The New White Nationalism in America: Its Challenge to Integration 0521808863, 9780521808866

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Over the past ten years, a new white nationalist movement has gained strength in America, bringing with it the potential to disrupt already fragile race relations. Eschewing violence, this movement seeks to expand its influence mainly through argument and persuasion directed at its target audience of white Americans aggrieved over racial double standards, race-based affirmative action policies, high blackon-white crime rates, and liberal immigration policies. The movement has also been energized, Swain contends, by minority advocacy of multiculturalism. Due to its emphasis on group self-determination, multiculturalism has provided white nationalists with justification for advocating a parallel form of white solidarity. In addition, as Swain illustrates, technological advances such as the Internet have made it easier than ever before for white nationalists to reach a more mainstream audience. Swain's study is intended as a wake-up call to all Americans who cherish the civil rights era vision of an integrated America, a common humanity, and equality before God and the law.

THE

NEW WHITE NATIONALISM IN AMERICA

Over the past ten years, a new white nationalist movement has gained strength in America, bringing with it the potential to disrupt already fragile race relations. Eschewing violence, this movement seeks to expand its influence mainly through argument and persuasion directed at its target audience of white Americans aggrieved over racial double standards, race-based affirmative action policies, high black-on-white crime rates, and liberal immigration policies. The movement has also been energized, Swain contends, by minority advocacy of multiculturalism. Due to its emphasis on group self-determination, multiculturalism has provided white nationalists with justification for advocating a parallel form of white solidarity. In addition, as Swain illustrates, technological advances such as the Internet have made it easier than ever before for white nationalists to reach a more mainstream audience. Swain’s study is intended as a wake-up call to all Americans who cherish the civil rights era vision of an integrated America, a common humanity, and equality before God and the law. Carol M. Swain is Professor of Political Science and Professor of Law at Van¬ derbilt University. She is the author of Black Faces, Black Interests: The Repre¬ sentation of African Americans in Congress (1993, 199 5), which was selected by Library Choice Journal as one of the seven outstanding academic books of 1994. Award of the American Political Science Association, the D. B. Hardeman Prize of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Foundation, and the co-winner of the V. O. Key Award of the Southern Political Science Association.

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.

THE NEW WHITE NATIONALISM IN AMERICA ITS CHALLENGE TO INTEGRATION

CAROL M. SWAIN Vanderbilt University Law School

Cambridge UNIVERSITY PRESS

PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cbi zru, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vie 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © Carol M. Swain 2002 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2002 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Sabon 10.25/13.5 pt.

System QuarkXPress [bts]

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Swain, Carol M. (Carol Miller) The new white nationalism in America : its challenge to integration / Carol M. Swain, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-521-80886-3 1. White supremacy movements - United States. 2. United States - Race relations. 3. United States - Ethnic relations. 4. Racism - United States. 5. Hate groups - United States. 6. United States - Social conditions - 1980- I. Title. E184.A1 S966 2002 305-8o34'o73 - dc2i

2001043919 isbn

o 521 80886 3

hardback

To Robert K. Merton for his inspiration and support

CONTENTS

List of Figures and Tables

page xiii

Preface

xv

Acknowledgments 1

2

3

xxvii

Introduction

j

Targeting a Mainstream Audience

3

The Need for Honest Dialogue

6

Data Sources

9

IS THERE CAUSE FOR ALARM?

13

The New White Nationalism

15

Some Characteristics of the New White Nationalism

16

Whites and Asians

22

Spin, Repackaging, Expanding the Appeal

25

The Internet

30

Discussion

34

Racial Holy War! The Beliefs and Goals of the Radical Racist Right

36

Movement Literature

37

The Turner Diaries

37

The White Man’s Bible and Nature’s Eternal Religion

41

Mein Kampf

44

Racial Holy War: A Call to Violence?

46

Racial Apocalypse: The Christian Identity Movement

48

Dan Gayman and the Church of Israel

52

vii

CONTENTS

Discussion

58

Radical White Nationalists and Militia Groups on the Legacy of the U.S. Regime

4

5

60

Radical Minority Scholars Predict a Future Race War

6z

Anti-Semitism in Black and White

66

Jews as White Nationalists?

70

Discussion

73

The Growth of Racial Hate Groups in the 1990s

75

An Historical Note

81

Conclusion

83

Demographic Change and Immigration Issues

84

The Impact of Immigration on American Citizens

85

White Flight

88

Usurping Native Workers

90

Demographic Balkanization

94

General Hostility Toward Immigration

98

Discussion

103

Crime and Fear of Violence

109

Crime and Incarceration Rates in the United States

in

The White Nationalist Response

113

Hate Crimes

116

Fear

12,5

AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: IS THIS THE

6

PERFECT GRIEVANCE?

131

Affirmative Action: Past and Present

133

What Is Affirmative Action?

137

Equal Rights: A Brief History

137

The Shift to Preferential Treatment

142

Explaining the Shift

146

The Stirrings of the White Backlash

148

Historical Antecedents

155

Arguments in Favor

157

Arguments Against Affirmative Action

164

Discussion

167 viii

CONTENTS

Reparations Conclusion 7

13 z

Framing Effects, Opinion Surveys, and the Evidence from Focus Groups

zg^

Framing Effects

jg^

Public Opinion Survey Data

jg^

Focus Group Results

I9g

Affirmative Action Perceived as Quotas

200

Asian Americans’ Perceptions of Affirmative Action

201

Latino Americans’ Perceptions of Affirmative Action

202

African Americans’ Perceptions of Affirmative Action

204

White Americans’ Perceptions of Affirmative Action

205

The Goals of Affirmative Action through Different Eyes

206

Who Are* the Beneficiaries and How Do They Benefit?

