.

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I laid before her the opportunity she had of making the truth burn on their consciences in defending herself, & a few ideas concerning interpretation, whh she seemed to receive favourably. I pledged myself to sustain her if she wished—if she found herself unable to defend herself—let what would come of it, & as God should give me wisdom & strength to lay open the treasures of truth till their eyes could not look, or till they shut me out. Her situation in the family would make it exceedingly favourable to her to renounce Protestantism, & I fear that all that holds her back is conscience, & that much blunted. Read this evening in 2nd Peter.

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Thursday 18th. Isabella tells me that she has given the Catholics a final answer (negatively)—that they treat her with coldness. I felt glad enough to leap up, but the reflection that such joy might be premature, & the cause of it vanish, kept me still. If possible I shall draw her to some decision in purpose & action, which is absolutely necessary to sustain her profession with comfort. She says the Catholics attribute to me the cause of her not becoming a Catholic. Be it so. I would rather say to God, for I am in his hands, as clay in the hands of a potter. Were it expedient, I would rejoice to enter into a full defence on her part before the town. Could I convince one soul, I would do it, or were they a company without a religion, but as they now are, it would only fill them with wrath. Cotte is exceedingly active. I suppose every action of mine is reported to him. Every evening the children spend a season in catechetical instruction. I finished 1 John this evening. Friday Eve. Dec. 19. About dusk two men arrived from Sandy Lake, bringing me a letter from Br. & Sister Boutwell, of 12th inst (7 days). Mr. A. left for St. Peters the 16th. Isabella says that the Catholics gave a little vent to their vexation last evening. She says she is determined to stand firm. Saturday Dec. 20th. No school today. Have been taking medicine to day— suffer much from constipation. Two of my girls have been washing my house & furniture to day. I have been also filling a sheet to Br. Boutwell, to forward by the men who return to Sandy Lake in the morning. Sabbath Dec. 21st. The men left for Sandy Lake very early, each man having a load of at least 100 lbs. Some time after I rose, I heard the axes of the

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Frenchmen very briskly plied a short distance from the house. At breakfast Alfred told me that Cotte had hired the (his) men to work fo r him to day for a hog’s head. The men have plenty to eat, but a hog’s head was a dainty not to be lost. At supper, Cotte came in. I asked him how much wood the men had chopped for him today? He answd—2 cords. I laid open before him the 4th Commandment—told him he had taken it upon himself to teach righteousness.86 To cause his men or hire others to work today was a plain breach of a plain command, but it appeared that he had paid them beforehand, & they had taken their own time to pay him. Yet he must know that they had no other time except Sabbaths. He thought to retort upon me by saying that they were not chopping for him, but for me. I told him I had not given any warrant for a breach of Sabbath & if he urged that argument, he need not draw the wood to my door, as I would not burn it with that consideration upon it. The conversation did not pass without a reference to Brs Ayer & Boutwell’s breach of Sabbath before mentioned. (Sept. 22nd) Have read this evening the 6.7.& 8 chs. of Rev[elation] in Indian. Wednesday Eve. Dec. 24. Yesterday morning Cotte & Henry went to the entry with 2 sleighs to bring some Indians who were weak from starvation. There were 9 men, women & children. He met them coming slowly, & half bent with weakness. Their eyes must have glistened, even through their almost deathlike dullness, to see relief at hand. There is much suffering in this region this winter from extreme scarcity of large animals. O! that these poor Indians knew who to thank for the relief which they get?87 This evening, two young men (Catholics) came in to keep Christmas with Cotte. Read the 15.16.17 Chaps Revelations this eve. Thursday 25th Christmas. This day I have observed as a day of worship. The Catholics have had service as on Sabbath. This evening we completed the New Testament. To two young men (Cath) who came in to my room I explained, by request, the phenomena of eclipses, illustrating with balls. 86. The fourth commandment in the Protestant Decalogue is to keep holy the Sabbath. McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature, 718–21. 87. Once again Ely shows how little he understands of Ojibwe prayer. According to Peter Grant, Ojibwe prayer consisted of “long, eloquent speeches” in which they “give thanks for the blessings they enjoy” and implore protection against their enemies. Grant, “ Sauteux Indians,” 358.

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One of them, on going out of doors, observed a shooting star. He asked the cause. As I had no interpreter, I could not explain. Friday 26th This eve. commenced the New Testament. I have concluded to try the effect of increased exercise as a remedy for excessive constipation. Have had consequently but one school today, & applied myself to work. After reading this evening, the young men mentioned last evening brot up the case of the shooting star. As to its essence, I attributed it to phosphorous, & illustrated it by decayed wood (phosphorated), or, if it were electric, to that produced by passing the hand over a cat’s hair or an Indian blanket.

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Saturday Dec. 27th. This morning went down the river to where the old Frenchman was encamped, to engage of him some white clay. He had raised camp, & thus my journey was lost, except the exercise. No school. This P.M. had some conversation with one of the Frenchmen on the subject of religion. He was disposed to listen & assent to truth. I invited him to come in to my house & hear the word of God. After supper, himself & another came. The first had a very imperfect knowledge of English, & the second none, save a few words. Soon found that [I] could not use the Scripture language—therefore gave a simple sketch of Christs early history, as found in 1 & 2nd chaps of Luke, & when I had made the first understand, I used him as interpreter to the second. Read & explained the 5th Ch. of Matthew in Ojibue. What God will bring out of such labours, He only knows—time will reveal. O! that He would make me the fire & hammer—or rather His word the fire & hammer & me the weak instrument of wielding it. Sabbath Dec. 28th. This morning quite early the men were at work, making bedsteads for themselves. Two were out of doors, hewing the timber. One of the two was the man who interpreted French for me last evening. I held up the 4th commandment. They said that they had no time to do this work except Sabbath, as Alfred would give them no time. I said, “You had better sleep on the floor, than break God’s command.” He said, “He could not do that (sleep on floor).” At breakfast I told Alfred that the men laid this breach of Sabbath on his back. He said they ought not do that, since they had time to work in evenings. That he could not give them a day. I told him he had better justify himself in their eyes by disclaiming the cause of this

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dishonor to the Sabbath. He asked me if I supposed they did not generally work on the Sabbath? I ansd that this was the first time that the fact had come under my observation, although I was not ignorant of the dishonor they habitually showed to this day. Made some pointed remarks—or rather illustrated by facts which hit somewhere near—on Mat[thew] 7. 1 to 6. verses whh, I think, did not affect M. Cotte very agreeably. I said on the 6th verse, that “I should not feel it my duty to throw the word of God to a man of whom there was almost a certainty, that he would instantly make it a but[t] of ridicule & scoffing.”88 Mr. Cotte instantly made a remark in Indian to the congregation, whh (I inferred) was to this amount, “that I had myself been preaching to Vennair today (the man mentioned above)89—by whh I inferred that he had a worse opinion of the man than I had formed from his willingness to listen to the word of God last evening. I presume that if a glass had been before my face, that I should have seen the blood rush into my face, as he thus gave me the lie in the face of the people. I however suppressed a desire to inquire & explain, & resumed my reading. I found that I had some pride left, notwithstanding my goodness—came home, ashamed of myself, & cast myself before God—was soon interrupted. Two boys not of the school are now drawing the letters with pencils on slates at my table. Letters sent June 16, 1834. Aaron Day

F. Ayer

J. E. Warren

Delia Cook

Rev. L. Hull Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved.

Oct. 6th

Nov. 6

A.W.E.

W. A. Aitkins

J. T. Avery

Rev. W. T. B.

W. H. Talcott

Nov. 10

F. P. E.

Rev. S. Hall

Chauncy Hall

Miss D. Cook

Private queries of Am Board

Fr. Ayer

88. “Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine, lest they trample them under their feet, and turn again and rend you.” Matt. 7:6. 89. Possibly Adolphe Lemaire, a boatman in the Fond du Lac outfit. See Appendix F.

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Dec. 1

Julius Whiting

W. T. B.

F. P. Ely

A. W. Ely

Augt 28

W. A. Aitkins

Wm H. Talcott Rev. S. Hall "

Dec. 20 W. T. B.

29 Robt Stewart Esq. W. A. Aitkin

Sept. 12. A Board F. B. Pomminan 18

Rev. S. Hall

23.

Rev. W. T. B.

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J. P. Scott

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Chapter 5

Fond du Lac, Yellow Lake, and La Pointe January 1 to September 21, 1835 Journal 6 January 1 to January 18, 1835 / Fond du Lac

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1835. Jany 1st. Nothing particular to day. People principally occupied in eating & slay riding. Some Indians arrived in the P. M., & among them Sarah Hull, one of my scholars last fall.1 Tuesday Jany 6. After school, this P. M. called in at Messrs Cottees, they were taking supper. I remarked that Terese, a girl living in that family, was not at school today, & inquired the reason. The answer was that Mrs C. had detained her, & intended to send her no more, & the cause assigned was that she was growing ungovernable at home & at school under my government & instruction, that she blackguarded me. (Yesterday, on reproving her for misconduct, she open[ly] called me “Mŏji Animushīsh” & “Mazh inininŏgizit,”2 & as a punishment, I required her to publish her own shame to Mr & Mrs. Cotte, & to come to school no more unless she would confess her fault to the school, whh she did) & would get no good at school. As this looked a little like a reflection on my government, I enquired if this was the case with the other children—the first answer was “Yes!,” that they were all worse. I said, I came here to do good, & not evil, & if such was the 1. Missionaries often named their students after one of the donors to the missionary cause. Sarah Hull was probably named after Ely’s friend Rev. L. Hull. See Correspondence of the Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Sent, June 16, 1834. 2. Maji-animash, bad dog, and Mazhininiogizid, no feet.

132

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result it was time my career as teacher was closed. I enquired how other parents felt? The ans. was, that they talked about it & felt that my pulling the hair of the children was a cruel & degrading punishment, & calculated to make the scholars very angry. Mr. C. said, “if a man should pull his hair, or mine, we would be very angry.” I endeavoured to explain the difference between the cases of a culpable child & an equal, but not to much effect. He said the children told him that I pulled out much of their hair, so that it lay about the floor. (In one or two instances, when a child shrunk from my grasp, & I not willing to release until they submitted, a few hairs (& a very few) have been taken out. I inquired if the Indians felt it peculiarly degrading to be taken by the hair? He ansd Yes! I plead ignorance of the fact, & expressed a willingness to dispense with this kind of punishment.3 I then said that if this was the state of things, of whh until this moment I was ignorant, I would talk with every parent. I was then informed that the parents did not feel hard—were not angry—but the children. I then determined to scower the business down, & see if it all would not become as inconsiderable as this insinuation, & the amount was, that Mr & Mrs. C. (& the girl) were the principal sufferers in feeling. That the only reason why Mrs. C. detained Terese from school, was (she said) that her parents were very like the Indians, & would be very angry if they should hear that I had pulled her hair. One inference would be (is), that, out of pure charity to me & the cause of education, she had detained her, lest I & the cause would be injured in the eyes of the almost uncivilized parents. I told M. & Mrs. C. that when I commenced the school, all seemed unanimous that I should (ought) use the bludgeon. I felt unwilling to do this, & considered the taking an unruly boy by the hair as a more mild punishment than a blow, & that under this Yankee notion, I had this day taken his boy Peter & Roger Aitkins by the hair & would have directly put them at loggerheads with one another, had not they desisted from their mischief.4 The amount of the whole was that it was better to flogg than to take by the hair. Alfred told me that this was the reason why Brabants children had 3. Any kind of physical punishment was degrading to the Indians, but hair, a manifestation of life, was connected to one’s spirit, and thus pulling it was doubly offensive. 4. This statement indicates that Pierre and Margaret Cotté had a son Peter, who does not appear elsewhere in the records, either in church records or in the Chippewa Claims of 1839.

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been irregular in attendance lately. Who has kindled up all this breeze I know not, but suspect it is like my endeavor to stop the children from making the cross. I enquired of Alfred if his mother or himself found any fault with my government. He ansd No! However I shall desist from pulling hair. Wednesday Jany 7. Terese came to school today & behaved with much propriety, & showed that kindness of feeling becoming to a scholar, whh I was not backward in returning. Regular number of scholars, 16. Wednesday Jany 14. This P. M. John Aitkins & Mr. Scott arrived from Sandy Lake—brought me papers, & one letter from Helen & Jane Wright of Rome N. Y.5 Have not read at Cottes for several evenings. Thursday 15. An Indian is to leave for the Folle Avoigne in the morning6 (Son of Bizhiki a F. Avoigne Chief ) & I have written a line to Br. Ayer. Send by the Indians 4 letters & 2 papers (1 letter for Crebessa).7 Read this eve.

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Saturday Jany 17th. At tea this eve I was first apprized of the fact that M. Cotte was in the practice of receiving confessions of the men & Indians. Have written Br. Boutwell this eve. (May 31. Suspect this is a mistake) Sabbath 18th. The order of the day at the post has been, in the morning, public worship, immediately succeeding a sleigh ride!!! Evening, public service. 2 sleighs & a dog train were out, & Cotte led the van. This evening was called to explain the parable of seed among thorns, & seed in good ground. Laid a stress on this point that the evidence of the seeds taking root in good ground was the fruits produced [Mark 4:1-20]. Read 3 & 4 Ch. of Mark. Journal No. 7 as 6 comes in here. [From this point to March 6 there is a separate book; the first page is too faded to be read.] 5. Daughters of his father’s cousin, Mary Ely Wright. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 98. 6. The French called wild rice folle avoine, or wild oats. The upper St. Croix region was known as the Folle Avoine because it was rich in wild rice. 7. Peter Crebassa, probably the son of North West Company clerk John Crebassa, had joined the American Fur Company in 1829 as a clerk. History of the Upper Peninsula, 199. In 1834 he was stationed at the Yellow Lake post in the La Pointe district.

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Journal 7 January 21 to March 5, 1835

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[ Journey to Mission at Yellow Lake and Return to Fond du Lac] . . . with them. One Indian cannot eat before others without giving them too, & my man gave up his bag of provisions to them. I told him today I was afraid we should be short, & determined to attend to it myself.8 We are not as far as we calculated to be tonight on our journey. Wednesday 21. Left camp soon after day light. Travelled about 2 hours, & came to Osaua-amik’s Camp. Another hour brought us to the camp of Noke’s father. Here we found Osaua-amik & Bizhiki’s son, who left us yesterday. The eyes of the Indians were made glad at the sight of plenty of moose & bears meat suspended on the poles over the fire. Travelling much easier today than yesterday. Was treated to a breakfast of smoked moose, boiled, & a dish of birch tea. Heard 3 girls read the alphabet, then the 3 young men—different lessons—& sung a hymn. I gave Noke all the tobacco I had about 2½ pluggs, & he gave me meat enough for two or three or 4 days. Near noon we bid them good bye & mar[ched]. We had a road & good travelling to Kashkibazhs lodge, whh we were told was 5 encampments off.9 We determined to reach this lodge if possible. In the 4th encampment we rested about 10 minutes—arrived at the 5th but they were gone—it was near sundown, but we took the packs & pressed on. Arrived at the camp just before dusk—six encampments—each about 4 miles. If we came 3 encts before breakfast, have travelled 36 miles today—am not fatigued as yesterday, & came not more than ⅔ the distance. Arrived Kashkibazh hungry & no powder. It seems as if God had thrown into my hands today provisions to feed the hungry—we have all just partaken of a good supper. Thursday 22nd. Rose early—took a light breakfast of boiled moose with a biscuit in my broth. Kashkibazh concludes to go with us, unsolicited by 8. It is clear here and elsewhere that Ely did not understand or approve of the Indians’ practice of sharing, even and especially in time of starvation. 9. On November 12, 1835, Ely identified five encampments (rest stops) as one day’s march.

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me. He is, he says, “mŏnepua,” out of tobacco. We left the camp about sunrise. Had a track about 2 hours to where the Indian had killed a moose. We then broke our road through several moshkigs—fell on to the Eninandŏk [Tamarack] River. followed it & Came into the plains. Crossed them, & fell on to the river again. Here on a high bank the Indian ascended a tall tree, since we deemed we were near the valley of the St Croix River—could decide on nothing—followed the Eninandŏk a short distance. Crossed it, ascended a high hill & discovered the St Croix river—this gave us new [cause to] rejoice as we expected to reach here near night. We were soon on the ice—a little past noon descended to Yellow River about 2 hours march. It had not frozen & were obliged to go down the St Croix about a mile— crossed, & struck across the plain to the road that leads to the post—arrived at Br Ayers about dusk, very much unexpected.10

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Return. Tuesday Jany. 27. Left the mission house about 8 oclk. Some snow had fallen on Saturday—we came down Yellow River on the east side—arrived at the mouth of Eninandŏk about 1 oclk—are within about an hour’s march of Kashkibazh’s lodge. My Indian has taken the prevailing influenza, is hourse & his legs some swelled & exceedingly lame. Mr. Crebassa is in company on a visit to Fond du Lac. Wednesday Jany. 28. Marched about ½ past 6 this morning—arrived at Kashkibazhs lodge at ½ past eight, & at Noke’s lodge at 3½ ock. 8½ encampments—34 miles—have just been served to a supper of boiled moose, of whh they have killed one since I passed—have just distributed some biscuits among the children. This man [Noke] is an elder brother of Ininini. My sight has got a little wrenched in marching today. Afterwards, heard the children read. Explained some Scripture prints I brought in my knapsack, read the Crucifixion. Sung nearly all the hymns—a pleasant evening in a lodge. Could one be employed in such labour all the time, an immediate impression might be made on the Indians.11 10. There is no explanation for this trip to Yellow Lake either in the missionary letters or in Ely’s journal. Ayer described the mission house as being “on a rich flat of 15 or 20 acres . . . near the shore of the river connecting great & little Yellow Lakes” and about one mile from the post. Ayer to Greene, December 1, 1833, and May 15, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 11. Much as the traders visited the Indians in their lodges en dérouine to trade for furs, the mis-

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Thursday Jany. 29. Left the lodge about 8 oclk A. M. Gave them all my corn & 4 plugs tobacco—& recd as much moose meat as we wanted. Started in a Swest snow storm, & (retraced) followed our road down. Snow considerably deep, & the way exceedingly rough. Came 3 encampments homeward of the B M River. Snows very fast—have spread one of my blankets on poles to shelter us—were completely wet on our arrival. Friday, Jany 30. It snowed powerfully all night. There is no pleasure in sleeping in a storm of snow. In the morning our leggins & moccasins were scarce dry. Blankets wet & covered with snow. Started at 7¼ oclk—reached Nŏmŏnjitiquaia sibi [Nemadji River] at 10 oclk, & Fondulac a little before sunset. Snow deep—very nearly exhausted, & wet through. Found letters here from Brs. B. & Hall & Miss Cook. Notwithstanding my excessive fatigue was obliged to spend part of the evening in writing to Br. B., as men were to leave both for Sandy Lake & Le Pointe in the morning. Sabbath Eve. Feby 8. Have been for several days afflicted with a tooth ache, whh fills the whole left side of my head with pain. Several sound teeth are by sympathy put in as much pain as if defective. Wednesday, Thursday & Friday nights, got no rest till midnight. This morning dawned on me, watching. Spent most of night in writing, reading & pacing my room. As often as I relaxed my nerves by lying down, the pain would commence or increase. Have felt very little desire to sleep today. Have attended services as usual. Mr. Crebassa expects to leave for Yellow Lake in the morning, & I must close my letters to Brs. Ayer & Seymour.12 Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved.

Tuesday, Feby. 10. Mr. Crebassa left for home this morning, alone. Feby 14. Saturday. This morning Alfred left for Sandy Lake before light. At the Pine Rapids, met his father, Mr. Scott, & Jeanus. They arrived here about 3 oclk. P. M. No news from Leech Lake. Some time after his (Mr. Aitkins ) arrival, I found him alone with his girls. He said that he had been telling them, if they worshipped the Pope & Virgin Mary, he would burn sionaries liked to visit the Indians in their lodges to read scripture, preach, and pray with them. It was also an occasion to refresh the teaching of reading and writing done in the classroom. 12. John Seymour had replaced Hester Crooks as teacher at Yellow Lake. Hall to Greene, October 17, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, Reel 765.

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their house over their heads. Seemed violently angry. The children had evidently been in tears. He said that he had seen at Mille Lac, a Pope posted side by side with J.C / by direction of Mr. Cotte, & uttered some harsh things against Mr. Cotte. This was in presence of the girls. For 11 day[s] I have been afflicted with a severe tooth ache. After supper, I tried the pipe. It relieved the teeth, but made me very sick for one or two hours. Last evening & this, read at Mr. Cotte’s house. Sabbath Feby 15. Service as usual. In consequence of the prevailing illness did not call my school together to sing. Most all have coughs & hoarseness. Peter is very sick. Mr. Aitkins calls it pleurisy. Mr. A. intimated to me this P. M. that M. Cotte might not remain here another year, as his term of contract expires this coming spring, & expressed a doubt whether he Mr. A. should be willing to contract further, but sustain the trade of the post himself. Mr. C. has for a few years past, purchased goods of the company, & traded on his own responsibility.13 If this arrangement takes place, it may have a very important bearing on the prospects of our mission here. The pillar of Catholicism will be removed. Let me see & acknowledge the hand of God in it, if it takes place—if not, let me not be discouraged.

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Monday 16. No school today. Children sick—Peter is some better. Mr. A. says Mr. Crooks directs that no preference be given to different denominations religious sects by the company—tolerate all. Monday Eve, Feby 23d. An Indian has just left me, who arrived today, & with whom I was somewhat acquainted last fall. After he came in, we talked some time concerning the sufferings of the Indians. After a while, he drew up to my table where I had seated myself to write. He enquired if the “Mŏdŏdekonaie” [blackrobe] (meaning Mr. Boutwell) would come here this summer? If I expected to leave. If any other Mŏkŏdekonaie would come here. He said Cotte had told him that one would come from the Sault this summer. He then said that himself, wife & children were just ready to learn to pray of Cotte. I asked him if he had ever heard the word of God read? He ansd. No. I took my Ojibue Test[ament] in my hand, & told him 13. Officially, Pierre Cotté was listed as an interpreter. See Appendix F.

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whenever he felt disposed, to come here & I would read it to him—he set tomorrow evening as a time when he would come. I then read a chapter to him, & he left for Cotte’s house. The shell is now blowing for me to come & read & I close.

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Thursday, Feby. 26. Have been called to read every evening this week thus far, have also daily read the Scriptures to more or less of the Indians in my house. They are continually arriving, & some in a starving condition. I frequently take their present sufferings as ground to urge them to agriculture. Today a man brought his son into school & wished me to instruct him—he is to attend regularly. Some of the older men express themselves strongly in favour of education. They frequently say they wish they could read the book. It seems to me that I am not sufficient for this place & state of things & it seems impossible to do these poor Indians the good they need. They come to me for food daily. The man who brought his son today told me of the beneficence of Br. Ayer to him at Yellow Lake. I am driven in distress to cry to God. What He will do with such feeble & vile means is indeed a mystery. “The wicked (Catholics) are spreading themselves like a green bay tree.” Their end is manifest, but it is distressing that so many poor & ignorant should be led in so deceptive a road. To my face, all is love & kindness. God knoweth the heart. Friday, Feby. 27. Indians are fast arriving. 2 new scholars today—two girls— the eldest about 13 or 14 yrs of age. Old & young visit the school daily, more or less from curiosity. A young man called in (a pagan) at noon & enquired how long I should remain here—said he had a daughter who was now too young, but requested that I would, bye & bye, take her into the school. 28th. This morning had 20 in the school. Have filled a sheet to my brother Philander—this evening read Par[able] of Good Samaritan. Sabbath Mar. 1st. Mr. Cotte’s services have been well attended today. I suppose near 50 were present—besides the assembling of the school & exercises, I have spent much time in reading the Scriptures. Every Scripture print I have is the subject of enquiry, & if it relates to the N. Testament, I read its history. O, may [they] follow His truth is my feeble prayer. Six boys have come in to my house, & are stretching themselves on the floor for the night.

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Monday Mar 2d. The poor Indians begin to tremble from the keenness of famine. Almost daily, some one is arriving with scarce strength to get here, to get a pittance of provision to relieve a starving family behind. Last evening, (Mr. C. tells me) that a girl about 14 or 15 arrived a day’s march—had eaten nothing for 5 days before leaving the lodge. The man of the family was sick in the lodge. A relative of the family has returned with the girl with relief. Mr. C. & myself provided them with some medicine for the sick. This morning Ininini called to see me. I read the Scriptures to him. He enquired if the Americans & French yonder (in their own country) had a plurality of wives, as Mr. A. has here. His wife is a sister of Mrs. Aitkins.14 After school this P. M. I visited the encampment of the Indians on the island opposite the post.15 The first lodge I entered was occupied by 8 or more. A sweet intelligent looking girl of 15 or 16 was preparing a partridge whh was to serve as a supper for the whole. An infant lay bound in its tikonagŏn [cradleboard], which is suffering from an inflamatory disease in every joint. Some parts were very much swollen. I had no relief to administer, & knew nothing about it. The next lodge I entered, they were boiling a kind of vine whh, as a “dernier resort,” is eaten by the Indians & is in flavour somewhat like the sweet potatoe. It contains scarce enough of nourishment to sustain life.16 This was their supper, & but little of that. In the 3d lodge I entered I found an old man & his wife—the wife was very sick—had been starving for 3 days, & much distress—not a mouthful of food in the lodge. I immediately returned home to procure some medicine, & also carried about a pint of corn meal for some gruel. Intend to visit the remainder to morrow. 10 oclk P. M. Have just visited the old woman & found her suffering much pain, though no worse. O! for the pittance of food which is thrown to the 14. On February 1, 1834, Boutwell noted in his diary: “Had an interview last evening with Mr. Aitkin, relative to his improper intercourse with a young squaw, whom he keeps as his lawful wife, whom, for reasons better known to himself than to myself, he left at Fond du Lac with his family. He is much ashamed of his conduct, while he justifies himself on the ground of jealousy.” 15. Nigig or Otter Island, site of the Fond du Lac Indian village. 16. This may be the “ivy” that George Nelson described in 1804 as “a wild vine called Pemâquet by the Indians, and bois ters by the French.” It was cut into small lengths and boiled until the back peeled off. Nelson, My First Years, 147.

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dogs or otherwise wasted in our favoured land! But I think their sufferings will abate, as the lake has frozen so much that a few trout are killed—an Indian brought to his hungry family today 10 trout. If the lake should break up & not take again effectually, how they can subsist till the opening of the river, I know not. Mr. Cotte cannot sustain them. He has at times dealt out at the rate of a barrel of trout per day, & he begins to be afraid for himself.

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Tuesday 3d. Visited my patient this morning, & concluded all she further wanted was some remedy against starvation—therefore gave her all the corn meal I had at command, whh was but a trifle. The old man (her husband) with a very sympathising countenance said, that “Corn broth was not good to drink with medicine, but that fish broth was much better.” Doubtless, he would have been very well pleased with a kettle of fish, but as I thought that beggars ought not be choosers—& besides, had no fish—I soon set his mind at rest on the subject. After supper visited 2 lodges—the first, of Cath. Indians (the man, mentioned Feby 23d). The 2nd, that of Ma¸ osit, the chief of the band, who has arrived today.17 He has a numerous family—6 sons, most of them men. Expect some of his children in the school tomorrow. Read this eve the 12 Ch. of Luke—was called on to illustrate many of those solemn truths, & endeavoured to do it with simplicity & power. May God bless it to the hearers. A deep attention was paid. Mr. C. appeared least interested of all. Mrs. C. appears eager to understand. O! May God forgive my pride & indifference. Thursday Eve March 5th. Most of the Indians have gone to the lake, but the winds are so high & various, that I fear that no ice of consequence will stay, & they get but a scanty subsistence. They are better there than here, as here there is nothing, but what they beg from the houses. I have applied a blister to the breast of my old patient. She says she expectorates blood every night, 17. I have simplified the spelling of Maangozid in these journals to those most frequently used by Ely, Ma¸ osit or Ma osit. The cedilla or line under the a followed by a space represents the nasal sound in Ojibwe. Maangozid, or Loon’s Foot, was a son of Catawabeda, the Sandy Lake chief also known as Le Breche or Lebrocheu the Younger. See Petition of Charlotte Kattawabide, 1847, Canada Land Petitions, rg1, L3, vol. 182B. Maangozid had been a speaker for Shingup, the Fond du Lac chief, and as such had been recognized by Schoolcraft in 1826 with a medal of the second class. See Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 83. He was also married to Shingup’s daughter. Maangozid’s brother Kahnindumawinso (Berry Picker) of Sandy Lake had taken their father’s name, the name that Ely wrote as “Brusia.”

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7. Maangozid, undated photo. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, s3045, Edmund F. Ely Papers.

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& has a severe local pain in the left breast. As an internal application I gave a quart of corn meal to be used moderately. She gets very little of that sort of medicine. The sick child before mentioned is an object of pity. Its shoulder joints & one arm are swelled very much. The cords contracted so as to bend the legs & left arm. The left hand apparently senseless, its right ancle (joint) in a state of suppuration, & foot very much swollen. [ Journal 7 ends; Journal 6 resumes.] Friday March 6th. This morning attended to the old woman’s blister. It has drawn well, & relieved the pain. The parents of the infant brought it to the house this morning. I told the man at Cotte’s, that if the child died, the Indians would charge it upon me because I put a plaister on its foot. I told him that without his desire & request I would do no more for it. He requested me to proceed, & do all for it that I could. I told him if he was very sick, that to drum & sing for an hour together at his head would almost distract him, & enquired how he supposed that weak infant could endure it. Cotte took occasion to preach a lecture on “Manitokazoing”.18 The wife allowed that the child was worse after the Ma¸ oits juggling. I mentioned the case of the child to Mrs. Aitkins, who, with Mrs Cotte have given the poor thing a cleansing. This P. M. the abdomen is very much swollen. Suppose it must be flatulence—gave a little peppermint—its feet are swollen more & shoulders & arms less. The foot discharges powerfully. The family mentioned 2d inst arrived day before yesterday. Their infant had died. This morning the man arrived again with the corpse. M. Cotte prepared a goods box of suitable size for a coffin.19 At noon M. C. called in to my house & said that the Indian wished his child buried according to the custom of the whites, & Mr. C. requested me to conduct a funeral service, to whh I assented. Mr C. enquired if I wished a candle (according to Cath custom). I left that to his own pleasure entirely, & appointed 3 oclk as the hour. Called my school together, & proceeded with them to M. Cottes. The corpse was laid on a table in the midst of the room, in its 18. Manidookaazowin, religious activity, especially healing or communication with a spirit, manidoo. See Landes, Ojibwa Woman, 139–42. 19. It was generally the Ojibwe custom at this time to bury the dead in the ground, lining the grave with grass on the bottom and pieces of wood or birch bark at the sides and ends. Boutwell Diary, September 20, 1833. The Indians were grateful for the traders’ goods boxes to use as coffins.

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Indian wrappings, & its coffin by its side, with a candle burning at its head. I commenced by singing the 7th Hymn [Psalm]. Read part of “Job. 14 Ch,” & spoke say 15 or 20 minutes—told them that the dead were out of our reach & our business was with the living—urged life as the day of salvation. Addressed a few words to the parents. Prayed & sung Hy. 13th. The corpse was then placed in its coffin, the parents took their last look. We then proceeded to the grave in the following order, M. Cotte, the corpse borne by an Indian, mourners, Mrs. C. & A. my school, my self at their head, then followed several men, 25 or more in all. After depositing the coffin in the grave, we lifted up our voices in the hymn “ Nebo au Shauenimassin.”20 I followed the hymn with a short supplication & we returned. Have read the Scriptures this eve at M. Cottes, Luke 15 & 16 Chaps. A violent wind & snow this evening. Saturday Mar. 7. Several Indians have returned from the lake today, hungry. The gale of yesterday broke the ice small. Famine stares them in the face. Brabant returned, somewhat sick, I am informed.21 Several here complain of swelled limbs—what can be the cause, I cannot conjecture know not— food is the greatest cry. What can be done, I see not. The houses are also short. I eat mondaminabo [corn soup] (& salt) for breakfast & supper— sometimes a piece of gallette with it. I applied a musilage poultice to the left foot of the child this P. M. made of basswood bark, thickened with a little cornmeal. When I went to apply it, found the father (Ke-besh-kō¸) & another whom I supposed was the Ma¸ osit, “Manito Kazo”-ing. They were in a small lodge just sufficient to allow themselves to curl themselves in to it (within the family lodge) naked, & covered close with blankets & skins. When I entered, the officiating person was making the harangue, to whh the other was most fervently & lustily responding—then followed the steaming—a hot stone is placed in the midst of the lodge, & a small kettle containing some kind of fluid, whether water or medicated, I am ignorant. During in the latter part of the ceremony, the liquid is poured on the hot stone, filling the lodge with steam. This is both an internal & external 20. Nibo aw zhawenimaa[siin], Death have pity on him. 21. Alexis Brebant had been in the employ first of the North West Company and then of the American Fur company for over forty years. He had at least five daughters at this time. Chippewa Claim 94, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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application. I, without taking any notice of it proceeded to my business, leaving them to theirs. They were nearly through when the blankets were thrown off. They came out, their bodies dripping with sweat from head to foot, but instead of Ma¸ osit behold Ininini. The old chief is yet at the lake. I gave the child this morning a little castor oil, whh has operated well. I understand that Ma¸ osit has told Kebeshkŏ¸, that if he will agree to make a “Miteui” this spring, (that is, bear the expense of it, I suppose) that the child will recover, but if not, it probably will not recover.22 Under these circumstances it is a delicate thing to do any thing for it, but to see it suffer without any attempt at relief moves my sympathies, & if so be it can be restored, let the “Manito Kazo”-ing have the glory, as a life will be saved by it. If it dies, it will without doubt be charged upon me, since the fathers request will not prove my mŏshkiki [medicine] to be powerful. As an example of Indian providence, I will note a statement just made me by Osauă Amĭk. Two or three lodges hunted together. There were 5 men, 6 women & 6 children (mostly small). Between the 15th Nov, & 15th Jany they have killed 13 moose 9 bears & 2 deer—not counting hedge hogs, rabbits & pheasants & furred game. 13 moose equal to 13 common horses 9 bears " " 9 small hogs 2 deers " " 1 large do [hog] When I passed them (to Yellow Lake) I bot some meat at one lodge, but at another of the lodges found them hungry, & gave them part of my meat, & other things—on my return I bot more meat. They came in from their hunt hungry & are now at the lake depending on the fishing. Sabbath, March 8. Attended to my little patient this morning. The poultice had become dry & irritable—the child worried all night. I did not renew it. This P. M., as a last resource I applied Opodeldoc to the swelled parts, & thus far appearances are rather favourable—have just returned from the lodge (10 oclk P.M.). An old woman who lives in the lodge reports this morning that during the night, when all but herself were asleep, the child 22. The Midewiwin is the great medicine ceremony of the Ojibwe. The person who seeks to be healed must bear the expense of the ceremony. Ritzenthaler, “Southwestern Chippewa,” 754. Ely always wrote Miteui, which might be rendered midewi, and refers to a member or a practitioner of the Midewiwin.

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began to talk in plain language & told many things which at some convocation of the men for a religious smoke she would reveal. The child is a twin— its mate died about 2 months since, while they were out on the winter hunt. With the Indians, twins are great Manito kazojig23 & the Manito made the revelation last night, whh when divulged in council will be known to Cotte, for Cotte knows all the news, &, of course, I shall hear. Services as usual. They are unusually free in calling for explanations. This eve in explanation of C / prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem, gave a history of its fall. Monday Mar. 9. I observed two or three days since, a branch like the point of a bone in the right arm of my little patient, about half way from elbow to shoulder, but from the swollen state of the limb, could not satisfy myself as to the cause. This morning the swellings were much diminished—while renewing the applications I discovered that arm to be broken. On enquiry, I conclude it took place near 20 days ago!!! No wonder it is a bag of corruption. Why has it not died before this? The mother says that it had no fall. What account she gives, I know not. I am halting as to my duty in leaving it in other hands to go to Le Pointe. Whether others will take care of it? How long? Whether its parents will carry it to the camp where it must suffer from inattention, & whether it will then be within my reach. I have done all I can for it, & these remedies may as well be applied by others as me. These are queries whh it is important to settle. If I can save its life & no others can, I must stay. May God direct me. Alfred & Reva,24 with three men & two horses, arrived a little after sunset—brought letters from Br. Boutwell as late as March 2d. By Ininis family letters for me arrived from Le Pointe (18 or 20 days since) & given to Serapha who could not read English & supposed them for Alfred. They were from Brs. Hall & Ayer. Alfred describes the sufferings of the Indians to be very great. Coughs & expectoration of blood.25 Says the cholera is among the Sioux of the plains. One of my last winters scholars, daughter of the 23. Manitokaazojig: one who acts like or shows qualities of a manidoo. 24. This is probably Paul Rivé, a voyageur stationed at Leech Lake in the service of the afc since 1819. Chippewa Claim 121, Lucius Lyon Papers. 25. A whooping cough epidemic in 1834–35 spread from the Upper Missouri to Red River and Rainy Lake. Hackett, Very Remarkable Sickness, 178–79.

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Sandy Lake chief, died at Sandy Lake after 3 days illness. Br. Boutwell also describes their sufferings as very distressing. One man & family arrived this evening, weak. He has left Mr. C. informs me, about 30 souls behind who were not able to come. One old man of the company had died some 20 days since. Henry is to go in the morning with relief. Tuesday, Mar. 10. God in his righteous & merciful providence, has settled my questions of yesterday. The infant is dead. It died about 4¼ oclk this P.M. Its death struggles began about noon—was at times much convulsed. Its dying agonies were distressing. I was with it in the last hour of its continuance on earth, & watched the ebb & flow of its pulse with deep solicitude. The men & women (Kijanishenabeg) sat around the lodge smoking the pipe. Peppermint & the camphor contained in Opodeldoc were all the reviving cordials I had at hand. Its gaspings for breath & chokings from mucus were long continued, & I was easier when I lost its pulse entirely. Mrs. Cotte & Aitkins & all the children & people were called in, & the lodge was filled. Mrs. C. took a cup of water & baptized the child, making the Cross on its forehead, repeating over it the name of the Father, Son, & Spirit. They then proceeded to dress the child, & its little remains was shortly brought to Mr. C’s house where it now is, & a lighted candle placed at its head. I do not expect to be here at its interment, as I expect to leave for Le Pointe about noon tomorrow. Was called this forenoon to see Ma¸ osit who is quite sick. Has a severe pain in his right side. I have applied a blister. Another solicitation from a pagan Indn to instruct his son after my return.

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For Interim, see Journal No 8 as 6.26

Journal 8 March 11 to May 15, 1835

[ Journey to La Pointe; Return to Fond du Lac] Lake Superior Mar. 11, 1835 Left the house about noon. When I left it, the Catholics were attending the funeral of the child whh died yesterday. M. 26. The first seven pages of this journal seem to be Ely’s thoughts for a letter, defending himself against the accusations of levity and thinking himself superior. Since we do not know if he ever wrote the letter, nor for whom the letter was intended, these pages are not reproduced here.

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Cotte requested me to attend, but I declined, because I was anxious to camp here this evening in order to get to Le Pt. before the Sabbath. Reva carries the Uapu [provisions] in common, & my blankets. My load consists of books & manuscripts, clothing &c &c.—a knapsack full. Have travelled about 8 miles on snow shoes for the first time. I called on Mangosit, dressed his blister—a little more comfortable—slept none last night. We are encamped on the bank of the lake, on the point which for several miles divides the river from the lake, and about 1 league from its mouth.27 A light breeze is blowing, & the sound of far off moving ice echoes over our heads. Found Sagakomin a few miles above this, comforting himself with a little fish which he had cooked. The old man followed us down & got a supper by the means. He is the husband of the old woman whom I attended at the post.

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Thursday 12th River Brule. Left our camp soon after light. Kaiashkibazh was camped not far from us, but we were ignorant of it. Some one behind us cried out “Bozho.” He contrived, among other things to tell us he was “mυnepua,” whh was doubtless his principal business. From the river we had no path. An immense bank of ice & snow lines the shore & sometimes two or more. We travelled on this, outside or inside, as our greatest ease dictated. Cooked about 10 oclk. A little damp snow fell in the night, which makes our snowshoes hang very heavy, and my toes complain severely tonight. We are camped in the woods, a little east of the river. Have taken our supper & are comforted. It is growing cold. Friday Mar 13. Gaapυkuaiika-sibi [Rush or Flag River]. Left our encampment before sunrise—tolerably good travelling on the ice, jumping from cake to cake, until we arrived at Uiguas Point [Bark Point]. There the shore began to be icebound & the lake open. We had to take to the woods, a thicket filled with fallen trees, and snow very deep. One of Reva’s snowshoes gave way and he could not lift the road. We were alternately on the ice & in the woods & clambering & sliding down the icy precipices, immersed in snow half our depth. In fact it was discour27. This would be Wisconsin Point.

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8. Iced shore of Lake Superior in winter. Described on March 12, 1835, and January 5, 1836. Photo by the author.

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aging. We arrived here about 3 oclk. Are in the Grand Brofrere’s lodge (a brother of Mrs Aitkins).28 Have been treated to a dish of smoked trout. Shaved & washed ourselves & feel all the better for it. My toes are very painful—find I must spend the Sabbath in the forest, but resolve to observe it whether I have any thing to eat or not. And may God help me to honour his Commandment. Saturday Mar. 14. This morning about 8 or 9 oclk our host raised his camp, and we proceeded with him to his sugar bush, about 3 encampments on our way. It is almost impossible to proceed on our way without snow shoes, & the work on whh the foot rests is entirely broken out of one of Reva’s shoes. The wife of the old man is now preparing a part of a moose skin to repair it, whh will probably be done tomorrow. Thus, after all, if we travel on Monday, it will be because necessary work was done on Sabbath for us. Had I a voice in it, I would not require it to be done tomorrow. Soon after our arrival we cooked & ate the last of our “Uapu,” saving a handful 28. Beau-frère, brother-in-law. He would be the brother-in-law of William Aitkins.

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9. Key to the Ojibwe orthography used by the abcfm missionaries. From Ojibue Spelling Book, 1846.

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of parched corn, & besides, what we have eaten in the lodge was their provisions. We must live on them tomorrow, and get a Uapu for Monday, but can easily repay them when I return. Had we not met this family here, we should have had difficulty in getting to our journey’s end, as the snow is deep, & probably suffered from hunger. This man’s summer residence is at the Brule River. He is a firm pagan. His lodge abounds with implements of his heathen worship.29 The sap starts very little. I saw a tree today which had run a pint or more. Weather exceedingly mild. While my dear brethren & their associates are joining in prayer in company, I am to spend the night & Sabbath in less than a days march from Le Pointe—but it is of God, & I am contented. Monday Mar 16. This morning before 4 oclk, we marched by the light of the moon. Our host furnished us with about 3 pts of corn & a smoked trout. From 4 to 7 oclk it snowed tremendously. Arrived at the mission house about 4 oclk. Found Brother Ayer here.

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Wednesday April 8. Mr Ayer left us this morning for home (Yellow Lake). From the time of my arrival we have been continually busy in copying & preparing manuscripts for the press. Intend to make out a spelling, reading & hymn book (in Ojibue).30 It was decided last week that it would not be expedient for me to attempt to return to Fond du Lac until the lake opens, as the ice in the rivers is so poor that it would render the return of the man who should accompany me very uncertain. Thus my school will suffer somewhat. I feel very uneasy about it. The time whh I spend here will afford me an opportunity to study Indian with Br. Hall. 29. In 1826 Thomas L. McKenney mentioned coming across a jossakid’s lodge at the mouth of the Brule, “a circle made of eight poles, twelve feet high, and crossing at the top, which being covered in with mats, or bark, he enters, and foretells future events,” Sketches of a Tour, 269. Jossakid means “seer, one who divines using a shaking tent.” 30. It was during this time that the missionaries made major changes in their orthography of the Ojibwe language. The most important innovation was the adoption of the symbol υ for the sound uh (as in but). They also decided to cease using diacritical marks, thereby simplifying the writing system. The change is evident in Ely’s journals, although he occasionally reverts to the old orthography. See Loomis to Greene, April 3, 1832, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Tuesday, May 12, 1835. Left the Mission House about 8½ oclk. My canoe is manned by 2 Canadians & one Indian. 3 oars. Made the traverse from Pt. au Fret,31 to the Detour, 9 miles, in 1½ hours—have now (4 oclk) hoisted our sail & are darting along finely. Wednesday 13th 5½ oclk. Our breeze yesterday increased, as we were opposite the last of the islands & the swells ran so high, that we stood for Mazhnυnigaus-i-sibi—we had to reef our sail twice.32 The roughness of the sea, together with the swiftness of our sailing, began to produce the unpleasant sensations of seasickness. We ran into the river about 4 oclk. Came through the surf safely. Slept sweetly all night. This morning looked like a settled blow, & has held good thus far. Rain threatened us, a little fell—we built a shantee of uυnugek bark where we are “riding out the storm,” roasting our trout before the fire, to which the flies had laid siege. Thursday 14th. A fine day. The blow continues. Wind about E. & E. N. E.—rather cold. Wind abates a little towards evening—hope it will fall with the sun.

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Friday 15th. The wind fell about 6 oclk yesterday. At sunset we loaded & pursued our voyage. Rowed all night—this morning met a lodge of Catholic Indians. We gave them a kettle of gunnuin & they in return gave us trout. At 11 oclk, entered the river, gummed our canoe opposite the old fort33— we met Alfred Aitkins in a light canoe. He had started for the Brule, but turned back. I embarked with him, & arrived here about 4 oclk. Met an apparently hearty welcome from old & young. Have been absent more than two months. Some feared that I had perished in the lake. [ Journal 8 ends; Journal 6 resumes.] Tuesday May 19, Evening. Called my school together yesterday. More than 20 came in, in the morning. P.M. 16 or 18. Today, about the usual number. The young men, most of them, seem to have lost their interest in reading. 31. This is probably Pointe de Froid on Madeline Island. 32. Probably Sand River. 33. The old fort was the one built in 1794 by Jean Baptiste Perrault near the entry. Jean Baptiste Perrault, “Narrative of the Travels,” 569. See also Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 171–76, for a discussion of the location of this fort.

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There may be causes for it. News has been recd that some of the Chippeways & Sioux have met & one of each nation killed. The drum has been continually sounding for 3 days, & the war song ringing through the air. In the evening the[y] dance the scalp. I have made a small beginning at gardening. The flies a very small kind begin to be troublesome. Friday May 22d. Yesterday not more than 6 or 8 scholars were at school— today, upwards of 20 have attended. This P. M. I visited 7 or 8 lodges on the opposite shore, most of them pagans. Invited children to the school & parents to send them. I had ecceeding difficulty to make myself understood to one man in particular. He inquired of the bystanders how many attended school. Whether I taught them to pray &c. They told him I only taught to read & write. I invited himself & wife to call & see the school tomorrow. Afterwards went over & applied a plaster to the thumb of his little boy. I brought a letter & a packet of crosses from Le Pointe, from the Cath. Priest at Sault to Mons. Cotte, by whh he learns that the priest intends visiting this place in the summer.34 The Indians are daily asking me if it is so, & I express my ignorance & refer them to M. Cotte. I suppose that many of them think that I am of the same faith of the Catholics. I have never attemped to tell them to the contrary, nor have I had the means of speaking to them. I have also feared that to do it in an imperfect way, or perhaps, to do it at all, would be shaking their confidence in all revelation, but that the way was to preach J.C. [the C is inside the J] & him crucified, & a godly life &c. without any other course, was best calculated to do them good. I now have access to the Cath. Indians, to read the Bible, but when the priest arrives, I expect an explosion, a denunciation as a “Wolf in Sheeps Clothing.” May God direct me that I may not act indiscreetly, but be faithful, & that I may not tremble before Sanballat.35 Alfred left for the Brule River this morning in a light canoe for potatoes. Saturday May 23d. I was kept up till near 12 oclk last night by the presence of an Ikue-oskinigikue, & nizh Kuiuisensυg.36 Spent much time in teach34. Rev. Frederic Baraga arrived at La Pointe on July 28 1835, and made his first missionary visit to Fond du Lac in early September. Register of St. Joseph’s Mission, La Pointe. 35. Sanballat, the arch-enemy of Nehemiah, opposed the Jews in their efforts to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. Neh. 4:1–6. 36. Ikwe-oshkiniigikwe and niizh gwiiwizensag, a young woman and two boys.

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ing them the alphabet. The young woman attends school, & one boy. The other boy was the son of the man mentioned yesterday. He however did not read. Such visits are apiji [very much] nocturnal, especially for women. Hope on such occasions there may be an abundance of witnesses present, at least for my own relief. Have seen nothing of the boy’s parents today, whom I yesterday invited into the school. About the same number of scholars as yesterday. Brabant’s have not attended since my return. One mother attended school today & read. She knows nearly all the alphabet. Sabbath, May 24. Soon after breakfast, I had a visit from about a dozen men besides boys & women. After I had cut them some tobacco, & they had satisfied their curiosity towards the wood cuts whh hung about my room, I read to them the subjects of the large Scripture engravings. Some of them were among the most obstinate pagans—one, the father mentioned yesterday. The representations tended to fix their attention. I had to drive them away to go to meeting. Immediately after service some Cath. Inds followed me home, & I was called to read the cards again. Until after my meeting of the children, my house was not free from visitants. Kebeshkυ¸ called about 2 oclk. I had offered to lend him a hoe. He called for it today. I objected, telling him it was the Sabbath. He said we observed the Sabbath but the Indians knew nothing about it. I read to him the 4th Commandment, telling him that was God’s word concerning it—that tomorrow morning I would carry him the hoe—asked him if I did right. He ansd affirmatively. Before leaving for Lepointe, not one of our collection of hymns was sung in Cath. service, & much coldness towards them manifested. On returning, the first thing whh saluted my ears was “Nibo, au Shauenimassin” echoing from a lodge, M. Cotte himself leading it. Now they occupy their full share in their worship. I was surprized—what has effected this change I know not, especially as I have not met with so warm a reception from M. C. as at other times. Two—a young man & a boy—have this moment taken their books & commenced reading. Tuesday May 26th. Have been honoured with a great dance this P. M. After dancing at M. Cottes, where they were served to sugar & tobacco, they came & planted their flag at my door. There were 2 singers (& drummers) accompanied by two young women (singers). The Kij-anishinabeg [elders]

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came in & smoked the pipe with me, while the young men danced at the door. They were naked, except azions & mitassons [loincloth and leggings], painted in the most hideous manner from head to foot, in such colors as best suited their several tastes. Each one carried some weapon—one a gun, another, a lance, a lance head, knife, pυkυmagυn [war club], &c &c. I acknowledged the honour—told them I had not a plug of tobacco left. After a visit of about ½ an hour, they took their leave. It is a gloomy evening—a strong east wind & some rain.

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Wednesday May 27. Went about 5 oclk to assist Serapha in seining for sturgeon. The seine used is about 2½ to 3 fathoms in length, & nearly as wide. The two corners of each end are by a short cord, drawn together, & a weight attached, so that both corners are carried to the bottom. A line is attached to each weight, & held by the man in the stern of each canoe (two being required). The men in the bows of the canoes draw obliquely from each other, thus keeping the seine stretched. The cork & lead lines of the seine open its mouth in an oval shape while the seine forms a bag. The moment the cords are drawn in, the mouth of the seine is closed. We took only a few carp. There were 5 or 6 seines drawing at the same time. Friday May 29. A story is going the rounds that I have contracted with Mons. Brabant to build a larger house, for whh I am to give $100. The remark is very sagaciously added that I am not the headman at this mission, but Br. Boutwell, thereby intimating, perhaps, that I am acting unauthorizedly. What the object of this story can be, I can not yet divine. Yesterday or day before, Mr. Cotte made me a morning call. Among other things, the remark was made that my house was too small. M. C. enquired if I should build larger. I told him if the school continued, it would be necessary in a year or two. I asked him what would be the probable expence of a house like the one next door. He ansd—You will probably get Mr Aitkin to build it for you. I asked what he (Mr A.) would probably charge for such a house. He ansd $100. This is all that was said about it—the name of Brabant was not mentioned. The price was M. C’s own suggestion. Things never come to my ears immediately. The story must have been coined & circulated forthwith. Saturday Eve, May 30th. Am too much fatigued to attempt to spend any

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length of time [in] profitable study or worship. Have worked very hard for a day or two in making a cupboard, & have nearly completed it. School not so well attended today. Too many kinds of amusement going forward. The Indians have exchanged dancing for the ball [la crosse]. Alfred, Serapha & some others from the fort37 have been playing with the Indians this P. M. in their shirts & bare legs. The Indians commonly play naked, save the aziōn [loincloth]. Sabbath, May 31. A charming day. Nature seemed to smile upon this blessed institution of God. The sun atmosphere & hills covered with fresh verdure, sung of “love.” Man, ungrateful man alone uttered despite to the “Great King.” O! should God leave us to do in every thing as our own hearts desire how soon would we destroy ourselves, & had man power how soon would he destroy the bond which holds together the universe—even God!! Services as usual. Immediately after service, my house was thronged with men, Catholics mostly (Inds). They requested to hear Christ’s death, & also, where C / commands to watch & pray, whh I read to them. Was called to see Sagakomin’s wife (the woman mentioned March 2nd) After the children’s meeting, visited her. Found her in extreme pain in the right leg & arm. The knee was much swollen & the cords contracted so that the limb could not be laid strait. The swelling & contraction commenced this morning. The arm is also contracted & the centre of pain is at the elbow. I have applied a bass wood bark poultice to both, as the only (& best) remedy whh I could use immediately. She has also taken some medicine. The knee is similar to the closing attack of my dear Mother in 1829–30, & whh she endured for several months, but a broken constitution could no longer hold body & soul together. She has sped her way to a better world to join, I trust, her beloved companion, my Father. _ _ _ _ _ _38 The valley is filled with the sound of the pagan drum, rattle, & song this evening. The pagans are preparing (I am informed) for a Miteui. May God avert any evil speaking which may arise from my going after 37. Fort was the name formerly given to the trading post. In 1827 the secretary of war had ordered that the name fort be changed to post. William Clark to Taliaferro, March 26, 1827, Taliaferro Papers, Reel 2. 38. Lucia Sisson Ely died in 1830, and Judah Ely died in 1824, both in Chardon, Ohio. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 97; Sisson and Sisson, Descendants of Richard and Mary Sisson, 169.

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basswood for the suffering old woman this P. M. I preferred going myself, as others might bring that whh was wholly unfit for use. Monday June 1st. About 4 oclk P. M. Crebassa arrived in a canoe from Le Point with goods—by him I recd letters from Br. Hall & Sister Cook & the perusal of a recent one from Br. Ayer, whh I return by Mr. C. day after tomorrow. I have written to Miss Cook & Br Boutwell this evening. June 2. Charette, Jondron & Alfred left for Sandy Lake this forenoon. I forwarded my letter to Br. Boutwell. If Alfred meets canoes with furs, he will probably return.

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Wednesday June 3. Mr. Crebassa left this morning for La Pointe. Mrs. Aitkins & 3 of the children have gone to the River Brule with him. No school this P. M. Have been getting poles to fence around my house. Today the Indians have held their Miteue. On Monday word came to me that some of the relatives of the old woman did not approve of my course with her. I sent them word, if they wanted any further help from me, that they must come after me, as I would not call again until then—have heard nothing from her. Suppose she is in the Miteui today. I will wait & see whether that cures her. She will probably die of this attack. The Cath. Indians said there was a large picture of a cow on bark on the opposite side of the lodge directly before her.39 I did not see it. “These be thy gods.” Osawa-Amik told me this P. M. that they not only pray to Kishemanito, but Mυji-manito, the Sun & a great variety of other deities above & beneath the surface of the earth.40 Saturday June 6. Have written to Br. Seymour this evening. An Indian is to leave for the folle Avoigne tomorrow. My school has been more thinly attended for two or three days. The pagan Indians are shy—are afraid of the influence of the Anυmiewin.41 Scarce any of their children attend. I counted 19 lodges today, containing I suppose 150, old & young. 39. Although cattle were known to the Ojibwe at least since 1806, many still saw them as endowed with special power. See Kugel, “Of Missionaries and Their Cattle,” 228–29. 40. Traditional Ojibwe also pray to odibenjigeg, the powers that be, the owners of all. Gizhemanidoo (kind, loving spirit) and Gichi-manidoo (Great Spirit) were both used to refer to the Christian God. The Ojibwe considered the sun a very powerful manidoo, the source of all life-giving things, and still retained their ancient relationship to many manidoog above, on, and below the earth. Roger Roulette, interview, August 18, 2009; Jones, History of the Ojebway, 3–4. 41. Anami’e(win), Christian religion or prayer.

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Sabbath June 7th. Some time last night, Isabella (Mrs H. Cotte) was delivered of gave birth to a son.42 Is quite sick today. Exercises today as usual. A cold east wind is prevailing & a fire is very comfortable.

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Monday 8th. After school this P. M. I visited some of the lodges on the other side, principally of the sick. Sagakomin’s wife is worse—both arms & one leg are now contracted & mostly useless. The swelling of the knee has extended through the leg & foot. In this situation I think she must eventually die. Du Brielle’s wife arrived this morning from Sandy Lake, whh she left seven days since.43 She has a palsied foot. I next called on Shingup, an old chief, & one of the KijAnishabeg, who is affected with disease in the vitals. I think the lungs are affected. He coughs, & sometimes raises blood. Is troubled with fainting turns (if I understood his son) right. At their request I carried him some of Turlington’s Balsam for his cough. The poor Indians, when they are sick, do indeed suffer. O! Could they appreciate Christian sympathy, there would be hope in their case. But they are bound in the chains of superstition. As I entered there a man rolled up his bones, &c &c—he had probably been juggling (i. e. swallowing & disgorging bones, singing & praying, drumming & rattling) or was about to commence.44 It was he who suggested the idea that I had some cough medicine. Tuesday June 9th. Visited the old chief (Shingup) about 2 oClk—found him in extreme pain—especially in his coughing turns. As I bent down by his side, & took hold of his wrist, his eye beamed bright in my face— “Nishaguenimo apiji,” said he, with a strong emphasis.45 His son said he was referring to the idea of death, & that the old man thought his hour was nearly come, but from this isolated expression, he must have inferred from my countenance that I thought him near his end. His son told me that he has been so for some seasons before, & is only well in cold weather. This looks a little like a consumptive habit. After supper, an Indian told us that there were three Uemitigυshυg [Canadians] in the portage. He had hardly so said before the Indians raised 42. Their first child, Henry, was baptized as John by Father Baraga on September 6 during his first visit to Fond du Lac. Register of St. Joseph’s Mission, La Pointe. 43. This is probably Louis Dubreul, a boatman in the employ of the afc. See Appendix F. 44. Bones were used in certain medicine ceremonies. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 46. 45. Ani-zhaagwenimo aapiji: He doesn’t want any attention in his weakened state.

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a whoop. A canoe had turned the point. We soon saw that it was pretty well loaded with live stock. We supposed it to be Alfred & John, then Mr. Aitkins, but instead of turning into the marias [marais], they proceeded on. As they came opposite the house I perceived a man & one or two women, besides the hands. The man put his hand to his hat & raised it a little. “Mr. Boutwell,” said I, & started to the top of my [speed] after the canoe, whh was going toward my house. As the canoe came opposite Cotte’s wharf, it suddenly stopped, & Vincent Roy stepped out followed by an elderly man, to whom I was afterwards introduced as Mr. Sayre from Rainy Lake.46 I had not thought of the possibility of any arrivals except by way of Sandy Lake. I was no little mortified at my ridiculous mistake. They are on their way to the Sault. Near midnight last night Mr. Cotte waked me saying that Isabella was very sick & wished me to go & see her. I found her in much pain, the abdomen swollen, & evidently labouring under a suppression of the lochia.47 We immediately bled her, fomented the parts with flannels wrung out of warm water, & gave milk & water injections. These means were continued nearly all day. She was attacked with a severe pain in the side for whh was applied a blister plaster—was more comfortable at night, but the usual discharges were not produced. Her breasts began to swell—frequent drawings & the use of Opodeldoc relieved this. Wednesday Eve June 10. Isabella rested well last night & is very comfortable today. About noon, Alfred & John Aitkins arrived from Sandy Lake, & said that some Leech Lake Indians arrived on Sabbath last, who said that Mr. Davenport would arrive on Monday. He had laid by over Sabbath & that Mr. Boutwell was with him. Shall look for them here in about 8 days. There were papers for me at Sandy Lake whh they forgot to bring. 4 or 5 canoes were about leaving with packs—will probably be in the portage Saturday. Old Shingup’s son says his father is better. He uses Turlington’s Balsam. Have written to Br. Hall & Miss Cook this evening. 46. This was probably John Charles Sayer, a North West Company trader who was active at Rainy Lake 1811–19 and still living there in 1835. North West Company Ledger, 1811–21; Lac La Pluie Post Journal, 1834–35, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives. 47. Vaginal discharge after childbirth.

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Thursday, June 11th. Commenced school in my lodge this morning. Mr. Sayre was much unwell this morning—in fact, he is every day. He is suffering from strangury & other complaints.48 Visited “Shingup” near sunset. I have never seen so great a change in any person in 48 hours—to my eyes he appeared to be much emaciated. I could almost span his leg. His tongue & throat were swollen—he could not speak loud, & with extreme difficulty, in a whisper, & expectorated excessively. Was very faint—as I approached him, he beckoned me to give him the air. They were frequently sprinkling his breast and arms with water. A few minutes after my return, Mrs. Aitkins & children arrived from the Brule. Isabella is quite comfortable. A smart gale at sunset—thunder & rain. Tuesday night about 10 oclk. our roofs suffered from a gale. Some of my barks were carried into the river. Heavy poles were raised whh confined the bark on. Mr Cotte’s roof was nearly stripped, & the men’s houses. Have just written a line to Isabella, setting forth Gods mercy in her sufferings, & exhorting her tenderly to dedicate herself & little one to the Saviour. May God sanctify this to her.

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Friday June 12th. In a lodge directly opposite my house, two women have each been delivered of a child, & the Indians as is their custom, at the moment of birth raise a whoop, & fire two or three shots. Although aware of the custom, I had never before observed it practised. Messrs Roy & Sayre left this morning for the Sault.49 I forwarded letters to Br. Hall & Miss Cook. Sabbath June 14. My lodge was pretty well filled at the children’s meeting this P. M. Nearly 40 men & children were present. Had several visitors of the pagans today to whom I read the Scriptures. One or two canoes of Indians from Sandy Lake, among them the old chief (the Big Mouth) arrived this P. M.50 Have heard from Br. Boutwell by them. He is with the 2nd brigade of the company’s canoes. The first brigade is probably at the Portage 48. Slow or spasmodic, painful urination. 49. William Johnston, agency interpreter at Sault Ste. Marie, wrote his brother-in-law Henry Schoolcraft that Vincent Roy and Jack Sayer had arrived at Sault Ste. Marie on July 4. July 10, 1835, Correspondence of the Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received, Reel 387. 50. This was Kwiwizainish, Bad Boy, also known as Grosse Guelle or Big Mouth, a Sandy Lake chief of the marten totem. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 73, and Diedrich, Ojibway Chiefs, 153.

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du Coteau to night. The 2nd probably left Savannah Portage this morning. Have spent much time in reading Abbotts Young Christian, & have been greatly instructed.51 Saturday June 20. Shingup died about daybreak this morning. Was called to attend his funeral this P. M.—did not feel very well prepared for it, as I had taken last night an emetic & this morn, a cathartic. Attempted to set forth the character of God & the necessity of preparing in life to meet him in death. Isabella interpreted—during the exercises, was informed of the arrival of Br & Sister Boutwell at the portage—went up in Mr. Aitkins light & 8 men canoe afterwards, & brought them down. Tuesday June, 23 Mr. Aitkins & Mr Scott arrived from Sandy Lake. All his furs likewise arrived from the portage. Spent the evening in singing with Mr. A. Davenport wife & two or three others. Opened my lodge for singing—it was filled, nearly 50 were present, old & young. Thursday 25. Yesterday & today, a cold east storm has prevailed, & prevailed [prevented] the brigade from sailing.

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Friday, 26. Colder weather again. Shall not sail today. It is an unlucky day in this country. Mr. A. would never commence a voyage on this day, but never rests on Sabbath. It is decided that I accompany Br. B. to Le Pointe. Saturday 27th. Showery today. 7 Indians have left to-day on a war party against the Sioux. They came & danced before the houses. Their music was the mitiguυkik & shishiguυn [water drum and rattle], accompanied by a song, the words used were “uegonen geonji Shaguenimoian,” Why should I be afraid (or hesitate or dread).52 A camp of Ojibue killed a Sioux. The Sioux retaliated & have taken 7 heads, & say they must have 10 for the one. Mr. A. Davenport tells me that the day after the Sioux was killed, the murderers arrived at his house (Gull Lake) their knives & blankets yet reeking with blood. They dressed 51. Abbott’s Young Christian, or A Familiar Illustration of the Principles of Christian Duty, was a collection of fictional and nonfictional stories by Jacob Abbott published in 1832. 52. Wegonen ge-onji-zhaagwenimoyaan.

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& ornamented the scalp in his house. About 3 weeks since, the scalp was brought here & the Indians have been dancing the scalp dance almost continually. Mr. George Johnston passed the River Brule a few days since for St. Peters. He is deputed by government to draw the boundary between the two nations, if possible, to put a termination to their unhappy wars.53 Monday 29th. Embarked in company with Br. & Sister B. on board a barge for La Pointe. Encamped at Gaminikang-sibi, 2 or 3 leagues beyond the entry (in the Lake).54 Mr Aitkins passed us at the entry in his light canoe. Tuesday 30. Le Point. A fine days sail—started a little before sunrise— arrived at Le Pointe about 5 oclk P. M. Found Br. Ayer & wife at mission. Br. Hall & fam. comfortably well. Henry Blatchford & Catharine Bissell from the Mackinaw Mission School had recently arrived to labour as assistants at such places as most expedient. They were hopefully converted the last winter. Speak Chippeway.55 July 4 Saturday. Mrs Campbell & children & Mr Town embarked for Mackinaw on board a barge belonging to the Company, under the direction of Ambroze Davenport. Mrs. C. has for several years filled the place of interpreter at Mackinaw & La Pointe, but the interests of her children required that she should leave.56 Mr. C. is to follow her in the vessell.

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Monday July 6. Monthly Concert. Rev. Daniel M. Chandler, Methodist 53. Although the Treaty of 1825 had defined the Sioux-Chippewa boundary, Congress did not appropriate the money for the survey until 1834. Army Major Jonathan L. Bean was placed in charge of the survey, and George Johnston, who was Schoolcraft’s brother-in-law, was appointed interpreter. Bean actually began the survey on May 29, 1835. Johnston, who did not receive the letter of appointment until May 26, went first to La Pointe and then to St. Peters. He only joined the survey party on July 14 in eastern Minnesota and continued until Sept. 1, when they reached the Chippewa River. Blackburn, “George Johnston,” 315–21. 54. Amnicon River. 55. Henry Blatchford was the name given to François Descharrault at the Mackinac Mission to honor the pastor of Branch Church in Spencer, Massachusetts. Catharine Bissell, who was born at Fort William, was the daughter of Joseph Goulais and Josette Grant. She was named after Josiah Bissell, a prominent supporter of the abcfm. See Widder, Battle for the Soul, 108, 138; Ely, Records of the Descendants, 226. 56. John Campbell and his wife, Elizabeth Davenport, had seven children at this time, ranging in age from two to eighteen. Special File 124, Special Files of the Office of Indian Affairs, M574, Roll 19.

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Missionary at the Anse, arrived, & was present at our meeting. It was really refreshing to see & hear him. Wednesday July 8. Br. Chandler left this morning on his return home. His visit has been to us a pleasant season. He manifests holy temper, & has been much blessed in his labours with the Indians. Thursday 9. I embarked on a barge with Alfred Aitkins for Fondulac to resume my school. Expect to return to Le Pt. in the boat about Augt 1. Friday July 10. Marched nearly all night—did not encamp on shore. Arrived at the Brule about noon (or a little after). Entered the river St Louis about dusk. It has rained all the P. M.

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Saturday July 11. (FonduLac) Slept on board under the tarpaulin—a powerful rain which continued this forenoon. Arrived at the post about 3 oclk— 48 hours from La Point. Heard at the entry of the death of Merces wife (an old Frenchman) very suddenly, 4 days ago (Wednesday). Also Ishkuakite, the principal man among the Catholic Indians57—ill three days—supposed to be cholera in both cases. I have not satisfied myself concerning it. Ishkuakite died one day before the other—people appear generally well. The war party mentioned 27th ult. returned yesterday. After a few days starving they probably felt their ardour abate. They brought no scalps, & saw no enemies. Sabbath July 12th Fond du Lac. The heavens have declared God’s glory today. A cheering sun & delightful atmosphere have enlivened the face of nature. I have been somewhat oppressed in spirits last evening & to-day. After such a friendly interview as I have enjoyed at Lapointe, to find myself alone (for those around me are little better to me as companions than if they were not) is somewhat heart-sickening. But I have endeavoured to lay my case before God, & seek his direction and strength from on high.58 By the help of Isabella [Cotte] I endeavoured to preach the truth to the children & others who came in at the usual meeting of the school. May God sanctify 57. The Catholic Indians were those whom Cotté was instructing in the Catholic faith. None of them was yet baptized. 58. At La Pointe Ely met Catharine Bissell, the woman he would soon marry.

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the truth to the salvation of some. Shingup’s son visited me afterwards, told me he should bye & bye learn prayers of Cotte—that he was listening. His heart (he said) was glad. It loved the prayers. I endeavoured to open to him the spirituality of worship by reading a few passages on the subject, & in my poor way to enlarge. God sees my want of a mouth to speak to this people & in his own time he will doubtless send me an interpreter, if so be he continues me here. This day, I suppose, the dear brethren & sisters have met around the board of the risen Saviour. The Church were expecting to receive to their Communion Henry Blatchford & Catharine Bissell, from the Mission School at Mackinaw, & Uabishkeguυnebi & wife, Indians, who have been indulging hope in C / . about 2 years. I trust it has been a precious season to them. Have endeavoured to pray for them. O! that light might arise on our darkness, & that God would visit his people, for there are some, even in “Sordis,” who love him.59 Monday July 13th. In consequence of some deficiency in Mrs. Aitkins family stock of provisions, I was, immediately after my arrival, transferred to Laundre’s family, & mess in their lodge. Mons. Laundre asked me at supper if I would take his boy, 7 yrs old, under my care, & have him live with me for the coming year, & teach him—told him I would think of it, & confer with Br. Boutwell.60 Have written to Sister Ayer this P. M. Suffered much today as yesterday, attended by a pressure in the head & languor &c. My school was exceedingly tedious & almost unsupportable on this account. Jamins (& wife), eldest son of Ishkuakite decd, sits by my table. From the account he has just given I should conclude there was nothing like cholera in his case. The case of the woman also was almost instantaneous death. She died in convulsions, no vomitings attended. She was under the operation of a cathartic. Tuesday, July 14. Have concluded that it is expedient to return to Le Pointe, as M. Laundrie has not (probably) more than rations for his own family. Mr. Cotte is to leave tomorrow in a light canoe, & has offered to take me. 59. This may be a reference to the ancient city of Sardis in Asia Minor, to whom the Lord spoke through St. John: “Thous hast a few names even in Sardis which have not defiled their garments; and they shall walk with me in white, for they are truly worthy. Rev. 3:4. 60. Jean Baptiste Landré’s son was Joseph. Chippewa Claim 39, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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It will make less difference with me than them in case it should be long before supplies come in.61 The Indians who took a letter from me to Br. Seymour ( June 6) it seems, lost it, as it was picked up by Mr. Brabant & handed to Mr. Cotte, who returned it today. July 15 Riv. Brule. Left the house after breakfast this morning in Mr C’s canoe. Arrived here a little before sunset. Met “Shauυnaguυnebi,” (an Indian) on his way to Yellow Lake—forwarded my letter to Br. Seymour. Thursday Eve 16th. Encamped on the main shore opposite the fort, about 6 miles from the mission house. Have taken 5 or 6 fine trout this P. M. with our trolling line. Friday 17. Arrived at the house this morning, before the family had risen— took them by surprize. Augt 1. Mr. Aitkins arrived to day from Mackinaw. Brought letters from Talcott, my brothers Albert & Philander & (cousin) Amanda Day—also papers. Augt. 3d. Mr. Davenport with a boat load of provisions arrived last night. The hearts of the people were glad, as they were suffering for want of food. Mr. A. left today for Sandy Lake. This day I am 26 yrs old.

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Augt. 20. Little before sunset the long expected vessell anchored in the harbour, & all hearts were glad, for the people of the post were on short allowance. Mr. Crooks arrived in her.62 No mail. Sabbath 23d. The vessel sailed for the Sault this morning with furs on board. Expect she will return in 10 or 12 days, if good weather. Monday Augt. 24. This evening Brs. John Taunchey, George Copway & Peter Marksman arrived from the Ance. They are Methodist Missionaries destined 61. It appears that Ely was anxious to return to La Pointe. Subsequent events will show the reason. 62. Ramsey Crooks was the president of the new American Fur Company and father of Boutwell’s wife, Hester Crooks. This visit, which lasted about three weeks, was intended to examine the state of the business at La Pointe. Crooks to Benjamin Clapp, August 22, 1835, afc Papers, Reel 22.

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for Lac Coterie [Lac Courte Oreilles]. John is an Indian the others half breeds. Two are fruits of the Methodist Missions in Canada. Peter is from Sault St Maries. They were accompanied by two young men (converts) from the Ance—recd by them a letter from Br. Chandler, Meth Missy at Ance. John & George are preachers.63 Tuesday. Assisted in making a coffin for Adikons, an Indian who died last night at the gardens. After the Indian ceremonies & interment, Br. George Copway addressed the Indians, sung & prayed. The priest & many Catholics attended, but left when they saw that we were conducting the exercises. The old chief [Buffalo] gave us permission to speak. Sabbath Augt 30. This P. M. I was married to Miss Catharine Bissell of the Mackinaw Mission. Ceremonies in Church, by Br. Boutwell.64 Monday Sept. 14 Br. Ayer & wife, & Br. Boutwell & wife, & Josette Pyant, left us—Br. A. & wife for Yellow Lake & Br. B. wife & Josette for Leech Lake.65 Sister B. is in very poor health—feel somewhat anxious for her. It is decided that Fond du Lac must be abandoned, & I remain here, in order that this station may be supplied with an interpreter.66 We occupy the west end of the mission house. Cyrus Pierce boards with us.

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Monday 21st. For 3 days past a most tedious N. W. storm has prevailed. Powerful wind & rain. The rain has subsided, but the wind is strong & piercing. This evening, by invitation, 5 or 6 Indian women came in to my room expressly to learn to knit. We sung some hymns. I read the story of C / walk63. John Taunchey and his nephew George Copway were Ojibwe converts to Methodism from Rice Lake, Upper Canada (Ontario). They had spent their first winter (1834–35) at L’Anse with Rev. Daniel Chandler and were now on their way to open a mission at Lac Courte Oreilles. With them was Peter Marksman, an Ojibwe from L’Anse, Marksman being a translation of his Ojibwe name, Ma-dwe-gwan-ey-aash. See Copway (Kahgegagahbowh), Life, Letters and Speeches, 105–11. 64. In a brief outline of his life found among his papers, Ely summed up his courtship and marriage to Catharine Goulais (renamed Bissell): “Left Fondulac June 29th, arrived 30th--met worker there who had recently arrived from Mackinac as assistant. Returned to Fondulac 9th July, reached there 11th & returned to La Point July 15th arriving 17th. Was married to worker August 30 1835.” Correspondence, Ely Papers. 65. Josette Pyant (Payant) was a former student at the Mackinac Mission school. She was listed as half Ottawa in the List of Mixed Bloods for the Treaty of 1836. Special File 124, Office of Indian Affairs. 66. His wife would be that interpreter.

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ing on the sea, & concluded with prayer—all appeared highly gratified. After they had retired, we united in thanksgiving to God for inclining the hearts of these women to come among us, & listen to His word. May God bring good out of this. Letters Sent. Jany 15 F. Ayer Augt. 22 (carried it myself ) 17 W.T.B 31 W. T. B 31 S. Hall Sept. 5 Amanda Day W. H. Talcott Feby 9 F. Ayer J. J. Seymour 18 W.T.B. March Aaron Day F. P. Ely May 9 F. Ayer 15 J. Towne 18 W.T.B June 1 W.T.B. 2 D. Cook “ S. Hall 6 J. Seymour (not carried) 10 S. Hall D. Cook July 13 Mrs. E. Ayer W.T.B 15 J.J. Seymour Rev. D. M. Chandler

Amanda Day F. P. Ely H. R. Schoolcraft Esq. Rev. S. M. Chandler W. B. Talcott Chauncey Hall

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Chapter 6

Life at Fond du Lac September 20, 1835 to December 27, 1836

Journal 9 September 20, 1835, to December 27, 1836

La Pointe Embark for Fond du Lac Sept. 20, 1835. Brother Ayer concluded that it would be his duty to return to Yellow Lake. It was therefore resolved not to occupy Fond du Lac the coming winter, but that I remain at Le Pointe to assist Br. Hall. Br. Boutwell, wife & Sister Josette Pyant left for Leech Lake. Sister Boutwell in very poor health, & an infant of a few weeks old in her arms.1 Br. Ayer & wife left the same time for Yellow Lake.

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Sabbath, Oct. 11. This morning about 4 oclk the vessel arrived, bringing as passengers Brother Towne (& wife), Br. Grenville Temple Sproat, and Miss Susan Bennett, a Mackinaw scholar. She was the confidential school mate of my dear Catharine.2 Monday Oct. 19. Embarked about 10 oClk A.M. with my dear wife, on This journal, designated Journal 9, is the longest of Ely’s journals, consisting of 156 pages and spanning nearly seven years. Ely used smaller journals, now numbered 10–17, to cover short trips made during this time. He supplied his own headings for the first thirty-six pages of this journal, and all these headings are retained except those that indicate Fond du Lac. The headings have been repositioned at the beginning of entries or sections of entries in the appropriate place in the journal. 1. Hester Crooks had given birth to their first child, Elizabeth Antoinette, on August 4 at La Pointe. Boutwell Diary, August 4–September 4, 1835. 2. The arrival of these new missionaries would enable Ely to return to Fond du Lac, as he was no longer needed at La Pointe. Ely to Greene, October 15, 1835, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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board a boat belonging to AM.F. Co. bound to Fond du Lac in charge of Dr. Borup. It had been determined that Br. Sproat accompany me, but Sister Hall was taken sick on Saturday, whh rendered it necessary that Br. S. remain in the school in place of Miss Cook, whose help would be otherwise needed. Peter Azhanigwυn accompanies us. He is a native of F. du Lac, ¼ white & converted—has laboured one year with the Methodist brethren, & came out with two Indian preachers to establish a mission at Lac Courtereille. It was deemed expedient by them to return & winter at Le Pointe.3 Br. Hall employed one as interpreter, & Peter came to assist me. He speaks only Ojibue—reads & writes tolerably well his own language.

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Voyage to Fond du Lac Tuesday 20th. Travelled part of the night—did not camp, but slept on board. P.M.—appearance of a storm. Heavy swells from sea. Met Mr. Warren’s canoe from Yellow Lake. Recd a letter from Br. Ayer, & a joint one from Brother Seymour to Br. Hall & self—did not read half of it, as we were rolling as such a rate as rendered it prudent for both the canoe & our heavy loaded boat to seek a harbor. Made a safe entry into the Riviere Brule about 4 oclk. Evening rainy. Catharine quite unwell from sea sickness. Wednesday 21st. A gale arose during the night. Waked & found our tent rocking over, but strengthened it in a short time. Morning—N. W. wind. Rain turned to snow—the piercing cold drove us to take refuge in Ojanimasυn’s (an Indian who usually resides here) bark house on the high bank of the river, but here we were followed by another not less troublesome attendant—smoke. I have wept abundantly, but not from sorrow or joy. My eyes cannot endure smoke without complaining. Thursday 22. It would seem the lake was enraged with itself. P. M. more calm—wind much abated. Made an attempt to get out & pursue our voy3. The Ojibwe missionaries from Upper Canada were not accustomed to the hardships they encountered. George Copway wrote: “We had to carry our canoes, with the rest of our articles, over eight portages, one of which was nine, and another five miles long. No language can convey an idea of the hardships and toil to which we were exposed, before we reached there; for we had to carry all our things over the carrying places; and as it was too late in the fall (October 8) and on account of the disagreeableness of the weather, we were obliged to return to La Pointe.” Copway, Life, Letters and Speeches, 113.

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age, but were glad to return. Had got enough of the bark house—therefore went up the river & encamped. Friday 23. The marias [marais] are frozen much. Ice begins to form in the river. Near evening, made another attempt to push out of the river, but soon returned again. Concluded to wait till the lake was calm. Beach covered with ice & icicles. Saturday 24. About sunset took to the lake & were enabled to pursue our voyage. Sea pretty calm, although the clouds looked threatening. About 12 oclk entered the [St. Louis] river. The Doctor is near sighted, so I had to be pilot, as none of the crew knew much of the river or entry. No moon. Was chilled with the piercing air. About 4 oclk, in attempting to follow the winding of the channels in the 2d lake, we run into the ice on a rush bottom. Hands were tired, threw our anchor, & went to sleep, all hands. Arrival Sabbath 25. Arrived at the house about 10 oclk A. M. very cold. It doubtless gratified the enemies of God to see [us] arrive on Sabbath. Went to Mrs Aitkins—after breakfast built a fire in my house although very uncomfortable, & spent the remainder of the day by ourselves.