209

Perceptions of Discrimination by Race and Ethnicity

214

Asian Americans and Discrimination

215

Latino Americans and Discrimination

217

African Americans and Discrimination

217

White Americans and Discrimination

218

Concluding Observations 8

218

A Grievance Made to Order? White Nationalist Groups on Affirmative Action and Other Race-Related Issues

221

Appropriating the Language of Victimhood

222

The National Association for the Advancement of White People

224

National Organization for European American Rights

227

Stormfront Website

230

American Renaissance Magazine

232

White Nationalist Jews

23 5

White Nationalism and Biological Explanations of Human Differences

9

239

Discussion

246

Conclusion

251

The Path from Discrimination to Reverse Discrimination in Higher Education

253

The Era of “Separate but Equal”

254

IX

CONTENTS

The Reverse Discrimination Cases: From

257

Defunis to Gratz Shifting the Debate: The Diversity Rationale

2.63

A New Twist in the “Reverse Discrimination” Cases

271

University Attempts to Address Diversity Without Using Racial Preferences Conclusion

2.79 282

WHAT CAN HAPPEN TO YOUNG PEOPLE IN

10

A RACIALLY CHARGED ENVIRONMENT?

283

The Growing Competitiveness of College Admissions

285

The Impact on Whites and African Americans

286

The Impact on Asians and Jews

294

Anyone’s Child? Case Studies of Three Young, White Americans

297

Jennifer Gratz

298

Matthew Lerner

303

Benjamin Smith

304

Contrasting Paths 11

309

Multiculturalism and Racial Double Standards on Campus

311

Race Traitor: “Treason to Whiteness Is Loyalty to Humanity”

12

316

Additional Racial Double Standards

318

Speech Codes

320

Conclusion

323

White Nationalist Recruitment in America

326

The Internet

327

White Power Music

332

Comic Books

334

Face-to-Face Recruitment

335

Who Joins White Nationalist Groups and Why?

336

Recruitment Strategies for Specific White Nationalist Groups

339

Conclusion

345 x

CONTENTS

REMEDIES

347

13 A Search for Consensus in College and University Admissions

349

The Current State of the Public Perception of Racial Preferences in College Admissions The College Admissions Vignette

35i

354

Findings from the College Admissions Vignette

356

Considering the Race Scenarios Individually

359

Which Student Will the Institution Actually Admit?

363

Holding Everything Constant Except Race: Evidence from Other Surveys

366

Implications of the Public Opinion Data and the College Admissions Vignette

367

What Will Happen to African-American Students If Racial Preferences End? Conclusion

37i 376

14 Can Religion Promote Greater Racial and Social Harmony among America’s Diverse Peoples?

378

Can Religion Be Used to Combat Racism?

379

America’s Founding: Christian and Deist

382

Appealing to Biblical Principles

385

Neglecting and Perverting the Biblical Message

387

Judaism and Islam

392

African Americans and Christianity

397

The Charitable Choice Provision

407

Homosexuality, White Nationalism, and the Bible

414

Discussion

419

Personal Reflections on Religion

420

15 Concluding Observations and Policy Recommendations

423

Ideas for Improving American Society

425

What Black Leaders Can and Should Do to Help Reduce Racial Hatred and Animosity Conclusion

443 456

xi

CONTENTS

Epilogue

457

Appendix A

The Need for Hate Crimes Legislation

461

Appendix B

Jessica’s Letter

4^4

Appendix C

Statistical Analysis for the College

Admissions Vignette Appendix D

4^7

Ten Reasons Why Reparations for

Blacks Is a Bad Idea, and Racist, Too

470

Bibliography

475

Index

5°7

xii

LIST

OF

AND

FIGURES TABLES

FIGURES

3.1 Hate Groups, 1992-2000

page 76

3.2 Hate Groups by State and Type, 2000 5.1 Hate Crimes Statistics, 1991-1999

78 IZ^

10.1 Michigan School Child’s Drawing

290

10.2 Michigan School Child’s Drawing

290

13.1 Should a College Admit the Student with an “A” or “B” Average?

358

13.2 Choice Between White “A” Student and Black “B” Student by Income of Respondent

3 60

13.3 Choice Between Black “A” Student and White “B” Student by Race and Education of Respondent

361

13.4 Which Student Will the Institution Admit?

364

15.1 Horowitz Antireparations Ad, 2001

428

TABLES

7.1

Affirmative Action: Issues Where Whites and Blacks Agree

7.2

193

Affirmative Action: Issues Where Disagreement Occurs

194

A. 1

Analysis of Deviance for All Cases

468

A. 2

Analyses of Deviance for Subsets of the Original Data, According to Race of Hypothetical Student

xiii

469

'

PREFACE

This book explores the development of an emerging white nationalist movement in America that poses a threat, I believe, to the peace and repose of our multiethnic society. Appropriating to its own ends the language of multiculturalism and civil rights activism, this developing social movement, I argue in these pages, has the potential to expand its ranks among ordinary white Americans, who increasingly find themselves frustrated by a host of unresolved public policy issues in the area of ethnicity and race. Often disguising themselves in the mantle of mainstream conservatism, white nationalists have developed skills at packaging their message to conceal the radicalism of their views, and have been successful in recent years in expanding their influence into our homes, our computers, and our schools. This development, I believe, is alarming, and it is a major purpose of this book to draw attention to the danger posed by the growing influence of the white nationalist movement. White nationalism thrives by its willingness to address many con¬ temporary issues and developments that mainstream politicians and media sources either ignore entirely or fail to address with any degree of openness or candor. These developments include the continuing influx into the country of nonwhite immigrants and the prospect that America in the not-too-distant future will cease to be a white majority nation; the decline in high-paying, low-skill-requisite, industrial jobs as a result of globalization and other structural changes in the American economy; continuing white resentment over affirmative action policies that favor officially designated minority groups over native whites in education and employment; continued white fear of black crime; the continued emphasis on racial identity politics and the fostering of an XV