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Monday Nov. 2d. Have been hard at work today, Peter & self, in building a storeroom adjoining—about 6 ft square. Have been visited by some young men, sons of the Chief, Ma¸ osit. This evening has been spent in reading Genesis to 3 or 4 young men—singing & prayer. We commended our work into God’s hands, who alone can make our labour effectual. Tuesday 3d. Have been at work at my room. Mons. Cotte’s fisherman returned today from the lake, bringing 26 bbls trout. A number of Indians have also arrived. Have been visited by several. One of them was the man who killed Bellair’s wife at the entry last summer in cold blood—he came behind her unawares, & shot her through. An old family quarrel was the assigned reason. Some of her relatives had killed a relative of his, & with an Indian revenge is revenge, whether it fall on the innocent or guilty.4 I 4. In Ojibwe society, as in many American Indian societies, the family of the victim had the right to punish the murderer or a member of his or her family or to receive compensation. The murderer of Bellair’s wife was later identified as Ogimansish, younger brother of Manitons. See May 31, 1837.

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could not look on his countenance, as he sat peacably visiting me, without emotion. At supper, a man came in and remained at evening worship. As I began to read the Scriptures, he drew near to me, & his continual exclamations showed the attention he paid to the subject. I told him that there was one God & one Bible, & that was sent to all, that C / came on earth to save all, Inds & whites—that God had given a law to all, & read it to him, read of a day of judgment &c, &c. Sung & prayed—after we concluded he said it was “Mamυkatakυmik,” wonderful. Wednesday Nov 4. Have been plastering mudding my house. Hired Brabant to assist me. Have been visited by several Indians, but have been in no situation to read or talk to them. After supper, spent some time in reading the account of the Creation to a man. Ininini & family arrived from Sandy Lake—bring no letters.

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Saturday Eve. 7th. We begin to feel comfortable in my house. Have mudded & whitewashed (or wht clayed) it, & put up our beds (bunks). Invited the Indians in to a meeting—before we had finished supper, they began to come in and filled the room. We pushed aside our table and commenced our exercises—was late before they left. Appointed a meeting for the morning to commence (be held) before the Catholic service. Many Catholics attended this evening.5 Sabbath 8th. A rainy night last night, but our house was tight compared with what it was when the last rain fell. It begun then to storm in the night—the rain fell powerfully. Only the eaves had any bark on, & our floor was completely drenched. We laid some boards on the floor—put our blankets on them. Piled up our trunks & boxes, on whh we laid a pole & over this drew my bed oilcloth—crawled under & slept out the storm. It has snowed most of the day. Wind fluctuating from E. to S. & W. Seems to have settled in the N. Water too cold to melt the snow. Ice will soon take I think. The Indians came in this morning—pagans mostly. We laboured with them—others came, & thus we were engaged until I was much exhausted. Appointed a meeting for this evening. None have come. Peter is attending 5. During his first visit to Fond du Lac, September 6–9, 1835, Baraga baptized forty-six Ojibwe, not counting the mixed-bloods. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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the Cath service. Has attended two or three times & read the scriptures & talked to them by invitation.

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Tuesday, 10th. Yesterday commenced school—about 15 scholars. Mrs Le Pointe and her children attend regularly. Yesterday morning Peter made a Kuâbυuâgυn or scoop net, & last evening we went to the rapids to fish for whitefish. After making two or three bouts, the net was jerked from Peter’s hand, by a stone probably. The moon was not yet risen. We floated along down the swift current, groping in every eddy. We came unawares upon a rock, broadside upon a rock over whh the water was dashing furiously, & barely saved ourselves from wrecking. We turned our thoughts homewards. In passing through another eddy, we ran upon our lost net. Rejoiced at its recovery, we returned & succeeded in bringing home 18 fine whitefish. This evening Mrs Le Point & Isabella have been here. I talked with Mr[s] Le P. She is bred a Catholic, but is convinced that something more is necessary for salvation than prayers & absolution of the priest. Peter is fishing at the rapids. The river froze opposite & below the house last night. Thursday Nov. 12. Yesterday, Andanυnib, the Indian mentioned under date of [blank in manuscript] gave Peter an invitation to accompany him & his family on their winter’s hunt.6 They are 7 or 8 adults in no. & all Catholics & relatives of P. Peter told him he could not accept his invitation without consulting me. The old man & part of his family visited me this evening & presented his request. The ostensible object was that Peter might explain to them the word of God more perfectly, as he said he could understand but little of Cotte’s instructions, in consequence of Cs ignorance of Ojibue.7 Said he was going about five encampments (1 day’s march). I told him Peter might go & remain with him 10 days, & that he might make other visits to them during the season, at which they seemed much pleased. May God be glorified in this. Saty 14th Nov. Peter left yesterday morning. Today four families have gone. The river is open again. 6. Later Ely writes his name as Gandanυnib. 7. According to Father Baraga, Cotté “speaks their language fairly well.” Baraga to Amalia Baraga, September 22, 1835, Correspondence, Bishop Baraga Archives.

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Mons. Cotte keeps himself aloof from us, as much as he can with propriety. Called in today. Isabella says they are not pleased with her visiting here. Mons. Cotte told Henry that if she continued to stay out late in the evening, he would lock her out. (They never lock their door on ordinary occasions) Complains that she can never interpret for them, but can interpret for us. Isabella says she told Henry that she would come if Cotte did lock her out. I commenced teaching the Commandments in the school today. Expect they will fall out with me bye & bye, as I intend to preach Jesus Christ as plainly as I can to them and their children.8 Thursday 19th. Peter returned this P. M. Left some of the Indians whom he accompanied quite sick. He says they listened attentively to his instructions.

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Saty. Eve 21. Alfred Aitkins left for Sandy Lake this morning. Wrote by him to Br. Boutwell, Mr. Aitkins & A. Davenport. Have just returned from “Miskua Gizhigot’s” lodge—found there Nindipens & family. He is son of the old Chief Shingup who died last spring. They arrived today from the region south, between this & Yellow Lake, & their bones corroberate their statements that they have been very hungry. Peter & self read the Crucifixion, sung & prayed with them—all Catholics.9 Sabbath, 22d. This morning early Nindipens & family visited us. Called a meeting before the Catholic service. Kashkibazh was the only man present. After the others had entered, we read & conversed with Ka. Was enabled to present the excellency of religion in such a light as seemed to me that if I could but speak Ojibue without embarrassment, I could make it clear to his mind. At supper, Miskua-Gizhigυt was present. We read Jno 14 Ch. Christ speaks of sending the Spirit of Truth. I held that up as a mark between true and false Christianity, & forced it (this truth) home as powerfully as our knowledge of the language would permit, that although he prayed & had been baptized, yet unless he had been born again, washed by this Spirit of 8. This is exactly what happened. As Ely began to preach more strongly against the Ojibwe way of life, he lost most of those who earlier had shown some interest in Christianity. 9. Not all had been baptized, however. Miskua Gizhik, Andanυnib (Kandanabi), Osagi, and Jamins (Tchemens) had all been baptized on September 9. Nindibens and Naganab were baptized the following year. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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Truth, he would perish. Both M-g. & Nindipens are Catholics. Peter has gone to Cotte’s (Cath service) to read the Scriptures.10 Tuesday 24 Nov. Last evening, Isabella interpreting, translated a few verses of infant school hymns in to Ojibue. This eve called in some of the children to learn them & to march, &c. It was very novel to them. A beginning— hope to continue.

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Sabbath 29. Mrs Cotte & Aitkins & several others (Catholics) assembled with the children. Fond du Lac. Excursion to Bekuazhibikυnag Monday 30th. About an hour after sunrise, Peter & self started to visit the most prominent & lofty peak of these surrounding hills—bekuâzhibikυtinag, as it is called, about 3 miles distant, East.11 The peak is a vast rock or mass of rocks. The N. W. & S. sides are perpendicular rock of at least 100 ft. I should judge. The east is a gradual (terraced) descent, connecting it with the ridge of hills running eastward, & forming the N. shore of the river & Lake Superiour. Directly opposite to it northerly is another peak, its west side precipitous, but not so high as the first. The second is more properly the termination of the ridge—the first is more insulated. Its diameter at top is I suppose 8 or 10 rods, & is mostly covered with a stunted growth of pine & birch bushes. The other is much broader and more heavily wooded. Considerable spots of them are bald rock. The rock is very hard & nearly black. The view Eastward embraces the valley of the St Louis to its mouth. The head of Lake Superiour & the south shore, extending to the headland a little beyond the mouth of Burnt River distant, say 40 miles, although the Canadians estimate it at 15 leagues, south. The valley distant about 1½ miles, & the country (mostly level) to the highlands beyond the Nυmυjitiguaia [Nemadji] River (whh empties itself with the St Louis), distant 25 or 30 miles. West & NW. The hills & highlands through whh the river forces its way in series of unnavigable rapids—about 12 miles. The course of the river can 10. The only scripture readings available in Ojibwe at this time were those of Peter Jones and Edwin James. 11. Bekwaazhi-bikodinaag, lumpy hills, wilderness hills. The peak, now known as Ely’s Peak, is a mass of basalt rising 1250 ft. above sea level.

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be very imper[fe]ctly followed as its both banks are precipitous & high. The Indians say that a “bυguυj-inini” a wild man frequents this peak— that he wears a blue capot, scarlet leggins & shoes, & carries a new gun. Arrived at home about 1 oclk. Both mountain & prospect exceeded my expectations. Tuesday Dec. 1st. This evening have been translating infant school matter. Isabella told Catharine today that Mrs Cotte enquired concerning the 2nd Commandment—said that she had never heard it as we have it in our translation and as I taught it to the children on Sabbath.12 Said that it seemed to her, it meant their (Cath) pictures. Cotte was present & said it was not so in the Bible—that we had made up some of the Commandments. Isabella assured them that it was verbatim, the Word of God—took her Bible & read it to them, which silenced the one & I hope convinced the other.

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Wednesday 2d. About midnight last night, I was taken with purging & nausea—vomited a little. This morning, took a dose of pills—feel very weak. This eve, Alfred Aitkins returned from Sandy Lake, accompanied by Scott with 2 men & a horse train—recd a letter from Br. Boutwell dated at Sandy Lake, & one from Mr. Aitkins. Catharine also recd one from Sister Boutwell. They were all well & about leaving for Leech Lake. Thursday Dec. 3. This evening J. P. Scott took supper & spent the evening with us—spent about two hours with him in close personal conversation on the subject of his souls salvation. He told me that he had been twice powerfully convicted by the Spirit of God, once at Waterford N. Y. his native place, & again at the Sault St Maries. That he thought he had done everything in his power to become a Christian, that gradually his convictions left him. He seemed to struggle much with his feelings, & was free to express them. We prayed with him. He promised to correspond with me & to open his heart. I pressed him to take a stand for God & give up his heart without delay. 12. The second commandment in the Protestant Decalogue is “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the waters beneath the earth; Thou shalt not bow down thyself unto them, nor serve them.” In the Catholic Decalogue it is “Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.” See Exodus 20 and Deuteronomy 5. The division of the commandments into 10 is not distinct in either version and can be variously interpreted. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 4:4–8.

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Friday, 4th. Spent the evening in writing to Br. Boutwell & W. H. Talcott. Saturday 5th. This morning Mssrs Scott & Cotte left for Sandy Lake—forwarded letters. Recd a fine present of fresh beef from Alfred Aitkins. A few days since, also recd a present of bears meat. Almost daily Peter takes rabbits & occasionally partridges, so we are not obliged to eat salt food continually. Sabbath 6th. Meeting well atttended this P. M. Alfred Aitkins came in. After the others left, had a close & plain conversation with him—urged him to repentance. He allowed the importance of the subject.

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Saturday Dec 12th. No school today—have been mudding cracks in my chimney, caused by the frost heaving the logs upward. Endeavoured to give Mrs. Le Pointe this evening my views of her duty in governing her children & bringing them up right.13 Sabbath, 13th. Catharine, Peter & self attended Catholic worship this morning. Peter read by request the history of the crucifixion. Children’s meeting was well attended this P. M. Read & catechized on the Scripture print of “Christ with the Doctors.” His return & obedience to his parents afforded a noble opportunity of enforcing the 5th Com.14 Isabella interpreted. About one hour before sunset, Cotte arrived from Sandy Lake. It would have afforded a glorious triumph if a Protestant Missy. should have been found travelling on Sabbath, but it does not hurt Cottes conscience. Mrs Lepointe & children commenced attending family worship with us—have laboured much with her today. By Cotte I recd a joint letter to Br. Hall & self from Br. Boutwell dated Nov. 30. He arrived at Leech Lake Oct. 9. Sister B. gained strength in the voyage & the little one was preserved in health through cold rains, snows and winds. The child once fell into the Mississippi & was drenched. The Lord wonderfully provided for Br. B. (His man took in 10 or 12 days 3500 tulibees. His field afforded him 200 kegs potatoes, & with rice & corn, he has abundance.) 13. Outsiders often criticized Indian parents for not physically punishing their children. Baraga wrote that “children are seldom chastised for their bad behavior.” Chippewa Indians, 53. 14. Honor thy father and thy mother in the Protestant Decalogue.

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Monday, 14. Visited Brabant’s family this evening with Peter. Tuesday 15th. Catharine has been affected with ague in the face most of the day. On Saturday morning I bruised my left shin a little, so as to break the skin. It festured & became a little inflamed. It began to discharge a thick bloody matter, & continues. I fear it may be long before it heals & perhaps may lay me aside. Some days since, Catharine copied a Scripture promise on a slip of paper, applicable to the state of mind she supposed me to be in. It was very seasonable. I answered in the same manner. It has become a daily exercise. This may tend to our spiritual good.

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Sat. 26. Have been reflecting on the expediency of cooking cakes to offer to visitors on New Years. I said to Peter at breakfast that I thought it might be inexpedient to do it, as it tended rather to encourage begging & gluttony than temperance & good manners, & be setting a bad precedent for the misson. He did not agree with me & an hour of argument followed, productive of no good to our souls. This eve, Kashkibazh & Shinguâbe visited us. I read & talked to them as plainly as we were able. K said, on being asked how he felt when he heard these things, it makes him think of his past life—he knew it was bad. Sung & prayed with them. Gave a short lecture to Charles Charrette & Kenosh, who came in for that purpose. Sabbath 27. Have endeavoured to expose the folly of praying to the devil, to Kashkibazh, Ininini & Shin[gu]âbe, all pagans. Gave them a brief history of him, his origin & character, & compared him with God. Meeting this P. M. was attended by all the Frenchmen of the post & some young Indians. This eve, attended Cotte’s service. Peter read Jno. 15 Ch. I requested leave to speak & endeavoured to show the character of those who were branches.15 Isabella interpreted—much liberty in speaking. Tuesday 29. Read the Jewish law concerning idolatry this morning in school with Matilda & Nancy, it being their lesson. Gave them a brief view of the different forms of idolatry—told them they were guilty of idolatry in praying to the Virgin Mary. 15. In John 15 Christ compares himself to a vine and his followers to the branches.

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Dec 31st. At noon McDonald & another arrived from Sandy Lake bringing letters from Br. Boutwell, Sister B. & Josette Pyant. We were rejoiced. I wrote him concerning building. He advises me to build. I have concluded to go to Lepointe to get a man, consult Br. Hall &c, &c. Evening—Miskua Gizhik & another Indn visited me. Spent an hour in visiting reading & preaching to them. It would seem that God helped me. I felt as if my tongue would almost utter Ojibue without having acquired it. My soul laboured to make them comprehend the Scriptures. To God be all the praise. Mυtueueâsh lodges here tonight—have been singing & talking with him.16 1836 Saturday Jany 2d. The express for Le Pointe left this morning. Alfred Aitkins also left for Sandy Lake with Mc Donald. Evening—As we were about attending prayers, a number of Indians, (Catholics) & some women came in. We read the Word of God to them. I spoke to them of hungering & thirsting after righteousness—read to them the experience & direction of David & the prophets. Sab. 3d. Our room was well filled this P. M. A number of men & women. “The Miraculous Draught of Fishes” was the subject. At prayers this evening, a deep solemnity pervaded the room. Mrs. Lepointe in tears. It would seem that God was ready to pour out his spirit, but we are not prepared for it.17 I expect to leave for Le Pt. in the morning, to be absent about 10 days. Catharine & Peter will conduct the school.

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For Voyage to Lepointe & Journal to Feby 16 See Manuscript No

Journal 10 January 4 to February 16, 1836

Monday, Jany 4. Left home for Lepointe this morning before sunrise. Ininini’s youngest son [Kekuetash] accompanies me, about 16 years of age. 16. Mυtueueash (Madweweyaash), later named William Talcott after Ely’s friend in Albany, was the son of Gandanυnib. 17. An intense, emotional reaction was often part of the evangelical experience. HambrickStowe, Charles G. Finney, 49–54.

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Arrived at the entry quite fatigued. Came on two or three miles. Made tea. We had taken no breakfast—had eaten a little parched rice & bread only on the way. Refreshed, we shouldered our packs & came on till night overtook us. A strong wind in the E. most of the way. Snowed powerfully about two hours. The water, thrown in back of the bank of ice, prevented our following the beach. We turned into the woods sometime before we encamped. Are about 5 or more miles from the entry. Part of the day have kept my thoughts much on God. I find self complacency rising up in my soul. Tuesday, Jany 5. We were up about 3 hours before day light. The moon was obscured by clouds. We mistook the light in the East for day light & marched. Went on till we were tired. We had in fact slept very little. When the clouds broke away & disclosed the source of light, we camped again to refresh. The travelling was terrible on the beach. Nothing but a series of slips & falls on the ridge of fine ice heaped up by the surf. The gale of yesterday softened the crust back of the ridge of ice & filled up the space beneath, & we were continually breaking into it. Some of the way, we took the woods. We are camped about 2 miles east of the River Brule. My thoughts have dwelt but little on Christ today. This evening, after camping, suffered from despondency. Have had to struggle most of the day against it. Exceeding lame in my limbs. The fact that I must travel this wretched road again was a cause, not to mention the absence of my dear wife at home. Had a struggle to keep from under it—this evening, laid myself before God. Began to read the Scriptures & talk of “Blessed are the pure in heart” with Kekuetash—my burden left me. My heart was softened & I experienced a very comfortable frame, expecially in singing & prayer with him. Wednesday, 6th. Started as soon as it was light enough to follow the track. The express cut the point W. of Gaapυkuaieka [Rush River], but fell a mile or more too far South—wandered half the day to make a few miles. Saw fresh moose tracks. Was disappointed that the express did not take the road from Gaapυkuaieka to Lepointe. They did not know the way—nor did we, having passed it but once. So we are obliged to follow the beach. Came to two places, impassable & were obliged to climb the bank very

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steep—perhaps 80 ft. high. We are encamped on the top of the second, & not far from Gamυshkigiminikani [Cranberry River]. It will take us two days longer perhaps to get to Lept. than I anticipated. I hoped to see [be] there tomorrow, but this is a trial of my patience & I will receive it so, & not murmur. May God give us strength—began to wish myself safe at home. The thought of retracing these difficult steps is not very pleasing. Have meditated some today on this—“Blessed is the man whom thou choosest & callest unto thee.” It has rained considerably this P.M. & now a little. We are some wet— have taken one of our two blankets for a roof tonight, & shall try to keep as warm with the other as we can, before a good fire. Thursday 7. A rainy night. Started this morning by the light of the moon. Our wet blankets increased our load. Were obliged to cross the extreme point of Neuiguasika [Bark Point]—from this point across to the next is but a little distance, but the distance round the bay is 6 or 8 miles. Came to a river whh was not frozen. Kekuetash first carried our loads over & then myself. The next point we endeavoured to cross to Mazhnυmegus-i-sibi. We did not attempt to follow the track of the express as we supposed they had gone round the point. I took my compass & started in the direction, as near as I could recollect for the river—left our axe & had to return— found it. After marching considerable time, we struck into an Indian road, but our course had become somewhat turned imperceptibly. We thought we were going in the right direction, but soon we came to our own track near where we started before. We had consequently to go over the ground again—it was near night when we arrived at the spot where we took the road. We followed on on the correct route a short distance & encamped. Found in the evening a quantity of excellent spunk as we were searching for firewood by flambeau light. Friday 8. Started an hour or two before day—crossed Mazhonυmegus-isibi. At the east corner of the bay the express had struck into the woods in a direct line for Le Pointe. Soon fell upon an Indian road. Soon arrived at the height of land. Here the express had lost the road, & wandered about most of the day, following their tracks. Towards evening came into a region where firewood was very scarce. We supposed that we were very near the

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lake as the country was descending ridges & streams, & resolved to press on, as there was prospect of snow, & we expected the track would be filled up when night came, we found we should not be able to follow the track without moonlight. With much difficulty we struck a fire & searched fruitlessly for birch bark for flambeaus. Not a tree was to be found. We succeeded in kindling a blaze of umisik bark, & started on, but soon the whole went out & we were left in the dark. We succeeded in groping our way back to the little fire that remained. There was no fuel here—the only alternative was to take up our fire & march by its light till we could find fuel. Kekuetash carried both our packs & I took up the fire. & we went forward We soon saw a few dead stubs, whh we chopped, kindled a fire & made our camp. It now snowed powerfully. We took one of our two blankets, & made a roof over our heads. Our dry wood was exhausting. No more was to be found— the only alternative to maintain a greenwood fire was inevitable—or suffer. The boy was so sleepy that he was unable to sustain himself. I knew if I slept, our fire would be exhausted before I should wake, & to kindle another in the darkness was beyond hope. I took my axe & went to work—while chopping a small maple I struck the inner corner of my axe into the sole of my left foot. I however bound up my wound & resumed my labour. Was quite wet with melted snow, & my clothes covered with ice. After the moon rose, about midnight, I left our camp & pursued our way. The bushes were so filled with snow that almost continually we were losing our track, now full of snow. Two or three times we almost despaired of finding the road. Near break of day we tried to kindle a fire. We were among young pines & scarce any dry wood. We were wet & almost too cold to handle our fire steels. After labouring sometime we gave up the attempt & concluded that our only hope was to keep ourselves warm by travelling. We made scarce any progress from the difficulty of following our road. A little after day light Kekuetash as we passed another dry stub, urged another attempt to kindle a fire. The poor fellow was so exhausted as to be hardly able to follow. We succeeded in raising a blaze. Our snow shoes were frozen to our feet, & we had to thaw them off. We were too wet to attempt to sleep, & concluding we were near the lake, we determined to press on & do our sleeping at the house. We cooked some mondaminabo, & again marched, warmed & refreshed—in about ½ hour we came out to the bay. The sight

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of the houses waked us up—arrived about 9 oclk, found our brethren & sisters well & rejoiced to see us. They had recd my letters the evening before by the express, & did not expect me under several days. I was rejoiced to find a revival in the Church. God had indeed visited his people, & they were singing his praises.18 Tuesday January 19, 1836. Left my beloved friends at the mission house on my return home, about 10 oclk, A.M. Am accompanied by Kekuetash, and Augustus Cadotte as guide.19 Are encamped about half way to Sicoueka, a good camp & comfortable too. Have had my thoughts much on Christ as a Redeemer, & God as a Covenant Father today. O! That my heart would fly to Him, to part from Him no more. My dear friends are praying for me this eve, I doubt not, especially Br. Sproat. We could hardly separate. I never saw such longings for a brother as he exercises in my behalf. Why has God raised up such a friend to me? It leads me to feel that God has designs of mercy to my soul. Am encouraged to trust & pray. O! Keep me, Holy Spirit!

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Wednesday 20th. Left the camp about sunrise. Our guide had lost his road yesterday. Marched about two hours, when he called for my compass. We were turned, & going towards Le Point again. We fell on to a road which led us across a small lake to another of about 2 miles long—turned north to strike the Lake Superior at Siscoueka-sibi [Siskiwit River]. After encamping, had a snow storm which lasted part of the night. Very uncomfortable. Cadotte asked leave to return home. He had broke his axe & left it at the last encampment, & having very little provisions, I assented to it. Thursday 21st. Started at break of day. About 2 hours through thickets & swamp brought us to the mouth of Siscu River—took a road which we supposed would lead us directly across to the large bay E. of Birchbark Point [Bark Bay]. After following it till our patience was exhausted, we steered west about an hour. We then followed the course of the deep ravines we 18. On Jan 1, 1836 Rev. Sherman Hall of La Pointe had written to David Greene, secretary of the abcfm: “I have never seen a greater willingness among these Indians to listen to the gospel than is manifested at the present time.” Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). This may have been due to the presence of the two native Methodist missionaries that winter. 19. Probably Augustin Cadotte, third son of Michel Cadotte of La Pointe.

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were continually crossing. About two hours brought us to the river [Bark River] which empties into the bay. We made a bridge of brush, & came on to the high land again, which we suppose is opposite the Point au Corse. Travelled north. Before sunset we encamped. Snow very deep. Have not had so much liberty in meditation as yesterday. Friday 22. About one hour brought us to the bay. Struck N.W. across Pt. au Corse (about 1 hour)—fell upon the track of the express returning from Le Pt. they had wandered in the country south two or three days. We had a strong west wind in our faces all day on the beach—arrived at Ga apυkuaiika [Flag River]—took the track of the express, crossed mυshkig, & camped. Froze our faces a little today. My arms & hands were numb with cold most all day. Meditated much on Gods word in my march, which made the cold more tolerable.

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Saturday 23. Steered by the compass, & are out a little beyond Piuabiko-sibi (Iron River)—a keen air. Arrived at the River Brule about noon— found Ojanimason encamped there. Found a young woman who had accompanied the express from Le Pointe. She had badly frozen her feet, & was unable to proceed farther—gave her a little salve & bandages, also some corn meal to Ojanimason’s wife. Heard that Osagi was encamped at GaMawisadika [Poplar River]—10 or 12 miles. We arrived about sunset at his lodge, rejoiced to find a tarrying place in the wilderness where we could pass the Sabbath. Found here two of my scholars of last season & Peneguυneâsh. Sabbath 24. Today I have been enabled to hang on the word of God & have enjoyed longings of soul for grace & faith. Have been enabled to pray with much fervour for those around me. Peneguυneâsh & Kekuetash spent most of the day spearing—killed some. I put them in mind of the command [Keep holy the Sabbath] before they left. Monday—before break of day we were harnessed for the voyage. It was intensely cold. Suffered much from cold hands & arms & face. We were at the entry. At Pυkegama20 Peneguυneash who was ahead saw an otter in a 20. Pokegama is a bay on the east side of the St. Louis River, about half way between the entry and the Fond du Lac post.

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snow bank, a few rods ahead—after a chase of about 20 rods, the Indian dispatched him with axe. Arrived at home a little before sunset after an absence of 22 days. Wednesday. Mr. Aitkins & Scott arrived this eve from Sandy Lake. Henry Cotte & Kekuetash started this morning for the Brule to bring the young woman mentioned as having frozen her feet. Have had some longing desires in prayer today. O, may C / be all my theme. Saturday 30. Wrote to Talcott—enclosed a draft on Boston for $20. Mr. A. is soon to send to St. Peters, & I forward this by him. Wrote also to Br. Boutwell. Had an interesting season of prayer this eve in concert with the church.

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Sabbath 31. Attended Cath. service this morning—read the 19 & 20 chs. of Exodus. Showed that C / sanctioned the law—read to them what it is to keep the Sabbath. O! may God bless his word—most of the women attended. Have been heavy hearted to day in consequence of sin. At evening prayer, was enabled to plead for “Osauâ-amikons.” He was present. Had been hearing him read the “Ressurrection of C / .” He reads very well. He is the first fruit of the school, & for this I was enabled to plead for his conversion, that he might be a first point unto God & go forth sending the word to his brethren. Messrs Aitkins, Scott, & Alfred Aitkins left about 10 oclk for Sandy Lake—forwarded a package to Br. Boutwell. Monthly Concert. Monday Feby. 1. Awfully stupid & careless sensual—& more like Satan than God. Notwithstanding all my wickedness, God has helped us this eve to pray with some ardour of soul for this people, for individuals, the Chh & our brethren. Osaua amikons & Kekuetash were present. Before supper read & talked with Amikons concerning the nature of conversion. Peter described to him a Chris[tian] experience & I also read of the operations of the Spirit on the heart. I asked if he had ever experienced anything of this? He answered—No! O, may God show him his need & remedy. He is the first fruits of my school here. O! May God claim him as His own, & send him forth to read the scriptures to his brethren. Kekuetash also & Mrs. Le Pointe we are making the subjects of special prayer.

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Monday. Isabella tells me that lately the Cath teachers tell the Indians not to wash on Sabbath. Nearly all the Inds are leaving for the entry. Mr. C. sent them word not to fish on Sabbath. It is evident Gods truth is working. I suppose it is the first time that they were ever told this, as Mr. C. always takes his own pleasure way on Sabbath, & very far from keeping the day— to God be the glory. Tuesday 2d. Peter left early this morning for the lake to spear trout. I gave him also some tobacco to buy fish with. Osaua amik21 accompanied him.

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Thursday 4th. Had a very close conversation with Osauâ amikons at worship this eve. Read to him such passages as “If ye love me, keep my Commandments,” &c. I then exposed the true conduct of the Catholic Indians & of Cotte, & appealed to him for the truth of it—then compared their lives with the Chr. character as C / has laid it down. Showed him the principles on whh a soul would act in whom the Spirit dwelt—examined their pretensions to the indwelling of the Spirit. Compared their fruits & asked him how these things could be? He did not attempt a vindication. Said he saw it, but could not answer—confessed their remissness. I laboured to show him that except the fountain was clean, the fruit would be bad—referred him to the conversation of last Monday eve, & read to him that C / . dwelt in those who loved Him, & that they brought forth different fruits. Friday 5. Recd a letter from Sister Boutwell this P.M. by an Indian woman. Br. Boutwall had wounded his foot with a sliver—was unable to come to Sandy Lake as he had anticipated. But God in his providence had, at the same time removed the necessity of his going, by prospering his business in another quarter.22 I understand Kekuetash last evening applied to Cotte to be instructed in the Cath faith. I am afraid the poor boy does not know but that he will be safe in C / . if he prays. A deep impression was evidently made on his mind at Lepointe.23 We have felt for him & made him a subject of prayer. He is in God’s hands—safe in God’s hands, & it is perfectly easy for Him to 21. This is Osaua amikons, -ons being a diminutive suffix. 22. Boutwell had just purchased two cattle from Belanger. Boutwell Diary, January 12, 1836. 23. Kekuetash underwent more than two years of instruction and was baptized by Baraga on July 22, 1838, as William Kekwedach. His age was given as eighteen. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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open his eyes to see & believe—we will pray for him. O! God, for thy Son’s sake, have mercy upon him—turn his heart to thee—let him rest nothing / . & him Crucified.” I have feared that our labours among this short of “C people have been made use of by Cotte, or Satan through him to bring in the pagans into the Cath. Chh. Quite considerable accessions have been recd of those who have listened to the word. I am informed that Cotte tells them that we are the same, that we pray to the same God. O! God, thou dost govern thine own kingdom. O, let not the ungodly [Catholics] pervert thy truth to the ruin of the blind heathen [Indians]. Our work is in thy hand. We are dust, perfect weakness—help us to commit all to thee.

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Saturday 6. Cotte and Isabella have had a quarrel today. She has left the house. She recd several blows from him. We were engaged [in making] a tick [mattress] with the cattail flagg. This is an improvement upon our coarse hay. Peter [Azhaniguυn] arrived from the lake about 9 or 10 oclk. He was hardly able to reach home from fatigue—left his sleigh & brought his load on his back. Sabbath 7th Feby. Attended Cath service this morning. Peter read & spoke. Meeting of children & others pretty well attended this P.M. The subject was the card, “Judas betrayed Christ.” Took occasion to draw out the history of Judas. One of the favoured 12, a preacher of the Gospel with miraculous grace & yet a hypocrite. I read that not every one that saith Lord, Lord etc. etc. shall enter in, & urged all to look well to it. There are three Indian women, Catholics encamped here, who are crippled—walk only upon their knees. We go with a sled & draw them to meeting. I feel that God only can work here. Am perfectly contented to labour with all my powers & leave it with God. There is not a ray of hope but in God. O! take thy work into thine own hands. Tuesday 9th. This day has been observed by us as a day of fasting & prayer in behalf of ourselves & this people. O! may God wash away our sins in Christ’s blood, & lead us to commit all into His hands. He alone can bless the word. On Sabbath “Guekuekigabo” came in & heard the word—again yester-

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day he came—expressed an earnest desire to understand the book, & to read & write. Today he requested that we would teach him how to pray. Peter told him he must give himself to God, his heart, sins & everything, & God would change his heart. He is a young man & from what I have seen of him before, I should judge vain, almost to foolishness. This evening Cotte & self went to Isabella’s house (they have moved into Cottes men’s house) & held a prayer meeting. Last evening I went & prayed with them.

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Wednesday, 10. Peter left again for the lake this morning. Sagakomin, an Indian about 45 yrs of age, has been a constant visitor at our house at meal times & we have always given him a dish. He has made the excuse that he could not take fish at the lake as he had no spear. I told him I would furnish him with hooks. He sent [one] of his boys 12 or 14 yrs of age to fish. He said yesterday he would go today, this morn, he said, tomorrow, & this P.M. he would not go at all. He was prompt in his attendance this evening for his supper. After sitting down to the table I read to him Paul’s assertions concerning those who will not provide &c and the indolent—told him, I thought he was lazy. If he wished to go to the lake I would furnish him with hooks, but I should feed him no more, that I would give something to his wife, a poor crippled woman, but he was able to work & I would give him no more. He departed without his supper. Saturday 13th. Several Indians have arrived from the lake. Guekuekigabau bro’t a line from Peter, who states that the Indn is very desirous to learn the Commandments, and to pray as we do. The Indn expresses a very ardent desire to learn. I endeavoured to know what his object was & whether he was willing to throw away all, his paganism & his sins. He said he wanted a new heart. He wanted the spirit of God to sanctify him. Wanted to commence learning the Commandments. I endeavoured to tell him what it was to be a Christian. He said it was his desire to become a follower of Jesus. I read to him the Commandments, I endeavoured to give him a view of their character & necessity of them, & their effect on the heart that will receive them. Two other young men came in. I read & explained to them the nature of the soul & that all action was the result of volition & from good or bad motives. Read the story of

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Annanias & Saphira.24 At prayers, after all had kneeled, Guekuegigabau also kneeled. The two young men were Catholics. It must be a pretty strong determination of mind [to] have led him to do this, at the risk of being made the laughing stock of his pagan relatives & friends. I have had very little confidence in the Indn supposing his object to be to get fed. But he is in God’s hands, & we will do him all the good we can. Sabbath 14. This morning, I endeavoured to ascertain of Guekuekigabau whether he was convicted of sin. He seemed to know not much about his heart. I brought up his Miteue, the scoffs of his pagan friends. He said he would not care for that. “Last fall,” said he, “when I was camped yonder, I said, is it indeed true that there is but one God? If so, I will throw away these. I burnt my medicines & drums, all of them, in the presence of my brother.” “Now,” says he, “I have thrown away all other gods, but Kishemanito, &c.” He commenced learning the 4th commandment. Kneels in presence of others.25 Attended Cath. service—read to them Pauls conversion & some incidents of his life. Tried to show them that his religion was one whh would & did carry him to martyrdom, & that if ours was not like his in the essentials, it would do us little good.

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Monday. Cotte & wife left for Lepointe. Forwarded letters to Brs Hall & Sproat & Sister Cook. Mυkuaian (the Indian mentioned yesterday—he has two names) left also. Tuesday, 16. Wrote Peter this morning. Mυkuauian’s wife & mother in law came in this eve. They said that he told them, if they were hungry they must come to him who was teaching him. They were hungry—had not eaten to day. I gave them some potatoes—enquired if they were Catholics. They answd Yes. I read to them the 13 Ch of 1 Cor. [Corinthians]. If ye love me, 24. The story of Annanias and Saphira is recounted in the Acts of the Apostles, 5. At a time when Christians were selling their possessions and giving the money to the apostles to be used for the common good, Annanias and Saphira kept back a portion of the money they had received for the sale of their land, and lied about it. They were both struck dead. 25. The idea that there was but one God was an essential part of the missionary message (as on November 3, 1835), but it was still not accepted by many Ojibwe. Their universe was full of manidoog, and the Christian concept of a single Great Spirit (Gichi-manidoo) was incomprehensible to many. See Frederic Baraga, Chippewa Indians, 34–35.

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keep my Commandments &c. Catharine is a little unwell this eve. We are all in the hands of a God of love & mercy. [ Journal 10 ends; Journal 9 resumes.] Thursday 18th. Peter arrived from the lake. No fish. The Indians are hungry. There are two or three men who listen to the word. Feby. 19. Have hired Brabant to work for me, building a house. Am to pay him 4/ per day, & board him. He is to be paid at the company’s store at Le Pointe—also gave him 1 plugg tobacco for every three days. Wrote Br. Hall this morning by an Indian.

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Sat. Feby 20. Brabant began work today. Have been employed in repairing my chimney & house whh had become crooked again by the frost heaving the house upward. Have also covered my roof with boards, as my old roof leaked badly. Have taken 44 boards from Mr. Aitkins’ lumber (Alfred is not yet arrived) measuring [blank in manuscript] feet, stubshorts, crooks, rots, &c &c—all included. Now I desire to lay aside my worldly cares, & bring myself before God, seeking preparation for the Sabbath & its duties. We remembered our beloved brethren & sisters & the church at our evening service as usual on Saturday eve—this is our appointed concert. Also these people, & particularly those three individuals who are subjects of our daily prayers. O may we have faith. I want to be in Christ. O! may He come & dwell in me. O! for the Spirit crying in my soul “Abba Father.” Sabbath 21. At our meeting about 30 came in, nearly ½ of them Cath adults. Christs presentation at the temple was the subject. Speaking of this dedication of children by the Jews, I remarked that it was the duty of every parent in the room to give their children away to God in Baptism, exercising faith in their behalf & covenanting to bring them up in the fear of God. That to be baptized without faith in C / was an empty sound—read to them the fruits of the Spirit, & then the 13ch of 1 Cor[inthians]—was assisted to speak with plainness & without the fear of man. Monday 22nd. Commenced having timber [brought] for my house. Have worked all day. Alfred Aitkins arrived from Sandy Lake—brought letters

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from Leech Lake. Mons Cotte & party returned also. They proceeded as far as Neuiguasika, where finding the ice too rough to proceed, they turned about. They rested on Sabbath at the entry. Peter says the Inds tell him that heretofore Cotte has always made sugar on Sabbaths, but this year he tells the Inds not to do it. This must come from the word operating on his mind. We will bless God & take courage. Tuesday 23d. After I returned from work, I recd a call from Nindipens. He first addressed himself to Brabant, enquiring what work he was doing? The old man told him he was building a house. The Indian said he was not pleased because I did not first give him notice that I wanted to build yonder. He said his father (Shing up) told him before he died, that if any one wanted to build here, they must speak to him about it. Peter told him that he ought to hold his peace about this—that in other lands, people had their children instructed at great expence, but we had come here to instruct the people without charge, & they ought to feel thankful. This was all intended for my ear, but directed to others. I here told him I did not rightly understand him, whh turned his speech to me. He said he loved to come in to my house & hear the word of God—& that now, when he went out after listening, he could see his father’s grave, but yonder, when he should come out of my house, he should not see it. I felt very strongly tempted to scold the fellow for this show of authority, but curbed myself, & said that this place where I now was, was a very unsuitable spot. I could not live in my school house. The only good spot here was over the creek & Mr. Aitkins wanted to build there. I thought also of the farther part of the field, but that was also wanted. I then went to the spot where I am at work—that was nobody’s sugar camp, nor field, & there I concluded to build. He expressed his dissatisfaction that Mr. Aitkins should think of building without his permission & said he should speak to him on the subject. His father was an old chief. This man has no more authority in the band than any other man. This is the first time that I have known of his pretensions to the dictatorship. Wednesday 24th. Met with no resistance today from my visitor of yesterday. Andanυnib called on us while at work & invited Peter & self to call at his lodge—on our way home we did so. He said “What did Nindibens say to

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you? did he say anything about you building a house here? Don’t listen to him. You don’t say anything bad to the children nor to adults. For my part I am very glad you are building. If he says anything more to you, I myself will go to his lodge & speak to him on the subject—he does not own this land more than we.26 We are many, & he is alone, & if he says anything, these will more hear us than him. His son Shinzibiz, also approved of his fathers words. Friday 26. This evening, by previous appointment, I recd a visit from Andanυnib, Ininini, Miskua-o-gizhik, & Nindipens. I called in Isabella to interpret. After I was ready to hear, the latter spoke as follows, (nearly). “I came in to hear what you had to say—perhaps if I should speak, the Indians would not hear me. You ought to have asked permission of me before you began to build—this land is mine—all the land whh you see around here, & all which my father has trod—is mine. He gave it [to] me before he died. All the trees are mine also. I know my heart is bad, and perhaps I shall say something wrong. The traders have always asked permission of me, even when my father was alive, & have given me something for it. I felt bad when I heard that you laughed at me when I came the other day. It is true I am not the chief. The governor did not make me so. I have not a medal, as you see, but my father was a chief, and gave me his medal before he died.27 My Father was a chief, & I own this land. I know of no one who owned this land but my Grandfather, & my father gave it to me. If I do not own this land, let these Indians who sit here speak. Ma¸ osit (the chief ) does not own this land. I say it before his son (who was also present). He is chief but when I speak, it is as I say—& Ma¸ osit interprets it.” Andanυnib became offended at his talk, & left the room. Saturday 27. At supper Nindibens came in. After worship he said he wished to enquire who I supposed the chief was. I told him Ma¸ osit—he said, “I 26. Andanυnib expresses the traditional concept of land ownership, that land is owned by the community. 27. Nindibens’s father Shingup had been the acknowledged chief (ogima) of the Fond du Lac community. In 1826, when McKenney and Schoolcraft met with the Ojibwe at Fond du Lac to make a new treaty, Shingup was given a medal of the first class. But as was the custom, most chiefs of importance also had speakers, orators who spoke for them. This was his son-in-law Maangozid, who received a medal of the second class. Ely believed that this medal gave Maangozid authority. “List of men to whom medals are recommended,” Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 63.

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will tell you well what Ma¸ osit is. His father was chief of Sandy Lake. He (Ma¸ osit) does not live here. When the Governor came here, he enquired who was interpreter here. He was told, Ma¸ osit. Therefore he gave him a medal. Now Ma¸-osit does not care for them—he no longer interprets for them.28 When you call the Indians together, they will tell you it is I who own this land. If they mention another as the owner, you will not build unless I permit you. I have a few soldiers who will listen to me.” Will you proceed to cut my timber? Will you speak to the Indians together, or one by one?—&c &c. These are some of the things which he said. He seemed in better humour than yesterday. Is evidently laboring to lead me to treat with him, & is trying to scare me a little. May God give me grace to pursue a right course & utter no rash words or acts.

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Tuesday Mar. 1. We occasionally hear some novel questions from this people, demonstrating the Biblical knowledge of some who would fain aspire to some rank as teacher. Peter inquired if there was any thing in the Bible like this, that Christ took his disciples up into high mountains and shewed them all the churches of the earth, & told them that all but one of those churches would fall. (That one doubtless is the Holy Cath Chh.) I read to him Mat[thew] 4th 8–10th & said that was the nearest like it of anything within my knowledge.29 Think they must have mistook Christ for the Devil. Friday March 4th. This day has been set apart as a day of fasting & prayer. Prayer meeting this morning & evening—Isabella & Mrs Lapointe attended. Naganab arrived this afternoon, enquiring concerning the Indians, their gardens, sugar camps &c &c. I enquired if Jamins owned the point where he cultivates. He ansd—“He who made it, owns it.” He enquired the reason of the question. Said that a certain man had sent tobacco to him & told 28. Nindibens sums up Maangozid’s status in the Fond du Lac community. For at least fifteen years Maangozid had made himself available to American officials in hope of being recognized as chief. See Kugel, “Religion Mixed with Politics,” 131–33. 29. In this section, Satan takes Christ up to a high mountain and shows him all the kingdoms of the world, offering them to him if he (Christ) would only fall down and worship him (Satan).

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10. Naganab, 1863. With permission of Minnesota Historical Society. Negative #29831.

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him that I was building &c &c. Said they sent back word that he ought not love the land,30 that the teacher had come here to do good & teach their children, & also had taught the word of God, that he comforted the sick &c &c. He had also today seen Nindipens, who said that I wanted to cheat them. He gave the geneology of their five grandfathers, chiefs.31 He said that Jaminˉs had also been consulted, & declined saying anything about it. There were but two or three more to speak to, & an answer would be given before Nindipens leaves. Sat. 5th. Alfred informed me that Cotte says Naganab and Osaua-amikons are opposed to my building yonder, but the mischief of his heart will be exposed & is now. This evening, Nindipens & the two others visited. They sat talking in a low voice among themselves, yet loud enough to be understood, mostly. They were talking of my building. Naganab remarked that “it was not right to love the land.32 That if a trader wished to build it was right for him to pay for it, but it was different with our brother (meaning me). He said Cotte had told them that I wanted to cheat them. It was not true. I came here to do them good. Cotte had said that it was right I should pay for it, & that the traders ought not, because they brought supplies to the Indians, but he says that because he himself wants to build. We ought to take no pay of our brother. We do not know what this land is worth— what it cost to make it. Some will say that he gives too little & they will not be pleased. If he does not pay, the land will still be ours, & he can stay on it as long as he pleases.” I should almost suspect some design in this smooth speech before us, & that it was a plan of C’s, if but I hardly suppose he would lay a plan of flattery to hide his real object, & make a recrimination of himself a part of it. He loves himself too much to accuse himself of deceit—it is contrary to Canadian character. I am surprized also that his most strenuous adherents 30. The implication here is “love too much so as not to part with it.” 31. William W. Warren identifies one of their grandfathers as Wa-me-gis-ug-o, “a daring and fearless hunter” of the Marten totem. History of the Ojibway People, 84–85. According to their baptismal records, Naganab and Nindibens were both about forty and probably were parallel cousins, whose fathers would have been brothers. Iskuakite, father of Jamins, may have been another brother. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe. 32. Naganab did not approve of Nindibens’s opposition to Ely’s building. Nindibens “loved the land” too much.

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should accuse him of deceit, & not fall in with him in recriminating me & my designs among this people.

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Monday Eve Mar. 7. I was informed a short time since that Osaua-amikons would leave for Lepointe very early in the morning, & that he intentionally neglected informing us. Alfred said he would enclose our letters in his package. We hastily scrawled a few lines, & also forwarded letters from inland which we had. I suspect Cotte is at the bottom of this—perhaps they think that they can do me an injury by cutting off our correspondence as much as they can. God rules. We bless Him for this opportunity. But just this moment, Osaua amikons has come in. We will hear what he says. He tells me he shall remain at Lepointe some time, until just before sugar time. I presume the object of his visit is to be instructed by Mr. Barrega. March. 8. This morning Ma¸ osit, Nindipens and Ininini came in. They spoke very kindly concerning my building. Ma¸ osit was in favour of giving permission to erect my house forthwith, but N. objected. This P.M. while hauling timber N. came to me, & enquired stated that M. had been lying, &c &c. Ininini said if I would give him a little flour, he would call N. to eat with him & try to persuade him to consent to my putting up my house without delay. They came in this eve, but only to enquire what M. had said here. I told him such things as he himself heard, & felt bound to say no more. I soon saw that N. is exceeding was jealous that M. had been claiming for himself the authority. He is the chief, appointed by government—wheras the other is son of an old line of chiefs, & never recognized by government. I shall ask no more. I am tired of this parleying. O, may God show this boasting N. that the wisdom of whh he boasts (of ) as having possessed from the first, is but foolishness. Ma¸ osit & the Indians generally acknowledge the claim of N. to be just.33 Wednesday, 9th. Am attacked with a severe cold. Took a sweat. Nindipens called Peter to his lodge to communicate to me by him—Viz. 33. The Ojibwe knew that a medal did not make a chief. Chieftainship was generally by descent in the male line. Those chiefs made by the government did not necessarily have the respect of the people. The respect given to Maangozid derived from his medicine power as a leader of the Midewiwin.

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A long preamble about his title, & Ma¸osits pretensions to influence with the Indians. He [Nindipens] could tell me well now to put up my house, but there is one Indian whom he has not seen & who would have something to say &c. He will return soon & call the Indians together & tell them I want to build, & will take his axe, and mark the bounds of my field, & also mark the trees whh I may cut for firewood. Also, divers other matter[s] expressing his humble situation & feelings. He said there were three ways in which my mercy to the Inds might be manifested—Viz. 1. Teaching to read & write. 2. The word of God. 3. Giving provisions to the Inds. Mine, he said showed in the two first only.34 I never thought of giving the Indians, at least some families, an occasional kettle to cook, although there is a store here from whh I could purchase, & I am well able to do it. (Whh, being interpreted, “I would be pleased with a present of flour and pork occasionally”) This, he said tried his feelings, true—he had heard that I did feed some, but he had never seen anything of that mercy in me. No one had advised him to speak this (as above). I might think that Cotte had said something by way of advice, but he had not. He could very well make Cotte pay for all the land he has spoiled, and the wood he has cut, if he chose.35 All the wood, fish, potatoes & sugar whh Cotte gets is as money to him (C.) Thursday 10. Rose quite unwell, oppression in head & chest, a dry cough— took a cathartic. Have been unfit for any business of consequence. Called the Indian in, & asked to know definitely what wood, grass &c. he was intending to give me—that if he expected to limit me to what trees he should mark with his axe for fuel, we would now stop our talking and he might feel at liberty to bargain with any other who may want to purchase his land. He replied viz—“You say right—I have been waiting for you to 34. Showing mercy or pity was a very important concept to the Indians. It was done by sharing, by giving. They did not respect the person who kept for himself. Liberality was the quality of the person who had more than others and gave it way. 35. Both the traders and the missionaries believed the land was there for the taking, and that they were doing the Indians a favor. The Ojibwe of Fond du Lac knew they should charge those who used their land for gain, as well as for use of the products of the land, but they had now become so dependent on the traders, although not on the missionaries, that forcing payment would be impossible.

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say this. I do not wish any one to freeze on my land. I do not want to mark all the trees. I want you to ask me when you want timber. If I am not here & you want wood or hay, well, take it, & when I come here, tell me. Now you say well. Heretofore you have not cared anything about me. It will be just so—you may cut what wood & hay you want. I will tell you where to get it.” I called those present to witness his words. Friday 11th. Mυtueueâsh (William Talcott) has expressed to Peter his determination to stop praying with the Catholics. He is here now, & expressed a few moments since an ardent desire to know the love of Jesus in his soul. Alfred came in as usual for his lesson in music. Have spent most of the evening with him in conversation on personal religion, & exhorting him to give himself to God. He said he was at times unhappy in view of his situation—appeared solemn—expressed a willingness to converse on the subject. Prayed with him.

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Saturday, 12. Nindipens called in & said that if the Indians objected to my building, that I might build any where in the little river [Mission Creek], back of my present house. Kuekuekigabau arrived today. N. also says I may take the timber I have cut. Sabbath 13. It seems to be a complaint of some that Cotte does not read the word of God to them. He, however does read in French & Mrs C. interprets in Ojibue although she does not speak French.36 William has been with us much today & seems in earnest. Akiuenzi, a young man who joined the Catholics last winter or spring, came & said that he was unhappy—he wanted to know the word of God, that he had applied to Cotte 3 times to be instructed, that C. deferred doing it. He should speak to him once more, & if he declined, on his return (he was about leaving) he would come & ask us to instruct him.37 What his object is, I know not. Lapointe & another Frenchman arrived this eve. from Sandy Lake—no letters. 36. Pierre Cotté’s second wife was Margaret, probably the daughter of Eustace Roussain. They were married at St. Anne’s Church, Mackinac, on July 31, 1831. His first wife had died sometime before 1826. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:272. 37. Akiuenzi was baptized as Joseph by Father Baraga on February 25, 1838. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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Monday 14th. Peter left this morning in company with Andanυnib & fam. for the entry. G-k-gabaui told me he should leave tomorrow. His brother, he says, asked him to tell him well, whether he was determined to pray.38 He wanted a little corn to cook a kettle & eat with him & he would tell him. Said he had many medicines, & wanted to know if he must throw them away. I told him to keep the good & throw the bad away. Mar. 17. Peter returned from the lake. He killed a few trout but generally the Indians are very hungry. Wm returned with him. He (Wm) has thrown [his medicines] away, crossing himself according to Cath. rites.

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Sat. 19th. Nindipens called today & brought two bundles of little cedar sticks. Said there was a stick for every man who belongs here.39 He had separate sticks for the Kijanishinabeg [elders], & also men of his own age. He made no distinction of chiefs. The last stick was larger than the others & had a head cut upon it. That was his honorable self. He gave me the names of every stick & I wrote them down. This is a specimen of his vanity. Sabbath 20. Went to Cath. worship this morning. During service, had a struggle concerning my duty to show this people their sins plainly. Thought of the Prophets & Apostles (& Ezek[iel] 33 Ch.) & was enabled to put aside all fear of man. Isabella interpreted. I read Isa[iah] 55, 1, 2, 6 & 7. Endeavoured to show that the only way to taste of this fatness spoken of was to turn from their wickednesses & bad thoughts as the test of sin. I brought the law.40 Each commt. I brought up & applied, & left the 2nd Com until the last. I told them I had often wondered why that Com. was omitted in their prayer books, & could not divine the reason unless they were afraid of being convicted of idolatry in the worship of Saints.41 Read them the words Rev[elation] 22:19, told them of Jno. & the angel, Peter & Cornelius, 38. The meaning here was join the Christians. 39. It was an Ojibwe custom to use sticks to indicate the number of band members. See Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 55. 40. The Judeo-Christian law. 41. In the Decalogue used by the Catholics and Lutherans, the three verses of Exodus (20:4–6) and Deuteronomy (5:8–10) that refer to making or bowing down before graven images are considered to be included in the first commandment: I am the Lord thy God, thou shalt have no other gods before me. There is no clear distinction of ten commandments in either Exodus or Deuteronomy. New Catholic Encyclopedia, 4:4–8.

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& that Jno & Peter doubtless understood this so. I told them if these things were not so, to speak. Cotte instantly broke out with great heat. Said more than half of what I had said was a lie, a great lie. Said I read a little & then tumble over the leaves, pretending to find in the bible what I was saying. He said the 2nd Com. was in their prayer book, & that I lied in saying it was not. Mrs. C. joined him against me. Said no one asked me to come & read the Bible to them, &c &c. I took the prayer book, & gave the Commandments in Eng. to Nancy Aitkins to read. As she read the first, I read the 1st in the Indn Prayer Book. The second in the Pr. Book was the 3d in Eng. (Exodus), & showed the people that it was not there! I remarked that they had invited me to read the Scriptures to them—that they had often thanked me & had never requested me to stop. Cotte said to Isabella—“tell him he may stay at home—no one will ask him to come & read.” They said what I read they liked, but what I made up, they did not like. I told Cotte he had accused me of lying. Now I wanted he should read in French to the Frenchmen present, the passages I had quoted & whh he accused me of having made up, & handed him the book (French Bible). He said he could read it. I urged now!—he declined. He said my bible was an American Bible—bye & bye when the priest should come, they would answer me.42 He began to talk of the custom of having two services on Sabbath & asked where it was so commanded? I said no where were we commanded to pray twice on Sab, but turned to Paul to Thessalonians & gave it to Nancy who read “pray without ceasing.” He said Paul was not God. I said was he not inspired of God? If not why do you pray to him? On the whole, all that Cotte said was in a violent strain of anger & abuse. He began to talk about Baptism, but Mrs. C. told him not [to] say any more on that subject. I told them they had accused me of lying in saying that the 2nd Com. was not in the Pr. Book & all I wanted was that they should acknowledge the fact. Finally Mrs. C. said that what I had said was right, except speaking against their prayers. This occurrence has made us feel the necessity of prayer, & the presence of the Spirit. Nindibens presented himself as a peace maker between us. He came to my house & I explained to him why it was wrong to pray to saints. He said it was more respectful to 42. The version approved for Catholics by the First Provincial Council of Baltimore was the Douay version, which was first published in America in 1829. Simms, Bible in America, 134.

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ask of Christ through his mother, especially if they felt unworthy to come face to face with C /. C. told his people at service this eve that he would not hate me if I would read the Scriptures honestly—& not tumble over the leaves to make them think I was learned in the Scriptures. That when the priest would come I would not be able to speak or look upwards. Cotte also charged me this morning with speaking against (Easter) the Great Sabbath, as they call it. (An Indian asked me last evening when the Great Sabbath would come? I told him all Sabbaths were alike.) I told him I did so, & asked for the proof of any other Sabbath than the 4th com. the common Sabbath. Sabbath Mar. 27. This P.M. Seraphim La Combe arrived from La Pointe bringing the mail. We recd letters from Le Pointe, containing the joyful news of the conversion of two more men C. Pearse & Robt Morrain. Also from Yellow Lake, stating the conversion of Charles Cadotte, a young halfbreed in Br. Ayer’s employ, & the revival of the hearts of the family.43 Also a letter from Br. Warner of Utica concerning the admission of Br. Warren’s (of Lepointe) boys at Oneida Institute.44 Cathn also recd letters from Mackinaw. The last month has been a time of darkness and wandering. Today God has been gently drawing my heart to prayer & kindling up desire for this people. He was but preparing me for the precious news. Let us praise His Holy Name. Fond du Lac The Sugar Camps March 30. Kebegindas arrived, bringing letters from the beloved mission family at Leech Lake. Sister Josette was somewhat sick when they closed their letters—taken suddenly with symptoms of epilepsy. 43. Charles Cadotte, listed as a Canadian half-breed in the Census Register of the Treaty of 1836, was a grandson of the Canadian Michel Cadotte le Petit. Special File 124, Office of Indian Affairs. He had attended the Baptist mission school in Sault Ste Marie and was recommended by Rev. Bingham as having “some taste for farming.” Bingham to Schoolcraft, Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 7. 44. Jaredd E. Warner was a trustee of the Oneida Institute. The Friend of Man, September 18, 1838. Lyman Warren hoped to send his four nephews and two sons to the Oneida Institute near Utica, New York. He first sent the eldest, James, and his own two sons, William and Truman, to live with his father in Clarkson, New York. Schenck, William W. Warren, 11–13.

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Mar. 31. This morning, Catharine & self started on a visit to Mrs. Aitkins sugar camp. Has been thawing all day. Visited Mrs. Cotte’s & 4 other lodges. Heard the children read—left C. & returned. Expect to go for her in the morning.

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Friday April 1. Had a pleasant walk this morning by moonlight & arrived at the camp just before break of day. Before sunrise Cathn & self started for home. The remainder of the day was spent in worship & reading the word of God. In the P.M. enjoyed a refreshing, heart-melting season together. Were enabled to mourn over sin & pray for grace. Sabbath 3rd. Left home about one or two oclk this morning for Mrs. Aitkins camp—a beautiful moonlight walk. Arrived about 4 oclk. Soon after breakfast most of the family left for Cotte’s camp, to attend Cath worship. Heard Roger & Nancy read—sung & prayed with them. Sung Engh hymns with Nancy, illustrating & enforcing the sentiment. Her heart was evidently softened—at times apparently almost to tears—was willing to converse concerning her soul. Said she did not think her Baptism & prayers could save her.45 She felt a dread & terror in view of death, & nothing but the love of Jesus could remove it. On my recommendation she promised to read the Bible on her knees before God & wished us to pray for her in the family. Said she would often visit us, that she might hear of Christ. We talked, I suppose, two hours. She was not wearied with the subject, said she would seek Jesus daily. She said that what I said at Cotte’s, Sabbath before last, was right & Cotte did wrong—that he does not show any thing of the joys of the spirit, & never talked of the Love of Jesus & Heaven. We knelt down again, & I prayed for her. I then retired, and was enabled to struggle in prayer on her behalf. O! may God have mercy on her. I feel that it is not in vain that I am here this day. God’s truth has been declared to one poor sinner, & it will have its effect. I pray it may be unto salvation. Visited Coteque’s lodge. Heard the children read. Read the Scriptures, sung & prayed. Nancy came in after a long absence with my hymn book in her hand. I hope she has been before God, trying to pray. Several young (Cath) Indi45. Nancy Aitkin had been baptized by Father Baraga on September 13, 1835. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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ans came in—heard three read. Sung till I was exhausted. I have read God’s word much today. O! it is better to look to God, than join the wicked in their mirth. Attended worship with the family in the evening.

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Monday Apl 4. This morning Alfred, Henry, Scott & little Peter Belonngie [Belanger] arrived from Sandy Lake.46 I accompanied them home. Recd a letter from Mr. Aitkins. Fell into conversation with Mr. Scott on the subject of slavery, the rights of man, sin of withholding education from him, be he black or white—expansion of mind on earth, in heaven—led us to personal religion.47 I told him I could say to him as Paul to Agrippa, “Believest thou &c—Yea I know that thou believest.” He said he had been led to doubt of the correctness of those principles in whh he had been early instructed by his parents. I invited him home where we might converse without interruption, expressing a desire to hear his objections. He appointed this evening for another interview. He however has not called. Mrs. Lepointe has arrived from the camps this evening. She is here & also Kekuetash. We have been singing and praying with them. Had ardent desires for them & all. Fond- du - Lac The Kυkabika¸ April 5. Mr. Scott apologized for not calling last evening. Plead want of rest as the reason. Said he would call this evening. I told him I was about leaving for Kυkabika¸.48 As I bade him farewell, I said to him that whatsoever his doubts concerning the religion of J.C / . might be, God had said, “there is no peace to the wicked,” & he would find none except in Jesus. Arrived in company with Mrs. Lepointe at her lodge. Found Peter [Azhaniguυn] here (he left home yesterday). We proceeded to visit the rapids, accompanied by 3 young Indians. There is no cataract, as I had supposed.49 The water forces its way furiously among huge rocks of slate, running sometimes parallel & sometimes perpendicular to the stream—the 46. Peter was the son of Augustin Belanger Jr. and was about eight years old in 1836. Chippewa Claim 144, Lucius Lyon Papers. 47. Presbyterians were divided at this time on the subject of abolition, but many of the abcfm missionaries strongly opposed slavery, as did the Oneida Institute. Sernett, Abolition’s Axe, 88. 48. Gakaabikaa, water crashing over rocks on the St. Louis River. The site is not far from the maple sugar camps. 49. Ely had not seen the falls before because the portage trail is considerably inland from the falls.

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11. The waterfall, kakabika, on St. Louis River that Ely describes on April 5, 1836. Photo by the author. .

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bed of the river is filled with them. We ascended the stream near ½ mile. I calculate the descent in that distance at least to be 100 ft. perpendicular.50 In summer, the scenery must be very grand, & wild, romantic. The quantity of snow & ice at present destroys the beauty of the scenery. Peter has left for the lodge of Gandanυnib [Andadυnib] where he will sleep & return in the morning. Wednesday 6th. Peter arrived this morning about 7 oclk. Worshipped with the family. Heard them read. Started on our tour. This camp is on a beautiful flat of alluvial, on the N.E. shore of the river, just below the rapid. Heavily timbered. We ascended the steep bank probably 100 ft to the level of the country. Here is a beautiful growth of maples. This is Kebeshkυ’s sugar camp. Heard his children read also. Proceeded to Miskua-o-gizhik’s lodge. Here we found Isabella. Left with her my Gospel of Matthew by Peter Jones, whh she will read to the family.51 Heard the children read, 50. According to Larry Luukkonen, the river falls over 570 feet from Knife Falls to St. Louis Bay. Between the Waters, 31. 51. Peter Jones was a Methodist minister, the son of a Welsh father and a Mississauga Ojibwe mother, and one of the first Ojibwe converts to Christianity. With his brother John he had translated the Gospel of Matthew, published in Toronto in 1831. Donald Smith, “Peter Jones,” 439–43.

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sung & prayed. Went to Cotte’s camp—found 3 children there—instructed them. At Ishkudeuabo’s lodge, read the Scriptures, sung & prayed. At Mrs. Aitkins, instructed the children—6 in all. Heard Nancy & Matilda read the 139 Psalm. Impressed its truths upon them. Sung & prayed. We then proceeded homeward. The ice had become so much worn that we could only pass by going close under the precipice whh is washed at its foot by the current. It was near night when we arrived at home—found the house shut up. Alfred informed me that Catharine had started for Kυkabika¸ in the morning. I supposed she had probably gone to Brabants camp only, as she had a desire to do so, but on observing that she had taken no blanket, I concluded she had intended to return this evening, supposing the camp to be near. Peter said she was no doubt lonely. We concluded to start & carry blankets, as she would probably suffer without (little Susan went with her) & the Indians could not furnish her. As we were hastily eating a few mouthfuls, & preparing to go, we saw her coming across the marias (the Grand Portage Road). She had walked out for exercise in the morning, accompanied by Susan, & having proceeded far on the way to Kυkabika¸, she concluded to go on, expecting to find me there—was much fatigued before arriving there. Mrs Le Pointe was absent—we had also gone. She rested a few moments & pursued our path over the high lands, from lodge to lodge (camp to camp). Our tracks were fresh before her. She pressed on, slipping & stumbling. Having passed all the lodges, she must reach home or suffer. Had nothing on her feet but one pr hose & a pr of seal slippers. Her clothes were wet & heavy—excitement alone sustained her. With bruised knees & wrenched joints she arrived, & in a short time was scarce able to support herself on her feet. I felt considerable anxiety as to the result, as she is now advanced 7 months in pregnancy. Friday Ap. 8. Peter has left again for the camps. He visited & lodged at Kaiashkibazh’s lodge last night. Saturday 9. Alfred called in this evening, & the time has been spent in conversation on the principles of the Christian religion, & plain personal application to his conscience & heart. Prayed with him. May God follow the truth by His Spirit. I suppose he came for a lesson in music, to practise probably on the morrow. I urged him to devote the Sabbath to seeking Christ.

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April 10. Sabbath. Early this morning, Gandυnυnib came in. I read to him. He inquired if I would be very much pleased if they all (his family) should come here and pray as we do? I told him we should be very much pleased if they would give their hearts to God, & that I indeed should be pleased to have them listen to the word & receive it into their hearts. He said “before I prayed I was hungry and when I prayed I was still hungry,” hinting that he would like to pray where he would not be hungry. I made some remarks calculated to let him know that religion had a higher object than barely to supply its votaries with eatables—told him what we would do for those who listened, observed the Sabbath, gave up their Manitokazoing, planted, & sent their children to school—viz—help them to plant, lend them tools, build them houses, help them to means to get a comfortable living by their own industry. He said he would come and listen to us again. Monday 11. Peter was at Gandυnυnib’s lodge yesterday. The Indian told P. what he had said to me about praying. He said he went from here directly to Cotte’s, & enquired of him who was right? Cotte told him, we made our religion—we worked for the devil, & he (the dvl.) was helping us, &c &c. Also, that we worshipped the pictures of cows & hogs (I have a picture of a cow & horse, sheep & goat hanging in the house). G. told Peter he did not know what to do, or which was the right way. He would pray neither way. His mind was settled upon a course to pursue—he would throw his body into the fire (hell). P. endeavoured to show him how insupportable fire would be to his hand, only a little while. How, then, could he endure everlasting fire? The Indian said he did not care. William said, “My Father, do not speak so—you speak foolishly &c.” G. ansd he did not care for him either. He was very angry—left the lodge & proceeded to load his gun with what intent, I know not—but probably to make them think he intended to kill himself (the old man has since said so) & scare them to pity &c. Shisbiz, his eldest son, came in. He soon became angry—said he would go where his father goes & would take his part against any who should abuse him. G. said he would hear Cotte & P. talk together & then would judge who was right. Tuesday 12. This morning, Miskua-o-Gizhik sent for me to go & see him at his camp. I immediately started, accompanied by Peter & William. I found the man indeed low. Has a severe pain in his right side (breast) extending

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through to his back. Had applied a blister to breast, & yesterday another to his back. A severe cough. Expectorates greenish-yellow & bloody matter, & last night—blood. Turlington’s balsam somewhat relieved the pain in his lungs. He coughs easier. I brought up a dose of calomel & julup. He had first taken an Indian cathartic, then sent to me for a dose of saltz. The saltz had not operated with any effect. I feared the harsh operation of the julup would weaken him too much, & hesitated recommending it. There was nothing else to carry off the calomel. He chose to take it. He is now better—at least easier. We can form some idea of the strength of M. Cotte’s faith (in the Scriptures) by his remarks concerning the pretended wonderful discoveries in the moon contained in our latest papers. “Some good wise men say that the moon is paradise,” says he. “The flying men whom they saw there are supposed to be Angels—if it should be ascertained to be so, then the Bible is not true & all the Bibles will be burnt up.52 Thursday 14th. Isabella returned home from the camps yesterday P.M. Says that Miskua-o-Gizhik was very low. Slept none night before last, but suffered from tremors & sweating—that his pain had all left him. Cough, the same. He expressed anxiety to be instructed in the word of God. Sent for Mr. Cotte to instruct him. He also enquired for Peter, but expressed no particular desire to listen to him. I am led to think that conscience taught him in prompting that enquiry, where he could find the most efficient help in his emergency, but that his pride of religion, or some other cause, hushed the “still small voice.” It was after dusk when Peter & self started to visit him. As we clambered the rough portage path by the feeble light of our lantern, we talked of the narrow way through which the Christian groped his way through the surrounding darkness. In consequence of the weakness of faith, his light was but feeble as our lantern. Yet he pressed on, stumbling, slipping, falling, losing his road. As we walked on the river, the “River of Life” & “River of Death” were our themes.53 Found the poor man indeed much 52. In August 1835 there appeared in the New York Sun a series of articles by Richard Locke claiming that a British astronomer, Sir John Herschel, had discovered life on the moon, with bison, bat-men, and other amazing varieties of plants and animals. The articles were later acknowledged to be a hoax to play on the gullibility of Americans. 53. They were following the Women’s Portage along the river.

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fallen away, his wasting cough fast bringing him down. I carried him a little flour, wht. rice, barley coffee & apple sauce. Made him some broth whh he ate with a relish. He was yet purging. His feet were a little swollen—gave 15 drops laudanum. He slept quite comfortably most of the latter part of the night. This morning the sick man quite comfortable, except pain in the head. Visited Mrs. Aitkins camp this A.M. & returned home this P.M.

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Fond du Lac Death of Miskua-o-gizhik Friday 15. This morning a discharge of musketry from the portage announced death! We were soon informed that Miskua-o-Gizhik had ceased from the earth, & gone where all doubt concerning his final destiny is at once settled. We have preached Christ & the new birth to him. He has not died ignorant of his duty to God; still, he clung to Catholicism.54 Who will answer for his blood? The last time he visited us, I preached to him with all the plainness I was capable, of the new birth, illustrating by extracts from Chr. biography & Chr. experience. Inquired of him if he had experienced such views & feelings? He ansd “No!” He plead ignorance, ignorance whh seemed to be his refuge—laboured to show him that he could not deceive God—that God then knew his heart. He is now beyond our preaching & in the hands of a just God. His remains were about being interred in the woods. I enquired of Cotte if it were not best to make a coffin. He said he had no lumber, I offered to procure it. We then went to work & made a coffin. Cotte goes to the camps this evening to bring down the body. Gandanυnib, the eldest brother of the decd requested me to conduct a funeral service, & read the word of God to them. Sat. 16th April. This morning, started to meet Cotte. They were near this end of the portage. The relatives remained at the camps. Cotte requested me to conduct a funeral service. I spoke of the Resurrection & the characters of those whose names are written in the Book of Life. Before the interment, Gandanυnib called. I talked to him plainly of death & judgment. Himself & his son William (Metueueash) were the only relatives present—3 or 4 other Indians & 3 or 4 whites were all. 54. Miskua-Gizhik had been baptized by Father Baraga on September 9, 1835. His age was given as forty. Gandanυnib was baptized the same day as Louis. His age was given as forty-five. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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Monday 18th. Osaua-amikons arrived from Lepointe this evening. Recd letters from Br. Hall & Br. Sproat. Wedy. 20. Peter was quite ill this morning. Gave him a dose of pills (5). Some pain in the head & back. Wm bled him.55 Has suffered much today— medicine did not operate—gave him three more this evening—has been drowsy much this day. Catharine also has suffered much with headache.

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Thursday 21. Poor Catharine has been vomiting all day—has eaten nothing—suffers much—pain in the head severe. A general suffering in the whole body. Yesterday, I made William an offer to hire him to fish. He said he ought first to consult Brabant’s wife, under whose direction he felt himself to be in some measure. He came again this P.M. bringing his valuables with him. He said the woman fell into a violent rage against me. Called me all the names that a vile imagination could help her to—seemed angry at every thing—even the poor dog did not escape her notice. She would hear to nothing—told him to go & take all. I did not persuade William to come. Sabbath 24th April. Friday, Saturday, & today Catharine has been vomiting almost every half hour & much of the time oftener, until she is much exhausted. Has a severe pain in the stomach and breast & a most keen burning & ascidity of the stomach. Suffers from a general distress. I am somewhat anxious about her vomiting in this excessive manner. Friday we cupped her right temple, whh relieved the pain in the head somewhat. Have had a long talk with Osagi this evening. He cleaves to his Catholicism.56 Expresses much love for the word of God, but said many very strange things savouring strongly of the dominion of Satan. Have had some sweet thoughts of Christ & Heaven today. Blessed be God. Friday 29. This day we have observed as a day of special prayers. Much of the past week has been spent with little enjoyment of Christ & little earnest prayer. Have read much in “Romaine on Faith.” It is like cold water 55. Bleeding was a medicinal practice quite well known to and practiced by the Ojibwe. Grant, “Sauteux Indians,” 363. 56. Osagi had been baptized as Joseph on September 9, 1835. His age was given as twenty-seven. St. Joseph Register, La Pointe.

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to a thirsty soul.57 I feel strengthened in the Lord. O, may his Spirit dwell in me. Prayer is sweet. Have just engaged in an interesting season with Catharine. C. has had a trying time. She sat at table with us this morning for the first time in eight days. For 5 days she was almost incessantly vomiting, which produced a severe lameness & pain in the stomach & breast, extending through to the back. We applied a blister. Have carried her out twice in the canoe, with good effect on her spirits.

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Fond du Lac Pike Fishing Tuesday May 12. Last week was mostly occupied on fishing. We packed a little over 1 bbl & dried about 300 pike. These were taken in the rapids with a scoop-net. In about 2 hours from 100 to 200 were taken. The sturgeon now begin to run. We are using our jimυagon [lance]—have taken but one. Yesterday Eninabυndυ¸, Batabi & other Indians arrived. William overheard Eninabυndυ¸ & others talking about listening to the Gospel, or Christianity in any form. Eninabυndυ¸ very stoutly asserted, if any one came to preach to him, he would use the first thing whh came to hand to silence them, be it knife, axe, or gun. Peter & myself have visited his lodge this morning—found him engaged in gambling. He took no notice of us. Batabe also feels the same opposition. “They be joined to their idols.” Sabbath May 15. Eclipse of the sun this morning about 7 oclk. About ⅓ of the sun disk obscured. Kaiashkibaz called about noon. I attempted to describe a society of individuals in the original purity of man, & compared it with this Indian community. Then showed that the law of God will lead men into a state of happiness which no other system can do. All mankind are corrupt by nature. The Holy Spirit in the new birth restores something of that temper & image. All who will, may apply through Christ for this blessing. Isabella interpreted. Nancy called. Read to her the death of Rev. Levi Parsons, Miss[ionar]y to Palestine.58 Had a long and affectionate conversation with her. She 57. The Life, Walk and Triumph of Faith was a trilogy of treatises by William Romaine, an eighteenth-century evangelical of the Church of England. 58. Rev. Levi Parsons was the first missionary to Palestine from the United States. Ordained in 1817, he went to Asia Minor in 1819 and died in 1822. His memoir was published in 1830.

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expressed a willingness to study the Scriptures, as before, & to pray for light. I talked long of preparation for death & heaven. I told her also to enquire also as to the import of the 2nd Commandt & whether she was not guilty of idolatry. Sung & prayed with her. While I was yet talking, Eninabυndυ¸ called (the Indian who threatened us—See May 12.) We talked of several things, but his principal topic was Ma¸ osits claim to the chieftainship. He said many hard things against him. He said, when I should call the Indians together, concerning building among them, he would ask permission to speak, & if permitted, he would speak well. His brother (Kabυmabi of K’s Village) told him to speak well. Eninabυndυ¸ An Indian Story I began to talk about education. He spoke rather coldly of his children being instructed. Said he would speak to them about it (probably to get along with the subject). I showed him the Ojibue books, then the Scrip. card of the Crucifixion—read the account of it. Spoke to him of the Resurrection. He then told an Indian story. A young man recently died, & revived again (somewhere in the Folle Avoigne, he said). He gave an account of his journey while absent from the body. He saw a road near his lodge, which he followed, & in his walk saw a great number of Indians, and children scarce 2 ft high, all running, and among the rest, his mother (long dead). She was running very fast as were all the others, & took no notice of him. He came to the lodge of an old man who fed him, but soon became angry at him & turned him away. He saw a middle sized man running. On enquiry the stranger told him he was from Aiokuakijigυmi. Eninabυndυ¸ said the man who was seen running was probably Miskua-o-gizhik, who had lately died here.59 Belangie called in—conversed with him on the same topic as Kaiashkibaz. Monday 16. Visited Nindipens and Eninabυndυ¸. E. brought up the subject of education which was introduced yesterday. He said the Indians were fools. They could not understand these things. God had made the white men for such knowledge. I wrote in the sand before him a word of three 59. The Ojibwe have many stories of someone recently deceased who returns from the dead and speaks about his experiences. See, for example, “Git-chee-gau-zinee” in Mentor L. Williams, Schoolcraft’s Indian Legends, 180–82.

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monosyllables—told him the Indians were not greater fools by nature than other men—that they were capable of acquiring knowledge like others— asked him whether he was not capable of remembering the sounds of the syllables before him as I gave them to him? He replied, that since the American teachers had come among them, the Indians had begun to die, &c. He talked long, & although perfectly respectful in his language & deportment, yet the feelings of his heart were apparent.

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Thursday 19. Nancy remained after school. We read, sung Eng. hymns. I conversed with her a long time. She is apparently moved. Says she is determined to seek the Lord Christ & salvation, read her Bible & pray. We joined in prayer. She expressed a willingness to be taught—said she would call daily & attend a season of worship. We appointed the season to be immediately after school. At times she seemed struggling to repress rising emotions. God sees well her heart. O! may He break it! Request for Land The Council Friday 20. This morning sent for Nindipens & Eninabυndυ¸—gave them tobacco to call together the Indians & ask them for a building spot. They were accordingly assembled. After conferring, they came over to reply to me. There were only about 13 men at the post. They were dressed for council—some painted—others besmeared with white clay, face & hair, & zigzag lines drawn across their faces, giving them a most hideous appearance. All pagans save Nindipens.60 Eninabυndυ¸ spoke—“He said they could not well tell us—many men were yet in the woods, & when they all came, they would speak decidedly. The man who made this house for you [Cotté], stole the land, & that is the reason why you live here now. He did not ask the Indians for the land. These men who sit around could tell you well how many days you can stay here in this house. You can stay for the present.” After he ceased, Manitons spoke. They wondered much to what end I came here & was so anxious to stay. I was not like the traders. They wanted me to tell them well why I came. They had been told that the Americans wished to do with them as they had done to other Indian nations. They 60. Nindibens was one of those whom Cotté had been instructing. He would actually be baptized as Peter two weeks later, on June 5, by Father Baraga. St. Joseph’s Register, La Pointe.

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would get possession of a little land, then claim much & finally drive the Indians away entirely. They (the Indians) believed me to be a forerunner of the Americans. They did not hate me. They hated those who sent me here.61 Peter replied to Manitons. Attempted to show him why we came here. They held an animated argument for a few minutes. Kebegindas then commenced upon Peter. He spoke as the fool speaketh. Among other things, he said we mocked God—that we were continually using his name. They (the pagans) used His name very seldom. They feared Him. Eninabυndυ¸ sat long in a deep study. He is a soldier, & head man. It is apparent that there is a strong prejudice against the American government, & it is increasing rather than diminishing. Saturday 21. We have been building a covering over the grave of Miskuao-Gizhik. Alfred arrived yesterday from the Lake. There is yet much ice towards Le pointe. He could proceed only to Gaapυkuaiika [Flag River]. He does not know where Cotte is. (Cotte left in a canoe a few days since for Le Pointe.) The winds have been such as would neither carry out the ice, or let him travel. Peter has concluded to improve an opportunity to go to Le Pointe. William will accompany him. They expect to embark with Brabant on Monday. Brabt removes to Lepointe to reside.62 Peter’s sister came this P.M. to reside with [us] a season & assist Catharine.63 The same feelings are expressed by the Indians towards all the missionaries as myself. That we are Agents of Am. Govt. A story is in circulation that Mr. Ayer has obtained his land at Pυkegυma without the knowledge of the rightful owners & that the Indians are displeased &c.64 61. By 1836 at least fifteen treaties had been made with Ojibwe and other neighboring nations, most of which took land from them. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:268–491. As word of these treaties spread among the Ojibwe of Lake Superior, fear of similar treatment increased. 62. Alexis Brébant was by this time nearly eighty years old and had been in the service of the fur companies at least since 1790. Chippewa Claim 94, Lucius Lyon Papers. 63. It was a common practice for the missionaries to “hire” native girls to help with the housework and the care of children. Their presence is not always noted in the written record. The Susan mentioned on April 6 was probably one such helper. 64. In a letter written in March 1836 Ayer described a meeting with the Indians in council in which they confirmed a grant of land at Lake Pokegama made by the chief. Ayer to Greene, March 1836, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Sabbath May 22nd. This morning Manitons called in. I took occasion to express my wonder that the Indians were so ignorant of the object of my residence among them. I had, indeed, never called the band together & told them, but I had told many individuals who visited me, & my daily business of teaching manifested my object. Read the command to go forth into all the world &c. He said the English and French had been among them of old, & it was very strange that they should but just now hear these things & that from an American. I ansd—“the English have the same word of God.” Cotte also has in his house the word of God in French. If they had done their duty, I should have found on my arrival that the Indians already knew the word of God, but I found them ignorant. This is the reason why they first hear these things from an American & so recently. He wished to know if the last day was near? He said the Indians thought perhaps it was near, because these wonderful things had come to their ears. I enquired if the Inds supposed that their religion would be extinct before the last day. He ans. no. I told him I supposed the last day was not near. We could not tell when it would come. Our individual last days might be soon at the door. I spoke of the separation of soul & body—he said the Indians knew well these things & that it was so. He went on to give a little account of the creation. “Kishemanito made all things. He made also many spirits in the air & in the earth. He made a woman & she conceived of the spirit & brought forth the first man.65 We explained to him the nature of religion, its affecting the heart, & the fruits of it, that all men were unholy & needed regeneration—that in order to [do] it they must throw away sin, go to God, ask His forgiveness & pardon. He said he did not know what was right, was in doubt since he heard these things. He wanted to know well. Akiuenzi also appeared interested to understand. Some others came. Akiuenzi inquired if all who came to school must not become praying persons. We told him we taught them to read & write & other things & they were not obliged to become praying Indians unless they choose—that when they should be able to read & write, they would be able to acquire general information. Were engaged talking two hours, I suppose. 65. Here Manitons conflates Indian tradition with Judeo-Christian tradition.