PREFACE

ethnic group pride on the part of nonwhite minority groups; and the expanding influence and reach of the Internet. When these conditions combine with the rising expectations on the part of racial and ethnic minorities for a larger share of power and influence in American society, the stage is set for increased political conflict and turmoil. I have written this book to heighten public awareness of the groups and leaders in the white nationalist movement and the issues they use in their recruitment efforts. I have also written it with the special hope that it will provide useful insights into the nature of America’s contin¬ uing racial problems, especially for people who consider themselves to be liberals on public policy issues, because some of the policies that they support are contributing to a worsening racial climate. By liber¬ als I refer to individuals who favor vigorous government intervention to ensure the advancement of racial and ethnic minorities and to protect them from official and private discrimination. I try here to provide liberals with information that can give them a more informed idea of the tradeoffs involved in continuing down the same path that they have embarked upon since the late 1960s and early 1970s, when our current affirmative action regime was first put in place and when nonwhite immigrants first began pouring into the country in large numbers. Although many liberal activists will probably continue to believe that the benefits for society of the expanded racial and ethnic diversity made possible by current public policies are well worth the price of social unrest, others might use the information in this book to rethink their strategies and to consider how best to help disadvantaged minority populations to improve their lot in life without alienating potential allies frustrated by current government policies. A major goal in writing this book is to inform Americans - and particularly liberal Americans - of what I see as dangers looming ahead, as well as to high¬ light areas of potential agreement and consensus among racial and ethnic groups where viable multiracial coalitions might be forged. In earlier presentations of some of the ideas contained in this book, some critics have expressed the fear that in publicizing the views of white nationalists and others on the racist right I am giving them a new and better forum from which to press their claims. Others have stated their concern that in drawing attention to the racial tension caused by current affirmative action policy, I may be giving ammunition to con¬ servative opponents of such policies who seek to eliminate them rather xvi

PREFACE

than mend them. To the first group I respond that white nationalists already have a forum, one far more powerful than any I can provide. By exposing their strategies and giving voice to some of their griev¬ ances I hope to promote greater racial harmony and to heighten America’s awareness of what is at stake. What I would like to see is more scholarly assessment countering the social science data that white nationalists eagerly proffer, and I would like to see open forums on university and college campuses where ideas can be combated with other ideas rather than censored, and where hearts can be opened and perhaps changed. If the material in this book presents a challenge to liberals, it also, I believe, offers a warning to conservatives. By conservatives I mean those who are suspicious of activist government, particularly in the domestic sphere, and who are often more willing than liberals, at least among themselves, to express criticisms of the behavior of racial minorities. A major contention of this book is that we need a reinvig¬ orated public dialogue in the area of race where well-meaning persons of all political persuasions will not be labeled as racists or antiblack for criticizing social welfare programs, opposing racial preferences, or condemning unhealthy or irresponsible behavior in black com¬ munities. I believe there should be a place where a vigorous intel¬ lectual conversation can take place about such hot-button issues as affirmative action, black crime rates, racial differences in IQ scores, and the wisdom of racial preference programs that include immigrant minorities and their offspring. However, mainstream conservatism, in my view, crosses the line of acceptable discourse, and enters the destructive territory of white racism and white chauvinism, when it begins to argue that blacks are criminal by nature, that minorities are a menace to the high civilization that white people have created, or that the alleged genetic inferiority of black and brown peoples requires a regime of white separatism or white supremacy to preserve Western culture from degradation and despoilment. Participants in any fruitful dialogue must be united by at least some shared values and beliefs, and in the case of meaningful racial dialogue, both a modicum of goodwill and an affirmation of our common humanity are indispensable pre¬ requisites. It is these latter prerequisites that are missing from the discourse of most of the white nationalists profiled in this book, and their example should serve as a warning to conservatives who share XVII

PREFACE

some of their views. One can only say to such conservatives: Don’t go there!

PERSONAL

REFLECTIONS:

INTERPRETER

AND

THE

DATA

AUTHOR

AS

SOURCE

In this book I break with the tradition of impersonal, value-free social science insofar as I do not pretend to be neutral and do not hesitate to interject many personal observations and comments into the body of the text. Because I care so deeply about the future of American race relations and because I have acquired valuable experiences in life that give me some insight into a number of the issues treated in this study, I have reserved for myself the right to explore hunches and draw upon personal intuitions as I interpret and evaluate the data. This is partic¬ ularly true on the issue of affirmative action. When I express reservations about certain forms of current affir¬ mative action policy, I do so from the standpoint of a black woman with a firsthand knowledge of what it means to be poor and disad¬ vantaged in America. I was born in rural Virginia into an abusive and impoverished farm household of twelve children with many different fathers. None of my siblings - seven brothers and four sisters - ever graduated from high school. Although I, too, dropped out of school after completing the eighth grade, I nevertheless managed to earn five college degrees from an array of institutions, starting at a community college and ending at an Ivy League university.1 Over the years, I have been a divorced welfare mother of two sons, both of whom, I am proud to report, managed to avoid most of the serious problems that plague black males in contemporary America. I have worked as an assistant in a nursing home for the aged, as an unskilled worker in a garment factory, as a door-to-door salesperson, and as a library worker at a community college before becoming a successful university professor. My varied experiences at different occupations and class levels have enabled me, I believe, to relate better to Americans from many differ¬ ent racial, economic, and educational backgrounds. I have seen life in My degrees are from the following colleges and universities: Virginia Western Commu¬ nity College (A.A.S, 1978), Roanoke College (B.A., 1983), Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (M.A., 1984), University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (Ph.D., 1989); and Yale University Law School (M.S.L., 2000).

xviii

PREFACE

America from the bottom, from the middle, and from the top, and I think I have learned something about just who is in need of special help programs and what sort of programs are likely to work. I can speak, for instance, of the great value of having race-neutral federal grants and loans, since these were crucial to my own ability to start and continue my education. Despite the existence of affirmative action and the public perception that it supposedly allows blacks to attend colleges on free scholarships, that was certainly not my own experience during the early to mid-1980s. In addition to working, sometimes at a full-time job, I had to borrow heavily from the federal government to complete my education. It was, in fact, my experience of struggling financially at the four-year institution I attended that led me to approach the outside black business community with a proposal to establish a private academic scholarship for minorities.2 Rather than straightforward racial preferences, I believe that what enabled me to overcome some of the disadvantages of my social background was a combination of both help from concerned mentors and government financial assistance from such programs as Basic Grant. Some forms of affirmative action, I believe, are harmful to their recipients and can diminish both their efforts to achieve and their self-esteem. I have seen how the very existence of racial preferences can have the paradoxical effect of undermining initiative and selfconfidence. In a society with a long history of racial prejudice and discrimination, it is all too easy for members of racial and ethnic mino¬ rities to fall into the role of helpless victim or legitimizing token. Racial preference policies, I think, often encourage this kind of behavior. Such policies carry a subliminal message of doubt and uncertainty a message that says, in effect, that you, as a woman or member of a minority group, are less capable than a white male and will need special preference in order to compete successfully in a world domi¬ nated by superior white males. This is particularly the case at the most competitive universities, where affirmative action policies take on the greatest salience. At elite institutions the walls seem to whisper, “white

2 While a senior at Roanoke in Salem, Virginia, I approached the wealthiest black businessman in the city, Lawrence Hamlar, with a proposal to establish a scholarship in honor of his deceased wife, who had served as my teacher and mentor at the com¬ munity college I attended. In 1994, the Constance J. Hamlar Scholarship endowment exceeded $250,000.

xix

PREFACE

males are superior . . . African Americans and Hispanics are inferior.” Believing that everyone else is more capable than you are, or that the world is dominated by malevolent forces out to victimize and elimi¬ nate you, is hardly conducive to high levels of personal achievement or high self-esteem. I felt some of these forces at work while I was on the faculty at Princeton University. For ten years I was the Department of Politics’ sole African-American faculty member and one of just two blacks in the Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University’s prestigious public policy institute. Many times I sat on committees and in meetings in which I had to listen to patronizing remarks about affirmative action from my mostly “liberal” colleagues, and suffered the feelings of inad¬ equacy that many African Americans experience as they fulfill what is at best a token and marginalized role in majority white institutions, where most remain outsiders. Undoubtedly, some of what I can now see as my ambivalence about being on the faculty of a world-class uni¬ versity was a product both of my rapid change in social class and my personal insecurities about the role that affirmative action may have played in my own success story. Despite the fact that when I arrived at Princeton I had a solid record of scholarly achievement and a book contract from Harvard University Press - a rarity for a new assistant professor - I nevertheless worried about whether I was qualified enough to be there. Even after receiving tenure there was a period when I felt immobilized by self-doubt despite the fact that I had continued to publish and received a number of prestigious awards for my schol¬ arly work. Affirmative action policies, I believe, can send a powerful message to whites and blacks alike that minorities are incapable of competing on their own, and it has contributed to the continued white denigration of genuine minority accomplishment. The way affirmative action programs are administered at many uni¬ versities is also troubling. It has been my experience that, at least in academia, the right class pedigree for black scholars is valued by some institutions just as highly - and in some cases even more highly - than a record of solid scholarship. This applies to both hiring and tenure decisions where lower standards sometimes seem to apply to the well bred. When one considers that the original justification for affirmative action policies was to give the “shackled runners” (Lyndon Johnson’s metaphor) a boost up after a long life of deprivation and disadvantage, XX

PREFACE

one sees how perverse this development really is. Some predominantly white institutions seem to be more interested in having a small number of well-bred middle-class minority tokens than minority scholars from more modest backgrounds. Minority scholars hired under such circumstances often display a degree of class snobbishness that is rarely discussed outside of minor¬ ity circles. Many affluent African Americans I have encountered in academia act as if all academic positions and awards should go to their group as some kind of special entitlement. They also seem to be made uneasy when minorities from lower-class backgrounds achieve more than individuals from their more privileged backgrounds. Surprisingly, I have even encountered such feelings among middle-class blacks who have achieved much on their own and have received the social recog¬ nition that one would suppose would make them feel more secure and less threatened by the achievement of others. One other effect of affirmative action in academia is to stifle open discussion and dissent about the wisdom of the policy itself, especially among those in the groups intended as its beneficiaries. For a minor¬ ity scholar to express reservations about affirmative action is to risk all sorts of accusations about one’s motivations. “How dare you?” is often the response to any black critic who challenges the white supporters of affirmative action at our elite universities or questions the integrity of their alliances with those they often disdain in private conversations. In criticizing many aspects of affirmative action policy, I do not, of course, wish to deny the goodwill of at least some of its supporters and the genuine concern that many have for helping those truly in need. Nor do I wish to suggest that grades and test scores should be the only crite¬ ria that universities can legitimately use in determining who they accept into their undergraduate or graduate programs. Indeed, I think such an approach can miss a great deal about a person’s real accomplishments. Because I transferred with an associate’s degree and a solid academic record into a four-year college from a community college that had an open-door admission policy, I was not required to take the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) that so many black students score poorly on. And although I graduated magna cum laude from a solid liberal arts college (while working full-time as a community college librarian assistant), my Graduate Record Exam (GRE) scores were unimpressive, despite my having met the academic requirements of the XXI

PREFACE

highest honor societies at my undergraduate school. So I can sympa¬ thize with students of all races who have had excellent grades and past academic performance but nevertheless fail to score high on standardized tests. In addition, like most of the Americans whose survey responses I analyze later in this study, I believe that what constitutes merit within an academic context can be legitimately expanded to take account of the obstacles an individual has had to overcome in life. But real problems exist with affirmative action programs as they currently exist in academics and elsewhere, and I feel obligated to say what is wrong with them. I would particularly like to see the community college route that gave me a second chance utilized by more students from disadvantaged backgrounds, because it represents an important option rarely discussed in the current affirmative action debate. So I believe I can speak as an American who has seen this country from many different vantage points and can empathize with the plight of the nation’s truly disadvantaged. Over the course of less than twenty years I have moved from an underclass background to my present status as solidly entrenched in the comfortable middle class, and I have also had over this period an enriched religious and spiritual evolution that has taken me from traditional Christianity through the New Age movement and back again to traditional Christianity with what I believe are new insights and expanded perspectives. The biblical teaching that we are all children of God - and all members of one and the same divinely created human race - is one that has conditioned my thoughts on racial issues and guided much of my efforts on this project. I have written this book with a sense of urgency because I believe that America is deeply in trouble regarding its race relations. In the course of research¬ ing this study I have gone from being a Pollyanna on race matters to a Cassandra, who warns of an impending and unprecedented level of racial conflict that will stem from America’s unresolved policy contro¬ versies surrounding not only affirmative action but black-on-white crime and liberal immigration policies as well. My wish is that as many individuals as possible will be challenged, provoked, and perhaps even persuaded in places by reading and reflecting on the material contained in this book. Just as with my first book, Black Faces, Black Interests, which generated considerable controversy when published several years ago, I fully expect to be vindicated by the passage of time.