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Nancy came in about noon with others, read to her Chapt. 1 of Abbots Young Christian, on the peace of conscience derived from confession, applied it to her, urged her to hearty confession to God & prayer of forgiveness—some children present. Nindibens and Batabi came in. Peter read the creation to them. At supper Kυbekυmiga & wife brought a load [of ] uinegek [bark], which I had engaged of them. I told them to throw them there—expressed my disappovation of their bringing it on Sabbath. Read the 4th commandment, & the institution of the Sabbath to them, afterwards the creation.

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Monday 23. Peter & William will embark this morning for Lapointe—have not probably proceeded far, as there has been a very strong east wind all day. This P.M. Eninabυndυ¸ called & asked for tobacco to call the Indians on the morrow to give me a final answer concerning building. I gave him some & a pan of flour to feed them while in council. Have determined to make the morrow a day of more than usual prayer. Tuesday 24. This morning went to Bears Island to fish for sturgeon. Caught nothing—returning Kashkibaz asked me [for] 4 plugs tobacco. As he afterwards said, he had given his tobacco to the manitokaszogi & was mυnuepa. I understood him that he wanted me to furnish him for Miteui. This PM I told him that I had forgotten to speak this morning on our return home. I had objections to furnishing the Indians tobacco for Miteui. I disapproved of Miteui, if I gave to one for that I must to all, I had very little tobacco & soon should have none to give to my visitors. He said I misunderstood him—he had given his tobacco for Miteui, was mυnuepa. I told him I was willing to supply him for smoking especially as we fished together. I gave him one plug for the present. We embarked for fishing—he began to talk about fishing with me. He said he thought I would do by him as the traders did who hired fisherman. He also inquired if I hated the Miteui. I told him it was not agreeable to the Word of God. He said much about the merits of it, and the difference of the French & Indians. On our return I talked about the fishing & told him if he wished to stop to tell me & offered to pay him for what fishing he had done. He said he wish[ed] to continue, as they had nothing else to eat but what they got from the fishing. He then laid the tobacco on the table and said, I have said much about that tobacco,

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he was grieved. I ought to have told him well whether I would give him. I replied in explanation. He said I ought to say nothing untill he finished. I always disputed the Indians (meaning I replied before they had finished). The Indians always heard what another had to say & then replied.66 He said I said many things to the Indians about Kishemanito. One half I said was not true—God never said it. The miteui was made for the Indians, & our religion for us.67 The books also for the white men. He did not want me to say any thing about the miteui. They loved God. He appeared quite angry. He said it was getting late—he would talk to me another time. Eniuabυndυ¸ has not called the Indians as he intended. We have put up a small bark lodge to day. To day engaged in business—fretful—impatient—ashamed of myself. God ashamed of me, I doubt not. The Indians all singing to night. Day after tomorrow is Miteui. This man has listened with attention to the word of God. We had considered him as one of the best of our pagan friends. Wednesday 25. This morning we had hardly let down our net, e’er we drew a fine sturgeon. Kaiashkebaz only stuned him with the mallat, & drew him into my small canoe. In a few moments the fish began to throw himself about & soon went over the side of the canoe in spite of us. We made one haul on returning for the second. Mυnitons (in the other canoe) espied the sturgeon in his eddy directly ahead swimming about with his head out of water like a dog, standing perpendicular in the water. He tried to haul him in by the gills in vain. We came & tried to get him in to the net, but failed. Kaiashkaz aimed a blow at him with the mallat, which sent the fish down. We saw no more of him. About noon a canoe laden with provision for this station arrived from Lapointe & Br. Sproat & sister Cook as passengers. This was a cup full of blessings. Next to the Holy Ghost, the communion of Gods children is 66. This was a noteworthy difference between Euro-Americans and Indians: the latter always listened completely to what another person said. Interrupting a speaker was very discourteous. 67. The Ojibwe were adamant in their belief that the white man’s religion was made for the white man and the Indian religion for the Indian. On May 9, 1834, Kishkitanog, speaker for Maaingans and two other Yellow Lake chiefs, told Ayer: “The same Great Spirit made us all. He made you white & us red. He gave you your religion, manners customs and all you have. So he did to us.” Ayer to Greene, May 15, 1834, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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cheering & strengthening & who could have arrived who were better able to do this, than those whom God hath sent unto us. They met Peter & William at the entry. Received a letter from Peter giving an account of very disagreeable meeting between Gandonŏnub, Innini & themselves at Bears Island. Friday. Br. Sproat embarked for Lapointe after day light—Sister Cook remains at present.68 They informed us on the workings of God’s Spirit at Lapointe. Dr Borup & wife are newly revived to overflowing with His love. The cooper Bell is expressing a hope in Christ. Thus God is in the midst of his church. Saturday (N. B). Bell has since apostatized.69 Last evening 8 or 9 o clock my fisherman came for me to go down stream. The Indians were killing great quantities of sturgeon & was anxious to go before all were taken. We laboured most of the night but with no success. One net had taken 60, another 40, and a third 30. We were entirely too late. Returned this morning. About noon Cotta arrived bringing the priest Mr. Baraga—recd letters & bills from Lapointe.

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Sabbath May 29 This has been a day of deep interest & anxiety in the family. About 11 oclock Catharine was delivered of a daughter—both mother & daughter are doing well.70 Monday 30. Alfred embarked for River Brule in Cotta’s canoe, & then to Lapointe in a boat. Wrote Br. Hall by him—have lent my net (jimaagon) to Kaiashkibaz & Manitons. They return ⅓ of what is taken. Nancy came in to visit Catharine. I improved the opportunity to impress the obligation of children to parents. Endeavoured to illustrate to her the nature of faith & shew her her own need of faith & salvation. She says she reads the Bible—will be faithful in reading & secret worship. We sung & prayed with her. 68. Delia Cook was to help with the teaching at the Fond du Lac mission, as Catharine Ely was about to give birth to her first child. 69. Two months later, on July 24, 1836, William Bell and Margaret Brebant were married by Father Baraga at St. Joseph’s Mission in La Pointe. 70. The daughter born on May 29, 1836, at Fond du Lac was named Mary Wright Ely.

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Elm, Birch, Maple, &c &c

20

Rapid

0o r3

00

ft.

hig h

s Com menc

e

Fond du Lac

in nta ou M

Stable

School House Mission House

Ind. Vill.

Pr air ie en

ie rair nP ssio Mi

Ind .G ard

The section of the River here represented is about ½ mile in length.

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2. Ely’s drawing of the Fond du Lac station on January 9, 1837

Fond Du Lac May 31, 1836. Messrs Cotta & Baraga visited us. Mr. B is a very agreeable & sociable man.71 Mr. C. was silent. About 3 o clock the Indians called me to go over to Eninabυndυ¸’s lodge where they were assembled for council. They called Cotta to interpret. I was not aware that they were in council 71. This was Baraga’s second visit to Fond du Lac. He recorded fourteen baptisms during this visit, among them a daughter of Akiuenzi, a son of Naganab, four children of Nindibens, his wife Margaret Pechinanikwe, and Nindibens himself, forty years old, who was given the baptismal name of Peter. May 29–June 5, 1836, Register of St. Joseph Mission, La Pointe.

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today. Nindibans first inquired of C. if he was pleased with my residing here. He ansd affirmatively, & gave the reason that I taught the children. N. said that I had been told that Cotta spoke against my building. Cotta denied ever having said any thing on the subject. He knew, he said I had been told so. It was not true. N also insisted that he had said nothing to him. An old man next spoke. He said that the Indians in the Folle Av[oi] ne were displeased with Br Ayer’s building at Pokegema. He said he had made a road there, & they were afraid the Americans would come there to live. They did not hate me, but they hated what they had heard of the treatment of the Americans towards other Indian Nations. (see interleaf ) [The following account of the council is on a loose piece of paper inserted in Journal 9.]

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May 31. Continued [interleaf ] What Nindibans should say would be so. One or two others spoke expressing the same idea. Ma¸ osit the[n] spoke expressing the title of Nindibans. N then spoke & said although he was the rightf[ul] owner of the land he was not chief.72 The spot at [the] bluff they could not give. They would permit me [to] erect my house on the spot which I now occupy and make my garden in Mr. Aitkins field. The land, trees, fish, all were money. They were pleased with my staying here. He wished me to show mercy to the Indians. After he had finished, I drew on the sand a profile of the pointe on which we now reside, and how before & behind I was in danger of floods. Told him I should be pleased to go up the creek on higher land. To this he assented, saying he would give [lend] me a spot which my house would cover. [The bottom right hand side of the paper is torn, and the following sentences are incomplete. A letter to David Greene dated Jan. 9, 1837, furnishes some of the missing words, added here in italics.] 72. This speech indicates to what extent Americans had influenced Ojibwe ideas of chieftainship, for some had now begun to accept the idea that the medal made the chief. Allowing government representatives to appoint chiefs truly disrupted Ojibwe political tradition. As Flat Mouth told Schoolcraft in 1837: “You know that it is not proper to give medals to Indians to make them chiefs, because they give furs to traders. It should be only to those who are so by heredity. It is wrong to do so, for by that, bad feelings toward each other issue.” “Speech of Askibugicosh to the agent at Michilimackinac,” Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 387.

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You propose my planting in a different place. I want my house in the midst of my field. I said I should have enough I did not like to be obliged to stand When I turned round. I wanted a pla hired man for a store house. He wished me to show charity to the hungry. If I had no field N do it. He said he would give a spot could walk round. I inquired, you say the fish and the wood are money. If I want to set my net am I first to lay some silver before you? No you can fish & cut wood where, and as much as you please. If I put up my house will you come next spring & say you wish to occupy the land? If so I had better not build. He held up four fingers— you can occupy so many winters. If you wish to stay longer & treat the Indians well, I will tell you how many winters more you may stay. You wish me to show charity to the Indians. Do you wish me to feed every man who asks me provisions? or those who are in distress when they come in without food, as I have done the past winter. He answered the latter. After the talk I invited N.[&] Eninabυndυ¸ to my house where I could talk with them. They came & told me as follows. You can use the land 4 years. If you treat the Indians well & wish to stay longer I will tell you how many years longer you may stay. You can put up your house, a mans house, barn & provision house. We will not stint you. Will give you enough. If your friend comes here & wishes to build you will ask me. You can cut wood & timber for building & [MS. torn] for lumber. June 1. This evening N. Eninabυndυ¸ Jamans & others went to show me my spot. They first gave me only the small point at the bend of the creek. I protested, & finally they set off a field about 100 paces by 30.73 June 2. This morning attended Catholic service. Rev Baraga performed mass 73. In his letter to Greene dated Jan. 9, 1837, Ely adds, “Gave N. 1 Bbl Flour.” Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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as I supposed. N called. I told him he had given me no landing place. He said my line could run from the last mentioned elm to the creek S.W. & from the poplar S. to the creek. I told him he could call this afternoon & take the flour which I would give him for the use of the land. I told him I should show the same charity I had heretofore done. He said that was what he meant. He called for the flour. I also gave him 40 plugs of tobacco. He asked for the nets & hoes. I told him I should give him only the flour. I agreed to give them for the bluff 2 netts & 6 hoes besides other things which would amount to about 25$, & the Indians were to give me the exclusive right henceforth, & now they were lending me land for 4 years, & they ought not to expect such a price. N. expressed dissatisfaction. I told him if he was not satisfied he could leave the flour & tobacco. He said, Mano [let it be]. He said to Jemeans that perhaps he would not be here when another teacher would come, but he mus[t] make him pay well. This I did not understand untill they went out. I went immediately to J’s lodge & asked him to come to my house. He said, he would not come he was not at all pleased. I told him if you do not wish to come, no matter. I am sorry to have any one displeased. If the Indians were not satisfied I would take the flour & they the land. I got directly into my canoe went over to N.s lodge. The Indians were assembling for distribution. The bbl stood in the middle of the lodge. I told N. Jam. was displeased. I inquired why. Just as I was speaking Osaji came in saying that he had come over to tell us that what J. said was nothing & we need not heed it. I told N. that he had said in my house, that if another teacher came to reside with me he must make him pay well. I told him of the agreement. He said it was all right. I misunderstood. I called the standers by to witness his words, & left them to their distribution. Friday. Monthly day for fasting & prayer. Last evening Catharine was taken with a severe chill succeeded by sweting. Spent the night in examining the symptom. I lay down only just before sunrise. Eninabυndυ¸ called this morning, & said that the Ogima [chief ] N. was much pleased to have me live here, that I must not mind the talk of the Indians, that I would not only live here 4 years &c. &c. Catharine suffers some from swelled breasts, but are getting better, have applied vinegar & bass wood leaves.

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Sat. Several Indians arrived last evening. This morning Nindibans called with three of them. After I had given them some tobacco, N. gave me the names of each, then said they were hungry. I replied nothing. The strangers soon left the house one by one. I then asked N. if he expected I would give them provisions. He said yes. I told him the river was full of fish. If they would put in their nets, with a little patience they would be supplied. He made no reply but went out. This is the commencement.74 It is probable the Ogima is a little wounded. If he is, let the Ogima take care in future not to take to[o] much upon himself. It is in his power to resent it. God knows what is right. He can take care of that. Sabbath 12. Kebegindas and Shinguabe stole my canoe (last night) & left for the Brule. June 16. Ma¸ osit called & asked for a little tobacco & a kettle of food to set before the Indians. He wanted to call them together & tell them to be peaceable. I gave him 3 plugs & a dish of flour. In the evening N. and Eninabυndυ¸ called. N. said he wanted to take back all he had said about the land. He was willing to sell me all I wanted.75 Perhaps I would be willing to give him more for it, as I had first offered. I made the following agreement. Viz.76

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God has indeed opened a way for us, and dispelled the darkness around our temporal prospects. I gave the Indians 1 bbl. of flour & 50 plugs tobacco in addition to the bbl. given the other day & 40 plugs. Viz. 2 bbls. flour & 90 plugs tobacco about 25$. Monday 20. Went into the portage to meet the traders—brought down Sister Josette Pyant—met them at this side of the little river. We arrived here about 4 or 5 oclock. The Guelle Platte visited me yesterday nearly all day—brought a letter from Mr. Boutwell. 74. Although Ely did not see it, this was a test of his willingness to show mercy to the Indians. It was indeed the commencement of a series of events that would lead to the departure of the abcfm personnel from the Fond du Lac mission. 75. Nindibens was willing to sell more land in order to get more tobacco and flour to distribute. Liberality was required of a chief, and if Nindibens wanted to be recognized as chief, he must distribute goods. 76. Ely did not transcribe the agreement here, but it is found in his papers and is reproduced in figure 12 on page 222.

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12. Contract, June 16, 1836. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, S3045, miscellaneous Papers in Edmund F. Ely Papers.

Sat July 16. Have been at work for some time past, getting our timber for filling & roof for a mission house. Have had a man of Mr. Aitkins hired for 2 months. He unfortunately cut his foot badly day before yesterday, consequently our work must linger. Sab. 17. This morning between 1 & 3 oclock the two stores were burnt to the ground. One was about 100 feet in length, the other say 28. Mr. Cotta occupied one room of the large store in which was a large quantity of sugar some hundred pounds & some goods. In the provision store at the other end were 11 bbls salt & 4 bbls pork, also 1 bbl pork, 1 of dried fish belonging to the mission in the middle room, also two light canoes. Nothing saved but a keg of powder which an Indian snatched from the fire. In the small

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store was Alfred’s goods, all saved. The house & shaffau [scaffold] were in danger, but saved. Monday 19. 2 boats arrived from Lapointe, by them we received our letters & papers. 2 letters from Talcott, 1 from Albert, 1 from Amanda, Hall, Sproat, Cyrus, Ayer, also an invoice from Boston also 5 bbls flour & bbs pork, very seasonable, as we had no flour & but few pounds pork left. Mr Laundre left for Sandy Lake. Sent letters to Br Boutwell. Wed 20. Mr. Cotta left here for the season. He goes to the north shore of Lake Superior to fish.77 2 Catholic Indians accompany him. Mrs C. & Mrs Aitkins family embarked for Lapointe but to return. Wrote Br Hall, Sproat, Scott. I yesterday purchased a bull, cow, calf of Merrss Cotta for 80$.

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Aug 8. Edward St. Arnauled [Arnaud] arrived from Le Point about noon accompanied by his wife & William Talcott, in a fishing boat of Mr. Aitkins.78 Edward is hired as labourer for this station for the year to come. William thinks he has found the Saviour. He has retd he says, to try to persuade his friends to seek Jesus Christ. He prays & talks like a Christian. O! May he not be deceived. Tuesday 9th. Mr. Aitkins arrived about noon with two boats. The vessel had not arrived on her 3d trip, although 30 days gone. They began to be a little alarmed for her safety. A severe gale had been blowing for the last 3 days. Mr. Aitkins intends to proceed immediately down the Mississippi to be present at a council to be held by the U.S. Commissioner with the Ojibues of the Mississippi to treat for a tract of land on whh to settle the Menomonies & another tribe who are to remove from the Wisconsin Territory. Mr. A. intends to use his influence against the U.S. Says the country will not support all.79 77. The American Fur Company was increasing its fisheries on the north shore of Lake Superior, that part of Minnesota between the mouth of the St. Louis River and the British border. The company had fishing stations at Isle d’Encampement, Grand Portage, and Isle Royale. Cotté was to be in charge. 78. Edward St. Arnaud’s wife was Mary Descarreaux, another sister of Mrs. La Pointe and Henry Blatchford. Chippewa Claim 118, Lucius Lyon Papers. 79. William Aitkin was correct. The country would not support all the Indians in their traditional way of life. Starvation was a common occurrence, especially in the winter, and moving more Indians onto these lands would only cause the food supply to dwindle faster. And since the arrival of the traders and voyageurs, there was even less food to go around.

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Wednesday, 10. Messrs Aitkins, Alfred Aitkins, Fairbanks, Laundree & Belangie left for inland with 5 canoes. Mr. Fairbanks visited us last evening. We had a personal conversation with him concerning his soul’s salvation. He talked very freely. Says his mind has been more excited to the subject this summer than ever before. I presented him “Baxter’s Call to the Impenitent” which he promised to read attentively.80 Thursday 11. Just at break of day, a boat arrived from Le Pointe in charge of John Aitkins. Henry Blatchford came up also. We were much rejoiced to see him. The vessel arrived on Monday. Friday 12. John A. & Henry B. left for Le Pointe this P.M. Sent by Henry letters to W.H. Talcott of Albany, & Br. Hall, Le Pt. We had but very little time to talk with Br. Henry B. He returns again to Pυkegυma as interpreter to Br. Ayer.

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Sat. Augt 13. Today William Talcott left with his father & family for the Mississippi to make rice. He has sold most of his clothes, & takes his Indian dress again. Says the Indians laugh at him in his new costume & will not listen to him. We advised him, fearing it to be an artifice of Satan through his children to draw him back towards paganism. He says if his father will not listen to him, he will leave him. Will probably return in the fall. He has been with us since his arrival from Le Point. We pray God he may be kept from the evil. His conduct as far as we can know has been indeed that of a Christian. He has frequently said his heart was sorrowful on account of his people—always prays for them with apparent fervour. Sabbath, 14th. Only 5 children in at the children’s meeting. Visited some lodges. P.M. called a meeting expressly for the Canadians. 7 came in, including our own men. Spoke in Indian & English—had no French interpreter. Read & explained part of 7th Ch. of Mat[thew]. Edward [St. Arnaud] remained after the others retired. Seemed quite disposed to talk on the subject. Heard him spell a little—find he knows the English alphabet—we advised him to attend to the principles of reading. Had a view of the inef80. Richard Baxter was a Puritan minister whose treatise, “Call to the Unconverted to turn and live” is said to have been responsible for many conversions. He was also the author of The Reformed Pastor in 1656.

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ficiency of human means to reclaim these poor blinded Catholics, ignorant & self righteous, & the stubborn pagans & vicious Canadians. Monday 15. The fishermen & coopers left for the lake. At supper Ininini called. We read for evening exercise the Descant of the idolatrous Sennacherib’s angry [anger] against Jerusalem—his letter, & the prayer of Hezekiah, & the destruction of the whole Assyrian Army by an Angel of God.81 This we interpreted to the Indian, & took occasion to enquire concerning the idolatry of the Ojibues. The reason why drawings of cows & cattle are sometimes put up before the sick is (he says) they think they must be endowed with extraordinary virtue because they eat all manner of herbs, & is yet unharmed. Sometimes the sick dream of them also by having the image before them, & then they recover. They reverence very many different things for the same reason.82 Before they go to war, they consecrate their weapons that they may prevail. This ceremony I have seen. The pυkυmagυn (lance) was stuck up in the ground, directly in front of the ceremonists, fresh painted & from the swans-down upon it, I concluded it had been medicated. The blade, about 6 inches in length, was painted with vermillion. A kettle of food was served out in separate dishes to each man, & before partaking, each makes a harangue to the deity (what one I know not). The pipe is kept in continual use here as well as in all ceremonies. We told Ininini that He who made the sun, the cattle, earth, stars, & all they contained, He was God & He alone. He expressed ignorance when I asked if any worshipped the sun as God. He himself had denied God to Peter & Wm & stated that the sun was God.83 He appeared ashamed to confess his belief in the sun, cattle &c. Said he should know well, if he was in the habit of doing them. This same reluctance & apparent shame to speak of their ridiculous ceremonies I have observed in others.84 81. The story of Hezekiah, King of Judah, and his enemy Sennacherib, King of Assyria, is found in 2 Kings, 18–19. 82. Anything unusual in nature—animal, tree, rock—is treated as having power. Jones, History of the Ojebway Indians, 83. Cows, still new to the Ojibwe, were thought to have special power. 83. Many aboriginal people acknowledged the sun as the greatest manidoo. 84. This reluctance to speak of their most sacred beliefs and traditions has long been noted. When these beliefs were mocked by European Christians, the Indians merely learned to say what the missionaries and other outsiders expected to hear. Grant, “Sauteux Indians,” 353; Schoolcraft, “Notes on Religion,” in Schoolcraft Papers, Reel 38.

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Wednesday Aug 17th. Eninabυndυ¸, Mυkuaianīsh, Nindipens & others arrived today from Le Point. Mυkuaianish tells me that Ma¸ osit the chief of this place, has indeed at least nominally embraced Christ, & given up his mitiguυkik [drum], medicine sack & rattle, to the missionaries.85 This will excite much interest among the pagans. He had been one of the mighty medicine men. What prayer ought there to be in his behalf !—& also for William, who has gone forth as a lamb among wolves. Thurs. 18. Kaiashkibaz & family arrived today. It is some days since he left Le Pointe. Thinks that Ma¸ osit (his brother) is on his return home. K. says Ma¸ osit told him he would send no word to me by him, but would speak to me himself after he should arrive. K. made no allusions to any change of mind in the old chief.

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Friday 19th. Called at Kaiashkibaz’s lodge. Manitons—we fell into conversation & he resumed the subject of last summer Viz—our business here. He said we wanted to persuade the Indians to pray, & then, bye & bye, make slaves of them. The one half of what we told them was not true. We were instructed by the Americans, & were trying to deceive the Indians &c &c. Said he would listen further to the word of God. He wished to know what it contained. Saturday 20th. Manitons called this morning. I wished to understand more definitely his talk of yesterday & also to reply to him. He repeated what he said yesterday. They would be ruined. They were hearing how the Americans had treated other nations (Indians). Now they wanted to buy their lands. They had already purchased as far as Montreal River.86 I had been here two years & had never told them of the Americans intentions. It was very strange. The conversation turned upon the word of God. He gave us some Indian tradition (See May 22nd). A Spirit came to earth—not the Great Spirit—by whom the woman conceived & brought forth the first 85. Maangozid’s conversion had begun at La Pointe, where the three Ojibwe Methodist missionaries had spent part of the summer. Copway, Life, Letters and Speeches, 114–15. He was not, however, baptized. See February 16, 1837. It is interesting that Maangozid’s “rival” for recognition as chief (Nindibens) had already embraced the Catholic religion. Was Maangozid perhaps seeking a different power? 86. In the 1836 Treaty with the Ottawa and Chippewa, the U.S. government had purchased the country as far west as the Chocolate River, not the Montreal River. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2:451.

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man. The Spt said the Inds would live long, & be white headed (with age) but they would have trouble on earth. After death the soul travels west, it would seem, through air. In the place where he should come would be meat & grass in abundance, &c Monday 22nd. Mr. Aitkins arrived from Sandy Lake about noon—made the voyage (130 miles) in about 28 hours (or 30). He says there is no treaty to be held below Sandy Lake to purchase land of the Ojibues for the Menominies to settle upon. He embarked this evening for Le Pointe—took Chas. Provost with him, his time with me expiring this day. Tuesday 23d. Br. Town arrived from Le Pointe about 2 oclk P.M.—left Ma¸ osit at the entry. We recd letters by him. Wednesday, 24. Ma¸ osit arrived this P.M. Prayed with him this evening. He certainly prays like a Christian. God knows well his heart. His wife goes with him in casting away paganism and embracing Christianity, although it is only nominal in her. Saturday 27th. Finishing haying, very much to our joy. The weather has been very warm for two or three days. Wrote Brother Hall by Mr. Bell this morning.

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Sabbath, 28. Have been considerable with Ma¸ osit today. He gives some encouragement that he is a Christian, & some ideas which we would not expect to see in a Christian. Allowance must be made for the Indian habits of thinking & talking in whh he has grown up. Sabbath, Sept 4th. Have been much with Ma¸ osit. He appears to love the word. Says “he exceedingly wishes to know his Fathers sayings.” Br. Town & self went out to pray on the hill. As we were ascending, Ojanimasυ¸’s son hailed us. He had some paddles on his shoulder whh he had been making in the wood. Br. T. called him to come up. He threw down his load & came up. When we had arrived at the top, we sat down, & laying my Bible before him, told him we had come there to read God’s word & to pray to Him—endeavoured to explain to him the comfort whh a Christian derives from such exercises. Preached Jesus C / . to him, told him he must repent for having broken the 4th Commandment in working today. Sung & prayed.

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Told him that at sunset we should come again, & if he was disposed, he could also come. He listened attentively. Is a pagan. At sunset we enjoyed an interesting season on the Mount with Ma¸ osit. [Two sheets are pasted in journal at this point.] Fond du Lac, Sept. 4, 1836 Ma¸ osit was our officiating priest at the family altar this evening. A little before we were ready for family worship his wife came in & said they were alone, their son was gone, & they should be glad to come in & worship with us every morning & evening. After reading the 23 Psalm with some other passages from David, the old man prayed at unusual length, & as I thought with unusual fervor. Expressing a wish to know something of his language in prayer, C. mentioned one thing as peculiar. After making several petitions, his custom is to repeat them as though God were speaking to him by way of promise. I will do so & so, he then adds this is what you are now saying to us. Friday morn. After worship this morning Mângozit of his own accord spoke of his feelings. He said that for two days past his heart had been sick, that last evening he could not pray well. He thought the devil was troubling him, & the scripture came to his mind which says, watch & pray. He did pray in the night & the Lord heard him, & this morning he felt happy & could pray well. Eve. Immediately after prayer this evening the old chief began to speak of the catholicks—said he had heard them pray for two years—that they differed from us & we from them in some things, but they prayed to the same God that we did & our prayers united & ascended together to the same being. Sat. Morn. I could not but feel that he was in the spirit this morning. I have never known him seem to pray with so much feeling & earnestness. His whole frame seemed agitated, & after rising from his knees he remained for some time with his face covered with his handkerchief, occasionally wiping his eyes. The portion of Scripture we had read was Daniel’s prayer & some of David’s confessions. He had previously had something of the character & circumstances of each. Anxious to know the exercises of his mind, I inquired if he felt as happy as he expressed himself yesterday morning. He said yes, that when he began to pray, he did not know what he was

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going to say, but as he proceeded, he was taught to say a great deal—that he seemed to forget himself & not to know where he was or what he was doing, only that his mind went upward, he seemed to see God & was talking to him. You know we have feared he might be trusting too much to his own goodness. In order to ascertain his feelings upon that point, we asked him if he felt that what he experienced was in consequence of any thing he had done, or whether it was because his eyes had been opened to see these things. He said it was not for any thing he had done, for his sins had been many, & it would take him a great while to throw them all away. He then began to enumerate. He had killed two men—had thrown away several wives—had fasted 40 days at a time to obtain propitious dreams & secure the favor of the great Spirit. Had he known that these things [were] wrong & displeasing to God, he should not have done them. This prepared the way to speak of the atonement. We asked him how he felt when he thought of what Christ had done & suffered for sinners. He said that when in prayer he came to think & speak of his shedding blood & water for us, he felt for a little time sorry, but soon it would seem very light, as light as a clear day, & God seemed very near. Sabbath eve. This morning the old man spoke again of the catholics, & in such a manner as seemed to prepare the way for explaining to him some points of difference between their belief & that of protestants. When we spoke of their priests receiving confessions & pardoning sins, he said he was taught that when a boy, & he thought it strange that men could pardon sins. He asked if our ministers did not say anything to people when they did wrong. We told him yes, but they taught them that God alone can pardon sins. His face seemed lighted up with a smile of satisfaction on receiving this answer but he made no reply. One of his expressions in prayer is, “we trust in our Brother thy Son.” Monday eve. This morning after rising from prayer, Ma osit asked if he prayed well. The Methodists told him that he did, that he was wise & it was true. As this looked a little pharisaical we thought it best to put down such a feeling as much as possible. We told him we could not tell whether he prayed well or not, for we could not see his heart & that was what God looked at. We also gave him an account of the Pharisee & publican

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going into the temple to pray. He said it was true, he only meant to inquire whither he used proper language in prayer.87 Tuesday eve. The Inds. have some of them been down, & the old chief had his talk with them this morning. He says he [they] made little reply to what he said except that it was good, & they would think & talk about it among themselves. One of the oldest among them said he never heard these things before, he would like to go where the chief had been & hear them too. The chief told him he need not go there, when he wished to hear the word of God he came to our house, & he could come too if he wished. [End of sheets pasted into journal; Journal 9 resumes] Thursday 8th Sept. Embarked with Brother Town in a fishing canoe for Le Pointe about 5 oclk P.M. Ma¸ osits youngest son accompanies us. Camped at Pυkegυma [of St. Louis River] about 8 oclk.

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Saturday 10th. Left the Riv. Brule this morning before day break & after a day of hard toil much of the time against wind & wave, arrived at the mission house about 11 oclk P.M. Was sick with exhaustion when I landed— with difficulty made my way into the house.88 Sat. 24. Arrived at home about 4 oclk P.M. Embarked at Lept 20th at noon. Came to Manito Island. 21st about noon ran into Siscouυt River— a strong wind. 22nd windbound—looked like an equinoctial storm. 23d Embarked at 7 oclk A.M. Head wind & rough sea—no one but little boy with me. He steered & I rowed. Canoe heavily loaded. Hard toiling to Mυshkigiminikani¸ [Cranberry River]. Hands had become much blistered. Landed at Riv Brule about 6 oclk. I was much fatigued, & anxious as I was to go on, yet I felt it duty to rest, but we had hardly kindled a fire, e’er a favourable breeze arose. This I felt was from God & ought be improved, so we embarked forthwith. Our breeze proved of little avail & soon veered around off shore. We concluded to put into the next harbour, but could 87. Maangozid was doing his best to please the missionary. Already a powerful medicine man (religious leader) among the Ojibwe, he would be doubly so if he could add Christianity to his repertoire. 88. Ely may have gone to La Pointe to receive the Ojibwe books that had recently arrived from Boston. Hall to Greene, October 14, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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enter none until we arrived at Gaminikani¸ at 11 oclk, & lay down to sleep after gumming our canoe, for we had struck a snag about dusk & broke a small hole. The snag struck on the seam, between wind & water, but providentially the weaker bark above the seam gave way instead of the lower. We took no water. Woke at 1 oclk—found a fresh breeze from N.—swells rising. Embarked immediately, & soon that breeze came round off shore. Just at the (before) dawn of day we left the lake, & lay down to sleep on the bank of the river. Thus we had been brought about 60 miles since embarking at Siscouυt River. Slept about 2 hours. Cooked & embarked this morning, a strong wind down the lake. If we had been in the lake we should have been completely windbound. But God had seen fit to bring us home before the Sabbath. As it was, the wind was so strong in the river that we made very slow progress. Arrived at home about 4 oclk. My hands were almost disabled by blisters. We however rejoiced that we were preserved & returned in safety, & I trust were thankful to God. Wednesday 28 Sept. This P.M. Ma¸ osit & family left for the fishing. Thursday 29. Edwd embarked with Mr. Scott for the fishing ground.

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Friday, 30. Monthly day of prayer. Gandanυnib & family arrived to day from Sandy Lake. This eve I went to visit them. William has taken a wife, will call on us in the morning. I said nothing to him concerning his faith in J.C. intending to take a better opportunity. May God preserve him. Sat. Oct 1. William & his father called on us before noon. The father & brother Shisbiz have again turned back to the Miteui. I told him this was proof that he never loved God & read to him many passages to that effect. It was folly to attempt to deceive God. “The Lord knoweth them that are His” &c. Before this we had read the word of God—sung & prayed. After prayer I told them concerning Ma¸ osit. Gandanυnib instantly replied that “He (M.) would not love God long—that his (Ms) brother had told that he (M.) was about turning back.” G. said that M. would pray so long as we would feed him. I told him if M. went out from among us, we should then certainly know that he was not of us. He was in God’s hands. None belonged to God’s kingdom except who loved in heart. There was a keen taunting expression to his words, as he replied against Ma¸-osit. O! God, keep Ma¸-osit.

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I invited William to sup with us. He accordingly came. We had an interesting season in opening Scripture to him, & in prayer. I had inferred from some words this morning that he had lost the Sabbath during his absence, & restrained prayer. He seemed to feel his needs, & to plead with some earnestness in prayer. He expressed a determination to serve God henceforth. Said he intended to go with his parents this winter. I presented to him the idea of settling down. He still wished to go with them. Antoine Goddin, a very interesting boy of about 16 yrs of age, in the Co.’s employ, has habitually come in evenings to read.89 He begins to read tolerably well. He also listens very attentively to what we tell him concerning morals & the word of God. This evening he appeared to listen with deep interest to the word. “In the morning sow thy seed & in the evening withhold not thy hand.”

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Sabbath Oct. 2nd. Sabbath school this morning. Ten children present. P.M. went over the river to Gandanυnib’s lodge, & held an exercise. Read parts of 20-21 & 22 Chap’s of Revelations—of Judgment—the glories of the heavenly state—the state of man at death fixed. Quite a number were present. Some however paid no attention. William was not present—felt a little solicitude as to the cause. This eve William came over to see us. We had an interesting season in reading Gods word, singing and prayer—tried to persuade him to commence family worship with his wife. I felt a most lively interest in his case. May God save him. Monday 3d. Monthly Concert. William promised to call & worship with us this morning, & also this evening, but have not seen him. We are informed that he actually participated in the Miteui & feasts at Sandy Lake. We do not doubt it, as it comes both from his young sister & his brothers wife. O! my Saviour, wherefore is this reproach? How will the heathen boast themselves against thee? Thine is the kingdom & the ability. Thou wilt glorify thyself in this & all things—yet thou delighted not in William’s death, but rather that he would turn & live—yet how will he himself turn? O! thou who lovest the poor Indians, wilt thou give him up unto death? Wilt thou 89. Antoine Gaudin was the son of Jean Baptiste Gaudin and an Ojibwe woman, a sister of Hole-in-the-Day. In 1843 he married Sarah Dingley. Their son Philip Gordon was the first Ojibwe Catholic priest. Chippewa Claim 59, Lucius Lyon Papers; Delfield, Indian Priest, 13.

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withhold thy Spirit? Heal him, O! thou Healer! Save him, O, thou Saviour! for thy Name’s sake. What more can thy poor suppliant say in his behalf ? O, glorify thyself. “O, that my head were water, & mine eyes a fountain of tears” Hear my prayer O! my God. Tuesday Oct. 4. Mr. Scott arrived from the fishing ground this P.M. The Co.’s fishermen are taking great quantities of trout. Mr. S. left Edwd at the place where the old chief intended to set nets on the same day they left here, but Ma¸ osit did not arrive until Saturday. Edwd sent by Mr. S. ½ Bbl of fish. I intend to start in the morning for the lake & shall probably bring Edwd back with me. Mr. Aitkins will disappoint us as to potatoes in consequence of the badness of his crop. We must therefore depend on Le Pointe, & must send Edwd in Mr. Scotts boat to Le pt. who will bring a quantity for us. Wed. 5. Left for the lake in a canoe accompanied by Uabυno. Near Bear Island met Mr. Warren in a light canoe on his way to Sandy Lake. At Grand Prairie met a barge with the Mssrs Davenport on board. Here was Akiuenzi with my little canoe whh he borrowed 8 days since to return immediately. Said he would return to the fort when I went back. A little past noon made the little portage into the lake—a good breeze. Hoisted sail. About 3 miles—met Edwd, & Ma¸ osits boy returning—landed—hid my casks in the bushes.90 The boy retd home alone, & Edwd embarked in our canoe— are making no fishing. Arrived at home about dusk—say 40 miles today. Recd some goods from Boston by the boat.

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Saturday 15th. Embarked with Edward for the lake to spend the Sabbath with Ma¸ osit. Arrived about 4 oclk. Overhauled 5 bbls fish. Sabbath 16th. Windy—snowed nearly all day. Talked prayed in public & secret with Ma¸ osit. Spent some time also in Nazhanekue’s (Brabant’s wife) lodge. Heard the children read &c &c. About 9 oclk Akiuenzi in my little canoe arrived. Said nothing to him concerning it. Monday 17. Visited the nets with Ma¸ osit. Took about 40 trout. About 10 oclk made an attempt to embark. The surf was very heavy, & on the first attempt filled our canoe. Three men could scarcely hold it. The 2nd attempt, 90. These were barrels used for fish.

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we succeeded in getting out, although nearly water logged. I fell to bailing, & we were soon on our voyage. At the little portage we were in greater trouble to land than to embark. The sea was tremendous & but for the assistance of the Indians there we should have probably broke our canoe & lost our load, in part. The weather was cold, freezing & ground covd with snow. We were wet & cold. Reached home at 8 oclk P.M. Wed 19. Took possession of our new house, although not finshed—only 2 windows in.

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Sabbath 23d. About 1 oclk this morn the boat, whh left for Lepointe on the 8th, arrived. Another boat from the Sault St. Maries also arrived, chartered by Gen. Jas. Dickson, & manned by his soldiers. The company consist of the Gen, a Polish refugee, officers—5 young men ranking Lieutenants, & 7 soldiers. They are on an expedition against Mexico & it is the present intention, if a sufficient force shall be collected, to make a descent from the passes of the Rocky Mountains upon a cert[ain] Mexican City & destroy it.91 Gen. D. says every man shall die, as they will not be able to keep the city if their men are spared. The Gen. called on us in the evening, bringing a letter of introduction fr. Br. Hall. Had a long conversation with him concerning his plans. He keeps nothing back, except the city in view. His plan is to form a government in California of the scattered Indian tribes of the west, Cherokee, Creeks, & all others who may be disposed to join them.92 Sat 29. Rev. Mr. Hall arrived about 8 oclk this eve from Lepointe in a small boat. David Crane [an Indian convert] & one Frenchman accompanied him. Mr. Crebassa left last Monday in a boat for the fishing. Edward went also to bring home our fish. They returned this P.M. Our fish amounts to 4 bbls & 2 kegs. Ma¸ osit took upwards of 30 whitefish in the rapids this eve with a scoopnet. Sabbath 30th. An interesting day. William spent most of the day with 91. California was at this time part of Mexico. 92. Edward Duffield Neill, in his History of Minnesota, mentions that in 1836 a Mr. Dickson, calling himself general of the Indian Liberating Army, went to the Red River Settlement to encourage settlers there to join him in his plan to unite all the Indian nations under a single government, with himself as the head, under the title of Montezuma II. His plan was disrupted by cold weather, and he got no farther than Red River. Neill, History of Minnesota, 452.

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us. Mr. Hall preached in Eng. in the P.M. Only the Frenchmen attended. Appointed a meeting for the evening in Indian. Two or three only attended. David appeared very happy. Was with William much & thinks he does indeed love God. Ma¸ osit also he speaks well of. Br. Hall was also much pleased with his appearance. Monday 31. Mr. Scott embarked for LePointe, his boat manned with eleven men. Edward also went with them, & brings potatoes as pay for his services. Mr Hall embarked about 4 P.M. also. Friday Nov. 4. Day of Prayer preceding Mon. Concert. The boat arrived from Lepointe about 3 oclk P.M. They arrived at LePointe on Tuesday noon, & Mr. Hall Wednesday near 2 oclk, making him 33 hours from this, & he slept 2 hours. Remarkably fine weather for the season. Indian summer but I think nearly over. This eve Wm. & Ma¸ osit united with us in a prayer meeting, a refreshing season. Read to them the promises to those who pray.

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Sabbath Nov. 6th. William spent most of the day with us. His father’s family & his wife, he supposes have raised camp today & gone on their hunt, but it was Sabbath, & he would not go. A boat arrived from Lepointe about 3 oclk P.M. No letters. This eve. about 20 came in at the blowing of the horn, Mr. & Mrs. Scott among them.93 I spoke from Peter’s denials of Christ. After meeting Mr. & Mrs. Scott remained. I read part of the chapter entitled “The Crucifixion” in Abbotts “Corner Stone,” with whh he was apparently much interested.94 Have written a line to Br. Sproat. Monday. Mon. Concert 7th. Held a prayer meeting this morning with William & Ma¸ osit. William then left for the hunt. Wrote Br. Boutwell in the evening, also Br. Hall, this morning. Tuesday 8th. This eve M. Scott & wife called in. We commenced reading the chapter entitled “The Last Supper” in Corner Stone. He was free to express his mind. Stated his difficulties on the subject of original or natu93. Scott’s wife was Nancy Aitkin, eldest daughter of William A. Aitkin. They had been married on August 7, 1836, at La Pointe by Rev. Frederick Baraga. Register of St. Joseph Mission, La Pointe. 94. The subtitle of this book of sermons by Jacob Abbott was A Familiar Illustration of the Principles of Christian Truth. It was published in 1834.

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ral depravity. Said he would come in tomorrow eve & hear the remainder of the chapter. Wednesday 9. Ma¸ osit & son left this morn to make martin traps, about 1 days march from this.

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Sat. 12. Ma¸ osit & family came in to evening worship. He followed me in prayer & seemed unusually fervent. Seemed labouring to express the longings of his soul for heavenly teaching. After worship, he said he wished to inquire of me. He had been sorrowful all day. How he had been taught by the Catholics when he was a boy—he wished to inquire why they did not pray together at night as we do (meaning family worship). He had heard other things as we teach him, but that he had never heard. We had a long conversation with him—endeavored to ascertain whether he felt different now from what he did when he prayed with the Catholics when a boy.95 He could not recollect much of his exercises, but thought he felt right when he first prayed. He seems to be much exercised of late—thinks continually of what he is taught & dreams of religion. Dreamed last night that the Spirit talked to him & told him that he was very poor—that he was like a string in the road which every one trode upon. For two days he has felt that God was very near to him—great liberty in prayer & a soaring, a reaching upward of soul. Yet, he sees faintly, I think, in consequence of his strange blind pagan notions, whh are as second nature to him. Sabbath Dec 4th. This morning the Canadians & Mr. Scott came to meeting. The character of Christ as a man & as a mediator was the subject laid before such of them as could speak English. Catharine found Ma¸ osits wife sewing today. She told Ma¸ osit of it. He said he knew she did not do right. I told him she must not pretend to love God if she did not keep his commandments. He replied that Ininini’s people had been calling her a fool for doing as the whites did. The Indians had said many bad things, Uezamise & Eninasυ¸ were the most active in prejudicing the Indians. They had sent word that if he continued to pray 95. There is no evidence that Catholic missionaries came into this area during the time of Maangozid’s youth. It is likely, however, that a few traders of the North West Company’s posts had tried to bring some Catholic instruction to the Indians, much as Pierre Cotté and Michael Cadotte were doing at this time.

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next spring, they would kill him, & that [it would be] a hard thing for the Indians to tear down the house I had built. Perhaps this was the reason why his wife worked on Sunday, because she was afraid to keep it. He told her if the Indians killed him they would be hung, that he would not stop praying. If they killed him, she must continue to pray. Enquiry was made whether he prayed in secret. He stated that he had enjoyed two seasons in secret today, & two with his family—that he had more enjoyment & freedom always in secret. Today God seemed very near to him. I much doubt however whether he has correct views of his own heart. He has thought (I presume) to amuse us much lately with many marvelous stories of things he has seen & done—to this he is much addicted. We as yet see nothing unchristian in his deportment.

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Tues. Dec. 13. Just after supper, Catharine felt an unusual pressure of blood in her right arm & the veins much swollen—soon a painful, pricking sensation was experienced in the hand & arm—then in the legs—& soon a general languor seized her. She thought death had begun its sudden work in her, & committed her soul to Jesus in prayer. She was soon chilly & teeth chattered violently. Put her feet in warm water & gave some warm drink. After short intervals, the first sensations returned. Heaviness at the stomach. Gave an emetic whh operated well. The prickling in the right arm continued—lameness in the muscles—no swelling—rested comfortably. Wed. 14. Cath. sat by the fire a little while, but soon experienced a return of the attack. Attempted to bleed her, but did not succeed, probably from inexperience, as it was the first attempt. Administered a cathartic which operated well, but did not relieve the arm. Evening—another retard in the circulation of blood. Called in Ininini, who bled her very dexterously. Yesterday P.M. Ma¸ osits wife came in. I inquired why she worked on Sabbath? She denied working at all on that day, or even of having her needle about intentionally. I could not let this pass so. We proved it upon her. She tried to excuse herself by saying the Frenchmen broke the Sabbath. This gave an opportunity to show that God would punish all offenders, be they many or few. She said the Indians were foolish & soon forgot what they heard. It was so long since we had taught her that she had forgot what was told her last summer. She also tried to implicate her husband by saying that

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he directed her to do so. He had asked for a candle the night before the Sab. to do the work by. We taught her that God saw her heart, & knew whether she loved him or not—that those who loved him kept his Commandments. How God viewed falsehood. Read Scripture—brought it home to her own case. She appeared affected—was silent. Thursdsay 15. Cath rested well last night—found her arm relieved this morning—is well but weak.

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Tuesday 27th. Since the above talk with Ma¸ osits wife, she frequently accompanies him into the house at the season of worship—also on Sabbath. I should not suppose she felt angry at my recent rebuke. It has been a very common remark of Ma¸ osit, that to speak very decidedly of his love to God, & that there is nothing bad in his heart. He does not appear sensible of indwelling sin. We have repeatedly read to him those Scriptures where this subject is most forcibly advanced. This evening, I read 1 Jno. 1 Chap. He insisted as usual on his love to God, & the purity of his heart. We had some difficulty in explaining to him our views, & those of the Apostle. We stated to him Christian experience—the office work of the Spirit &c. We are indeed in perplexity at times to decide as to his character. He does not seem to know anything of humbling for sin, or mourning on account of imperfection—nor does he seem to descern it in himself. The Lord enlighten him.

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Chapter 7

Missionary Life at Fond du Lac, January 7 to November 25, 1837

Journal 9 (continued)

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January 7 to November 25, 1837

1837. Sat. Eve. Jany 7th. About 9 oclk as I was sitting with Miss Cook, I heard a strange sound as of many voices crying out, but concluding it was some Canadians singing, I again resumed my conversation—but in a few moments Coteque & her daughter Jane rushed in, in an agony of distress, saying that Mr. Aitkins oldest son was killed (shot) & pointed towards the houses. I stept to the door & the air resounded with a most dreadful wail. I immediately went over, & found Mrs. Aitkins & her whole family in the snow by the side of the fence near the stable, surrounded by Indian women, in an agony of wailing. Mr. Scott was near, & told me that Alfred had been killed (shot) by an Indian at [Upper] Red Cedar Lake. I went to them, intreated them to go into the house. They went, wailing. I proposed prayer—the wailing ceased, & we knelt before God. After prayer, I requested Mr. Crebassa to say to them that such excessive grief was improper & injurious, that it was not consistent with Christian submission. Encouraged them to prayer to God—promised to call & see them in the morning. From letters from Messrs Atkins & Boutwell to Mr. Scott it appears that the murder was committed on the 6th Dec. last. The body was brought to Leech Lake & Mr. Boutwell made an examination, whh he has submitted by letter to the Agency Office. The remains were interred at Leech Lake. 239

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Mr. Aitkins about this time arrived from Mackinaw, & left in pursuit of the murderer. It is supposed he had an accomplice.1 Sabbath 8th. Went with Catharine to see Mrs. Aitkins & family—found them calm & composed. Read to Mrs. A. from Job & David. This evening the Frenchmen came in to meeting. Only Belangie and Edward could understand English. Read & spoke from the 90th Psalm. Sabbath Eve. Jany 22nd. The express retd from La Point on Friday evening accompanied by Mr. Warren & Br. Cyrus Pierce & Peter Marksman. I rec d letters from Brs. Hall, Sproat, & my aged Grandfather Augt Sisson Esq, enclosing a blank deed in favour of my Uncle Augt L. Sisson, the purchaser of the farm left myself & brothers by our decd Mother.2 Yesterday Catharine & self executed the deed before Mr. Warren, & I enclosed it last eve. to return it. For terms of the deed, see Grandfather’s letter of Sept. 1836.3 By letters from Brs Hall & Ayer, it is expedient that I should meet them at Pυkegυma. I have made arrang[e]ments to start tomorrow.4 Meetings well attended today & eve. Peter conducted the service. Meeting very attentive this evening. God is doing a work a[t] Pυkegυma. Some are hoping in God. Among them Maingans, son of Bizhiki.5 Some scholars under conviction.6

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Voyage to Pυkegυma. Monday Jany 23d. P. had engaged Crebassa to send Kekuetash with me, but he refused positively to accompany me. Ma¸ osit & his son were neither able. Peter concluded to accompany me. Having taken directions from Crebassa, we set off a little before noon. No road broken. It was tiresome work—came 1. According to William Davenport, Alfred was killed by an Indian because he had sent away to another post an Indian and his wife, to whom the murderer had become attached. Boutwell Diary, Dec. 8, 1836. 2. Lucia Sisson Ely had died in 1830. Her brother, Augustus L. Sisson, was purchasing the Ely family farm in Chardon, Ohio from her four sons. The Sisson family had moved to Hambden, Ohio, in 1822. Sisson and Sisson, Descendants of Richard and Mary Sisson, 169. 3. This letter is not in the Ely Papers. 4. It was the missionaries’ intent to organize a church at Pokegama on the Snake River. Since neither Ayer nor Ely was an ordained minister, Hall’s presence was necessary to baptize and administer communion. Ayer to Greene, June 12, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 5. Ayer had moved the mission from Yellow Lake to Pokegama Lake on May 5, 1836. He hoped to induce more Indians to settle and farm there, about two miles north of Connor’s trading post on the Snake River. Ayer to Greene, December 28, 1836, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 6. That is, they acknowledged their sinful state.

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on 10 or 12 miles—found a shelter made to our hand. We were fatigued & unaccustomed the first day, & although rather early, we concluded to encamp. We blessed God for our shelter, as we were much more comfortable than we could have made ourselves. Although we have a prospect of a tedious voyage of 5 or 6 days, yet we are happy. Have just been praying to him who is happiness & glory in perfection, & we are refreshed in coming to him. O! may He keep before our minds the object of our voyages & fill us with His Spirit & with Faith. Amen.

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Tuesday 24th. Left our camp soon after light. About 9 oclk arrived at Gaomυshkosika Sagaiigυn [Elk Lake]. Crossed it & took breakfast—it is ½ or ¾ mile long. It is hard work to lift a road. Peter has done most of it. I have taken my turn, but could go but a short distance without resting. Thus we have come on slowly. We have passed 5 small lakes. Camped on the bank of a little run, probably the drain of some swamp. Our march nearly all day has been thorough a pine country. Sometimes bad, & generally very open—occasionally beautiful groves of Norway & white pines—open country—cypress. Crossed a mυshkig [swamp] about one mile in width before camping. We have talked some about Jesus today, but I have loved him less that [than] I have talked of Him. O! Jesus, forgive! Wednesday, 25th. After an hour’s march, came to the Nυmυjiteguaia [Nemadji] (River). The bed of the river must be 75 or 100 ft. below the level of the country. In a short time passed another small stream with high banks. The two probably unite a short distance below. This Nυmυgitiguaia empties in to the marias [marais] at the head of Lake Sup[erior]. About noon passed Sandy Lake (metauυag). Our course has changed from westerly to southerly. This P.M. full south. We have passed another small stream, probably the Eninandυk [Tamarack], tributary to the St. Croix. This P.M. a snow shoe track fell into our road for a few rods. An Indian was probably following a moose or deer—the first human track we had seen, save our road. Our road is well marked. Mr. Crebassa’s track is plain. Mr. C. before the snow fell went to Yellow Lake7 & while there the snow fell. He had no snow shoes. Much snow has fallen since he retd, & his track is nearly filled & would not be 7. Borup’s post.

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distinguishable from that of an animal but for its coinciding with the road, always, & with the step of a man. Long before night I was much fatigued. I had hardly strength to go forward. I longed for water but dared not drink, as I should soon tire. Our route today has been principally through tamarack low lands, across Uabishkikig [marshes], sometimes on ridges, some pine & cypress. I have meditated much on Jesus today, but I need more solemn and humbling views of him, & an heart broken & prayerful. Voyage to Pυkegυma Two Roads Thursday 26. Started this morning as soon as light enough to see the road— travelled as fast as our strength would permit. At one time we turned off on another track, & debated sometime whether to follow the moose or Crebassa. Found a large piece of bark hanging on a pole, pointing onward. This is an Indian guide board—on it was written as follows, viz ‫ޙޙޙޙޙޙۉۉޙޙ‬.[Indicates encampments or rest stops.] We have travelled most of today through oak & maple country & many other varieties of timber intermixed. Pushed on till near dusk hoping to reach the place where Kebeshkυ¸ was encamped when Crebassa passed. It was dark when we completed our camp—no water—a pool—frog pond with run from it. Procured only ice, & when melted the water was quite offensive. I drank some of it—became nauseated—cooked chocolate, whh relieved me. It began to snow—built a shelter by flambeau light. It was very late before we lay down to sleep. God is good, although we ill requite the good. Perplexity. Conclude to return. Friday 27 Jan . Had high hopes this morning of arriving at Kebeshkυ¸’s lodge & perhaps the Riv. St. Croix today. Found myself rather lame in a tendon on the shin of the right leg. Applied a little Opodeldoc, quite painful all day. Stiff—swelled this eve. Thus we set forth this morning. We stopped not to take any breakfast because we were not hungry. I ate nothing last night. About 10 oclk, came to a branch in our road leading off to the left hand. We of course were at a stand. Here were also two tracks, & the new road was very plainly marked on the trees, & bushes broken. A couple of saplings were thrown across the old path, & a stick similar to that of yesterday, set, pointing into the new road. We could not find the bark whh had been put into the stick. We were also about 6 encampments from where the

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th

y

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bark hung yesterday, as that bark had said. We concluded therefore, that this was the place where we were to turn off, according to Crebassa’s direction. The only thing that led us to doubt was the track in the old road. But we decided that the new was undoubtedly the right road. We followed it about ½ mile, where neither track nor marks could be found. We again & again took directions, & ranged but found no track nor mark. Thus nearly 3 hours were wasted. We made our case a subject of prayer. Could we know where we were we could, if expedient march by the compass to strike the Riv. St. Croix. We might fall into labyrinths of swamps and be far from the river. We had little provisions. Judgment said it is not expedient to risk ourselves. I finally concluded duty did not call me to go forward under our circumstances. Peter’s mind was that it was safest to turn back—to this I assented. Our journey was at an end when it could not be safely pursued. With hearts satisfied we began to retrace our steps. The lodge might be just at hand, but we knew not which way to go to find it. We travelled faster on our own road, repassed our camp of last night some distance. Find with a rather short allowance that our provisions will last us 4 days. We have travelled onward 4 days, but can retrace our steps at a more rapid rate, if God gives us strength. Are cheerful in thoughts of God this evening. Saturday 28th. Started by moonlight. My leg very lame—yet pressed on. Peter took all my load except blanket kettles & axe. This relieved me very much. Breakfasted at 10½ oclk. at our camp of Thursday night. Passed Sandy Lake about noon. Crossed the Akikandυkυka, & arrived at our breakfasting place of Wednesday morning, about 1 hour before sun set. Were occupied until after dark in getting wood for Sabbath & preparing camp. My leg very stiff & swollen. Gods mercy has been bestowed upon us this day. We will try to praise him. Sabbath 29. A beautiful day. Did not sleep well last night in consequence of cold. Rose before day. We have spent it as follows. Early—social prayer— reading & singing & dressing &c. Breakfast about 10 oclk—about a teacup full of white rice boiled & a little tea. This is our allowed evening’s meal. We have three more such kettles—a small allowance of pork for two mornings. Then very small biscuits & a handful of parched rice completes our stock of provisions. Today we eat no bread or meat, that we may have it to

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travel upon. Now God will glorify himself in all this. It makes us feel our dependence on him. About the time of our usual meeting at home we had a season of prayer for them. The time has been filled up in singing, conversation, reading &c. I slept a little while. Have had some longings for deliverance from unbelief. Some struggles against low spirits, especially this morning. Arrive at home. Fond du Lac. Monday Eve. 30 . At home! This is more than we expected. So our kind Father & Saviour ordered it, & we had strength given, adequate. Mr. Warren & Cyrus left for Le Pointe this morning. Returning this morning, we saw two prs. snow shoes had fallen into our road whh was all the better for it. They prove to be Kebegindas & Ma¸ osits son, bringing letters from Pυkegυma. They fell into our road on Tuesday last, the same day we passed, going. th

Friday Feb. 3d. William & his family arrived about noon today. He spent part of the P.M. & the night with us. He does not shun us—says he does not feel as he did last summer, although he has wandered. Has mourned because he could not hear the word of God & now wants to hear it. Says he has kept the Sabbath, as also his father. Ma¸ osit & Wm supped with us. We had a pleasant season at family worship—all joined in prayer. I am yet quite lame—can walk about with ease.

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Sat. Eve. 4th. Prayer meeting. William & Mrs. LePointe were present also Ma¸ osits son. We felt to plead for a blessing. O! for faith. Hope! Love! Sabbath, 5th. O! may God bless his word this day dispensed. Mrs. Le Point has appeared much affected all day. This eve after meeting, remained. Peter talked with her. We then spent a season of prayer with her, & after she left, another. We felt it a critical time with her. O, Jesus have mercy! Monday, Mon. Eve. Feby. 6. This eve. blew the trumpet, & soon the children & some others were collected. Talked of the promises concerning the spread of the Gospel. This Eve. Mrs. Lepoint expressed a hope of pardon through Christ. I have not talked with her to know the ground of her hope.

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Tuesday, 7. Peter left this morning for Lepoint. I wrote to W.H. Talcott, Brs. Sproat, Hall & Town. We love Peter more than ever. He indeed bids fair to be an useful servant in the Church. He is accompanied by Ma¸ osits son—Ma¸ osits wife & younger son have also gone to Lepointe, so that the old man is now here alone.8 A Hopeful Conversion. Copper—Tailed Lions. Wed. 8th. At breakfast Ma¸ osit, who was in the room, brought a picture of a lion, & asked what it was? I ansd “Mishibishi” He said he knew about the animal. There were three kinds, the one in the picture, the one that lives a little south of us, (i.e. the panther), & one who has a copper tail!! He lives not on the land, but under the water.9 Ques. “Has any one ever seen him?” Ma¸ osit. “No! They have seen the bark peeled from the cedars on the shore, & have heard him roar. If any approach too near, he will kill them.” Ques. “A copper tail, did you say? I should suppose he would break it when he lashes himself.” Ma¸ osit—“Perhaps!—I have a small piece of it” (marks off about an inch on his finger.) Ques. “I should like to see it.” M. “An officer once asked me to give it to him, but I refused. If I should give it away, I should dream that the coppertailed lion was biting me all over my body, & should become sick.” E. “The coppertailed lion has no power to make you sick. Your health is in God’s hands.” I read to him from Psalms on the subject. At family worship, read 1 Pet[er]. 5th Chap. On that verse mentioning the “roaring lions,” I made some remarks concerning the means the devil possesses of influencing our minds to evil, & his disposition to do so. God in all His works had never shown us a specimen in which metals possessed animal functions; or where they were connected with animal life.10 We were pained to hear 8. Ely described Maangozid as about fifty years old at this time. Ely to Greene, January 9, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765). 9. Mishi-bizhiw is the Great Lynx who dwells at the bottom of the lake. He has the power to draw people down to their deaths. Basil Johnston, Manitous, 243. 10. Although miskwabik (copper) is a noun inanimate in the Ojibwe language, it can become animate when it possesses power. The Jesuits found that the Indians valued pieces of copper as “the riches of the gods who dwell in the depths of the earth.” Thwaites, Jesuit Relations 50:289.

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him relate such stories. God’s works & word did not justify our believing them, & we did not believe them. We have often been distressed at his stories, & mourned & prayed over his credulity, but this story, & the assertion that he possessed a piece of the tail, was so ridiculous that I felt it my duty to reprove him, even at the risk of his displeasure. He has promised us a sight of this piece of the copper— tailed lion. This is a specimen of the ignorance & credulity of these poor pagans. It is not surprizing that he tells these things, having been brought up & lived in pagan darkness for 50 years. This piece of the copper—tailed lion, he said, was a most powerful Uibinan against bears, as he always killed when he used it.

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P.M. Ininini called. Preached Christ to him. Have had some ardent feelings today in conversation & prayer. Morning—very heavy in heart because of sin. Fond du Lac. McDonald returns from Lepoint. th Friday 10 . This morning McDonald arrived from Lepoint. Recd letters from Brs. Hall & Sproat, of a date prior to those by Mr. Warren. A line from Peter also, whom McD. met yesterday beyond the Brule. Peter mentions Ma¸ osits want of provisions, & ventures an opinion that would be well to give him something. Also, a letter from Rev. Mr. Greene, Com. Sec. dated June 16, 1836. Br. Hall had not returned from Pυkegυma when McD. left. News from Leech Lake. Ma¸-osit Manitokazoing Sat. Eve 11. Have been writing to Br. Boutwell today. This eve we have enjoyed a very good season of prayer with Ma¸ osit & Mrs. Le point. About 9 oclk, 3 or 4 dog trains arrived from Leech Lake for goods. Recd a letter from Br. Boutwell dated on Monday last (6th Inst). They were well, but undoubtedly in a state of solicitude concerning the movements of the Indians. He says, “The Inds. are just beginning to come in from their hunts. Some of them are as full of wrath as they can contain, not so much because we arrested the murderer, as because Mr. A. prohibits ammunition & tobacco from being given out.” (Mr. A. has so ordered & told the Indians that none will be given until the accomplice in the murder, Green Feather, be given up.) “One or two have threatened to kill another white man if the murderer should be arrested. The Soldier’s son is the one who

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made the remark. He would have killed Corgere” (one of the Frenchmen who arrived here) “had not the Inds taken care of him while alone [in] their lodges.” George (Bonga) a few days since started with all the men to go for his furs & things, to bring all to this place. As he was passing some lodges, the Black Bird’s step son Pebamigizhik asked for ammunition & tobacco, & as they had none, he took his gun & shot one of their dogs on the train. The same fellow has said he would shoot Mr. A. if he could see him. . . .” I know not what the spring will unfold. I have made up my mind, if I live, to go as far as La Pointe in the spring. If providence directs my return, I shall hold myself in readiness to return, though the trading posts are abandoned in this vicinity. I intend to make a garden & leave it in the care of some Indian. Shall send my cattle to Sandy Lake probably, tho not yet certain what to do.”11 The men from Leech Lake report that the Kijiosaie [Elder Brother] remains constantly with Mr. Boutwell—eats & sleeps in the house. That some of the Inds are angry with him for it. Also that Br. B. feels himself in danger. O! Jesus, Thou wilt do all things well. Let us rejoice and trust in thee. Monday, 13th. Ma¸ osit has this evening joined the pagans in Manitokazoing—himself, Gandυnυnib, Uejanimasυ¸ & son, in Ininini’s lodge. While they were engaged, I passed by, stopped & listened. Ininini came out— told me that his brother was singing & Ma¸ osit was one of four who were there. Afterwards, Catharine saw the old man come out of the lodge, all in a sweat & his shirt in his hand, having just come [out] of the little Manitokazoing lodge. This is perhaps intended by God to humble us—to try our faith. Perhaps we have not been exercising faith in his behalf. I know I deserve it. The Mitiguυkik [water drum] & Shishiguυn [rattle] & heathen song are ringing in our ears. I have just been to Ma¸ osits lodge, but he is not at home—he is probably engaged with the pagans. O! my God! Has he all this time been pagan in heart? Lord! have compassion on him. O! Sanctify thy truth to him. 11. Boutwell described the people of Leech Lake as being especially restive as a result of Aitkin’s threats to withdraw his traders unless his son’s murder was avenged. Boutwell to Greene, January 18, 1837; Hall to Greene, April 15, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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Fond du Lac Conversations Tuesday, 14 . This morning, called on Ma¸ osit. He complained of being quite unwell last night, but took some medicine which recovered him, & he felt very little pain this morning. He said he had not yet prayed this morn[in]g. I told him I would retire & leave him to himself & did so. I went to Ininini’s lodge. Catharine called on the old man. He began to apologize for not calling to attend evening worship. He was standing, he said, without his lodge & Ininini called him to go in to his lodge. He went—Gandυnυnib was there. He said they wanted to (ui)Miteuiuυg [participate in a Mide ceremony]—& asked his (M’s) advice. He told them they had better defer until more Indians came in—that they knew he would not join them, but perhaps he would go & see them. They then began to sing. He also sang them one song which they did not know. Cath. Did they Manitokazo?—Yes!—(C.) Did you join them? I ask this because as I passed there last night, Uejanimasυ¸’s son came out to cool himself in the snow. You came next, with your shirt in your hand. I inferred that you had been Manitokazoing. (M). I had been within the little lodge teaching them, & because it was so warm I took off my shirt. (C.) Why did you join them?—I did not join them. I went to instruct them. The Indians in that lodge talked about you (us) last night. They do not like you—they pitied me, they said—“I was all alone in my lodge. I am poor. I do not even sleep in your house. When others pray, they are clothed in English costume.”12 I was lonesome in my lodge—I wanted to talk with my friend Uejanimasυ¸—they told me “it would not be hard for them to take me out of this praying-house. If many Indians should take me (each one) by a finger, they could overcome me.” (Cath). If you are a child of God, He will keep you. The Indians cannot overcome you. (M.) I do not know. I have been listening to these praying people these three years. When I went to Le pointe last summer, I did not think of praying, but they took me as it were behind my back—they took me alone in the woods, & there

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th

12. As Rev. Sherman Hall noted in 1843, many (Indians) believed that if they adopted white man’s ways and clothing, they also embraced his religion. Hall to Greene, May 4, 1843, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 10.

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they “Anj-nigi”-ed me—Ningianjinigiigog—they caused me I was born again by them.13 This remark concerning the brethren’s “taking him behind his back” he also threw out last Sat. evening, after our season of worship. With Ma¸ osit Evening—Ma¸ osit has been at work in the house this P.M. mending nets. I said nothing to him concerning his error until this evening. At worship, read the 5th Ch. of Matthew, 13–20 verses. Then talked to him with tenderness—read Scripture proofs to him. He was disposed to charge the blame to those who asked him (this is Indian reasoning as well as Adam’s)—did not show any regret—no conviction of sin. He would assent to what we said to him. I read to him God’s sentence to Adam because he listened to Eve & endeavoured to make him feel that the fact that he was urged did not lessen his sin in God’s view. He afterwards came in after five, & said that when he reached his lodge, the pagans asked him to sing again, but he told them he wanted to sleep & could not sing. This story looks a little equivocal & I suspected he had framed it in order to maintain his good standing with us. At least if true, he erred in not giving them the true reason why he declined. After he left us, we joined in prayer in his behalf & that God would set home to his conscience the word we had read & explained to him. Wed 15th. William spent the evening here—seems to feel some solicitude for Mr. Boutwell’s safety. Wm says his father Gandυnυnib told him that Ma¸ osit is intending to assist the pagans in their intended Miteui. We exhorted Wm to stedfastness & enjoyed a season of prayer together. He indeed appeared well. If he is a lamb, O! God, keep him! Thursday, 16th. This P.M. I brought up the subject of Ma¸ osit boarding with us, whh he has several times suggested to us, in hopes doubtless of being taken into the family. “You told us the other night that the Indians pitied you because you was alone, was not yet clothed, did not eat here, nor even sleep here.” 13. Ningii-aanjinigoog: they rebirthed me, they changed my growth. The Methodist missionaries only began the work of converting Maangozid to Christianity; they did not baptize him. See February 16, 1837.

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M.

“It was not me alone who said it. Ininini this morning saw me with your pantaloons on (whh you gave me) & a load of wood on my back, & he called me a Frenchman.” “Have we been accustomed to take people into our house to live?” M. “I don’t know—perhaps so.” “You have mentioned the subject two or three times. Hitherto I have not replied to what you have said about it. We did not wish to tell you—No!—but supposed if we kept silence, you would see that we were not able to receive you. Those who give us our food do not expect us to do so. We ask our friends to eat with us occasionally & have asked you often. Suppose we should take you into our house, others might claim the same favour, & we must do alike by all men.” M. “They only wish to harm me in saying these things. If they pitied me they would come & sit down with me in my lodge,” &c. “You spoke (to us) about it yourself, & may have been surprized that we have not replied to it.” M. “If I were here all the time, the Indians would not come after me & persuade me to do wrong. One came to my lodge this morning while I was praying & began to talk with me about it. He said, “they do not come & pray with you” &c.” “We mentioned the subject that you might know what to expect. We help the Indians, &c but never take them into our house. With regard to clothing you, we have done what we could ourselves & have sent to Mr. Town to send some for you if he can get any. What did you expect last fall we were going to do for you?” Ma¸. “When I came here Mr. Town told me you were not rich, but would assist me & teach me.”14 “Are you satisfied with what I have done for you?” Ma¸. “When I fished, you paid me well, & I shall be glad if you pay me well when I work.” “Besides paying you for making nets, snowshoes &c &c, we have 14. abcfm teacher Joseph Town had probably assisted the Methodist missionaries in beginning the conversion of Maangozid the previous summer in La Pointe. He wrote that one Fond du Lac chief “gave me his medicine bag, etc. etc. and declared himself on the Lords side, and his wife is also a very hopeful character.” Town to Greene, October 14, 1836, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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watched your wants, not intending to see you suffer. We were in hopes you would continue to walk with God. These men now say you only come here with your mouth, & are intending to miteui with them.” Ma¸. “I do not say much to any Indian, & do not know who has told you so. I have told none of them anything. They are only jealous of me & wish to injure me.” “Is it true that you do intend to miteui by & bye?” M. “I never told any one that I meant to do so.” “When we asked you the other evening, you did not answer us.” M. “I felt that I would pray as long as I lived. They have been urging me these three years. I told the Lord not with my mouth only, but with my heart.” “We then supposed so—but you forgot this, the other evening when you Manitokazoed.” M. “It is true what I said, that the Indians urged me.” “Suppose the Indians should always urge you to do wrong.” M. “For two days I have felt sorry because the Indians were trying to turn me out of the way, & when I have prayed in my lodge, I have told the Lord that when I took this prayer, I was strong.” “Suppose I should tell the Lord “I will serve thee if no one persuades me not to do so.” Would the Lord accept such prayers?” M. “I do not know what the Lord would say. If he should open His ears to hear, then I should know.” “God says if we regard inquity He will not hear our prayers.” M. “That was the reason why I said, I did not know whether our prayers would reach to heaven” But you have told the Lord that you did give your heart to him & no longer loved evil. M. “When they “ningianjnigiigog,” changed my heart, the next day I went home. I felt bad & wept all day. I told my son that I never wept for nothing. I went into the woods & prayed—told the Lord that my heart was heavy. I did not know how to pray. When I had done, I thought I saw the way more clearly. For these three days past, I have felt bad. My heart has been heavy because the Indians have been trying to persuade me to go astray.”

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M.

M.

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January 7 to November 25, 1837

“They cannot force you to do wrong. If you do it, it will be because you choose to do it. Not only you, but every body act[s] thus freely. And if God should ask you in the judgment why you did so, you would not tell him that you could not help it. These men will ask you to do wrong again—they expect it, & say that you have promised it, & now, unless you can make up your mind to take the Word of God for your guide, we too shall expect it, & this is the reason we have spoken to you about it. We understand that those who go into the little lodge [sweat lodge] are to be the leaders in the miteui, & you was in the little lodge.” “That is not right. On this occasion they only tell Kijimanito their intention to “Miteuiuυg.” On the night previous to the Miteui, the leaders only go into the little lodge.” “You told us that you went in to teach them. Can you be serving God while teaching others to do wrong?” “Did you say anything to William concerning his error in uniting with the mituijig. When Wm comes here, I hear him saying something about me. The Indians are all talking about me. Now, you say it is wrong to have any thing against others.” “You did not hear right. William has never talked about you in your presence. If William has done wrong, he must bear it. We told him plainly of his error & he confessed & was sorry for it.” “It is right for you to tell us when we do wrong. We have just begun to pray, & do not know as well as you do.” “Do you not know that you are not serving God in the miteui?” “Last summer they wished to baptize me, but I declined lest I should be led to do something wrong.” “We have been teaching you ever since you have been with us, & now you know it is wrong to miteui & if you now do it we shall know that you know better. We shall then know that you do not love God in your heart. The Inds. say you promised to miteui with them by & bye.” “I do not know as I said I would miteui with them, but I advised them to wait.” “We read the Word of God to you that you may know his will”

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“Kegēt.” (certainly) “We want you to determine in your own mind & say so, that you will no more unite with the Miteuijig.” “If they should come & ask me to join them, I will tell them what you say & that I cannot join them.” “Do you expect us to keep you, or will you keep yourself ?” “I sometimes think if you would hold me fast, they would not prevail.” “Should the Indians try to persuade me to go astray, do you think they would succeed?” “I do not know.” “They could [not] make me do wrong unless I was willing.”

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Friday Feb. 17th. Uejanimasυ¸ & Kebebizindυ¸ called about 5 oclk. We entertained them with our new books (Ojibue). Read the beatitudes, & the Parable of the Good samaritan to them. At family worship, read Acts Ch. 1, & Paul unto Athens. Just as I was about comparing the Athenian’s knowledge of God with the Indians, they rose & left. Sabbath, 19. Sabbath school well attended. Exercises, S. S. Lesson Mat. 5:1–15. Kebebizindυ¸ & Uejanimasυ¸’s son called in the P.M. Preached the excellency of God’s law to them. In talking with Ma¸ osit, who was relating Indian traditions of the flood, the emigrations of their fathers to this “big island” &c &c &c, we tried to get his sentiments concerning the truth of these traditions, but he would always ingeniously evade the question by saying, “Indeed, the Indians believe it,” or some other way. We saw that he was using all his evasive powers. I told him he did not understand. We wanted to know not what the Indians generally thought—we knew what they thought—but what he himself believed. He saw himself brought too close for evasion, & betrayed himself by bursting into a laugh. He has once or twice before managed in this way. Meeting this eve well attended. Mrs. Aitkins & Morrison were present. Read John, 15 Ch. & remarked. After meeting had an opportunity to speak to these mentioned of the duty of mothers. Mrs. Le Pointe was also here. May God bless his word.

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Tuesday 21. William spent the evening with us. Read the account of Stephens trial & death to him & Ma¸ osit.15 After M. left, we spent much time talking concerning personal piety, the state of the Indians, &c. William proposed prayer, & it was the sweetest season I have enjoyed for a long time. He seemed to agonize. After singing a verse or two, he broke out a second time. It seemed as if he indeed had a petition to lay before God. I felt that I had better evidence of his piety this evening than ever before. His wife wants to visit her friends, & he submitted the case to us at supper, asking advice. We think he had not better leave until spring has passed. Thursday 23d. Jamins arrived from Le pointe—brought letters from Peter Henderson & Sister Cook—recd one from Mrs. Town. She gave birth to a daughter about 2 weeks since. Calls her Hannah Hill. Brs. Town & Hall were yet absent at Pυkegυma.16 Peter was unwell from a fall.

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Friday 24. About 9 oclk A.M. Mr. Aitkins arrived from Leech Lake with the body of Alfred. Poor man—he trembled with anguish of spirit—speechless with agony, but became more composed. Almost the first words he spoke to me were, “My heart is broke.” He seems determined to revenge on the Indians. He thirsts for their blood. I recd the following letter from Mr. Boutwell— Dr Brothers Ely, Hall, Town & Sproat. [He does not include the letter.] Sat. 25. Funeral at 2 oclk. I read the funeral service of the Episcopal Church by request of Mr. Aitkins. As the service at the grave closed & we rose from our knees, Mr. A. with a voice almost stifled with anguish, addressing the body of his departed boy, said, “I will not cast earth on you. I will revenge your blood if God almighty gives me strength.” His heart could not surely have felt much of the solemn service we had been reading. He leaned on 15. Stephen was the first martyr of the Christian Church. The story of his death by stoning is found in the Acts of the Apostles, Chapter 7. 16. They had gone from La Pointe to form a church there, arriving on February 5. Ely was to have joined them, but turned back to Fond du Lac after becoming lost. According to Ayer, the chief and his children were baptized, as also two of the young men, probably the sons of Joseph Duchene, also known as La Prairie. Ayer to Greene, June 12, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765).

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me for support. It would seem that this severe affliction, instead of ripening him for heaven, was filling up his cup of guilt.17 Sabbath 26. Read morn. & eve. prayers (Episcopal) at Mr. Aitkins house by request of Mr. A. A scene of formality on the part of most of the audience, & especially those who called the exercise, in whose bosoms rankles passions little like those set forth in this devotional service. February 27. Mr. Aitkins left this morning. He is to go from Sandy Lake to Pυkegυma.18 I wrote to Brother Ayer—sent a copy of Br. Boutwell’s last letter (15 inst). Wrote also to Br. Boutwell. P.M.—sent off William & Uabυno with Br. B’s letters to Le Pointe. Wrote Brs Hall & Town. William will bring answer for Br. Boutwell probably. Kashkibazυ arrived this P.M. Has left his family in a starving condition— poor man. The first words he said were “I am very hungry—feed me.” He says he saw Brs. Hall, Towne & David [Green] at Yellow Lake something more than 15 days since, on their way homeward. They told him that Mr. Ayer was to be here (Fond du Lac) in about 15 days, & he thinks he is near. I hired Simon of Mr. Aitkins today to return him whenever I please, at ordinary wages $150 & rations. He is to begin work tomorrow.

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Sat. Mar 4. About 8 o’clock P.M. Br. Towne arrived from Pυkegυma—he was accompanied by Jose Bellair, whom he hired on the way. We were much rejoiced to see him. Poor Br. T. was almost worn out with the way. He was exceedingly surprized on learning that he was a father—it was very unexpected to him. Monday Mar 6. Ma¸ osits wife & son arrived from Lepointe this P.M. Recd but a note from Mrs. Town addressed to Sister Cook. She said nothing of her little daughter. We enquired of the woman concerning her (Mrs. T’s) child. The woman said she (Mrs. T) had not given birth to a daughter. She thought if it was so, she should have seen the little one. An Indian girl was 17. Methodist missionary Samuel Spates saw Alfred’s grave at Fond du Lac when he passed through there in the fall of 1841. Written on the marker were the words: “Sacred to the memory of Alfred Aitkins, who fell a victim to a treacherous assassin Dec. 6 1836, aged 20 years, 10 months and 26 days.” Diary of Samuel Spates, October 5, 1841, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 9. Neither the grave nor the headstone remains to be seen. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 227. 18. On the Mississippi.

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there who was given Mrs. T. but Meguagabau said Mrs. T. had named the girl “Hannah Hill.” For a moment we thought this an explanation of Br. Towns perplexity—that this girl was the “little daughter H. Hill” mentioned.19 The apparrent joke was overwhelming. Poor Br. Town’s mind had laboured most intensely from his first hearing of it here. It was a problem to him. Again the letter was read, & well considered—the language most decidedly conveys the idea that Mrs. T. was a mother, delivered of a little daughter Jany 31st. We have finally given over endeavouring to understand it. A little line brought by Ma¸ osits wife mentioned nothing of child or Indian girl. Mrs. T. stated in it that she had recd a serious fall and was quite unwell. A man arrived from Sandy Lake this eve, recd a letter from Br. Boutwell. He has disposed of his cattle to the “KijiOsaie” in exchange for others at Sandy Lake. The Indians were more peaceable than they had been. Little Antoinette was quite ill with diarrhoea. Wednesday, Mar. 8. Br. Towns little girl who started from Pυkegυma with him, & whom her mother has indented to him, arrived this P.M. in company with one of the party with whom she was left to come on. Kebegindas yesterday handed me the package I sent by Crebassa & him to Br. Ayer. Crebassa on his return told me that he delivered the letter to Pυkegυma Indians. Kebegindas says they saw no Pυkegυma Indians & this was the reason why the letter was brought back. Who is true—God knows.