XXII

PREFACE

THE

STRUCTURE

OF

THE

BOOK

The book is divided into four major parts. Part I consists of five chap¬ ters that introduce the new white nationalists and their core beliefs. In Chapters i and 2, I try to show that white nationalists are not the sort of people we may think they are. They are not, for instance, to be equated with the members of the older racist right represented by orga¬ nizations like the Ku Klux Klan or the American Nazi Party. While sharing some of the same ideological beliefs as members of the older racist right, contemporary white nationalists are now part of a move¬ ment that has jettisoned most of the images and tactics of the older racist right organizations, as well as many of their more bizarre rituals and beliefs, in an attempt to expand their influence to a larger and more mainstream audience. Chapter 2 presents an overview of some of the literature and ideas that undergird white nationalism and dis¬ cusses how these ideas might be received in mainstream America. In Chapter 3, I provide a summary of some of the core elements in the traditional white supremacy belief system and discuss movement liter¬ ature. Chapter 4 covers recent immigration and demographic changes - developments which, if they continue on the same track, will lead to the eventual minority status of white Americans. Chapter 5, the last chapter in Part I, presents data on crime and white nationalists’ concerted efforts to heighten Americans’ awareness of black-on-white violent crime. Part II consists of four chapters focusing on different aspects of the affirmative action issue - a high voltage policy controversy that white nationalists seek to exploit in their efforts to woo mainstream whites. Chapter 6 covers the history and politics of the policy, and is followed by a chapter that discusses the importance of media framing in under¬ standing the issue. Chapter 7 also presents data from public opinion polls and presents further material on the affirmative action issue from a series of ethnically homogeneous focus groups consisting of Asian, African-American, Latino, and Euro-American participants. In Chapter 8,1 present the views of white nationalists and explain how they frame and describe affirmative action and related issues. Chapter 9 rounds out the material in Part II and focuses on the legal and constitutional history of affirmative action in higher education.

xxiii

PREFACE

I devote a great deal of effort to discussing affirmative action policy because I believe this issue is one of the most useful grievances for white nationalists seeking to rally support among mainstream Americans. Indeed, surveys and focus groups show that a majority of Americans strongly oppose racial preferences and racial quotas. I believe that resentment over the perceived injustice of affirmative action has the potential to cause many otherwise well-adjusted young white Ameri¬ cans to come to see themselves as victims of reverse discrimination and to displace their anger over this situation to the members of the minor¬ ity groups who benefit from racial preference policies. Part III examines the impact that living in a racially charged envi¬ ronment can have on young Americans. In Chapter io, I present infor¬ mation on the growing competitiveness for college admission and how this affects everyone, and then present case studies of three young white Americans who competed for freshman seats during the latter half of the 1990s. This chapter illustrates different potential modes of adap¬ tation of young people to the new competitive environment, including anger, disappointment, frustration, and resignation. The remaining two chapters in Part III discuss multiculturalism and the recruitment strate¬ gies of white nationalists. Part IV presents three concluding chapters on potential remedies to the unresolved public policy issues that white nationalists seek to exploit in their efforts to build support for their political agendas. In Chapter 13,1 show that in the area of affirmative action in higher edu¬ cation, there is considerable agreement between blacks and whites about how colleges should determine who gets admitted to their enter¬ ing classes. There is a consensus in favor of class-based rather than race-based affirmative action, and a consensus for the determination of merit based on the consideration of handicaps and barriers that an individual has had to overcome to reach a given level of achievement. Chapter 14 discusses the potential of religion to promote racial and social harmony by examining its negative and positive effects on Amer¬ ican society. Because I believe that many of America’s social problems can be addressed by teaching biblical principles that emphasize brotherly love, a common creator, and equality before the law, I focus on the monotheistic religions as I argue in favor of increased partner¬ ships between religious and political leaders. In addition, this chapter includes a section on African Americans, faith-based approaches to XXIV

PREFACE

social problems, and the challenge that homosexuality poses to tradi¬ tional Christians and to the white nationalists who often include gays and lesbians among their targets of hate. Chapter 15, the final chapter, offers two sets of policy recommendations designed to address the kinds of issues and concerns that white nationalists seek to exploit during their interactions with mainstream Americans. The first set is aimed at America’s social, political, and institutional leaders, and the second set is geared specifically for African-American leaders.

3°4> 332> 460 Oliver, Walter R., 390

Americans, 242-43; on Jews, 67-68; on his organization’s

One Florida Initiative, I54n49

demographics, 340-41; on

O’Neil, Robert,'262-63

recruitment methods, 342; on the

open discussion, need for, 6-9,

September 11 attacks and

33-34, no, 237, 321-23, 351,

aftermath, 459-60; on white

425-30

power music, 332-33; Hunter,

Operation Blessing, 409

38; The Turner Diaries, 11,

O’Sullivan, John, 293-94

37-41, 64

Our Kind of People: Inside

Pioneer Fund, 241-42

America’s Black Upper Classes

Plessy v. Ferguson, 254

(Graham), 169

Pohl, Jonathan, 289-90 police. See law enforcement

Page, Clarence, 123

political correctness, 34-35,

Pagones, Steven, 449

320-23, 376

Palestinians, 396

Poole, Elijah, 398

parenthood, single, 400-401, 404,

population shifts, 84-90, 94-97, 120. See also white minority

45i partitioning, racial, 19-22, 52,

status

55-58, 230-31; Michael Hart’s

Populist Party, 153

prescription for, 20-21, 237

Posner, Richard A., 262

Passel, Jeffrey S., 180

Potok, Mark, 26, 32, 305, 328

The Passing of the Great Race

Powell, Lewis, 264-66, 272

(Grant), 239

preferential treatment. See racial preferences

The Path to National Suicide: An Essay on Immigration and

Princeton University, xx, 296

Multiculturalism (Auster), 103

Project Head Start, 169

Patterson, Orlando, 107, 170, 241, 436

Promise Keepers, 59 Proposition 187, 89, 99, 294

5i9

INDEX

Proposition 209, 89, 153-54, 1%9> 352

1964 Civil Rights Act, 135; benefited whites in the pre-civil

Public Schools v. Eisenberg, 274

rights era, 254-57; in college

Putnam, Carlton, 244

admissions, 153-54, i54n49, 292-94, 295-303; compensatory

Al-Qaeda, 458

justice used to justify, 237-38;

Qazwini, Imam Moustafa, 394-95

conservative Supreme Court and,

quotas. See racial quotas

268-69, 278; DeFunis and, 258-61; educated whites opposed

Raboteau, Albert, 387

to, 293, 363; elimination would

Race and Reason (Putnam), 244

force black test scores to

Race in America, 324

improve, 373-75; in

race norming, 203n48, 259

employment, 434-35; few

race riots, 64, 124, 139, 143-44,

institutions make significant use

146, 149, 446

of, 371-72; framing on surveys,

Race Traitor (magazine), 316-18

188; Gratz and, 298-303;

race war, possibility of, 63-65,

Grutter and, 275-77; vs-

127-28, 423. See also RAHOWA

guaranteed admission of top

(Racial Holy War)

graduates, 279-81; hated by

racial classifications, 268-69

nonbeneficiary groups, 166-67;

racial differences, genetic

Hopwood and, 271-74; liberal

explanations for, 24-25, 238-46 racial discrimination: as seen by

groups divided on, 259-60; in the pre-civil rights era, 254-57;

African Americans, 209, 217-18;

rejected applicants blame, 292,

as seen by Asian Americans,

295-96, 300-303; scholarly

215-16; disagreement on the

arguments for and against,

extent of, 214-15; as seen by

261-63; shift from equal

Hispanic Americans, 217;

opportunity to, 142-48; strict

measures to combat, 437-38,

judicial scrutiny applied to, 265,

443; persistence of, 162; racial

268-69; working-class whites

preferences not the answer to,

hurt by, 299. See also racial

182; statistics, 216; as seen by whites, 214, 218. See also reverse discrimination racial inferiority: pre-Adamite humans and, 49; scripture condemns belief in, 393; white nationalist belief in, 18 racial preferences, 240, 251,

quotas; reverse discrimination racial profiling, 115-16, 125, 404,

444>

445-46, 454-55;

on college

campuses, 319; of people of Middle Eastern descent,

458

racial purity, importance of, 18, 22, 38, 40, 56-57, 229-30, 234 racial quotas: banned by the 1964

298-304, 304, 351, 404; Bakke

Civil Rights Act, 140, 265;

and, 264-68; banned by the

blacks more supportive of, 204;

INDEX

ceilings on Asian admissions due

religion: freedom of, grounded in

to, 202; ceilings on minority

Constitution, 384; statistics, 380,

hiring due to, 200-201, 202,

397; superficially practiced, 419;

204; in hiring and contracting,

transforming power of, 379-80.

145, 148; not overturned in

See also Christianity; Islamism;

Weber, 299; not upheld in

Judaism

Bakke, 266; public does not

reparations, 163, 179-81, 404,

support, 190, 201. See also racial

426-29, 439-40, 440, 447-49,

preferences; reverse

470-73 repatriation to Africa, 20

discrimination racial separatism, 19-22, 52,

Republican Party, 405, 412; anti¬

55-58, 230-31; Michael Hart’s

affirmative action stance, 153,

prescription for, 20-21, 237

154—55; attacking quotas, 201;

racial universalism, 49

extremists attracted to Reagan,

racism, black, 450

i5in39; on immigration policy,

RAHOWA (Racial Holy War), 41,

104; “southern strategy” of, 150;

46-48, 50. See also race war,

use of race issues, 29; white

possibility of

nationalist support for

rapture, doctrine of the, 51-52

candidates, 79-80. See also

Reagan, Ronald, 29, 151039, 153,

Charitable Choice

248

Resistance Records, 243, 333

recruitment by white nationalists:

reverse discrimination: Andrew

of Benjamin Smith, 305-9; of

Johnson anticipated, 156; Bakke

blacks, 342; in churches, 387; on

and, 264-68; David Duke on,

college campuses, 335; with

228-29; DeFunis and, 258-61;

comic books, 330, 334-35; of

framing on surveys, 188; Gratz

educated whites, 26, 32, 340-41,

and, 298-303; Grutter and,

342; face-to-face, 335-36, 342;

275-77; Hopwood and, 271-74;

on the Internet, 32.-33, 309,

Jared Taylor on, 234-35;

327-32, 342; of Marines, 333;

lawsuits encouraged by white

through C-SPAN speech, 344;

nationalists, 302-3; white

through white power music,

nationalist websites about, 223,

332-34; of white women,

225, 301. See also double

344-45; of youth, 32, 327-36,

standards, whites as victims of

341. See also white nationalist

Ridge, Tom, 458

websites

Ridgeway, James, 128 riots, 64, 124, 139, 143-44, 146,

Reed, Ralph, 59, 388, 390

Reflections of an Affirmative Action Baby (Stephen Carter), 166

149,446

The Rising Tide of Color against White World Supremacy

Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 264-67

(Stoddard), 239

521

INDEX

Roanoke College, 436

Silverman, Ricky Gaull, 100-101

Roberts, Paul C., 134

Simon Wiesenthal Center, 27, 30,

Robertson, Pat, 409

75n6o, 327

Robinson, Dean, 406

single parenthood, 400-401, 404,

Robison, Randall, 163, 440, 471 Rockefeller, Jay, 242

45i The Sisterhood, 309

role models, need for, 161, 171-72

Sister Souljah, 446

Roosevelt, Franklin, 61

60 Minutes, 39, 278, 352

Rosewood, Florida, 124-25

Skrentny, John D., 149, 170

Ross, Loretta J., 28

slavery: Christianity and, 386,

Rothman, Stanley, 246

387-88, 398; reparations for,

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 383

179-81, 448, 470-73

Rowan, Carl, 63

Sleeper, Jim, 65, 375-76

Ruby Ridge incident, 80, 8on68

Slouching Towards Gomorrah

Rushton, J. Philippe, 30, 112, 240, 242

(Bork), 444 Smith, Benjamin, 297, 304-9

Russia, 229

Smith, Linda, 80

Rutgers University, 376

Smith, Rogers, 242

Ryan, Alan, 241

Smith v. University of Washington Law School, 275, 278

Sandefur, Gary, 401

Snyderman, Mark, 246

Sanders, Lynn, 184

SOS Racism, 27

Scarborough, Rick, 382

South Africa, 126, 127

Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr., 95

Southern Baptist Convention,

self-segregation: in choice of where to live, 94-97; in churches, 58, 389; in colleges and universities, 173, 313—14- See also white flight separatism, racial, 19-22, 52,

388 Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 138 Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), 26, 75, 121, 243, 330,