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Friday Mar. 10. Brother Town left this morning about 9 oclk for Lepoint— little Margaret was not in very good spirits. Jose Bellair accompanied him. See nothing of William yet. Expected him yesterday & today. Saturday Mar. 11. This P.M. William & Uabυno arrived from Lepointe. By him I recd letters from Br. Hall, Sproat & Borup. My heart was cheered by these communications, especially that of Doct Borup. There was Christian love & friendship prominently set forth. Miss Cook recd a line from Mrs. Town, laughing at her joke. William met Br. Town at the entry—they camped together. Jose (whom Br. T. had hired to go to Lepointe) left him & returned with William—all the rea19. According to abcfm records Joseph Town’s wife was named Hannah Hill! Widder, Battle for the Soul, 149.

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son he attempts to give is that last night he cooked only corn meal & had no grease to season it, & he should not be able to reach Le pointe without seasoning with his corn. Mr. Town went well furnished with bread & pork & calculated enough that Jose would mess with him. Br. T. is not able to take his load. I feel almost sure that nothing but excitement will sustain him. There is an encampment of Indians at Gaminikani (they have gone) 9 or 10 miles from the Entry. Recd Br. Hall’s, sent by William. Monday 13. This morning William started off again to overtake & accompany Br. Towne to Le Point. Tuesday 14. Ininini’s wife & Coteque arrived from Ga Apυkuaieka. Say they lodged at Br. Town’s Sabbath camp on Sabbath night. His eyes were very weak from snow blindness. He & the little girl suffered some from the cold—were otherwise well. Br. T. was camped some distance this side of the Brule. They did not meet William. They came round the bay & saw at the entry W’s track steering across the traverse, & think he probably slept near the Brule, & whh case, he will probably overtake Br. T. today. Thursday 16. Mr. Allen Morrison arrived from Sandy Lake. He was one of the party who took the murderer to St. Peters, & has just returned. He saw Mr. Ayer there. Returning Mr. M. met Mr. Aitkins at Mille Lac on his way to Pυkegυma. Mr. M. represents the Pillagers20 as being quite calm & humbled. The people are about moving off to the sugar camps.

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Sabbath 19th. The express arrived this P.M. I recd letters from Talcott of Nov. 7, 1836, & A. W. Ely of Sept. 8, 1836. March 20th. Nindipens called & wanted to see the agreement whh he signed last summer, granting land to the mission. He said the Indians wanted to know if I considered all these sticks of timber—saw, logs, & pickets around my house were equal in value to the flour I gave them last summer. He accused me of having cut wood & timber out of the limits assigned me. I reminded him that in the second contract there were no limits. He evidently wished to draw me to a concession by whh he would be encouraged to demand more pay. Among other things, he said the Indi20. The Leech Lake Ojibwe.

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ans say an officer came here last fall—that he was seen to bring a great bag. That this valley had been given away to some one. I was also intending to build a saw mill on this little river &c. Wed 22nd. William arrived from Le Point about midnight. He has come in two days, & from Uejanimazυ¸’s camp beyond Gaapυkuaiika today. Rec d letters from Br. Ayer & Towne. Friday 24th. Started for Sandy Lake about 7 oclk. William & his wife accompany me. We put our baggage on to a small sled instead of carrying on our backs. Road very good—did not need our snow shoes until noon when it commenced snowing & strong west wind. Camped about ½ past 4 between the Grand Rapids & ࢾshkibuaka.21

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Sat. 25th. Last night was cold, whh rendered our road excellent. Started at sunrise. A multitude of tracks crossing & recrossing the river—of rabbits principally, minks & fisher. At υshkibuaka saw a fisher crossing just ahead. A little farther on, saw a wolverine coming toward us on the ice. He did not discover us. When quite near we lay down upon the ice. About 8 or 10 rods distant, he stopped, looked at us, & again approached, stopped again, & took alarm & ran. William sprang upon his feet, flourished his hatchet, ran after him a few rods uttering a yell that only tended to quicken the animal’s speed. We could see him for a mile or more, pursuing his race up the river. Came into the savanns about ½ way from the mouth of Savann River to the portage & camped on the south shore of the river. Built a shelter & prepared wood for Sabbath. Sabbath, Mar. 25. About ½ past 10 A.M. I discovered Notagon, Du Brielle & Chas. Provost coming from Sandy Lake. Scott, with MacDonald & Antoine Goddin had passed with one or two dog trains & were yet in sight. I went out & met the men. Had no time to write, but sent word to my family concerning my prosperity. The day has been spent in prayer, singing, reading Scriptures, Commandments, & teaching Wm & Harriet to read.22 21. Larry Luukkonen identifies this place as Ashkibwakaning, or “swamp potato place,” about a mile above the entrance of the Cloquet River into the St. Louis. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 39. 22. Harriet was William’s wife. We do not know her Ojibwe name.

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Monday 26. Left our camp about 2 hours before day & arrived at S. Lake about 10 oclk. Crossed the lake to Mons. Massey’s home to see his cattle.23 He has no oxen, as Mr. Morrison informed me, & only a yoke of little homely bulls. Has a pretty heifer for whh Mr. Aitkins says he asks $40. (I did not see Mr. M. at home). Mr. Fairbanks has a bull with Mr. Aitkins, whh Mr. A. is willing to sell me if he will answer. Have been writing to Josette [Payant] this eve. About 1 hour after I arrived, John Aitkins arrived from Mille Lac.

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Tuesday, 27th. Have agreed with Mr. A. for Fairbank’s bull in case he will answer. I take the bull to Fond du Lac at my own risk. If he mates mine as to size, I keep him, & pay $25 & int. from 1 Augt. 1836, to 1 July 1837. If he does not mate in size, I have the privilige of returning him to Mr. Scott at Fond du Lac if I wish. All Mr. A’s cattle are to come out this spring, & this bull with them. I therefore have risked Mr. F’s displeasure by bargaining for his animal. Mr. A. does the same in letting him go. If however Mr. Fairbanks will not approve the bargain, I will return the bull. He has never been yoked. This morning yoked him, & put him into a horse train. After making a few flourishes, he followed off very well. I bought a train of Mr. Aitkins for $3. About 1 oclk left for home—our train was loaded with hay, a bag [of ] potatoes & uapu & blankets &c. The bull broke badly on the lake & cut his feet some—after crossing the lake had some difficulty with him. We are camped a little more than halfway to Savann Portage. Harriet left us yesterday to visit her friends & concludes not to return with us. Wednesday 29th. Started at break of day. The bull went along very well. He would occasionally try to escape or lie down, sullen, but the lash well laid on never failed convincing him it was bad policy. He broke some before arriving at the portage. We entered the portage at sunrise & arrived at the E. end about 8 oclk. The savanns were very bad for him—sometimes he would break deep & could (or would) hardly rise. Once, as he came to a point of wood land, he sprung away into the bushes. I caught him, but my snowshoes being entangled by the train & bushes, my feet were carried 23. Louis Massey, formerly an Indian trader, was at this time farming at Sandy Lake. Chippewa Claim 47, Lucius Lyon Papers. See also Goodman, Minnesota Beginnings, 332.

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from under me. I clung to his yoke & horn & was thus dragged. The snow being too deep for him, he stopped—with difficulty I succeeded in disengaging my feet from my snow shoes, & secured him. Sometimes he would break deeper than the length of his legs & lie upon the crust on his belly. Sometimes he would throw himself down thus from anger. He became exessively tired from the bad road, attempts to relieve himself from bondage, & the lashes he consequently received, so that he needed much urging to get here. We are camped on the S. bank of Savann River, a few rods from its mouth. Arrived here about ½ past 4 oclk. Thus far God has prospered us. May we give all glory to Him. Thursday 30. Poor bull rather stiff in his feet this morning. Snowed all day. Camped a mile or two above υshkibuaka.

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Friday March 31. A very clear & cold night. This morning exceeding. Opposite our camp of last Friday night met Notagon, Daniel, Chas. Provost, Ozhiba, Ant. Goddin, Mrs. Aitkins (& little Ann on her back)24 Helen & Kekuetash. The men were taking corn to Sandy Lake. A little below, MacDonald also. I enquired of McD. Mrs. A’s. business at Sandy Lake. “God only knows,” said he, raising his hands. “Nobody knew she was going until just before she started.” She told me she was going to see John—said nothing more, & looked unusually sad. Perhaps her circumstances are stirring her up to revenge. Camped at W. end of Grand Portage—have come far today. The men told me that Catharine was very sick. Sat. Apl. 1. Left camp a little before sunrise, arrived at home about 10 A.M. Found all well. C. had a slight attack similar to that mentioned Dec. 13th last. I have indeed been greatly blessed in this voyage. Excellent weather & roads, health & good speed. Apl. 29. Nindipens called to see me & said (I was out) that he had come to speak to me concerning hay. “You must not cut hay this year on the point— true I gave you permission last year, but now I love that land & want to take good care of it. You may cut this year in my garden. You have also been clearing land farther than the bounds I prescribed for you. You have said you have never heard my name mentioned as a chief. You do not yet know 24. Ann was about five at this time. Chippewa Claim 74, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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by what name I am called down below. I have never told it.25 The Indians tell me to stay here until the Governor comes, & take good care of my land.” Monday, May 1. Lepointe & Edward’s families arrived from the camps this P.M. As they were debarking, a number collected of whom Mr. Scott. Edwd & Simon also left their saw & went to the house. Simon, seeing Scott, approached him unobservedly & struck him a furious blow nearly or quite prostrating him, & fell upon him. Standing in our door at the time, we saw an unusual commotion, as of Simon beating, & Edward seizing & holding Simon. Scott immediately ran to his house, & I was not mistaken in supposing that he had gone for weapons. I immediately started & reached Edwds house, instant with Scott. He had a loaded pistol in his pocket, & his hand on the stock. Whether it was loaded or not cocked I know not, but should presume it was, from the state of readiness he was apparently in to use it. Simon & Edward were in the house. I followed Scott in. The family left terrified. A most violent altercation ensued in French. Scott cursing sometimes in French, sometimes in English. He dared Simon to fight him with knife or gun (as S. afterwards allowed to me) sometimes declaring he would take his life &c &c. I tried to appease them, & told Scott he was lowering himself in the estimation of his friends, &c, & of the evil of his revengeful intentions. He seemed to burn for revenge. He turned away, & went into the cooper’s shop, but came immediately back, saying in Eng. “I will not go off so—there is no law in this country & I will shoot him”—or to that effect. I told him he must not hurt the man. He persisted. I replied that I had come over to stand between them & if he shot Simon he must shoot me first. He said, “I will not kill you, Mr. Ely.” Seeing me determined, he desisted, but threatened a future vengeance when opportunity should occur. I told Simon afterwards, if he did the like again, I should feel it my duty to discharge him. He promised to take no further notice of him or his words. This quarrel arose sometime in Feby. last, I think. Simon complained of inability to work in consequence of a boil on the side. Scott thought he was able. Words followed, & Scott told him he need work no more. He 25. In the Treaty of 1837 at St. Peters Nindipens (Nindibens) would sign as Shingob, the Spruce, his father’s name. It is evident that he was now asserting himself as chief by assuming the name of Shingob and by speaking authoritatively at the treaty council. See “Proceedings of a Council,” 419.

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might leave. S. replied, it was well said—he would work for him no more, & began to prepare to leave for St. Peters. (This was while Mr. A. was here) On the morn. of Feby. 27, as I was sitting with Mr. Aitkins, Scott came in & enquired if I wanted a man. I said “Yes!” He offered me Simon Raskans & began to heap reproaches upon him as a lazy, quarrelsome fellow who would not work. Mr. Aitkins said his wages should be at usual rate $150 per year, & I might keep [him] as long as I pleased.26 I took him on condition he would work. Simon came next day & has done well. Sometime afterward Scott refused to let him have any goods, even shoes. He knew (he said) Simon would not hire again to the Co. He wanted to make him suffer. I told Mr. S. the man could not work without shoes, & if he would not furnish him I must, & did so. Afterwards Mr. Scott claimed the man of me for the fishing, & must take him away. I replied No! the man is mine & I can not spare him. He then said he would give me Sagipeau in exchange whh I agreed to. Scott now let Simon have some goods from whh I infer that he hoped to persuade S. to go to the fishing—afterwards Scott told Simon he must be ready to go on such a day. Simon refused to work for him any more. I said to Scott, Simon had done well—I should not turn him away. Scott afterwards found Simon’s key in Lepointes house—opened his cassette [small case] & took the goods or part of them home. This was done yesterday or this morning I think. Simon’s first opportunity to flogg him occurred as above. Scott’s language toward & concerning [him] has been of the most irritating kind. I told Mr. Scott this P.M. that his contempt of law & open declaration that he would shoot Simon, & with a deadly weapon in his hand, would have procured him lodgings in a prison, if he were within reach of law. He said he did not intend to kill him, but to shoot him in the legs & that his pistol was loaded with shot cut in two. He however declared at Edwards house in my ears that he had sworn to break one of his limbs & he would do it—but shot only could not produce that effect. Sat. May 6. At noon went to visit Ma¸ osit, who is encamped with other Indians at the foot of the rapids. As we landed we heard the sound of 26. The only Simon on Aitkin’s list of employees (1834) is Simon Richard, boatman, at wages of $116.67.

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Manitokazoing in the lodge. It was Kaiashkibaz & Ma¸ osit. They were preparing for a Miteui (Mυtotυnυg)27 so K’s wife informed us, who was cleaning fish by the river side. It seems they are to be of those who are to lead the Miteui. I went to Nindipen’s lodge first & returning, called—they had finished their ceremonies. I said nothing to them of a religious nature, merely a temporal visit.28 Bellair arrived from Leech Lake this eve. Recd a letter from Br. Boutwell of Apl 17. They were well & comparatively at peace, the Indians being mostly off to their hunts. He still intends coming out—will first make a garden. Mr. Aitkins is still determined on removing all the posts to Sandy Lake.29 Mr. Davenport is directed not to be at Sandy Lake before the 18 June. Mr. A. was to leave S. Lake for Prairie du Chien on the 28th ult. & takes the Green Feather (supposed accomplice in the murder of Alfred) with him.30

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Sab. May 15. Visited Ma osit. Found him dressed & painted. I read to him the trial & Crucifixion of the Saviour, & asked him how he was affected when he heard this story? He replied that he believed the history of Christ & God’s word as John Taunchey & his associates & ourselves had taught him. He had gone far away—he indeed prayed well at one time. The Inds. were every where prevailing upon him & trying to destroy him. He was not in the blame &c &c. I told him I would talk with him when he should come & visit me. He said he intended to come to the house today, but he went to Nindipens’ lodge instead. We next went to Nindipens’ lodge. He recd us kindly, & listened with 27. A sweat lodge, madoodison. 28. Maangozid was indeed a leader in the Midewiwin. Johann Georg Kohl, who met him in La Pointe in 1855, relates that Maangozid showed him some of the sacred Midewiwin scrolls he kept in his lodge, and explained certain symbols and ceremonies to him. Kohl, Kitchi-Gami, 150–53. 29. Since the murder of his son by an Ojibwe, William Aitkin had determined to close all the trading posts until the perpetrator and his accomplice were punished. Boutwell to Crooks, January 18, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 765); Aitkin to Crooks, January 28, 1837, afc Papers, Reel 24. 30. Aitkin went to St. Peters in early May. Lawrence Taliaferro wrote: “I fear the course which Mr. A. is about to pursue. Since this melancholy event will be likely to change the feelings as well as the political condition of the Chippeways of Leech Lake, and render them not only more hostile to him but also to the United States. . . . The Leech Lake Post is now in course of removal, or rather withdrawal, also the one at Red Cedar Lake.” Lawrence Taliaferro to Governor Dodge, May 12, 1837, Taliaferro Papers, Reel 2.

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apparent pleasure. As we returned to our canoe Ma osit & family were moving camp to the other side. This was free will at least.

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Sat. May 21. William & Harriet arrived this P.M. from Sandy Lake. Harriet called this eve. & greeted me very kindly. Near sunset Ma¸ osit visited us & staid until 9 oclk. He said he had not decided whether to join the Indians again or to pray. I appealed to him concerning the truth we had taught him from the Word of God—told him plainly we thought him in the “Gall of Bitterness.”31 He gave as a reason for embracing religion that he thought the Indians did not care anything about him, but now he finds they do care for him.32 The conversation was commenced by Sister Cook who asked him what she should say to Mr. Hall & others at Lapointe from him? They will ask me if you love the word & prayer now. He replied—“Tell them you do not know!” “But if you tell me, I shall know.” He said, “perhaps they will not believe what I say!” At last he told her he had not yet decided whether to join the Indians, or to serve God. She then read to him Elijah, “How long halt ye” &c, & told him he was doing the same. He replied “Keget” [indeed]. He began of his own accord to make excuses for not coming here. Miss C. replied, “We had indeed expected you would come on Sabbath. He said, “Last Sabbath he washed himself in wht lye, for want of soap, & dressed himself, when one of his people entered his lodge & enquired if he was coming here—begged he would not come—said when the Indians came here, they got nothing—they were indeed poor. The man threw himself upon his neck weeping & commenced adorning him with his beads, medal, armbands, &c & painted his face.”33 (Vide Sabbath May 15th) Sabbath, May 21. Meeting at 10 oclk—about 16 attendants. Visited Kebeshkυ¸. The poor man suffers much. I know very little what to do, or what his real situation is, but fear inflammation in the brain—applied Basilicon to the wound—it continually discharges—recommended topical bleeding. Returning, we passed Sagakυmin’s wife & daughter grubbing a spot for a lodge. We 31. A state of sin. Acts of the Apostles, 8:23. 32. Here Maangozid makes very clear his reason for turning to Christianity. See also February 14, 1837. For an interesting discussion of Maangozid’s “conversion” see Kugel, “Religion Mixed with Politics.” 33. There are special forms of face painting reserved for members of the Midewiwin. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 93.

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told them it was Sabbath & enquired why they did not wait until the morrow? While Catharine & Sister Cook were making some remarks concerning the Sabbath, Gandυnυnib came & said, “You are always saying such things— you had better be still.” I afterwards went to his lodge & held a conversation with him of nearly an hour. He listened attentively & with apparent interest. William he said was visiting over the river (Wm & Harriet breakfasted with us). We afterwards went to Nazhanokue’s lodge & had short religious exercises.34 Returning, we passed a lodge where the Ind’s were gambling. I stepped to the door & looking in, saw William, one of three around the bowl! There was a pile of traps, tobacco &c, which had been pledged. They saw me and as my name was announced, I entered. Told them I came to read the word of God to them, but as I found them engaged I would pass on, & accordingly left them. I did not see William’s hand on the bowl, but he was like Fray—in bad company. This evening he called here—looked down cast. We said nothing to him deferring it until another season. Monday 22d. This morning early, Sister Cook made herself & baggage ready to embark with Mr. Scott, according to previous understanding.35 When Edward took the baggage to the boat, Mr. S. positively refused to receive it, saying there was no room. True! His boat was filled with empty barrels, & upon them some 20 persons, large & small were to sit as they could, besides the crew. He says he is to stop on the way several days. His load & passengers mostly were to be discharged on the way. I enquired where he would leave his load. He replied at the Riv. Brule. Well, I will carry Miss Cook in my canoe to the Brule. “But my boat will be full of people salt & baggage until we arrive at Gaapυkuυiika.” Well, I will carry her there, replied I. “Well, she can embark there.” He enquired “if Edward would go in the canoe also.” Yes! “That is too strait,” said he smartly, & turned on his heel into the kitchen. “Where will Edward embark” said he after a moment. “Where Miss Cook does,” replied I. “Well! she can embark at Gaapυkuaiika.” Edward goes as a hand on the boat & I receive for his labour his portion (1⁄6) of the freight of the boat, or has a right to put on 34. Nazhanokue was the wife of Alexis Brébant. 35. Delia Cook was retiring from her missionary service and about to move to her sister’s home in St. Louis.

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board 1⁄6 of the load, if the crew consists of 6 men. I would at least claim the passage of Miss Cook, as we had no freight down. We accordingly embarked in my canoe. I hired Osaua—pinesi to accompany me—arrived at Gaaminikani about 6 oclk, & the boat a little afterwards. Mr. Scott came to me & said he should leave more of his load here then he intended & could accomodate Miss Cook on his boat. Thus I saved another day’s journey onward. This is Le Points fishing station & he is taking Siscouυt36 very fast, at the rate of two or three bbls per day. Mrs. Le point appeared glad to see us. Spent a season with us in the tent in religious conversation & worship. Tuesday 23d. Miss C. & Edward embarked on the boat about 5 oclk A.M. I left soon after. Cooked at the entry and arrived at home about 6 P.M. Brought a few fresh siscouυt whh Mr. Scott gave me.

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Friday May 26. Ma osit called this morning. He addressed me to the following effect. “I am very sorry that the Indians say so much about my praying, & have sought to spoil me. They tell me to leave praying. I called some of them into my lodge & told them they must not trouble me—I am gυshkendυm [sad]. The teacher is also sorry that I have turned back. I will be still, neither doing as you do, nor as the whites. I will not join your ways, except in war matters. I think still of God. Have not thrown him away. I do not hate you. Will come in on Sabbaths & hear you.” I told him he had greatly dishonoured God & treated him with contempt & mockery. That we would be glad to see him returning, but unless he was determined to keep God’s commandments & turn away from all evil he had better not pretend to the name of a Christian. Sat. 27th. Eninabυndυ¸ visited us this morning. Enquired if I remembered what they said to me last season. I told him it was all written in my book. He said Nindipens was not at home today & intimated that they should call soon. Monday May 29. Little Mary is one year old this day. Tuesday " 30. Mr. Scott arrived from Lepoint about 6 P.M. Brought flour &c & potatoes for us. Recd letters from Br. Hall, Borup & Sister Cook 36. This is the siscowet (siscowit), a variety of whitefish also known a fat lake trout.

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breathing Christian love. Br. Sproat has indeed become a Missy among the Indians. He encamps among them and labours for their salvation, as well as temporal comfort. He is peculiarly calculated to comfort the sick. Peter Marksman was there with him.

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Wed. 31. Manitons visited us. He enquired if I thought the Ind. who killed Alfred Aitkins was already executed? I ansd “Yes! perhaps.”37 I took occasion to speak of the benefit of righteous laws & the manner in which criminals are treated & tried in our land. Read chapters from Moses on the subject. Urged the benefits whh would result to the Ojibues if they would establish laws & organize Courts of Justice. Quoted the southern Indians. He replied “Sυnagυt” [it is difficult]. The Inds are different—they are too bad to do so.” I urged the necessity of reformation. He argued the revengeful customs & dispositions of the Indians. If one kills another, the nearest relatives of the decd revenge! His younger brother “Ogemansish” is the man who killed Bellair’s wife at the entry in 1834 1835. Sabbath June 5. Some 10 or 12 came in to our forenoon exercise. P.M. went over the river, alone. Called at Ininini’s lodge. They were eating fish—told them, I wished they might never eat anything worse of temporal food than that. There was better food also—“Yes! Bread,” said one. “Pork” “Beef.” Food for the soul, said I. I opened John & read “Your fathers did eat Manna in the wilderness & are dead &c. Whosoever shall eat my flesh & drink my blood shall never die”, &c. “I am that bread of life.” At the next lodge they were gambling. Passed to Ma-osits lodge. Kashkibaz was at home & began a course of worldly conversation. Ma osit, coming in, joined him. They began to enquire about fishing. I said it reminded me of Christ’s calling two of his disciples & telling them that henceforth they should catch men. That led to the parable of the “Gospel Net,” the illustration of which came pretty near Ma osits case.38 I next called at Enimasυ’s lodge where were 10 or 12 of the most inveterate pagans were assembled probably for a talk. I was about passing on, but they cried out “Come in.” They were 37. The trial would not be held until May 1838 in Prairie du Chien. Aitkin to Sibley, May 28, 1838, Sibley Papers. 38. In this parable Christ compared the kingdom of heaven to a net that was cast into the sea and gathered fish of every kind; when it was full, they saved the good but cast the bad away. Matthew 13:47–48.

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feasting on sugar. They began to enquire about tobacco, & how much I had. One enquired if it was Sabbath. “Yes! & I have come over to read the Word of God. If you wish to hear, I will read to you.” One muttered this, & another that. Enimasυ enquired how much tobacco I would give them, if they would listen? I replied, “God never hires men to listen to what He says. If they will hear & obey, they shall be saved, if they will not hear & obey, they must go to Hell.” Enimasυ finally said when they wished to hear they would call at the mission house. I therefore bid them “Bozho” & passed on to Nindipen’s lodge. Here were Jamins & family who arrived 2 or 3 days since—all were willing, although Catholics. Read the 18th Matthew sung & prayed. While reading, Eninabυndυ came in—afterwards visited us at home on worldly business—potatoes for planting—setting sturgeon net in the Nυmυjittjuaid—advising me to call the Indians & ask permission before I should set. He asked for flour to set before them. I declined today because it was the Sabbath. He replied he would call tomorrow. I however query whether it will be expedient to give it to him. Ma osit is the Govt organ of communication with this band & it is right for me to respect him as such. It will also shut out others from calling for food & tobacco to call councils.39 A few came to hear the Word this eve. Ma osit was one. He does not now bend his knee in prayer with us. They have grown stiff within two or three weeks. June 9th. Maosit called. I enquired concerning the new way of performing some religious ceremonies whh I had heard M. & another conversing about a short time since. Ans. “I do not know, I advised against any new way—they did not tell me what it was.” Cath spoke of the recent miteui, & said they would not be able to make her fall by the power of their medicine bags.40 Ma osit began to tell of some wonderful cases of disbelievers being brought down &c. I told him I would set a kettle of food before him & he might try the power of his medicine upon me. He very solemnly warned me not to trifle with it. It would be a very bad act in him to do as I said, for if he should call two or three medicine men to help him, I would surely die— perhaps be eaten of worms. He looked a little agitated—his lip quivered, 39. Ely still believes Maangozid is chief merely because he had a medal from the government. 40. The use of medicine bags by the members is part of the Midewiwin ritual.

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perhaps with suppressed anger. He said the Indians were bad. They were able to pillage my house if he should say so, and send me away. Gandυnυnib, he said recently called the Indians & told them I spoke against their Miteui. They said among themselves—“they had permitted me to build my house, & they could pull it down again.” They sent for him. He told them he loved me very much & they must do nothing to me. I said to him I will not recall what I have said. I do not believe in the power of your medicine. Read to him Elijah & Prophets of Baal. I came here to preach against sin. The Miteui & all other sorcery is condemned in the Scriptures. If you have expected me to say the Miteui is good, or to be silent concerning it, you may expect it no longer. Your insisting on the virtues of the Miteui belies God’s word. He replied that he had thrown away every thing.41 Once he wanted eternal life. Now he did not want it—he did not care—he was willing to die & risk all.42 I told him he would then know & it would be too late to mend his situation.

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June 11th. William went seining for sturgeon early this morning, regardless of God’s command. W. has since told me that he left before light, supposing it to be another day, & was not corrected until he arrived at home. June 12th. Uezamisυ, Enimasυ, Omυshkos (a Folle avoigne man) visited me. They said their young men recd nothing from us although we had promised to feed them occasionally. They had always thought we had better go away, but coincided with the others last spring in our remaining four years. We always told them when they asked for food—“Ka-geget.” [Not really] I told them “I promised to show charity to the suffering & the sick. Men came here last winter who were but skin & bones from hunger, & were fed.” They sneered saying, “Then we must wait to be sick in order to be fed.” P.M. About 5 oclk four young men came in. After worship they said they had come on purpose to get some food. They were hungry. I told them they must seine for sturgeon. They replied they had no net. I told them I would give them a kettle of corn. One of them said the Indians were already angry. I never gave them a particle of food or tobacco. I never gave him any when41. It was required that those wishing to become Christian throw away all their medicines, medicine bags, and sacred objects. 42. This appears to be Maangozid’s final rejection of Christianity.

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ever he came into my house. He spoke rather warmly. I replied my tobacco was my own & I gave to whom I pleased. I had this day given my last to three men who visited me. He did not do well to come here & scold me. Kaishkibaz, who had just come in, said I had a bad heart, or I should not be so ready to think evil of this man for he was not scolding me. The young men said if they had been very hungry they would seine for sturgeon—but they had come on purpose to ask for food. According to my previous promise, I gave them about 2 qts corn. I think on the whole they came or were sent here to test me, perhaps by those who visited me this morning, and I am in much perplexity whether I did right in giving. I promised them because they said they were hungry (as were most of the Inds.) & I pitied them, & not from expediency or fear. Tuesday 13th. Vincent Roy arrived from Rainy Lake. Informs us that Mr. Chabouillize is in the portage, that his wife ( Josette) is quite ill, & fears her fatigues will hasten an expected accouchment.43 Mr. C. sent for Mrs. Morrison to go to him, but she having left for Le point, & no disposition manifested by any one at the fort to go, I took Simon & Mrs. Le point in my canoe & started about 4 P.M. Water high, & rapids very strong. Mr. C. was camped at Maple Pose (6 poses from this end).44 Josette, not choosing to come with us in consequence of fatigue, Mrs. Lepoint remained. We arrived at home about sunset. Mr. C. left Sandy Lake the 5th inst. Mr. Aitkins had not yet arrived from Prairie du Chien. A canoe arrived at S. Lake from Leech Lake. The men informed him that as they passed Mr. Boutwell’s house, he was about embarking in a small canoe for Sandy Lake. He should there await Mr. A’s return. If indeed the Co. did not send an outfit again to Leech Lake, his all would be removed to Sandy Lake. If otherwise, he should return immediately to Leech Lake. He had left his goods in care of Kebυmυbi (Bruney).45 They expected Mr. B. was then near Sandy Lake. Wednesday 14. Went early this morning to Bear’s Island to fish for sturgeon. Killed none. 43. Charles Chaboillez had married Josette Payen or Payant, a former pupil at the Mackinac Mission. Chippewa Claim 167, Lucius Lyon Papers. 44. Maple Pause was near the end of the Grand Portage, beyond the Midway River. 45. Possibly Francois Brunet, described by Ely as a brother of Kabamappi, a St. Croix chief. February 9, 1834.

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P.M. M. Chabouillize arrived. Sister J. supped with us.

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Tuesday June 20. Two young men called at noon. They were attracted by the scripture prints. Read & explained to them. They enquired for tobacco. I told them I never used it, & it was only a habit in them. This they allowed. I enquired when the Indians first commenced using tobacco? “A long time ago, when the French first came here with goods to trade for furs.” You use tobacco in all your religious ceremonies & cut it to the Manitos. Is Kiji Manito pleased with tobacco? “Yes! why did he cause it to grow if he did not wish us to use it?” God made many things which would immediately kill you if you were to use them. But how did your fathers worship before the French brought them tobacco? “They feasted.” Why did they introduce tobacco as a “Sine-qua-non” in all their worship? “Great Spirit at the first told the Indians that bye & bye the French would bring them tobacco, & they must use it when they worshipped him.” (I did not tell them that the plant was indigenous in this country & Europeans learned its use of the Indians).46 “The written word of God was originally given to the French & you have derived it from them.” I told them of the Hebrew[s], & that it was not more than 1000 years since the French & English first recd the Word by the hand of the disciples of Christ. “The French first owned all this great island (as they call this continent) long before you (English) came to this country.” The French & English came about the same time—it is not more than 350 years since. (Read a little from Hale’s U.S.)47 “That cannot be so. The French have been in this country about 3000 years—Cotte has told us so.” At that time, said I, the French & English were pagans, & knew not the word. They did not appear disposed to believe my account of things. Wednesday, 21st. This morning, in an affray between Eninabυndυ¸’s wife & Ogimansish’s wife, the latter recd two stabs. The Bear Skin came to me for remedies. I prepared some dressings & went over. The wounds are probably not deep. The gash less than an inch in length. The Indian knives are ordinarly more than an inch in width. They were one on the right thigh, a 46. Nicotiana rustica was an intertribal trade item even before the Europeans made it more widely available. The Ojibwe often mixed the inner bark of red dogwood with tobacco, giving it the name “kinnikinnick.” Hilger, Chippewa Child Life, 63. 47. This is probably Edward Everett Hale’s History of the United States, published in 1835.

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little back of the outside, the other on the hip, above & back of the joint. How much do they need the Commandment to rule & the Spirit to purify! Friday, 23d. Scott arrived from Le point. The vessel had made her first trip & returned. Recd letters from Talcott, my Br. Albert at Mar[ion] Coll[ege]48— also from Br. Hall & an invoice of goods from Boston, & papers to middle of May. Sat. Eve. June 24. Prayer meeting this evening. Present William, Mrs. Le point, Julia, Margt & Henrietta Brabant.49 We had a season of morning worship last Monday. Prayer meeting on Thursday eve. We intend to meet on Wednesday evenings.

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Monday, 26. Called this morning at Brabant’s lodge. Nazhanokue complained that Scott had sent his old Frenchman to destroy a patch of potatoes whh she had planted by his permission in the Co’s enclosure. Le pointe & Vernier told me that Scott supposed that she was preventing her daughter (Bell’s wife) Margaret from returning to her husband. Scott had taken judgment into his own hands, fallen into a passion & after heaping her with vile epithets, ordered Mercier to destroy the garden, swearing “she should starve.” I was filled with indignation at the meanness of the action—to cut off food from the mouths of the poor, although unworthy, in this country of scarcity, & in a business which did not concern him. Scott embarked this morn for Encampment Island.50 Tuesday, 27th. Jos. Montrille arrived this P.M. from the Portage. The Leech Lake baggages are in the portage. He handed me a pencilled line from Br. Boutwell of last Sabbath saying he should be in the portage this eve. probably, & wished me to come & meet him with 2 men to help him through. Montrille thinks Br. B. will not arrive until tomorrow at the portage in consequence of the rain. 48. A Presbyterian work college in Philadelphia, Missouri, where the students were required to perform manual labor on the farm as part of their tuition. It closed in 1844. 49. The Brébant daughters were Julia, seventeen, Margaret, nineteen, and Angelique (probably Henrietta), twelve. Margaret was married to John William Bell. Chippewa Claim 94, Lucius Lyon Papers. 50. Encampment Island was the site of the American Fur Company’s fishing station on the North Shore.

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Wed. 28th. Started after breakfast with Edwd & Simon for the portage— arrived at other end. The brigade was not arrived. I crossed the Woman’s Portage alone, & soon discovered the canoes. Soon after we started homeward it commenced raining, & ceased not until we arrived at home. Br. B. & self used our coats to protect the children, & should have been cold had we not borrowed blankets of the men of John Aitkins, who came through with us. Portage exceedingly wet. Sabbath, July 2d. Mr. Aitkins from Sandy Lake this morn. Wednesday Morn, 5th. All the baggages have arrived. Messrs. Davenport & Belangie embarked for La Point. Mr. Aitkins expects to start tomorrow. Br. Boutwell will embark in one of his boats. I also expect with Catharine to embark in a small canoe.

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Noon. An express arrived from Le point with despatches from the Ind. Agt. at Le point to call the Indians to attend the expected treaty with the Am. Govt at St. Peters, to be held on the 20th inst. Mr. A. turns back from here & goes to St. Peters. He invited Mr. Boutwell to accompany him whh he accepted.51 Sister Boutwell remains with us. We shall all go to Lepoint in two or three weeks. Br. B. expects to return via Folle-Avoigne.52 Thursday, July 6. This morning Mr. A. & Br. B. left. Mr. A. takes Ma osit in his canoe. I went to the portage with them. Br. B. requested me to take his family to Le point so soon as I shall hear that Mr. Crooks has arrived, if I can so arrange my affairs as to leave home so soon—at least to meet him there on his return from St. Peters. Returning from the portage I took Edward & one of Fairbanks’ men, (Mr. F. is now in chg. here) & went to the entry for a bbl of sturgeon & my net. Scott employed Ma osit to fish for sturgeon & I find the net, &c. Returning, put ashore in a gale & shower. Met two boats in the upper lake i.e. Scott & Bonga. Arrived at home about 10 oclk. evening. Friday 7th. Nindibens & his party, about 10 in all, left for St. Peters by land. They go by the Folle Avoigne. William is one of the party. 51. The treaty council began on July 20, 1837. “Proceedings of a Council,” 52. The route from the St. Croix River to Chequamegon Bay.

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Tuesday, 18th. Two boats arrived, Scott & Bonga, this P.M. Recd letters from Messrs. Greene & Hall. Br. Hall also sent letter from Br. Ayer of late date. Mr. Bonga is on his way to Leech Lake with an outfit.53 Monday July 24. Embarked with Mrs. Boutwell & children, and Catharine & little Mary for Lepoint in a large canoe whh I hired of Mr. Scott. Jose Bellair & Osauapineshi are my oarsmen & I steer. Cooked supper at the entry, & about sunset embarked again & camped at Gaaminikani about 11 oclk. Tuesday 25th. Embarked about 5 oclk A.M. Weather threatening. Thunder and heavy black clouds—went one league to Gamanasadikani. Soon after we landed a heavy shower & tremendous squall of wind passed over. Our tent had well nigh come down. After breakfast wind fell & we again embarked—about one league more ran into a little river where I encamped in Sept 1834, on my way to the Brule to meet Brs. Hall & Boutwell. A blow from N.E.

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Wed. 26. Woke very early. Wind fallen. Heavy swells—got out of the river safely. Breakfasted at the Brule. Came well nigh breaking our canoe in attempting to land near Cranberry River. The shore was stony, the swells were beating the canoe broadside upon the stones. We sprung into the water & succeeded in heading around to the swells. Sister B. was obliged to wade in order to embark again. Made the traverse of Birch Bark point to a point E. of Ciscouυt River, & camped in the bay beyond. Thursday 27. Beautifully calm. Embarked before sunrise—some hard wind at the Detour. Arrived at the mission house about 3 P.M. Mrs. Lepoint was here & quite sick, & has been long so. A few days since they buried their eldest child Francois, about 7 years old.54 They feel afflicted. Has been quite sickly here among children. Messrs. Davenport & families embarked this morning for Mackinaw in a canoe. Tuesday Augt 8. The vessell arrived about noon. Recd letters from the Board, 53. This would be George Bonga. His brother Stephen was attending the treaty council in St. Peters as an interpreter. Kappler, Indian Affairs 2:493. 54. Father Baraga officiated at the burial of Francis LaPointe on July 7, 1837. His age was given as five years. Register of St. Joseph’s Mission, La Pointe.

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Brs. Talcott & Beadle55 & Mrs. Wright & daughter. No goods for us from Boston. The letter of the Board required of us the utmost economy & limited the expences of my station to $400 pr. annum, including purchases at Boston. Thursday 10. Br. Boutwell arrived about noon from St. Peters. He accompanied Mr. Warren & Indians across the country from the women’s portage on the St. Croix. Tuesday 15th. Embarked for home—had upwards of 20 pieces in my canoe. Camped on the beach a little E. of Sandy Riv. About midnight, the gnats, whh had not suffered us to sleep, became irresistable, & we fled to our canoe. Made the traverse of Sandy Bay, but the heavens looked so threatening in the N.W. that we deemed it imprudent to proceed on that rock-bound shore. We accordingly put about & run into Sandy River about early dawn of day. Wed 16. Rain & E. wind in the morning. P.M. embarked, & at dark arrived at Ciscouυt River.

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Thurs. 17. Blowed from S.W. About 6 P.M. began to abate. Embarked, & although rather rough, made the traverse of Birch bark point in safety. Arrived at Cranberry River & encamped about 10 ½ P.M. Friday, 18. Calm. Stopped at Iron River to cook about 10 oclk. Saw 3 barges under sail. They left Lepoint last Sat. for Encampment Island laden with salt. They were steering for the N. shore when we lost sight of them. Arrived at the entry at dusk with a light breeze, whh veering in to the S. we concluded to sail onward through the little lake. I set Jose to keep the watch while I steered, knowing there were one or two snags in our way. About 8 oclk, (sailing moderately) a snag passed within one foot of our left side. I put the Yellow Bird [Osaua Pineshi] at the helm, finding Jose asleep, & took the watch myself. The moon becoming obscure we encamped on the peninsula whh separates the lake & river waters.56 55. Rev. Elias R. Beadle, from Cooperstown, New York, had studied with Ely at the Rev. Kirk’s school of theology in Albany. He sought information that would help him make a decision about entering into the missionary life. Ely to Greene, January 5, 1838, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 56. This would appear to be Minnesota Point, since they were already in the little lake (Superior Bay).

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Sat. 19. A gale from the E. Sailed home in 4 hours, ½ past 10 A.M. By improving every moment of calm we are home before Sabbath, tired of the lake. Thursday, 24th. Brother Boutwell & family arrived in the boat about 8 P.M. Were 7 days out. The Indians were assembled requesting me to write a speech they wished to make to the Indian Agt at Le point. Last evening, being quite unwell I took a dose of medicine & retired early—about 9 a party of Inds. came to the door & called me up—they had come from their council to get me to write their speech. I told them I would write for them, but as Cath. was in bed she could not interpret. They therefore retired, to call again this eve. The subject of their talk was the recent carriage of Nindipens. They complained of him & wished the Govt would not bestow a medal on him, but to some other more worthy. There were about a dozen men here. Ma osit was one. Batabi was speaker. I told them before commencing, that it was not from any ill will to Nindibens that I wrote for them. I would as soon do the same for him as them, that it [they] must not therefore understand it as an expression of inimical feeling towards him. To this they replied “Ho!”

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Monday 28. Br. B called the Indians together—laid before them a request to locate here & that they would never disturb his peaceable possession. They assented. He gave them 1 bbl flour & 20# tobacco & is to give the same amount next spring.57 Tuesday 29th Augt. An eastern storm. Br. Henderson58 arrived about 9 oclk from Le point with 3 boats for 6 barrels. He stays with us. Edwd arrived from the fishing ground yesterday. I have arranged with him as follows— Viz.—I lend him 4 nets & lines, for the use of which he pays me 1¼ bbls trout for the use of them the season. He furnishes besides 4 bbls trout, deld at Encampt Island at $4 per bbl. I furnish salt & bbl. I had calculated on William for my fish, but he has hired to the Co. to take a load to Sandy Lake, whh will occupy most of Sept. when it will be 57. Although Boutwell wanted to return to Leech Lake, the missionaries determined that due to the unsettled conditions there since Alfred Aitkin’s death, he should join Ely temporarily at Fond du Lac. Ayer to Greene, June 12, 1837, and October 4, 1837, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reels 765 and 766). 58. George Henderson, a La Pointe trader.

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too late to make much fishing. We had hoped he would be enabled to lay up a stock of provisions for the winter. We fear he will be obliged to hunt most of the winter. Sabbath, Sept 3d. Poor William lamed his back in the portage day before yesterday, & returned. He is hardly able to walk. Br. B. & self brought him over to our house this P.M. & have just (evening) taken him home. Had an interesting season of worship together. Eninabυndυ¸ says he shall start for Pυkegυma tomorrow. Shall send a line to Br. Ayer. Br. B. intends leaving in the morning to overtake the traders with whom he is to go to Leech Lake. They will be at the other end of the portage tomorrow probably. Mrs. Aitkins & children left today for Sandy Lake. Br. B. leaves his family with us & expects to return this fall.59

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Monday, 4th. I accompanied Br. B. over the portage. He carried his bed & &c, & I his Nauapu—pretty good loads for us. Scott accompanied us. Finding the brigade would be detained two days more, Br. B. returned with me. At the women’s portage, found the Inds had taken our canoe. Fatigued as we were, we were obliged to climb our way along the rocks at the water’s edge 1½ miles—home by twilight. Thursday, Sept. 7. A boat left for Lepoint. Br. B also left us again to go join the brigade. Evening—called in William to decide on the course he would pursue for a subsistance. He said unless I would hire him, he should not be able to clothe his family except by hunting, & concluded to do so this winter. I told him if clothing were the only obstacle, I would furnish clothing for himself & he might pay in fish or labour, & we would give his wife enough to make her comfortable. At the same time I would lend him four trout nets & lines, & he should give me 1¼ bbl fish. I would also give him employment some part of the time, & wished him to employ all his leisure in learning to read & write, & hearing the word of God. Saturday 9th. Batabi called. Expressed a desire to leave his eldest child (a daughter) with us to be instructed in reading & writing. He has hitherto been one of the most indifferent on this topic. 59. Boutwell was going to Leech Lake to get some of his possessions. Boutwell to Greene, August 17, 1837, and July 23, 1838, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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Monday Sept. 11th. Have been fitting off William for the fishing. He will take Br. Boutwell’s canoe on account of its lightness, 4 barrells, 48 qts salt, 4 nets 5 lines, gun & ammunition. We give them an old blanket coat.

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Tuesday, 12th. William did not come this morning. Everything lay just as he left them yesterday—his bbls & salt, canoe, &c &c. I saw quite early a company of gamblers at play on the grass near Gandυnυnib’s lodge. Enquired of a boy who they were? The first he named was Metueueash! About 4 oclk yet there—had not stopped to take refreshment. I have never been able to assert positively that Wm was in the habit of play. I therefore procured Scott’s glass, & from my chimney whh I am building, took a view of the company (5 in no)—all absorbed in their game. William appeared as much so as any of them. I saw him distinctly take his turn at the dish.60 “Wherefore should the heathen say ‘Where is thy God’?” Near sunset, they were still there. Wednesday, Sept 13th. Uezamise, Manitons & two young men visited me. They began to enquire to what end Br. Boutwell called the Indians together—also concerning the letter I had written for Batabi & others. They insisted that there was another letter written—that one (concerning the Indians) had also gone to St. Peters. I assured them that if such a one was written, it was not written in my house. I knew nothing of it. They said that those who told them of it probably lied. They acknowledged Nindipens as their chief. They enquired the purport of Batabi’s letter. This I refused to give them. They who spoke it or heard it might tell them. If the Indians collectively wish to know its contents, I will read it to them, but if I read it to every two or three, there will be as many exaggerations & additions as there are different groups who may hear. Sat. Sept. 16th. An eastern storm commenced yesterday. Today a tremendous gale & rain. Many a tree has fallen. The river has risen in consequence of the E. wind so much as to overflow the flat in front of the houses. Part of 60. The dish was a shallow bowl made of wood or birchbark. This gambling game (bugesewin) was played with a number of small figures carved from bone. Players tossed the figures in the bowl to see how many would stand upright. The game could also be played with small disks, one side of which was painted white. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 115–16.

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the island & point were also under water. Two of my stacks of hay & one of Scott’s were inundated. I have been searching for my cattle most of the P.M. & should have been thrice wet to the skin, but for a pr of caoutchouc [rubber] pants & cloak of Br. Boutwell’s. They are a necessary article in this country. The Thief. Thursday, Sept. 21. After breakfast, started to go to Jamin’s lodge. Met the Bearskin & Akiuenzi’s son Majigindas. Mυkuaianish [Bearskin] asked for a turnip. I refused, saying it was not time to pull them now. Turning from the lodge a few moments after, I saw the boy taking a circuitous route towards the back of the garden, & the Bearskin proceeding alone to the house. I instantly returned & proceeded to the unfinished school house as a place of observation. I saw the boy creeping under the fence into the garden. I crept around the outside of the fence & laid myself down within eight feet of where he would make his exit. When he had pulled as many turnips as he could bring off & had crept out under the fence, I rose up. He stood aghast with surprize & terror—burst into a cry—begged I would not hurt him & roared out “Nimishome! nimishome.” (Uncle! Uncle)61 I took him by the collar, took up the turnips, & bid him march into the house. This he was illy disposed to do, but seeing no alternative, complied. We met Mυkuaianish near the back door who had come out, alarmed by the cry of the boy. I heeded him not but took my prisoner past him. He made a little resistance as he entered. I seated him on a bench & laid the turnips before him. His knee was bleeding from a scratch he probably received in creeping in to or out of the garden. Mυkuaianish directly began to talk in an angry style to me for making him cry & wounding his knee, scaring him &c. I told him I would scare every child in like manner whom I should take in my garden stealing. I enquired if he (M.) sent the boy to steal turnips? He replied the boy said he would go & pull a turnip—he told the boy to pull but one & bring part of it to him. I told him he, then, was also guilty. He was very angry & said if the boy were his son, he would not be afraid to use his knife. He said he was “kijida” (a brave). The Indians were able to 61. Nimishoome is used for father’s brother, indicating that Akiuenzi and Mυkuaianish were brothers. Nichols and Nyholm, Concise Dictionary of Minnesota Ojibwe, 96.

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take all my turnips, tear down my house & kill my cattle, if he should but say so to them. I told him “he had been always well treated in my house, & often fed—he did not do well to talk thus—he ought [to] be ashamed of his conduct. I had said enough to him.” I went about my business—he followed me & asked for some corn—said they were just about raising camp & going into the woods. I told him if he had behaved himself properly, I might have given him some, but now, I should not give him a kernel. In our walk toward the fort, he asked again—I refused. He inquired in a biting tone if I loved my turnips? I replied—“Yes! & corn too!” He repeated his inquiry still more bitter in same words. I ansd Yes! He said he would take them. I enquired if at night? He replied—He would not wait till night. He went directly over the river. Mυkuaianish attempts to frighten me. I returned to my work in the cellar. I soon heard the women cry out, “Who is that coming with a gun?. It is the Bear Skin.” They called me & bolted the door, & fled Cath. to her room.The Bear Skin was looking at a window with his gun in his hand. He cried out, Will you give me some turnips now? “Not one!” replied I. Why do you not open the door? inquired he. I told him to come in—but just then perceiving the door to be locked, I unlocked it. He came in with a lofty air, equipped as for war—naked except azion & leggins, gun, war-club, & scalper at his back. Powder horn & pouch at his side. Catharine had retired to her bed room. Hester took her children & started for the fort. I told her to ask Scott to come over. Mυkuaianish said he had come for corn. I also refused that. I asked him to be seated, and commenced conversation with him. He said the Indians were coming in. I expressed my satisfaction of it. He then said they were smoking & would not be in. I was reproving him for his conduct when Scott & Uemitigosh (Scott’s interpreter) came in. They asked him why he came in here in such an equipment? He was ashamed to give the correct reason—said he had started for the portage—the family had gone in their canoe. (This was false) They had not gone—nor have they raised camp today. Scott enquired if the Indians were in the habit of starting on their hunts in such equipment? He made some evasive answer. I enquired if he had not come to scare me? He said—No! I told him he was the first Indian who had come into my house angry in such an equipment, that he had done very wrong. Scott talked to

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him plainly. He appeared ashamed. After they returned home, he said he should be very sad. He had done wrong—enquired if I was willing to forgive him? I repeated part of the Lord’s Prayer & told him that God required me to forgive him, as I hoped for forgiveness myself, & assured him of my forgiveness. I then returned to my work. He remained about one hour & went peaceably off. Saturday, Sept. 30. The storm which began two weeks since has hardly ceased. It continued three days, then shifted into W. & blew a gale. A little fair weather, during whh I succeeded by help of Indians to get home a small stack of hay & 2 boat loads of another. Wind shifted again into E. with rain & my boat is not yet unloaded in consequence. Monday Oct. 2d. Hired two of Ma osit’s sons today—found it necessary to dry all the hay on the boat & nearly half that on the stack. It lies tonight in winnows. Tomorrow not a man will be to be hired, as the Inds. are to embark with Scott for Enct Island. What will become of my hay, I see not. God sees, & that is enough. Two of Co’s. Indians arrived from Sandy Lake—no news from Br. Boutwell. Tuesday Oct. 3d. Another cold E. storm. With help of Catharine & Hester secured my stack with boards & oil cloths before it commenced raining. That whh was yesterday dry, is exposed to the storm.

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Wed. 4th. Storm continues. The “Yellow Bird” has seated himself at our table to take a lesson in writing. William’s wife says they do not intend going to the fishing. Thurs. 5th. Have been drawing hay today with my team for Scott, & expect some help in return to secure our own hay. Friday, 6. Harvested our rutabagas, about 15 bushels in all. Sat. 7th. Got in our beets & carrots this morning. Drew hay for Scott till 3 oclk. Two women dug potatoes. Pay them 1 bus. ea. per day. Put 11½ bus. into cellar. Sab. Oct. 8th. East wind & heavy clouds. Kashkibaz & Ogimagish’s arrived from Sandy Lake. Brot a letter to Sis Boutwell from her husband.

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Monday, 9th. Heavy rain last night. Spent all the morning until 10 oclk searching for my cow—found her about one mile or more up the little river. Ind. women have dug about 30 bus. potatoes today. Wrote Br. Hall this eve. Tuesday 10th. Rose early & fell to chopping a large birch a few rods from the house. A good drying day—stirred my wet hay till noon. P.M. spent in hoeing & drawing in potatoes. Cath. assisted me—did not get all that have been dug today until 9 oclk. Exceedingly fatigued. Boat arrived from Enct. Island about 8 P.M. Recd a bbl trout from Edward. Wed. 11th. Very lame & weak. Unfit for any business. 8 P.M. Am taking a dose of pills & soak my feet. Thursday, 12. Weak & shiftless—better this eve. Have done some work. Secured cabbages & onions.

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Sat. Oct 12[14]th. The Bear Skin asked me to go over the river and see Uemikυna, Kebegindas’ sister, who has been long sick of what supposes to be the venereal disease. Went over in the evening. Found the Bearskin juggling over the sick woman, swallowing bones &c, & disgorging them again, & pretending to suck the disease from her breast. He was naked & held in his right hand a small rattle drum used for the purpose. His violent gestures & business together gave him an almost infernal appearance. We sat down a moment, & concluded we would not distress ourselves with the disgusting sight, & returned home. Sabbath, Oct. 15. Went over this morning to visit the sick woman. She cannot live long. P.M. Called to see Archambeau. There were McDonald & Goslin—they had just arrived from Sandy Lake. Mr. Aitkins arrived at Sandy Lake from Prairie du Chien eight days since. The Bruneys go in to Leech Lake with goods, in opposition to A.M.F. Two brothers had taken in a load, & Francois was waiting for Br. Seymour to return from Folle Avoigne to take him in to Leech Lake.62 Br. S. & wife had been 10 days at St. Peters when Mr. A. passed. Monday, 16th. Edward & Mary arrived this P.M. from L’Isle Encampment. Our fish is all here. 62. In 1836 Nicollet described the brothers of Francis Brunet as “three plump, big, healthy boys.” Nicollet, Journals of Nicollet, 118. See 122n17.

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William called in near night, bringing my crooked knife which I had lent him. He talked quite sharply (or rather as if aggrieved) saying he was not a thief. He had once, when a little boy, & foolish, stolen a pocket knife. I enquired (somewhat surprised) if anyone had accused him of theft? He replied, “that I had told his father that he (Wm) had stolen the knife.” This I told him, was utterly false. His father had come to borrow a net. I told him, if it should be stolen or he should lose it, he must expect to pay me for it. It would not be enough to say to me, in such case, it is lost or stolen. He said he never lost things &c &c. I told him I supposed he was sometimes liable to lose things, as was his son who had told me this morning that he had lost my crooked knife & perhaps some one had stolen it. William said he had long felt sad on this account. I remarked it was well he had come & frankly expressed his feeling to me. I had ever inculcated truth upon him & had never told him a falsehood & probably should not do so. He appeared satisfied with my statement—said he had found the knife down the river where he had made floats. Most of exposed hay is now dry. I tried to get Goslin to help me stack it, but for some reason he was indisposed.63 The sky becoming overcast, I borrowed some oilcloths & secured my stack.

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Oct. 17. Rained heavily last night. I almost despair of saving my exposed hay. Edward deld my fish 5¼ bbls. Scott charges $1 per bbl transportation from Encampment Island. Rained at intervals all day. 10 o’clock P.M. Two shots have just been fired from the Indian camp. I suppose poor Uemikυna is dead. Oct. 18. Uemikυna is not dead. She lay long in a fainting situation & was thought to be dying. Oct 19. Edward & Goslin left for the Encpt Island this morning. Scott also left for Sandy Lake with a load of goods. Osauamikons arrived from Grand Portage (Lake Sup.)—brot a letter from Isabella Cotte. She mourns over her sins & seems to think that privileges of religious society have value. " 20th. 9½ oclk P.M. A volley of 12 or 15 shots from the Indian camp, 63. Jean Baptiste Goslin, employed by the American Fur Company in the Fond du Lac District since 1831. Chippewa Claim 173, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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announcing that Uemikυna’s spirit had taken its flight from its clay tenement. Yesterday Cath. & Hester visited her. After they had made a few remarks concerning the certainty of death & the necessity of being prepared for it, she raised herself up & said that she was as well as ever. Oct 21. Ininini & family arrived from Le point about sunset. Recd letters from Br. Hall, Br. Sproat (date Middleboro, Mass.) & my brother A.W. Ely at Marion College. None of the expected supplies from Boston for Le point & this station have arrived, nor can they this season. Br. Hall sent a small bale of very important articles of clothing. Br. Sproat is visiting the churches & will not return until next year. God’s providence seems to rebuke us for trusting in outward means, & for remissness in prayer, diligence in our work, love to God & man. Have mercy upon us O Lord! Ininini is very feeble, not able to walk from his canoe to his lodge. He seems discouraged. The object of his voyage to Lepoint was that the Indians there might try on him the power of their Miteui. The poor man is worse than when he left. Hester removed this morning to Mr. Scott’s with her children. She did not apprize me of her intention & the reasons of her so doing.64

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Tuesday 24. Hester’s residence at the fort excites some enquiry. She has not visited us since she left. I went into the rapids this eve. with Kυbeshkυ’s son, scooping—took 78 whitefish. Wed. 25. Nindipens little son begged for corn—said they wanted to boil it. I told him his father took many whitefish last night & they must boil some of them. N’s wife, on learning the boy’s success, came out of her lodge & dealt off a strain of blackguard to whh I pd no attention. A very manneredly woman. This eve. after taking 51 fish we lost our net. Thursday 26. The boy made a new net—killed 75 this eve. Le point & family & others arrived from Encpt Island. Friday 17[27]. Only 17 fish this eve. William’s sister & her husband arrived while we were at work. We had heard guns at the portage. We soon saw 64. Hester Boutewell told Catherine Ely that it was “on account of the children.” October 21, Mrs. Ely’s Journal, Ely Papers.

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their flambeau’s (for it was dark) & concluded Scott had arrived. They informed us that as they left Portage du Coteau, Scott arrived there, & supposed they were at the Grand portage this eve. Mr. B. was with Scott. Sat. 28. Br. Boutwell arrived this morning with Scott. Mrs. Aitkins & family are in the portage. Took 35 fish this eve. & broke our scoop pole. Sat. Nov. 4. For 4 days past, Br. B. & self have laboured hard & have mudded our school house, & completed the chimney & the shingling. Monday 6. I commenced school in the school house this morning at 10½ oclk. Teach 1½ hours A. M. & same P. M. Tuesday Nov. 21. River shut over last night below the island & by noon was filled up with floating ice above the houses. Family Sickness. Thursday 23d. A son of ࢾshkabeuiz was buried to day aged 6 or 7 yrs.

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Sat. 25. This morning, Kebeguidas & three other young men arrived with the corpse of a son of Akiuenzi. He died at Akikosibi [Kettle River] at about 6 or 8 years. We made a coffin. We have as yet had but two or three inches of snow. Weather mild.

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Chapter 8

Struggles at Fond du Lac January 4 to December 14, 1838

Journal 9 (continued)

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January 4 to December 14, 1838

1838 Jan. 4th. Thursday—Last Thursday evening feeling quite ill, I took a sweat. Friday morning discovered symptoms of dysentery. By the grace of God, it has been removed from me, & today I have been able to [do] a little business—quite weak yet—& exceedingly careful as to diet. For two weeks, Br. Boutwell’s little Antoinette has suffered under the disease—a violent attack. Is now also convalescent. Br. B. also for three weeks before I was taken, had been mostly confined to the house by chronic rheumatism. The Lord gave him strength as he took away mine so that we have not suffered for want of help to take care of our cattle &c, &c. It has been a humbling & quickening season to us. The affliction has proved a mercy. May we learn to kiss the hand that smites us. It is this day 12 years since I first hoped in the mercy of God.1 The past is dark—unaccountable. I cannot look back without pain. O! God forgive the past. Give grace & strength for the future. Sabbath Jan 7th. Very few attended worship today. P.M. visited Ininini. He is a distressing object, slowly wearing away, reduced to a skeleton. He has now been sick more than five months. Has tried all that the miteuis of this & the Lepoint bands can do—juggling after juggling—sacrifice after 1. Ely is referring here to the day of his conversion at one of Charles Finney’s revival meetings in Rome, New York, in 1826. Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney, 49.

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sacrifice—until the ritual of paganism has been exhausted. But in vain. He sees he must die, & has given up hope of life. He said he would be glad to live—was more reconciled to death. I addressed a few words concerning the life to come. He asked me to read the Scriptures to him (a thing he never did before) I read parts of John, 1 & 3d chapters—Divinity of Christ, & the new birth—told him I would read to him again if he wished, whh he approved. O! God have mercy on him & bless thy word! Wed. 10th. Mr. Scott arrived from Sandy Lake today. He is to return on Monday & proceed to St. Peters with the express, instead of sending it to Lepointe. Voyage to Pυkegυma—See Journal (petit)

Journal 11 January 16 to March 8, 1838

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Voyage to Pυkegυma 1838 Sabbath Jany 14. Kebegindas visited us from the region toward Pυkegυma. Monday morn. Scott left for St. Peters, took our letters for the states. Before breakfast, Kebegindas handed Br. Boutwell a letter from Br. Ayer, of Oct. 8, stating that the blessing of God was attending their labours among the Indians & others.2 He urged Br. B. or myself, or both, to visit them. It being inconvenient for both to leave, it was concluded that I start immediately to avail myself of the Indians road. I accordingly hired Osaua Pineshi—Kitυb, who came with K. being about to return engaged to guide us beyond where they started from to Pυkegυma. Tuesday 16th. When prepared to start, Kitυb intimated that he might leave us on the road, & not go to Pυkegυma. I concluded not to go. He soon how2. Recently, on January 4, 1838, Ayer had written to Greene that there were now seventeen “praying Indians,” adults, at Pokegama, and as many children. Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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ever assured us he would guide us to the houses. About 10 oclk we started. Have passed Gamυshkυsυka [Elk Lake] a short distance, and we encamped by a small lake. About dusk, commenced snowing. We built a shelter of boughs. O! may God go with us. Jesus! Help me to pray. Wed 17th. Left camp at day break. Came to Kebegindas camp near Red Oak lake about 3 oclk. Crossed the lake (about 1 mile wide & 2 long). Encamped at 2½ encampments this side & near the S. shore of a small lake.

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Thursday 18. Came on to the encampment & took off our snow shoes, as there was no snow shoe path, nor need of any. The snow was not very deep. Kebegindas’ foot track was both easier than to break a road. At the fourth encampment he slept the first night after he left Batabi’s lodge. We have come on his days march 5 encampments, making in all today 9½ encampments. Have traveled very hard. Osaua Pineshi has a very sore foot, whh has made it hard for him today. I am afraid we shall not be able to go along very fast tomorrow. We are encamped on the N. bank of Penetauυ Sibi (Sand River) of the S. Croix—have traveled on the ice about ½ of an encampment. Have spent an hour in reading & conversing with Ozaua Pineshi, explaining the new-birth, necessity of it, excellency of religion. He listens and talks as if he felt a conviction of its excellency. The Lord sanctify it to him! Friday 19th. Started by break of day, and left the river before it was light enough to see, except by the moon. Arrived at the camp whh Kebegindas left about 11 oclk—5 encampments from the river. Here were 15 lodges. They had held a Miteui. A pup was hanging with some articles of clothing over where Akiuenzi (the deaf man) had been sick.3 I doubt whether God accepts such offerings. Here our road was much poorer. Followed the encampment of Enimasυ, and then came on 3½ encampments to Kettle River. It is 81 paces—say 80 yds. wide. Have camped near 1½ encampments south of the river (in the portage to Cross Lake). In all about 11 encampments today. I have the “Malad du Racket,” in the great toe cord of my right foot.4 3. The ritual killing of a dog is an ancient practice and has been connected to the Midewiwin in ages past. Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 91–92. 4. “Mal de raquette” caused by the snowshoes, or raquettes in French.

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Did not expect to reach Kettle River today. I give thanks to God for our speed & prosperity on the voyage. Sat. 20. My boy left us on his return, after giving us a chart of our road. We came out of the portage about sunrise—took the wrong stream & went out of our way two or more miles—returned—took an Indian road whh brought us on to the S. end of Pυsaiigon Lake—crossed—took a summer road—fell on Pemijigυmag Lake5 about 11 oclk. Came down to opposite the mouth (or entrance) of Snake River, & took a path whh led us to Pυkegυma Lake. Came out back of Br. Ayer’s house about 2 oclk. Found Br. Ayer prepared to start for Fond du Lac. Tuesday 23rd. Brs Seymour & Ayer & self started for Fondu Lac—camped at evening this side of Batabi’s encampment.

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Wed 24. Reach Penetauυsibi [Sand River] at noon. Br. Seymour was becoming lame—my frozen foot track too small for his large foot & he could only step his toes into it, which produced a sprain of the shin cord (He was a very tall man). Did not come up to the camp whh my boy had prepared until dusk. Br. S. scarce able to creep. Thursday—25. Br. S. traveled in great pain. Br. A. & self alternately took his load & he travelled of course much easier. Reached the Nυmυjitiguai about sunset. My boy had gone ahead again although I told him to keep in company. We were in an open plain with here & there an island or ridge of green pines. No good camping place. Br. S. being scarce able to walk, I pressed on to see whether the Indian had camped near. The twilight was fast fading, a dreary prospect ahead. I dared go on no further, fearing Br. S. would not be able to follow, & also that it would be so dark that we should not be able to find a camping spot. A few willow bushes was all the dry wood I could see. I soon met Br. A. who had also pushed forward to secure a camp before dark—we selected a spot in a cluster of pitch pines, scarcely sufficient to break the bleak N. wind whh was blowing. Set up some brush at our heads. The poles of an old lodge with a few dry limbs was all our stock of fuel. The Ind had our provisions (kettle) & one of our blankets. 5. Bimiijigomaag: where a river runs by the side of a lake. This is Cross Lake on the Snake River.

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We put half our wood on the fire—made a trough & melted some snow to quench our thirst—ate a pittance we happened to have in our packets. Huddled ourselves into our comfortless bed—3 into two blankets, with wet clothes & moccasins. Long before morning the cold drove us up, we put on the remainder of our wood, & by the moonlight pursued our way— snow very deep. Br. S. had no snow shoes, nor would he have been able to wear them if he had. The path was perfectly level with the snow so that we could not always discern the track—the least digression from the track, and we would plunge down 2 feet. Poor Br. Seymour indeed suffered greatly, stumbling & falling. At sunrise we arrived at the camp whh the Ind. had prepared for us. It was indeed a spacious camp & plenty of wood. He had fallen into this tract & pressing on, camped at the first place where fuel was to be had. Water was boil [journal torn] & breakfast cooked at our hand. We would have been glad to have turned into our blankets again before this comfortable fire as the last night was a rather wakeful one, but we were obliged to keep our bed as long as possible for want of fire. About 8 [journal torn] marched. We had to go very slow on account of Br. S. who was in great pain at every step. When within 5 or 6 miles of home he would gladly have camped, but the Indian was again far ahead with our larder & culinary apparatus on his back. We were now descending toward the St. Louis River, crossing the heads of ravines—consequently hilly. Poor Br. S. could get up hill, but to go down was terrible, as he had lost all that elasticity necessary to sustain the shock of his own falling weight & not able to bend his legs. He threw himself on his belly, descending the hills head first, trusting to his arms [to] regulate his speed. It was near 8 oclk P. M. when we arrived at the mission house.6 Sabbath Jany. 28. About 11 oclk A. M. my dear Catharine gave birth to a second daughter—both doing well.7 The Lord give us grace according to our day. 6. Boutwell writes of this visit that the four of them spent some time deliberating the future of their missionary operations. They were unanimous that Leech Lake should be re-occupied and Fond du Lac abandoned. John Seymour was to join Boutwell at Leech Lake in March, but when he became sick, plans had to be altered. Boutwell to Green, July 23, 1838, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 7. This daughter was named Delia Cook Ely after their fellow missionary friend and companion. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 227.

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Wed. 31st Br. A. & Seymour left for home. Kashkibaz accompanies them. I went two or 3 miles with them. Eve. Br. S. returned—about ½ way to Elks Lake he became quite lame again & turned back. Tuesday, Feby. 6. I started to accompany Br. S. part way on his lonely return to Pυkegυma. Camped near Mekυdeuekouzhi Lake. Wed. 7. Br. S. well—myself having no ax with whh to make a fire we to return with, we concluded it would not be best for me to go on another day, so we parted at the lake at 7 A.M. I arrived home at ½ past 12, between 20 & 30 miles. Sat. Feby. 24. An express arrived from Le point. Recd letters from the mission. Also a letter from Rev. J. W. Alvord dated Oberlin, Ohio, an old companion & fellow student at Utica & Oneida Institute.8 Tuesday 27. Kennosh, an old French man mentioned under date of Sandy Lake, 1833-4, died very suddenly at noon. He was probably at least if not over 100 years old, & had resided at Sandy Lake about 50 years. If I understood Mr. Aitkins—he was brought here about 1 month since on horse trains. We were called to attend the funeral. Br. B. is very lame with a bruised foot. His foot was caught between a loaded sled & a stump yesterday.

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March 7. William arrived today. Spent the evening with us—appears stedfast. We learnt from his wife that he has observed every Sabbath but one, when they deemed it expedient to travel in consequence of hunger. Thursday 8th. Nibouegizhik & family arrived today in a state of abject suffering. Hester & Cath. have visited them, & carried something to relieve them. Mr. James Armitinger [Ermatinger] arrived from Enct. Island last eve. on his way to Le point. [ Journal 11 ends; Journal 9 resumes.]9 8. J. W. Alvord had studied for the Congregational ministry at Oberlin College and was active in Abolitionist causes. 9. There are no journal entries or letters that cover the period between March 8 and June 1.

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June 1st. After breakfast started for the Co.’s field to plant a piece of potatoes, & had just passed the bridge, when I heard an alarming cry from the landing front of our door, & saw Catharine in the water, pulling out the nearly lifeless body of our little Mary. I heard a faint moan as I entered the door with the child in my arms. After about two hours of chafing in heated blankets, warmth began to return, & she fell asleep. O! the sufferings of returning respiration! When I first took her, the eye was dull & set, the mouth firmly closed—every nerve was powerless. I thought that death had indeed done its work. How glad & thankful I trust were we to see life returning! What other use shall we make of this providence, but to renew our diligence in training her up in the fear of God, & live ourselves in readiness for the coming of the Son of Man? Wed. June 6th. Scarce a day passes but the Indians show their hatred or opposition to us in words concerning our residence here—the land, wood, grass, fish that we use, & from all that we can judge, it is evident they intend to take some oppressive course with us.10 Some time since about 20 came in. I set tobacco before them. Presently, one began to say to another, “kauesa” [Not at all. That won’t do!]. One said to me—“We have come in to visit you. We will say what we have to say another time.” Another whispers to him, “Why not say it now? We will be called to come in again.” They inquired when the trader at Sandy Lake, meaning Mr. Boutwell &c. (Br. B is in charge at Sandy Lake during Mr. Aitkins absence to Prairie du Chien to attend the trial of the murderer of Alfred.) Today Gandυnυnib (Wm’s father) brought some bear’s meat to exchange for flour. I declined, on account of our scanty stock—offered him corn. He refused—was quite displeased—said very many hard things & among others forbid my seining for sturgeon. “The Indians make no use of us,” he said. I bore his insolence as well as I could. Made him little answer. Last Saturday eve. I discovered one of my young cattle to be lame. Sabbath morning, extracted a bullet from his leg. The range of the ball was 10. This is a very important observation, as subsequent events will confirm. The Ojibwe at Pokegama had recently turned on the converted Indians at the mission, trampling their fields and killing their cattle. Ayer took his family to La Pointe. See Ayer to Green, October 8, 1838, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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directly at the heart (on the right side), but falling below, passed just under the brisket, & entered the left leg, about mid way from knee to shoulder. The ball lay under the skin on the outside of the leg & forward of the bone. The bone is not broken, but may have been fractured. This may be an accident. We charge no one with crime, nor do we know positively who fired the ball. O! it is trying—trying—to live & deal with such a people. Evening. After supper, we were about embarking to seine, but William refused to go, saying he wished to respect what his father had said this morning. I told him that for his sake we would not embark. He went over the river to visit his father.

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Thursday June 7. William informed me of the result of his visit. Some of the principal men assembled at his father’s lodge to advise him. He said, “The Indians do not like to see me work” (i.e. hired out to labor). I told them I was hired, but yet we worked in each other’s fields. I think one reason why the Indians are unfriendly towards you, is because I work with you. “I will stop work,” I said to them. Still, whenever you need my help, I will work for you. They said to me ‘You can kill animals, and we had rather have you hunt than work!’ I wish to finish work for you today. I am determined not to hunt, but I will work for myself. I will help you seine when you wish.” “I want to enquire of Mr. Boutwell what to do. I want to study. I have a family to support. How shall I accomplish both?” Brother Boutwell arrived this P. M. from Sandy Lake. Mr. Aitkins has returned from Prairie du Chien, & as no one is to pass the summer at Leech Lake, Mr. B. must go, & has therefore come for his family.11 Friday June 8. Br. B. brought letters whh must be forwarded immediately to Lepoint. Uemitigυsh then hired two Indians, & for greater dispatch, Br. B. thought fit that I should go also. We embarked in a fishing canoe manned with oars, & I steered. A heavy east wind last night and today. Arrived this evening about 9 oclk at the entry, & have taken up quarters in Kebebizindυ’s lodge. 11. Aitkin was returning from the trial of his son’s murderer. The Indian was acquitted on the grounds that it was a case of an Indian murdering an Indian and thus was to be settled among themselves. Aitkin to William Douseman, May 28, 1838, Sibley Papers, Reel 2.

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Sandy River Sat. 9th. Embarked at early dawn—wind fallen. Swells yet heavy, especially in getting out of the river. Cooked at Riv. Brule. Mr. Scott embarked later in the morning at Gaapυkuaiika, loaded with fish, & as our object was to overtake him, we started in pursuit. Making the traverse of Birch bark point, we saw a tent in the bay at Siscouυt River. I heard a few shots & yells, but as we were told that Scott would camp at Sandy River, we supposed they were fishermen or McGillis & others who had arrived from St. Peters, going to Lepoint—we gave no heed. In the next bay we saw another tent, small whh is undoubtedly Mr. Gillis—we however pressed on & arrived at Sandy River about 8 or 9 oclk. No one here. Scott is undoubtedly behind. He probably saw us with his glass & fired for us to come in. Have traveled about 23 leagues today. Sabbath 10th. This morning, heavy wind & thunder & rain. East wind. So those behind are obliged to remain in their camps, who would other wise travel. There is no fear of God before their eyes. Monday 11th. Reached Lepoint about noon. Scott behind. Recd letters from A. W. Ely, W. H. Talcott, F. Ayer. Wed. 13th. Embarked for home. Near Mitigomin-i-Sibiuishen [Oak River], met Br. Ayer & family. Br. A. concluded to send his family on to Lept. & go to F. with me to meet Br. Boutwell. He sent a request to Br. Hall to meet the brethren at Fond du Lac.

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June 15, Friday. Arrived home a little past M. B. Hall arrived also in the evening. Monday 18. The questions before the brethren have been—“Shall we concentrate,” & “Which station shall be abandoned?” It was concluded that Leech Lake remain unoccupied the coming winter. That Br. B winter at Pυkegυma to attend to the wants of the Church established there.12 That Br. Ayer winter at this station, & spend the season in studying the language & preaching the Gospel.13 Br. B. is to visit L. Lake to see the Indians, & bring away such of his goods as he judges best. Br. Hall started home. Br. Ayer, 12. Since a church had been established at Pokegama, there was greater need for an ordained minister there. Neither Ayer nor Ely was ordained. 13. Ely would also remain at Fond du Lac to teach the few children who remained there.

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accompanied by Jack (whom we have dismissed) & William, Catharine & children in another canoe, also left. Br. B. is to leave tomorrow.14

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Aug. 7. Tuesday—About 6 oclk P.M. as we were returning home with a load of hay we saw a group of men & women in front of the old houses. On approaching, we saw them busily engaged in skinning an animal which I soon recognized as my bull, our only team & an excellent animal, who would weigh say about 700 lbs. As I landed & approached the spot, there was considerable commotion in the groups. Some of the women ran behind the house, showing that they were conscious of error. I claimed the animal, & told them to desist in their work—they however went on & the animal was ere long carried off piece by piece, skin & all, even to the entrails. I am informed by his relatives that Akiuenzi (the deaf man) shot him. That he fired two shots at the animal. Eninabυndυ¸, Akiuenzi (his son) Ogemagiikit, & others called here on the subject in the evening. Although they disclaimed any participation, yet they manifested no regret. On the other hand they told me if I felt sad about it, the best way was for me to leave the country, that I might not be sad again, for perhaps they might do something worse. They were bad men & might perhaps injure us, even in our bodies. I doubt not their stomachs were fully gratified with [a] bit of old “Tertion” (as the bull was called). The alledged cause of this act is that I did not do a job well, whh he requested as a favour I would do, Viz—Make a little shutter over the graves of his two children. That is doubtless but an excuse. We are cutting hay, although we are continually reminded by the Indians that we had better desist, & that pay will [be] required. Augt. Laundre & family arrived from Le Point. Recd. letters from Br. Hall, Dr. Borup & my brother Albert—also a copy of the Ojibueg-Sioux & Winnebago’s Treaty with U. S. was sent me by Dr. Borup.15 14. Boutwell was going to Leech Lake first, but the rest were going to La Pointe. Boutwell would take up his duties in Pokegama on August 11. Boutwell to Greene, Dec. 3, 1838, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 15. The treaty with the Winnebagos (Ho-Chunks) was dated November 7, 1837, and required them to settle in the Minnesota Territory. The other treaty, dated September 29, 1837, was with the Ojibwe only, not the Sioux, and ceded much of northern Wisconsin to the U.S. government. Both were ratified in 1838. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 2, 482–86, 498–500.

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Augt. Batabi & Nindibens arrived from Le Point. They expressed their disapprobation of the killing of my bull. Thursday Aug. 30. Eninabυndυ¸ called in. Among other things said he was troubled in mind at what he had heard the American chief would do—i.e. take from the Indians money to pay for the cattle they had killed. It would be so also in my case. He had heard well. If the chief did so, there would be more trouble—“Tυυniishkuauabυminaguυton”—we should see the last of some of our things (property).16 Sat. Sept. 1. Batabi called this evening—spoke expressive of his disapprobation of the killing of the ox—said he should go soon to the Indians to investigate the circumstances of the affair & to ascertain who participated & ate of the animal. His wife is very sick evidently consumptive. Gave him an emetic at his request.

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Sabbath, Sept. 2nd. Eninabυndυ¸ spent some time with us today in the school house. Was much more ready to converse on any other topic than religion. Is expressing considerable interest in the welfare of my family. He has lately discovered (it seems) that he is nearly related to Catharine. He calls her “Nishime” and myself, “Nita”. He asks no less favors of us in consequence of the relationship.17 Tuesday, Sept 4th. Simon Sayre arrived last evening from Le Point. Nothing new concerning treaty. He states that, “Nodin” of Snake River arrived at Le Point six days since, with news that Pυguυnegizhik, the Crowing River Chief, was killed recently at St. Peters by a Sioux Indian.18 Pυguυnegizhik & others were at the agency on business, & having concluded, rose to go. As he passed out of the door (without arms), he was met by 4 Sioux one of whom raised his gun & shot him. “Obiguυtens” of Leech Lake, was the next behind the decd, & immediately shot the Sioux. They both fell together at the agents door. The garrison immediately apprehended two of the Sioux 16. Daa-ani-’ishkwaa-waabaminaa-gwadoon, these things will begin to disappear. 17. Niishime, my younger sister, and niitaa, my brother-in-law. Establishing a kinship sets up a relationship of reciprocal obligations. 18. This report was incorrect. Bagone-giizhig (Hole in the Day) was not shot, but a member of his party was killed. See Taliaferro Journal, August 2, 1838, Taliaferro Papers, Reel 4.

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& the 3d fled. Pυguυnegizhik was the principal maker of the treaty,19 & was the leader of the war party against the Sioux last spring, in which he took 20 scalps. In revenge for this terrible blow, the Sioux shot him down by the side of an American garrison.20 Sat. Sept. 8th. Katauabite arrived from Pυkegυma—brought letters (& Heralds) from Brs. Boutwell & Seymour & the sisters. They had suffered much trouble from the Indians before Br. B’s arrival (whh was on 11th Augt). The Inds. had killed a bull & shot with shot an ox belonging to the mission— also killed a young animal of John’s (Maiian’s) & one of Henry Blatchford—also shot with shot two oxen of the traders—broke open the miss. cavareau & taken all the pork whh Br. B. had except a small piece in the house. Their language & manners was most insulting, entering the house with their arms in their hands, as if to intimidate &c. &c.

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Monday eve. Sept. 10. Called Nindipens, Batabi, & Eninabυndυ¸, & enquired if they thought the Inds. willing to pay for the bull whh was killed. The evening was spent in conversation on their & our affairs & the treaty. Tuesday 11th. The Inds assembled in our house to inform us what they would do about the bull. They would procure another in his place. I told them I would accept it, if it was as good an animal as the one killed. Akiuenzi, who killed him, was not present, but all his relatives were here. I enquired if they considered we had a right to remain so long as we pleased or only 4 yrs?—“they said they were not called to answer that question. We could remain the four years, & then they would tell us further.” I enquired if we should be required to pay any thing if we wished to stay longer? They said when the time came they would tell us. It was now too soon to ask that question. I told them how much we had given them for a peaceful residence & use of land &c, & that we should give no more at all. They said I did wrong to count up what I had been given—they never did 19. The St. Croix Ojibwe were more than dissatisfied that Hole in the Day had sold their land, something he had no right to do. They met in council and had Ayer draw up a letter to the president, saying, “He does not own the land where I dwell, he is a mere child.” September 30, 1837, Office of Indian Affairs, Correspondence, Letters Received, RG 75, M387. 20. This attack was in revenge for an attack that had occurred four months earlier, in April. Bagone-giizhig and his party, during a feast in a Dakota lodge, turned on their hosts and treacherously killed eleven people. Taliaferro Journal, August 2-3, 2938, Taliaferro Papers, Reel 4.