55-58, 230-31; Michael Hart’s

339,446 Sovereign Citizenship, 62

prescription for, 20-21, 237

Sowell, Thomas, 165, 166-67, I79,

September 11 attacks, 396, 457-60

181

shackled runner, image of, 143

speech codes, 320-23

Shanks-Meile, Stephanie, 27

Spletzer, Michael, 314

The Shape of the River (Bowen and

standing (legal concept), 301

Bok), 174

Stanford University, 427

Sharpton, Al, 447, 449, 450

Steeh, Charlotte, 190

Shea, Michael, 289

Steele, Claude, 177, 281

Shepard, Matthew, 122

Stennett, David, 314-15

Shipler, David, 449-50

Stevens, John Paul, 265, 266

INDEX

Stock, Catherine McNichol, 81

on reverse discrimination,

Stockman, Steve, 80

234-35; on white minority

Stoddard, Lothrop, 239

status, 17

Stoker, Laura, 188-89, 366

Taylor, Ronald, 232, 330

Stormfront (website), 6-7, 11,

technology jobs, 93

30-32, 126, 230-32, 327, 339 strict judicial scrutiny, 265, 268, 269

Temple University, 314 terrorism, 396, 457-60

Terrorist’s Handbook, 33, 332

Strivers Index, 369-70

tests and test scores: blacks’ grades

Sunstein, Cass R., 7-8

and SAT scores, 176, i76n; in

Supreme Court of the United

college admissions, 190-91; in

States, 258, 274-75, 320

dual track admissions, 266-67;

surveys: on affirmative action,

ethnic gap in, 157-58, 291-92,

189-98; questions, framing of, 186-89

370,373-75; IQ, 42-6; improvement of, and blacks,

survivalism, 51

373-75; of LSAT taken by

Swain, Carol: born-again Christian

blacks, 257-58, 260; and

who renounces racis, 379-80;

negative stereotypes, iy6n; and

education, xviii-xix, 175, 436;

test preparation courses, 353

experience of affirmative action,

Texas diversity plan, 279

xx; family, 435, 441-42, 442-43;

Thernstrom, Abigail and Stephan,

on race relations, 424; religious

113

beliefs, xxii, 420-21; role

Thomas, Clarence, 164

models, 171; started academic

Tilove, Jonathan, 88

scholarship for minorities, xix(n)

Title VI (1964 Civil Rights Act),

Sweatt, Herman, 255-56

Sweatt v. Painter, 255-56, 264 Synnott, Marcia, 295

141, 258, 265, 277 Title VII (1964 Civil Rights Act), 141, 299 Tolbert, Caroline, 94

Taliban, 396, 458 Talmud, 68, 69

The True Believer (Hoffer), 337-38

Tarrow, Sidney, 338-39

Truman, Harry, 82, 248

Taylor, Jared, 10-n, 29, 72, 74,

Turner, Lisa, 11, 309; on Asians,

121, 425, 455; on affirmative

23-24; on immigrants, 99-100;

action, 234-35; an^ American

on the Internet, 328, 332; on

Renaissance, 232-35; on black

Jews, 62, 68; on Mein Kampf,

crime, 114-15, 123, 3r9, 445;

45; on RAHOWA, 46-47; on the

on double standards, 318; on

recruitment of white women,

immigrants, 17, 235; on liberal

344-45; on World Church of the

hypocrisy, 96; on his

Creator, 43-44, 344-45; on the

organization’s membership, 342;

Zionist Occupied Government,

INDEX

University of Washington, 258-61,

Turner, Lisa (cont’d) 62. See also World Church of the

260-61

s

Creator

Urban League, 445

The Turner Diaries (Pierce), ix, 37-41, 64

Vanderbilt University, 287 Virginia Western Community

Unabomber, 41

College, 436

United Farm Workers Union, 92

vocational training, importance of,

United States Constitution. See First

435 voting rights, restoration of,

Amendment; Fourteenth Amendment

453-54

United States government, hostility to, 37-38, 61-62, 102, 129,

Waldron, Jeremy, 353

459-60

Wallace, George, 77-78, 139,

United States Supreme Court, 258,

150-51

274-75, 32.°; Charitable Choice

Warne, Frank Julian, 91

and, 410-11; “disparate impact”

Warner, John, 118

used by, 145; diversity rationale

Washington (state), 189

legitimized by, 264-66; race-based

Washington, George, 19, 382

policies may have no future under,

watchdog agencies, 27, 75n6o, 77

274-75, 278; against racial

Weaver, Randy, 80

preferences for whites, 255-56;

Weber, Brian, 298-99

for racial preferences in employ¬

Weinberg, Leonard, 4, 27, 30

ment, 298-99; racial profiling not

Weissberg, Robert, 70

banned by, 115-16; “separate but

Welch, Susan, 257-58

equal” doctrine established by,

Welfare Reform Act (1996), 405,

254; white nationalists use the rhetoric of, 270-71

408 welfare system, 407-13, 442-43;

United Steelworkers of America v. Weber, 298-99

and immigrants, 105-6 Wesleyan University, 286, 303,

United They Hate (Kronenwetter), 337 universities. See colleges and

304 Wessman v. Gittens, 274 White Aryan Resistance (WAR), 66,

universities; names of specific universities University of California, 264

80, 333 White Citizens Council, 80 white flight, 58, 88-90, 94-97.

University of Michigan, 266-67, 274, 275, 277, 298-300, 349, 35°?351-52 University of Texas, 2.55-56,

See also self-segregation white identity movement, 5, 28, 233, 235 The White Man’s Bible (Klassen),

271-74, 288

41, 42, 43, 308-9

524

INDEX

white minority status: in California,

by white nationalists; white

89-90; Hispanics counted as

nationalist websites; white power

white, 107; homosexuality

music; names of specific white

claimed to reduce birthrate, 418;

nationalists

immigrants as the cause of, 224;

white nationalist websites: appeal

race war may result from, 63;

of, 6-7; vs. “biased” mainstream

sense of urgency among

media, 31, 231; literature

nationalists about, 17; in South

distributed on, 33, 39, 43, 309;

Africa and Zimbabwe, 126-27;