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so. Eninabυndυ¸ began to grow a little hot & said, “he understood us—he saw how our hearts hung.” They all adjourned to Nindipens lodge (who was not here). We have for some time been considering our duty of staying or leaving this fall. Had a pretty hard struggle within this P. M. Were I to be left alone here again, I should consider it my duty to leave the field under such circumstances as the present. Br. B. & Seymour advised, if things remained as we had told him in recent letters, that Br. A. had better return to Pυkegυma, & I remove to Le Point at once. Among other things worthy of note last evening, we were asked if we were not entrusted with some secret by the President, whh we were to keep from the Indians. If we staid among them, we must help them, advise & counsel with them. The price of the bull today was mentioned by them as $40. I told them I gave that sum for the animal when 3 yrs old, & before he could work. We valued him now at $55. This excited considerable remark, & was probably the cause of Eninabυndυ¸ remarks. Thursday, 13th. Eninabυndυ¸ called & returned my net & line—wanted the canoe whh I yesterday lent him to go to Le Point in. Said I must make a large scoop net to take white fish in this fall. He has said nothing lately of our paying for fish, wood, water, stones, &c. A few moments after he had asked for the canoe yesterday, Uezamise came in on the same errand. I told him E. has applied first & must have it in preference. He replied, “Was it not for this that the Inds put you here, to show them mercy?” I doubt not but the present policy is to get along with us as easy as possible until next spring & then to make terms with us if we stay longer. They had been informed by Laundre that the bull would be paid, & they chose to do as they said, i. e. “not to pay their money, but to ask the agent to get an animal for me.” Sat. 15th. Indians engaged in Miteui today. I have lately missed from the goods box; 1 ps. sky blue ribbon, 1½ in. wide & 1 ps. maz. blue d[itt]o. d[itt]o. I told Mr. Landre this morning that I thought they had been stolen. He came this P.M. & said there was plenty of my ribbon to be seen

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in the Miteui lodge. I went over to identify—Mr. L. accompanied me. Eninabυndυ¸’s daughter had about 4 yds of each color tied to her hair & hanging down her back. One of Nebυnegizhik’s wives also had 4 yds of the light blue at her back also. The trader has not sold a yard of ribbon. The probability is that while I was paying Eninabυndυ¸s sons some time since for work, they stole the two pieces while I was measuring off some calico for them. Saw William today for the first time although he has been home two or 3 days. I invited him to the house. He said he was ashamed & naked. He did not promise to call tomorrow. Oct. 10th. During the past month Mr. Ayer & self have visited Le Point— remained there 6 days. The payment of the Indians was commenced the day before we left. Each individual receives about $9, $3 specie & $6 goods. The company collected their old debts of last year. As the Indian was paid & about retiring, the Co’s clerk, with the man’s a/c in his hand, would seize on his money & help himself to his due.21 Have been engaged in digging potatoes last week & thus far of this. Nindipens & family & Vincent Roy arrived this sunset. N. called into our house as we were at supper. He said “he hoped I would not be sorry at what he should tell me. The Indians were not able to pay me now, as the traders had taken most of their money for their debts. Hoped I would feel as this letter said, (handing me a letter)—it was a certificate, as follows. We, the undersigned chiefs of the Fond du Lac band of Indians, in a council held this day with the Agent of Ind. Affairs at La Pointe, have, of our own will and accord, promised that we will pay to E. F. Ely Esq. out of our annuity for the ensuing year, the sum of fifty five dollars, for an ox that was killed by our people the past summer, belonging to him. Lapoint Oct 1, 1838. In presence of Signed Mangosit His mark D. P. Bushnell Nindipens " "

21. The Indians seldom saw any of their money. Traders maintained that they outfitted the Indians each fall (with shot and other items related to the hunt), and if the Indians did not bring in enough furs in the spring, the fall advances were charged against them and collected at annuity payments. The traders did not acknowledge that they used the products of the Indians’ lands to survive and prosper.

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Note—The two chiefs from Fond du Lac came to me voluntarily this day, & stated that they intended to pay Mr. Ely for his ox this year, but most of their money having been taken from them by their trader for debts, they were unable to do so; but that they wished the price he had set on his ox (55$) retained out of their money for the next year. It will be done accordingly. Lapointe Oct. 1, 1838. D. P. Bushnell

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Oct. 20. Our crop of potatoes amounts to about 220 bushels. " 23d. Akiυenzi’s (deaf man) son about 3 years of age, died this morning after an illness of about 4 days. We were called on to make a coffin. We carried it over. As we entered the lodge Nindipens was speaking a word of consolation to the afflicted father. Manitons, Kaiashkibaz, Kebeshkυ & Animiga sat around with Shishiguυn & Mitiguυkik, ready to perform their pagan ceremonies. After we went in, they requested us to say nothing, as they wished the desceased to go right to the Indian’s paradise. We told them we had not come over to take any part in the occasion other than to assist in burying the dead. K. & Kaiashkibaz, then commenced rattling, while Kebeshkυ made a short harangue to the Deity I suppose. They then sung with drum & rattle some time. Manitonˉs then opened the bundle which the mother had kept for a child lost last winter. Some of the contents were distributed, I think. A few small feathers were put carefully into the coffin. After the song ceased, we were told to proceed, but before we could take up the body, the parents wished to take a last look. The blanket was accordingly unpinned—they threw themselves upon it with wailings most heart rending in whh relatives joined. The song again commenced. It became necessary to absolutely take the afflicted parents away from the body. It was at this moment the most romantic and melancholy scene I ever witnessed. The forehead was painted with vermillion. After we laid the body in the coffin a small bark of sugar was placed at the head. We then nailed down the lid. They then sprinkled the lid with vermillion with which they striped it crosswise with their fingers. We (Br. A. & self ) then took up the coffin & proceeded to the place of burial, not far distant. Those who officiated in the ceremonies followed us, then the relatives. The song & rattle were continued until we arrived at the place where two other of their children

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had been buried with[in] the past year. When we had set down the coffin, one of the officiates made a short address to the departed, which I did not well understand, but telling it, in amount, to go to the Paradise where his fathers had gone, where he would grow up, &c. &c. As there was no grave dug, we & Mr. Landre dug one & interred the body. Manitonˉs then told us that we had indeed done a charity & thanked us in the name of the deceased (and requested us to put a shelter over the grave). We then left them. As we crossed the river, the wailing of the afflicted father still rung on the ear, “O! My Son!” “O! My Son!” [Written in the margin] The Bear Skin came & asked food to set before those who should bury the dead. Knowing that he wanted to make a feast at the grave, I positively declined giving, telling him if the afflicted were hungry, I would set food before them, but could give nothing for pagan feasting. Oct. 25. Manitonˉs called while I was absent. He said to Cath. “Do you know why the traders serve us so? Perhaps they want we should die. The Inds are not-at-all pleased especially those who belong to Atauemegokani. Our hearts hang bad. More than half of the Indians are not pleased—a few do not mind it. We know we shall die this winter—some of us, at least, and we feel worse to die here than we should if there was no white man here (we wish there was no white man here). If I know I am going to die (of starvation) I will come to the houses & die here.22 I suppose you do not feel as the trader does—viz. “Let the Inds die.” You don’t want we should die, perhaps you would see us die. Each man used to have 200 balls, & some 300, when they went off to their winter’s hunt. Now some have only 10, some a little more. When the English lived here, before any Americans, they (the Eng) used to show us mercy—we had very many things. But since the Long Knives came which is about 20 years every thing goes wrong.23 We are poor. We have very few things. We do not know why it is so. It makes us feel very bad (not pleased). He wants us (the trader) to pay for every thing. See all this land whh they have spoiled. What if we had asked pay for every thing they have had—tim22. Manitons is reminding the missionaries of their obligation to share food. 23. Americans were called Long Knives, or Gichi-mookomaanag, because of the swords worn by soldiers. It had been about twenty years since the American Fur Company had come into the western Lake Superior region.

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ber, wood & water? They have spoiled our things, & we will spoil theirs. That will be right. Now they must pay for everything they take. Oct. 30. The river was shut over with thin ice, save here & there a glade. We have scooped more than 300 whitefish in the rapids. Nov. 1. Messrs Chas. H. Oakes & Wm Davenport arrived from Lepoint. They go in to Sandy Lake in charge of Fond du Lac Department in place of Mr. Aitkins.24 Mr. O. is sick with fever & ague. Recd letters from Mr. Crooks & Doct. Borup. Dr. B’s family have retd sick of ague. There youngest boy died at Grand River.25 " 5th. Mr. Oakes & party left for Sandy Lake this morn. Took our canoe. By return of Mr. D’s boat to Le point Mr. A. & self wrote a joint letter to the Board.26 " 6. The boys are crossing & recrossing the river on the ice. Winter weather—feels very sharp.

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" 9th. Weather very cold. We have about 6 inches of ice. This P.M. Nindibens’ daughter brought me a line, as follows, viz “Opinig kinυndotυmago. Jis gaie kinυndotυmago. Uabυ. Ningυkuzimin. Mυndamin υshυmishin. (nin Nindibens egoian). Mr. Ely kitυnυmikon. Nin Nindipens egoian.”27 Which being translated—“Potatoes are asked of you. Turnips also are asked of you. Tomorrow we shall raise camp. Food Corn feed me. I Nindipens, who am so called. Mr. Ely I salute you—I Nindibans who am so called.” This is one of the most important uses which Nindipens makes of the little 24. Charles H. Oakes had been a trader in the American Fur Company since 1824. He had gone to live in Grand River, Michigan, with his family in 1834, and was now being recalled to take over the Fond du Lac department. Aitkin had lost his position through mismanagement. Crooks to Halsey, November 20, 1838, afc Papers, Reel 27. 25. Borup had left the Northern Outfit of the American Fur Company in 1836 to become one of the early residents of Grand Rapids, Michigan. He was recalled to La Pointe in 1838 to replace Lyman M. Warren, who had also been dismissed for mismanagement. Crooks to Halsey, Sept. 8, 1838, afc Papers, Reel 27. 26. This is probably the letter dated October 31, 1838, in which they explained their circumstances at Fond du Lac and especially the “disaffected state of feeling among the Indians.” Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 27. Opiniig ginandodamaagoo, Jiis gaye ginandodamaagoo. Waabang ningoshkozimin mandaamin ashamishin. Niin nindibens egooyaan. Mr. Ely gidanamikoon. (Transcription by Roger Roulette.)

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knowledge of writing which his son Kitυb possesses.28 Nor is this begging by letter confined to him. Those who are able to write seem to feel that a request in writing would surely be heard, & especially that I would not disregard such an effort of one of my scholars. I told the bearer of the above letter to call when they were ready to start & I would give her son potatoes. Another request was recd by William from Uaniatυn, a Sandy Lake Indian who lost a child here last summer & according to a custom sometimes practiced among this people, the coffin was gummed tight & elevated on posts about 6 ft high. His request was that I would pity the body of his child & wrap the coffin in an oilcloth. The mission cannot afford oilcloths for such purpose. We sometime since made a shelter for the grave of Akiuenzi’s child, mentioned Oct. 23d. Before doing it, I called in Kaiashkibaz, one of the officiates in the pagan ceremonies of burial of the child, & told him we sympathized with the afflicted parents & would listen to the request to place a shelter over the grave, but I wished him to say to the Indians that they should not ask that of us hereafter. We would make them coffins & assist in burying their dead, & they should not expect more of us.

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Nov. 17. Saty. Mons. Landre arrived from Sandy Lake. In going in, they left their canoes at the Portage du Coteau. Mr. Oakes travelled with much difficulty, having been taken with fever & ague on his voyage from Lepoint to this place. Mr. L. bought us one corveau [of ] sugar, 63 lb, part of a lot of 450 lb or more left there by Mr. Boutwell. Nov. 20. Br. Ayer started for Pυkegυma with a dog train, taking old Sagakomin. He engaged Kebigindas yesterday to go with him, but not appearing this morning Br. A. sent for him. He returned an answer that the wages named were too small. I accompanied Br. A. as far as the Kitaiigυn, to assist him over the hills. " 21. Kaiashkibaz said to me that he had understood I contemplated leaving this place. “What I said to you last spring,” (said he) “was nothing. I do not wish to drive any one away. When I am hungry, you feed me. I tell you 28. Kitυb is probably the son who was baptized two years earlier as Jean Baptiste, age eight. Register of St. Joseph Mission, La Pointe.

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this that you may know how I feel this winter. If I cannot kill anything, I shall come to your house—perhaps you will give my children food to cook once.” He referred above to some remarks of this nature, that the Indians were able to do bad things. He himself was able to do bad things. The Indians were very much displeased &c. &c. (at government). " 29. Last Friday, I wounded myself, apparently very slightly just above & close to the knee pan of my left leg, with shaog knife. I took little notice of it, was a little lame. On Tuesday finding my knee becoming rather stiff, I examined it, found it somewhat inflamed—discovered that I had cut a small tendon, & had probably taken cold in it. Saw the necessity of immediately using means for relieving it. Mr. Landre recommended an application of the bark of the red tamarack. The young tree is only used, say two inches in diameter. Cut into short pieces & boil about one hour. Peel the outside bark, then take off the inner bark & pound it until it is soft. Save the presence of the fine fibres, the preparation would not be distinguished from a salve. Apply a plaster, covering the affected parts. Wash the wound in the liquor in whh it was boiled—also, wet the plaster freely with the same. It should be removed twice or thrice a day. The soreness & swelling is decreasing—the wound is cleansed & in a healing state. Has now been applied 24 hours. Am dependent on Mr. L. for the care of my cattle, stovewood &c. &c.

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Dec. 14th. Friday. Mr. Scott arrived from Lepointe this eve. Recd letters from Brs. Hall & Sproat, Doct. Borup & Br. Seymour. Leave tomorrow for Sandy Lake. Spent an hour with us this eve.

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Closing Fond du Lac January to October 20, 1839 Journal 9 (continued) January to October 20, 1839

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1839. Jany. Mssrs. Landre & Morrison arrived from Lepoint. Recd letters from Lepoint & Pυkegυma, recommending the abandonment of this station & removal to Pυkegυma. Prospects of that station are brightening. There are four Ind. houses to be built this season.1 Feby. 18. Br. Ayer left for Pυkegυma. William accompanies him. He is intending to take hold of work. P. M. Mr. Landre & Scott arrived from Sandy Lake. Recd a letter from Peter Marksman, Jacksonville Ill. Oct. 4, 1838.2 Gandanυnib arrived a few days since. He called on me, said he was very sorry that I was going away. He would request the Sapin to request me to stay when he should arrive.3 They would be very hungry—tis true you have showed mercy to some. I have been thinking all winter of making a garden & remaining quiet.

1. The letter from Sherman Hall to Ayer and Ely at Fond du Lac is actually dated February 14, 1839. Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 2. Peter Marksman was attending school at the Ebenezer Seminary near Jacksonville, Illinois, with fellow missionaries George Copway and John Johnson. Copway, Life, Letters and Speeches, 116–17. 3. Sapin, or “the Spruce,” was Shingup, as Nindibens now called himself. It was not unusual for a son to take his father’s name. Hickerson, Southwestern Chippewa, 47.

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" 19th. Nindipens arrived yesterday. Called this P.M. Said he had heard that we were going away—wished to enquire if it was true—expressed the same sentiment as Gandanυnib yesterday. " 22. Our cow brought us a fine heifer calf this P.M. The “Bear Skin” saw her during labour, & made his comments upon her situation—thought “she would die, because her belly was so big.” In the evening was surprised to hear that the calf was already on his feet (he had come in for some potatoes, whh I had promised him). As I was about going to the stable, he said he would accompany me. Shingibiz & a young Indian from the Snake River were here. He (I think) said to them “Let us all go & see the calf.” They did not go. The calf had stumbled into the manger & lay there. The cow was smelling around such of the after-birth as she had not eaten. I was holding the light toward the calf & he stood behind me looking at it, leaning on the partition (planks which I had put in to keep her separate from the other cattle) on his left arm. The cow was opposite to him. Suddenly, the cow bounded forward—he sprung (as I supposed, but perhaps was knocked over) but slipping fell against a heifer near us. As he rose, I asked him if she struck him? He did not answer, but stared at me. On putting the question again, he ansd Yes! & soon said, perhaps I shall be sick.4 He came into the house, rubbed his side with opodeldoc, took his potatoes & went home. He was struck just below the shoulder blade. About 9 oclk P.M. Uabυno came in & said “the Bear Skin is killed by my cow.” I immediately went over—found him in a swoon. He had been bled, & his attendants were taking blood & frothy mucus from his mouth. Bathed his temples & nostrils with liquid opodeldoc whh soon restored him. Retd & made a poultice of crumbs of bread, camomile flor, elder flor, boiled in vinegar & water. I had previously commenced fomenting with vinegar. There was no external wound. Visited him again & applied a poultice. Told me that the cow must die if he died. Saturday 23d. Poor man more easy by turns—raises much blood. His mother in law told me he was in trouble, that his brothers would be angry, that I ought [to] pay him who was sick something. I had told him I would give his 4. Although cows had been kept by traders in the region for more than thirty years, they were still seen by some as having unusual powers. See Kugel, “Missionaries and Their Cattle,” 227–44.

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wife food while he should be sick. He asked for the whole lodge, i. e. Kebigindas & mother, whh I refused. Carried him a poultice about 10 oclk P.M.

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Sabbath. Visited the Bearskin. He is a sick man. I fear for his life. Will not take the medicine I gave. Monday, Feby. 25. About 10 oclk “Bear Skin” came in to the house. I was astonished. He was almost exhausted. I spread a bed for him to lie down— pulled off his moccasins, for his feet were wet. He appeared quite cheerful, made him some tea at noon & he ate some mondaminabo. About 1, Kaiashkibaz bled him at his request. He soon after became exercised with great pain, spitting of bloody mucus, labored breathing. About 4 oclk he told K. that he thought he was about dying, was not able to speak audibly. His pulse however was regular—he soon became apparently senseless, & lay in that state for some time—bathed his temples with liquid Opodeldoc & gave some cough drops. He soon revived & expectoration & respiration became more easy. He said to K. I shall perhaps not see the Kijanishinabeg [elders]. I wish to say something to them. He made an effort to rise—got upon his knees & commenced singing to the spirit for strength to throw off the burden from his lungs & made great & violent exertions to bring up the blood or mucus & would then sing again. It was a moment of intense interest. A poor heathen only able to get upon his knees, in an almost dying situation, resorting to his pagan worship for help. After he had finished his song, he made an effort to rise first on his hands & knees—with difficulty he gained his feet. He then said he must go to see the cow, & asked K. to accompany him. They went out, Bear Skin leading the way, singing, with feeble voice [&] step, K. next, & followed by 2 young women bearing some food &c whh I had given him. I felt assured that they had gone to stab the cow, although I had seen no knife about him, & told Catharine what I thought his object was in going to the barn. Cath said she would go, as she could better understand what he should say & went. He went directly into the stable & approached the cow & sung some time, whh act is considered equivalent to asking favour of her, & strength to go home. As he came out of the yard saying that he felt better & should be able to reach home & refused a dog train which had been brought for him. He took the emitic this morning.

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Tuesday 26. Was surprised this P.M. to find the Bear Skin in the house again. He looked unusually cheerful & said he was better. Had taken the cathartic today. I sent him some cough drops by his wife this morning & some meal. He had drank the drops (about twice what was necessary) & eaten the meal (near a quart) or rather it was probably eaten by the whole family. I gave him more. He said he had been accused by some of a weak heart, or cowardice because he did not come & kill the cow, but he did not wish to kill her. I had shown him great mercy. Wed. 27. Bear Skin here again today. Very cheerful & happy—brought a thigh of venison whh Kebegindas killed today. We made a supper from it—soon felt a sensation of heat as if we had taken pepper into our stomachs then salt, & burning—flushed in face, hands and breast. Landre told us this eve that the deer had been chased by dogs 3 days, & had become so feverish that the Indians themselves could not eat it. We did not know how to account for the tenderness of the flesh until now. Naganυb wished to buy one of our houses. I stated the price of school house to be $50 if I should wish to sell it.

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Thursday 28. William arrived about 11 oclk from Pυkegυma. Br. Ayer was heartily welcomed there, as he was very much needed. More Indians have signed the articles required by the Mission from those who settle & receive assistance. Nindibens enquired price of this dwelling house. I stated it at $83 if I should conclude to sell it. Bear Skin comfortably well. Friday March 1. John Aitkins arrived from Lepoint. Recd letters from Dr Borup, Brs. Hall & Sproat. Mail from Sault St Marie not arrived. March 2nd. It is now 9 days since Bear Skin recd his injury from our cow, & is nearly recovered, insomuch that he is intending to start tomorrow for his brother’s camp at Atauemagokani. We have furnished him with medicines & suitable diet, & given rations to his wife to this time. He grows very insolent, & calls for food rather [than] asks. He has twice today asked for more of an article I was giving him than I saw fit to give, & have promptly told him No! He told us the last time he was not pleased. His brother Enimasυ

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is reported to be very sick.5 The Bear Skin told Cath that if he (E) died, that Manitons (another older brother) would be angry. Against whom will he be angry? She inquired. “It will be known bye & bye” was the answer. He probably made this allusion to excite her fears, that she might give him what he wished, i.e. more corn. It is a common artifice with the Indians. A short time since Kaiashkibaz offered me a reindeer [caribou] skin dressed, & wanted in exchange some kind of cloth for his little daughter [for] a dress. I felt quite disposed to purchase the skin as they were rare. He valued it at $2. I showed him some sattinet whh pleased him. I gave him 2 yds $4, took his skin & he promised me two martin skins (whh I wanted for Mary [for] a cape) for the remainder. While I was about cutting off the goods, Mr. Landre came in. He enquired if I had any right so to do? I assured him that I had a right to purchase what furs I wish for my own or family’s use. Read him a clause of Mr. Hall’s agreement with the Co. whh showed that I was not violating that, because the goods were not purchased of A M. Fur Co. He appeared satisfied, & told the Indian faithfully to do as he promised me, i.e. bring the furs. Mr. L said he must obey orders. He had been directed to report every case whh should come to his knowledge of my taking furs & skins of the Indians. He said that Dr Borup was already aware that I had furs in possession, & mentioned a fisher whh was purchased last winter & some musk rats purchased the last fall. The fisher is made into a pouch & trimmed to send below as a curiosity. Of the rats, part were made into a cap for Br. Ayer & part into a cape for one of our children—both were purchased with potatoes, fish and turnips.6 March 20. A few days after the affair under March 2d, an opportunity occurred of sending to Le point. Mr. Landre came to me (as I do the writing of the post this winter by request of M. Crooks) to report the affair. I accordingly wrote for him a brief statement of what he saw me do, & also that he had today [seen] a martin skin in my hands (for the Ind had brought me one). 5. Enimasυ told Ely that he had venereal disease. Ely to Ayer, March 23, 1839, Ely Papers, Correspondence. 6. In his letter of permission to Edmund F. Ely to reside among the Indians at the post of Fond du Lac, dated September 7, 1835, Schoolcraft had excluded “all secular trade or traffic in furs, peltries or skins, inrespect to which, and strict conformity to the laws of Congress is enjoined.” Ely Papers, Correspondence.

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By the same opportunity I wrote to Lepoint, & to the Doct also, as usual, but felt that I was not called upon to say any thing concerning what I had right to do, I therefore said nothing on the subject. Today a man arrived from Lepoint bringing letters. I recd one from the Doct. wondering that I did not explain the circumstance, & made some pretty hard remarks concerning the consistency of bartering with the Inds., with the Missry. character—See letter.7 Recd also a letter from Miss Lucia Whiting, Guilford, Chenango Co N. Y.8 " 22d Forwarded letters to Lepoint by J. Aitkins—wrote Br. H. & explained the above affair to him. Wrote also the Doct. in which I took up the subject of his letter in a Christian light & endeavored to defend myself & brethren against his charges. I appealed to him as a Christian brother & not as a member of A. M. F. Was peculiarly careful to use no other language but that of candour.

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[On March 23 Ely wrote to the brethren at La Pointe: “I do not feel in a fit state to write tonight. My mind feels burdened, & seeks relief. I feel tempest-tost, sick, disgusted, ashamed, in need of everything & have nothing. A little of the peace of God would be more than all else is worth.”] April 1. J. Aitkins arrived from Lepointe this morning. Recd letters from Br. Hall & Dr Borup & others. Br. Hall’s letter is exceeding kind & full of good sentiment & advice, regrets the difficulty between Dr B. & myself. Hints that he expects I shall have trouble in consequence, perhaps to the mission property here. Dr. B. seems to overlook the whole object of my argument, as he allows Br Hall in the very thing (barter) whh I supposed he charged me with. See letter.9 Apl 2d Mr. Landre called to write up the books to this day & take them, as he had been directed to release me from further writing, & deliver them into the care of J. Aitkins. After the writing was completed, he said he had a duty, painful to him to 7. This letter is not found in the Ely Papers. 8. This may be Lucia’s last letter to Ely, announcing her approaching marriage to Franklin Spencer. None of her letters have survived in the Ely Papers. 9. These letters are not in the Ely Papers.

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perform, but he preferred to do it in my own house, to making me ashamed by refusing me anything before others. He had been ordered to furnish me nothing belonging to the Co. although I should offer specie for it!!! I thanked Mr. L. for his kindness to my feelings, told him my course towards those of the fort would be the same as it ever had been. That if I could confer any favors on them they would be heartily welcome. Voyage to Pυkegυma. See Petit Journal.

Journal 12 April 4 to May 3, 1839

1839 Voyage to Pυkegυma Thursday Apl. 4.10 Brs. Ayer & Thompson arrived about 7½ p.m. from Pυkegυma for the cattle, 4 days out.11 Sat. Crossed the cattle over the river & set Sagakomin to keep them while we were absent. Monday 8. Started off. Mr. A. had hired Kebegindas as guide, & Br. A. & myself had concluded to go as far as Kettle River with them, & then turn back to prepare our affairs for removal. Saw nothing of Kebegindas, although we sent for him. Perhaps he will overtake us before night. Camped a few miles before reaching Elk Lake.

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Tuesday 9th. Among the cypresses, beyond Sand Lake (Metatauυngag). Wednesday 10th. At Br. Ayers camp on Osisigυmimishika-sibi—Willow River. Thursday 11th. Wandered out of our way. Camped at Kettle River. Prepared bark for ropes. Friday, 12. Made raft and ropes. Today crossed our cattle—about 1 oclk 10. Because this journal was much faded, someone, probably Ely, wrote over the original for the first thirteen pages. 11. They were removing most of the Fond du Lac goods and all the cattle to Pokegama.

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marched—took a wrong road and followed it several miles—turned back and struck for the river again. Camped by a beautiful lake in the plains. Saturday, 13th. Breakfasted at Pine River. Swam our cattle & chopped a tree for ourselves to cross on. Here the road commences, which leads direct to Bemijigυmag [Cross Lake]. Hard land most of the way, & very wet. Camped for the Sabbath near a small stream. While chopping wood the fire spread in the leaves and ran among our packs. My blanket was badly burned and my coat somewhat. Sabbath 14th. A day of peace & rest with us. Spent a little of our time in looking after our cattle. Monday 15th. This P.M. forded about two feet deep.

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Tuesday 16th. Crossed some wet mυshkigs [swamps]. Every step half leg deep in water. Arrived at Bemijigυmag at noon. Struck for Pυkegυma, fell on a[n] old road & supposing it to be one which led directly there, followed it, until about 4 P.M. when losing it in a swamp, we struck away south, & near sunset fell on the lake a little north of the mission. The road would have led us entirely beyond the lake. We have driven about 15 miles today, occasionally stopping to let the cattle graze. Were heartily welcomed by the brethren & sisters. Br. B. was preparing to send off a canoe tomorrow to Fondulac. Thursday Apl 18, 1839. It being concluded that Brother Ayer should remain on account of the work of the mission, and my only way to return would be to embark in the canoe. Accordingly I embarked about 8 A. M. with John [Maiingans] & Buanens.12 I had not felt very well in the morning, but after getting into the canoe, I became quite unwell—distress at the stomach. Vomited several times during the day, throwing off undigested food. About 4 P.M. arrived at Boyce’s camp, near the mouth of Kettle River.13 I told the men to unload—solicited a cup of coffee—felt very weak. Had been on my back all day in the canoe. After attending a season of worship 12. These were two of the converted Indians from Pokegama. Maiingans (Little Wolf ) was the son of Bizhiki, and Buanens (Little Sioux) was the son-in-law of Biajig. 13. John Boyce was one of the first lumbermen on the Snake River in 1837, but he had trouble with the Indians and soon closed his business. Durant, “Lumbering and Steamboating,” 648.

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with Mr. Boyce & hands & my men, I took a dose of Lee’s pills & laid down to rest. After a lapse of time I felt much easier. Friday 19th. Rested considerably last night. Medicine operated very slightly—felt quite weak—a little feverish. Took breakfast with Mr. Boyce. He is a Virginian—is in search of lumber. Has about 1400 pine logs ready to raft, whh he values at $6 or $7,000. About 10 oclk John espied a deer crossing the river (St. Croix). Not perceiving us, the animal soon turned downstream, & approached the shore. John was already in ambush, and I at his place in the bow of the canoe. When near the shore John alarmed the poor animal, & as she turned presenting her side he shot her through. We immediately gave chase in the canoe. She was however making her dying struggles, when I took her by the ear, & we towed her ashore. It was a large doe, & had three fetuses in her, which are considered a great delicacy by the Indians. The skin of the largest was beautiful, which they gave me—also the horns of the deer. Camped early. The men busily employed themselves in drying my horns. Have felt quite weak all day—ate very little. Camped on an island some distance below Yellow River. Saturday 20th. Encamped at Woman’s Portage above Nυmekagon River. John speared a small sturgeon this afternoon. The river abounds with fine fish now. Have felt comparatively well today. Eaten considerable but am not entirely relieved. Bowels costive. Saw another deer today on shore, but the animal perceived us & made off.

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Sabbath 21st. Woman’s Portage. A very warm day, save the wind. Monday 22d. Routed my men by break of day to prepare for the voyage, but with mending moccasins & gumming canoe, we are not off until sun 1/2 hour high. River little better than a continual rapid of the worst kind, & water very low. Came on slowly. My patience was somewhat tried with my men. They showed an inclination to linger with every Indian they met. Had set their minds to camp at Kabamυbi’s village to night, and finding they were drawing near too early, were not slow to imagine devices for staying, particularly Buanens. Prospect of rain, leaky canoe &c. &c. When we arrived, they sat waiting on the bank more than half an hour. I stuck to the canoe determined to show my opinion that way. Soon old Kabυmυbi

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asked me the time of day. I told him I had no watch, but the sun was yet high. This convinced my men of my intention to go on. Cloudy & showery—have come on about three miles. John speared another sturgeon today.

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Tuesday 23d. Forenoon showery. Arrived at St. Croix portage (portage of the Brule River) about 1 oclk. It had long been a question with my men how to get our heavy canoe across, & they had finally concluded to take out the bows (or ribs) to lighten it. This process would break the gum of the whole bottom, if not entirely, & cost half a day gumming. I made no comments but determined to try our strength on it, before resorting to that process.14 Buanens concluded, at last, that the canoe should remain behind, while we would camp at the other end of the portage. We took our baggage half way, & then went back for the canoe, put it on our shoulders to take it to the top of the hill. It was heavy. We struggled through the brush with it on our backs, for our winding path would not permit of our carrying it the old way. I was so exhausted, that I was almost persuaded to yield to taking out the ribbing. We however harnessed in John to carry the stern with his collar, & Buanens & myself on either side shouldered it—by short pipes [pauses] we soon arrived at our baggage. We took the baggage over first, & then the canoe. The first half was very bad—hilly and sliding, but the last part was level. The canoe was nearly gummed before night. Had a hard tug, but were glad that we were over. Wed. April 24. A rainy night, but cleared up toward morning. John very lame in his back from his hard lift yesterday. The “Brule” here is a mere brook, and we were scarcely able to get our large canoe (4 fathom) along. I wondered at the enterprize (!) of the traders & Canadian voyageurs who have perseveringly squeezed their canoes through the alders for fifty years, if it may be credited to them as such. A little cutting would be a better credit, in my view. By some means Buanen’s end of the canoe swung round against a snag, & burst a hole through the canoe. This we soon repaired. Camped some distance below Nibegυmouin-i-sibi [Nebagamon River]. John quite unwell—lame in his right shoulder arm & breast. 14. The portage between the St. Croix and the Brule Rivers was described by Lt. James Allen in 1832 as ascending over a high pine ridge, elevation about six hundred or seven hundred feet above the lake, and being two miles in length. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 224.

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Thursday. Embarked at sunrise at the lower end of the first small portage, we found Osagé encamped—spent nearly an hour there, as they were related to my men. At the next small portage, broke our canoe in the side. Kindled a fire & gummed it. Buanens old tattered shirt was of much service, as he took a piece from the sleeves whenever occasion required. River much hedged up with trees. Arrived at the lake about 2 oclk—found Misho Petit,15 encamped, & one Frenchman ready for the ciscouυt fishing. Mr. Scott had arrived. The Brewster—schooner—also had discharged her freight & left a day or two before.16 The Madaline bound to the entry of Riv St. Louis was seen endeavouring to lay to in a gale, but being unable she put about & stood for the entry. Discovering the ice at the head of the lake, she attempted to beat off but losing about 4 miles in the first tack the only remedy was to run her ashore.17 The N. shore is almost entirely rock bound rising out of the water, & very deep. She chanced to fall on a few rods of gravel beach. Henry Blatchford was on board of her as a hand. Capt Wood of the Brewster, observing with his glass her unsuccessful attempt to beat back to the Bruley & there put about, felt somewhat solicitous for her safety, as there are no harbours. Mr. Scott had set off this morning in search of her. We left the Brule about ½ past 3—came to the ice about 8 oclk. Camped on the beach. Friday Morning. As soon as it was sufficiently light, I ascertained that there was no channel through the ice to the entry. We therefore secured our canoe, wrapped our tent in the oilcloth & hung it up in the woods—shouldered our baggage & started for the entry. A few rods beyond our camp we found Mr. Scotts boat hauled up. Himself & men had gone to the entry on foot. Arriving at the entry we found Mr. S. & men taking their breakfasts & ready to embark in a small canoe for Fond du Lac. We had heard two shots from the N. shore, whh appeared heavier than that of a musket. When we told Mr. Scott of this he concluded to return to his boat, & go across in search. The canoe, whh they had gummed for themselves, he accordingly 15. Michel Petit, a Canadian employee of the American Fur Company since 1817. Chippewa Claim 39, Lucius Lyon Papers. 16. The Brewster was a seventy-three-ton vessel owned by the American Fur company, launched in 1838. 17. The Madeline was a fishing vessel of the American Fur Company, launched in 1837 at twenty tons.

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delivered over to us. We arrived home about 4 oclk P.M. My self having been absent from my family 19 days. Sat. Set about arranging the property of the mission for transportation. Buanens showed a disposition to visit rather than work. I set him to prepare the stove for transportation—he turned away from his work & laid himself down under the writing desk. He afterwards told me “that the Indians had been saying to him that he was lowering himself by working for me like a Frenchman. He said that he who hired him did not tell him any thing about working here. That he was hired to voyage. He was ashamed to be working about house.” I told him that Mr. Ayer to[ld] me what to have the men do. That I was following direction in giving them work here. Akiuenzi of this band arrived two or 3 days since from a war expedition (we heard of them at the mouth of Snake River—saw the places where they had stopped to dance, on our way up. My men were considerably anxious on the subject & said if they had heard of it in time they should not have come.) & states that they met the Sioux at the foot of Lake St. Croix, & that some were probably killed &c. &c. This set Buanens into a panic & he began to talk of going directly home by land.18

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Sabbath. Endeavored to preach the Gospel with all plainness to the few who came in. They were Catholics, & probably felt that it was not applicable to them. I think they will see in the judgment that every unregenerate man will be judged by the law, & that the lives of professors will not escape the test. Wo[e] to him who is there found unclean. Tuesday 30th. Scott & Landre arrived with the colors of the Madaline flying, bringing her crew rigging & goods on board. Goods were somewhat wet. She had gone ashore on the boulders & bilged. The shots we heard were discharged at partridges. Henry had been hunting. She was commanded by Mr. John Angus, whose parents reside at West Troy, N. Y. a young man of interesting appearance. He visited here in the evening with Henry. He was lame in the right heel & wrist from a fall from the roof of one of the Company’s stores at Lepoint. He fell upon his heel & hand, the hand breaking 18. Lake Pokegama on the Snake River was close enough to the Dakota war road to be in danger of attack when the Ojibwe and Dakota were at war. The men feared for their families left behind.

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the force of the fall—not a bone was broken although the ground was frozen. He fell directly between two sticks of squared timber. Such a remarkable preservation he told us, made a deep impression on his mind. He was unprepared to die—while he was sliding on the roof the guilt of his whole life passed before his mind. He considered himself a dead man. He said his sins appeared very great. He thought (at the time) that God had spoken to him for the last time. I told him He had not, for in his shipwreck God had spoken again very loudly. If he resisted this double call, he might never have another call. We spent much time in opening the Gospel to him, & urging him at once to determine for God. Attended family worship & besought the Lord for him. He appears deeply impressed. Commenced blowing from the E. yesterday. Wednesday. Storm continues. Are all ready to embark. The week before I arrived home & Bezhikoguυnebi came in & asked Cath. for potatoes whh she refused him. On going out Bezhikoguυnebi locked the door upon her & hid the key in the entry. She forced back the bolt & went out to Sagakomin’s lodge & asked Samuel for the key. After much talk he told her where it was. She sent word to him not to come into the house. He came however directly in, & rebuked her for saying so much about the affair. She told him she did not want him here & he must go out. He replied he would go or stay as he pleased. C. said I shall tell Mr. E. & your father. He replied I am not afraid of them. Some other conversation was said. She told him to leave the house. He went out, & meeting our dog Rover stabbed him in the side. He died immediately. Cath. seeing his father afterwards told him of it. He said he was very sorry, for he intended to have asked us for the dog. The old Blackskin had helped himself to my canoe & paddle & gum pan, whh he does not seem at all inclined to return. I started to go over after them & found my canoe this side. The children had just come over to the fort. I took it, & went over to the lodge. On entering my pan was set by the fire, & they had apparently just been cooking in it. Blackskin was not in. I stepped to the pan & said I have come for my pan. The wife replied, “You can come after it.” I took it up & told them I would also take my canoe. They said, the children have gone away with it. I told them I had got it— took it home & put it in the barn.

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This is often the way with what I lend. Gandυnυnib came in & asked for potatoes to plant. I told him that the Pυk. Mission had spoken for them all. He said I had promised him some. I explained to him, that it was in case we had to spare. He said, “You lie!” & persisted in it before John & Buanens. I told him “you cannot have one potatoe.” Thursday. Weather clearing up. Mishinoue, one of the war party, & whom his friends here began to fear had been killed, arrived yesterday & from his account two canoes were fired upon by them, & 3 of the 5 Sioux killed & the two wounded. Buanens came in & said he was gυshkendυm for good, & should return immediately by land. I told him, if he would find an able man to fill his place I would hire him—if he could not find him, I must rely on him. He & John both went to the other side, but returned without any one. About 4 oclk I called the men to embark. We put our canoe load on board the scow. A shower commenced falling while we were loading—we coverd up with bark apυkuais [mats]. The reasons for my embarking under these circumstances were, our canoe & tent were at the lake, exposed to the ill will of any evil disposed persons, & I felt that in my present standing with the Company & the Indians having been instructed by the Agts of the A. M. F. against my interests, (as they the Inds. stated to me) I felt that not a few might be encouraged thereby to do a mean act. Having my canoe & tent & plenty of provisions we could encamp & wait the arrival of assistance or proceed up the Brule if God should so grant. I also feared that John would become disheartened & turn back. Mrs. A. and Cath. felt disquieted here & preferred going to the lake & camping. I enquired of Henry Blatchford whether he could consistently embark with us & assist us as far as the entry. He replied that he saw all were against me—he was in the employment of the Company, & wished to avoid any difficulty with Dr Borup. John & myself therefore took hold of the oar without a steersman. If any one lends an article to an Indian he must expect to be at the trouble of following it up till he gets it again. Some times an article is retd, but in other cases every attempt is made to keep us out of it, until it may be forgotten. Sometime before leaving for Pυkegυma I lent William a net, telling him I would be pleased if he would occasionally

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bring us a fish. When I went to call my men, they were witnessing a dance in Kebebizendυ’s lodge. I saw William among the company, & asked him for my net. He said it was at his lodge over the river. We pushed across the river, therefore, after embarking to get the net. His father (Gandυnυnib) said he did not know where it was—perhaps it was not there. I however entered the lodge telling him that William said it was there. They had just been tying one net & mine lay by it. If I had not called for it, I should probably have lost it. Poor William has to all appearance determined to apostatise from Christ. We have feared it long. He respects not the Sabbath—worships not God with us. Nor has he but two or three times in several months. He is in the hands of God. We were taken in a smart shower of rain & snow. Camped near Bear Island for the night, less than 3 miles from the house. I sold the schoolhouse to Najanυb for $50 & took his obligation to pay one half this year & one half next year from his treaty money & requesting the agent of Am. Govt to pay the same to me. Friday. Arose before day—wind blowing fresh down the river. Set about rigging sails for my boat. John expressed to Cath. his determination to return by land to the fort & accompany Buanens home.19 Rendered as his reason his inability to carry—or hardly to use one arm. I learned from Mrs. Ayer that he is occasionally lame in that arm. He has not been able to do much since straining himself at the portage of the Brule. I told him we would all return in the boat. He thought Buanens would start before we could reach the house. I insisted that he must not leave us there. He conceded— we immediately embarked, & pulling against the wind, arrived soon after sunrise. Buanens was yet here. He helped Jno. unload & bring the baggage into the house. I felt that God was ordering our affairs in his own way & that I should yet see that His way was the best. In the P. M. J. & Buanens started—will probably reach Pυkegυma by Tuesday nught. We trust soon to hear from there—perhaps some men will arrive from there by next Saturday, week. Mr. Scott, Landre & the sailors left this morning. 19. Both John and Buanens had left families at Pokegama.

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[ Journal 12 ends; Journal 9 resumes.]

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May 8th. East wind ceased yesterday. About 10½ oclk left in my small canoe with Kitυb and Kυbeiasige for the purpose of bringing my canoe & tent which I had left on the lake shore. Shortly after embarking, wind sprung up ahead. At Pυkegυma [of the St. Louis River] blew so fresh that we landed & cooked. Breeze falling a little we embarked again. Carried our canoe across the peninsula into Lake Sup. to avail ourselves of a light breeze to the entry—left on foot about ½ or ¾ hour before sunset. Ice entirely broken to pomice by the late storm & piled up on the shore probably 6 ft high or more. At the end of the sand beach, we were obliged to take the woods or travel on the ice bank. We traveled some times on the one, sinking to our ancles at every step as in a bed of hail stones, & sometimes in the other. The stars were already twinkling when we arrived at the canoe, & much fatigued, having walked to the utmost of our speed. A light eastern breeze sprung up. The Indians were for availing ourselves of it. A little run from the hill had worn away the ice bank. We forced our way through loose cakes of ice about 6 or 8 rods, & strung up our oilcloth for a sail, & steered for the entry about 6 miles distant, there being no place where we could land short of that on account of the ice. The flickering breeze only beguiling us of our time we took to our oars. Altho. fine starlight overhead, yet there were rather dubious indications in the N. E. and E. Just as we were about entering the river, a stiff breeze took us. We hoisted sail & were hurried up the stiff current very unceremoniously. Thursday 9th. A strong wind. Lake Sup. in great agitation. Arrived home [Fond du Lac] at noon—lashed the little canoe along side & hoisted sail. Wind just as strong as we could bear up under. Mr. Scott & the sailors & Mr. Landre & fam. left the entry yesterday morning. Are probably at the Brule. The Sore Eye arrived a day or two since from Mashtiguani—states that John & Buanens slept at their camp on the 2d night (Saturday) & started from there on Sabbath in a canoe to descend Kettle River. I reminded John & Buanens of the Sabbath before they left & can hardly credit it that John would consent to break the command of God. Mr. A. Morrison arrived from Sandy Lake for goods & provisions this P.M.

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Sat. 11th. Mr. Morrison sent me a line requesting the use of the large canoe whh we brought out from Pυkegυma to take their loads to the portage— supposing he would accomplish his object today I most cheerfully lent it to him. The rain preventing their using the canoe today, & being informed that they expected to leave on the morrow, I felt it my duty to say to Mr. Morrison, that although he was most heartily welcome on any proper day, yet I could not sanction the breach of the Sabbath by consenting to have our canoe used on the morrow. Mr. M. apparently received it kindly. Messers Morrison & J. Aitkins took supper with us. May 1839 Sabbath 12. Rainy today, so that Mr. Morrison is not able to start off his baggage were he disposed. [ Journal 13 begins.]

Journal 13

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May 16 to June 18, 1839

Journey from Fond du Lac to Pυkegama May, 1839 Thursday May 16, 1839. Br. Ayer arrived about 5 P.M. with Baptiste, Nabaose & Ueυnabi from Pυkegυma—4 days—quite tired out—says the country is flooded, & they have spent as much as one day in making rafts & bridges, besides wading in the water. The swamps are very bad. The two men are good hands for the voyage—Ueυnabi, a boy he brought for the purpose of accompanying me back by land to Pυkegυma as my help is needed there in gardening. I was a little tried to leave my family & dreaded the journey.20 Friday. Tried to exchange my small canoe for a larger one & to hire an Indian to take a load of potatoes in which case I would embark, but failing, we addressed ourselves to the preparation, and about 5 P.M. Br. A embarked. I was diligently employed in packing up the odds & ends until 20. Ely was going directly to Pokegama to help with the planting, while his family was taking the longer route (via the Brule and the St. Croix) with Ayer.

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dark, having stored our things in the Company’s store.21 We cooked our kettle, & lay down to rest in our desolate house, where I & my family have enjoyed so many comforts.

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Saturday Morning. Put my canoe into the barn. Carried chairs & stand to J. Aitkin’s which I lend him the use of, & also the wash tubs. About sunrise Nindibens daughter ferried us over.22 I felt the hard work of yesterday. My load was heavy & we travelled rather slowly. Had a hard struggle to keep from sinking under depression of spirits. Cooked at Gaυmυshkυsυkag [Elk Lake] about ½ past 10 or 11 oclk. We hoped to arrive at Nemυjitiguiaise to spend the Sabbath—lost some time in finding the crossing place over the first branch, having struck too far up the river. Crossed the river at about 4 oclk, & although suffering much from exhaustion & pain in the back & my load being heavier than I had ever before carried, yet we kept on in hope of arriving at Br. Ayer’s camp at Oak Lake.23 Ueυnυbi was suffering some from lameness of the great toe cord. One half of the way or more was swamp & much water. It seemed as if I was using up life—muscles of the thigh & leg cramp a little—and two or three times I was almost disposed to camp, although it was yet early, but the hope that we were near animated us & we traveled on. A little before sunset, we arrived at the camp. I was too much exhausted to eat. Drank some tea & ate a little bread—gathered a little wood & laid me down to rest. A light breeze from the W. & toward night, from south has prevailed & I think without doubt that Br. Ayer arrived safely at the Brule. The heat was considerable & but for the breeze I should have given out before night. Sabbath May 19th 1839. Rested well last night, but feel very uncomfortable with languor and exhaustion. Scarcely any appetite. Drank a little chocolate & ate half a biscuit for breakfast. But for the fresh south breeze, I should feel exceedingly oppressed from heat. We have made an awning of one of our blankets. Have been worshipping, singing and talking of the 21. On the first page of this journal Ely listed the things he left at Fond du Lac: 1 canister tobacco, 1 box of candles, nails, 1 roll feather bed, 1 bark sugar, 1 brass kettle, 1 iron pot, 1 iron kettle. 2 wash tubs, 1 stand, 1 rocking chair. 22. Nindibens’s eldest daughter, baptized as Marie on September 6, 1835, was about fifteen at this time. St. Joseph Register, La Point. 23. Where Ayer had camped on his way from Pokegama to Fond du Lac.

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good things of the Kingdom. Noon—feel somewhat revived. I bless God for his mercies. O! for a bleeding heart this day. Have been praying for Br. Ayer & our families & for Pυkegυma. Evening. During the heat of the day felt almost borne down to the earth, sometimes scarce able to walk. A very little exertion excited a painful degree of languor, but feel a little revived this evening. The labor of thinking has been at times burdensome. My mind somewhat disposed to gloominess, but struggled hard to look above, & trust soul & body with God. O, may God bless & protect my dear C. & little Mary & Delia, both in soul & body. The Lord prosper them all in their voyage. I think Br. A. has been perhaps preaching the Gospel to some souls today.

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Monday. Quite weak this morning. Spent an hour or more in repairing moccasins. Cooked our breakfast at Pυkueauea of Willow River [Willow Lake] at the outlet of the lake whh Br. A. crossed on a raft. We found the water so much lower as to leave the raft several rods on dry ground. We therefore fell at work & constructed another—following the Willow river down, we arrived at Kettle River about 4 oclk. P.M. There we found the raft, but it would not sustain us. In trying it we wet nearly every thing in our packs. Enlarged it, & crossed in safety. Camped on the bank of the river bottom about half way to Pine River. We were scarce able to secure a blanket for a roof before a powerful thunder shower began to fall. Secured a little dry wood under our blanket with which to kindle a fire. This P. M. have felt quite strong. Tuesday. Started at sunrise. At Pine River, found Br. A’s bridge gone. On our side of the river there were no trees near enough the bank of sufficient height to reach across. While Ueυnυbi cooked, I built a raft. The boy quite sore in his left foot. Reached Kitijiuυn [Grindstone] River before sunset & slept in Br. A’s camp, & crossed on his bridge. Wednesday, May 22d. Left our camp in high hope of reaching Pυkegυma today. Very shortly after leaving, we took the wrong route—instead of observing the road to Bemijigυmag whh branched off to the left, we kept on straight. Our road became more & more obscure, as it is very little travelled—occasionally the track appeared like those of our cattle (of last

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month), but were probably nothing more than two deer tracks together— we went on two or three miles when our road entered a swamp, which I was sure the cattle never crossed. Here we concluded to retrace our road. The trees were marked only on one side & in returning we could see no marks.24 I therefore placed the boy at one marked tree & searched for another, & called him there, & so on, until we came back to the cattle track. After much searching about went back still further, & discovered the plain road turning off to the left. The cattle had probably wandered on beyond the road, which was the reason of our missing the road. It was now mid-forenoon, & we pressed on to retrieve our loss of time. A shower commenced falling, but we heeded it not, supposing it would soon be over. About 11 oclk cooked. Rain continued, but concluded we would cross a large swamp in whh water was a half leg deep—when across, we pressed on. The shower increased, so that we were wet through. I had taken the precaution to put my match-box with my knapsack. Being wet, we could gain nothing by camping. When the heavt of the shower was over, we pressed on. We only expected to get to Bemijigυmag to day since we have lost so much time. We again lost our tracks & searched about an hour before finding it. About sunset, arrived at the lake. Collected fuel congratulating ourselves [page torn] the prospect of a good fire to dry us, & a good supper to cheer us. I put my combustibles in order, drew forth my matches. I applied one to the sand paper, but it was perfectly wet. Again & again—the same. No fire! The boy was shivering & myself becoming considerably chilly, we scraped the little mush whh was left in the kettle in the morning, & gave the boy the last cake. We then shouldered our packs & started on at a smart pace in order to get a little warm. After a short time we concluded to stop, finding no shingobiz [fir branches] we collected bushes & laying the top inward, made a very soft bed. Stripped off all our wet clothing. Chafed ourselves with our blankets, put on what dry articles I had in my knapsack, & spreading our dripping coats under us, & pulling our half wet blankets over us, we gradually became warm & sunk in sleep. When we awoke, the sun was already up considerably high. We would have been glad of a warm breakfast before starting, but our only hope was to get one at the house. We therefore, 24. Marking trees by chipping the bark was another way of indicating direction. Hilger, Chippewa Child Life, 105.

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after returning thanks to God for his protecting care, started on, arriving at Someguagυning River [Mission Creek]. We ate a handful of raw wheat coarsely ground & a bit of raw pork, felled a tree for a bridge, & followed the stream downward to the portage into Pυkegυma Lake, 3 or 4 miles. We had part way followed an old track whh had led us too far N. Arrived at the mission about 11½ oclk Tuesday. Friday May 31. Br. Ayer & our families arrived safe & well. Wed. June 5. Started for falls of St. Croix in a canoe for a load of provisions with Nadoue & Bauitigυnini.25 Sat. 8. About midnight arrived home—before our load was disposed of the morning broke—had expected to be home by 11 oclk. Tuesday 18. Br. Boutwell left for Lepoint on his way to the States in a canoe with Nabaose and Bapt Laprairie, who are to bring in a load from FondduLac on their return. We sent our little daughter Mary by Br. B. to Rome N.Y. to the care of Mrs. Mary Wright & daughters, who kindly offered to take & educate her. May God go with & protect & bless her.

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[ Journal 13 ends; Journal 9 resumes.] June 18. Br. Boutwell & family embarked for the States. We send our little Mary with them. Expect Br. B. will meet letters from Rome, from whh to learn whether to take Mary beyond Lepoint.26 The Indians of the Mississippi, having heard that they are to receive payment at Lepoint are about going to St. Peters to protest, & request to be paid nearer home. Neguυnebi & son of Mille Lac came this way to persuade Shagobe27 to accompany them. He left also this morning, expects to be about 10 days. Wed. 26. Mr. Connor28 arrived bringing letters from Mrs. Wright, the Am. 25. Benjamin F. Baker had opened a store or trading post at St. Croix Falls. Parker, Recollections of Philander Prescott, 168. 26. The Wrights lived in Rome, New York. Mary was only three years old at this time. 27. Shagobe was identified by Schoolcraft in 1831 as war chief on the Snake River. Mason, Schoolcraft’s Expedition, 120. 28. Thomas Connor (Conner) had long been a trader in the Folle Avoine (St. Croix) country. He first appears as a voyageur on the nwc List of Men for the Fond du Lac Department in 1805. Masson Papers.

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Board & A. W. Ely & our files of papers &c. He met Mr. Boutwell & deld him his mail, whh was not enclosed in the box. Mr. B. consequently did not get Mrs. Wrights letter. This will put me under the necessity of going or sending an express to Lepoint. Mrs. W. thinks she is too young. Thursday 27. Hired Asinibuan to take letters to Lepoint. He left this morning. Gave him 15lb flour & 5lb pork—said if anything should prevent him he would send back the provisions. Sat. 29. This morning Baiejik handed us the package sent by Asinibuan. Said his child was taken sick & could not go. I enquired if A. sent back the provisions? B. said he sent none, but he gave them some.

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Monday, July 1. Sent off Buanens for Lepoint, who assures me he shall not fail of going. Am to give him $9 & rations to go & return in 15 days. July 11. Shagobe’s son, David, arrived from the mouth of Snake Riv. bringing letters from St. Peters. The party who accompanied Shagobe from St. Peters consisted of about [blank in Ms.] men, women & children. In Lake St. Croix, they were attacked soon after break of day by a party of Sioux. A line from Mr. Russell states that 21 Ojibues were killed, men, women & children.29 Shonia’s wife gives the following account of the attack. “Just at the dawn of day, as she was preparing her effects to embark she heard one shot, & then a cry that the Sioux were upon them. She caught her sleeping children as did another woman who camped with her, & fled to the water’s edge, prostrating themselves under the bank—directly, her husband appeared & they embarked amid a shower of balls—the father & mother paddled— the children skulked in the canoe—they fled to an island near. The other woman paddled her canoe alone, her husband remaining on shore to fight. A ball passed through the canoe of the other woman, among her children, without injury, save endangering their sinking. After the battle was over & the enemy retired, they ventured to visit the camp. The first object she saw 29. Some St. Croix Ojibwe who had accompanied a group of Mille Lacs Ojibwe to Fort Snelling were followed and attacked on their way home by Sioux warriors in retaliation for the death of a Sioux on July 2 by a different group of Ojibwe. “They were violating no rules of Indian warfare.” Pond, “Indian Warfare in Minnesota,” 130–32.

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was a young man who had slept in their lodge lying dead on the beach. The Sioux had brutally cut up & bruised many of the bodies, almost to a pumice. Many heads were taken off & carried away & all scalped save the young man on the beach. Mr. W. A. Aitkins was with the party. He fled leaving his tent pierced with numerous balls. His own side was grazed by an arrow while rising. His men Annotagυn, Jack Bonga & Francois Bruney were wounded. The one in the thigh, the other in the arm—flesh wounds. The attack was made on foot, they left their horses a little back, under a hill.” Shagobe was wounded slightly in the heel. Neguυnebi of Mille Lac was [wounded in the] shoulder & his son killed. There are now here four orphan children, their father killed fighting, the mother shot through the body while paddling her children to the island. She lived two days. Shonia’s wife says—“by the side of Mr. A’s tent lay a Sioux dead. Those who returned to the camp scalped & bruised the body shockingly, as the Sioux had done to some of the Ojibues. Much plunder was carried off.” A man named Uυtυp called here. He had lost his whole family, wife & 4 children. These Ojibues were mostly from Mille Lac. Not a Pυkegυma Indian was among the slain. It is reported that the party returning to Mille Lac were attacked on Rum river & about 60 killed—if so, a large portion of that band are cut off. Nothing is known of Pυguυnegizhik’s party, who returned by the Mississippi. Monday 29. Mυkode & his wife from the Mille Lac band were here yesterday.30 They were of the party who were attacked on Rum River—75 were killed, i.e. 14 men, the rem. women & children.31 10 men escaped—himself one, & his wife the only woman!! She ran with a boy & girl in each hand, running beside her, & by her astonishing speed & strength outstripped her pursuers & saved the children. There were 17 other boys & girls escaped— consequently the party consisted of 105 souls, & 30 were saved. The Sioux amounting to nearly 200 were mounted. The Ojibues had raised camp & 30. Mok-o-da was listed as a subchief of the Mille Lac Band in 1850. Chippewa Annuity Rolls, Reel 1. 31. According to Rev. Samuel Pond, the Dakota waited until the men were out hunting and then attacked the rest of the band, who had started on their way back to Mille Lacs. About seventy were killed. Pond, “Indian Warfare in Minnesota,” 132.

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were on their march, the women & children ahead. Their first notice of the approach of the Sioux was by a cloud of dust, & in a few moments, they were upon them. In both parties attacked, about 96 Mille Lac Inds. have fallen. They smoked the pipe of peace with the Sioux at St. Peters, & exchanged visits. Messages & tobacco have been sent to the different bands of Ojibues already to prepare to renew the conflict. July 22. Nabaose & Baptiste arrived day before yesterday. They left Lepoint July 6, but not being able to ascend the Brule from low water, they buried the stove, 1 small box [of ] nails &c—crane &c—took the boxes to Fonddulac, left their canoe in chg of the man at the post & returned across the country. Br. B. writes, 5th vessel just in—will probably sail the 8th & expects to embark in her. Buanens ought to have arrived on the 6th & perhaps he did. [There are no more entries for 1839 in Journal 9, but there is another small journal, Journal 14, covering August 4 to October 1839.]

Journal 14 August 7 to October 20, 1839

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Voyage from Pokegoma to Lepoint & back, Augt to Oct. 1839. Wed. Aug. 7, 1839. Rainy morning. Embarked in John’s canoe at noon for the head of Bemijigυmag.32 Joseph [La Prairie] & Nebauυse with me. Hired John to take me down, Mr. Walker also, to Snake River. Two showers this P.M. Have come on 3 encampments. Crossed 4 swamps. Have just attended worship, Jose leading in prayer. God bless us & those behind. Thursday 8th. Cooked in camp, & started with the sun. About 8½ oclk, crossed Kitajiwon-sibi & 5 P.M. Pine River. Camped on Kettle River 3 miles above Pine River. Hearing a pretty sharp growling, & knowing it to proceed from a wolf, Nabaυse dropped his pack & ran to see what was the matter. Two young wolves were fighting. Before he could prepare his gun for them, they took fright & were off. Friday 9th. Started a little after sunrise. Crossed (forded) Kettle River ½ 32. Ely was now going to La Pointe to retrieve his daughter Mary.

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mile below the mouth of Willow R. & crossed Willow R. about the same distance above its mouth. Men have complained much of fatigue. They have seemed determined to day to push me ahead through the wet grass (drenched with dew). We are camped on a brook a short distance S. of Nυmijitiguaia Sibi. Have taken hold of pork & puddings this evening with a pretty good appetite. Have had a couple of partridges to cook with them. Every day—7th 2. 8th 1. 9th 2. Thus God feeds us in the wilderness, & better food than this, he gives to those who hunger for it. Sat 10th Aug. 1839. Arrived at Fondulac about 5½ oclk P.M.33 Jack Herbert came and ferried us over. The first news was the death of Batabi day before yesterday. His prominent complaint was great pain in the head. Had been ill about one month. Was buried yesterday. His family & Sogakomin’s family are the only Indians here, & old Mr Belangie & Jack34 are the only persons at the fort. Mr. B. has given me a room in the house & we are very comfortable. Praise God for this. Mr. B. is quite unwell. Pain in the head.

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Sabbath Aug. 11th. A day of rest—quite stiff in limbs & back. Have attended worship in the family & at Sogakomin’s lodge. The mission houses (that were) are shut up. The door of the dwelling house had been unfastened by some one. Every thing is much as I left it. I have made this my sanctuary. Have dedicated myself to God & plead the promises with fresh earnestness, especially the promises for sanctification. Joseph & self enjoyed a season of worship here. Monday 12th. Rose early—removed box of iron & vinegar bbls to the store—found 16 planks left—put them into the chamber. Kishkag had taken 6 for Batabi’s grave, which I approved. Wind sprang up from the East. Kishkag wished to embark with us to go to the payment in behalf of Batabi’s family & his father’s. Although rather short of provisions, I consented. Jack has treated me like a brother. His rations were almost at my service—at least some part of them. He baked two gallettes for me—filled a dish with butter & my kettle with milk. He was very glad to see us, as Mr. B. has been sick—no one about the fort until Batabi came home to die— 33. Although they were going to La Pointe, they decided to go via Fond du Lac because the Brule River was very low. See July 22. 34. This may be Joseph Herbert, boatman in the Fond du Lac district.

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was probably lonesome, urged us to stay till the morrow. Embarked about noon, and encamped at Pυkegυma [on the St. Louis River]—had hoped the wind would fall at sunset, but continues blowing. Find more pleasure in pleading with my God than talking with my men. Tuesday. Awoke & found it calm, but by the time we were fairly started the breeze sprang up from E. again. Came on however to the entry. While cooking, Nindibens family arrived from near Lepoint—Kishkag turned back with them, learning that it would probably be long before the payment. Wishes his & Batabi’s family’s portion delivered to Poueguυneash— prospect that it will blow all night, and of course tomorrow. Wed. 14th. Awoke & found all calm. Embarked after sunrise. At the Brule found the cache whh Mr. Boutwell’s men had left taken up—all taken save things which an Indian would not take steal—Viz—a cooking stove. Conclude that the cache has been removed to Lepoint, either by Mr. Hall’s direction or by Dubrielle, in whose care it was left. Has been cloudy nearly all day. In crossing Gaapυkuaieka we were drenched with showers—a heavy fog followed. Are encamped at Cranberry River.

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15th. Started about 2 oclk (A.M.) dense fog. Arrived at Lepoint about 4 P.M. Found many there—all well. Miss White died at the Mission about 1 week ago.35 [In a letter to David Greene written September 4, 1839, from La Pointe, Ely expresses his thoughts on the missionary vocation and his doubts concerning his own efficacy.36] Return. Wed. Oct 2d 1839. Embarked with Mischele Bosquets’ son & a young Indian Pimose.37 Have about 12 or 14 pieces besides Br. Boutwell’s dog Lion. Have come on leisurely. We encamped at Sand River. Mr. Connor also arrived about dusk—has taken supper with me. 35. Miss U. C. White was a member of the mission community at La Pointe. 36. Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 37. Michel Bousquet’s son Michel was about sixteen years old at this time. Chippewa Claim 87, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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Thursday. A light breeze ahead. P.M. a fine east breeze about 2 hours— sailed from Birch bark point to Gaapυkuaiika where we camped. In the night a heavy wind rose. Friday 4th. Heavy east wind. Sat. Wind variable. Swells somewhat abated, but cannot get out yet. Thunder shower this morning. Mary appears a little unwell. Breeze has been fresh from the south twice today for an hour at a time, without sensibly reducing the swell—then suddenly came fresh from off the lake.

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Sabbath, 5th. Fog. Wind light. Evening—swell gradually falling. Has been quite peaceable today, except now and then a shot at a duck. My boys have enquired twice since we left Lepoint if I should travel on Sabbath. I gave a decided answer. They thought it better to travel. The object was to keep in company with Mr. Connor. It will undoubtedly be for my advantage to keep in company for the boys will be stimulated to exertion. I was therefore prepared to receive it from God, that Connor was also detained by the wind. I made a grand fault today in not taking an early opportunity to dedicate myself to God, & implore His presence. I have suffered in consequence, doubtless, all day. Lord, help me to remember such lessons. About 9 oclk P.M. a boat arrived from Fondulac. The clerk (Bonga) stated that he had seen a letter from Sandy Lake stating that the Indians of Pυguυnegizhik’s band had, in passing that place, killed 4 of Aitkins cattle & one horse—also 3 of the Compys cattle & destroyed their crop of potatoes. The boat passed on. Monday Oct 7. Embarked after sunrise & arrived at the Brule about 10 oclk. Cooked. Came a few miles up the rapids. Soon found that the boy Michell knew nothing of the rapids. He commenced steering but the Indian was obliged to change. In the bow Michell was not able to choose his water. The Indian had a double task—to steer, to make up the deficiency of the boy’s skill by his own strength & management. We very frequently therefore got upon stones, & broke our canoe once badly. Came on a few miles & encamped. Met Moses & brother. Tuesday, 8th Oct. Succeeded better in keeping up with Connor. The boy was

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a little disheartened last night and I find it for our interest to keep up. The boys are saying that they will go no further than Yellow Lake—that they were told to go no further by the old Buffalo. Maiajijiuυndo has concluded to turn back. I have written a line in pencil to Br. Ayer. After noon, broke our canoe very badly. Unloaded and repaired. A violent shower came on. The boys were determined to overtake Connor if they travelled till dark. The rain fell in torrents so that they could not see the stones. I covered myself & Mary with the oilcloth, although I was much wet, having worked polling as yesterday, but twice have been in the water. The boys have waded nearly ¼ of the time. Made the first portage. It was near night when we arrived at Connor’s camp. They had landed in the rain—no fires. I put Mary into his tent cold & damp, shouldered my axe & went in search of wood. Kindled a fire with difficulty, secured our load. Cooked and lay down in our blankets, wet or very damp. My poor boys were indeed rath[er] comfortless—have been wading much of the day, & thoroughly drenched in the powerful rain—nearly an hour. Clothes & blankets wet—my bed, and in fact all the load much wet from the breaking of the canoe, & from leaks. Our canoe is a poor thing, not properly built for the river.38

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Wednesday 9th. Water about one foot higher than yesterday. Started about 9 oclk. Things all wet and heavy—arrived at portage about noon—touched stones but 3 or 4 times—yet very leaky. Quite a pleasant day—are camped at the upper end of the 3d portage. Arrived between 3 & 4 oclk—have spread out things to dry, & are quite comfortable tonight. All is in God’s hands. He will accomplish what seems good to Himself. To Him be glory forever. Amen. Thursday 10th Oct. Water fell about 2 inches. Were hardly afloat before our gum was broken. Rapids strong. Made the fourth portage by 10 oclk. Canoe broken in a new place. Gum almost gone—bought about 6lb & ½ lb tallow of Mr. Connor. He seems to pity us, & waits for us apparently longer than they would ordinarily rest. Directly after leaving, we got again on stones & were obliged to unload & repair. Boys almost discouraged. Did the best I could to animate them. They told me that they should leave me at Yellow 38. They were now going up the difficult rapids of the Brule River toward the headwaters of the St. Croix.

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River. Embarked again—used all diligence to keep off the stones, but would occasionally touch one. Rapids furious. Came on briskly and soon arrived at Connor’s camp. Here we have procured bark and Uυtυp [root of fir or pine], & are mending our poor canoe. If the water were very low, I have no idea that we could get along with our load. Our canoe would soon be torn in pieces—it is very round. Canoes for the river should be very flat. I now can see how God was blessing me in keeping Connor & self together in the lake. If he had gone ahead as he would, if he could have travelled on Sabbath, we should have been both out of gum & provisions, for our flour is nearly gone, and he has flour to lend me. We were kept back for this rain to fall in just the right place & time to help us forward over the worst rapids. We go forward with trembling. O! Lord guide our way!

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Friday 11th. A series of strong rapids in the forenoon. P.M. a strong current, & pretty deep & crooked—Uυdυpikaa.39 Have not seen the sun today—in fact have not had but one or two sunny days since we came from Le Pointe. Began to rain lightly some time before we camped. Cooked up the last of our flour for supper. We have destroyed 75lb about 7lb per day—besides pork say 25lb & ¾ bush potatoes. Mr. Connor lent me one bag (1/2 bbl) of flour. Sat. 12th. Came up several very strong rapids—passed Nebeυgυmouin-isibi [Nebagamon River] about 11 oclk. Canoe leaks badly. Hit very many more stones than we should if my bowsman Michell had been watchful & experienced. Came [to] the lower Pυkueaua. At the small portage were obliged to gum, although near night. Came in to the Upper Pυkueaua, to Mr. Connor’s camp.40 Boys tumbled the baggage ashore without any care & went to bed leaving it uncovered. Got Michell up to hold the light & covered it myself. Sabbath Oct. 13th. My boys were determined to go on. They did not enquire of me, but at once expressed their determination. I requested the Indian who has my bales to wait for me at the portage, whh he agreed to do. Mr C started off in good season. My boys had already begun to gum—I took no notice. Michell fell to cooking. They, after breakfast, mentioned to me 39. Wadabika, there are alder trees. 40. Two lakes on the Brule River, now known as Lucius Lake and Big Lake.

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that they were ready to go. I laid the command of God before them—they decided that they were willing to risk all consequences of God’s wrath, &c. I told them I could not consent. They proceeded to load & had put aboard about half the load. I had sought my duty in prayer, & went to them & remonstrated. They had insisted that they would leave me. I determined to remonstrate & leave it all to God, & if they did embark, to embark also. My remonstrance in God’s hands was effectual to turn them. They said they would wait till noon. I put out my things to dry, for we had not been fairly dry since we came into the river, from our poor leaky canoe. I looked at my wet bales—mould had already commenced. I opened it & spread it to dry. It was noon before all my wet things were spread. A little respite at midday. This afternoon in packing up. Thus although I had strength to resist this morning in obedience to God’s laws, almost all the day has been occupied in business. God knows all the reasons, and will justify or condemn. If I have erred, I feel it is in packing up. That might have been put off till the morning. The influence too is in God’s hands. Judge me, O! God! according to thy tender mercies! At noon my boys concluded on the whole it was best to wait till tomorrow. Monday 14th. I was up by very dawn of day. Boys gummed. Ate & began to load. In a short time there was several inch[e]s of water in the canoe. I said it was best to unload & gum. The boys said No! I commenced unloading myself. They, seeing me determined, assisted. After the canoe was out of the water, the Indian went up to the fire & sat down. I called him to gum. He replied that Michel & myself must gum—for himself he had used his best care in seeking out the leaks & was unable to do any more than he had done. In a few minutes I showed him some 8 or 10 places in the main seams where the gum was cracked sufficient to have sunk the canoe in ½ an hour. He said no more, but went about gumming. So careless are they I cannot trust them. Sun was half hour high or more when we embarked. Came with our paddles all day—arrived at the portage about 4 oclk P.M. Nearly all our baggage is over with the help of Indians. We are camped at this (St Croix) end. Mr. Connor has got his baggage over & is near ready to start in the morning. Our canoe is yet at the other end but trust we shall not be much behind him, although we rested on the Sabbath & he travelled.

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Tuesday 15th. After much hesitation the Indians started off for the canoe— for $1 each but did not succeed in getting it over without the help of both my boys. Annυtagυn had a quarrel (fight) with his wife last night, and then she went off. When Mr. C. was ready to start she was not to be found. The man spent at least an hour in searching for her. In the mean time we were getting ready. Annυtagυn finally embarked without her & child. It was near noon when we started. Have encamped at the road across the plains to Le Point, a little below the mouth of Bizhiki-ui-sibi [Ox Creek]. I have treated my boys too well, as I begin to see. I have worked diligently until this afternoon coming down stream. Because the canoe made but little water comparatively, they wished to leave it in the water with the load in. I said no! Unload and gum. I proceeded to select a place for my tent, and went some 5 or 6 rods from the water. Michel had told me before to make a fire. He now told me I was too far from the water. I told him I shall camp where I pleased, and proceeded to arrange my tent &c. The baggage was tumbled together in usual style. I arranged it and covered it. Carried up my bed &c. I had told Michel to bring up my trunk, but although he heard and commented, yet he took no notice. I brought the trunk—Michel at length made a fire. I called on Michell to cook the kettle. He refused. I then asked the Ind. if he would cook. He replied, I do not know. I said, “I shall not cook for you any more.” I weighed out their rations ¾lb pork & 2lb flour each per day. They shouldered their gun and blankets & went off in the road. When they returned I gave them their rations, & cooked my own supper, & sat down in peace with Mary to enjoy it. If I had given them rations from the first & made them cook for themselves, it would have been better & I would have saved provisions by it. They are a strange people. If I treat them as myself, they grow arrogant & abusive. Wednesday. Michel came to the tent. I offered him their rations for the day. He refused, & walked away. He was came again. I asked him what he was intending to do. He replied “Return home.” I replied they could do as they pleased—called Mr Conner to interpret for me, & told him what I thought of his conduct & that he might go, but I would pay him nothing, nor give him any provisions. The Ind. came & enquired why I had spoken untrue concerning him—said I had accused him to Michel. I denied, say-

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ing I had only spoken of him who was abusive yesterday. He said he did not wish to leave me. I assured him of good treatment—I would steer the canoe & Michell might go. I gave him some pork & dough for his breakfast. The next I saw was—both the boys putting the canoe into the water. They were more attentive in putting every thing aboard—have been very respectful today & this evening, without telling brot up all that was necessary to the tent. Cooked their own supper apparently with good content. My plan this morning was to go down the smooth water to Kabυmυbis village, & there wait the arrival of men from Pυkegυma, or to cache my goods & embark with Mr Connor. He afterwards told me that himself & Edward (his son) had concluded by themselves to cache my goods & take me on their canoe.41 “I sought the Lord and He heard me, and delivered me out of all my distresses.” We have been on many stones today & sometimes aground in the midst of rapids. Were obliged to gum just before night, & arrived late at Mr. Connor’s camp. Have been myself in the water 3 times lifting the canoe off the stones—water cold cloudy & raw. Annυtagon found his wife at Kabimυbis village. Thursday. Yesterday put two bales on to Mizhinaue’s canoe whh he is to carry down to Yellow River or thereabouts for $1 each. This morning started with hopes that we should be able, thus lightened, to keep with Mr. Connor, but by 10 oclk we broke our gum so that we were obliged to unload in all haste. A little after noon, again we put a new piece of bark nearly one foot square. Mizhinaue remained with us, & piloted us down the rapids. We gave up the thought of seeing Mr. Connor’s people tonight. We concluded to come on to the Nυmakagυn, although we were obliged to bail our canoe every half hour or less, in order to get past the shoal rapids before we gummed again. We broke our canoe badly again on the shoals just above the river—could hardly keep the water down by bailing. I told them to put part of the load ashore. They expostulated—finally not being able to move an inch without all our help, they first put one or two pieces off. I saw that all in the canoe would be wet—myself fell to throwing pieces off. The boys said they would not come back after it. I debarked & took Mary 41. Edward Connor, the eldest son of Thomas Connor and Susan Duchene, was twenty-eight at this time. Chippewa Claim 178, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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on my back. This was nearly opposite Connor’s camp. The boys not being able to get the canoe along Annυtagυn waded over to their assistance & piloted them down. He then with my Indian came for me & the rest of the baggage in Mizinaues small canoe. My canoe must have a new patch in the morning. Weather has been cloudy, damp & cold and rather comfortless. I am writing by fire light, as candles are gone. Friday 18. Left our camp in high hope of touching no more stones this side of Snake River, but notwithstanding, dragged over some & find it necessary to bail frequently. About noon arrived at Yellow River. My men were intending to go down to the Sioux Portage, but doubting whether I should get any Indians to take me on to Snake River, or home, & feeling it not safe to be set down among a gang of thieves, I resolved to stop here, & wait till Mr. Connor should go to Pυkegυma in a few days, and embark with him, & leave my goods, or get one of his men to take my canoe & load with myself to Snake River—there cache & proceed home with him.42 I told the boys to unload—they hesitated some time, talking among themselves—finally proposed to take me home if I would leave my load here. I proposed that they take all to Snake R. Then we would leave all but my bed, basket, blk trunk & provisions and go up light. To this they finally agreed. Mr. C. had already bid us good day & started up Yellow River, supposing I should remain. We started off. Came down a little below the Sioux portage to the Ind camp. Here my men wished to camp. I refused & we went on, not without some grumbling. It was indeed near night. We camped a mile or two below. Very cold. Poor Michel was almost naked have[ing] torn his pantaloons apart in the rapids. I sold him a pair for $5 this morning. Saturday 19th. My moccasins were frozen stiff in the tent. My little kettle of plants frozen. Embarked and went down about ½ mile to an Indian lodge. Here was Shawυnash, who accompanied Mr. Bushnell43 from Lepointe. My boys & he were mutually glad to meet. He was on his way home. He 42. At this time Thomas Connor was managing the Yellow River post, while his son Edward had the Snake River post. Report of Licenses granted by Daniel P. Bushnell within the Lapointe Subagency, 1839, Correspondence of the Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Sent, Reel 388. 43. Daniel Bushnell was the Indian agent for the La Pointe sub-agency.

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proposed at once to go with them to Pυkegυma for the sake of their company. We started off but within ten rods we broke a hole in our canoe on a stick—put back & repaired. Again afloat—came down finely, shooting at every duck that was any where near gun shot—killed one. Soon after we came in the rapids, broke our canoe badly, and put ashore in almost a sinking condition about noon. Our canoe is too heavily loaded for its shape, being deep in the water, the bark so rotten that a slight touch breaks it. My boys have never been in this part of the country, & Shauυnash acts as guide in the rapids & steers, ready again to load.

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Evening. We were not afloat one hour before we put ashore half full of water. Concluded we could not get to Snake River with our load—therefore cached near all of it. Crossed over the river & marked a tree opposite—were continually breaking our gum. Unloaded & used our last gum. Again aboard. Came down ½ or ¾ mile, & were obliged to put ashore and camp, it being near night. We are on the west shore of the river, a short distance below Kettle R. About every thing is wet. Had a supper of bread and coffee—am drying my partially wet blankets. Every thing freezes away from the fire. Here we will rest & praise God on his Sabbath. May His presence be with us. My boys are talking of starting on foot for Pυkegυma on Monday morning. They despair of ever getting there in our canoe. May God direct. Sabbath. About 11 oclk the boys went up to the lumberman’s camp on Kettle River, about 1 mile above us, but as they could not understand each other, the men are not probably aware that I am here. We cooked our last bit of pork this morning. Of our small slice I made shortening for bread enough to last myself & Mary tomorrow, which, with a little coffee must suffice. The boys brought 2 partridges of which we had a mouthful & some broth. [ Journal 14 ends here. There are no more entries for 1839. Frederic Ayer, in a letter to David Greene dated November 4, 1839, stated that “Mr. Ely arrived from Le Point on the 20th of Oct. having been absent nearly 2 months. He is now in school and will devote most of his time to it this coming winter.”]

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Chapter 10

Events of 1840 to 1842

Journal 9 (continued)

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February 11 to February 14, 1840

1840. February 11th. About 3 weeks since we were stirred up to more earnest prayer & faithfulness in preaching the word. Upon a call being made, if there were any who were determined to seek the salvation of their souls, the whole congregation rose. Among them Mr. Russell & Swartz his hired man, Baiejik & family. The church have not waked up. John [Maiigans] stands censured for gambling & denying the fact. As a church we have a dark prospect. We have been endeavouring to form our church into a class meeting, & also a class of enquirers who put themselves under our watch & care for instruction & reproof. There are now 12 or 13 names on the list of enquirers. Our meetings are full. Some indications of solemnity among the Americans. Hold a meeting with them once in a week.1 This evening was our meeting for the church & enquirers, but others came in. Louis, who has acted very strangely for some weeks, made confession this eve—seems humbled. Charlo also feels troubled. Remained after meeting to converse with me.2 Thursday 13th. A day of fasting & prayer. John was not with us. His heart is known to Thee O! God. Evening—meeting for church & enquirers—8 or 9 present. Some others who attended appeared solemn. 1. The Americans were the lumbermen who had been pouring into the St. Croix Valley since 1837. 2. Louis La Prairie, son of Joseph La Prairie, and Charles Cadotte.

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Friday Eve, 14. Br Ayer & self met the Americans at the shantee by appointment—no cavilling—all appeared solemn.3 One said “He had known something of religion when he was a boy of 15, was satisfied that he was unprepared to die. He had felt since he had been in the shantee (3 weeks) that if it would have done any good, he would have been willing to have walked the length of the lake bare-foot.” We urged immediate repentance on them all. [ Journal 15 begins.]

Journal 15 February 25 to March 26

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Journey from Pυkegυma to St. Peters, 1840, Feby 25 to March 25 [26] February 25, 1840. Left home in company with Mr Jeremiah Russell for St. Peters.4 Started about 8 oclk A.M. with a dog train. Came about 3 miles below White wood River. Became much fatigued guiding the train in the ruts of the sled road in the woods, which extended most of the way down Snake River to the St. Croix. Found myself so exhausted that I could not eat nor work—soon became sick at the stomach & vomited. Wed. 26th. Drank a cup of coffee. Ate nothing but a small biscuit. Came to Sun Rise River—was much exhausted. Made a cup of tea & ate a little parched rice at a small river above Trading River. Felled a couple of trees across trading river to cross our train. Struck into a cutter road—felt fatigued—soon came to a good camp—wood all cut. Argued with friend R. that prudence justified our camping. He was unwilling & we pressed on. About 8 oclk arrived at Falls of St. Croix. No appetite—drank freely of coffee. A restless painful night—pain in every part of my body. Have hardly ever endured such a night. Thursday. Little or no better. Afternoon took a sweat. More comfortable— no fever. Considerable arterial action—quite weak. 3. A shanty made of logs served as living quarters for a crew of lumbermen. Larson, “On the Trail,” 352. 4. Jeremiah Russell had been appointed Indian farmer for Lake Pokegama under the provisions of the Treaty of 1837. He had recently taken up residence in the former trading post of Thomas Connor at the south end of Lake Pokegama. Ayer to Greene, April 1840, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). Russell was going to St. Peter's for cattle.

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Mr. Foote (the agent of St Croix lumber Co.) is at the Lake St Croix & has old Lion on whom we were depending for our train.5 Shagobe & two sons arrived yesterday. Today himself & eldest son are drunk. Mr. R. went to Denins to see him. I do not wish to see him drunk! Friday. About 10 oclk A.M. set off. South wind & sun. Intend to go to Judd’s.6 Arrived about 4 ock.— are treated with great hospitality—went to bed late. House hot—did not rest. Saturday. Rose by 3 A.M. Breakfasted before daylight—started at dawn. A soft foggy day—softened very fast—little water on the ice—generally no snow. Arrived at Lake St. Croix. Stopped at Wm Stitts.7 Endeavored to hire some one to take us down to the Mississippi. Ice was going so fast apparently that Mr. R. has felt very bad that we were making so slow progress, & said I ought to have stopped at the falls. I told him I could go no further today, but offered a man $3 to take us to the mouth of river, but could induce no one to go. Toward evening felt quite rested, & we started on, thinking to go to Lagrews,8 but arriving at Bruces, Mr. R. advises to stop—find them a hospitable family—Catholics. Have had 18 children—8 have died, 7 or 8 are at home. They are poor, but labor to appear like decent people. House is the most tidy I have seen.9

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Sabbath, March 1st. A beautiful mild spring day—feel quite stiff and weak— rose rather late. Have felt the necessity of counteracting the various tendencies to worldliness, for the old man is very loquacious & they have 5. Charles D. Foote, carpenter for the St. Croix Mill Company. Parker, Recollections of Philander Prescott, 169. 6. Lewis Judd had a claim at Marina on the St. Croix with David Hone since 1838. His brothers George and Albert later joined him. Durant, “Lumbering and Steamboating,” 650; Gilfillan, “History of Lumbering,” 294. 7. William Stitt left the afc to trade for Benjamin Baker in 1836, and when Baker gave up the trade in 1838 to open a sawmill on the St. Croix, Stitt remained with him. Trader’s Claim 3, Half Breed Claims, Lucius Lyon Papers; Parker, Recollections of Philander Prescott, 168. 8. Joseph Sansfaçon dit Lagrue, one of the first settlers in Hudson. Goodman, Minnesota Beginnings, 328. 9. Charles Bruce was the son of a North West Company trader and an Ojibwe woman. He himself had traded and served as an interpreter for the company, and he seems to have retired to the Red River Colony. Sometime after 1831 he removed to the United States with most of his family. Chippewa Claim 46, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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Canadian ideas of Sabbath keeping—i.e. saying their prayers & abstaining from common labor. Monday. A restless painful night. Arrived at Mason’s house at the outlet. Found Mr Foote there. While there a constable arrived with a warrant for Mr. Foote, Mason & man, for Sabbath breaking—they having spent yesterday in surveying. The constable Brissette gave me a seat in his sleigh to Mr. Browns.10 Mr. Russell with old Lion added to his team, followed behind. Came on to More & Robertsen’s—Gray cloud Isl.11 Tuesday. A restless painful night. Mr. R. started for the mouth of Lake St. Croix to buy Mr. Footes bull. Returning, the animal & train fell through the ice, and, after fruitless endeavors to render him assistance, the poor animal was overcome by the force of the current & was swept down. Mr. R. arrived late & weary. [Written in margin] Drunken Indians about the house all night.

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Wed. Rheumatism in my back during part of the night. Gradually wore off. Left late in forenoon. Arrived at Little Crow’s village about 2 oclk.12 Had an agreeable visit with the Methodist Missionaries—was sorry to part with them so soon.13 Was pleased with Br. Brown. Had a talk with the Little Crow. He says he has answered Shagobe’s letter of last fall about 15 days since. Says if the Ojibues of the St Croix keep north of a line from some point on Rum River to the falls of St Croix. Came in to Perry’s (Pigs Eye).14 Here we are treated as at a public house, & feel much at home in consequence, although the viol and dance are merry in the kitchen—feel very clear just now. 10. Joseph R. Brown (1805–70), a trader with the Dakotas since 1838, was also involved in the lumber industry. Living on the Wisconsin side of the Mississippi opposite Grey Cloud Island, he was at this time representative of Crawford County in the territorial legislature of Wisconsin. Neill, History of Minnesota, 462–63. Constable Brissette is Edmund Brissette, a Canadian who arrived at Fort Snelling in 1832 ( J. F. Williams, History of the City, 85. 11. Hazen P. Mooers (1789-1858) and his son-in-law Andrew Robertson moved their trading house from Little Rock on the Minnesota River to Grey Cloud Island in 1838. Goodman and Goodman, Joseph R. Brown, 148-49. 12. The Dakota village of Little Crow was Kaposia, on the west side of the Mississippi about ten miles below Fort Snelling. 13. The Methodist missionaries at Kaposia were Alfred Brunson and David King. Hobart, “Religious Movements in Minnesota,” 63. 14. Early name of St. Paul, where Pierre Parrant, the one-eyed whiskey seller, ran the public house. J. F. Williams, History of the City, 64–66, 85.

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Thursday. Left Perry’s about 4 oclk & arrived a little past 10 oclk at Mr. Sibley’s, mouth of St. Peter’s River—open.15 Crossed both rivers near the fort. P.M. part of “Black Dog’s” band are here.16 Mr. Sibley laid before them the substance of the Ojibue’s letter.17 They said they had no intention of making war against our Indians &c. It is natural for them to make no distinction between different bands of Ojibues. (The Little Crow yesterday drew a line from Rum River to falls of St. Croix, & said “If he meet the Ojibues S. of it he would fight them, but would not pass it.) Afterwards went over to the “Fort Snelling.” Called on Maj. Plympton, acting agent, & presented the letter.18 He said he would give me a piece of advice, i.e. not to be a bearer of communications between the parties. Requested me to call again, & in the mean time, proceeded to take some measures on the subject of a reply. Called on Mr. & Mrs. Denten, Swiss missionary to the Sioux.19 He has been in low health. In the evening, returned to Mr. Sibley’s. Mr. Russell has gone to Kittson’s.20

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Friday. Saw Little Crow again at Mr. Sibley’s. Does not believe the Ojibues sincere in desiring peace so soon after so great a loss. Does not feel disposed to go into the Ojibue country for war. P.M. Walked to Lake Harriot, took the wrong track, which led me to Lake Calhoun at sunset. Was not able to discover any house. Climbed a tree & discovered Lake Harriot south and west. Arrived at Mr. Pond’s just at dark.21 15. Henry H. Sibley had been the afc trader at the confluence of the Minnesota (St. Peters) River and the Mississippi since 1834. Gilman, Henry Hastings Sibley, 38–41. 16. The Big Eagle, a Dakota chief, was commonly called the Black Dog. His father was Little Crow. Riggs, “Dakota Mission,” 137. 17. This was a letter Ayer had drawn up for Shagobe in the fall. Ayer to Greene, November 4, 1839, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 18. In 1839 Lawrence Taliaferro retired as Indian agent, and Captain Joseph Plympton became commandant of Fort Snelling. Gilman, Henry Hastings Sibley, 77. 19. Samuel Denton and his wife Paris Skinner were missionaries serving under the auspices of a Swiss missionary society, the Société des Missions Evangeliques de Lausanne. 20. Norman W. Kittson (1814–44), formerly sutler at Fort Snelling, was at this time a trader. 21. Samuel and Gideon Pond had established their first mission at Lake Calhoun and later worked at Lake Harriet. In 1842 they opened their mission at Oak Grove. Riggs, “Protestant Missions,” 126–31.

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Sat. Took medicine. Sab. Somewhat relieved. Mond. Mr. Gid. Pond lent me his horse to ride out to Mr. Sibley’s. Called at Mr Denten’s—removed all our things to Kitson’s, as River St Peters is getting very bad, even to cross on foot. Retd to Mr. Sibley’s. Tuesday. After breakfast started for Mr. More’s across the prairie.22 Took a wrong track which led me some distance out of my way, retd & took the right road. Arrived at Mr. Mores about 2 or 3 oclk. Mr. Sibley paid me Mr. Warren’s draft in fav. Nodin $40.

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Wed. Started after breakfast with a yoke of oxen & sled whh Mr Russell purchased of Mr More, & also 1 cow, 1 heifer & a yearling bull whh I purchased of Mr. More. Mr. Robinson sent his man with me to take the cattle to St. Peters. Mr. R. & a Frenchman accompanied us to the slue. We were not able to get the cattle over before 2 or 3 P.M. Came on 5 or 6 miles, & camped on the shore. I had no blanket. The man had two. We had only flour & salt beef, & only a kettle. Made a supper of beef & flour paste. I bought an axe of Mr. Robinson—stuck a sled stake into it for a handle & succeeded in chopping some wood. Thurs. Had a little trouble in crossing a brook. Our cattle crossed well save the little bull. He was determined not to pass. We laboured long in vain—at last we hemmed him into a thicket & caught him—tied my belt to his horns & pulled him over. About noon were obliged to ascend the bluff—fell upon the track from St Peters to Lake St Croix. Came to Evan’s—got some hay for our cattle, who had eaten nothing since last night—also a cup of coffee & a piece of hard bread for ourselves, & a bundle of hay on our sled. Arrived at Perry’s about 4 oclk or after. Cattle not very well broken. Cows follow well. Friday 13th. Arrived at St Peters, opposite Kitsons about 10 oclk—put our cattle in McDonald’s yard.23 Mr. Russell had procured no guide, nor direc22. Hazen P. Mooers also had a trading post at Shakopee. Minnesota Historical Collections, 14:519–20. 23. Donald McDonald was described by Philander Prescott at this time as a whiskey trader. Parker, Recollections of Philander Prescott, 169.

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tions concerning our route. I had the impression it would be best to go by Rum River, & fall upon Snake River. Mr. Quin arrived this P.M. from Rum River, & gave such a discouraging account of the route that we concluded to take a guide & go across to Sunrise River.24 We accordingly engaged Menock, a half breed (Red River) to go with us.25 Sat. Accomplished little by way of preparation. Sabbath. Attended Episcopal service at the Fort. Rev. Mr. Gear is their Chaplain.26 P.M. Spoke to a few brethren near Mr Kitsons. Brs. King & Brown of the Methodist Mission were present.27 Evening. Br. Brown spoke to us—a few soldiers were present. I made a few concluding remarks. I have taken my meals mostly at Br. Prescotts, & lodged at Kitsons.28 Monday 16th. Menock cannot start today. Got our baggage all over the river to McDonalds, & spent the night there. A brothel—two or three men of abandoned character stay here—McDonalds family at the camps—Murty an Irishman carries on a petty trade in liquor & a few goods—buys clothing for liquor of the soldiers—& half drunk himself most of the time I judge. He surely was when we slept there. Himself & a comrade concluded about 10 oclk to go over the river to a fellow grogbruisers house, & we were left in peace for the night.

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Tuesday. About 10 oclk started, came on about 3 miles on the St Croix track, & then struck northerly. Crossed a beautiful prairie & camped by a small pond—have made 7 or 8 miles. Wed. Started about 6½ oclk—have passed several lakes—stopped to rest about 11½ oclk. Heard the drums of the fort at our camp this morning. Crossed 2 lakes on the ice. At last lake fell on a trail leading to Sunrise River. 24. Peter Quinn was an Irishman living at St. Peters, an occasional interpreter for Fort Snelling, and a former trader at Crow Wing on the Mississippi. Chippewa Claim 48, Lucius Lyon Papers. 25. This may be Menock Dyerly, described as an employee of the Fur Company. Larpenteur, “Recollections of St. Paul,” 367. 26. Ezechiel Gear was an Episcopal clergyman who was appointed chaplain to Fort Snelling in 1837. 27. Rev. David King and Rollin Brown. Methodist Episcopal Church, Minutes of the Annual Conference, vols. 2 and 3. 28. Philander Prescott, a trader married to a Dakota woman.

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Thursday. Last night we had a fall of snow, about 3 inches—a great mercy to us. A piercing cold wind. Came to a lake whh it was expedient to cross in order to shun a stream & swamp bog. Yesterday there was probably much water on the ice, but the snow falling into the water & freezing, had rendered it passable near the shore, but after getting out a short distance, the oxen could not stand & draw—we were obliged to unyoke & drive them ashore—put half the load on the dog train, whh the dogs took over. We then harnessed the dogs to the ox-sled, whh they also took over with a little occasional assistance. Made shore on a point of hard timber—elm, ash, basswood &c—the first we had seen. The rushes were very thick, whh was a great comfort to our cattle. Kept round the shore of the lake till we were stopped by a river connecting two lakes about 40 rods apart. The river was open, save about one rod of ice. I cut a passage through it. Harnessed the dogs again, & made a circuit with our loaded sled round the mouth of the river. Had been covered mostly with water before the snow & was now not frozen hard. Ice scarcely able to take our sled across. Drove our cattle across the river—came on three or 4 miles & camped by a swamp. Nothing for our poor cattle to eat but dry (dead) grass.

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Friday. Came on finely—at near night came to a stream tributary of Sun Rise River—made a foot bridge of trees poles—carried our baggage across—after some difficulty got our cattle over. Camped on the other bank. Sat. Crossed a little brook with deep grass banks—had difficulty in getting the train & sled over. About 9 ock came to Sun Rise River—after an hours or two delay found a shallow rapid—drove through it but the cattle were not able to take the sled out rise [to] the bank—took them off the sled—got into the water & lifted the sled on to the bank. Crossed a beautiful prairie—arrived at the forks of Sun Rise River near sunset. Hard timber. Camped on the bottom—abundance of rushes. Praise God for his prosperity. Sabbath—a day of peace. Some comfortable thoughts of God. On Friday nearly all the forenoon was spent in an unusual exercise of prayer, humiliation & importunity for quick[en]ing grace. Monday 23d March. Felled a tree across the river. Crossed our baggage on

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it—arrived at the mouth of Sunrise Riv. befort noon in about 2 hours. Here Menock’s duty was at an end, we pd him $12¾ & he left us. Mr. Russell’s mind was to leave me with the cattle & go through to Pυk. & get a guide, while I thought we might go forward ourselves. He concluded to go on until night—passed a tract of wht. pine—every where strewed with logs—tedious to the cattle & ourselves. Came to a small river—yet frozen—water running over the ice—crossed on the ice, & camped on the flat beyond. Tuesday. Ascended the bluff—country—oak open—brush & (open) swamp. Swamps yet frozen. Our best travelling. Came into poplar & swamp alternate—poplar a complete thicket—passed a tract of hardwood.

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Wednesday. Poplars & swamp continue—nearly all day in maple country— timber changing into pines & occasional tamarack swamps. Forenoon—fell upon a well marked trail—spotted trees—quite old. In some places our patience was taxed to follow the track. I was quite rejoiced to find the trail & finding that it led on in our direction (N.W.) Thursday, 26. A little past noon saw indications that sugar camps were near, & soon we arrived among old & extensive camps. Knew not where we were but concluded we must be near Rush lake, as the best camps are not far from water & the Indians never go far from rivers or lakes to make sugar. We left our cattle to graze & followed the descending ground, expecting to find a lake near. Struck up on a track (snow shoe), & followed it, came to a lake—plenty of tracks on it, where we concluded the Inds. had gone to spear fish—followed a sled track, following up the lake. When looking about us we saw that we were opposite Snake River, & the lake was Bemijigυmag! About 6 miles from home!! Ice on the river was very bad, full of holes. We concluded we would return to our team, secure the sled, leave the cattle to graze & go home, in order to ascertain we could cross Snake River, or if not, to get a guide to take us up to the outlet of Pυkegυma. Arrived home about sunset. Just 30 days out—God has prospered us for which we praise him—found all well—our friends somewhat anxious for us. Schwartz was intending to start for Rum River tomorrow in search of us.

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[ Journal 15 ends here. There are no further journals or letters written by Ely in 1840. According to Frederick Ayer, Ely’s time was “wholly occupied in school.”29 In late October 1840 the Elys received word that their daughter Mary, whom they had sent to live with Delia Cooke in St. Louis, had died there on October 2 at the age of four. Journal 16 begins in 1841.]

Journal 16

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March 19 to 23, 1841

Journey to Knife Lake—1841. [Fri] [journal torn] day March 19, 1841. Started about 8 A.M. for Knife Lake,30 rested at Pυsaiigυni [Mud Lake] about noon. About three at Snake River—followed down to find a place to cross as it was open and deep. Crossed on the ice although it but sustained one. General course N. of W. Struck N. W. for Knife Lake, but it seems I was too low down, for I soon fell upon a stream which I supposed to be the out[let] of Knife Lake. I followed it up till I came to the lake—followed a fresh track across the lake to some recent camps but finding no one, turned about determining to follow a road where I supposed he had gone—looking down to the end of the lake I espied two women & a child. I made all haste towards them, hailing them. They proved to be the wife & daughter of Nodin & an old woman. The girl recognizing me at a distance ran to meet me. I had passed very near their lodge. They were returning from a visit to Baiejik’s lodge. When I got into the lodge it was clean as a pin, & the chief sitting in all his dignity to receive me—all appeared pleased. They are now preparing a cup of tea for me. Saturday 20. Rose and mended my pantaloons, whh were a little the worse at the knee for the brush of yesterday. P.M. attended worship. After breakfast (of rice & tea) started to visit the camps, with Nodins two eldest girls for guides, & first Mitiguabins, 2d Obimueue, 3d—Abυnui, 4 Baiejik, 5— Shυniu & Uabaie. Heard Baiejiks children read & sung with them. Returning—6 Ueonυbi. Read the scriptures. 7. Shagobe—remained long 29. Ayer to Greene, April, 1840, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 30. Site of the (maple) sugar camp. Ely was visiting the people in their sugar camps.

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—read Commandments. Saw only Abυnui, Shagobe, Ueonυbi & Maiajijiuυndo—other men gone hunting. Invited the children to Nodin’s lodge tomorrow. Also expect Baiejiks family & perhaps others—feel a slight head ache & obstruction in the bowels, consequent on my hard travel up the river yesterday. Boiling sap—did not attend worship with them.

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Sabbath March 21. Before I had completed breakfast, Baiejik & children came. I commenced teaching Nodin’s children, then read parable of Ten Virgins, & description of judgement in Matt 25, sung a hymn & Baiejik & self prayed. Three of the six children came & Kate, making 9 scholars in all. Heard them read, sung & read the scriptures till dinner. Taught them again, sung, read the giving of the law & had them repeat the 10 Comds after me & remarked—dismissed them. Read to Baiejik the remainder of Matt. viz Death & Resurrection of Christ. Kuandibe came from Niυni Sagaiigon yesterday—spent the night here—left for home (2 encampments West) just before prayer. Monday, 22d March. Started about 8 oclk again for the camps—found nearly all the men & some women & children assembled at Mitiguab’s camp to partake of the first fruits of the sugaring. They saw me come to the lodge and invited me in. A large kettle of rice was cooked & sugar mixed with it. Shagobe harangued the company. I did not understand that he made any address to the Great Spirit, although he often spoke of his mercies to them. He offered me a dish of rice & sugar. I declined, but took a small bit of sugar & ate it. I left them & started for Abυnui’s lodge, but steering too far to the right I passed it, & fell upon Shapine camp a mile off. Called in a moment—as I was going away the woman, who was out at work, called me back & gave me a dish of sugar. I spoke to her of God a few moments. Came to Kinυzhen’s lodge—found the mother & children—spoke to them of the 5th Commandment & exhorted them to obedience. Came to Baiejiks lodge—found them boiling sugar. Heard the children read—read & conversed with the old man till afternoon—gave me a small cake of sugar. Came to Shagobe’s lodge. Shagobe gone—a dish of sugar & with a spoon was set before the Kitimagυt of David, their son who died last spring.31 31. Gidimaagashkimod, a mourning bundle, such as described by McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 293–94.

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The wife gave me a dish of sugar. Abυnui’s lodge—found the wife boiling sap—exchanged a little salt for some rough rice which I wish to sow as an experiment. Obυniueai’s lodge—found her with very sore leg—read to her of Christs healing the sick, & exhorted her as I was able. Mitiguυbens was present. Came to his lodge. Maiajijiuυndo was there—soon Mitiguυbens came in—spoke to conversed with them of tilling the ground, of God, & our dependence on him, of the certain spread of the Gospel & the importance of their listening to Gods word before they die. The wife was there. Near night arrived at Nodin’s lodge hungry, having eaten nothing but a little sugar since morning. He had taken pains to send to another lodge & buy some parched rice for my uapu home, & had some cooked for me. They have exerted themselves to treat me in the best manner. I acknowledged their kindness, & promised to send them a piece of pork for apaboueuin [seasoning], if Baiejik would bring it.

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Tuesday. Was out on the lake with my pack on my back by sunrise, waiting for Baiejik—after half an hour he came accompanied by Maiajijiuυndo. They took from a cache 2 mυkυks [birch-bark containers] of cranberries. Each took one & we marched. Course S.E. A road of last fall led to Snake River—crossed on the ice. Then took the old road. After about half a dozen smokes pipes (for my old companions had lost much of their former vigor) we came out to Pυkegυma. Ice was bad near the shore. When we had got out about ¼ mile, found the ice so bad that it was not safe to cross. We very carefully retraced our steps, & coasted the lake round to Mr. Russell, where the Ind’s being tired left their berries, which they intended for Mr. Ayer. We shall have to bring them ourselves. [ Journal 16 ends; Journal 9 resumes.] Pυkegυma 1841 Monday, 10 oclk A.M. May 24. While I now write, the noise of battle rages without. Our settlement is attacked by a large party of Sioux.32 Nearly two hours since the terrible scene commenced. The attack first commenced on the other shore on the sand point. 32. The Sioux were retaliating for the recent deaths of Kai-bo-kah and his son near Fort Snelling and for two sons of Big Thunder at St. Croix Falls. Pond, “Indian Warfare in Minnesota,” 133–34.

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13. The sand point on Lake Pokegama where the little girls were massacred on May 24, 1841. Photo by the author.

A canoe of five or six men Three young men started for the point Mille Lake this morning to carry the news of Julius & Uezhema’s being killed at the falls of St. Croix, and when near were fired upon by the Sioux.33 We saw a great splashing in the water, as though they were chasing, without doubt those in the canoe were all killed. Josephs and Baptists family sprang to their canoes. The Sioux fired upon them but none killed. Two little girls that took those young men to the sand point were killed & scalped & beheaded. The Sioux fired about two hours upon Josep[h]s and Baiejik’s houses, but none killed. Joseph is wounded in his arm. Baiejiks son, the Sun beam, in the head & Simon on the collor bone. There was about 111 Sioux and 6 or seven women, and a few boys came for the plunder. They undoubtedly thought to cut off all the Chipeways at this place. The attack commenced about 8 oclk. The Sioux came in on the Knife Lake road which terminates in the bay S. of the sand point on the W. Shore. 33. On May 11, Julius and Uezhema, sent on an errand to St. Croix Falls, had come upon the two sons of the Kaposia chief and killed them. The Sioux then returned and killed Julius, but Uezhema was unhurt. Pond, “Indian Warfare in Minnesota,” 134; Ayer to Greene, August 1841, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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14. The island on Lake Pokegama in the story of the massacre on May 24, 1841. Photo by the author.

Some twenty or more continued up the W. shore, the larger party turning S. round the S. end. The women, boys, elder men & some others remaining in Mr. R’s field, witnessing the attack. Yesterday P.M. there was a smart shower, & the weather heavy & damp. They must have arrived in sight of the lake during the P.M., discovered the position of our neighbors & concerted their plans. The appearance of the canoe placed the party on the opposite shore under the necessity of firing upon them or being discovered, but they probably supposed their fellows ready for the attack upon our settlement. The attack commenced between 8 & 9. I was in Br. Ayer’s house, when John (Maiians) came running to the door with his gun in hand, crying out “Ninisigonan Buanυn” “We are killed by the Sioux.” I had not before noticed the firing on the opposite shore. We could distinctly see the splashing of the water caused by the escaping of the young men & the Sioux killing the children. We however had not a thought that one of them could escape, from the number of the Sioux as they stood in a line on the sand beach. Within two or three minutes a volley was fired at or near Joseph’s (S. of us). I started towards my house, & saw Joseph’s &

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Baptistes families, & Gakinuakazi & Sophia—all the women & children in that quarter in two canoes a few rods from the shore, paddling for the island, crying. The shots were fired at the canoes, but without effect. Within a minute or two more, the houses of Baiejik & Buanes were attacked above us.34 A heavy fire was kept up—in fact the strength of the party was here. These two houses had fortifications around the doors. Baiejiks especially was well fortified. The party attacking Buanens took position behind the body of Shagobe’s house, directly beyond, & thus cutting off retreat in that quarter. There were several canoes on the shore, & as if anticipating that the women & children would retreat to the island, a party was stationed under the hill. Perhaps I am mistaken concerning this party, since they may have been those back of Shagobe’s, although I should doubt it. As soon as the canoe on the sand point was fired upon, the air rung with a wail from the island, and as soon as it was perceived that the enemy was on this side, the fathers of the two children (killed) Ishkibυgikozh (father of Jane) and Nigibuan (father of the elder girl & one of the young men who escaped) came over to defend the canoes on our shore, lest the Sioux should take them & attempt to come to the island. They were probably observed by the Sioux. It was soon that we heard the firing under the hill (on the shore). Ishkibυgikozh shot one through the breast. It became necessary for them to retreat, but having no paddles at hand, the former sprang into a canoe & paddled with one hand, lying down, while the latter swam & towed it. An incessant fire was kept up upon them. I stood in my door watching with intense interest the result of every discharge—the balls glancing on the water, and (sight being quicker than the ball) they dodging their heads. It seemed to me that they moved at a snail’s pace, impatient as I was to see them out of danger. When they were about two thirds across, a canoe came off from the island, & helped them out of danger. John’s family had gone to the island the night before. He himself therefore fled into Baiejiks house. There were then 5 to defend the house—John, Baiejik, Asinibuan, Sekasige & Simon. At a moment when the firing ceased for a few moments, & Simon & Sekasige incautiously ventured out around 34. There were at this time, besides the missionaries’ houses, at least four Indian houses, all built since Ayer moved there in 1836. Baiejik, Buanens, Shagobe, and probably Maiingans each had a house, as did as the mixed-blood Joseph La Prairie.

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the corner of the house seeking for a lurking Sioux when a rifle ball struck Simon in the shoulder above the collar bone, & passing through struck his brother in the side of the head. Had not the force of the ball been spent, Sekasige must have been instantly killed. They were not so seriously injured as to prevent them from walking about. One Sioux was shot through the breast by Asinibuan. I saw him borne off across our field, & the savages retreated. As soon as it was know[n] on the island, all the men then came over & with them the mother & grandmother of one of the girls killed, the one armed with a spear, the other with tomahawk, looking as if they were ready for single combat. In about half an hour Messrs Coe, Kirtland & myself went across to the sand point to bring the remains of the two girls. We found the bodies lying at the waters edge, decapitated, the heads lying together on the sand at a little distance from the bodies. The entire scalps taken off, and a tomahawk, buried to the handle in each skull. A piece of the skull of one was cut off from the side of the head, hanging by a small portion, & a few inches of scarlet riband wound round a wisp of dry grass stuck into the brain. They were evidently killed in the water, hauled out by hair or arm & beheaded, as no blood of consequence was seen on the sand, except a little from neck. The right arm of Nigibuan’s daughter was taken off at the elbow—we made considerable search for it. It was carried to Mr. Russell’s, hanging at the muzzle of a gun. It was horribly mangled & thrown into his garden. John Garmon afterwards buried it. An arrow stuck in the hip & a broken lance lay by the side of Nigibuan’s daughter. I believe it is a custom to leave the weapons used in killing their enemies in or by the bodies. Their gun was also left. The coats of the young men, blankets & all their things—powder horn of one of them—all remained. Their canoe was taken by the Sioux to carry off one of their number wounded in the knee by the young men. They could not have fired less than two rounds, & yet only one of the young men was touched—Mozomane, brother of Nizhema was struck in the hand, shattering the thumb bone next to the wrist. The children were pierced th[r]ough & through the vitals with balls & lances. We drew the hatchets from their skulls, washed off the already dried sand from the faces, spread a blanket in our canoe, laid in the bodies, placing the heads in their proper places, & covered them with another blanket, brought them to the island,

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laid them out in the same order on the ground & left them amid the heart rending wail of their relatives. The attack upon Joseph as related by himself & Louis is substantially this. They & their families were planting by the houses. The attack on the canoe at the sand point drove them to their canoes. As Joseph & Baptiste came up the bank they saw a party of Sioux in the midst of Baptistes garden, advancing up the rise to the houses. Joseph had spent his days in the Indian trade & was known by many of the Sioux. He is a halfbreed, enrolled as a citizen & taxable.35 Knowing something of their language, he hailed them & told them that they were Frenchmen. The Sioux halted a moment, & then pointed at the canoes. Joseph told them they were their families fleeing from fear. The party fired upon the canoes but did no injury. Joseph seeing them levelling at him sprang toward the house, & as he got to the door, one fired & wounded him badly in the arm just below the elbow. Baptiste, who it seems on first alarm had seized his rifle now fired upon the leader & shot him high in the hip—probably mortally. As he fell, they bore him off & Bapt. escaped into Josephs house. Louis was yet out. He had gone back into the woods, & discovering the trail of the main party who had gone to attack the houses N. of us, & also seeing some of their feathers accidentally dropped in the path, knew them to be Sioux & hastened home to embark his mother & family. As he was coming up the rise of ground from the E. (the Sioux came up from the S.) he heard the attack at the house & stopped. Joseph came out & seeing Louis, called him to come in, but seeing his father’s arm braced up against his breast & his clothes very bloody, he thought his father was mortally wounded. He said his heart sickened—he thought his father was killed, & said to his father “They have killed you & now they may kill me too.” The father explained the nature of his wound & they entered the house together. Just then the Sioux returned to the attack. Joseph then concluded that he must fight—he took his gun, levelled, but was not able to discharge it, the spring being stiff, & he so weak. As he held it under his arm a Sioux fired in 35. Joseph was the son of an old trader, Joseph Duchene (La Prairie) and his Ojibwe wife, Obimegazhigoque. See Birk, John Sayer’s Snake River Journal, 28–30. Baptiste and Louis were his sons. In his claim for the mixed-blood payment in 1839, Joseph Jr. stated that he had six children, all of whom drew annuities as Indians. Nevertheless, his son Jean Baptiste, twenty-eight, did enter a claim and was admitted. Chippewa Claims 97 and 179, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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at the window with a rifle. The ball struck his gun barrel near the middle & completely perforated it, 3⁄16 of an inch in thickness, & rendered it useless. The grains of powder from the rifle were blown into the gunstock, so near was the discharge. Finding himself unable to take any part in the defence, Joseph betook himself to prayer while Baptiste & Louis fired upon the Sioux. They would come up by the side of the house, (they had no fortification), put the muzzle of their guns in at the windows & fire at random, filling the house with smoke. Louis barely escaped one of those shots. I saw from my window a Sioux step up to a post about 15 feet in front of the door, & taking deliberate aim, fire. He endeavored (as it appears) to fire through the clay between the window casing, but he probably failed—several other shots were thrown with the same intention. As we were on our way to the pointe after the bodies, several shots were discharged from Mr. Russells point, probably calling the whole together, & was answered from the party on this side whose retreat was slower, having two dead to carry off. They carried their killed & disabled into Mr. Russells house, 2 of each. A few others were slightly wounded. They killed a cow, sow, & pig—for Mr. R. & Baiejiks cow and calf. They put their dead & disabled into the bark canoe they took at the point & moved off up Snake River. From the appearance of their trail from the scene of action back of us to the lake shore, they without doubt dragged off their dead on the ground. Four men were carrying off the body killed by Baiejiks when I saw them. On our return, the whole party fired a parting salute to Pυkegυma, of some two hundred guns I should presume, & then commenced their retreat.36 1841. Pυkegυma. Death of Mary and Delia. t Sept. 2d Thurs. Last Friday Aug 27th Delia was attacked with dysentery. At 2 oclk P.M. today, God took her to himself, without a struggle. It is just 11 months today since Mary died at St. Louis, where we had sent her to the care of Sister Cooke, who had kindly offered to instruct her—she was sick about 4 weeks—for particulars see Miss Cooke’s letters. Mary at death was 4⅓—Delia, 37⁄12 yrs. 36. William Boutwell, who arrived at Lake Pokegama shortly after the Sioux attack, wrote to David Greene: “The third day after the Sioux retreated, the Chipys followed their trail & found the bodies of the two men. They scalped, cut off their heads, & brought home the flesh & made a feast of it. Not many days after this affair [they] fled & hardly an Ind. has been seen at P. since.” September 28, 1841, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

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Br. Boutwell’s little Louisa was attacked last Sat.—is very ill. Little Frank has been ill of mucuous diarhoea two weeks—is much reduced.37 There has been considerable dysentery in our vicinity. Monday Sept. 6. Louisa Boutwell died this morning at 7 oclk. Sab. Sept. 12. Today, no meetings. We observed Thursday as a day of fasting & prayer, & contemplated celebrating the Lord’s supper today, but Br. Boutwell, Sister Ayer, Br. Coe & little Ely Ayer are more or less sick & under the operation of medicine. The principal difficulty is a disordered state of the bowells. I have resorted to medicines at two different times during our illness, & when Delia was buried, was not able to attend.38 [There are no more journals for 1841; Journal 17 begins in 1842.] Pokegama Abandoned

Journal 17

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Mary 1842 Monday January 17th. Learning last evening that Edwd Connor would go to the camps of our Indians today, I rose at 1 oclk & fell to mak[in]g bread for my nauapu, & had several loaves in readiness. Left home about 9 oclk & reached the camp with about 5¼ hours travel. My provisions (consisting of bread, sugar, & parched barley for coffee) & a few necessities items of clothing, on a dog train. When the Ind’s were at Pυkegυma lately, they recd intelligence of what was supposed to be a war party of Sioux at the falls of St. Croix, & on their return fell to fortifying, in whh Br. Ayer who was with them assisted them.39 The stockade is about 15 rods in circumference & contains 6 lodges. Their mode of fortifying is to set string pieces from one tree to another supported by crotches leaning against the trees—[jour37. Franklin Whiting was born on April 16, 1840. H. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 227. 38. On September 18 Ely wrote to his brother Albert, then studying medicine at the University of Virginia, for advice on treating dysentery. Albert’s reply, penned on November 7, is found in the Ely Correspondence. It is an interesting treatise on the medical knowledge of the period. 39. Ayer had gone north with the Pokegama Ojibwe to their winter camps, while Ely stayed at the mission. They were now to exchange places. Catharine Ely stayed behind.

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nal torn]d on the outside to set timbers ab[o]ut 8 ft leaning inwards, with small loopholes cut here & there between them. Found Br. Ayer well, & pretty busy, having about 20 old & young under tuition. They were afraid to hunt much & were much comforted by information we brought them the party of Sioux were probably not on a war excursion but came to the falls to buy provisions with whh to remove back to St Peters. Tuesday 18. Br. Ayer started for home with Mr. Connor, & I assume his duties. Wed. 19. Lamed my right shoulder yesterday, probably in bringing wood. Cannot hold my head erect without pain. The slight cut in my knee whh I got from the axe on the train in coming, is a little troublesome also, & withal the dreariness of this Indian fortification sinks the spirits a little.

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Thurs. 20. Last night was very cold. After laying down, I shook and chattered like one in an ague for perhaps an hour. Some cold & some nervous perhaps—rest much broken all night—lameness in my shoulder & neck (right side) quite troublesome. Wrote a letter to Cath. expecting Charlo will go to Pυkegυma tomorrow. Friday 21. Charliou & others did not go to Pυkegυma. As far as I understand, the trip was differed because Ishkibυgikazh has prophesied that tomorrow there will be Sioux about Pυkegυma. This he knows by peculiar itching & affections of parts of his body. This idea is strongly held, even by our Indians. Joseph this morning & Louis contended for it. Jos. told various stories in proof. Louis said when his shoulders were affected by twitching of the nerves, when his collar bears in carrying, he knew that he should carry game, &c. My back is decidedly better—rested well last night. Sat. 22. Did not teach this P.M. & evening. Spent the P.M. in work &c the eve in meditation. I have 22 under instruction. Sabbath, 23d. Meeting at ½ past 10. Read the preaching of Peter to Cornelius, the opening of the door to the Gentiles, & added such remarks as I was able. P.M. Read part of 12th Luke. Charles was not in meeting today for reasons unknown to me.

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Monday 24. Last night, had another severe rigour & considerable pain in my leg—meditated seriously of going home until my limb shall be relieved. About 9 oclk finding Asinebuan & wife going to Pυkegυma, I concluded to accompany them, although my knee was rather stiff yet walked with considerable ease. Arrived home about 4 P.M. Feby 25th Friday. After sitting in the house in consequence of my lameness two weeks and working another, I at last made ready to return to the Indians last Monday, but it being late before I was ready, Br. B. said I had better wait until the morrow. In the meantime it was concluded that Mrs. Ely accompany me on a visit to the women, who had not been here with one or two exceptions, since the flight. Accordingly on Tuesday morning, we started with a little provision & a few necessaries, on a train & our little boy lashed into the middle of it. It was a pretty wearisome days travel for Mrs. E., as the child became fatigued by the jolting of the train in the woods, & she was obliged to carry him on her back more than half the way. We arrived at the fort in the twilight of the evening, but found the Indians had removed before the Sabbath. Supposing that I would come soon, they had left our blankets & also a guide board (something tied to a pole to render it conspicuous & stuck up, leaning in the direction they had taken). There was plenty of wood in the camp, & we had only to get our supper & lie down. Just before starting Wed. morning, heard several shots from where they were encamped with an excellent snow shoe road. We went on cheerfully, & in about 2 hours came to the camp—found they had just moved again—their fires were still burning. We came up to them a little before noon. They were all busy in pitching their lodges, & throwing up snow breastworks for defence. Mrs. E. brought her child nearly all the way today. Finding Joseph’s lodge too small to accommodate us all well, & preferring also to be by ourselves, I obtained the assistance of Charles & Louis, & set immediately to work to erect a cabin. We set up a ridge pole with crotches against two trees, planted stakes & lashed poles with bass wood bark. Cut & split poplars, & set them perpendicularly around the frame. Mrs. E. rallied a party of women & gathered a good quantity of shingobiz [fir branches] for covering & bed. We moved into the cabin yesterday P.M. Today I have completed battening my house with split poplars, placing

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shingobiz under the battens, & banking up with snow about half the height of the siding. We are now as comfortable as any of the lodges & withal have a little less smoke. This morning commenced snowing—we spread one of our blankets upon our roof in order that the snow may not remain on the roof & annoy us by melting—it is covered 3 or 4 inches deep. Our cabin is a hexagon, about 10 by 12 ft. in dimension, & will resist all the musket balls the Sioux will fire upon it. In the mean time Mrs. E. has attended daily to the teaching—I myself in the evening—also attending worship in the lodges. Recd a letter today from Br Boutwell by Baptiste, who went yesterday to Pυkegυma. He appoints the first Sab. in March as a Sacramental Season & wishes all of the Chh who can to come in—also requesting me to converse with Baiejik & wife & satisfy myself as far as possible as to the propriety of admitting them to the communion of the Church. Sat. 26. This morning Baiejik sent for me into his lodge. The substance of his discourse was, that he had now been a long time (nearly 3 years) under our instruction—he had often wondered why he was not baptized & recd to the table of the Lord—he thought that he was not probably considered by us worthy—not sufficiently upright in heart & life—he indeed knew but little of God not having been so faithfully instructed as some of his neighbors who were in the church. He had been told th When last at Pυkegυma, he opened the subject of admission to the ordinances of the Gospel, of himself & wife, & recd no reply—lately some had been called to go to Pυkegυma to attend the Communion, but he recd no message—he intended to serve God—the ways of God were better than that of Indians or wht men—he intended to see who would serve God best—they who knew more than he, or himself. He should raise camp after the Sabbath on his way to a lake called Nemekag [Sturgeon Lake], a lake E. of Kettle River, & between Moose head & Oak Lakes. His son was then about starting for Kυkabikans with a load—also his son in law Asinibuan, who would accompany him. At noon I called Baiejik into my cabin & enquired of him respecting his views of his duty to God & the world & his family, to whh he gave satisfactory answers. I explained to him the nature of the sacraments, & the object

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Christ had in view in requiring & that should influence us in desiring their observance—that it was by our lives that we honoured Christ before the world & that by our lives our characters were known—that it was on this principle that the observance of the Sabbath was so repeatedly & strenuously urged upon our people, &c. &c. I know not why he should not be recd into the fold of Christ on earth, but he, like all other Indians, must be followed by “line upon line & precept upon precept.” I find that not only Baiejik but Joseph’s family are becoming disconcerted with the plan of going up the St Croix to locate. The principal reasons urged are—that there will be many Indians there, & no resources for sustaining them all—that the land is very poor & very little of it fit to till—that they will not feel safe from their enemies even there. They speak of Kettle river, above Pine river, as more secure, because more difficult of access to their enemies, & withall nearer Pυkegυma, & that there they can find plenty of good land. May God direct them. Sab. 27. This morning, subject of discourse was Gall[icians] 5:24, in connexion with Rom[ans] 6:13. In yielding our members to sin, we furnish Satan with weapons against ourselves. P.M. The institution & objects of the Lord’s supper—Mat[thew] & 1 Cor[inthians]. Baiejik not present, although notice was given of what the subject would be—perhaps he staid at home in order that his children might hear concerning the sacraments, since they & his wife were all present. He has expressed a desire that they too might receive the sacraments of the Gospel. He seems not to have correct ideas of who are proper subjects for those ordinances. After meeting, called his wife in, & enquired concerning her state. She expresses no hope of having been pardoned through Christ, but hoped that she would be forgiven if she obeyed God’s commands. Said she had broken off many of her former bad habits, yet there were a few which she sometimes indulged in. I exhorted her to “yield her members servants to God unto holiness.” Meetings today in Joseph’s lodge—attended worship this eve with Baiejik. Tuesday Mar. 1. Baiejik came in early this morning, & wished me to go to

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Pυkegυma today instead of the morrow as I had before set. Br. Boutwell had set the first Sab. in Mar. as a sacramental day & word had been sent to our people inviting them to come in. Soon after my arrival, I was satisfied that it would [be] better that a special season be appointed for them & that the ordinance be administered in their camp, as none of the women could go to Pυkegυma, even if expedient. This is the reason why I go before the last of the week—tomorrow the men will be also here. Arrived about 3 P.M. Thursday. This morning early our people left for home. I did not accompany them because my business was not completed, & also because the weather was too soft for my train. It was concluded that if Cath. is disposed, we remain with the Indians during the sugaring season. Friday 4th. Left the mission about sunset (last eve) & came up to Mr. Furber’s shanty.40 Started this morning about 6½ with probably about 100 lb on my train, drawing it myself. Weather quite cool & train runs well—arrived about 2 oclk. P.M.—much sooner & with less fatigue than I expected— found two lodges removed to the sugar camps & Joseph’s people waiting for my return—will go tomorrow, & we must go also. Sat. The encampment was rather short. Cath. carried the boy. I could only take half of our baggage on my train first load, but arrived with the second before noon. There is no time [to] make a hut for ourselves—shall remain with Joseph.

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Sabbath Morn. 6. Although the other two lodges are near, yet none came from them to meeting. Monday. Last night there was considerable restlessness in the camp. The dogs were twice alarmed at something and the fear of enemies caused considerable anxiety. We have no defense thrown up, & in case the Sioux should have come to Pυkegυma, & found the well beaten track leading to our camp, we should in truth be badly off. In such case, we are as much exposed in a night attack as the Inds. Have been at work at a shanty for ourselves. 40. Joseph Furber, a timber surveyor in St. Croix Falls since 1840. Goodman, Minnesota Beginnings, 316.

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Thursday, 10th. Returned to Pυkegυma to accompany Br. Boutwell to the camps according to previous arrangements, to administer the ordinance of the Supper to our people. Joseph, Charles Baptiste & Louis accompanied me, after loads. Friday. Jos. & others started about 7 or 8—we at 10. Arrived at the Ind. fort about sunset, & took up our quarters within under the mυtυtυbuis [clearing] of Joseph’s family—found plenty of wood cut in the fort. Sat. 12. Arrived at camps about 10 oclk A.M. We came with two trains & 3 dogs—brought a bag—nearly ½ bbl of flour—some pork & meal for our contemplated trip to Pine Riv. & also to last my family until we can go home, or a boat come to us, as may be deemed expedient. We shall probably go with the Ind’s to Pine R. Took up quarters in our new shanty. Sab. 13. P.M. Sacramental season—8 of us in all partook. Monday. Br. B. & self went to the Kυkabikans [waterfall] on Kettle River. Ice is getting quite bad on the river—brought home a spider41 left there by Br. Ayer.

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Tuesday, 15. Started with Br. B. at 6 for Pυkegυma—arrived at 1 oclk. Thursday, 17. Started back with Br. Ayer & a train of 1 dog with a bag of meal &c—about 140lb on train. After a hard days work arrived between 5 & 6 oclk—snow quite soft—found the Indians in great alarm. Stephen Bonga arrived here tuesday evening in 4 days from St. Peters stating that the Sioux were out in two parties one of which started for Pυkegυma—that their spies had been seen on the St Croix. That Elder Cavanaugh of the Meth. Mission wrote by him to Br. Boutwell giving information of this movement, but not being able to pass by Pυkegυma he had left the letter at the falls. After Stephen left, our Indians fired an alarm for help whh Stephen hearing, he gave information to the Indians at Nemekag [Sturgeon Lake], & last eve this evening Eninabυndυ & son & Minouaniguυs arrived. Friday, 18. Rose early this morning and commenced preparations to start for Pine River (Br. A. & self ). While busy we were called into Joseph’s 41. A cast iron frying pan with short feet to stand in the coals on the hearth.

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lodge. We found there Eninabυndυ & Ishkibυgikazh. We were soon told that Eninabυndυ had invited our people to go & plant at Nemekag, a lake nearly as large as Pυkegυma, & that they had concluded to go there instead of the mouth of Pine River. Ishkibυgikozh was speaker—our people were very silent. He told us that they had accepted Eninauabυndυ’s invitation, & wished to know what we thought of it, & whether we would accompany them. We enquired whether it was considered to be within the purchased territory to whh Eninabυndυ replied in the negative.42 We told our people that they must be their judges as to where they would locate. If they went off the purchased territory, we should not build & plant by them as we had contemplated, but some one would probably accompany them as we had done this past winter. There was an evident disappointment felt, but no reply, except that the man had given us an invitation also, & would be pleased to have us go. We remembered the Fondulac Inds of old, & were firm in our decision.43 Br. Ayer concluded to return home, & as it was now probable that I should return to Pυka at the opening of navigation, I concluded to accompany him to make some arrangements concerning spring operations. We set off about 10 oclk, & arrived at home between 5 & 6. No news of Sioux at Pυkegυma. The principal reason of this change of mind on the part our people is fear, more particularly on the part of the women.

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Sat. Left Pυka at sunrise, & arrived at the camps about 12. We calculate the distance at about 24 miles. Eninabυndυ’s two eldest sons & Ogimanˉsish arrived today to the help of the Inds. Our people have scarce a mouthful to eat themselves, but they must needs set something before this reinforcement.44 Sabbath. 20th. Rainy last night—rain & hail this forenoon—trees are loaded with ice & the pine branches breaking down with the heavy wind. Subject this morning “Ye are of more value than many sparrows.” God’s care of his children, & reasons for trusting him. P.M. Meeting in my cabin. Subject—“God is a spirit & they who worship him &c.” Reasons why heart religion only is of value before God. Our reinforcement, expecting to meet an enemy, left their blankets somewhere 42. Sturgeon Lake was outside the area ceded by the Treaty of 1837. 43. Ely remembered the difficulties he had in acquiring land from the Ojibwe at Fond du Lac. 44. Such is the hospitality of the Ojibwe toward newcomers.

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on their way here, perhaps that they might have the less to impede a retreat. They are consequently rather cold in this tedious storm, & our people are too poorly supplied with bedding to furnish them well. They complained of sleeping cold. Eunice & younger children slept in my cabin, from fear of the pine branches. Monday. Eninabυndυ & Minouaniguυs have started home.

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Tuesday 22d. This P.M. about 2 oclk Catharine went to Charlo’s lodge to teach, & then she concluded to go to Uizhema’s camp, some distance, to teach his wife. She soon became completely lost, not knowing either the way to the lodge or home, thus she wandered about sometime. She knew that Charlo had gone to Kettle River to fish. She fell upon his track & determined to follow it. She arrived at Kυkυbikans about 5 oclk, who started home with her. In the mean time, finding she was lost, Louis & myself start[ed] in search leaving Frank with Eunice. I took blanket, axe, fireworks, & compass & some crackers for her, determined to follow her track until we found her. We followed her track with flambeaus for half an hour, & finally hearing an answer to our call Louis started to see whence it came, & met Charles & Cath. returning home. It was by mere second thought that she did not take Frank with her. If she had, both she & the child would have suffered. God’s hand was in all this, especially in hearing her prayer & directing her to follow Charlos track, in sending Charlo to K River to save her, &c—to Him be glory. Sabbath, 27. Morning—Subject. The honour whh God puts upon the Sabbath & our duty also to do so, while enjoying the special mercies of God, as in sugaring, rice-making, harvesting, hunting &c&c. Text—the gift of Manna, & directions attending. P.M. God, the protector & defender of His people in times of war. Our people are very hungry. Louis a day or two ago visited some traps whh he had set sometime since at a considerable distance. He found in one an otter, who had lain so long that the skin was spoiled, notwithstanding the offensiveness of the carcass it was cooked & eaten. Today Charles has nothing to eat. I called him to my cabin & gave him some meal.

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Wed. 30th March. Our people begin to kill ducks on Kettle River. All the men at home went off Monday morning, & returned yesterday P.M. Kettle River is very high & the ice is gone down. They went down in canoes a considerable distance hunting. Joseph heard what he considered an imitation of an owl, & presently a response. He was sure it was not an owl but some one imitating the owl & was ready to imagine that Sioux spies were there, & having discovered them were calling each other. Charlo heard noises like one wailing, whh is said to be a custom of the Sioux on a war excusion when they have discovered their enemy. They consequently both came home a little alarmed. Charlo last night intended to go today & see if any one had passed where these noises were heard. I do not know as there is any spot in this region where they would be beyond alarm, such are their habits of inferring danger to be near, from the slightest unusual thing. Sat. Apl. 2d. Joseph & Baptiste returned from Pυkegυma, for which place they left day before yesterday. All well at the mission. Information was recd about 20th ult. [last month] by Annυtagυn that a skirmish had taken place between a party of 7 Ojibues who were hunting & a war party of Sioux, in whh Kiuedin, the Buffalo’s son, was killed. They met E. of the St Croix, opposite the head of the Lake St Croix. Okueganˉs is reported to have been wounded badly, & 3 Sioux killed. Sabbath morning. Subject, 2 Chron[icles] 15:2

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Apl. 3d. P.M. Ezekiel 36: 25-27. At 5 o clk, a prayer meeting. Tuesday, Apl. 5. I forgot to note on Thursday last, Uizhema came to my lodge & offered himself to me to accompany Joseph & Baptiste & bring a load of provisions for me. Without consideration I engaged him. After some time it occurred to me that I had done just what Mr. Russell was censured by the Indians for doing, in the case of this man & Julius, hiring him to go where danger might be apprehended, & notwithstanding the proposition was his own, this would be of no avail with his relatives in case harm should come upon him.45 I immediately sent him word declining to 45. Julius and Uizhema had been hired by Russell to go on an errand to St. Croix Falls in May 1841 when they encountered some Dakotas, and Julius was killed. See May 24, 1841.

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employ him, with the reasons. He was satisfied, saying that in case of harm, I should be blamed. Encamp on Kettle River Return to Pυkegυma—country flooded—swamps—water cold—feet numb. Arrangement with our people to meet them next Wednesday at the mouth of Kettle River. Apl. 13. Embark with Br. Ayer. Run the rapids—encamp below Kettle River. " 14. This morning find our people waiting in fear & great impatience leave 3 barks sugar in Dibbles shanty.46 Start immediately. Sail all day. Encamp below Yellow River. Charles & family in my canoe. I take one end of the canoe. Hard work for Charles, in consequence of my inefficiency. 15. At noon arrive at Connors—camp. 16. Hire Majise to go on today—reach Shoshkuυnabikay early for the Sabbath—find Bizhiki encamped here out of danger & fear. Are provided with gum as we need. 21. Arrive at portage. Get bark. 22. Hire Ozhogenˉs—mend canoe. 23. Embark—camp for Sabbath at Pυkueaua.

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27. Arrive at the lake at noon—make oars—proceed to Animikani [Amnicon River]. 28. Joseph & boys go to Fondulac to speak to Ind’s about a location. Mr. Mendenhall at entry.47 Br. A. & self look about for a spot. 30. Return. At noon start for Lepoint—Br Ayer, Baptiste, Louis, Charlo & self. The Algonquin at Brule—Mr. & Mrs. Copway aboard.48 Camp in the evening at Mush-Kijiminikani. 46. William Dibbles, an early resident of St. Croix County. Goodman, Minnesota Beginnings, 189. 47. Cyrus Mendenhall, a trader at La Pointe. 48. The Algonquin was a seventy-ton schooner launched for commerce on Lake Superior in 1839. The Copways were on their way to the Fond du Lac Mission, now taken over by the Methodists.

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Sabbath. Hold meeting with half-breed & Ind. fishermen. May 2d. Arrive at Lepoint.49 4th. Br. Ayer leaves for home. We wait the Algonquin. 6th. P.M. Embark for home—sleep at Sand River. 7th. Sat Evening—arrive about 10 oclk. 9, 10, 11. Wind bound. Embark at sunset. Enter the river in a heavy swell. 12. Proceed to Little Portage.50 P.M. look at location. Most beautiful maple tract about one hour’s walk on the mountain. 13. Fall to work clearing—I help them. [Entry from Journal 9.] 1842. Little Portage. Lake Superiour. Sabbath, May 29. I am alone today in my unfinished bark lodge. No interpreter, Mrs. E. having accompanied Br. Geo. Copway to Fondulac yesterday in the rain.51 Have attended two exercises, besides a short season with the children & a prayer meeting. Subject A.M.—love & forbearance towards enemies. P.M. The witnessing & abiding of the Holy Spirit with Christians. I took this course, followed out & commented on all the proof texts I could find on the subjects of discourse. So I have God has preached & not myself. Copyright © 2012. Nebraska. All rights reserved.

See petit Journal [ Journal 17 resumes. Pokegama Indians at Entry near Fond du Lac.] June 3d. It recently became apparent that Louis & Baptiste had formed a plan of joining the war party forming at Fondulac. Louis called on me 49. It was during this trip to La Pointe that Baptiste Duchene (La Prairie) presented himself to Father Baraga for baptism. His sponsors were his sister, Susan Duchene, and his friend, Osauaamik. May 8, 1842, Register of St. Joseph Mission, La Pointe. 50. Little Portage (Onigamiins) is on Minnesota Point. The Pokegama Ojibwe felt safe from the Dakotas here at the entry of the St. Louis River. 51. George Copway had been stationed at Fond du Lac since September 1841. Copway, Life, Letters and Speeches, 139.

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15. The Little Portage on Minnesota Point. Described on May 29, 1842. Photo by the author.

& intimated that he was thinking of going to the falls to look after the bones of his brother Julius. I discouraged him telling him I would take that responsibility on myself. In a day or two, he started for Fondulac to ascertain the time when the party would go, & to confer with the leaders. It was manifest that he was determined on going. I felt that it would be a test question with him, for it appeared to me that he intended not only to go to see the place where Julius was killed as he advanced, but to actually go to war, & that he hoped an approval of that part of the scheme he advanced, but felt that the real object was wrong, & expected a disapproval. Taking this view of the subject I felt that his usefulness, if not his eternal salvation was dependent on a decision in favour of conscience, a deep anxiety on his account rested on my mind. God was my only hope—nothing but Gospel motives would answer. I dare not trust to worldly considerations, because the question was one of obedience or disobedience. My subjects for the Sabbath were made to bear on the great subject of

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love & meekness under injury, but was not able to preach effectually, as Cath. had gone to Fondulac with Br. Copway.52 Monday evening. Louis came in by request to my lodge. I laid the subject open before him, on the supposition that he was going to war. He did not repel the sentiment. He said he would consider & inform me his mind.

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Tuesday P.M. Baptiste opened the subject of Louis’ going, stating that he should accompany him. In fact it had been suggested to me that B. was a prime mover in the business. I preached the Gospel to B. & urged his duty to dissuade Louis from evil. That evening they conferred together. Wednesday we embarked for Fondulac. Baptiste & Louis’ pipe-stems were in the canoe. As soon as I saw them I concluded it was their present intention to go to war. My heart was heavy all day. God was my only hope. The evening after arriving they were called over to the island on war business. Thursday morning. I preached the Gospel to Louis & Baptiste, quoting the most plain passages & principles in my memory. Louis & Baptiste during the day stated that their feelings would be appeased, & the object of their going be obviated if the remains of Julius could be sought & decently interred at Pυkegυma, prescribing the manner &c. I told them I would hire nobody to obey God, but their request was but reasonable & I would write to Mr. Russell (whom they consider is in fault for the death of Julius) & to Br. Boutwell that their request may be granted—this seemed to settle Louis heart, & his countenance seemed relieved of anxiety & sorrow. They say they will visit the grave at Pυkegυma when the strawberries are ripe. I wrote accordingly, & read it to the family whh was consoling to them. Ceremonies of the war party Dancing lodge—spears & lances planted—offerings hung. Dance—walk round the village—singing—carrying offerings in their hands. The new maianiset [mayaanised] takes leave of women & children, parting with Buanens & William. The first said of his own accord, “If I am spared to return I shall never go again.” I was overwhelmed with grief at parting with William under such circumstances. He was affected also—I 52. After nine years Ely had not learned Ojibwe well enough to preach without his wife’s help.

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called to his mind past days when he called on God. He allowed that he knew the way of duty. There were 38 men & one woman.53 Old & young went—not more than 5 or 6 of the band are left. Fathers followed their sons. The leaders harangue the women—set the time for their return—embark —women ply back & forth before them in canoes. Monday, June 6th. Arrangement with the chiefs Nindibens & Naganυb, give them one Bbl flour each for their care of them.54 Naganυb had sold the school house to Morrison for a coat, Morrison on understanding the situation of things was willing to restore but claimed damage on coat of Naganυb. In order to conciliate all round I assumed the damage & paid Morrison $5 in goods. I put the building into Br. [name omitted] care & use for the present. Hire Misho & embark in Belangie’s boat for the entry & Lapointe. 7. Our people camp at entry. 8. Embark—Baptiste, Charlo & Louis. Camp at Cranberry River. 9th. Taken in a gale opposite Bois Blanc Island—sailing—danger of capsizing. Heavy wind & rain—arrive at house.55 14th. Embark for home. 16th. Arrive at entry—pass Rev. B. T. Kavanaugh.

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17—Little portage & Fondulac. 18—Home again. 19—Sabbath—go to the entry to meetings.56 25—Mr. Kavanaugh passes to Fondulac. 53. It was unusual for Ojibwe women to accompany the men on war excursions. For another description of the ceremonies of departure, see Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 134. 54. By this time Naganab was recognized as second chief, along with Maagozid, and both would sign as such at the Treaty of La Pointe on October 4, 1842. Kappler, Indian Affairs, 544. 55. The purpose of this brief trip to La Pointe was to meet with Rev. Sherman Hall. Hall to Greene, May 16, 1842, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766). 56. Ely’s Ojibwe flock had remained at the entry, where they felt safe from Sioux attacks.

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26—Entry—to meeting. 27. Go to Fondulac with Baiejik—find the war party returned with scalps. They fought opposite the Little Crow’s village, on this side of the Mississippi. The son of Eninabυndυ Bezhikoguaneb (Samuel) was killed, & 3 wounded from Fondulac—Shapine & son of Snake River, Shauυniguυnebi (the Doctor) of St. Croix, & one from Mille Lake, Gamiskuυjiniosonabe— are all reported to be lost by the Ojibues. They count from 15 to 20 killed of the Sioux.57 Interview with Elder Kavanaugh. Communion season in the evening. 28. Give Br. Kavanaugh a written permission to use the mission buildings for one year. Return home.

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July 2. Buanens, Kaiashkibazh, & Uaneshkυm are camped here. The two latter requested me to remain here & teach their children. I told them that I would teach all who came in. K’s son last evening committed the alphabet, & to day is reading in monosyllables. The Indians have nearly all left Fondulac, & came down the river & some to the lake. Even at Fondulac, the Indians amυnisouυg [are spooked]. A few nights since some fled their lodges. Have 12 scholars today. Wed. July 6. A day of changes. Last evening spent with Joseph & Baptiste, who have come to hoe their garden, that they should camp at this end of the sand beach soon. I therefore started off this morning to go down there & put up a lodge—first, to flee the flies, & next to be nearer our people, & teach the children. Left word for Baiejik & Buanens to come & help me. When they came, they told me that J & Bpt. had determined not to come up & wished to know what I thought of their going to the entry to camp also. I told them if they thought best, to go, & that perhaps I would go with them. We finished the frame of the lodge a little after noon & went home. Charles & Louis, having come up on foot, the thought struck me that if all concluded to go to the entry, that I had better have the boys man my canoe & load Josephs & go with them at once. To this they assented. I 57. Rev. Samuel Pond wrote: “In June, the Chippewas made an attack on Big Thunder’s band at Kaposia and killed ten men, two women and one child. They lost four in the fight.” “Indian Warfare in Minnesota,” 134.

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packed up & before sunset, was landed at the entry. Made a shelter of my old oil cloths, & put my stuff under—set the stove on the ground & build a fire & cooked in it. Thursday. Put up a frame for a lodge, & went up the Nυmυjitiguaia [Nemadji] & peeled cedars for part of its covering. Br. Geo. Copway & family arrived on a visit to us. Made him as comfortable as circumstances would admit. Baiejik also camped. Friday. Covered my lodge. Buanens camped. Baiejik & Buanens wives have made each fine good barks so that we have a tight covering. Today Br. Copway suggested a plan of a camp meeting among our people. The plan struck me at once as being what had before been presented to my mind of having a protracted season of religious exercises. As I am calculating to go to Lepointe next week on business for our people, & Br. C. was going the next week, he concluded to accompany me, & lay before the brethren at Lept. our plan of a meeting & invite their attendance & presumed it will meet with favour, as Br. Wheeler is to come up soon to spend a season with our people. We also intend to invite Christians who will at Lepointe & also give notice to pagan Indians & invite their attendance.

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Sat. 9. Had our people to supper with us by special invitation. Evening a prayer meeting. Buanens prayed. Stated his determination to serve God, & leave the ways of the pagans, & requested Br. C. to write a letter for him to the Indians stating his renunciation of paganism & request them to send him no invitations to their feasts &c &c. May God convert his heart to Himself. Sab. 10th July. Br Copway preached at 10 oclk, & myself at 6 P.M. Class meeting in the evening. Buanens said he awoke this morning with a view of the multiplicity of his repeated crimes—he accused himself of murder in intent—lying—stealing. As they were about fleeing in the battle with the Sioux, he remembered his promise at Fondulac, to war no more & his purpose to serve God. When he perceived that he was in danger, he looked up to God, told him his purpose, prayed that he might not fall there, but return to his family, & cease from his iniquities—he saw the guns of the Sioux (in ambush) leveled at

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him, & the balls whistle around him, but it seemed as if the Spirit of God was around him, & he was no longer conscious of the whistling balls—he believed he should return to fulfill his promise. [On the last page of this journal is a list of twenty-two names, probably the Ojibwe who were with him at the Entry.] Men Ishkibogikυzh Mozo sane Louis Sekasig Simon Charlo Women Uizhema’s wife Ishkibυg’s " Asinibuan’s " Charlo’s " Baptiste’s " Boys Baptiste Ashkobiz Mosomane Ojibuens Louis Julius Asinibuan’s son Girls Mary Polly Frances Asinebuan’s girl [ Journal 17 ends; Journal 9 resumes.]

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Ga Apυkuaiika July 30, 1842. On Sabbath, 10th inst. Br. Copway & myself after much deliberation & prayer, appointed a meeting to commence on the 21, & continue till Sabbath 24th. The plan was cordially entered into by our people—notice was given to all the Indians near, & they were invited to come. 11th went to Fondulac with Br. & Sister Copway for provisions. 12th returned with Br. C. & P.M. started for Lepointe with Joseph & Baiejik to procure fishing apparatus for our people, & also to confer with the brethren concerning the contemplated meeting. We are confidently expecting Br. Wheeler will be with us. Arrived at Lepoint Wed. P.M. Friday A.M. started back, & arrived at entry about midnight. Sabbath. Br. C. preached once, & returned home on Monday. I set about preparing for the meeting. Our men erected a shed & covered it with barks, into whh we put seats to accommodate 30 or 40 people. Thursday morning Br. & Sister Wheeler & Henry Blatchford arrived. P.M. communion meeting. Friday A.M. a season of fasting & prayer. P.M. Br. Copway preached. Evening, prayer meeting. Saturday—Br. Wheeler, morning—myself P.M. Eve. prayer & conversation meeting. Buanens renounced paganism publicly—made quite an address. Baiejik, Joseph, Charles & Martin Luther (Ogima-gikit) who was present & wife, from Sandy Lake, & Meguagabau (Peter Camden) spoke. It was an interesting season. We have had conversation with all our people individually. Three days Meeting at the Entry During our exercises this evening Louis & Baptiste arrived from a hunt on Kettle River. Read the Covenant to Baiejik & Theresa, who had been previously examined for admission to the Church. Sabbath. Br. W. preached A.M. P.M. Communion of Lords Supper. Baiejik & two younger children, & Theresa, baptised & admitted to the Communion. Of our people 7 communed. Br. Copways 4, & ourselves 6, in all 17 communed. 3 or 4 pagans were present. Our people are evidently much strengthened—may God enable them to walk in the path of duty. Monday. Br. Copway & family & Martin [Luther] left for Lepointe. Dispatched Charlo, Baptiste & Louis to Fondulac with my baggage whh I do not wish to take to Lepointe, & to bring provisions. P.M. Br. W. Henry

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& self went to Little portage to look at the country. Tuesday, embarked for Lepointe. Baiejik embarked in my boat. P.M. Thunder storm. Camped at Brule. Wed. morn. Thunder storm—came only 3 miles—a head wind. Thursday—rough sea—embarked—came to this place—wind rose— debarked. Friday. Heavy fog. P.M. Rain. Very heavy sea. Sat. Sun shines out, but blows from N.E. yet. We are short of provisions. Have been two days on flour pap—yesterday only one meal—see quite a number of ducks, but do not succeed in killing them with my rifle. B. & Henry flambeaud, but no fish in the river.58

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[ Journal 9 ends here with five pages of letters sent, 1835–1842.] Letters to the Board 1836 July 5th. Difficulties of annoying the Indians in giving charity to them. The Bearskins attempt to frighten me in Sept. last. Letter of Mr. Beadle. Maosits apostacy. William. Mrs. Le Point. Ininini’s sickness & willingness to hear. Difficulty convincing the Ind’s that we are not emissaries of the U.S. Govt. Meeting. Finishing schoolhouse. Attempt at arithmetic. Wants. Eng. Inft. school cards. 1 doz. spellers, stationery, slate pencils, medicine viz. castor oil, Opodeldoc, Lees pills, Epson saltz, Rochelle do. magnesia, cough preparation, lancet, corks, syringe (1 pint). Books—“Mason’s Sacred Harp,” Manual of Agriculture, Heralds. Sickness of family, history, help. 1838 Dec. 21. Statistics of Expenditures from Establishment of Station. Inventory of Property. School at Lapoint & offer of Dr. Borup. Letter to L. Whiting 1839 June 14 Voyage from Fond du Lac over the country in May 1841. Augt. 27. Asking advice concerning Mons. Goulais. 1842 June 20. Removal to the Lake. Letters

Recd

Ansd

A.W. Ely

Jany

Feby 1st

1840 58. Flambeau: to fish by torchlight.

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1842

Mrs. Charles Ely St. Louis Geo. Henderson Rev. S. Hall A.W. Ely F.B. Pemminan Mrs. Mary Ely A.W. Ely " Delia Cooke

" " " Apl 16 July Augt " Jany "

Letters Sent 1835 Oct. 28 G.T. Sproat D. Cook S. Hall Oct. 30 W.T.B. Laundrie with sedlitz powder Nov. 20 W.T.B A. Davenport, Jun. W.A. Aitkins Dec. 5 W.T. Boutwell W.B. Talcott " 16 W. T. Boutwell 1836 Jany 2 W.T. B. G.T. Sproat D. Cook A.D. Newton A.B.C.F. Missions " 15 F. Ayer E. Ayer H. Blatchford " 30 W.B. Talcott Draft $20 retd from Sandy Lake

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" Jany Apl 26 ansd ansd ansd Feby

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W.T.B. S. Hall G.T. Sproat D. Cook " 19 S. Hall W.T.B. nd " 22 W.A. Aitkins Mar. 1 W.T.B. " 7 S. Hall " 16 W.T.B. " W. A. Aitkins 20 W.T.B. March 28 W.T.B. W. A. Aitkins L. M. Warren G. Henderson S. Hall G. T. Sproat F. Ayer April 4 W.T.B. " 20 S. Hall G. T. Sproat A. D. Newton C. Pierce J. L. Seymour C. W. Borup May 10 W.T.B. " 16 S. Hall " F. Ayer " A. W. Ely " G. T. Sproat " C. W. Borup " D. Cook " 23 S. Hall " 30 do—

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Feby 15

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June 19 "

G. T. Sproat H. R. Schoolcraft Esq. Never carried by Mongosit July 16 S. Hall " 20 do— do— J.P. Scott J. Town G. T. Sproat t Aug . 3 W.A. Aitkins A. W. Ely Mar. Coll C. W. Borup G. T. Sproat S. Hall Boutwell 12 Hall Talcott Ayer 1836 Letters Sent Aug. 26 S. Hall Oct. 8 Sproat Amanda Day Mary S. Wright S. Hall A. D. Newton Oct. 31 W. H. Talcott L. M. Warren Nov. 4 F. Ayer by Sagakomin 7 S Hall G. T. Sproat " W. T. B. 1837 Jany 10 A.B.C.F.M. S. Hall G. T. Sproat y Jan 18 W.T.B.

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" 21 " 31 Feb. 7

A. Sisson (inclosing deed) F. Ayer Retd Crebassa W. H. Talcott S. Hall by Peter G. T. Sproat J. Towne " 25 F. Ayer by Mr. Aitkins W. T. Boutwell " 27 S. Hall by William J. Towne Mar. 10 S. Hall " 13th do— J. Towne C. W. Borup " 18 W. T. B. by McDonald " 27 A. W. Ely via Sandy Lake W. H. Talcott 1837 March 20 C. W. Borup G. Henderson J. Towne S. Hall April 10 S. Hall L.M. Warren A. Lepoutry via Lept. & Prairie du Chien May 8 W.T.B. by Bellair " 22 C. W. Borup S. Hall J. Towne June 17 G. T. Sproat S. Hall Doct. Borup " 24 W. T. Boutwell July 18 do— do— by Naganab St. Peters F. Ayer Returnd

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Augt

W. H. Talcott E. R. Beadle Sept. 6 F. Ayer by Eninabυndυ " 7 S. Hall Oct. 10 do" 17 do" " W. T. Boutwell—Scott Nov. 3 S. Hall G. T. Sproat Rev. E. R. Beadle " 8 F. Ayer via Le point 1838 Jany 13 Mrs. Mary S. Wright Misses H & J. Wright A. W. Ely W. H. Talcott Feb. 24 S. Hall Henderson Mar 20 Rev. J. W. Aload, Oberlin Mrs. J. Fish, Utica by St. Peters Mar. 21 S. Hall Sept. 13 " G.T. Sproat Dec. 21 do - do A. W. Ely C. W. Borup Mrs. M. S. Wright 26 Rev. W. T. B. 1839 Feby 11 Wm E. Wright L. Sisson S. Hall G. T. Sproat C. W. Borup " 19 Amanda Day

by Ogimagiikit " Goslin

by Scott

St. Peters by Scott

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March 4 F. Ayer " 22 S. Hall G. T. Sproat C. W. Borup H. Blatchford The Brethren at Pυkagυma April 2 S. Hall C. W. Borup t Aug L. Whiting Sept. Mrs. Wright Rev. D. Greene 1840 W.T. Boutwell Feby A. W. Ely W.T. Boutwell Delia Cooke 1840 Dec. D. Cooke " Mrs. J.A.S. Perry " Boutwell " Sproat " Thos. McMartin M.D. 1841 Jany F. B. Penniman 1842 May W. T. Boutwell Feby C. A. Coe

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Manners & Customs of the Ojibueg59 Miteui A feast is called to prepare for a Grand Medicine, & generally several months before the Miteui is contemplated. As many as wish to be initiated into, or take another degree in the Mysteries of the Grand Medicine or Miteui, join in calling all the Miteuijig, i.e. They call one Kijimite, & he sends a man to call all. After all are assembled and the pipe circulated each recipient filling his pipe lights it, & with the customary “Kυnege kυna!” [It must be true!] smokes—Mizhinaue rises & with a wave of the hand he salutes the assembly “Nikanυg! Nikanυg! [My ritual brothers and sisters] Kυnage Kυna!” He then informs them that such a person or persons wish to be received &c. Some man who had taken 4 degrees speaks in reply, & as many of the same grade as wish do the same. The assembly separates.

59. This paragraph at the end of the Large Journal appears to be the beginning of a treatise Ely intended to write on the Midewiwin. There is also the separate document “Manners & Customs of Ojibueg,” which is reproduced in Appendix A.

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Chapter 11

Final Years in Missionary Life 1842 to 1849

[The eighteenth journal covers only a brief portion of the year 1846. However, Ely’s letters and those of other missionaries allow a reconstruction of the last seven years of his life among the Ojibwe. The following is a letter written to David Green, secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, by Edmund F. Ely about his experiences after fleeing from Pokegama.1]

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Little Portage, Head of Lake Superior June 20, 1842 Rev. David Greene, Dear Sir, God in his Providence has again brought myself & family within a short distance of Fondulac, & the reason of this movement is, in short this, three of the families formerly located by the Mission at Pυkegυma concluded to flee from the seat of war. The lake being the only place which would afford them a confortable subsistence, they directed their way here, as they did not wish to go to Le Pointe, they requested one of the families of the Pυkegυma Mission to accompany them. They passed the winter 15 or 20 miles N. of Pυkegυma & some of the time in great fear. About the 20th Feby. Mrs Ely accompanied me to the camps (taking our little boy) where we remained moving when the Ind’s moved, sometimes living in their lodges, at other times in shanties built by 1. Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766).

384

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Final Years in Missionary Life 385

myself, until the opening of navigation when I returned to Pυkegυma for a canoe, & met my family with the Indians at the mouth of Kettle River, & proceeded immediately in company up the St. Croix. We arrived at the Lake Apr. 26. We procured a few bushels of potato seed at Lepointe whh our people have planted here. Being entirely destitute, our people had a discouraging prospect before them. As the only means of keeping them together, I have purchased for them fishing apparatus, ammunition, &c &c, to the amount of $50 or $60, which they will pay in labour, voyaging, fish, &c. I have also made some necessary purchases for myself amounting with the above to near $200. I brought some money with me from Pυkegυma & am expecting more from there, which I will forward to you by Brother Hall. The Am Fur Cy prefer drafts to species. With some addition to their present fishing tackle, our people will, without doubt, be enabled to put up a comfortable supply of fish for the winter. My hope is that they will remain quiet, that both parents & children may be instructed. Five of the Native Church members of Pυkegυma are here. Another family are expected & may settle with us. Up to this time, it has appeared to me that God has prepared our way & his blessing has attended us. The future is with Him. Where he opens our way we will go forward. I am looking for some indications as to the best place for our people to winter. It may be here, or in some spot near. The suggestion has been made that the cause of Christ would be best promoted by their wintering at Fondulac & my laboring in concert with the Methodist Br. Copway there, but this does not yet appear plain to me. The mission buildings there are in tolerable order & now occupied by Br. Copway, but I should occupy them if I went there. There is some prospect that the Methodist Mission will buy them. In case our Indians should go into the woods, it may be expedient that I winter at Fondulac rather than at Lepointe. Br. Wheeler is expected here soon to hold a season of communion. The Brethren will probably be satisfied as to the best course before Br. Hall shall leave. Elder Kavanaugh, the Superintendent of the Method-

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ist Missions in this region is now at Lepointe & will be at Fondulac this week. I some expect Br. Wheeler will come at the same time. We shall go up to Fondulac to meet our Methodist brethren. I went up to Fondulac with our people, by invitation, & spent 4 days with Br. Copway. It was an agreeable & profitable visit. While there a war party of nearly 40 left, including almost every man who was able to go. It was an affecting sight to witness their parting ceremonies. Some of them came to us & gave the parting hand, who knew the word of God. One Pυkegυma Indian said, “If God spares me to return, I shall never do this again (i.e. go to war). I will listen to you.” William Talcott, of whom you have formerly heard, came to me & offered his hand. I called to his remembrance the day when he called upon the Lord. He appeared affected, covered his face with his hands, acknowledged that he knew the way of truth. The fruits of the school at Fondulac are abundant—few have [been] lost—many improved. God may yet get to himself Glory from my poor weak labours there. There is work enough for us in Lake Superiour for the present. Only let us do what our hands find to do—trusting, praying. I have never had more hope of Gods special help in my labours than the present season. Although clouds & darkness are around, yet we may hope. With regard to my expenses for another year, I know not what to say at present. I have made an order on Rev. H. Coe of Ohio for supplies for the winter. I shall probably see the brethren of Pυkegυma during the fall or winter & some disposition be made of the present allowance to Pυkegυma. The people & school are, in effect, with me. You will probably hear from Brs. Boutwell & Ayer. When we become more settled or anything more definite is determined upon, I shall write you again. Mrs. Ely wishes an affectionate remembrance. You are probably aware that God has taken two of our three children to himself. Yours Respectfully E. F. Ely We are now living in a cedar bark lodge in whh I have a stove. We

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are at the foot of the mountain, at extreme head of Lake Sup. facing the south, Lake Sup. on the left & the small lake on the right of the promontory whh stretches off to the entry of the river in front, about six miles. This spot was selected on account of the convenience of fishing.2

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[The “season of communion” was held in one month later. Rev. Leonard Wheeler described it in a letter to David Greene dated March 22, 1843.3] Brother Ely has just left for Red Lake, and before leaving requested me to forward you some facts concerning the meeting as I was present on the occasion. The Indians having spent most of the summer at Fon du Lac, were about to leave for the rice fields, where they must be left for a season without any religious teacher. As they had not enjoyed a communion season for some time, brother Ely felt and so did some of the Christian Indians that it would be a great privilege to celebrate the Lords supper before they should again be dispersed, and perhaps hold a series of meetings upon the occasion. Impressed with the importance of such a meeting brother Ely came to La Pointe to obtain some one of our number to go and aid him in conducting it, and it became my duty as well as privilege to go to his assistance. This was the first meeting of the kind I had attended since coming to this country, and to me the occasion was one of peculiar interest. On arriving at Fon du Lac, we were welcomed by brother Ely into his large bark lodge, where he and his family had resided for the summer. The Indians in anticipation of the meeting, had with some assistance raised a sort of covering of bark to shelter us from the sun, and under this had prepared seats for those who might be disposed to attend. In this place we commenced a series of meetings on Thursday evening and closed on Monday morning following. We were aided in conducting these meetings by the labors of the Rev. George Copway of the Methodist connection, who attended the meetings himself and also the Christian Indians of his station. On the morning of each day we held a prayer meeting at 9 2. This description puts the Little Portage on the western end of Minnesota Point, presentday Duluth. 3. Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 10.