NAAWP site, 48, 225-26, 329;

statistics, 85; “white islands,” 90

NOFEAR site, 32, 229;

white nationalists: on affirmative

recruitment of youth on, 3 2,

action, 133, 234; on Africa’s

327-32; on reverse

imperiled whites, 126; on black

discrimination, 223; Stormfront,

crime rates, no, 113-14, 122;

6-7, 3°-32-> 12.6, 230-32, 327;

black leaders advised to read

WTOTC site, 48, 331. See also

works by, 455-; black nationalists

recruitment by white nationalists

collaborate with, 22, 66-67; civil

white power music, 243, 332-34

rights language adopted by,

white pride, 222, 227, 312-13,

270-71; genetic inferiority

314-15

theory, use of, 239-46;

whites: attitudes toward affirmative

geographic distribution, 78-79;

action, 148-55, 185, 187-88,

on homosexuals, 417-18; on

192-94, 205-6, 208, 211, 251,

immigrants, 84, 103, 105, 224;

278, 293; attitudes toward

as intellectuals, 233; Jewish

African Americans, 34, 112-13,

support for, 70-72, 235-39;

149-50, 174-75, 25Ij attitudes

lawsuits against, 339-40; leaders,

toward immigrants, 97-103;

4, 26, 80-81; new image, 15-16,

benefiting from affirmative

25-27, 233; number of groups,

action, 209-10, 2ion49; in focus

75-76, 339; in other countries,

group on affirmative action,

30, 229-30; passing as

205-6; opposed to the diversity

mainstream conservatives, 28,

rationale, 18, 189, 366, 371.

78-79; reverse discrimination

See also black-on-white crime;

lawsuits encouraged by, 302-3;

double standards, whites as

rhetoric of racial grievance, use

victims of; reverse discrimination;

of, 133, 223; as sponsors of civic

white flight; white identity

projects, 226, 316; white

movement; white minority status;

supremacists compared with,

white pride

3-5, 16, 19-20, 21-22, 25-26.

whitesonly.net, 232

See also militia groups; racial

white studies programs, 315

purity, importance of; RAHOWA

Whitney, Glade, 245

(Racial Holy War); recruitment

Why Race Matters (Levin), 11, 238

5 25

INDEX

Wilcox, Laird, 77, 80

for, 440; impact of global

Wilkerson, Bill, 1511139

economy on, 434; impact of

Williams, Loretta, 128

immigration on, 90-94, 435;

Williams, Walter, 115

middle-class backgrounds

Wilson, James Q., 113

preferred over, xx-xxi; stable

Wilson, Pete, 153

transportation needed by, 441

Wilson, William Julius, 165,

work visas, 93-94

167-68, 169, 370, 434

World Church of the Creator

Wilson, Woodrow, 104

(WCOTC), 23, 41-44, 327,

Wolfe, Reno, 11, 221; as head of

344-45; and Benjamin Smith,

the NAAWP, 224-27; use of civil

305-9; and RAHOWA, 47-48;

rights language, 271; welcomes

website, 48, 331

blacks as members, 343, 444.

World Trade Center and Pentagon

See also National Association for

attacks, 396, 457-60

the Advancement of White People

X, Malcolm, 395

Woman’s Frontier, 47, 309, 345 women and affirmative action, 159,

youth, recruitment of, 32, 327-36,

189, 2ion49, 211, 294

34i

Wood, Thomas, 153 Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, xx working poor, 371; affirmative

Zelnick, Bob, 133-34 Zimbabwe, 126 Zionist Occupied Government

action should benefit, 212; and

(ZOG): holy war will rid, 63;

child support payments, 441-42;

Lisa Turner on, 62; in The

direct income subsidy proposed

Turner Diaries, 37-38

526

■

MARVGROVE COLLEGE LIBRARY

27

2DD735

DATE DUE

octb: m

GAYLORD

PRINTED IN U SA

Carol M. Swain is Professor of Political

Science and Professor of Law at Vander¬ bilt University. She is the author of Black Faces, Black Interests: The Rep¬ resentation of African Americans in Congress (1993,1995), which was selected by Library Choice Journal as one of the seven outstanding academic books of 1994. Black Faces was also the winner of the 1994 Woodrow Wilson Foundation Award of the American Political Science Association, the D.B. Hardeman Prize of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Foundattion, and the co-winner of the V. O. Key Award of the Southern Political Science Association.

Printed in the

nited States of America

Advance Praise for The New White Nationalism in America “Dishonesty and hypocrisy in the discussion of issues pertaining to race are part of the sad legacy of racial injustice in the United States. These vices, in turn, feed cynicism and resentment, and impede the identification and implementation of policies that might actually ameliorate some of our worst social problems and even begin healing racial divisions. It is the great virtue of Carol Swain's work that she is willing to conduct honest inquiry into racial questions and bluntly tell the truth as she finds it. Drawing on the tools of social science as well as her own extraordinary personal experience, she shines a powerful light on issues ranging from crime and illegitimacy to affirmative action and the role of religion in promoting racial harmony. She offers her work on 'white nationalism' as a 'challenge to liberals' and a 'warning to conservatives.' People across the ideological spectrum have a great deal to learn from this thoughtful and courageous scholar.'' - Robert P. George, Princeton University “This is a disturbing book. Carol Swain bravely describes a world of white nationalists who reject racial integration. But where the establishment ignores these groups, Swain argues that the best response is debate rather than denial. The nationalists draw support because they express widespread white griev¬ ances that our leaders refuse to face - especially runaway immigration and affirmative action. Like Jefferson, Swain hears a firebell in the night." - Lawrence M. Mead, New York University "The New White Nationalism in America is a courageous book. It is certain to generate controversy. Scholars and concerned citizens may not fully agree with Carol Swain's thought provoking thesis on the rise of white nationalism and its implications for the future of American race relations. However, the force and intensity of her arguments will compel them to take the book seriously." - William Julius Wilson, Harvard University “This book deserves to be taken very seriously even by those, like myself, who disagree strongly with some of its premises. It is deeply researched, passionately argued, and extraordinarily thought provoking. Those who maintain the conventional liberal position on black-white relations in the United States will need to respond to its arguments and evidence with the same level of knowledge and intensity that Professor Swain manifests in(, this important work." - George M. Fredrickson, Stanford University.

Cambridge UNIVERSITY PRESS

www.cambridge.org ISBN 0-521-80886-3

9 "780521 808866 >