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o’clock. The females meeting in Mr Elys bark lodge and the males, in the place for public worship. At 10 o’clock or ¼ past and again at 2 in the afternoon, we had preaching, and a public prayer meeting in the evening. During the intervals of public worship, the people prepared and set their nets for fishing. This business, though it was their only means of subsistence, did not interfere in a single instance with their regular attendance upon the meetings. Early in the meeting, the presence of the spirit of the Lord was evinced by a general seriousness pervading the minds of all present. And on Friday evening we gave opportunity for any who chose to arise and express their feelings, when several spoke and expressed themselves in such a way as showed that the meeting was proving a blessing to their own souls, and that they felt anxious also that others might come to a knowledge of the truth. The remarks of all that spoke were interesting and some of them were truly eloquent and soul stirring. After several others had spoken, Biajig, the converted Chief of the Pokeguma band, arose and addressed the meeting as follows. “My friends I have not yet heard much of the word of God. It is now about 4 years since I began to listen to the word of God and I have been off so much, I do not understand much about it. When I look back upon my past life, I see that I have been a very wicked man, but I feel determined to serve God and I do feel happy in my heart, especially since this meeting commenced. I cannot say that I overcame all my sins, but I do strive hard to serve God. When the enemy (meaning the Sioux) came close upon me I fled for my life because I wanted to live, and this is the way I do to get away from sin, I flee to God.” Martin Luther a Christian Indian from Sandy Lake next arose, and having first shaken hands with all the missionaries as a token of the love he felt for them, said “I want to say what I wish in my heart. I am very glad that I have heard the word of God. You tell us to speak the desires of our hearts. My wish is that others may hear the word of God as I have heard it. There are some here present to day who never used to sit in this way and listen to the word of God. I wish that all of us who are Christians were like little children. When children are afraid they run to their parents, so I wish we might run to God. And I wish all I now see were like men half frozen. When

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we are traveling in the winter and see a little fire at a distance, we go to it and warm ourselves even when there is but a little we huddle around it, so I wish we might come to God and be warmed by his love and partake of his mercy and goodness. I believe” says he “in the great Spirit of the bible, that he is the true God, for I see every thing he has made around me. But where are our Gods? We cannot find a track of them—we called any thing a manito (spirit). I have tried all our Gods and know there is nothing in our religion.” This man had lost all his children. When they were sick he employed Indian jugglers who professed to have power over evil spirits. He made feasts to the spirit and offerings of his property, but his children all died. In this state of affliction he was met by the missionary who preached unto him Jesus. He immediately embraced him and found peace to his soul. Bwanace [Buanens], son in law to Biajig, next arose who had heretofore lived a heathen Indian, and expressed his determination to serve God. He had just returned from a war expedition against the Sioux. Before going he had solemnly promised the Lord, if he would spare his life, he would never go again, and would become a Christian on his return. While absent he was closely pursued by the Sioux and barely escaped with his life. He now arises to fulfill his vow. “I am glad” says he “of the opportunity of speaking. I want to say a few words, and if this place was full of people, I should say just the same things. I want to say if any of you ever make a grand medicine dance or any other heathen feast don’t you ever send for me. I shall not attend or join in any more of your heathenish practices. But if any man sends for me to visit a sick person I shall go and give him such good medicine as God will approve, such as he has given to you in the roots. (He had been a medicine man, and means to say he is determined to give up his jugglery, but useful roots and herbs he should continue to use) “I have a strong desire to listen to the word and am determined to give up all my heathenish practices.” Sabbath day we had preaching in the forenoon and the sacrament of the Lords Supper administered in the afternoon. Biajig and Theresa, the wife of one of the native brethren, both of whom had indulged hopes for some time, were received into the church. The Christian name we gave Biajig was Daniel. Two of his children also were bap-

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tized. This was a solemn and impressive occasion to all pesent. Thus to commemorate the dying love of Jesus with our native brethren in the wilderness, was a privilege I never before enjoyed. The meeting was undoubtedly a great blessing to the native Christians, and it was for their special benefit it was held. The pagan Indians who attended the meeting listened with deep attention, and we trust went away more deeply impressed with the importance of religion, though only one of them came out and publicly renounced heathenism. Monday morning we called the Indians together, exhorting them to continue steadfast in the Lord, committed them and ourselves to the grace of God and started on our way home. [After the meeting at the Entry, Ely’s Indians dispersed into their fall and winter camps. Ely returned to Pokegama, but with the Indians gone and his family remaining at La Pointe, he did not have enough to keep him busy.4 A new venue for his labors would soon open up.]

Ely Withdraws from Missionary Life

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[Frederick Ayer, who had gone to Ohio with his family in the spring of 1842 and seems to have received ordination at Oberlin College, had returned with another missionary and gone to Red Lake to investigate the possibility of opening a mission there. In early March 1843 all the missionaries—Ayer, Boutwell, Ely, and Hall—met at Pokegama to discuss the future of their missionary endeavors. Encouraged by Ayer’s report of the welcome he had received at Red Lake, it was decided to start a new mission there and wait to see if the Ojibwe would return to Pokegama. Ely took advantage of the situation and went to Red Lake in April to take care of the planting. He returned to La Pointe in August. It was now becoming evident that Ely was avoiding a return to Pokegama. He had lived with Boutwell just long enough to discover a certain incompatability between them. Thus, while Boutwell was writing Greene that he awaited Ely’s arrival with impatience, Ely was informing Greene 4. Catharine had given birth to another son, Charles Milton, on August 12, 1842, at La Pointe. H. Ely, Records of the Descendants, 227.

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of “a known discrepancy of views” between Boutwell and himself, a discrepancy that seemed to impair his effectiveness at Pokegama. He asked for a transfer.5 Ely did return to Pokegama, but not for long. About March 1, 1844, he went to St. Louis to visit his brother. Imagine his surprise when he arrived and found his brother had moved to New Orleans a year earlier! But it was a way to escape from an unpleasant situation. He returned to Pokegama to find a letter from Sherman Hall awaiting him, mildly chastising him for his lack of confidence in Brother Boutwell and advising him to be more sympathetic.6 Ely’s reply to Sherman Hall describes his concerns at this time.7] Yours of Apl. 30 was recd a week since, and I have been balancing in my mind whether to offer any thing in reply by way of explanation. The advice & suggestions in your letter I thank you for. I think I know that they come from the bottom of your heart, & they commend themselves to my judgment and conscience. I think I am not assuming a hostile attitude toward Br. B. I do not say to him “You can do this, or that if you please, but I shall not.” I take hold with him in all his plans. I do the mechanic’s work & attend to my school. I have never intended to quarrel with him. On the contrary, I trust the Lord has given me a different spirit. If the managing of the pecuniary affairs of the station has a tendency to exhaust, unfit, & occupy the time of the Missy & prevent his intercourse with his people, then it is clear that he should have no more of secular care & labour than absolutely necessary. This is the main ground I have taken in my letters to you. I contend that some bounds should be set, especially at this station, unless another missionary is sent here, & let Br. B. be farmer (than whom no better can be found), for it now amounts to this, two exercises are sustained on Sabbath (or a meeting of ½ an hour every morning) by the Mission5. Boutwell to Greene, September 7, 1843, and Ely to Greene, September 21, 1843, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 10. 6. Boutwell to Hall, March 13, 1844, Papers of the abcfm, abc 18.3.7. (Reel 766); Hall to Ely, April 30, 1844, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 11. 7. Ely to Hall, June 9, 1844, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 11.

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ary, & the whole of his remaining time, together with that of a hired man, is devoted to secular concerns. The seed is now in, mostly. He has planted about 45 bushel baskets of potatoes, wheat, oats, corn, etc. Now the question is, do the wants of two families require this? Let our actual wants be settled, & then cut down our plans to it. And the reason of my attempts to call your mind to the subject is that it would seem that the importance of self-support had well nigh eclipsed the spiritual wants of our church & people in Br. B’s views. It is but making merit of doing what the Churches take into their hands to do, & rendering the efficiency of the station a nullity. Concerning my conscience, when I am at work at things which appertain to the superabundant portion of our secular labour, & know that opportunities of usefulness are thereby neglected, I feel that all is not right—there is a sting attending it, & perhaps you would feel just so too. Neither do I think it admissible that the missionary at the station be so situated, that he cannot feel himself at liberty to improve the most valuable opportunities of making a good impression on the people, which generally are when they call to visit us. If the people get the impression that you cannot spend time to converse with them, it operates unfavorably on them & hinders our work since [it] is contrary to the expressions we make, of desire for their improvement & devotion to their interests. The principle of neglecting their formal calls, is contrary to their ideas of propriety. Every nation on earth have their views on this subject. . . . I have seen your letter to Br. Boutwell, & it accords with my views of how things ought to be. The situation of our church members is much worse now than when I wrote you. Baiejik’s seat in the House of God is regularly vacant, & his family of course very unsteady. The old man assigns as a reason, disaffection toward Br. B. & since Br. B. makes his boast of the cause, I may tell it to you. John Kinney was married to Baiejik’s daughter Sally. John was at work for Br. B. About Apl. 20 or 25, Sally’s eldest brother (the Sun Beam) entered the house in the night drunk with the intention to take Sally away from John. He crossed the room singing & dancing toward the door of John’s room. Br. B. was waked by the

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noise—sprung from his bed, & ordered the Indian out of doors. He hesitated, & Br. B. laying hold of a chair, brought him a blow which laid him at his length on the floor. His head was considerably bruised, & I wonder not broken, for three (I think) of the chair legs were broken off by the blows. The wife of the Indian, who had followed him, dragged him out of doors. In a short time a billet of wood came through one of the windows. Br. B caught the chair bottom, went out & collared the fellow & gave him a sort of spanking he had not known before. The Indian ran home for his gun. The enraged relatives came running over—the whole household were thrown into a fright, but it all passed off with nothing further [than] some hard words. But if the fellow had been seriously hurt, who can tell what the results would have been, not only to Br. B. but the other members of the Mission. Drunken Indians are not over sane in mind. Br. B. thinks this affair has gained him more influence with these Indians than any other act he has ever done among them, but it must be a sort of negative influence for a meek hearted Missionary. How shall we preach the “Sermon on the Mount” & expound it to these Christian Indians? [As this letter reveals, as well as another letter from Boutwell to Greene dated February 14, 1845, liquor had become a serious problem in the Folle Avoine or St. Croix valley, especially with the increase in lumber camps. Missionaries, both Catholic and Protestant, responded with a call to temperance, and the Ojibwe were encouraged to sign temperance pledges.8 Still, however, the missionaries’ failure to halt the liquor trade only contributed to Ely’s discouragement. On November 23, 1845, he wrote a long letter to David Greene, describing the situation of his school and the mission at Pokegama.9] The average number of scholars for the year was less than ten. The decrease is owing to the fact that the Indians have ceased to rendezvous here as formerly. They do not come & camp by the mission. They do not plant here. They have not energy enough to fence against cattle and hogs, and therefore, for two seasons on their return from their pay8. Boutwell to Greene, February 14, 1845, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 11. 9. Ely to Greene, November 23, 1845, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12.

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ment,10 they found their gardens demolished. Having no farmer to plough for and assist them, the few who have planted at all, this year, have planted at Fishing Lake [Fish Lake], about fifteen miles up Snake River. They made that their principal camp last winter and summer, are now there, many of them, and will probably remain the coming season. Occasionally, they camp at Mr. Russells, two miles from us,11 for a short time, generally on the occasion of a Grand Medicine dance, but soon scatter, most of them returning to Fishing Lake. It is apparent, therefore, that our opportunities of labour with the Indians, save our Church, are very limited. The causes which drew them away from us will continue to operate, as there are no counter influences at work. Nor is the mission in its present condition able to counteract, for, the influence which it once exerted over the Indians, is in a great measure, lost. Our Church, I will tell you sir a little what their present situation [is]. It consists of six male and four female members. John [Maiingans], the first convert, is a drunkard, and has relapsed into paganism. His house and field lie waste. Baiejik (Daniel) is drunk at this moment, in his own house, in company with pagans whom he invited there to drink with him. Louis and Alexis LaPrairie [Duchene], both drunkards in their father’s house. Nancy Laprairie living with a Frenchman in an unmarried state, otherwise correct. There are some extenuating circumstances in her case. Joseph Laprairie & wife, parents of the above, remain firm. Charles Cadotte, (son in law) & wife, have gone to Lake St. Croix, principally on account of difficulties with drunken relatives. We suppose them firm. Susan, daughter of Joseph, has a drunken husband, firm.12 The Little Sioux [Buanens] (see Meeting at head of Lake Sup. 1842) relapsed into paganism, and died last spring, not a member of the church. John, Daniel, Louis, Alexis & Nancy are all yet in the church. John has stood under censure for four years. No communion season has been observed for more than one, and I think more than two years. It is so long since that I cannot recall the time. 10. Since the Treaty of 1837, the Ojibwe were receiving their annuities at La Pointe each summer. 11. At the entrance of Lake Pokegama into the Snake River. 12. Records of St. Joseph’s Mission, La Pointe, indicate that Susan Duchene was married to J. Baptiste Achkakwa, and their son Joseph was baptized there on July 14, 1841.

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For a season circumstances rendered it, in my estimation improper for Mr. Boutwell to officiate, principally in consequence of a difficulty between him and Daniel, whh would have required church action, & which has been cancelled only by being worn out. There is great spiritual dearth in the church. Joseph has three children in school. Susan, two. Daniel, one. Charles (absent) has one. This is my field, as teacher. I have in my family, Peter Camden, aged about 21 years. He is a son of Mango-o-sit, Chief of Fon du Lac, who was under my instructions during the fall & winter of 1836, during that winter, Peter and a Br. older whom we called Edward, learned to read & write. On their father’s return to paganism, we lost sight of them & after wandering about in the fisheries of the Lake, until two years since, Peter embraced religion. The first time I heard him express his feelings was at that meeting on the Lake shore. He gained spiritual strength, was incessantly studying his Testament, & at times his exercises were very interesting. He accompanied Br. Ayer & myself, in commencing the Red Lake station, & when I returned here, came with me, & has been with us more than half the time since. He received his name at the hands of Elder Cavanaugh at the Meth. station at Fondulac where he spent about one month, previous to the meeting on the Lake shore. His patron Mr Peter G. Camden of St. Louis, counsels & assists him a little, but we have principally supported him. He ought [to] have been recd into the church a year ago. It may be asked, why has God suffered such a change in the prospects of this station? Has this declension and apostacy in the church taken place, despite of faithful & well adapted pastoral & missionary labour? despite of earnest prayer and a humble reliance on the Holy Spirit for His influences? However this may be answered in your mind, I feel that the mission have not clean hands in the matter. I cannot fill the place of a missionary, were I disposed. There is an incongruity in the missionary’s yielding his work to a teacher & engage in secular business. He lays off his profession in the estimation of all. Br. Boutwell has been in the field with his hired man, as regularly as the man himself. There are but three or four families about us. Shall we be content

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with them alone as a field of labour? We have come to preach the Gospel to the Ojibuey. What shall become of the bulk of the people, for they hear not the Gospel. I find Christians at home that expect that this is our predominant work, and are disappointed at our circumscribed labours. The station is brought into disrepute by it, and is almost become a proverb among the ungodly men by whom we are surrounded, observers of the extent of our labours. We must have a missionary who feels the sacredness of his office, work, & who preaches Christ to the Indian with a feeling praying heart, who cannot prostitute his holy calling. I do not mean to say, work none, but to feel that his call from God is, & his vows to God are, to preach, to win souls to Christ, & that his study is his closet & home instead of his fields. As for myself, with a school of 4 to 6, I am ill at ease. I cannot have a school without being where the Indians are & when I see no efforts made to collect Indians round us, for we must now depend on the influence of the Gospel to draw them to us, my heart is sad. You will excuse me, Dr Sir, for writing in this manner. I have, as you know, spoken concerning this station to my brethren. I did not feel called to complain to you. Yet, Sir, the evils must be remedied, or we shall fail entirely, and I am constrained to speak to you on the subject. The Inds. must be followed, in order to their hearing God’s word, & I fear Br. Boutwell will never do this, unless absolutely shut up to it. I am willing to take one end of my canoe, or my train with an adequate interpreter (if I am thought fitted for that work by my brethren) and preach the Gospel from camp to camp, & I cannot feel at rest until it is done, but it would be better for me to accompany a man who sustains & honours the ministerial character. He would be recd with more respect by the Indians, & his words have weight. He must be a praying man, for it is a work of faith, the simple word, against the powers of darkness. If itineracy were to be the mode of operation among the Indians of this region, this place is probably the best place for head quarters. But if we do not move out among the people, I think it will be but a short time before we may well leave the ground.

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Nov. 30. I have a request to make, i.e. permission of absence say 4 months, to visit the States. It is now twelve years since I came out. Mrs. Ely never saw anything beyond Mackinaw, has never seen one of my relatives. I think that a short visit to the busy world would add much to her stock of information & experience. I think that I can better be spared now, than bye & bye, when we should become settled in a course of active operations, or perhaps change our field. I recd three days since, a letter from Br. Hall on the subject of the spelling book, informing me of your conclusions. I have written that I was about asking a furlough, & suggested that should I go, & the Brethren were willing to commit to Mrs. E. & myself the reading of the proofs, the Board might be better pleased with it, than our present arrangement. I wish to go as far as Springfield, Mass. Start on the opening of navigation, & get back by 1 Sept.

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[While awaiting Greene’s reply, on March 31, 1846, Ely wrote to Sherman Hall at La Pointe to explain his views on the cause of the failure of their mission. It is a very important letter, revealing not only his discouragement but also the faint glimmer of some plans for his future.13] It has seemed to me, for two or three years past, that our attempts to Christianize these Indians were very lame and inadequate, in part from a wrong policy, pursued in our operations, & in part (& a very important part too) from a lack of the great & essential qualifications necessary to the promulgation of the Gospel among a dark minded pagan nation. They must see an illustration of what is preached, & they must feel the power of it.14 The mere sound of the word does not make it quick & powerful—sharper than a two edged sword—or as the fire & hammer. Otherwise, many would have been smitten by the word. This is the way the spirit works, through the word. The word seldom falls powerless from the lips of him who “preaches the Gospel with the 13. Ely to Hall, March 31, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 14. Perhaps Ely had seen Midewe scrolls, or other Ojibwe writing, and realized that these drawings were mnemonic devices that told a story. Ely himself developed some visual aids to teaching Christian ideas, as seen in figures 16 and 17.

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Holy Ghost sent down from heaven.” I judge there has been a great lack of this most important fitting—or qualification—for the work of missions not only by the brethren in the ministry but by all connected with the Ojibue mission in a greater or less degree & hence our ill success. Our converts are still-born, praying today & Miteuiing or drunk tomorrow. They do not seem to stand condemned before God & yield themselves guilty & vile to Him for healing, but gradually become familiarized to the forms of Christian worship, & edged along into the Church, no body knows how, with very little of the teaching of the Holy Spirit & consequently a proportionate amount of Christian principle. By our policy, our operations scarce extend beyond our stations, and but a small portion of the Nation hear even the sound of the Gospel from Jany to Jany. And we are found wondering that the Indians are not converted, & the churches are enquiring of us—what success? what success? And we are comforting each other with the fact that other missions have laboured many years before fruit was seen, seeming to forget the divine energy by whh the word has so often possessed a present power. I have given up the expectation of seeing the apostolic mode practiced by our mission among these bands. I am not a preacher. I do not possess the natural Character—not to speak of qualifications—requisite for a preacher. I have often said, that if I could by my efforts, support such a man in my place I should deem it my duty even to leave the mission if necessary to accomplish it. When therefore there was a prospect of securing the mineral location I thought—perhaps something may come of this.15 I did not know that it would be necessary for me to leave the mission, but both to myself & Brother Boutwell it did not appear that any part of our missy operations would be hindered by my leaving (if necessary), or particularly advanced by my remaining. Br. B. knows nothing of my plan of sustaining an itinerant preacher. I never mentioned it to him, 15. A letter dated April 10, 1846, from Albert Ely to his brother indicates that he (Albert) was interested in acquiring mineral lands, perhaps as a joint venture in Wisconsin. Ely Correspondence.

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supposing that he with all the rest of you, would laugh at the scheme. But aside from that plan, unless I am of more importance than the lumber to be taken care of & disposed of as to be least in the way, I had rather retire from the mission service. If there is any important work in whh I can profitably be engaged, any where but inland, I am ready to go to it. But I am unwilling to go inland & engage in forming a New Station, as I think it will turn out much like all our other attempts, a source of trouble & vexation & ultimately be abandoned, & months of hard manual labour & much expense be thrown away. I would rather attempt to reach those Indians with the Gospel another way. As to going East—I am undecided. I cannot take my family. Br. B. is loth to express an opinion—suggested that it might interfere with his plans—thinks I had better not be in haste to decide. [Greene’s letter to Ely (dated January 7, 1846) giving him permission to travel east and allowing him $100 for this purpose, must have reached Ely soon after the above letter was written. By April 25 he and his family were on the steamboat Lynn, on their way down the Mississippi to St. Louis to visit Delia Cooke before continuing on to Boston. Sherman Hall, meanwhile, had gone to Pokegama to consult with Boutwell and Ely on the future of the Pokegama mission. Finding Ely already gone, Hall wrote to offer him the position of teacher at the La Pointe school upon his return, expressing his concern that he (Ely) might be unwilling to associate with him.16 Later Hall and Boutwell came to the decision that the Pokegama station should not be continued. “It is in the highest degree painful to our feelings to be obliged to come to such a result. Years ago we consecrated ourselves to the missionary work among this people. We expected trials, and we have met them, and are still willing to face difficulties and selfdenial, if by perseverance we have a fair prospect that the end in view can be accomplished. We commiserate their wretched condition, and we are not sensible that our love for them has abated. And nothing but the conviction that there is no hope of doing them any extensive and permanent benefit, would induce us to abandon any part of the field, or induce any of us to turn our thoughts and sympathies away from them and look for 16. Hall to Ely, April 30, 1846, Ely Correspondence.

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some other field of labour. But in their present condition, it seems impossible to do much for them.”17 Before leaving for Boston, Ely had told Boutwell of the letter he had written to David Greene, explaining the unsatisfactory situation at Pokegama. Boutwell felt obliged to offer his side of the story, which he did in a letter to Greene on May 10, 1846, believing Ely’s statements were “calculated to make an unfair & incorrect impression upon your mind.”18] In the spring of 45 we felt it our duty to add to our old requisitions, another, viz the temperance pledge. This was the rub—they could send their children to school & attend chh. occasionarlly, but they could not practice self denial. In the meantime, they destroyed their own fences for fuel, & cattle & hogs injured their crops at the entry [Pokegama to the Snake River] & they withdrew to Fish Lake 20 mls. from us. The following however recd. aid last spring, Chs. Baptiste, Silver [Shonia], Baiejig & Buanes widow. The last 3 were aided also in fencing gardens. Till bro. H[all] came here, he & the brethren at La P. all had the impression that no one was aided. True bro. E. was not here during such time last spring, & but a part of the time the spring before. Again I am represented as degrading my ministerial character by manual labor—of this I leave the community to judge. I have labored only because necessity was laid upon me, & from which I should have been glad to have been exempted, as your Comite would have been glad to have had me. . . . Again, he speaks of the state of the chh., that there are cases calling for discipline & that the Lords supper had not been observed for about two years. Why did he not go into particulars & tell you the reasons for these things? Why not say it was necessary to call assistance from La P. & that we had done so, but in vain. . . . But farther still, as the fact has been demonstrated here, you cannot get an Ind. chh. to assume the least responsibility in cutting off or suspending an offender. During bro. Halls visit the subject was attempted & in the case of Louis, Alexe, Baiejig & John for drunkenness, not one of the members would 17. Hall and Boutwell to Greene, May 2, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 18. Boutwell to Greene, May 10, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12.

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say they should be disciplined. After much reasoning & explanation showing the propriety of the step & what the Bible demanded, still no one would give his opinion even. Chs. at length says, “We have nothing to say, it will be as the teachers say, who are going to throw us all away.” Do you ask why they would neither give their opinion nor act? I ans. simply because they feared to offend the offender & perhaps incur his ill will. Again he speaks of difficulties between myself & Baiejig which in his opinion disqualified me for administering the ordinances. If so I ought not to have continued preaching, & why, if he thought so, did he not tell me of it? If he refers to the difficulty with the old mans son, & on account of which the old man uttered threats, I don’t know how his threats should implicate me, & that when bro. E. well knows, the old [man] a few weeks after, [called] us both to his house & made his confession. He not only then, but afterwards at different times, expressed his grief for what he said, & added that his son had no business to go into my house & conduct in the manner he did. One thing is certain, the Inds. to my face, one & all approved my course, whatever they may have said behind my back. . . . Again bro. E. censures me with a neglect of visiting & informs you, that he is ready to take his end of the canoe or pack, & go with an interpreter & preach the Gospel from lodge to lodge, if his brethren think him fit. No one to my knowledge has ever discouraged him, or threw an obstacle in his way. But what are the facts in the case? While he has had an Ind. boy, Peter, in his family for 2 years past & who had brought in his wood & water, with nothing but his school on his hands, I don’t know whether I have been the cause of his not carrying out his favorite views. While his mind the past winter & spring was absorbed in the mining interest, he could take his pack & go alone day after day in examining this region for copper . . . But I wish a man to act up to his principles. If he could go alone to hunt copper, why not go alone from lodge to lodge & preach the Gospel; or if not alone, Peter could have occasionally gone with him? He seemed to feel no care, no responsibility, was at liberty to go, & come, without my even knowing where he had gone or what was his business, if I were at home he seemed to feel it was sufficient. I know bro.

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E. meant well. I love him still, for I cannot believe he intended me wrong in what he has done or said. But if he felt that some one should visit & he had more leisure than myself, he should have acted accordingly & thus forward the great work to which we were consecrated. I was however surprised that he should advance the idea that as a catechist he had nothing to do by way of visiting from lodge to lodge for giving religious instruction. [In closing, Boutwell asked Greene to confer freely with Ely on the subject matter of the letter, and even to put it into his hands.19 It is not known how Ely received this communication, or if he even received it, but in his reply to Boutwell, Greene stated, “Relative to the case of Mr. Ely and what he has said or written relating to yourself and your course of labors, you must let me say that I think you make rather too much of it. If you both of you had work enough, just around you, like what you had before the Sioux onslaught, there would have been none of this faultfinding, dissatisfied feelings and talk, on either side . . . We may therefore let that pass.”20 While Ely was visiting his family in Springfield, he received a letter from David Greene notifying him of the decision to close Pokegama, and the recommendation that he, upon his return to the field, take the place of Grenville Sproat, teacher at La Pointe.21 In his reply to Greene, Ely acknowledged that it was “probably best to leave [Pokegama],” but also reiterated his belief that “more prominence should be given to preaching in the wigwam, that fewer things should be suffered to occupy the Missys time, to the prevention of that kind of labour.”22 It was at this time that the abcfm Committee voted to release Boutwell and his wife from further connection to the board, requesting him to dispose of the Mission property on behalf of the board.23 Boutwell would remain at Pokegama for another year, and Ely would join Sherman Hall at La Pointe. Still, the dissension among the missionaries was of no small concern to David Greene. “We trust that all will be of one heart & one mind 19. Boutwell to Greene, May 19, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 20. Greene to Boutwell, July 2, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 21. Greene to Ely, June 4, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 22. Ely to Greene, July 1, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 23. Greene to Boutwell, July 2, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12.

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in this work; & if all cannot see precisely alike, that you will differ kindly, while all strenuously cooperate in the work of the Lord.”24 The Elys did not return to La Pointe until late in the summer of 1846. Hall was ready with a sort of contract, enumerating Ely’s responsibilities and rights, and his own. It was not at all pleasing to Ely, who wrote on it: “Br. Hall, there are one or two points in the above whh are so different from the former customs at the stations I have been connected with that I cannot consent to it unless the committee direct so, particularly the one concerning donations.” Ely was referring to the requirement that all individual donations to the missionaries become the property of the board. It is not known if this issue was resolved.25 Upon his return to La Pointe, and while most of the Ojibwe families were away wild ricing, Ely took advantage of the lull to accompany two eastern gentlemen, Caleb Cushing and a Mr. George on a canoe trip to St. Croix Falls, although he went only as far as the Snake River. It is probable that he was going back to Pokegama to retrieve some of his family’s possessions. He maintained a journal during this voyage of thirty-eight days, from September 14 to October 21, 1846. The journal is very faint and difficult to read.]

Journal 18

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Voyage to P υkeg υma and Back, September and October 1846

Sept. 14, 1846. Started from Le pt in company with Hon. Caleb Cushing, Mr. George of N. Y. & Mr. Purinton of falls St. Croix in a 4 fath. bark canoe.26 A half breed & a half civilized Indian for a crew, Antoine Charette & Pineshi or Francois [Brunet]. Marched in the morning [illegible words] We embarked about 10 oclk. After travelling 6 miles, wind so light from the west—polled on to Red Raspberry river. The men said we must camp here as we had to gum and there was no camping place near. In the 24. Greene to Ely, July 3, 1846, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 12. 25. Undated contract in Ely Correspondence. 26. Caleb Cushing, Massachusetts legislator and statesman, was interested in plans for developing the timber resources along the St. Croix River. Paul R. George was his confidential agent and business adviser. James Purinton was part owner of the St. Croix Falls Lumbering Co. Goodman and Goodman, Joseph R. Brown, 251–52.

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full expectation of travelling all night, we thought that it would be well to gum canoe & cook supper before dark, but we did not understand that they were determined not to go on at all. An offer of a reward of half dollar each proved no inducement & after an hour we concluded it best to desist & submit cheerfully, so we had to pitch our tent after dark & be willing to abide the morrow. 15th Rose at 1½ A.M. Cooked our coffee & got ready very deliberately & embarked at 3½—breakfasted at Sandy bay, where we found Joseph [La Prairie] & Charles [Cadotte] & others, who had started from Lepoint after nightfall, & passed [illegible] The wind howled into the w[illegible] & as we rounded the point [we] met quite a sea, & made more rough by the reaction of the swells against the rock bluffs whh form those points. Our men said if we went on we should not be able to land in the bay ahead, on account of the heavy surf. I however, knowing the shore, determined to risk it. It was a hard pull & rough sea. We affected the landing in the bay without difficulty. Here we camped in a cedar thicket, expecting to remain at least till evening. Spent part of the day in sleep. About four, cooked, & as soon as we could get ready to embark, the wind was sufficiently abated—we passed the headlands but before we got into Siscouit river, the wind from the south was too strong to admit of proceeding, so we camped about 10 oclk on the sand—built a large fire & made a cup of tea.

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16. About 9 oclk wind having abated some, we embarked—made the traverse to Bark pt. Wind about south, & quite a heavy swell beyond the point—dined at Cranberry river—arrived at Brule about 7½ oclk evening. 17. Started about 8½ oclk. Stopped to gum at noon. Our canoe being too round, we progress slowly, because we draw too much water. Our men are obliged to wade much, in order to lighten up the canoe in shawal [shallow] places. Mr. George killed some ducks, whh made us a good supper. Camped a little distance above the first portage. Charette is quite ill this evening. Camped in thick woods, & a good fir bed. 18. Got off in tolerable season—had to stop & gum about 2 oclk—passed the 2nd portage & we camped at the upper end of the 3rd in open air—water has been better today—men are smart.

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Sat. Morn 19. This morning Francois barked a tree & drew on it with coal, a picture of which the above is a copy.27 It represents a large canoe. Frenchmen—small man Ely—next size George—thick man Purinton—Eagle with hat on—Cushing (an U. S. dignitary) & crane—his own totem—larger, because he is the largest man—steersman.28 Camped in the elms. Jos. & Charles camped the first night where we did the 2nd. A thunder storm in the night & high wind. Camp smoky & disagreeable. Sabbath 20. I had an express arrangement with Mssrs C & G before to rest on the Sabbath. This morning Mr. Purinton made a special request, based on the urgency of his business affairs, to travel today. I replied that no argument based upon secular considerations should weigh in the case. Mr. C. & Mr. G. said they were bound in honor not to lay by, & could not ask me to go forward, but would be very glad to go. Thus the matter rested for half an hour, when Mr. Cushing & Mr. George urged the removing the camp to some more comfortable place (upstream), & wished to know if I had any objections. I replied that I would not object to seeking a better camp. The men voyageurs then said if we embarked, it must be for all day. They did not wish to remain still & gave their reasons. I became satisfied that there would be an unpleasant state of things during the day, that all would feel that they were held down back by me. I therefore called Mr. Cushing and told him I would give up the direction of things to him, & if he saw fit, to go. He immediately proceeded to prepare & in half an hour all were on board. I told him freely my feelings, & that I did not wish to restrain them against their wills. So the day has been occupied in journeying, & by my companions in gumming & fishing. Mr. P. & myself walked 3 or 4 miles. We embarked at 11½ oclk—are camped on the E. bank of river in a cypress grove, between the Nibegυmυnin [Nebagamon] & pυkueans.29 Monday. Started about 7. Mr. P. & myself walked to the encampment at the 27. Ely’s journal contains a drawing of men in a canoe. Due to the poor quality of the image, it is not reproduced here. 28. Ely does not seem to realize that totems are of great importance to Ojibwe identity. This is his first and only mention of totem in his journals. François Brunet would not have had a totem, or clan, if his father was not Ojibwe, since totems descend in the patrilineal line. 29. Where the Brule widens into two lakes, Lucius Lake and Big Lake.

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town Pυkueans, it being understood with the men that we should embark at that place. We waited at the place 3¼ hours but no canoe. I set a mark, pointing up stream, & went on to the middle of the Pυkueans—waited again— went to the rapid—waited again—set a mark & passed on. We heard guns up stream at different times & concluded some Indians, or else Charles & Joseph were hunting there. We finally concluded we would cross the river & go to the encampment of the great Pokueans beyond whh we could not go on the shore, & also beyond whh we could not embark—here we waited one hour. I then started down the shore determined to know whether the canoe had passed us or not. I travelled through cedar swamps & windfalls back to near where [we] were to embark, but no canoe. It was now clear to me that we were left. I struck back into the plains, & in about an hours smart marching reached Pokueans & found Mr. Purinton awaiting me. We must now start for the St. Croix portage, some 12 miles off. We went down to a narrows, stripped & forded the river, travelled a mile or two & camped. Having no axe picked up what wood we could, spread a bed of boughs, drank some water, & lay down to sleep—no blankets—not cold, for we camped in the swamp. Tuesday 22. Started at 5 oclk, after having eaten a small trout whh Mr. P. took in my absence yesterday roasted on a stick before the fire in the Indian manner. Travelling excessively rough from fallen bushes & brush— ravines—bluff 200 ft high followed the direction of the valley of the river. Sun came out in the morning, but clouds from the S. mostly obscured it. We could not travel in some places farther than one mile an hour. Passed a new town line recently run—about one mile beyond we fell into an extensive cedar swamp. Sun obscured—could not see the river & only tell our point of compass by the flying clouds. While here we heard a shout! We instantly replied with the whole power of our lungs, whh was exagd, & we were thus led out, & to our joy, our two voyageurs in search of us, with some hard bread for us. We found water & refreshed ourselves. About 4 miles brought us to the portage, & through much better travelling, found that shut & the following notice pinned to the door—[illegible]. It was about 11 oclk when we arrived. After entering, I started the men in the portage. Mssrs C & G arrived about 12, overjoyed to see us safe. We are encamped at the L. St. Croix end of the portage.

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Wed. 23d. Left the portage at 8 oclk—touched at Ozhogen’s lodge on the W. side of the Lake—got some potatoes & new parched rice. Came to the road to Lepoint. No Indians have arrived with money—found the canoe whh I had purchased of Dr Borup—found it unfit for use, badly broken—new top worn off. Not worth repairing—would take more than a day to make it at all seaworthy. Determined at once to abandon it. We are camped at the lower end of Nυmekanagon. Thurs. 24. Started at 7 oclk. We have travelled the slowest I have ever seen on this river. We are camped on a hard wood point with a good ash fire. It is calm & cloudy. There has been an unusual unsociability in the canoe. The men’s fretfulness has somewhat changed to sulkiness. They have waded almost all the way today. Camped at 5 oclk.

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Friday, 25. Hunted ducks along the river—passed the Wos. Portage Petit Gallé about 9 oclk—got some fish out of a fish rack. Nυmekagon at noon. Camp at Yellow River. Capt Page & 3 men arrived soon after camping in a bateaux.30 Our men are all the time threatening to return to Lepoint from the falls St Croix, by land. Sat. 26. Last night one of Page’s Frenchmen & Francois went over to the Little Wolf ’s lodge (the old man & sons being absent), & spent the night taking whiskey along with them. This morning Francois appeared somewhat inebriated. He came to Mr. Cushing & demanded 75 cts to purchase whiskey, stating that he wished to leave it at that place, to use occasionally on his way home by land, that he did not intend to go with us was implied. Mr. C. told him he would give it on condition he would bring no whiskey on board the canoe, but Page refused to sell him any saying (according to Francois) that he had been requested by Mr. C. not to let F. have any (Mr. George had said that to Page). F. demanded of Mr. C. if he had so directed. Mr C. denied it. F. was presently seen stealing through the bushes with his blanket under his arm. We thought he was going off, & concluded not to interfere, but he shortly returned bringing his blanket in the same manner. No words occurred, & we embarked, put on oars & Mr. Purinton & self rowed about 24 miles by 1 oclk. At the foot of Kettle River rapids came to 30. Employees of one of the lumber companies.

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Waterman’s camp.31 Hauling supplies up by the rapids got a piece of pork & some potatoes & onions. Camped on the first point on Snake River at sunset.

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Sabbath 27th Sept. 1846. This morning, my comrades after a good deal of consulting, concluded to hire two Indians to take them to the falls St. Croix & release me here with the canoe. Finally engaged Abouni & son for $8 (whh I pay). My men had calculated to go to the falls [St. Croix Falls], & then put themselves free, since they refused to go with me to Pυkegυma, or to take me back to Lepoint. I laid up my canoe in charge of an American who is here in charge of Greeley’s supplies (Riley Fuller).32 My voyageurs thereupon picked up their blankets & went over to the Indian camp on the other bank of Snake River. We parted company at 10½ oclk, so here I sat down to finish out a disturbed Sabbath. Felt rather oppressd, the sun being sultry, & withal a little heavy of heart. I needed the comfort & consolations of the Gospels. Trust God will direct my way—expect to take my pack in the morning & go to Pυkegυma. Am made a little lonely at the distance from my family, & the uncertainty of soon being able to start home. My voyageurs have very little ammunition & no provisions. Monday 28. Took a pretty heavy pack & marched for Pυkegυma, near 20 m having first given the men a little provisions (Charrette had an excuse of illness) to go home with. Was over taken by Kuandibe’s son, who ferried us over Cross Lake to his camp at Minisinakua—arrived at Br Boutwells about 3 oclk—tried to hire Louis & Baptiste Laprairie (mere boys) but although offered $30 for the trip, they wanted more, whh I refused & determined to pay no more to them. Found Br B & fam well. Tuesday 29. Mounted Br B’s little mare & rode to Sun Rise Boom & hired Francis Belanger at $1 per day & an allowance of $5 for returning.33 Started at 3 for Wolf Creek & hired Peter Lombard at same price per day.34 Engaged 31. Asa Waterman, a lumberman. 32. Elam Greely and Riley Fuller were lumbermen on the St. Croix River. Easton, History of the St. Croix Valley, 316. 33. The Sun Rise Boom was a lumber company on the Sunrise River. 34. Wolf Creek, across the St. Croix River.

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him to go to falls for the Lepointe mail for which I gave him an order, & come to Belangers, & next day to mouth of Snake River, where I would meet them with my baggage Thursday night. Started back for the Sunrise Boom & arrived about dusk. Stopped in Belangers bark house. Wed. 30th. Slept very little from fatigue. As soon as dawn, was ready to start home. Arrived at 11 oclk (25 m.) excessively lame from riding, went immediately at work with Br. B. packing, & finished at 3½ oclk A.M. Thursday. Slept one hour. Engaged Joseph Laprairie to accompany me, put my baggage on board a 3 fath canoe, about 650lb, say 11 ps, besides provisions, arrived at Cross Lake at noon—started immediately for the mouth of Snake. Mr Wright had gone down with his team—arrived at 3. Men did not come as expected.

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Friday. Mr. W. started at day break with half a load for Cross Lake intending to return with my load. I accompanied him. We were about 8 hours each way. Arrived at the camp about 11½ oclk very much fatigued. To my joy found my men there with the mail. They had gummed. Sat. 3d Oct. Slept soundly about 4 hours & routed the camp about break of day. Embarked about 6½ oclk. Mr Wright started for Pυkegυma at same time. Came on two miles to Watermans Camp—when within rods of there, tore a large hole in our canoe, a part of the back of whh is very poor. Before we could land, we had taken near a bbl of water—wet my baggage considerably. Repaired by patching, & started again at 9½ oclk. Rapids shallow, am writing at 11 oclk on the bank, watching the men approach, sometimes polling & others wading. About 3 oclk, my men arrived at Waterman’s camp at the head of the rapids of Kettle River. Canoe leaking & bales wet— unloaded—untied the bales & spread out to dry—unload to send back all that could be brought through safely on a train—box of pipes, some wet. Mr. Waterman is about sending a boat down to Snake River & will take my bales down, & leave them with Greeley’s man, to send up by team to Cross Lake. My canoe looks totally unusable. I judge the men have not been careful as they might. Sabbath 4th Oct. Prospects dark. Men troubled & apprehensive of dif-

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ficulty in getting through with canoe. Engaged in mending it although I told them I did not require them to do it today—goods to dry & pack. Profane lumbermen arrived. I am heavy of heart—the 3d restless Sabbath since leaving Lepoint. I have packed up the clothing all again, this might have been deferred till tomorrow—only reason, the anxiety of the men. Monday 5. Sent back by Mr Waterman’s team 3 bales & 1 box. Started before 6. Above Yellow River snagged our canoe & put ashore in has[t]e & repaired. Camped at mouth of Riv. Pinet. Tuesday 6. Started at 8 oclk—it rained some last night. Came on very well to Petit Gallé & camped above—an eastern storm rising. Gummed once today. Wed. 7. Started at 7½. Cold rain & wind from east. Came on well—at noon a little warmer. Men much in the water. Evening—men in water all day. Met Samuel’s canoes at head of Grand Gallé. Gummed—came on above the Nigazoain & camped—leaked badly.

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Thursday 8th. Began raining in the night although clear last eve—has rained all day, lightly. We are of course in our encampment—storm from N.E. We do not count this a lost day—hope the Brule at least will be affected by the rain—have set a watermark. Boys put another patch on canoe—have now five patches—had none on the voyage in. Camp on a levee between river & cedar swamp. Friday 9th. Arrived at the Nυmeυkonagon at noon—put ashore to gum— occupied 2 hours to dry the canoe & get dinner—bottom almost covd with gum. Came to yellow pine camp where the Docts canoe lay—Inds had stripped it of gum—we had not gum enough to repair it. Considered it not worth repairing—therefore cut the best pieces of the bottom to repair ours with—found the gum belonging to the canoe (4 or 5lb in a box) at the old woman’s camping place. Camped a little above Wht fish portage. Sat. 10th. A cold raw wind. At the portage, Belangie bargained with Ozhogens for a canoe at $8—i.e. 8 large measures of whiskey whh he is to pay when the Indian goes down to Sunrise River. B. is calculating to cheat him in the size of the measure. Arrived at the portage at noon in a smart rain—

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pitched our tent & took dinner. At 2 oclk rain slacked—removed our camp to Brule end of portage—showers by the way—baggage very little wet— ourselves completely—left part of baggage under oil cloth at the other end. Men are calculating to dry the canoe & carry it across tomorrow. Sabbath 11th. Did not rain in the night—a high wind from W. This morn, began to rain smartly again. The men know that I do not approve of them working on the Sabbath, but plead that they are in haste to get back home, but in Providence they are not permitted to accomplish their plan—they are asleep & the rain is falling fast. This is good to me & I acknowledge Gods mercy for without higher water, I had anticipated difficulty in descending the river. The men started for the canoe at 3½ oclk. Monday 12. Went for the remaining baggage before breakfast. Cut out two holes in our canoe 2 feet square & put in pieces. Canoe much improved by it. Started at 2 oclk. Below the cedar encampment found Mr. Connor camped—3 canoes. Mr House is with him. Heard of death of Mr. Cornelius Johnson at Bad river.35

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Tuesday 13th. Started at 7. At the foot of cedar shoot, struck with full headway the nose of the canoe on a stone—split the bark about 8 inches—put ashore & repaired—got nothing wet—started again at 11 oclk. Good stage of water. Camped near the foot of the elms. Wed. 14. In twenty minutes after starting, broke a hole in canoe, whh took till 11 oclk to repair—put on a large patch. Gummed once. Camped at the foot of 2d portage. Men shivering from wet & cold. [The next page of the journal is faded and illegible.] Friday Oct. 16, 1846. Snowed & rained most of last night. Cold north wind today—ran the rapids very smoothly. Men suffered much, as well as myself from cold hands & feet. Arrived at the lake at 2 oclk. It is blowing a gale from the N. Have gummed our canoe well preparatory to start as soon as wind falls. Mixd our last flour, whh will reserve for our labour, & 35. Cornelius Johnson and his wife were lay assistants in that part of the La Pointe mission, which had moved to Bad River in 1845 in order to establish a farming community.

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this eve have cooked a kettle of parched rice, sent by Eunice to Cath. Men have enquired if I shall travel on Sabbath if it is calm, to whh I replied in the negative. Sat. 17th. About 5½ oclk men called out that the wind was changing—got breakfast & started at 8 oclk. Put into Iron River (6 miles) to arrange our canoe a little. Entry nearly washed full—struck a rock whh started a leak—& withal we had well nigh swamped in the surf—gummed—rigged a sail & started again. Wind settled in the west & blew strong—press on the sail too great—took it in & laid to our oars—doubled the point of Flag River without difficulty & put into the river. Beyond the reach of the breakers found the passage round the point blocked up with sand & gravel by the late storm—shoved the canoe upon the bar—tied it there, & built a fire—& in a half hour, the current wore a channel by the side of the canoe so that we passed the canoe in & unloaded. In a shallow spot in the St. Croix last Friday, I discovered two pieces of coin in the bottom—they proved to be one a Spanish ¼ dollar & the other a temperance medal. I told the boys they should have the quarter as their perquisite. Belangie who is quite a tippler, asked of us the medal for his little daughter to [hang] on her neck. Today he was look[ing] at the medal, and asked of me the [page worn] not being able to read. I described it to him—a little girl standing weeping by the side of her prostrate father, drunk or dead. He made no reply—after a while I heard him utter, “a drunkard.” O may that medal be a salutary warning to him. He had been speaking of his little girl today. This made him His own daughter weeping by the side of him! This may have been true in his own case. We are expecting the wind to fall towards night, in whh case we shall embark. Sabbath Oct 18. The wind fell at sunset, & we embarked at 6 oclk—a light south breeze arose. We came on to Cranberry river—a smooth but quite heavy swell. About a mile beyond, nearly off the headland, I observed the small wind clouds rising in a contrary direction from the breeze. The swells began to increase, & we concluded we were about getting a sudden change of wind, & put about & pulled into the bay. The swells rapidly increased, combing up white with foam. Belangies oar lock gave way. I took his oar

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& gave him my paddle as one of our paddles was cracked. It was with the utmost difficulty that we made any headway. It seemed as if we should be swallowed up by them. One soon struck us, dashing into Belangie bosom. I could do little more than keep the canoe headed to the sea, for if one had struck abeam, we should have filled. (Belangie broke his paddle.) As soon as we were opposite the Little river, we beached our canoe. As we struck the shore we sprang into the water, and as each swell lifted her, hauled her on shore beyond reach of filling, & there unloaded. It was 9 oclk—a bright star light. Nothing injured, nor seriously wet. I had hardly expected other than swamping, in whh case our lives to say the least, would have been in great jeopardy. Our canoe & load arrived. I consider my life spared of God. I see his providence in not permitting us to go forward as we most assuredly should have filled. The squall lasted till about 10 oclk. Had we filled & yet got ashore, we should have had no fire, no blanket [faded] & have suffered extremely from the chilly night. My life whh thou hast made my Lord I devote to thee. Wind from S. again this morning. Change now to the west. We rest this holy day much against the will of the men. 3½ oclk—a canoe has just come around the headland from Lepoint. The mens spirits are very sensibly enlivened by it. The first thing they thought of was “tobacco” for they are out to day. The sight of the canoe, I must allow, has a cheering effect on me also. They proved to be 2 Indians, an express of the Union Mining Co. from Fondulac to Lepointe on their return. Lake is getting rough & they encamp at the river, a little beyond us. Monday 19th Blowing a gale. Concluded to start across for Lepoint, & one of the express Indians will accompany me, to take the mail if possible to Lepointe before Dr. Borup shall embark for Fondulac, as the Inds. inform me he intends doing soon. We left at noon, a gale from north with snow. We travelled back to Flag River, & took the winter trail to Lepoint, with provisions for 1½ days close living. Came on about 10 or 12 miles. Camped—built a shelter of boughs to keep off the snow—are much wet. Eat a short supper tonight. Tuesday 20. Marched soon as light. Crossed several miles of burnt country, & had much difficulty in keeping our trail in consequence of [ ]

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nearly obliterating the marks. Killed two partridges—hoped to get to the bay opposite Lepointe, but are disappointed—have found 4 to 6 inches of snow in the open country. Another short supper—one partridge & a small piece of bread & pork between us. The Ind. could have eaten twice the amount himself. A raw & snowy day, but a pleasant night, wind has evidently changed.

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Wed. 21. About nine o clk came to the brow of the high lands. Weather cloudy & snowy, & we did not make a beacon smoke for a boat to come for us, as we had contemplated. At the shore, fired a signal, & crossed the point to the next sand beach, about 3 miles. It was noon—we built a fire & ate our last partridge—fired again. Could hear guns & even dogs on the island (at the village of Lepointe)—fired again. Could not see the island. Soon the snow & haziness cleared away, & we could distinctly see the traverse. We kept up a beacon smoke by throwing pine & spruce boughs wet upon a fire. If the wind should rise, no boat could come. It was about 5 m across. It was near four oclk, getting almost too late for a boat to come & return. It was not very pleasant to camp in sight of home, without supper, & breakfast & dinner & supper again, in case of heavy wind. We strained our eyes until I told the Indian it was time to prepare for camping, & getting wood to sustain a night fire on the shore, when we descried a boat approaching. 3 small boys concluded to come over. We lost no time in getting aboard, & arrived at the fort at dusk. Dr. B. had gone. About an our after, my canoe arrived. Dr. B. returned in it, so I gained nothing by coming across. Of 38 days, I have been travelling 37. [ Journal 18 ends.] [Ely returned to La Pointe on October 21, 1846, to take up his teaching duties. He and Miss Abigail Spooner, a teacher of the girls’ school, decided to join their two classes together, boys and girls, a novel experiment for the time. This would enable “one to perform the labour of two,” as he wrote to David Greene on April 21, 1847. It might also allow the ever restless Ely more freedom to move about. In May 1847 Ely returned to Pokegama with his family, probably to attend to the planting with his Ojibwe friends who still lived at the mis-

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sion station.36 He was back in La Pointe by August 11, quite involved in the Temperance Movement. Then, for a period of about one year, he kept a journal of sorts, his nineteenth. It is rather a record of the illegal trafficking in liquor that went on much of the time around La Pointe. This journal is not reproduced here because its focus is not on the Ojibwe, but on the men who brought in liquor. In March 1848, while most of the Ojibwe were in their maple sugaring camps, Ely and Rev. Wheeler made a missionary tour into the mining district southeast of La Pointe. They went as far as the Ontonagon River, preaching wherever they had the opportunity and stopping to visit at the Methodist station at Ance Keweenaw. Classes resumed upon their return, although the two teachers appear to have resumed their separate schools. Miss Spooner left in August, and the task of maintaining a single school for an average of forty students appeared to be too much for Ely. He requested an assistant, and Hall concurred.37 By January 1849 Ely had determined to leave the service of the board, although letters reveal that he had been considering the idea for some time. He wrote Seliah Treat, who had replaced David Greene as secretary of the abcfm, and requested a dismission, preferably by May, the earliest date a replacement might be able to reach La Pointe. He expressed his intention to return to Pokegama, where he could be useful to the six native church members “who are left there as Sheep without a shepherd.”38 Hall and Wheeler met on February 13 and approved Ely’s request, suggesting that he use the coming school recess during the sugaring season to make arrangements for his future.39 Shortly thereafter Ely did leave La Pointe to go to Pokegama to make arrangements for his new life there. First, however, he went to Crow Wing to see Jeremiah Russell, who still owned the farm at the entrance of Lake Pokegama into the Snake River. Ely hoped to revive it and manage it for him in order to earn some money for his ever-growing family.40 On this journey he kept a journal in the form of a letter to his wife.] 36. Boutwell to Greene, May 22, 1847, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 13. 37. Hall to Greene, August 12 and October 9, 1848, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Boxes 13 and 14. 38. Ely to Treat, January 9, 1849, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 14. 39. Hall to Treat, February 14, 1849, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 14. 40. The Elys now had four children and Catharine was pregnant with twins.

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No 241 Camp Little Poplar River Sabbath March 4, 1849. Did not sleep comfortably last night— was frequently up—but when I last awoke the sun was shining—felt lonely—too much so to relish food. Can well understand why men who fear not God dislike to remain in camp over Sabbath. Without cheer, a camp is unpleasant, and those who derive not cheer from Religion, must make it among themselves. So, it is objected by some, that the voyagers spend their time in camp either at cards, or in foolish mirth, & that this, together with the unpleasantness of the camp, renders travelling, on the whole, the lesser evil. True, if they will break the Sabbath, they may as well, so far as they are concerned, do it in travelling as sitting still. But he who would honor God, not only reverences the time, but makes a valuable use of it to himself. I set to work to make my toilet. Niji [my friend] washed my wounds & trimmed off the useless edges of the patches, or pointed out the spots where my razor did not touch, for I forgot a glass & even a towell. With my razor for a mirror, I made a slight examination of my face—the blood is settled on the both upper & lower eyelids, the nose considerably swollen & benumbed. The wound on the eye is considerably less than that of the nose, whh is directly on the arch. Niji says the bone was laid bare.42 On the whole, my face feels some better since the washing off the turpentine whh had spread itself on the skin. We took breakfast about 9 oclk. I then spent 3 hours in such profitable reading, singing & meditation as led me to feel that it would have been no use profitably spent to myself at Fondulac. The glooming of the morning vanished. I have been meditating on the interests of myself & family, for both the present & future life, the bearing this journey may have upon the subject & have been able to commit our way to Him, who alone can direct our path right. If I knew it would glorify Him most I would continue to teach school, but my prevailing impression is that we shall have His Blessing (if we seek it) & be prospered & useful to His cause in the Pυkegυma plan.43 P.M. A heavy, east wind & cloudy. 41. There is no number 1. 42. It is only in his following entry that we learn of the accident that caused the wound. 43. The Pokegama plan was to begin a community of Christian Indians.

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Monday, Mar. 5. A cloudy morning, snowing lightly. Began snowing last evening about 7 or 8 oclk. We fell to work, & made a shelter of balsam boughs. In the operation, I recd a thrust into my left eye, which, although bruised all around, yet was sound. This morning the eye was quite inflamed & painful. Left camp before it was fully light. Ice mostly covered with snow, blown into piles 3 to 6 inches deep. Niji was so much improved by rest that we came on smartly. We bore straight way for the Uiguasensika (N. of the Entry). About eight oclk we saw two Indians coming out on the ice for spearing. They proved to be Katanabite & Shinguabe. Their camp was on the farther side of the inner lake & we went there to visit the old Loonsfoot [Maangozid] whom we found rather inefficient from a lame back & breast. Staid one hour. Found there a young Indian of Leech Lake Band (Otter Tail Lake) who did not go home after payment last fall because Mindinoie, Inininis sister, was willing to entertain him as a husband. The Gentn learning that I was going to Crow Wing, made up his mind to go too, & offered himself to me. On the second lake we met Joseph, Roberts stepson from Crow Wing.44 About two miles below the houses we espied a camp of Indians ahead of us. The Pillager gave me to understand that I must now take my pack, which he had carried. Swinging his collar across his breast, with whh his blanket was tied, he stepped forward of us, with an air of independence indicative of his native freedom. Thinks I to myself, “My boy, if you are ashamed to carry my pack here, you may be in another place, & ashamed to chop campwood too.” A part of those forward of us were Janins & son bringing in four deer. Br. Holt & family were well. Spates not here.45 Found Tanner at liberty to go with us as far as Crow Wing.46 Was rather lame today, walking in the wet snow. Was called to see the son of Mitigosh who is sick—found a dozen in the room—a Canadian (standing) fire burning furiously—the room some 900 or 1000 hot. Boy with a clammy perspiration on the face & skin hot—very much reduced in health, a heavy red blanket over him. 44. Probably Robert Morrin. His wife had a son Joseph who was thirteen in 1839. Chippewa Claim 86, Lucius Lyon Papers. 45. J. W. Holt, Methodist teacher at the mission. Samuel Spates, Methodist missionary at Sandy Lake since 1841. 46. James Tanner, half-Ottawa son of John Tanner. Chippewa Claim 142, Lucius Lyon Papers.

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Directed the room to be cooled, a cool sheet on him, & went to sponging with vinegar & water. His cough had been checked for 2 or 3 days. Made some slippery elm drink for him. Saw the seller Beaulieu.47

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Tuesday, March 6. Tanner concludes to go with me. I borrow provisions of Br. Holt & Livermore to pay him, & am to send them by Mr Beaulieu’s boat in the spring. Bear this in mind, my dear, send to Br. Holt 75 # flour, 35 # pork & 2 bushels corn—pay the freight. The sick boy is more comfortable. March 7 Evening. Am ready to start in the morning. Have beautiful weather. Have expected Mr. Beaulieus teams here to night & Br. Spates with them. If Mr. Carlton48 should send to you for a copy of the “Youth’s Pony Gazette” let Frank pick up such of the back numbers of 1848 as he can find (a sett) & send to him. Your subscribers will then be Oakes, Borup, Blatchford, Morrin, Moran, & Carlton. Reserve flour for Br. Holt and also pork & corn as above. If Mr. Hughes enquires after me, you are at liberty to send such of the above journals to him as you see fit—preserve it. We shall be at Sandy Lake next Sabbath & Crow Wing on Wednesday next. Read to Mr. Hughes my notes concerning the coast & islands. Took tea yesterday with Mr & Mrs Carlton, & Mrs Carlton again here this evening. Br. Holt gives me an almanac & also sends one to Br. Hall. Also a geography for Charley. Tell the boys to be studious get their lessons well. Frank his music, & all mind Mother & be good. Will send the Geography by Mr. Beaulieu next week, also a drawing of Bad River, which show to Mr. Hughes. Yours truly. Keep The Illustrated Almanac & tell the children to read it. Love to all. Keep the Methodist Almanac for its receipts. 47. At this time Clement H. Beaulieu was in charge of the Northern Outfit store at Fond du Lac. C. H. Beaulieu, Reminiscences, Henry Rice and Family Papers. Paul Beaulieu was his brother. 48. Reuben B. Carleton was the government blacksmith at Fond du Lac from 1846 to 1863. Luukkonen, Between the Waters, 128.

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Left Fondulac Thursday March 8, at 7 oClk AM. Br. Tanner for a voyager. He put the baggage on a small train in preference to carrying. At 10 oclk we were across the Grand Portage. At 1 we passed Pine Rapid, where we met Martin Luther [Ogima-gikit] with a horse train. He told us that Br. Spates & Johnson were coming & we should probably meet them. About 5 o clk met them 4 miles below ࢾshkibuaka, where we camped together. Suffered slightly from rheumatism in neck & right shoulder. Have travelled 9 hours. Friday, left camp at 5 oclk. Breakfasted above the Grave [one of the poses] about 9½—arrived at the Savannah at 1. At the opening of the river at 3 & lunched at the Portage at 6. It began to snow smartly, & knowing that Martin Luther’s lodge was beyond the Portage, we concluded we would rather go on than spend half the time in camping, so provided cedar bark for flambeaus. Arrived at the lodge at 8. Have travelled 13 hours. Saturday left the lodge at 6 ¼—arrived at the (Sandy) Lake at 7 & crossed it to the houses—8¼—3 hours. Thus we came from Fondulac in 25 hours whh at an average of 3 miles is 75 miles. Were hospitably entertained by Sister Spates, who provided us with provisions for our journey, & we are all ready to start early on Monday. Monday March 12th. Started at 3 oclk morning. I had taken a chart of the route of Paul Beaulieu, but when we got upon the lakes I could not determine our whereabouts from the chart, as he had evidently marked for lakes what appeared but swamps—or else the route was different now than the one he had passed. So we were always looking for what we had really passed—besides, on every lake the road was completely obliterated by the late thaw, & we lost much time in hunting for the portages. We expected to be set right at Muddy River, & p[ass]ed on, camped on a fine lake—about 1 mile long. Were tired, but had a most luxurious camp enclosed on windward side & back by thick spruce treetops—a blazing dry maple fire in front and a pile of the same fuel on the fourth side—several inches of balsam boughs beneath—good food—plenty of blankets—& a cheerful & thankful heart. I only wanted some of my friends to enjoy it with me. Tuesday. On account of our road did not leave camp until day (5

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20/60). Past 6 o clk met Mr. A. Morrison & McGillis on their way to La Pointe (learned that Mr. Ayer arrived last Saturday). They had just left their camp on Muddy Lake—told us that we had passed Muddy River (it passing through a lake) & that we had camped on “Pepikueueg: half way to Crowwing. Breakfasted at the next lake “Zezibegυmag” at 8 oclk. Had passed Long Lake at 3 & at 7 arrived at Russell’s. Think the distance farther than from Fondulac to Sandy Lake. We put 25 hours travel between F. and Sandy L. & just the same number of hours between S. & Crowwing but we travelled faster—yet our road was much poorer on this part of the route. Br. Russell has gone to Long Prairie some 50 miles down to attend to some buildings for Mr. Beaulieu, who goes there to live. Wednesday March 14. Br. Ayer goes down to Mr. Aitkins tomorrow to meet Br. Russell & I shall probably accompany him—distance 22 miles.49 A mail is just recd from St. Peters. Br. Ayer recd letters from Mr. Barnard50 announcing the death of the young woman from Red Lake who accompanied him to the states. Her father ( a hard case) and obstinate pagan, was very much opposed to her going, & Br. Barnard’s friends, fearing that the father will seek revenge, object to his return until he can hear from the country. Br. A has forwarded on the letters today to the mission. Lyman [Hall] is here with his father. Perhaps it is not best to speak of Br. Barnard’s fears openly. I have had some talk with Br. Ayer. He feels it very important that the Pυkegυma Christians have some one to watch over them, & that there will be no necessity for his going there if I go. He feels himself committed here as he as written below, inviting pious colonists to come here & locate. I shall write you again by Mr. Beaulieu’s man next week. Love to all. Your husband E. F. Ely Crow Wing River, Northern Fur Coy 49. Since 1848 William Aitkin had an establishment at a place called Swan River, below Little Falls, Minnesota. Rice to J. Fletcher Williams, November 17, 1872, Henry M. Rice and Family Papers. 50. Rev. Alonzo Barnard of the American Missionary Association had formerly been stationed at Red Lake but had recently moved to Cass Lake. Riggs, “Protestant Missions,” 156–57.

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Post 1849 Monday, March 19. Mr Russell left this morning at 3 ½ oclk. Henry Brissett with him.51 This is the first day of shυkagonυga,52 and the crews are merry.

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Tuesday 20. Brother Ayer goes up to Rabbit River to see a lumberman, Mr. Brown. I have taken his place, with Lyman & his Indian hauling out house logs. The timber is mostly yellow pine. He will raft them down to his location 15 miles below this. Shυkagonυga until 3 oclk, then cold. Wednesday 21. At work, making a jack for jointing plank. About 9 or 10 oclk Mr. Russell’s old ox was discovered in the river near the bank. After working an hour fruitlessly, we hitched Mr. Ayer’s old Red River ox (a huge animal) to him, and as we pried him up, he hauled him out on to the ice. He had been in nearly two hours and was nearly helpless. Put some hay under him & rubbed him another hour but he could not get up—limbs stiff. Put two horse trains side by side, rolled him onto them & old “Brown” (Mr. Ayer’s ox) hauled him up the bank. Then we built fires around him & warmed him. Mr. Ayer arrived & examined him. We concluded he would die, & thought if he were not able to get up by sunset, we had better kill him, for he would not live through the night. (He lay groaning all day) About sunset the old fellow was able to get up, & we got him slowly along to the stable. All were glad & I think the old ox was also. The Mississippi is a dangerous river—current strong & the ice wears through quick. Thawed very little today— quite cold at night. Thursday 22d. 3 weeks away from home. Think of you all many times every day. Hope the boys will be kind & obedient to their mother, and diligent at their lessons. Suppose Charles has got his Geography before this. I study French, and read Robinson’s History of America every evening. 51. Henry Brisette, son of Michel Brisette of La Pointe and an Ojibwe woman. Chippewa Claim 62, Lucius Lyon Papers. 52. Zhakaagonagaa, melting snow.

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Friday March 23. Went down with Mr. Ayer to his location [Belle Prairie] about 15 miles with a horse & wood train loaded, and Mr. Ayer’s cow in hame & breeching, drawing a flat train loaded with hay. We stopped at Fort Marcy.53 The Master Carpenter showed us all their operations—the circular saw driven by 8 horses, cutting out 1500 ft of Boards per day. The ice house, with 50 loads of ice in it, packed down in saw dust. The carpernter’s shop. The blacksmith’s shop. The forge was mounted on two strong wheels—the bellows in a tight box. On another pair of smaller wheels was a box to hold the tools & shoes for shoeing horses. The large wheels with the forge could be hooked on to the fore wheels, & the whole drawn by a strong horse team. This is to go with the army when they march about. In two or three weeks a Company of Infantry will arrive from St. Peters, and when the grass gets up sufficient for their horses, a Company of Dragoons also. A few days ago I met part of a train of 12 heavy army baggage wagon boxes, mounted on runners, drawn by four mules each with supplies for the fort. All these things look like, & make us think of war, & not peace. Thus near one hour was occupied, and we went on our way. Arrived at the location at 3 oclk. It is on a level prairie of about 10 miles long, an average of 1 mile wide, of which the greater part is entirely destitute of timber, the remaining portion is oak openings. Mr. A’s location is about 6 miles down this prairie.54 He has selected the very best spot, & has abundant wood—a large tamarack swamp—a beautiful hay meadow—and one of the most lovely pieces of river that I have seen.55 The majority of the prairie is very indifferent sandy soil, but his spot—much the best. I kindled the first fire & spread the first camp on his new home, whh he says will be held in remembrance. It had been 53. Fort Gaines, later known as Fort Ripley, was built in 1848–49 as the northernmost military post on the Mississippi. It was the government’s plan at this time to move the Wisconsin Winnebago to nearby Long Prairie to form a buffer between the warring Sioux and Ojibwe. 54. In the margin here Ely wrote: “This prairie seems to be bounded on the South, by a high bluff running westward, and apparently near the center of the bluff, & its highest portion are two or three bald peaks--on the very top of the highest one is the grave of Bυguυnegizhik, and the Whiskey Hole where he probably got his ruin, is on the premises at the foot of it.” For the story of Hole-in-the-Day the Elder’s death, see Treuer, Assassination of Hole in the Day, 82. 55. In 1849 Frederick Ayer and his wife established a Congregational mission and a school at Belle Prairie.

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shυkagonυga. I started back about 4 ½ oclk. My horse could only walk. It was 9 ½ oclk when I arrived. Found Mr. Beaulieu’s men from Fondulac, & Mr. Russel’s man, had arrived—got a note from him. He went to Sandy Lake in two days. Br. Tanner left here on Thursday morning & arrived at Fondulac Saturday eve—3 days—thru which it was probably travelled quickly.

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Saturday 24th Br. Ayer unexpectedly came in about 7 oclk this evening. He is going on Monday, up the river again for a yoke of oxen. I have been composing a letter to the Board today, explaining more fully the reasons for leaving the Mission, and asking for means to remove. I have not determined whether to send it immediately, or not. Intercourse with St. Peters is much more frequent here than I had supposed. Well, I have written quite a particular letter, thinking that the boys would be glad to [know] what Father has seen and where he has been. If they cannot comprehend all my language, Mother must explain. Even little Henry will be glad to hear something about “Papa.” I shall keep notes of what I wish to tell you of, to write again by next opportunity. I hope & expect to get much information about you all when Mr. Russell returns. Father sends a kiss for you all. Farewell E. F. Ely [Ely made an arrangement with Jeremiah Russell to take over the latter’s farm on the Snake River at Lake Pokegama for the ensuing year. After leaving Crow Wing he went to Pokegama to hire men for the farm and to direct the planting. However, he did not find men to hire and therefore had to do all the cultivation and planting himself. He finally returned to La Pointe on August 9. During his absence, on June 22, 1849, his wife gave birth to twin daughters, Annie Day and Emma Catharine. Upon his arrival Ely learned that no letter of dismissal from the board had yet been received. He was willing to remain until he was actually discharged, but Rev. Hall and the mission were unanimous in their recommendation for his immediate release. He left La Pointe with his family

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in September, and took up residence at Russell’s Pokegama farm, the old mission buildings on the eastern shore of the lake being unfit for habitation. When the letter of release was finally received in November, he was granted $250 as a “parting allowance.”56

56. Hall to Treat, September 10, 1849; Ayer to Hill, November 30, 1849; Hall to Ely, December 10, 1849. Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box. 14.

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Aftermath

When Ely and his family returned to Pokegama in 1849, it was with the hope that some Ojibwe would gather there and form a Christian community. They did not. Those who had once tried to become Christian now returned to their traditional way of life, moving with the seasons within their traditional areas. No longer a mission station, Pokegama was described as “desolate” and the church as “scattered.”1 The Ojibwe were awaiting a removal they were sure was coming. At the time of the annuity payment of 1850 the Pokegama band numbered 172 members. Baiejik was chief, Shoneyah (Shonia) was subchief, and Assiniboin (Asinibυan), Joseph La Prairie, and Francois Brunet were among the members. Nodin was chief of the Snake River band, and Shagobe, along with Baptiste La Prairie and his brother-in-law, Edward Connor, had gone across the St. Croix to join the Yellow Lake band.2 Ely’s original Christian family was indeed scattered. The Ojibwes were able to resist the onslaught of Christianity as long as they kept their traditional way of life. But once reservations were established by the Treaty of 1854, this was no longer possible. Many of the Pokegama Anishinaabeg joined the Fond du Lac band, which was assigned a reservation on the St. Louis River above Knife Portage. It was here that the real struggle began. The fears they had expressed to Ely in 1836 had become a reality. They now fought for cultural survival. There is no record of Ely’s activities during the nearly five years he spent at Pokegama, but letters to him indicate that he was somehow attached 1. Ayer to Henry Hill, November 30, 1850, Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 15. 2. Chippewa Annuity Rolls, Reel 1.

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to the lumbering business and also found employment teaching music.3 In 1854 the Ely family removed to St. Paul and soon after to the Wisconsin side of the mouth of the St. Louis River, where Ely helped lay out the town of Superior. In 1855 the Ely family moved across to the Minnesota side, and Ely was instrumental in establishing the town of Oneota. He was there in the U.S. Census of 1860 for the state of Minnesota, listed as a lumberman. Suffering severe financial losses in the real estate reverses of 1857, they returned to St. Paul, where they lived until 1870, when they returned to Oneota. In 1873 the Ely family moved to Santa Rosa, California. They moved briefly to Seattle in 1880 but returned to California after Catharine suffered a stroke. She died in San Francisco in 1881, and Edmund Franklin Ely died in Santa Rosa in 1883.4

3. Wheeler to Ely, February 25, 1850; Hall to Ely, February 24, 1851. Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Box 15. 4. H. Ely, Records of Descendants, 227.

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Appendix A

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Manners and Customs of Ojibueg Courtship & marriage1 When a man wishes to court a wife, he goes to her lodge in the night and lies down by her side. If he is refused conversation, he goes away, if the woman is disposed to entertain his suit, they converse upon the subject. He leaves his blanket on the first night, & after four nights of conversation, if he is still well recd, he remains in the lodge as her husband. The parents are sometimes consulted & sometimes not. The young husband gives a present of goods to the mother, & she on the part of the family gives him in return something of [illegible] in common use in a lodge. Widows If the husband die, someone cuts a lock of hair from the head of the deceased, wraps it carefully in a cloth & makes up a roll of a blanket or cloth, or whatever the relatives of the decd may contribute at her request, to make up the roll. A dish & spoon are commonly added. The dish & spoon are daily used in setting food before the bundle, & if anyone enter, the dish of food is handed to them, the dish & spoon returned to the roll. They say if the decd were living, he would eat what was served in the dish. The widow never in any case eats the portion served in the dish. Whatever thing she may please to manufacture, is added to the roll. At the end of 1. The following undated documents are separate from Ely’s journals. The sections from “Courtship & marriage” through “Miteui” are written on seven sheets of paper and folded together. The sections labeled “Feasts” and “Games & Amusements" are written on smaller paper that has been folded to form a sort of notebook.

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Appen di x A

the year the roll & relatives are assembled, & the roll submitted to them, which they distribute among themselves. The hair is prized by them & if the relatives go to war they carry & leave it. The widow never combs her own hair during the period of mourning, but occasionally a relative performs this office for her. At the opening of the roll, some one (man or woman) combs her hair, they then bring forward new & handsome clothing, whh they put upon her, & paint her with vermillion, & she is then told she is at liberty to marry again. If the decd have brothers, it is optional with them to marry her or not & she in case one of them takes her, she has no option, but if they decline, she then is at liberty to marry whom she will, according to the common customs of courtship.2 Widowers If a man lose his wife, the case is exactly the same, if no one of the sisters of the decd urge their claim upon him, he can marry whom he pleases. Births At the birth of a child, the father, if he has any good food, makes a feast & invites whom he will. It is common to fire a salute at the birth [of ] children. Formerly this ceremony was only observed on the birth of a son, that he might be brave & become a warrior. The feast is observed at both. Those who salute are always treated with something, if not food, tobacco. Naming The parents give the right to name the child to whomsoever they please. If the one to whom the privilege is given has nothing for a feast, he defers the ceremony. He makes a feast & calls whomsoever he will, & at that time confers the name.3 The Elder Brother or sister are considered as having authority over the younger members of the family. Sickness In case of sickness, the relatives never give medicine unless alone, but some one else is presented with a pipe (to take a smoke) or tobacco, & requested to heal. If he declines, another is solicited. When one accepts, 2. McKenney also describes these mourning customs observed at Fond du Lac in 1826 in his Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes, 292–93. 3. For other descriptions of the Ojibwe naming ceremony see B. Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies, 13–30, and Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 53–55.

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some present is set before him, & he goes about his work. If the medicine man does not succeed in relieving, he takes the present & sets it before some other man, & requests him to use his skill, &c, & a third if necessary. Ceremonies of giving Med. If a person is very sick, they give the Med. immediately & then sing (they say of this “the Med. sings”). If not, they sing first. Formerly the medicine consisted entirely of roots—in latter days various other things have found their way into the med. sack. The efficacy of some Med. is attributed to the Thunder, some to snakes. The Great Horned Snake whh lives in the water is the greatest Manito.4 The Lion with a brass or copper tail who lives under the earth. The song is addressed to the medicine—the med. is sought to produce a good effect. The Med. Drum is sometimes used, but mostly the rattle. The song is a custom of later days also. Offerings A pole is often stripped of its bark, & sometimes striped with paint, or painted entire, or not painted at all, as the jisυkiininine may direct & a dog killed for the purpose hung upon it, or a piece of stroud, or cotton, or tobacco. Every individual in the camp sometimes contributes his offerings. Dogs eaten in feasts & not feathers, goods of all kinds constitute the sacrifices.5 Jisυkiuin [jiisakiiwin] If a Medicine man wishes to know whether his patient will recover he (or if not skilled in this art, employs another) calls upon the men to build a Jisυkan (shaking tent). Sometimes of 4 poles, or 5, or 6, as the officiator may direct, set perpendicularly, as large at top as bottom—it is oftener a square, than a pentagon or hexagon. They cover this with bark Apυkuaiυg [mats]. A teueigυn [drum] is always hung on the top of one of the poles. Kitotagυnυn (table bells) & Shinauυojigυnυn (horse bells) are hung on the others. The Juggler enters the lodge, climbs to the top, & sings, using the drum & shakes the bells. He then descends & is silent. The people sit around without. The sick is some times brought near the Jisυkan. Those 4. Mishibizhiw, the Great Lynx (or Lion) who lives under the waters, is also depicted as a great horned serpent. T. S. Smith, Island of the Anishnaabeg, 97–109. 5. For a discussion of ceremonial poles see Podruchny, Gleach, and Roulette, “Putting Up Poles,” 29.

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without call upon the spirit of some animal or bird (the Turtle is most common) to go to the Great Spirit & bring word, whether the sick shall live or not—during the whole time the lodge shakes & the bells ring. Soon a voice is heard within, the voice of the turtle predicting the result. The officiator then gives particular directions what must be done, whether an offering & what kind, or a feast, &c. Sometimes a man is directed to make the feast or offer his clothing (put it in the water). If he refuses, he will be visited with sickness. Some officiators direct themselves to be bound in every part, rolled in a net, tied in a blanket & a stone be put on them to hold them still—in that case the lodge shakes violently—the cords, all tied, net & blanket, come out of the top of the lodge.6 A story is told of the Little Six [Shagobe], who among the Indians of the Folle Avoigne passed for a great Jisυki-uinini [jiisakiiwinini]. After his removal to Leech Lake he attempted to practice his art on one occasion. He directed a large lodge to be built—a large stone lay in the centre. After a time the lodge began to rock, more and more, to a fearful degree, to the astonishment of the beholders, when a heavy fall was heard & all was still. After some time they ventured to look into the lodge & there lay the Six senseless. It appeared that he had climbed up into the ledge & was shaking it himself (instead of the spirit) when, by dizziness or accident he fell & struck his head upon the stone. It was some time before consciousness returned to him. He gave up his art from this time. It is more common for the Jisυki-uinini to direct the sick to call a Medicine dance, that the most potent of their Medicines may be used to heal him, in which case he must present to the Miteui a worthy present of goods &c. If he is poor, he calls his relatives, & requests of them the means of calling the Miteui—they consequently contribute. Frequently the sick is directed to have a board with figures of various spirits drawn upon it, such as Snakes, Eagles, dog, cattle, & different animals. They suppose these animals to possess the power of healing. They do not attribute all healing to the Great Spirit, & also, preservation from danger, war, in battle. The person is to keep that board all his days. A bark also is used instead of the board. 6. McKenney described a shaking tent ceremony at Fond du Lac in 1826, Sketches of a Tour, 328–30.

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Doctors The ability of a Doctor is not considered to lie in his knowledge of Medicines only, but in his ability to propitiate or invoke the Spirit. Diseases Doctors frequently tell the sick that their disease is brought upon them by the malice of some individuals who have put some bad medicine into his system.7 Sometimes he is told that the spirit which resides in his body (for every body is the residence of some spirit) is not pleased with him— perhaps he omitted to make feasts, & hence his illness. The man who makes most feasts is likely to live long. Deaths When it is apparent that death is near, the men assemble (& others also) in the lodge, & smoke in silence. When the person is dead, one of the relatives sets tobacco before the old men, who send for a Mitig-uυkik [water drum] & Rattle, & sing a Miteui song. If the person die in the evening, the song is continued till the rising of the sun. If in the morning, they sing until sunset. As soon as he is dead, he is dressed for the grave. New & clean clothing is put on, in full costume. The hair is combed, the face is wholly painted with vermillion, & wrapped in a blanket or two. With him is wrapped a pillow, pipe & tobacco pouch, kettle, dish & spoon, axe, &c, & after the wrapping is completed the song begins. Just before burying, the lock of hair is taken. While they are laying the dead in the grave such of those who sung, who have killed a Sioux, harangues the dead, and relates the circumstance of having killed one or more enemies, & tells him that the spirits of those he has killed will carry him on their backs on his way to the spirits land. At the head of the grave a flat stick 4 or 5 inches in width is set up, on whh is drawn the totem of the deceased & for every one who put at disposal a Sioux Spirit, a red mark is drawn across it. Sometimes a Warriour plants a stick also at the head of the grave, pealed of its bark, with red stripes drawn around it, the number of rings indicates the number of war parties he (the setter up) has accompanied. For 4 successive nights a fire is kept burning near the grave, since the spirit of the decd will sleep 4 nights on his way to 7. The Ojibwe frequently saw sickness or disease as the result of bad conduct, their own or someone else’s. Hallowell, Ojibwa of Berens River, 93; Brown and Brightman, “Orders of the Dreamed,” 96.

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the spirits land. In case the decd requested not to be put under ground, the body is put on a scaffold, but this is rare among the Ojibueg.8 The grave is always kept clean, if snow falls, the relatives sweep it away. Food—sugar—is commonly placed at the grave, for the same reason as before the roll of the widow. A row of corn is sometimes planted around it, & is plucked by others. The Soul At death the spirit departs westward on the Jibaii mikυna [road of the dead]. The spirit of a man is said by the Jisυkijig to resemble a stone about the size of a hens egg, & while in the body is contained in the heart. They sometimes call the spirit of the sick into the Jisυkan in order to examine it, & then send it again into the body. It comes in at the top of the lodge. On the fifth day it arrives in the spirit’s land. After about two days travel, the road crosses a large & deep river, in which a tree is fallen, whh by the strong action of the current has a continual motion. On this log the road passes—from the other end of the log, a leap must be made to gain a point of the other shore. Sometimes the spirit falls from the log & is utterly lost. Especially such children as die while they are yet tied in the tikonagυn [cradle board], are not able to walk this log, but fall off—some also are lost in the leap. No reason is ascribed for this loss on the score of character, but it is a matter of accident. On the other shore a great strawberry (oteimin) is discovered. This they attempt to eat, but from its size it is difficult to bite into it—occasionally one is not able to get a piece, in whh case he turns back to his body, but on arriving at the body & a great fire is discovered intervening—some plunge through it & thus gain the body, in whh case the body revives. Others dare not try the fire, turn back, cross the river, get a bite from the oteimin & go on. In the spirits land a large town is arrived at, where the relations who have gone before are found & where they reside. The day is spent in quiet, but every night is spent in the dance & joy. Their food does not consist of game, but fruits of every kind in the utmost abundance. There is no end of time. Sun rises & sets without ceasing. All Indians travel this same road & there mingle in the general happiness. Old 8. When McKenney saw a scaffold burial at Fond du Lac in 1826, he was told that “they did not like to put them out of their sight so soon,” and that seeing the box containing the remains of their loved ones “was a comfort to them.” McKenney, Sketches of a Tour, 306.

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animosities are there forgotten. The Buan [Sioux] & the Ojibue live in friendship—all war is at an end. Another road leading eastward is that in whh all Whites travel—they have their own paradise, & the Indian, his. Poisons & their use When one is hated & secret evil meditated, a hair is secretly taken from the head of the hated & wrapped within some poison & preserved in the Med. sack, the person becomes delirious or foolish. A small image is sometimes made (intended to represent some person), & if death is desired, a quill with the point poisoned, is stuck into the heart, & then the image is buried. If only some bodily infirmity is intended, the peculiar part receives the poisoned quill, & then buried. Poisoned food is sometimes given to produce immediate death. Cases are stated where the bodies of the poisoned have been disinterred & the heart, lungs, gall, thorax & tongue taken by the poisoner—this is stated as a custom. After the battle at Pυkegυma the two Sioux killed were thus dissected by two Ojibueg in presence of the others—the brains & eyes & privities of one were also taken. These are dried, & when used are pounded fine & mixed with poisons to be given. The two men were Buanens & Omυshkos. Baiejik was formerly an adept, but has thrown all away. There are but few among the whole who practice such things. Poisons of various kinds are used. They have one kind with which they poison bullets, perforating the ball & putting it in the hole. This is very common with warriours—the poison is so virulent that the utmost care is used in preparing it. Miteui [Midewiwin] An Indian lost his son while on his winter hunt, whh overwhelmed his heart with grief. Wherever he encamped he carried the corpse of his boy with him, hung it up near the lodge, & spent much time in weeping by it. The young son of a neighbor hunter observing his grief, was moved to compassion. The boy told the mourning father that if he would believe him, he could restore his son to life. The father considered the boy as crazy & paid no regard to him. The boy convinced his own father that he could do it. The father called the mourning man to his lodge, set tobacco before him, & persuaded him to do as his son should direct. The boy directed a long lodge to be built, a stick or post in the centre of the lodge, painted with

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onυmυn [vermillion], & to hang 8 pieces of blankets & strouds by it. The boy then taught them to sing the miteui songs for four nights, beating the mitiguυkik [drum]. The boy then told them he must be absent four nights when he would return. The next morning he was missing & nothing was seen of him until the time elapsed, when he returned, but no longer a mere boy, but a young man. Assembled all in the long lodge, spread a bed of the 8 pieces hung up, brought the body & set it up against the post. They then sung the songs he had taught them. He then took his otter skin tobacco sack, made the circuit of the lodge, each time thrusting his sack toward the body, which produced a sensible effect upon it. This was repeated 8 times, when the body fell down. He lifted him up, breathed his own breath into a large sea shell & applied it to the mouth, breathing of the dead restored, the dead revived. He broke the shell & distributed it among the Inds. as a powerful Mυshkiki [medicine], left them, & was never more seen. This is the origin of the Miteui as believed by the Chippeways.9 So now, if the person who calls the Miteui is not able to hang up 8 pieces he tears whatever he has into 8 pieces, as that number is counted necessary. If a man wishes to call a miteui, he privately calls one of the leading men & makes known his desire to him. The man who is called calls whosoever he pleases to conduct the miteui, & directs in every thing. He calls 7 other men, himself making the eighth. The man who calls the miteui now makes a feast for the eight, at whh the first man called distributes the 8 pieces, & makes all the arrangements, but keeps the pieces in possession until he hangs them up in the lodge. At a future day the eight assemble, call the person who makes the miteui, who comes in to them dressed in his best style. The leader then takes a mitiguυkik & another a rattle & the person dances before them to the drum & song of the leader, for the length of time which the leader directs, sometimes half a day, a day or two days. If the dancer becomes tired, a relative takes his place. At an appointed time the 8, & the applicant, proceed to some private place, where he is instructed in the part he is to act in the miteui. This is accomplished within 8 days & every night the 8 leaders drum & sing for a while. On the 8th day a lodge is prepared by the women, 9. This origin myth bears no resemblance to any of the five origin myths discussed by Christopher Vecsey in his “Midewiwin Myths of Origin,” nor to those related by Minnesota Ojibwe in 1885 to Walter J. Hoffman, “The Mide-wiwin or ‘Grand Medicine Society’ of the Ojibwa.”

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who are called to a feast & certain of them designated to the business. On the 9th day, at an early hour the pieces are hung up. The eight men enter the lodge & commence singing. After four songs the applicant & all the people enter, attired in their best. The pieces are spread for the applicant to sit upon, who takes his seat with his back against the post. Four songs are then sung. The 7 then rise, each taking in his hand otter skin medicine sack, the head of whh is medicated with what they may severally esteem most potent, take their stand in a row at the end of the lodge back of the applicant, while the leader stands behind him & holds him by the shoulders. The first moves round the lodge till he comes in front of the applicant, when he thrusts his sack at him, & proceeds in his orbit, & takes his stand at the foot of the row, while the applicant is quivering under the potent shock. The 2d then does the same & so do the 7. The first performer being again at the head of the row takes from his sack a sea shell, & as he approaches the person again blows into it, & puts it into the mouth of the applicant—he stops before him shaking his sack a moment. The shell falls from the mouth of the subject. The performer picks it up & places it a little distance from him & proceeds to his place, & so do the seven, the shells being placed in the order of their performance. The seven then take their station in the path in the middle of the lodge, while in the centre stand 3 or 4 with drum & rattle who sing while the applicant, accompanied by the leader who held him by the shoulders, makes 4 circuits of the lodge, with sack in hand (whh had been previously given him). When he approaches the first of the row & thrusts his sack at him, who falls prostrate sometimes in contortions under the shock, at every successive circuit another is brought down, until the 7 lie on the ground—they then slowly rise in a sitting position. The then initiated & indoctrinated member lays before each of them one of the pieces. Then everyone of the initiated present drum & sing for a moment, men, women & children, for the children are sometimes initiated at an early age & if they are not able to perform their part the parent does it for them. This occupies a long time if many are present. Then every one uses his sack on whomsoever they meet of the initiated, & a ludicrous scene follows. Then follows a general dance moving round the lodge which, concluded, they retire & part. On the morrow every one of the initiated makes a kettle & invites friends, & this is continued sometimes two or three days. Some days

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afterwards the initiated member calls the 8. They enter the Mυtoto lodge [sweat lodge] afterwards, they confer freely concerning their medicines & art. The Mυtoto lodge is made by bending 3 saplings & sticking both ends in the ground, the circumference & height being just enough to accommodate the number who are to enter, in a sitting position. This is so closely covered with blankets as to exclude all light. A hot stone is placed in the centre. They enter it in a state of entire nudity. They first engage in a song, keeping time by beating on the stone. Water is then poured on the stone, filling the lodge with steam & exciting perspiration, when the ceremony is concluded & they go out. The object of this ceremony is to seek virtue [power] to be given to their medicines.10 Feasts For the same end they make feasts. Some one sings & harangues the Deity. The feast is considered an offering to the deity. They all partake—all is distributed in their dishes. Sometimes the maker of the feast directs that all the food be eaten. If not, they are at liberty to carry away in their dishes what they do not wish to eat. They sometimes eat to excess.11 Every man brings his own dish & spoon. The miteui feast is similar. The feast of first fruits, at whh a harangue only is made, that plenty may be given them. First product of gardens, sugaring & rice-making, are the occasion for this feast. Feasts at the grave—food is prepared & carried to the grave—friends are invited. One harangues, & then all eat. The object is that the departed may have plenty in the spirit’s land. Feasts Medicine feast Names—how derived Miteui " Totem First fruits War equippage never displayed At the Grave Hieroglyphic communications Naming children & birth At the feast the song is addressed to whatever the name is derived. It is customary for those designated by parents to name their children to fast, blacken 10. The Midewiwin is also discussed in Densmore, Chippewa Customs, 86–97. 11. This is the “eat-all feast” described by Joseph Jouvency in 1710. Thwaites I: 285–87.

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their fa four days, in order that they may be informed in a dream what to call the child. Whether it be of any thing in creation—they never give obscene names—but nothing is more customary than to have obscene nicknames. Names are derived from the Thunder for he is supposed to be a bird.12 In naming a child the individual giving the name addresses the thunder and the Spirit Father of the child. Children are named also from different parts of the bird, as Neguυnebi, the Longest Feather (ie) in the wing, [illegible] the last feather or the shortest in the wing. The bear also with his several parts afford names for children and totems, centering in the bear. The spirit of the bear is therefore addressed in naming children after him. Young persons when fasting have made known to them that children will be given them (to name) they are therefore directed what to call them. Games & Amusements Ring game—Pinjuebinige¸ [Biinjiwebinige]. Instruments, 3 rings and awl. He who is most dexterous or fortunate in throwing the awl so as to stick up within the finger ring the most times wins the game. This is the most simple game. The next is Makisin [moccasin] game. The articles used for playing are 4 balls one of which is indented or chewed to distinguish it from the others. There are also 4 mittin makisins or something else to answer the purpose of covering the balls which are secretly & with slight of hand put under them by one of the party. One party take 4 balls placing one under each covering or if he chooses only a part or only the bit ball. The opposite party then reaches for the bit ball if he find it the first mittin, he loses if last he gains. If he strikes his hand down upon one of the covers he is not allowed to look farther if not may look through all. If the party looking for the ball take it last he is allowed to have a second chance and so on. Eleven sticks are taken and placed by the players—he who gains takes a stick from the 11. The one who succeeds in getting all the sticks wins the game and takes whatever is staked. In the starting of the game a knife or something is thrown up to determine who shall commence the game. If a large number play they use more sticks—sometimes 21, 31, 41 &c. It is always an uneven number. 12. A list of names referring to the Thunder Bird, binesi, is found in Berens, Memories, Myths and Dreams, 192–93.

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Pυsikauewing (A Woman’s Game) Instruments—Pυsikauon. It is composed of 2 sticks 3 or 4 inches in length and one in diameter. A string 12 or 15 inches long attached at either end to the middle of the stick thus [Image: 2 parallel sticks connected by line] This is tossed by a stick 2 or 3 feet in length the stick thrust under the string and suspended in the air is suddenly tossed or thrown toward a certain point—previously fixed upon between the parties. Two points are fixed upon at some distance apart one party uses every effort to throw or toss or carry on the stick the Pυsikauan beyond that point. The other try to prevent it. The party that succeed in getting the Pυsikauan beyond this win the game. The women sometimes play ball as the men.13 Ball play Patagataueing [baaga’adowe] Instruments—Ball and stick Pikuakuak [Bikwaakwag]—Ball Padagatauanak—stick Ball is sometimes of wood but more generally leather stuffed with grass or hair &c. The stick used is about 3 feet long one inch in diameter bent in a circular form at one end to which is attached a small knit bag of a suitable size to hold the ball. They strip themselves naked wearing nothing but their makisins and breach cloth. They paint themselves and hook little bells &c to their belts for musick & noise. The leaders choose sides and each individual in the party places something as a stake. At the close of the play, these are brought forward and presented to the vistors. Bowl game Pυgesewυg [Bagesewin] The instruments are a bowl or pan, and 4 to 9 little articles of different figures and sizes. A full set is nine, 4 of which are so constructed as to be made to stand alone 4 are flat on one side and round on the opposite. One of iron sometimes round at other times in the form of a half moon, some made of copper some of bone. The single one (of iron) is of the first importance. 2d The standing ones. These are placed indiscriminately in the platter. When he who commences the game lifts the bowl and brings it down with 13. This game is also described by Frances Densmore in Chippewa Customs, 118–19.

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sudden force upon the ground or floor, it depends then upon the position of the articles in the bowl whether the striker gains or no. If one stand erect it gains fifty. If it fall on the piece of round iron 100 &c. The winner has the privilege of again first striking the platter &c. Instances have been known of men who have carried gambling to such an excess as to stake and lose their wives. The custom of gambling is almost universal. Fasts The object of fasting is to ascertain what relates to the future with reference to the individual or others. They fast from 1 to 10 days. Children fast only till noon. Instances have been known of persons fasting 8 and even ten days. It is common to prepare a seat in the crotch or limbs of a tree where the individual remains until his fast closes or he has had revelations. They do not address the Spirit, but when they begin to become faint with hunger, they begin to feel some indications of the presence of the Spirit. While in a sleep or stupor communications are made to them concerning the future. Sometimes are told that they shall live long at other times not. Are told that they shall be wounded in battle &c. In case one is told that he will not live long he does not remain any longer fasting, waiting for further revelations. Kabisnobi fasted 6 days—was told that he should live to have a white head—directed not to Miteui if he did he would not live long.

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16. Symbolic drawings used as mnemonic devices for traditional stories or songs. Two stories at the bottom are in English,14 one an Ojibwe version of the biblical story of the Garden of Eden. It is

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evident that Ely was using traditional Ojibwe concepts to illustrate biblical teachings. Photo courtesy Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth, Minnesota, S3045, Edmund F. Ely Papers.

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14. This woman makes the first uibinan. After the Gr. Sp. made the woman, as she wandered in the Earth, G. S. had pity on her & gave her some Blk Medicine. It was because her voice was stronger than the man’s (ie) her word was followed in the matter of eating the forbidden fruit, that the medicine was given to her. G.S. called her up above to receive the med. She slept 4 times on her journey. The 4th night the Spirit Michimakinago came & met her & gave her this medicine. She returned again. She then resolved to try the med on herself first. She to(ok) some on the point of a stick—a small arrow & thrust it into her head, & instantly fell down. The spirit Mich had told her that the dogs should help her hunt. When she returned she saw an animal, large & like a wolf running towards her, as he came nearer he appeared small like the Indian Dogs. This was the first Indian Dog.

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These arms represent the arms of Great Spirit. This mark represents an inclosure. A man & woman were placed in this garden. They were naked. They have no idea where the garden was. G. Sp. commanded not to eat of the fruit in the garden. A man came to them—he was a serpent. He told them to eat of the tree. They ate & discovered their nakedness, & they sewed leaves together to clothe themselves. They had many children. One man brought an offering of his garden. His brother brought a white domestic animal. They said to G. Sp. “have mercy on us.” G. Sp. took of the animal & not of the fruit. The gardener said to the other let us go & walk & killed him. G. Sp. calls him to a/c. He said wolves had killed his brother—he became very much afraid & ran away into the woods.

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Appendix B

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Catharine Ely ’s Diary, 1835 to 1839 Nov. 25 This day I suppose I am 18 years of age. 26 Visited an Indian Lodge in which were two women, read to them the word of God. They seemed very much interested, & seemed anxious to be instructed. 30. Washed in the forenoon, & kept school. Dec. 1. Went to Mrs. Cotta. Isabella told me that Mrs Cotta inquired about the 2 Commandment. Isabella explained it, Mrs C said she never understood so before. She supposed it meant their pictures. Mr C. was present & said that we made half of it, that it was not so in the Bible. Isabella told him it was just so in the Bible, she turned to the phrase & read it. Mr Cotta never said a word afterward. Dec. 2. It is a very stormy day, wind from the east. Mr E. was quite sick last night. He took pills this morning. Alfred & Scott arrived to day from Sandy Lake. I received a letter from Hester Boutwell. Dec. 3 I am writing a letter to Mrs Boutwell. I kept school this forenoon. Friday. I finished my letter to Hester. Took a walk in the forenoon we went as far as the Woman’s Portage. Stopped a few minutes at Brabants.1 Saturday, 5. Scott left this morning for Sandy Lake. Sabbath Dec. 13. Cotta arrived from Sandy Lake bringing a letter from Mr Catharine Ely’s diary was copied at the same time as her husband’s, but the original is not among the Ely Papers. Thus it has not been possible to verify the accuracy or the completeness of the transcription. 1. This tells us that the Brabants lived up the river from the trading post, on the way to the Women’s Portage.

443

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Boutwell. They were all well & had provision enough for the winter. We attended Cotta’s meeting this forenoon. Mrs La Pointe has to day with her children, commenced to attend our family worship morning and evening. Our meeting this afternoon was well attended. Monday 14. Cotta payed us a visit this morning. He said that Mr Aitkin would be here in a few days, & would send directly to La Pointe. He informed us of Mr A. departure to Leech Lake he supposed, he would probably arrive there to day. Tuesday 15. Suffered much from the tooth-ache to day. It will probably ulcerate by tomorrow morning. I have this day commenced reading Harmon’s Journal of Voyages and Travels in the interior of North America.2 Wednesday 16. I have been writing a letter to Mr Gibson have just finished it. Thursday 17 Visited Brabant’s family this forenoon, in the afternoon took a ride with Isabella in Cottas sleigh. Dec 25. This day we have set apart as a day of fasting & prayer. Resolved that I would pray more & read the word of God with an understanding heart read it carefully & prayerfully. Dec 26. Two Indians came in this evening, we read the word of God to them, talked to them, they listened attentively. Jan. 2. Alfred started for Sandy Lake. Dec. 30 two of Aitkins men arrived this morning from Sandy Lake. I received letters from Mrs Boutwell & Josette Pyant, they were all well.

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1836 Jan. 4 My dear husband left this morning in company with an Indian boy (Kuegetash) for Lapointe. May the Lord go with him, & bless him. To-day John Aitkins arrived. Isabella came this morning, requesting permission to stay here until Mr Ely arrived & then she would make arrangement with him. She said that she could not stay at home, on account of bad feelings which existed in the family towards her. I told her she might stay until Mr E. returns, & then she might settle with him. This evening we called the children & had a prayer meeting, three Indians attended, Mr Lapointe. Peter told them the object of the meet2. Daniel W. Harmon’s Journal of Voyages and Travels was first published in 1820. Harmon, an American, was in the employ of the North West Company from 1800 to 1819.

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ing—read a portion of scripture, sung a few hymns—and prayed. The chiefs eldest son came in this afternoon. Peter explained the card (Christ feedeth five thousand) to him, talked to him about half an hour. May the Lord bless the truth which he heard. I have this day endeavored to put my trust in the Lord, to leave myself in his hands. O may I grow in grace & in the knowledge of our Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ. Jan. 6 Wednesday. The Taw-Rouze came in this morning to ask me for a little physic. I told him I would give him some salts. We had very little of that. He said he had been sick a good many days. I gave him some. I went to his lodge this afternoon, the medicine had opporated well. Cotta sent for Isabella to come home he said he did not wish her to go about starving. Isabella had partly made up her mind to go home. Thursday 7. This morning I was awaked by the rain dripping on my bed. It rained all day. John Aitkin left this morning for Mille Lac. Sunday 10. I had some conversation with Mrs Lapointe this evening. I inquired into the state of her mind. I asked her how she felt these days past. She said she felt more the need of a Saviour, than she has formally, she felt that she was a great sinner, in looking upon her past life, she finds nothing that is good. I asked her if she felt she had ever given her heart to God, she said “no.” I told her God knew her heart. God would never cast her away if she came the right way. She must be willing to give up everything for Christ. I told her God was willing to receive her, if she would only go to him. Monday 11. Alfred arrived this morning from Sandy Lake. Jan. 20 Wednesday. The men returned last night from Lapointe. I received a letter from my dear husband, a line from brother Sproat, and Susan B. Good news from Lapointe. Mr E. will probably be here this week. Jan 25. Monday. My dear husband arrived this afternoon from Lapointe after an absence of three weeks. I received letters from several individuals. The church at Lapointe are in a very interesting state. God is in the midst of his children there. One soul they trust has been brought out of natures darkness into God’s marvellous light. Tuesday Feb 2 Peter left this morning to go to the lake to spear fish. July 16 Mary Wright Ely, born Sabbath May 29th. We think her on the whole a pretty good baby. She does not seem to

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complain without some reason. She begins to notice those around her & appears pleased when noticed. She is now seven weeks old. July 18, Monday. Usually wairysome at evening for a little while—last evening particularly so. This morning oppressed by heat, her father spoke to her & she instantly began to cry & struggle, in order to see if it came from peevishness, he spoke to her again—with the same result—but she soon belched wind—unable to decide the cause of her apparently repulsive conduct. A little disquieted in the cradle Miss Cook soothed her a little & she became passive.3 July 21. She has been very quiet today—disposed to sleep more than we would wish her to. 22. She has not been very well today, sick at the stomach. Sometimes it seems as if she was pleading to be taken up when she catches an eye fixed upon her, her whole body, eyes, arm, are all in motion pleading. July 24. Sabbath. She has been very quiet, quite playful today. Shows at times quite a disposition to be sociable. Seems to be able to distinguish language from other sounds. She has several times entered into conversation—if we may be allowed the expression—while laying in her cradle—probably wishing to be taken up. Her eyes directed into the face of the individual with whom she would seem to converse wide open—glistening with energy—a curious & musical articulation of sounds not of a complaining tone—attended with all the variety of a Grimace, whh one would imagine a child would use in such a frame of mind—the limbs put in most active requisition. Occasionally she would break into a laugh (silent, for she yet does not laugh audibly). Her whole appearance was interesting in the extreme & altogether irresistible. It would hardly be supposed a child of her age to be capable of such expression—she is 6 weeks old to-day. Tuesday July 26. She has been very good natured to day—quite loquacious & playful. Thursday 28. Baby’s fond of listening to music, sometimes she shows pleasure at the sound of the flute, rather fretful this afternoon. Aug. 2. Not very troublesome to day, inclined to talk. She loves company. 3. Delia Cooke had arrived on May 20 to help in the school and perhaps also to assist Mrs. Ely, who was about to become a mother.

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When she is awake she is always looking for some one to pay a little attention to her & chat with her. Aug. 3. M. has been quite disposed to sleep. it may be on account of the state of her bowels, nothing has passed her since yesterday—& it is near night. She has been very quiet during the day. Aug. 4. Her Mother & Miss C. were both out of sight, yet in the room. After stretching her eyes in vain at last she rolled her eyes back to look over her head—with anxious look & breathless silence. (Fear or sorrow?) was evidently working in her mind. Miss Cook approached the cradle, but so deep was her mind affected that she could not prevent her little lip from rolling although the evident cause of anxiety had disappeared. Most of the time she has been extremely pleasant. A placidity rested upon her countenance. She lay in her cradle hardly to be resisted. Aug. 10. This morning freted a little during my absence, in the afternoon quite good natured, she has slept nearly all this afternoon. Aug. 13. Little Mary shows a peculiar love of harmony. When we sing at family worship, she sometimes appears excited & commences a mellow smooth sound, significant of gratification & amusement. It would seem that she laboured to join her voice with ours. 14. M. has been a very good girl to day toward evening she became quite uneasy & fretful. She seemed to be in great pain in the bowels & cried about half an hour. We gave her a little peppermint & that eased her. Aug 18. M. has been good this morning. This afternoon I stepped out of the house. Miss C. & a little girl were in the room. The babe was in the cradle lying very quietly when all at once she screamed out. Miss C took her up & examined her, she saw marks of fingers on her face the little girl had evidently been scratching her. The girl denied that she had done anything to her. I took her out & whipped her arms & sent her home told her never to come in the house. May (Aug.) 29. Her mother took medicine this morning. It affected M. it opperated during the day. The next day she was not well. 31. This morning was a little fretful. This afternoon after a long nap was quite good-natured. She begins to know who her mother is. Sept 7. This evening while getting tea I was speaking to little M. She burst out laughing. This is the first time she had uttered an audible laugh. She has been a good girl to day.

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Sept. 20. This afternoon M was determined not to lie in the cradle. She cried & struggled to have me take her. I thought it was not duty to have her indulged. She continued crying. I spatted her legs & let her see by my countenance & talk that she must be still. She accordingly dropped to sleep. She has several times showed an unwillingness to lie in her cradle. Her will is beginning to show itself. Sept. 24. M. is beginning to take hold of things. When a book is held before her she tries to take hold of it. Oct. 24. Her father knocked off the rockers from the cradle. She had got in a habit of being rocked to sleep & she could not sleep without. We thought it best to have her go to sleep without rocking. The first day she cried very much. She wanted to be rocked. When she saw that it could not be so she finally dropped asleep. The next day she did not cry She now goes to sleep without being rocked, which is altogether better. Oct. 27. When we tell her to come, she’ll hold out her hands for us to take her. She is a very quiet babe when she is well. Nov. 21. Mary can sit alone in her cradle without any support. Her father has put on her rockers again on account of her teething. Humours have for some days pass been breaking out. I have given her magnesia twice. She is very observing. She takes notice of the kitten, & watches all her movements. Nov. 22. Her first tooth has come out this morning. She has not cried for 24 hours. She sets up in her cradle all the time most when she is awake. Nov. 29. She is now six months old & has two teeth. For some days past we have held out our hands to have her come. We thought, she was learning a bad habit of going to those only she wanted to. We thought it best, that when ever we wanted to have her come to us to take her right up. This afternoon after I had been washing her sore ears I held out my hands to take her. She would not come. Her will is gaining ascendency. Dec. 5. Mary is very fond of sucking rabbit bones & bread. She is likewise fond of hasty pudding. Night before last her father corrected her for crying at night, wanting to be taken up. Dec. 7. This afternoon I had to correct Mary for getting angry. Jan. 1837. She can sit alone on the floor. Very playful. She loves her father very much. She will sometimes cry for him. One day when I was going out, she cried to have me take her. I had previously taken her out with

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Catharine Ely’s Diary, 1835 to 1839 449

me. She has had her hand spatted more than once for taking hold of books when they were in her way. She understands that she must not meddle with them. Feb. 5. She now has three teeth. Can understand some what is said to her, she has been more peevish lately. She will climb up on my side & by the side of a bench. Feb. 16. When M. is told to make patty cake she will spat her hands together. When she is told No, No, in attempting to take anything that she is forbidden she will sometimes obey, if she is not corrected, & she then remembers, for some time. Yesterday I corrected her for crying when put in her cradle to sleep. She has learned to love her bed. When quite young she always had a crying spell when put to bed. Now it is quite the reverse. Feb. 22. Mary begins to understand language. She will sometimes imitate. She begins to know & understand more than we are aware of, & watch those around her. She is particularly fond of children. O how carefully we should walk before her, & set her a good example. Feb. 28. Today when Miss Cook was hearing a class repeat their letters she came to the letter K & M. tried to imitate. Several times during the day when we would repeat it she would. When she is told to say papa she will say dada, mama, mama. When the puss is call[ed] she will imitate, & try to say puss puss. When she picks up a little stick or chip on the floor she will put it into her mouth, but she will never swallow it. March 2. M. begins to creep forward on her knees. She has been getting about for some time backward. March 3. When she takes a book in her hand she will mumble out something. This morning I was hearing a little girl read. Mary repeated the letter K. very plain. March 14. Mary will get hold of a bench or any thing that is before her and raise herswelf up, & stand for some time. She has learned what we mean when we tell her to kiss us. She kisses with her mouth open. March 22. When Mary is put on the rocking chair she will rock herself. Today her father put her on the stool and she sat balancing herself for some time. She was very restless last night. It is probably occasioned by her teething. her upper gums are swelled. one of them have pricked through the other is quite swelled.

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April 16. This morning while holding her by the fire, Miss C. was taking out some coals with the shovel & accidentally burnt her. It has not healed Wed. 12. We went to the sugar camps this morning, took Mary on my back. Returned on the 13th. April 22. M. has for some time tried to blow her whistle. Today she succeeded to her great gratification & amusement. She repeated it several times. She has been quite uneasy to day. This morning I tied her on the rocking chair. She let her piece of bread fall & in bending to take it the chair turned over. She bruised her head sadly. She has sat out on the green grass this morn, for some time amusing herself. May 27. Mary can stand up alone. She began to stand alone a month ago. She also tries to sing when told to.

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Sept. 22, 1837 This morning wrote a letter to Miss Cooke & Mrs Newton. A canoe of Indians started this morn for Lapointe. The Indians are taking Innini to Lapointe he is very sick. Is going to be cured by the medicine men at Lapointe. Mary commenced walking in June the latter part. She now gabbers cannot talk yet. She can say papa, mamma, man, & th[—]. We are learning her to fold her hands when the blessing is asked at table & returning thanks. During worship she generally makes out to keep quiet till it is over. 23. This afternoon, Mary climbed the stairs. I told her to get down but she paid no attention to it. I spatted her leg and told her to get down. She did but immediately got up again & looked at me, to see whether I would say or do any thing to her. Mr Ely told me not to say any thing to her, but whip her directly, & then added, “she never does so to me. It is because you are slack in your government. Alas, I fear it is too true. I frequently speak to her often before she minds. I must begin a different course. I will speak to her once, & if she does not hear, speak to her again, & then correct her if she disobeys. Sometimes when told to do a thing, she is heedless about it & goes rather slowly I do not know what to do in that case, if she understood more it would be very different. Mary is very fond of hearing stories, she will remain very quiet, till I get through, although she does not understand what I say.

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24. She is very fond of Mrs Boutwells baby.4 Sometimes when she has anything, she will go and offer him some & put it in his hand. She loves to kiss him & try to play with him though she sometimes hurts him. She does not know yet when she hurts & when she does not. 25. This week sister H. takes her turn in the household work. Our verse for this week is in 1 Tim. 6. 11. “And follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, patience, meekness.” I have been washing to-day, & got through at twelve. This afternoon I took Mary with me to visit Mrs. Scott [Nancy Aitkins]. I had occasion to correct Mary this morning for disobedience. I requested her to drink some milk she had in a plate, but she would not & screamed. I spatted her leg several times before she obeyed. The rest of the day she has been a good girl. 26. M. has been a pretty good [girl] to day. 27. This afternoon she climbed on the stair. I told her to get down, which she did. She very soon climbed again. I then went and whipped her & told her that she had been a naughty girl, that she had disobeyed her mother. She then went away from the stairs. 28. Nothing remarkable took place, last night she had a little fever. Was very restless. She probably took cold being out in the damp air. 29. M. has been a good girl. 30. Last night she was very restless. Oct. 1. This morning I gave her a little magnesia and rhubard. 2. I have been washing to day. This is my week for housework. In the afternoon Sister Hester went & helped pick about the hay. Our text for this week we find in Eph. 5, 3. 3. This morning it began to rain, & Mr. E & myself went to secure the hay, covered it over with boards. It has been raining all day. Mary has learnt to cover her face with her hands while blessing is asked. She is very fond of looking at pictures. She will climb up to reach on the shelf & take down a book & bring it to me, to show her the pictures & tell her about them. She begins to say considerable many words. 4. M has been a good girl. it has been quite a rainy day. Thundered this afternoon. 4. The Boutwells arrived at Fond du Lac on September 23. The baby had been born May 16, 1837, and named Ramsey Crooks after his grandfather. Boutwell Diary, May 16–30, and August 13, 1837.

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5. A boat started for Isle Encampment.5 Mr E wrote a few lines to Edward & I sent 12 rotobagas to Mary & Mrs Lapointe.6 17. Mary can say, dirty hand, & several other words such as potato. My dear Mamma. She will repeat words after me. 21. I received a letter from Miss Cook,7 & a few goods were sent to us from Utica. No goods from Boston this year. Mrs. Boutwell has gone to live with Nancy Scott for a time. She says on account of her children.8 Mary has left off her screaming in some measure. For the two days past she has been a remarkable good girl. One reason is because she is alone. She plays very quietly. I am learning her to repeat. Suffer little children to come unto me. She cannot pronounce the words distinctly, but makes out tolerably well. 28. Mr Boutwell arrived from Leech Lake to day. Hester has returned to this house. Friday night she [Mary] cried about half an hour for the bag of buttons. She did not have her will. February 21, 1839. Mary can read in words of three or four letters. And she can just make out a little in reading. She can also write a, b, c, o. She is now learning the 3 chapter of Prov. has learned 14 verses. She has also learned to repeat several hymns, such as, Lord in the morning those shalst hear. May God who makes the sun to show. And now another day is gone. Though I am young a little one. Delia Cooke Ely. Born Jan. 28, 1838. Feb. 21, 1839. She is now walking about the house. Understands some things. She has learned to fold up her hands when a blessing is asked & when thanks are returned at meals. This morning her father rapped on the table. She was sucking was not spoken to as usual, but she immediately stopped & folded her hands.

5. afc fishing station on the north shore. 6. Mary is Mary Decarreaux, sister of Mrs. La Pointe. She was married to Edward St. Arnaud. 7. Delia Cooke had retired from service to the abcfm and gone to live with her sister in St. Louis. 8. Hester Boutwell’s abrupt departure had puzzled Edmund Ely. See his journal for October 20, 1837.

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Appendix C

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Select Ojibwe Vocabulary

Ely’s Orthography

Contemporary Orthography

Meaning

amυnisouog anakowan anj-nigi anυmiegizhik anυmiewin apaboueuin apiji apυkuai(ag) azion bashik-ogite-shinguak bekuazhi-bikatinag

amaniso anaakan aanjiniigi anami’egiizhigad anamiewin apaabowe aapiji apakwe(yag) aanziyaan bezhigookide-zhingwaak bagwaji-bikodinaag

bυguaj-inini bυkυde bozhu gυshkendυm

bagwaji-inini bakade boozhoo gashkendam

ikue-oskinigikue jibai

ikwe-oshkiniigikwe jibay

to be spooked mat for sitting change one’s growth Sabbath Christian religion seasoning entirely coarse mat(s) loin cloth lone pine lumpy hills, wilderness hills wild man (be) hungry hello lonesome, sad, depressed unmarried woman ghost; soul of a dead person 453

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Appen di x c

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jibaiimikυna jimaagυn jisυkan jisυkiiuininine kauesa keget kijida kiji-pibon kishemanito kitimagυt kitotagυnυn kυkabika ko-ko-bi-zo konege kona! kuabouagon mamυ-katakυmik

jiibekana zhimaagan jiisakaan jiisakiiwinini gaawesa geget ogichidaa gichi-biboon gichi-manidoo gizhe-manidoo idimaagad gidotaaganan gakaabikaa agokobizo gonage gonaa gwaaba’igan maamakaadakamig

manito manitokazoing mano mazhinininogizit memishimishika mishibishi mitiguυkik mitassons mŏdŏdekonaie mυjianim mυjianimesto mυji animushish mυjimanito mυkυk mυndaminabo mυnepua

manidoo manidookaazowin maanoo mazhinininogizid memiishiimishikaa mishibizhiw mitiwakik midaas(ag) mekadewikonayed maji-anim maji-animosh maji-animoshish maji-manidoo makak mandaaminaaboo manepwaa

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road of the dead lance shaking tent seer, diviner not at all truly warrior great winter Great Spirit Kind, loving spirit mourning bundle table bells waterfall poultice I wonder if it’s true dipper, scoop net extraordinary, amazing spirit religious act let it be No Feet (name) rest to build a fire lion, panther, lynx water drum leggings blackrobe bad dog bad dog bad dog devil box corn soup out of tobacco

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Select Ojibwe Vocabulary

mυnomin mυshkig mυshkigobυgon mυshkiki mυtυbuis

manoomin mashkiig mashkiigobag(oon) mashkiki madaabii

mυtoto naokue nauapu

madoodoon naawakwe nawapon

negwυnebi nikanυg!

niigaanebi niikaanag

nimishome ningianjinigiigog

nimishoome ningii-aanji-niigi’igoog

ningυshkendυm ninisigonan Buanυn

ningashkendam ninisigonaan Bwaanan

nishime nita

nishiime niitaa

nizh kuiuisensυg nŏgŏmota onυmυn osima oteimin υnuebita pindυsa-gυn poi-pibon pυkegυma

niizh gwiiwizensag nagamodaa onaman oosimaa ode’imin anwebidaa bindasaagan bwaa biboon bakegamaa

pυkυmagυn shashagυnυshk shinauυojiginυn

bagamaagan asaaganashk zhinawa’oojigan

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455

wild rice swamp Labrador tree tea medicine come out to the clearing sweat bath noon provisions for a voyage longest wing feather my ritual brothers and sisters my uncle they changed my growth I am sad we are killed by the Sioux my younger sibling my brother-in-law (of a male) two boys let us sing vermillion a father strawberry let us rest sitting raft little winter one lake goes off from another war club reed small round bell

456

Appen di x c

zhingobiins zhiishiigwan zhakaagonagaa zanagad dewe’igan dikinaagan wanagek nawapon

uemiitigoshhog uibiman uiguaz uinisibigon umisik uυtυp

wemitigoozhi wiibimaan wiigwaas wiinisikensibag misan wadab

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shingobiz shishiguυn shυkagonυga sυnagυt teueigυn tikonagυn uanυgek (n)uapu

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fir branches rattle melting snow, slush it is difficut drum cradle board cedar bark provisions for voyage Frenchmen arrow (archaic) birch bark wild cherry tea a kind of bark root

Appendix D

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Anishinaabeg of Fond du Lac and the St. Croix Valley Who Figure Prominently in the Ely Journals Akiuenzi (the deaf man) Akiuenzi Batabi Baiejik, St. Croix chief Bearskin (Mυkuauian) Bizhiki, a Snake River chief Buanens, son-in-law of Baiejik Enimaso, brother of Bearskin Eninabυndυ, brother of Kabamappa Gandanυnib, elder brother of Miskua-Gizhik Ininini, nephew of Shingup and brother of Noke, St. Croix chief Jamins, son of Ishkuakite Kabamappa, St. Croix chief Kaiashkibaz, brother or parallel cousin of Maangozid Kebegindas Kekuetash, son of Ininini Maiingans, son of Bizhiki Maangozid, son of Le Brocheux (Broken Tooth) of Sandy Lake Manitons, brother of Bearskin and Enimasυ Meguagabau (Peter Camden), son of Maangozid Miskua Gizhik, brother of Gandanυnib 457

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Mυkuauian (Bearskin) Mυtueueash, or William Talcott, son of Gandanυnib Naganab, parallel cousin of Shingup Nazhanokue, wife of Alexis Brebant Nindibens, son of Shingup, later took his father’s name Nodin, son of Kabamappa (St. Croix) Noke, elder brother of Ininini Ogimansish, younger brother of Bearskin, Enimaso and Manitons Ogima-dikit, or Martin Luther Ojanimason, jiisakiiwinini who lived near mouth of Brule River Osagi Oshogay, son of Kabamappa Osawa amikons Peter Azhaniguυn Sagakυmin Shagobe, a St. Croix chief Shingup or the Spruce: Fond du Lac chief until his death on June 20, 1835 Shonia, a St. Croix chief

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Note: In Ojibwe, parallel cousins (sons of brothers) are also called brothers.

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Appendix E

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Missionary Communit y

Ayer, Frederick and Elizabeth: both teachers at Yellow Lake; they established the mission at Pokegama in 1836 and in 1843 at Red Lake. Bissell, Catharine: see Catharine Goulais. Blatchford, Henry (François Descharrault): mixed-blood educated at Mackinac; he went to La Pointe as interpreter in 1836, later served as catechist, and helped Sherman Hall translate the New Testament. Boutwell, Rev. William T.: abcfm missionary at Leech Lake, 1834–36, and later at Pokegama. Campbell, John and Elizabeth (Davenport): he was a mechanic for the mission; she was an interpreter at La Pointe from 1833 to 1836. Chandler, Rev. Daniel M.: Methodist missionary at L’Anse. Cook, Delia: a lay volunteer at the La Pointe missions; she taught the younger children until her retirement in 1839. Copway, George: Methodist minister and Ojibwe from Upper Canada; he took over the Fond du Lac Mission for a short time after the departure of the abcfm personnel. Crooks, Hester: half-Ottawa daughter of Ramsey Crooks (president of afc) and teacher at Yellow Lake; she married Rev. William T. Boutwell in 1834. Goulais, Catharine: mixed-blood student at Mackinac school; she married Edmund F. Ely in 1835. Greene, David: secretary of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions in Boston. 459

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Hall, Rev. Sherman: abcfm missionary in charge of La Pointe Mission, 1831–55. Kavanaugh, Benjamin T. (Elder): superintendent of the Methodist missions. Marksman, Peter: Methodist minister and member of l’Anse band of Ojibwe. Pyant (Payant), Josette: mixed-blood student at Mackinac school; she was sent to Leech Lake to help the Boutwells and later married Charles Chabouillez. Seymour, John: missionary teacher for the abcfm; he was assigned to Yellow Lake and later to Pokegama. Spooner, Abigail: Lay volunteer teaching the younger children at La Pointe, 1841–48. Sproat, Grenville: missionary teacher at La Pointe from 1835 until his dismissal in 1846. Town, Joseph: missionary-teacher at La Pointe, 1835–37. Wheeler, Leonard H.: abcfm missionary to La Pointe; he arrived in 1841.

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Appendix F

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List of Persons in the District of Fond du Lac 1834 to 1835 William A.Aitkin, Factor William Davenport, Clerk Ambrose Davenport, Clerk Allen Morrison, Clerk John H. Fairbanks Charles Chaboillez, Clerk Peter Crebassa, Clerk Alfred Aitkin, Clerk John Aitkin, Clerk James P. Scott, Clerk Jean Bte. Landrie, Clerk George Bonga, Clerk Augustin Belanger, jun., Trader Henry Cotte, Trader Pierre Cotte, Interpreter Seraphim Lacombre, Interpreter Joseph Montreuille, Interpreter John Bell, Cooper George Henderson, Cooper

Boatmen Adolphe Lemaire Louis Dubreul Pierre Lenoix Agapit Archambeau Joseph Basteen Joseph Henault Francois X. Bernard Jean Bte Gendron Charles A. Provost Charles Charette, jun. Jacques Grospied Paul Beauvier Louis Goddin, jun. Paul Belanger Donald McDonald Antoine Cournoyer Francois Louis Jeremiah Charette Toussaint Piquette Edward Guedon

Francois Bellaire Jacques Carriere Joseph Hebert Michael Touche David Borswest J. Bte. Lefebvre Vital Boyer Pierre Belanger Joseph Roussain Joseph Morrison Michael Comptois Ch. Charette, sen. Joseph Lapointe Joseph Montreuille Simon Richard Pierre Jourdain Bazil Jourdain J. Bte. Goselin Joseph Charette

Source: Sibley Papers, Roll 1.

461

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Bibliography

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Unpublished Works American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions. Papers. Houghton Library, Harvard University. Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. American Fur Company. Ledger, 1834–38, Bayless Library, Sault Ste. Marie mi. American Fur Company. Papers, 1831–49. New York Historical Society. Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Baraga, Bishop Frederic. Correspondence. Bishop Frederic Baraga Archives, Marquette mi. Boutwell, William T. Diary, 1832–37. Typed copy in Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. Canada Land Petitions. Vol. 182b. Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa. Chippewa Annuity Rolls. rg 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Microfilms in Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. Chippewa Claims. Half Breed Claims Related to the Chippewa Nations, 1839. Lucius Lyon Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Documents relating to the Negotiation of Ratified and Unratified Treaties with Various Indian Tribes, 1801–69. National Archives Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Ely, Edmund Franklin. Papers, 1820–1904; 1927. Northeast Minnesota Historical Center, Duluth mn. Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba. 467

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Johnston Family Papers, 1822–1936. Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. La Pointe Mission, Church Records, 1833–66. Chicago Historical Society. Mackinac Register of Deeds. Mackinac County Courthouse, St. Ignace mi. Masson, Louis R. Papers, 1778–1837. Rare Books and Special Collections Division, McGill University Libraries, Montreal. Methodist Episcopal Church. Minutes of the Annual Conference. Vol. 3, 1839–45. Northwest Missions Manuscripts, Box 5, Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. North West Company Ledger, 1811–21. Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba. Northwest Mission Manuscripts, 1766–1926. Grace Lee Nute, compiler. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. Notarial Records in the Archives of Quebec. Montreal. Office of Indian Affairs. Correspondence. Registers of Letters Received, 1824–80. rg75. National Archives Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Office of Indian Affairs. Correspondence. Special Files, 1807–1904. rg 75. National Archives Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Rainy Lake Journal, 1834. B105/a/18, Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba. Rice, Henry M., and Family Papers, 1824–1966. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. Schoolcraft, Henry R. Papers, 1806–75. Microfilms in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Sibley, Henry H. Papers, 1815–1932. Microfilms in Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. Spates, Samuel. Diary. Northwest Mission Manuscripts, Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul. St. Anne’s Church, Mackinac Island. Register. Microfilm copy in possession of author. St. Joseph Mission, La Pointe. Register. Holy Family Catholic Church, wi. Taliaferro, Lawrence. Papers, 1813–64. Microfilms in Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul.

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Durant, Edward W. “Lumbering and Steamboating on the St. Croix River.” In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, vol. 10, pt. 2: 645–75. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1905. Easton, Augustin B. History of St. Croix Valley. Chicago: H. C. Cooper, Jr., 1909. Edwards, Rev. Jonathan. Memoirs of the Rev. David Brainerd, Missionary to the Indians. New Haven ct: S. Converse, 1822. Ellicott, Andrew. Journal of Andrew Ellicott. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1962. Ely, Heman. Records of the Descendants of Nathaniel Ely, the Emigrant. 1885. Reprint, Salem ma: Higginson Book Co., 2000. The Friend of Man. 1838. Microfilm in Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison. Gilfillan, Joseph. “The History of Lumbering in the St. Croix Valley.” In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, vol. 9: 291–324. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1901. Gilman, Rhota R. Henry Hastings Sibley: Divided Heart. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2004. Goodman, Nancy, ed. Minnesota Beginnings: Records of St. Croix County. Wisconsin Territory, 1840–41. Stillwater mn: Washington County Historical Society, 1996. Goodman, Nancy, and Robert Goodman. Joseph R. Brown, Adventurer on the Minnesota Frontier, 1820–1849. Rochester mn: Lone Oak Press, 1996. Gorrie, Rev. P. Douglass. History of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States. New York: International Book Co., 1880. Graham, Elizabeth. Medicine Man to Missionary: Missionaries as Agents of Change among the Indians of Southern Ontario, 1784–1867. Toronto: Peter Martin, 1975. Grant, Peter. “The Sauteux Indians about 1804.” Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-ouest. Edited by L. M. Masson. New York: Antiquarian Press, 1960. Hackett, Paul. A Very Remarkable Sickness: Epidemics in the Petit Nord, 1670–1846. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2002. Hallowell, A. Irving. The Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba: Ethnography into History. Edited by Jennifer S. H. Brown. Fort Worth tx: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992.

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Hambrick-Stowe, Charles E. Charles G. Finney and the Spirit of American Evangelicalism. Grand Rapids mi: William B. Eerdmans, 1996. Hickerson, Harold. The Southwestern Chippewa: An Ethnohistorical Study. Memoir 92. [Menasha wi:] American Anthropological Association, 1962. Hilger, M. Inez. Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background. 1951. Reprint, St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1992. History of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. Chicago: Western Historical Co., 1883. Hobart, Rev. C. “Religious Movements in Minnesota.” In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, vol. 1: 62–66. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1902. Hoffman, Walter J. “The Mide-wiwin or ‘Grand Medicine Society’ of the Ojibwa.” Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 7th Annual Report (1885–1886): 143–300. Washington dc: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1891. The Holy Bible Containing the Old and New Testaments: Translated out of the Original Tongues and with the Former Translations Diligently Compared and Revised. Edinburgh: Sir D. Hunter Blair and M. T. Bruce, 1834. Horan, James D. The McKenney-Hall Portrait Gallery of American Indians. New York: Bramhall House, 1972. Johnston, Basil. Manitous: The Spiritual World of the Ojibway. 1995. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2001. ———. Ojibway Ceremonies. 1982. Reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990. Johnston, William. “Letters on the Fur Trade.” In Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, vol. 37: 133–207. Lansing: Michigan Historical Commission, 1919. Jones, Peter. History of the Ojebway Indians. London: A. W. Bennett, 1861. Kane, Lucile M., June D. Holmquist, and Carolyn Gilman, eds. The Northern Expeditions of Stephen H. Long. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1978. Kappler, Charles J. Indian Affairs: Law and Treaties. Washington dc: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1941. Kohl, Johann Georg. Kitchi-Gami: Life among the Lake Superior Ojibway. 1860. Reprint, St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1985.

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Kugel, Rebecca. “Of Missionaries and Their Cattle: Perceptions of a Missionary as Evil Shaman.” Ethnohistory 4, no. 2 (1994): 227–44. ———. “Religion Mixed with Politics: The 1836 Conversion of Mang’osid of Fond du Lac.” Ethnohistory 37, no. 2 (1990): 126–57. Landes, Ruth. The Ojibwa Woman. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1938. Larpenteur, August L. “Recollections of St. Paul, 1843–97.” In Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, vol. 9: 363–94. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 1901. Larson, Agnes M. “On the Trail of the Woodsman.” Minnesota History 13, no. 4 (1932): 349–66. Luukkonen, Larry. Between the Waters: Tracing the Northwest Trail from Lake Superior to the Mississippi. Duluth mn: Dovetailed Press, 2007. Malhiot, Francois Victor. “A Wisconsin Fur-Trader’s Journal, 1804–05.” In Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 19: 163–233. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1910. Martin, Susan R. Wonderful Power: The Story of Ancient Copper Working in the Lake Superior Basin. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999. Mason, Philip P. Schoolcraft’s Expedition to Lake Itasca. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1993. McClintock, John, and James Strong. Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological and Ecclesiastical Literature. 10 vols. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1867–81. McKenney, Thomas L. Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes. 1827. Minneapolis: Ross & Haines, 1959. Meacham, Jon. American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House. New York: Random House, 2008. Neill, Edward Duffield. History of Minnesota from the Earliest Explorations to the Present Time. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott, 1858. Nelson, George. My First Years in the Fur Trade. Edited by Laura Peers and Theresa Schenck. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 2002. New Catholic Encyclopedia. 2nd ed. Detroit: Thomson/Gale; Washington dc: Catholic University of America, 2003. The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ Translated into the Language of the Ojibwa Indians [Iu Otoshki-kikindiuin au Kitogimaminan Gaie Bemajiinυng Jesus Krist: Ima Ojibue Inueuining Ghiizhitong]. New York: American Bible Society, 1844.

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Index

Abbott, James: with brigade from Leech Lake, 98, 99, 100, 104; at opposition post at Leech Lake, 82; as opposition trader at Sandy Lake, 25, 30, 39; and religious meetings, 60, 61, 66, 68, 70, 71; and social visits, 43, 46, 47, 64–65; to St. Peters, 81 Aitkin, Alfred: burial of, 254; death of, 239, 263, 267; and trading activities, 22, 68, 70, 71, 81, 98, 118, 119, 120, 137, 152, 157, 159, 163, 173, 175, 178, 184, 189, 202, 216, 224; and travel to Pembina, 73 Aitkin, John, 22, 27, 32, 66, 78, 98, 134, 159, 224, 259, 273, 308, 310, 321, 322, 444–45 Aitkin, Matilda, 116n69, 117, 118, 177, 204 Aitkin, Mrs., 114, 124, 143, 157, 160, 164, 170, 223, 240, 253, 260, 285, 277; mourns son’s death, 239; offered divorce, 115–16; receives Catholic instruction, 103; in sugar camp, 201, 204, 207 Aitken, Nancy, 116n69, 117, 177, 199, 201, 204, 209–10, 211, 214, 216, 451, 452; marriage of, 235n93 Aitkin, Roger, 22, 32, 36, 46, 52, 53, 56, 71, 201

Aitkin, William, xiii; and activities as chief trader, 8, 9, 20–22, 24–28, 38, 39, 45, 48, 49, 53, 59, 60, 62, 64, 65, 67, 68, 78, 84, 105, 112, 114, 126, 127, 161, 162, 184, 190, 222, 223, 227, 254, 255, 257, 259, 273, 282, 293; opposes opening Ojibwe lands to other tribes, 223; in Prairie du Chien for trial, 292; punishes Ojibwe for son’s murder, 246, 254, 263; pursues son’s murderer, 240; removed as chief trader, 302; returns with son’s body, 254; seeks divorce, 115–16; wounded in Dakota attack, 327 Akikosibi. See Kettle River Akiuenzi (son of Eninabυndυ), 197, 213, 233, 285, 295, 316 Akiuenzi (the deaf man), 288, 295; and funeral of son, 300; grave cover for son of, 303 American Fur Company, xiii, xix, 7, 8n19, 39, 46n25, 92, 169, 270, 272n50, 276, 281, 309, 318; unites with opposition, 111 Andanυnib, 172, 190, 191, 198, 203. See also Gandanυnib Annυtagan, 327, 335–37, 366. See also Notagon 477

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Archambeau, Agapit, 113, 282 Asinibuan, 326, 353, 354, 359, 360, 425 Ayer, Frederick, xxii, 1, 3, 6, 10, 14, 17, 20; assigned to Yellow Lake, 62, 67, 139, 151, 168; with Ely at entry, 367– 68; at Kettle River, 367; and meeting at Fond du Lac, 294–95; missionary travels of, 110, 111, 166, 277, 289, 294, 299, 303, 305, 311, 340; moves Fond du Lac mission to Pokegama, 298, 303, 305, 311–12, 321–25; moves Yellow Lake mission to Pokegama, 212, 218; with Ojibwe at winter camp, 357–58, 363–64; reports success of mission, 287, 343n17; retires to Belle Prairie, 420–23; visits Oberlin College, 390 Azhaniguan, Peter: accompanies Elys to Fond du Lac, 169; assists Ely, 177, 186, 198, 206, 212, 214, 240, 244; journey to La Pointe, 214, 245; and journey to Pokegama, 240–43; reads at Catholic service, 171–72, 186; visits lodges, 172–73, 204–5, 209 Bagone-giizhig (Hole in the Day), 296–97, 327, 331 Baiejik (later Daniel), 326, 339, 394–95, 425; asks for Baptism, 360; camped on St. Croix, 367; in Dakota attack, 351–56; in meeting at entry, 372–76; received into church, 389; winter camp, 360–61 Baraga, Rev. Frederic, xviii, xxx, 103n35, 153n34, 171n5, 195; visit to Fond du Lac, 216–19 Batabi, 209, 214, 276, 277, 278, 288, 289, 296, 297; death of, 329, 330 Bearskin, 271, 282; injured by cow, 306–9. See also Mυkuauian

Beaulieu, Clement, 418, 420, 423 Belair, Jose, 170, 255, 256–57, 263, 267, 274–75 Belanger, Augustin, 70, 94, 95, 96, 185n22, 202n46; at Fond du Lac, 210, 224, 240, 273, 329, 371 Belanger, Francis, 408–10, 412, 413 Belanger, Mrs. (Charlotte Cotté), 95 Belcour, 77, 78, 91, 92, 95, 97 Bell, John William (Dr.), 76, 79, 82, 99, 216, 227, 272n49 Bemijigomag (Cross Lake), 288–89, 312, 323, 328, 347, 409 Beshiki of La Pointe. See Buffalo Bissell, Catharine. See Ely, Catharine Bizhiki (Snake River chief ), 134, 240, 366, 367 Blackskin, 317 Blatchford, Henry, 162, 164, 224, 297, 418; with Ely at entry, 375, 376; employed by afc, 315–16, 318 Bonga, George, 71, 72, 85, 97, 103, 247, 273, 274, 331 Bonga, Stephen, 363 Borup, Dr. Charles (Yellow Lake trader), 11, 15–17, 28, 122, 169–70, 216, 295, 407, 410, 413–14, 418; replaces Warren as chief trader, 309, 310, 318 Bosquet, Michel, 330–37 Boudway ( Jean Baptiste Boudré), 93, 96 Boutwell, Mrs. (Hester Crooks), 113n61, 161, 162, 166, 168, 176, 274; at Fond du Lac, 273, 281, 284, 451, 452 Boutwell, Rev. William T., xviii, xxii, 3, 10, 12, 17, 19, 22, 27; activities at Leech Lake, 104, 239, 247, 249; assigned to Fond du Lac, 276–77, 285; assigned to Leech Lake, 30; assigned to Pokegama, 297, 298, 312,

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Index 479 357, 359, 360, 362, 363; attends Treaty of St. Peters, 273; difficulties with Ely, 390–402; in charge at Sandy Lake, 292; with Ely at Leech Lake, 80–83; marriage of, 113n61; and meeting at Fond du Lac, 294; and meeting at Yellow Lake, 106; meets Pond brothers in St. Peters, 97; and message to chiefs, 91; reports Indians peaceable, 256, 263; reports Indians restive, 246; response to Greene, 399–402, 409, 363, 371, 372; travels of, 84–85, 110–11, 161, 162, 166, 168, 270, 272, 275, 293; visit to States, 325–26 Boyce, John, 312–13 Brabant, Alexis (Brebant), 154, 155, 165, 177, 212, 272; hired to build Ely’s house, 189, 190 Brainerd, David, x, 48, 51, 54, 56, 66, 88 Bruce, Charles, 341 Brunelle, Francois (Bruny, Brunet; Pineshi), 71, 74, 81, 97n20, 270n45, 282, 327, 403–5, 407, 408, 425 Brusia (Brecheux, La Breche), 28, 37, 41, 45, 47, 52, 99, 147 Buanens, 320, 326, 328, 353; camped at entry, 372–73; determines to serve God, 389; joins war party, 370, 389; journey with Ely to Fond du Lac, 312–19; relapse of, 394; renounces paganism, 375 Buffalo (Beshiki, La Pointe chief ), 19, 166, 332 Bushnell, Daniel, 299–300, 337 Butterfly, 56n47, 83, 90 Cadotte, Charles (Charlo), 200, 339, 358, 404, 406; leaves Pokegama, 367; meeting at entry, 371–72, 375;

Pokegama church, 394–95; at winter camp, 358–66 Camden, Peter (Meguagabau; son of Maangozid), 375, 395, 401 Campbell, Elizabeth, 17, 105, 162 Campbell, John, 10, 17, 162 Cavanaugh. See Kavanaugh, B. T. Chaboillez, Charles, 66, 73, 74, 76, 81, 98, 104, 177, 270, 271 Chandler, Rev. Daniel, 162–63, 166 Charette, Antoine, 403–4 Charette, Charles, 177 Charrette, 74, 122, 157 Comptois. See Kennosh Connor (Conner), Thomas, 325, 330– 37, 358, 367, 411 Connor, Edward, 336, 357–58, 425 Cook, Delia, 10, 17; assigned to Fond du Lac, 215–16, 239, 446–47, 449; conversation with Maangozid, 264; Elys visit, 399; leaves Fond du Lac and missionary life, 265, 266; Mary Ely dies in care of, 348, 356 Copway, George: arrives in La Pointe, 165–66, 169n; as missionary to Fond du Lac, 367–68, 370; participates in meeting at entry, 373, 375, 385–87 Coteque, 201, 239, 257 Cottanse, 52, 63, 65, 70, 71, 78 Cotté, Henry, 120, 122, 123, 124, 128, 173, 184 Cotté, Mrs. Henry (Isabella Gournon), 158, 159, 172, 173, 185, 186, 192, 203, 206, 283, 443, 444; assists Ely in school, 120, 125; conflict with Catholics, 126, 127; interpreter for Ely, 123, 124, 127, 163, 174, 176, 177, 191, 198, 199, 209 Cotté, Mrs. Pierre (Margaret Roussain), 116, 117, 124, 132, 133, 141, 174, 175,

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Cotté, Mrs. Pierre (continued) 197, 199, 201, 223; assists in funeral, 143–44; baptizes deceased infant, 147 Cotté, Pierre, 112, 115, 138, 143, 144, 147, 160, 173, 186, 195; brings Baraga, 216–17; building at Fond du Lac, 125, 194, 196, 211, 218; conducts Catholic service, 102–3, 115, 121, 139, 154, 174, 177, 187, 201; conflict with Ely, 118, 123–24, 128, 175, 185, 199–200, 213; instructs Catholic Indians, 117, 164, 172, 197, 205, 206; interprets at council, 217; post activities of, 20– 22, 114, 120, 125, 134, 140, 141, 146, 155, 159, 170, 196, 207; and school, 116, 117, 118, 125, 132–33; transferred to North shore, 223; travel of, 70–71, 126, 164–65, 190, 212 Crebassa, Peter, 136, 137, 157, 234, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 256 Crooks, Hester, 10. See also Boutwell, Mrs. Crooks, Ramsey, 138, 165, 273, 302, 309 Dakota Sioux, xi, xxii, 43, 80, 153, 161, 296, 297, 316, 318, 343, 363, 373; attack Ojibwe at Lake St. Croix, 326–28; attack Ojibwe at Pokegama, 350–56; attacked by Ojibwe at Kaposia, 372 Davenport, Ambrose (Sandy Lake trader), 32, 34; attends religious meetings, 54, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 77, 78, 104; post activities of, 41, 42, 44, 48, 49, 52, 53, 55, 57, 70, 73, 74; travels of, 75, 76, 98, 102, 104, 162, 165, 233, 273, 274 Davenport, Mrs. Ambrose (Mary Dufault), 77, 99

Davenport, Mrs. William (Marry Dufault), 90, 104 Davenport, William (Leech Lake trader; brother of Ambrose), 30, 34n2, 70, 71, 80, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89; attends meetings, 103, 105; travels of, 91–97, 233, 274 Day, Amanda, 1, 102, 165, 223 Dickson, James, 234 DuBrielle, 158, 162, 258, 330 Dufault, Louis, 79, 90, 104 Ellicott, Andrew, and Leonid meteor shower, 50–51 Ely, Albert Wells, 2n3; and interest in mining, 398n15; and living in New York, 51, 70; studies at Marion College, 272, 284; studies medicine, 357n38 Ely, Catharine, xviii–xix, xxi; arrives at La Pointe, 162; birth of children, 216, 290, 423; with Copways at Fond du Lac, 368, 370; death of, 426; difficulty with Bezhikoguυnebi, 317; health concerns of, 177, 189, 208–9, 220, 237–38, 260; journal of, xxvii; and journey to Fond du Lac, 168, 169; and life at Fond du Lac, 175, 176, 204, 212, 236, 240, 247, 248, 265, 274, 276, 280, 281, 282, 292, 295, 296, 301, 307, 309, 318, 319, 323; marriage of, 166; received into church, 164; visits lodges, 201, 240, 284, 291, 359, 384; to winter camp, 359, 360, 362, 365 Ely, Delia Cook, 290n7, 323; death of, 356–357 Ely, Edmund Franklin: and David Brainerd, 51, 54, 56, 66, 88; arrives at Sandy Lake, 27; assigned to

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Index 481 Fond du Lac, 112; assigned to La Pointe, 403; closes Fond du Lac mission, 322–23; concerts with friends, 5–6, 14, 25, 28, 31, 47, 51, 58, 67, 69, 189, 238; and conflict with Catholics, 118–19, 123–25, 175, 177, 185–86; demission of, 423–24; and difficulties with Boutwell, 391–402; and difficulty with Bearskin, 279–81; discipline in school by, 38, 39, 118, 132–34; discouragement of, 391–99; discusses chieftainship with Nindibens, 190–99; in disfavor with afc, 309; dissents with Hall, 403; gives account of Pokegama church, 394–95; gives astronomical lecture, 123, 126, 128–29; goes to Red Lake, 387, 390; and importance of Sabbath, 4–5, 87, 91, 93, 95, 97, 108, 115, 117, 119–20, 128, 129–30, 149–51, 154, 176, 183, 185, 214, 227, 236–37, 265; and interest in mining, 398; at Leech Lake, 80–91; and the Lord’s Prayer, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 56, 61, 95, 100, 105, 281; marriage of, 166; opposes idolatry, 24, 175, 177, 198, 210; opposes Midewiwin, 214, 252, 269; organizes meeting at entry, 387–90; problems in Pokegama church, 391–93; and reluctance to return to Pokegama, 390; removes cattle to Pokegama, 311–12; replies to Hall, 391–93; requests land of Fond du Lac Ojibwe, 211–20; studies Ojibwe, 10, 35, 36, 41, 48, 53, 55, 57–58, 64, 91, 120, 121, 151; takes leave of absence, 399, 402; takes up duties at Pokegama, 338; teaches commandments, 37, 55, 56, 61, 63, 70, 154, 173, 176, 187, 188–89, 198–99,

258; teaches men to read, 35, 37, 39, 42, 46, 47, 49, 55, 57, 64, 121, 122, 125, 126, 174; teaching methods of, 30, 39, 40, 118; use of medicine by, 40–41, 44–45, 51, 53, 53, 64, 121, 127, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 156, 158, 159, 175, 196, 206–7, 208, 209, 237, 242, 264, 313; uses native medicine, 304; uses scripture engravings, 29, 40, 89, 121, 136, 139, 154; uses song to teach and worship, 10, 28, 29, 30, 31, 36, 42, 37, 45, 54–55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64–65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 95, 100, 103, 104, 105, 119, 120, 120–21, 122, 135, 136, 154, 201–2, 204, 227, 258; uses sweat, 263, 286, 340; visits lodges, 65, 114, 201–4, 248, 267–68; and voyage to Crow Wing, 416–24; walks Grand Portage alone, 100–102; watches Dakota attack, 350–56 Ely, Frank, 357, 359, 365 Ely, Mary Wright, 266, 274, 292, 323, 325–26, 331, 332, 335, 338, 445–52; death of, 348, 356 Ely, Philander, 2n3, 51–52, 77, 139, 165 Encampment Island, 223n77, 272, 275, 276, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 291 Enimasυ, 236, 269, 288, 308; dismisses Ely, 268 Eninabυndυ, 209, 210, 226, 266, 299, 363, 364, 365, 372; and activities as headman, 211, 212, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, 221, 268, 295, 296, 297, 298; and Christianity, 309 Eninandŏk (Tamarack River), 136, 241 Ermatinger, James, 89, 291 Fairbanks, John, 94, 95, 96, 111, 224, 259, 273

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Ferry, Rev. William, xxiv, 7, 8, 42, 124 Finney, Charles, G., x, 8n18, 61n5, 69n15 Flat Mouth, 48, 81, 91, 218n72, 221, Folle Avoine, 117, 134, 157, 210, 269, 273, 280 Gaapυkuaieka (Rush or Flag River), 148, 179, 183, 212, 225, 257, 258, 265, 294, 330–31, 412–13 GaMawisadika (Poplar River), 183 Gaminikang-sibi (Amnicon River), 162, 230–31, 261, 266, 274, 367 Gamushkiminikani (Cranberry River), 180, 230–31, 274, 275, 330, 371, 404, 412 Gamυshkυsυkag (Elk Lake), 241, 288, 291, 311, 322 Gandanυnib (Andanυnib), 203, 205, 216, 232, 265, 269, 278, 283, 305–6, 318, 319; brother of Miskua-Gizhigot, 207; father of William, 224, 231; prepares for Miteui, 247, 248, 249 Gendron. See Jendron George, Paul, 403–5 Gichi Manidoo (Great Spirit), xiv, 22, 43, 104, 157, 188, 197, 213, 215, 226, 271, 349 Goddin, Antoine, 232, 258, 260 Goslin, Jean Baptiste, 282, 283 Goulais, Catharine. See Ely, Catharine Grand Medicine Dance. See Midewiwin Grand Portage (St. Louis River), 22–23, 100, 112–13, 204, 260, 277, 285 Grand Rapids (St. Louis River), 24, 98–99, 114, 258 Great Spirit. See Gichi Manidoo Green (Grane), David (Indian convert), 235, 255 Greene, Rev. David, xi, 3, 30, 218, 246, 274, 330, 338, 399, 402

Guekuekigabo, 186–88. See also Bearskin Guelle Platte. See Flat Mouth Hall, Rev. Sherman, xvi, xviii, xxiii, xxiv, 1, 17, 151, 168, 169; agreement with afc, 309; decision to close Pokegama, 399; meeting with brethren at Fond du Lac, 294; visit to Fond du Lac, 234–35; visit to Pokegama, 240n4, 246 Harriet (wife of William/ Madweweyash), 258, 259, 264 Herbert, Jack, 329 Hole in the Day. See Bagone-giizhig Holliday, John, 11–12 Holliday, William, 104 Hudson’s Bay Company, xii, 73 Ininini, 115, 121, 136, 140, 145, 146, 150, 177, 191, 195, 216, 225, 237, 246, 247, 250, 267, 284; death of, 286–87 Iron River. See Piuabik-o-sibi Ishkibugikazh, 353, 358, 364 Ishkuakite, 163, 164 James, Dr. Edwin, xxiii–xxiv, xxv, 46n23, 79 Jamins (Tschemens), 137, 164, 192, 194, 219, 220, 254, 268, 417 Jendron, 73–74, 77, 157 Jones, Peter, xv, xxv, 203 Johnston, George, 162 Johnston, William, 28n64, 49n32, 70, 79, 82, 85, 89, 96, 102, 160n49 Kabomappi (Kabamabi), 74, 107, 119, 210, 270, 313, 336, 419 Kabomappi’s Village, 105, 107, 108, 111, 210, 313, 336

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Index 483 Kashkibazh (Kaiashkibazh), 135, 136, 148, 173, 177, 204, 209, 210, 215, 216, 263, 267, 270, 281, 291, 300, 303, 307, 309, 329; arrives starving, 255; asks tobacco for Miteui, 214–15; brother of Maangozid, 226; camped at entry, 372 Katauabite, 297 Kavanaugh, B. T. (Elder), 363, 371, 372, 385, 394 Kebebizindυ¸, 253, 293, 319 Kebeshkυ¸, 144, 145, 154, 203, 242, 264, 300 Kebigindas, 200, 212, 221, 244, 256, 282, 285, 287, 288, 303, 307, 308, 311 Kekuetash, 202, 240, 260; applies to Cotté for instruction, 185; travels to La Pointe with Ely, 178–84 Kennosh (Comptois), 74–77, 79, 177; death of, 291 Kettle River, 243, 285, 288–89, 311–12, 320, 323, 328, 338, 360, 361 363, 365, 366, 367, 375, 384, 407, 409 Kijiosaie, 85, 89–90, 247, 256 Kishemanito. See Gichi Manidoo Kishkag, 329–30 Kitυb, 284, 287, 303, 320 Knife Portage, 24–25, 99, 113, 160–61, 285, 303, 425 Kuekuekigabau, 186, 187, 197, 198. See also Mυkuauian Kυkabika (of the St. Louis River), 202–3; 204 La Belle, Joseph, 24, 51 Lacombre, Seraphim, 122, 125, 146, 200, 317 Lake Pokegama, xxii Landry (Landré), Jean Baptiste: as clerk, 67, 99, 164, 224, 295, 298, 301,

303, 304, 305, 316, 319, 320; finds Ely buying furs, 309–11 La Pointe (Le Pointe), Joseph, 102, 103, 197, 261, 266, 284, 444 La Pointe, Mrs. Joseph (Margaret Descarreaux), 172, 184, 202, 204, 253, 270, 445, 452; attends prayer meeting, 176, 178, 192, 244, 246, 272; son dies at La Pointe, 274 La Prairie, Alexis, 394, 400 La Prairie, Baptiste, 321, 325, 328, 329, 404, 409, 425; attacked by Dakota, 351–56; attends meeting at entry, 372–75; goes to La Pointe, 367, 371; joins war party, 368, 370; return to Pokegama, 400; in winter camp, 358–60, 366 La Prairie, Joseph, 328; attacked by Dakota, 351–56; attends meeting at entry, 372–75; goes to Fond du Lac, 367; returns to Pokegama, 394, 404, 406, 425; in winter camp, 358–63, 366 La Prairie, Julius, 351, 366, 369, 370 La Prairie, Louis, 339; attends meeting at entry, 372, 375; goes to La Pointe, 367, 371; joins war party, 368, 370; present at Dakota attack, 355, 356; in winter camp, 358, 359, 363, 365 Little Crow (Dakota chief ), 343, 372 Little Portage, 368, 369, 384 Little Wolf. See Maiingans Loomis, Elisha, xxiv, 58n47 Luther, Martin. See Ogima idikit Maangozid, xii, xvii, 141, 142, 144, 145, 147, 148, 170, 193, 195, 196, 221, 231, 233, 235, 238, 240, 266, 267, 273, 276, 299, 395, 417; claim to chieftainship, 210; conversion,

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Maangozid (continued) 226–27; and copper-tailed lion, 245–46; discussion with Catharine Ely, 248–49; on the power of Ojibwe medicine, 268–69; prepares for Miteui, 247, 262–63; rejects Christianity, 264, 268–69; speaker for Nindibens, 191–92, 218; struggles with Christianity, 236, 238, 250–51, 266; worships with Elys, 228–30, 236, 244, 246 Madweweyash (William Talcott), 205, 208, 209, 224, 252, 276, 277, 283, 299, 303; apostasizes, 11, 319; fished on Sabbath, 269; joins war party, 370, 386; marries, 231; seen gambling, 265, 278; struggles with Christianity, 197, 198, 223, 232, 234, 235, 244, 249, 254, 291, 293; takes part in Miteui, 232; travels of, 214, 216, 255–56, 258, 264, 305, 308; with Nindibens to St. Peters for treaty, 273 Maiingans ( John; Little Wolf ), 109, 110, 240, 297, 328, 339; in attack by Dakota, 352–53; with Ely to Fond du Lac 312–20; relapse, 394; on St. Croix, 407 Majigindas, 279 Manitons, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 226, 267, 278, 309; officiates at funeral, 300–301 Marksman, Peter, 165–66, 240, 267, 305 Massey, Louis, 79, 99, 115, 259 Mazhnυmegus sibi, 152, 180 McCormick, James, 35, 39, 42, 52, 57, 64, 67, 69, 76 McDonald, Donald, 60, 75, 79, 81, 178, 246, 258, 260, 282; at St. Peters 344, 345 Meguegabo. See Camden, Peter

Methodists, ix–x, xxv, 52, 165–66, 229, 255, 342, 345, 375 Midewiwin, xix, 22, 104, 187, 214, 215, 231, 232, 249, 251, 252, 263, 268–69, 286–87, 288, 298–99, 382–83, 433–36 Miskua Gizhigot, 173, 174, 178, 191, 203; ill, 205–6; death and funeral, 207, 210, 212 Mitueueash. See Madweweyash Montreuille, Jose, 93, 95, 272 Morrin, Robert, 200 Morrison, Allan, 65, 66, 257, 259, 305, 320, 321, 371 Morrison, Mrs. Allan (Charlotte Chaboillez), 253, 270 Mυkuauian (Bearskin, Guekuekigabo), 186, 188, 226, 271, 282, 301; difficulties with Ely, 279–80, 306–8, 309 Naganab, 173n9, 192, 193, 194, 309, 319, 371 Namekagon River, 108, 110, 313, 323, 336, 407 Nazhanekue, 208, 233, 265, 272 Nebagamon River, 314, 333 Neuiguaswika (Bark Point), 148, 174, 175, 180, 182, 190, 274–75, 294, 331 Nindipens (Nindibens), xii, 158, 164, 173, 174, 190, 198, 210, 211, 214, 217n71, 226, 263, 268, 278, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 302, 306, 330, 371; acknowledged as chief, 185; exerts authority, 191–92, 196–97, 218–19, 220–21, 257, 260; goes to treaty council, 273; lends land to Ely; as a peacemaker, 199; takes father’s name, 260–61 Nodin, 296, 344, 348, 349, 350, 425 Noke, 135, 136

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Index 485 Nυmυjitiguaia sibi (Nemadji River), 137, 174, 241, 289, 322, 329, 336, 373 North West Company, xii–xiii, 38n10, 87 Notagon, 258, 260, 327, 366. See also Annυtagan Nute, Grace Lee, xxvii, xxviii

274, 294, 314–15, 318 Osaua amik (amikons), 145, 157, 184, 185, 195, 208, 281, 283 Osaua pinesi (Yellow Bird), 266, 274, 275, 281, 287, 288 Ozhoge (Osage, Ozhogens), 108–9, 183, 208, 220, 315, 367

Oakes, Charles, 302, 303, 417 Ogima idikit (Ogimagiikit, Martin Luther), 100, 295, 375, 377, 388, 419 Ogimansish, 267, 271, 281, 364 Ojanimason, 183, 169, 227 Ojibwe: ceremonies of war party, 225, 370–71; distrust of American government, 211–12, 218, 226; feast at grave, 43, 46; fish with flambeaux, 90; funeral practices, 143–44, 147, 161, 166, 207, 300–301, 303; gambling, 209, 265, 267, 278; generosity, 108, 109, 135, 149, 151; Grand Medicine Ceremony (Midewiwin), 22, 104, 117, 215, 288, 298; hold council, 217–19; hospitality, 29, 104, 135, 136–37, 364; hunt with flambeaux, 109; and liquor, 15–16, 85–86, 89, 103, 392–94, 397–98, 400, 415; love of ornament, 87; mourning by, 16; practice of medicine by, 22, 38, 40, 71, 157, 158, 237, 268, 282; profanity, 78; shoot missionaries’ cattle, 292–93, 295, 299, 331; suffer starvation, 63, 68, 82, 87–88, 128, 139–41, 144, 173, 255, 291, sugar camp, 80, 82, 200–206; sweat, 144, 247; test Ely, 269–70; and tobacco, 43, 80, 271, 326–27, 329; warfare, 152, 161, 163; welcome dance, 20–21 Opishinguaka (break in the river), 46,

Petit, Michel (Misho), 113, 315, 371 Pickering, John, xxiii, 36n7, 58, 97, 108n45 Pierce, Cyrus, 166, 200, 223, 240, 244 Pine River, 312, 323, 328, 361, 363 Piuabik-o-sibi (Iron River), 183, 208, 273, 275, 412 Pond, Gideon, 97, 112, 343, 344 Pond, Samuel, 97, 343 Provost, Charles, 227, 258, 260 Pυguυnegizhik (Hole in the Day). See Bagone-giizhig Pυkegυma of the Mississippi, 96 Pυkegυma of the St. Louis, 183, 320, 330 Purinton, James, 403–6 Pyant, Josette (Payant), 178, 200, 221, 259, 270, 271; assigned to Leech Lake, 166, 168; marriage of, 270n43 Rainy Lake, 85–86, 103, 159, 270 Raskans, Simon, 255, 270, 273; and altercation with Scott, 261–62 Red Cedar Lake (Cedar Lake), 60 Red Cedar Lake (Upper), 89, 239 Red Lake, 79, 80, 89, 90, 390 Rivet, Paul (Reva), 146, 148, 149 Riviere O’Soule (Swan River), 96 Roy, Jean Baptiste, 76n25, 115 Roy, Joseph, 76n25 Roy, Vincent, 118, 159, 160, 270, 299 Russell, Jeremiah, 38, 69, 326, 339, 366, 370; at Crow Wing, 415, 420–21, 423;

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Russell, Jeremiah (continued) government farm at entry of Lake Pokegama, 350, 352, 354, 356; learning to read, 35–36, 64; to St. Peters for cattle, 340–47 Sagakomin, 148, 156, 158, 187, 264, 303, 311, 317, 329 Sapin, 305. See also Nindipens Savanna Portage, 26–27, 114, 259–60 Sayer, John Charles, 159, 160 Sayer (Sayre), John, 113, 118 Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe, xxiv, 7, 107n44 Scott, James (clerk for opposition), 46, 47, 53, 58, 60, 63, 64, 65, 73, 74, 76, 98, 99, 102; and difficulties with Simon, 261–62; as Fond du Lac clerk, 239, 272, 273, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281; and religious discussions, 175, 235–36; travels of, 134, 137, 161, 176, 184, 202, 223, 231, 233, 248, 258, 265–66, 283, 284, 285, 287, 294, 304, 305, 315, 316, 319, 320 Seraphim. See Lacombre, Seraphim Seymour, John, 137n12, 169, 282, 289, 290, 291, 298 Shagawamigυn (Chequamegon), 111 Shagobe, 325–27, 341, 343n17, 348, 349, 353, 425, 430 Shauυanish, 337–38 Shingibiz, 191, 205, 231, 306 Shinguabe, 177, 221, 417 Shingup, 158, 160, 161, 177, 190, 191n27; death of, 173 Shonia, 400, 425 Sibley, Henry Hastings, 343 Sioux. See Dakota Sioux Siscoueka sibi (Siskiwit River), 182, 230–31, 274–75, 294, 404

Sisson, August, x, 60n1, 240 Snake River, xiv, 316, 326, 337, 340, 348, 350, 408, 409 Sogotomons, 120 Spates, Samuel, 255n17, 419 Spooner, Abigail, 414 Sproat, Grenville, 168, 169, 188, 215–16, 267, 284; dismissed, 402 St. Arnaud, Edward, 223, 224, 231, 233, 234, 261, 265, 266, 273, 276, 282 St. Arnaud, Mrs. Edward (Mary Descarreaux), 223n78, 282, 452 St. Croix River, 107–11, 136, 241, 242, 243, 313–14 Stevens, Miss Sabrina, 17, 67 Stewart, Robert, 7, 48, 112 Stitt, William, 28–30, 65, 66, 78, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105; at St. Croix Falls, 341 St. John, Francis, 110 St. Louis River, xxii, 19, 23, 112, 170, 173 Sun Beam, 351, 392 Talcott, William. See Madweweyash Tanner, James, 417–19, 423 Taunchey, John, 165–66, 263 Town, Joseph, 162, 168, 227, 230, 245, 250, 254, 257 Town, Mrs. (Hannah Hill), 254–57 Uabano, 255 Uejanimasυ¸, 247, 248 Uemikυna, 282–84 Uemitigosh, 280, 293 Uizhema (Uesamise) 236, 278 Voyageurs’ entertainment, 48, 63, 92, 95, 156 Warren, Lyman M., xiii, 8–10, 17, 112, 115, 169, 200, 232, 244, 275, 302n25, 344

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Index 487 Women’s Portage (St. Louis River), 22, 206, 273 Yellow Bird. See Osaua pinesi Yellow Lake, 28, 85, 97, 105, 107, 108, 110, 117, 135, 137, 139, 145, 147, 151, 168, 169, 173, 332 Yellow River, 109, 110, 136, 313, 337, 367

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Warren, William W., 118n74 Wheeler, Rev. Leonard, 373, 375, 386 Whiting, F. S., 3, 77, 105 Whiting, Lucia, 3, 6, 16, 77, 310 Willow River (Osisigυmimishika), 311, 313, 323, 329 Women’s Portage (St. Croix River), 110, 313

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